THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESENTED BY PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID * THE OF THE LATE DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. TOGETHER WITH A NUMBER OF HIS HUMOROUS, MORAL, AND LITERARY CHIEFLY IN THE MANNER OF THE SPECTATOR- MIDDLETOWN: , HUNTED AND PUBLISHED BY STARR & 1823. > \ FS/93 CONTENTS. Page. Preface .Life of Dr. Franklin, as written by himself Continuation of bis Life, by Dr. Stuber Extracts from his Will On Early Marriages ... 153 On the Death of his brother, Mr. John Franklin . 155 To the late Dr. Mather of Boston The Whistle, a true Story ; written to his Nephew A petition of the Left Hand .... The handsome and deformed Leg 161 Conversation of a Company of Ephemeras, with the So liloquy of one advanced in age . . .164 Morals of Chess ...... 166 The Art of procuring pleasant dreams Advice to a young Tradesman .... Necessary Hints to those who would be rich . 1 78 The way to make Money plenty in every Man s pocket 1 79 An oeconomical Project . . . . .180 On modern Innovations in the English Language and in Printing . ... 186 An Account of the highest Court of Judicature in Penn sylvania, viz. The Court of the Press . 191 Paper: a Poem ...... 196 On the Art of Swimming 198 New Mode of Bathing . . . . 200 Observations on the generally prevailing Doctrines of Life and Death - .... 202 Precautions to be taken by those who are about to un dertake a Sea Voyage .... 204 On Luxury, Idleness, and Industry . . . 209 On the Slave Trade 214 Observations on War . . . . . 218 On the Impress of Seamen . . . 220 On the Criminal Laws, and the practice of Privateering 223 Remarks concerning the Savages of North America 231 4 CONTENTS, Page. To Mr. Dubourg, concerning the dissentions between England and America .... 23 8 A Comparison of the conduct of the ancient Jews, and of the Antifederalists of the United States of America ...... 239 The internal State of America : being a true Descrip tion of the Interest and Policy of that vast Con tinent ....... 244 Information to those who would remove to America 240 Final Speech of Dr. Franklin in the late Federal Convention ...... 259 Sketch of an English School .... 262 Busy-Body, No. 1 269 No. II 272 No. III. ...... 274 No. IV 278 No. V 284 No. VI 292 Letter to Josiah Quincy 297 On Self Praise ....... 299 PREFACE, THE volume that is here presented to the Pul- lie, consists of two parts : the Life of Dr. Franklin ; and a Collection of Miscellaneous Essays, the work of that author. It is already known to many, that Dr. Franklin amused himself, towards the close of his life, with writ ing memoirs of his own history. These memoirs were brought down to the year 1 757. Together with some other manuscripts they were left behind him at his death, and were considered as constituting a part of his posthumous property. It is a little extraordi nary that, under these circumstances, interesting as they are, from the celebrity of the character of which they treat, and from the critical situation of the present times, they should so long have been withheld from the public. A translation of them appeared in France near two years ago, coming down to the year 1731. There can be no sufficient reason, that what has been submitted to the perusal of Europe, should not be made accessible to those to whom Dr. Franklin s lan guage is native. The first part of the history of his life is translated from that publication. The style of these memoirs is uncommonly pleasing. The story is told with the most unreserved sincerity, and without any false coloring or ornament. We see, m every page, that the author examined his subject with the eye of a master, and related no incidents, the springs and origin of which he did not perfectly under stand. It is this that gives such exquisite and uncom- l * . PREFACE. mon perspicuity to the detail and delight in the review. The translator has endeavored, as he went along, to conceive the probable manner in which Dr. Franklin expressed his ideas in his English manuscript, and he hopes to be forgiven if this inquiry shall occasionally have subjected him to the charge of a style in any res pect bold or low ; to imitate the admirable simplicity of the author, is no easy task. The Essays, which are now, for the first time, brought together from various resources, willbefound to be more miscellaneous than any of Dr. Franklin s that have formerly been collected, and will therefore be more generally amusing. Dr. Franklin tells us, in his Life that he was an assiduous imitator of Addison ; and from some of these papers it will be admitted he was not an unhappy one. The public will be amused with following a great philosopher in his relaxation, and observe in what respects philosophy tends to elu cidate and improve the most common subjects. The. editor has purposely avoided such papers, as by their scientifical nature, were less adapted for general pe rusal. He subjoins a letter from the late celebrated and amiable Dr. Price, to a gentleman in Philadelphia, upon the subject of Dr. Franklin s memoirs of his own life. Hackney, June 19, 1790. DEAR SIR, "I am hardly able to tell you how kindly I take the letters with which you favor me. Your last contain ing an account of the death of our excellent friend, Dr. Franklin, and the circumstances attending it, deserves my particular gratitude. The account which he has left of his life will show, in a striking example, how a man by talents, industry, and integrity, may rise from obscurity to the first eminence and consequence in the world ; but it brings his history no lower than the year 1757, and I understand that since he sent over PREFACE. 7 the copy, which I have read, he has been able to make no additions to it. It is with a melancholy regret I . think of his death ; but to death we are all bound by the irreversible order of nature ; arid in looking for- jj, ward to it, there is comfort in being able to reflect- that we have not lived in vain, and that all the useful and virtuous shall meet in a better country beyond the grave. " Dr. Franklin in the last letter I received fromhim, after mentioning his age and infirmities, observes, that it has been kindly ordered by the Author of Nature, that, as we draw nearer the conclusion of life, we are furnished with more helps to wean us from it, among which, one of the strongest is the loss of dear friends. I was delighted with the account you gave in your let ter of the honor shown to his memory at Philadelphia, and by Congress ; and yesterday I received a high ad ditional pleasure, by being informed that the National Assembly of France had determined to go in mourning for him. What a glorious scene is opened there ! The annals of the world furnish no parallel to it. One of the honors of our departed friend is, that he has contributed much to it. I am, with great respect, Your obliged and very humble servant, RICHARD PRICE." LIFE OF DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, MY DEAR SON, I HAVE amused myself with collecting some little anecdotes of my family. You may remember the in quiries I made, when you were with me in England, among such of my relations as were then living ; and the journey I undertook for that purpose. To be ac quainted with the particulars of my parentage and life, many of which are unknown to you, I flatter myself, will afford the same pleasure to you as to me. I shall relate them upon paper : it will be an agreeable em ployment of a week s uninterrupted leisure, which I promise myself during my present retirement in the country. There are also other motives which induce me to the undertaking. From the bosom of poverty and obscurity, in which I drew my first breath and spent my earliest years, I have raised myself to a state of opulence and to some degree of celebrity in the world, a constant good fortune has attended me through every period of life to my present advanced age ,- and my descendants maybe desirous unearning what were the means of which I made use, and which, thanks to the assisting hand of providence, have proved so emi- 10 LIFE OF nently successful. They may also, should they ever be placed in a similar situation, derive some advantage from my narrative. When I reflect, as I frequently do, upon the felici ty I have enjoyed, I sometimes say to myself, that, were the offer made me, I would engage to run again, from beginning to end, the same career of life. All I would ask should be the privilege of an author, to correct, in a second edition, certain errors of the first. I could wish, likewise, if it were in my power, to change some trivial incidents and events for others more favorable. Were this however denied me, still would I not decline the offer. But since a repetition of life cannot take place, there is nothing which, in my opinion, so nearly resembles it, as to call to mind all its circumstances, and to render their remembrance more durable, commit them to writing. By thus em ploying myself, I shall yield to the inclination, so natu ral in old men, to talk of themselves and their exploits, and may freely follow my bent, without being tire some to those, who, from respect to my age, might think themselves obliged to listen to me ; as they will be at liberty to read me or not, as they please. In fine, (and I may well avow it, since nobody would be lieve; me were I to deny it,) I shall perhaps, by this employment gratify my vanity. Scarcely indeed have I ever heard or read the introductory phrase, " I may say without vanity," but some striking and character istic instance of vanity has immediately followed. The generality of men hate vanity in others, however strongly they may be tinctured with it themselves ; for myself, I pay obeisance to it wherever I meet with it, persuaded that it is advantageous, as well to the individual whom it governs, as to those who are within the sphere of its influence. Of conspq^nce, it would, in many cases, nut i>o wholly absurd, that a man should count his vanity among the other sweets of life, and give thanks to providence for the blessing, DR. FRANKLIN. II And here let me with all humility acknowledge, that to divine providence I am indebted for the felicity I have hitherto enjoyed. It is that power alone which has furnished me with the means I have employed, and that has crowned them with success. My faith in this respect leads me to hope, though I cannot count upon it, that the divine goodness will still be exercised towards me, either by prolonging the duration of my happiness, to the close of life, or by giving me forti tude to support any melancholy reverse, which may happen to me, as to so many others. My future for tune is unknown but to him in whose hand is our des tiny, and who can make our very afflictions subservient to our benefit* One of my uncles, desirous, like myself, of collect ing anecdotes of our family, gave me some notes, from which I have derived many particulars respecting our ancestors. From these I learn, that they had lived in the same village (Eaton in Northamptonshire) upon a freehold of about thirty acres, for the space at least of three hundred years. How long they had resided there prior to that period, my uncle had been unable to discover ; probably ever since the institution of surnames, when they took the appellation of Franklin ; which had formerly been the name of a particular or der of individuals.* * As a proof that Franklin was anciently the common name of an order or rank in England, see Judge Fortescue, De laud- ibus legum Anglice, written about the year 1412, in which is the following passage, to shew that good juries might easily be formed in any part of England : " ^-gio etiam ilia, ita respersa refertaque est possessoribus ierrarum et agrorum, quod in ea, villula tarn parva reperiri non poterit, in qua non est miles, armiger, vel pater-familias, qualis ibidem franklin vulgariter nuncupatur, magnis ditatus possessionibus, nee non liberi, tenentes at alii ealccti plurimi, suis patrimoniis sufficientes, ad faciendum juratum, in forma, praenotata." " Moreover, the same country is so filled and replenished 12 LIFE OF This pretty estate would not have sufficed for then- subsistence, had they not added the trade of black smith, which was perpetuated in the family down to my uncle s time, the eldest son having been uni formly brought up to this employment: a custom which both he and my father observed with respect to their eldest sons. In the researches I made at Eaton, I found no ac count of their births, marriages, and deaths, earlier than in the year 1555 ; the parish register not extend ing farther back than that period This register in formed me, that I was the youngest son of the young est branch of the family, counting five generations. My grandfather, Thomas, who was born in 1598, liv ing at Eaton till he was too old to continue his trade, when he retired to Brambury in Oxfordshire, where his son John, who was a dyer, resided, and with whom my father was apprenticed. He died, and was buried there : we saw his monument in 1 758. His eldest son lived in the family house at Eaton, which he bequeath ed, with the land belonging to it, to his only daughter; who, in concert with her husband, Mr. Fisher of Wel- lingborough, afterward sold it to Mr. Ested, the present proprietor. with landed menne, that therein so small a thorpe cannot be found wherein dwelleth not a knight, an esquire, or such a householder as is there commonly called a. franklin, enriched with great possessions ; and also other freeholders and many yeomen, able for their livelihoods to make a jury in form afore mentioned." Old Translation. Chaucer too calls his country gentleman a Franklin, and, after describing his good housekeeping, thus characterises him: This worthy Franklin bore a purse of silk, Fix\l to his girdle, white as morning milk. Knight of the shire, first justicp ^t*^ assize, To help the pour, the doubtful to advise. In all employments, generous, just he prov d, Ileiiown d for courtesy, by all belovU DU. FRANKLIN. 13 My grandfather had four surviving sons, Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Josias. I shall give you such particulars of them as my memory will furnish, not having my papers here, in which you will find a more minute account, if they are not lost during my absence. Thomas had learned the trade of blacksmith under his father ; but possessing a good natural understand ing, he improved it by study, at the solicitation of a gentleman of the name of Palmer, who was at that time the principal inhabitant of the village, and who encouraged in like manner all my uncles to improve their minds. Thomas thus rendered himself compe tent to the functions of a country attorney ; soon be came an essential personage in the affairs of the vil lage ; and was one of the chief movers of every public enterprize, as well relative to the county as the town of Northampton. A variety of remarkable incidents were told us of him at Eaton. After enjoying the es teem and patronage of lord Halifax, he died, January 6, 1702, precisely four years before I was born. The recital that was made us of his life and character, by some aged persons of the village, struck you, I re member, as extraordinary, from its analogy to what you knew of myself. "Had he died," said you, "just four years later, one might have supposed a transmi gration of souls." John, to the best of my belief, was brought up to the trade of a wool-dyer. Benjamin served his apprenticeship in London to a silk-dyer. He was an industrious man ; I remember him well ; for, while I was a child, he joined my father at Boston, and lived for some years in the house witk us. A particular affection had always subsisted be tween my father and him, and I was his godson : He arrived to a great age. He left behind him two quarto volumes of poems in manuscript, consisting of little fugitive pieces addressed to his friends. He had in vented a short-hand, which he taught me ; but having 14 LIFE OF never made use of it, I have now forgotten it. He wa*- a man of piety, and a constant attendant on the best preachers, whose sermons he took a pleasure in wri ting down according to the expeditory method he had devised. Many volumes were thus collected by him. He was also extremely fond of politics, too much so perhaps for his situation. I lately found in London a collection which he had made of all the principal pam phlets relative to public affairs, from the year 1641 to 1717. Many volumes are wanting, as appears by the series of numbers ; \mt there still remain 8 in folio, and twenty-four in quarto and octavo. The collection had fallen into the hands of a second-hand bookseller, who, knowing me by having sold me some books, brought it to me. My uncle, it seems, had left it be hind him on his departure for America, about fifty years ago. I found various notes of his writing in the margins. His grandson, Samuel, is now living at Boston. Our humble family had early embraced the Refor mation. They remained faithfully attached during the reign of Queen Mary ; when they were in danger of being molested on account of their zeal against Po pery. They had an English bible, and to conceal it the more securely, they conceived the project of fastening it, open, with pack-threads across the leaves, on the inside of the lid of a close stool. When my great grandfather wished to read to his family, he reversed the lid of the close stool upon his knees, and passed the leaves from one side to the other, which were held down on each by the pack-thread. One of the children was stationed at the door to give notice if he saw the proctor (an officer of the spiritual court) make his ap pearance ; in that case the lid was restored to its place with the bible concealed under it as before. I had this anecdote from my uncle Benjamin. The whole family preserved its attachment to the Church of England till towards the close of the reign of DR. FRANKLIN. 15 Charles II. when certain ministers, who had been ejected as non-conformists, having held Conventicles in Northamptonshire, they were joined by Benjamin and Josias, who adhered to them ever after. The rest of the family continued in the Episcopal Church. My father, Josias, married early in life. He went with his wife and three children, to New-England, about the year 1682. Conventicles being at that time prohibited by law, and frequently disturbed, some con siderable persons of his acquaintance determined to go to America, where they hoped to enjoy the free exercise of their religion, and my father was prevail ed on to accompany them. My father had also, by the same wife, four children born in America, and ten others by a second wife ; making in all seventeen. I remember to have seen thirteen seated together at his table, who all arrived to years of maturity, and were married. I was the last of the sons, and the youngest child, excepting two daughters. I was born at Boston, in New-Eng land. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first colonists of New-England, of whom Cotton Mather makes honor able mention, in his Ecclesiastical History of that pro vince, as " a pious and learned Englishman" if I right ly recollect his expressions. I have been told of his having written a variety of little pieces ; but there ap pears to be only one in print, which I met with many years ago. It was published in the year 1675, and is in familiar verse, agreeably to the taste of the times and the country. The author addresses himself to the governors for the time being, speaks for liberty of conscience, and in favor of the anabaptists, quakers, and other sectaries, who had suffered persecution. To this persecution, he attributes the war with the natives, and other calamities which afflicted the coun try, regarding them as the judgments of God in pu nishment of so odious an offence ; and he exhorts the 16 LIFE OF government to the repeal of laws so contrary to cha rity. The poem appeared to be written with a manly freedom, and a pleasing simplicity. I recollect the six concluding lines, though I have forgotten the order of the words of the two first ; the sense of which was, that his censures were dictated by benevolence, and that, of consequence, he wished to be known as the author; because, said he, 1 hate from my very soul dissimulation : From Sherburne,* where I dwell, I therefore put my name, Your friend, who means you well. PETER FOLGER. My brothers were all put apprentice to different trades. With respect to myself, I was sent, at the age f eight years, to a grammar school. My father de stined me for the church, and already regarded me as the chaplain of the family. The promptitude with which, from my infancy, I had learned to read, (for I do not remember to have been ever without this ac quirement) and the encouragement of his friends, who assured him that I should one day certainly become a man of letters, confirmed him in this design. My un- c.le Benjamin approved also of the. scheme, and pro mised to give me all his volumes of sermons, written, as I have said, in the short-hand of his invention, if 1 would take the pains to learn it. I remained, however, scarcely a year at grammar school, although, in this short interval, I had risen irom the middle to the head of my class, from thence to the class immediately above, and was to pass, at the end of the year, to the one next in order. But my fa ther, burthened with a numerous family, found that he was incapable, without subjecting himself to difficul ties, of providing for the expense of a collegiate ech*- * ToTvnin the Islana of Nantucket DR. FRANKLIN. 17 cation ; and considering besides, as I heard him say to his friends, that persons so educated were often poorly provided for, he renounced his first intentions, took me from the grammar school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a Mr. George Brownwel, who was a skilful master, and suc ceeded very well in his profession, by employing gen tle means only, and such as were calculated to en courage his scholars. Under him, I soon acquired an excellent hand ; but I failed in arithmetic, and made therein no sort of progress. At ten years of age, I was called home to assist my father in his occupation, which was that of soap-boiler and tallow-chandler ; a business to which he had serv ed no apprenticeship, but which he embraced on his arrival in New-England, because he found his own, (hat of a dyer, in too little request to enable him to maintain his family. I was accordingly employed in cutting the wicks, filling the moulds, taking care of the shop, carrying messages, &c. This business displeased me, and I felt a strong in clination for a sea life ; but my father set his face against it. The vicinity of the water, however, gave me frequent opportunities of venturing myself both upon and within it ; and I soon acquired the art of swimming, and of managing a boat. When embarked vith other children, the helm was commonly deput ed to me, particularly on difficult occasions ; and, in every other project, I was almost always the leader of the troop, whom I sometimes involved in embarrass ments. I shall give an instance of this, which demon strates an early disposition of mind for public enter prises, though the one in question was not conducted by justice. The mill-pond was terminated on one side by a marsh, upon the borders of which we were accustom ed to take our stand at high water, to angle for small fish. By dint of walking, we had converted the place 2 * IB LIFE OF into a perfect quagmire. My proposal was ta erect a wharf that should afford us firm footing ; and I point ed out to my companions a large heap of stones, intend ed for the building a new house near the marsh, and which were well adapted for our purpose. Accord ingly, when the workmen retired in the evening, I as sembled a number of my play-fellows, and by laboring diligently, like ants, sometimes four of us uniting our Strength to carry a single stone, we removed them all, and constructed our little quay. The workmen were surprised the next morning at not finding their stones, which had been conveyed to our wharf. Enquiries were made respecting the authors of this conveyance; we were discovered; complaints were exhibited against us ; many of us underwent correction on the part of our parents ; and though I strenuously defended the utility of the work, my father at length convinced me, that nothing which was not strictly honest, could be useful. It will not perhaps, be uninteresting to you to know what sort of a man my father was. He had an excel lent constitution, was of a middle size, but well made and strong, and extremely active in whatever he un dertook. He designed with a degree of neatness, and knew a little of music. His voice was sonorous and agreeable ; so that w r hen he sung a psalm or hymn, with accompaniment of his violin, as was his frequent practice in an evening when the labours of the day were finished, it was truly delightful to hear him. He was versed also in mechanics, and could upon oc casion, use the tools of a variety of trades. But his greatest excellence was a sound understanding and solid judgment in matters of prudence, both in public and private life. In the former indeed, he never en gaged, because his numerous family and the medioc rity of his fortune, kept him unremittingly employed in the duties of his profession. But 1 well remem ber that the leading men of the plw used fre- DR. FRANKLIN. 19 qiiently to come and ask his advice respecting affairs of the town, or of the church to which he belonged, and that they paid much deference to his opinion. In dividuals were also in the habit of consulting him in their private affairs, and he was often chosen arbiter between contending parties. He was fond of having at his table, as often as pos sible, some friends or well informed neighbors, capa ble of rational conversation, and he was always careful to introduce useful or ingenious topics of discourse, which might tend to form the minds of his children. By this means, he early attracted our attention to what was just, prudent, and beneficial in the conduct of life. He never talked of the meats which appeared upon the table, never discussed whether they were well or ill dressed, of good or bad flavor, high season ed or otherwise, preferable or inferior to this or that dish of a similar kind. Thus accustomed, from my infancy, to the utmost inattention as to these objects, I have always been perfectly regardless of what kind of food was before me ; and I pay so little attention to it even now, that it would be a hard matter for me to recollect, a few hours after I had dined, of what my dinner had consisted. When travelling, I have par ticularly experienced the advantage of this habit ; for it has often happened to me to be in company with persons, who, having a more delicate, because a more exercised taste, have suffered in many cases consider able inconvenience ; while, as to myself, I have had nothing to desire. My mother was likewise possessed of an excellent constitution. She suckled all her ten children, and I never heard either her or my father complain of any other disorder than that of which they died ; my father at the age of eighty-seven, and mother at eighty-five. They are buried together at Boston, where, a few years ago, I placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription ; 20 LIFE OF " Here lie " JOSIAS FRANKLIN, and ABIAH his wife : They lived together with reciprocal affection for fifty-nine years ; and without private fortune, without lucrative em ployment, by assiduous labor and honest industry, de cently supported a numerous family, and educated with success, thirteen children, and seven grand children. Let this example, reader, encourage thee diligently to discharge the duties of thy calling, and to rely on the support of divine providence. " He was pious and prudent, She discreet and virtuous. " Their youngest son, from a sentiment of filial duty, consecrates this stone "To their memory." I perceive, by my rambling digressions, that I am growing old. But we do not dress for a private com pany as for a formal ball. This deserves perhaps the name of negligence. To return. I thus continued employed in my fa ther s trade for the space of two years ; that is to say, till I arrived at twelve years of age. About this time my brother John, who had served his apprenticeship in London, having quitted my father, and being mar ried and settled in business on his own account at Rhode-Island, I was destined, to all appearance, to supply his place, and be a candle-maker all my life : but my dislike of this occupation continuing, my fa ther was apprehensive that, if a more agreeable one were not offered me, I might play the truant and escape to sea ; as, to his extreme mortification, my brother Josias had done. He therefore took me some times to see masons, coopers, braziers, joiners, and other mechanics, employed at their work ; in order to discover the bent of my inclination, and fix it if he could upon some occupation that might retain me on shore. I have since, in consequence of these visits. DR. FRANKLIN. 21 .derived no small pleasure from seeingskilful workmen handle their tools ; and it has proved of considerable benefit, to have acquired thereby sufficient knowledge to be able to make little things for myself when I have had no mechanic at hand, and to construct small ma chines for my experiments, while the idea I have con ceived has been fresh and strongly impressed on my imagination. My father at length decided that I should be a cut ler, and I was placed for some days upon trial with my cousin Samuel, son of my uncle Benjamin, who had learned this trade in London, and had established him self at Boston. But the premium he required for my apprenticeship displeasing my father, I was recalled home. From my earliest years I had been passionately fond cf reading, and I laid out in books all the money I could procure. I was particularly pleased with ac counts of voyages. My first acquisition was Bunyan s collection, in small separate volumes. These I after wards sold in order to buy an historical collection by R. Burton, which consisted of small cheap volumes, amounting in all to about forty or fifty. My father s little library was principally made up of books of prac tical and polemical theology. I read the greatest part of them. I have since often regretted, that at a time when I had so great a thirst for knowledge, more eligi ble books had not fallen into my hands, as it was then a point decided that I should not be educated for the church. There was also among my father s books, Plutarch s Lives, in which I read continually, and I still regard as advantageously employed the time de voted to them. I found, besides, a work of De Foe s, entitled, An Essay on Projects, from which, perhaps, I derived impressions that have since influenced some of the principal events of my life. My inclination for books at last determined my fa* ther to make me a printer, though he had already a 22 LIFE OF son in that profession. My brother had returned from England in 1717, with a press and types, in order to establish a printing-house at Boston. This business pleased me much better than that of my father, though I had still a predilection for the sea. To prevent the effects which might result from this inclination, my fa ther was impatient to see me engaged with my brother. I held back for some time ; at length however I suffer ed myself to be persuaded, and signed my indentures, being then only twelve years of age. It was agreed that I should serve as apprentice to the age of twenty- one, and should receive journeyman s wages only dur ing the last year. In a very short time I made great proficiency in this business, and became very serviceable to my brother. I had now an opportunity of procuring better books. The acquaintance I necessarily formed with booksel lers apprentices, enabled me to borrow a volume now and then, which I never failed to return punctually and without injury. How often has it happened to me to pass the greater part of the night in reading by my bed-side, when the book had been lent me in the evening, and was to be returned next morning, lest it might be missed or wanted. At length Mr. Matthew Adams, an ingenious trades man, who had a handsome collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me. He invited me to see his library, and had the goodness to lend me any books I was desirous of reading. I then took a strange fancy for poetry, and composed several little pieces. My brother, thinking he might find his account in it, encouraged me, and engaged me to write two ballads. One, called the Light-house Tragedy, contained an account of the shipwreck of Capt. Wor- thilake and his two daughters; the other was a sailor s iong on the capture of the noted pirate called Teach , or Black-beard. They were wretched verses in point of style, mere blind-men s ditties. When printed, b^ DR. FRANKLIN. 23 uispatched me about the town to sell them. The first had a prodigious run, because the event was recent, and had made a great noise. My vanity was flattered by this success ; but my fa ther checked my exultation, by ridiculing my produc tions, and telling me that versifiers were always poor. I thus escaped the misfortune of being, probably, a ve ry wretched poet. But as the faculty of writing prose has been of great service to me in the course of my life, and principally contributed to my advancement, F shall relate by what means, situated as I was, I acquir ed the small skill I may possess in that way. There was in the town another young man, a great lover of books, of the name of John Collins, with whom I was intimately connected. We frequently engaged in dispute, and were indeed so fond of argumentation, that nothing was so agreeable to us as a war of words,, This contentious temper, I would observe by the bye, is in danger of becoming a very bad habit, and frequent ly renders a man s company insupportable, as being no otherwise capable of indulgence, than by an indiscri minate contradiction. Independently of the acrimony and discord it introduces into conversation, it is often productive of dislike, and even hatred, between per sons to whom friendship is indispensably necessary. I acquired it by reading, while I lived with my father, books of religious controversy. I have since remark ed, that men of sense seldom fall into this error ; law yers, fellows of universities, and persons .of every pro fession educated at Edinburgh, excepted. Collins and I fell one day into an argument relative to the education of women ; namely, whether it were proper to instruct them in the sciences, and whether they were competent to the study. Collins supported the negative, and affirmed that the task was beyond their capacity. I maintained the opposite opinion, a little perhaps for the pleasure of disputing. He was naturally more eloquent than I ; words flowed copi- 24 LIFE OF ously from his lips ; and frequently I thought myself vanquished, more by his volubility than by the force of his arguments. We separated without coming to an agreement upon this point : and as we were not to see each other for some time, I committed my tho ts to paper, made a fair copy, and sent it him. He an swered, and I replied. Three or four letters had been written by each, when my father chanced to light upoa my papers, and read them. Without entering into the merits of the cause, he embraced the opportunity of speaking to me upon my manner of writing. He observed, that though I had the advantage of my ad versary in correct spelling and pointing, which I owed to my occupation, I was greatly his inferior in elegance of expression, in arrangement and perspicuity. Of this he convinced me by several examples. I felt the justice of his remarks, became more attentive to lan guage, and resolved to make every eifort to improve my style. Amidst these resolves an odd volume of the Spectator fell into my hands.- This was a publica tion 1 had never seen. I bought the volume, and read it again and again. I was enchanted with it, thought the style excellent, and wished it were in my power to imitate it. With this view I selected some of the papers, made short summaries of the sense of each period, and put them for a few days aside. I then., without looking at the book, endeavoured to restore the essays to their due form, and to express each thought at length, as it was in the original, employ ing the most appropriate words that occurred to my mind. I afterwards compared my Spectator with the original ; I perceived some faults, which 1 corrected : but I found that I wanted a fund of words, if I may so express myself, and a facility of recollecting and em ploying them, which I thought I should by that time have acquired, had I continued to make verses. The continual need of words of the same meaning, but of different lengths for the measure, or of different sounds DR. FRANKLIN. j lor the rhyme, would have obliged me to seek for & variety of synonymes, and have rendered me master of them. From this belief I took some of the tales of the Spectator, and turned them into verse ; and after a time, when I had sufficiently forgotten them, I again converted them into prose. Sometimes also I mingled all my summaries togeth er ; and a few weeks after, endeavoured to arrange them in the best order, before I attempted to form the periods and complete the essays. This I did with a view of acquiring method in the arrangement of my thoughts. On comparing afterwards my perform ance with the original, many faults were apparent,, which I corrected ; but I had sometimes the satisfac tion to think, that in certain particulars of little im portance, I had been fortunate enough to improve the order of thought or the style ; and this encouraged me to hope that I should succeed, in time, in writing de cently in the English language, which was one of the greatest objects of my ambition. The time which I devoted to these exercises, and to reading, was the evening after my day s labor was finished, the morning before it began, and Sunday, when I could escape attending divine service. While I lived with my father, he had insisted on my punctual attendance on public worship, and I still indeed con sidered it as a duty, but a duty which I thought I had no time to practise. When about sixteen years of age, a work of Tryon fell into my hands, in which he recommends vegeta ble diet. I determined to observe it. My brother, be ing a bachelor, did not keep house, but boarded with his apprentices in a neighbouring family. My refus ing to eat animal food was found inconvenient, and I was often scolded for my singularity. I attended to the mode in which Tryon prepared some of his dish- es, particularly how to boil potatoes and rice, and make hasty puddings. I then said to my brother, tha* 26 LIFE OF if he would allow me per week half what he paid for my board, I would undertake to maintain myself. The offer was instantly embraced, and I soon found that of what he gave me I was able to save half. This was a new fund for the purchase of books ; and other advan tages resulted to me from the plan. When my bro ther and his workmen left the printing-house to go to dinner, I remained behind ; and dispatching my fru gal meal, which frequently consisted of a biscuit only, or a slice of bread and a bunch of raisins, or a bun from the pastry cook s, with a glass of water, I had the rest of the time till their return, for study ; and my pro gress therein was proportioned to that clearness of ideas, and quickness of conception, which are the fruit, of temperance in eating and drinking. It was about this period, that having on day been put to the blush for my ignorance in the art of calcula tion, which I had twice failed to learn while at school, I took Cocker s Treatise of Arithmetic, and went through it by myself with the utmost ease. I also read a book of navigation by Seller and Sturmy, and made myself master of the little geometry it contains, but I never proceeded far in this science. Nearly at the same time I read Locke on the Human Understand ing, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs. Du Port Royal. While labouring to form and improve my style, I met with an English Grammar, which I believe was Greenwood s, having at the end of it two little essays 011 rhetoric and logic. In the latter I found a model of disputation after the manner of Socrates. Shortly af ter I procured Xenophon s work, entitled, Memorable things of Socrates, in which are various examples of the same method. Charmed to a degree of enthusi asm with this mode of disputing, I adopted it, and re nouncing blunt contradiction, and direct and positive argument, I assumed the character of a humble ques tioner. The perusal of Shaftsbury and Collins had DR. FRANKLIN. 7 made me a sceptic ; and being previously so as to ma ny doctrines of Christianity, I found Socrates method to be both the safest for myself, as well as the most embarrassing to those against whom I employed it. It soon afforded me singular pleasure ; I incessantly practised it ; and became very adroit in obtaining even from persons of superior understanding, concessions of which they did not foresee the consequences. Thus I involved them in difficulties from which they were unable to extricate themselves, and sometimes ob tained victories, which neither my cause nor my ar guments merited. This method I continued to employ for some years ; but I afterwards abandoned it by degrees, retaining only the habit of expressing myself with modest diffi dence, and never making use, when I advanced any proposition which might be controverted, of the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that might give the appearance of being obstinately attached to my opin ion. I rather said, I imagine, I suppose, or it appears to me, that such a thing is so or so, for such and such reasons ; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit has, I think, been of considerable advantage to me, when I have had occasion to impress my opinion on the minds of others, and persuade them to the adoption of the measures I have suggested. And since the chief ends of conversation, are to inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I could wish that intelligent and well-meaning men would not themselves diminish the powers they possess of being useful, by a positive and presumptuous manner of expressing themselves, which scarcely ever fails to disgust the hearer, and is only calculated to excite opposition, and defeat every purpose for which the faculty of speecli has been be stowed on man. In short, if you wish to inform, a positive and dogmatical manner of advancing your opinion may provoke contradiction, and prevent your being heard with attention. On the other hand, if, iiS LIFE OF with a desire of being informed, and of benefiting by the knowledge of others, you express yourselves as being strongly attached to your own opinions, modest and sensible men, who do not love disputation, will leave you in a tranquil possession of your errors. By following such a method, you can rarely hope to please your auditors, conciliate their goodwill, or work con viction on those whom you may be desirous of gaining over to your views. Pope judiciously observes. Men must be taught as if you taught them not, And things unknown propos d as things forgot. And in the same poem he afterwards advises us To speak, tho" 1 sure, with seeming diffidence. He might have added to these lines, one that he has coupled elsewhere, in my opinion, with less propriety. It is this : For want of modesty is want of sense. If you ask why I say with less propriety, I must give you the two lines together : Immodest words admit of no defence, For want of decency is want of sense. Now want of sense, when a man has the misfortune to be so circumstanced, is it not a kind of excuse for want of modesty ? And would not the verses have been more accurate, if they had been constructed thus : Immodest words admit but this defence, That want of decency is want of sense. But I leave the decision of this to better judges than myself. In 1720, or 1721, my brother began to print a new public paper. It was the second that made its appear ance in America, and was entitled tiuttfew-England Courant. The only one that existed before was the Boston News Letter. Some of his friends, I remem- Her. would have dissuaded him from this undertaking, DR. FRANKLIN. *) is a thing that was not likely to succeed ; a single newspaper being, in their opinion, sufficient for all America. At present, however, in 1777, there are no less than twenty-five. But he carried his project into execution, and I was employed in distributing the copies to his customers, after having assisted in com posing and working them off. Among his friends he had a number of literary cha racters, who, as an amusement, wrote short essays for the paper, which gave it reputation and increased its sale. These gentlemen came frequently to our house. I heard the conversation that passed, and the accounts they gave of the favorable reception of their writings with the public. I was tempted to try my hand among them ; but, being still a child as it were, I was fearful that my brother might be unwilling to print in his pa per any performance of which he should know me to be the author. I therefore contrived to disguise my hand, and having written an anonymous piece, I placed it at night under the door of the printing-house, where it was found the next jnorning. My brother commu nicated it to his friends, when they came as usual to see him, who read it, commented upon it within my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure to find that it met with their approbation, and that, in the various conjectures they made respecting the author, no one was mentioned who did not enjoy a high reputation in the country for talents and genius. I now supposed myself fortunate in my judges, and began to suspect that they were not such excellent writers as 1 had hith erto supposed them. Be that as it may, encouraged by this little adventure, I wrote arid sent to the press, in the same way, many other pieces, which were equally approved ; keeping the secret till my slender stock of information and knowledge for such perform ances was pretty completely exhausted, when I m-ido myself known. My brother, upon this discovery, began to entertain 3 * 30 LIFE OF a little more respect for me ; but he still regarded himself as my master, and treated me like an appren- :ice. He thought himself entitled to the same services from me as from any other person. On the contrary, I conceived that in im;ny instances, he was too rigor ous, and that on the part of a brother, I had a right to expect a greater indulgence. Our disputes were fre quently brought before my father; ancl either my bro ther Avas generally in the wrong, or I was the better pleader of the two, for judgment was commonly given in my favour. But my brother was passionate, and often had recourse to blows ; a circumstance which I took in very ill part. This severe and tyrannical treat ment contributed, I believe, to imprint on my mind that aversion to arbitrary power, which during my whole life I have ever preserved. My apprenticeship became insupportable to me, and I continally sighed for an opportunity of shortening it, which at length, unexpectedly offered. An article inserted in our paper upon some political subject which I have now forgotten, gave offence to the Assembly. My brother was taken into custody ,- censured, and ordered into confinement for a month, because, as I presume, he would not discover the au thor. I was also taken up and examined beforo the council ; but, though I gave them no satisfaction they contented themselves with reprimanding, and then dismissed me ; considering me probably as bound, in quality of apprentice, to keep my master s secrets. The imprisonment of my brother kindled my re sentment, notwithstanding our private quarrels. Dur ing its continuance the management of the paper was entrusted to me, and I was bold enough to insert some pasquenades against the governors ; which highly pleased my brother, while others began to look upon me in an unfavorable point of view, considering me as a young wit inclined to satire and lampoon. My brother s enlargement was accompanied with an DR. FRANKLIN. Si- arbitrary order from the House of Assembly, " That " James Franklin should no longer print the newspa- " per entitled the Nerv-England Courant." In this conjuncture, we held a consultation of our friends at the printing-house, in order to determine what was pro per to be done. Some proposed to evade the order by changing the title of the paper : but my brother fore seeing inconveniencies that would result from this step, thought it better that it should in future be print ed in the name of Benjamin Franklin ; and to avoid the censure of the assembly, who might charge him with still printing the paper himself, under the name of his apprentice, it was resolved that my old inden tures should be given up to me, with a full and entire discharge written on the back, in order to be produced upon an emergency : but that, to secure to my brother the benefit of my service, I should sign anew contract which should be kept secret during the remainder of the term. This was a very shallow arrangement. It was, however, carried into immediate execution, and the paper continued, in consequence, to make its ap pearance for some months in my name. At length a new difference arising between my brother and me, I ventured to take advantage of my liberty, presuming that he would not dare to produce the new contract. It was undoubtedly dishonorable to avail myself of this circumstance, and I reckon this action as one of the first errors of my life ; but I was little capable of esti mating it at its true value, embittered as my mind had been at the recollection of the blows I had received. Exclusively of his passionate treatment of me, my brother was by no means a man of an ill temper, and perhaps my manners had too much of impertinence, not to afford it a very natural pretext. When he knew that it was my determination to quit him, he wished to prevent my finding employ ment elsewhere. He went to all the printing-houses in the town, and prejudiced the masters against me ; 32 LIFE OF who accordingly refused to employ me. The idea then suggested itself to me of going to New- York, the nearest town in which there was a printing-office. Far ther reflection confirmed me in the design of leaving Boston, where I had already rendered myself an object of suspicion to the governing party. It was probable, from the arbitrary proceedings of the assembly in the affair of my brother, that, by remaining, I should soon have been exposed to difficulties, which I had the greater reason to apprehend, as, from my indiscreet disputes upon the subject of religion, I begun to be re garded, by pious souls, with horror, either as an apos tate, or an atheist. I came therefore to a resolution ; but my father, in this instance, siding with my brother, I presumed that if 1 attempted to depart openly, mea sures would be taken to prevent me. My friend Col lins undertook to favor my flight. He agreed for my passage with the captain of a New-York sloop, to whom he represented me as a young man of his acquaintance who had had an affair with a girl of bad character, whose parents wished to compel me to marry her, and that of consequence I could neither make my appear ance or go off publicly. I sold part of my books to procure a small sum of money, and went privately on board the sloop. By favour of a good wind I found myself in three days at New- York, nearly three hundred miles from my home, at the age only of 17 years, without knowing an individual in the place, and with very little money in my pocket. The inclination I had felt for a seafaring life was entirely subsided, or I should have been able to gratify it ; but having another trade, and believing myself to be a tolerable workman, I hesitated not to offer my ser vices to the old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but had quitted that province on account of a quarrel with George Keith, the governor. He could not give me employment himself, having little to do. and already as many per- DR. FRANKLIN. 35 sons as he wanted ; but he told me that his son, printer at Philadelphia, had lately lost his principal workman, Aquila Rose, who was dead, and that if I would go thither, he believed that he would engage me. Phi ladelphia was a hundred miles farther. I hesitated not to embark in a boat in order to repair, by the short est cut of the sea, to Amboy, leaving my trunk and ef fects to come after me by the usual and more tedious conveyance. In crossing the bay we met with a squall which shattered to pieces our rotten sails, prevented os from entering the kill, and threw us upon Long- Island. During the squall a drunken Dutchman, who like myself was a passenger in the boat, fell into the sea. At the moment that he was sinking I seized him by the fore-top, saved him and drew him on board. This immersion sobered him a little, so that he fell asleep, after having taken from his pocket a volume, which he requested me to dry. This volume I found to be my old favourite work, Bunyan s Voyages, in Dutch, a beautiful impression on fine paper, with copper-plate engravings ; a dress in which I had never seen it in its original language. I have since learned that it has been translated into .almost all the languages of Europe, and next to the bible, I am persuaded, it is one of the books which has had the greatest spread. Honest John is the first, that I know of, who has mixed nar rative and dialogue together ; a mode of writing very engaging to the reader, who, in the most interesting passages, finds himself admitted as it were, into the company, and present at the conversation. De Foe has imitated it with success in his Robinson Crusoe, his Moll Flanders, and other works ; as also has Rich ardson in his Pamela, &c. In approaching the island we found that we had made a part of the coast where it was not possible to land, on account of the strong breakers produced by the rocky shore. We cast anchor and veered the cabl 34 LIFL 01- towards the shore. Some men, who stood upon the brink, hallooed to us, while we did the same on our part ; but the wind was so high, and the waves so noisy, that we could neither of us hear each other. There were some canoes upon the bank, and we called out to them, and made signs to prevail on them to come and take us up ; but either they did not under stand us, or they deemed our request impracticable, imd withdrew. Night came on, and nothing remained for us but to wait quietly the subsiding of the wind ; till when we determined, that is, the pilot and I, to sleep if possible. For that purpose we went below the hatches along with the Dutchman, who was drenched with water. The sea broke over the boat, and reached us in our retreat, so that we were presently as com pletely drenched as he. We had very little repose during the whole night ; but the wind abating the next day, we succeeded in reaching Amboy before it was dark, after having pass ed thirty hours without provisions, and with no other drink than a bottle of bad rum, the water upon which we rowed being salt. In the evening I went to bed with a very violent fever. I had somewhere read that cold water, drank plentifully, was a remedy in such cases. I followed the prescription, was in a profuse sweat for the greater part of the night, and the fever left me. The next day I crossed the river in a ferry boat, and continued my journey on foot. I had fifty miles to walk, in order to reach Burlington, where I was told I should find passage boats that would convey me to Philadelphia. It rained hard the whole day, so that I was wet to the skin. Finding myself fatigued about noon, I stopped at a paltry inn, where I passed the rest of the day and the whole night, beginning to regret that I had quitted my home. I made besides so wretched a figure, that I was suspected to be some run away servant. This I discovered by the questions ihat were asked me : and I felt that I was every nio* DR. FRANKLIN. 3y ment in danger of being taken up as such. The next day, however, I continued my journey, and arrived in the evening at an inn eight or ten miles from Burling ton, that was kept by one Dr. Brown. This man entered into conversation with me while 1 I took some refreshment, and perceiving I had read a little, he expressed to wards me considerable interest and friendship^ Our acquaintance continued during the remainder of his life. I believe him to have been what is called an itinerant doctor ; for there was no town in England, or indeed in Europe, of which he could not give a particular account. He was neither deficient in understanding nor literature, but he was a sad infidel, and, some years after, undertook to tra vesty the Bible in burlesque verse, as Cotton has tra vestied Virgil. He exhibited, by this means, many- facts in a very ludicrous point of view, which would have given umbrage to weak minds, had his work been published, which it never was. I spent the night at his house, and reached Burling ton the next morning. On my arrival, I had the mor tification to learn that the ordinary passage boats had sailed a little before. This was on a Saturday, and there would be no other boat till the Tuesday follow ing. I returned to the house of an old woman in the town who had sold me some gingerbread to eat on my passage, and I asked her advice. She invited me to take up my abode with her till an opportunity offered for me to embark. Fatigued with having travelled so for on foot, I accepted the invitation. When she un derstood that I was a Printer, she would have persuad ed me to stay at Burlington, and set up my trade ; but she was little aware of the capital that would be neces sary for such a purpose ! I was treated while at her house with true hospitality. She gave me, with the utmost good-will, a dinner of beef-steaks, and w r ould accept of nothing in return but a pint of ale. Here I imagined myself to be fixed till the Tuesday 36 LIFE OF in the ensuing week, but walking out in the evening by the river side, I saw a boat with a number of per sons in it approach. It was going to Philadelphia, and the company took me in. As there was no wind, we could only make way with our oars. About midnight, not perceiving the town, some of the company were of opinion that we must have passed it, and were unwil ling to row any farther ; the rest not knowing where we were it was resolved that we should stop. We drew towards the shore, entered a creek, and landed near some old palisades, which served us for fire-wood, it being a cold night in October. Here we staved till day, when one of the company found the place in which we were to be Cooper s Creek, a little above Philadelphia ; which in reality we perceived the mo ment we were out of the creek. We arrived on Sun day about eight or nine o clock in the morning, and landed on Market-street wharf. I have entered into the particulars of my voyage, and shall in like manner describe my first entrance into this city, that you maybe able to compare begin nings so little auspacious, with the figure I have since made. On my arrival at Philadelphia I was in my working dress, my best clothes being to come by sea. I was covered with dirt ; my pockets were filled with shirts and stockings ; 1 was unacquainted with a single soul in the place, and knew not where to seek for a lodging. Fatigued with walking, rowing, and having passed the night without sleep, I was extremely hungry, and all rny money consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling s worth of coppers which I gave to the boat men for my passage. As I had assisted them in row ing, they refused it at first ; but I insisted on their taking it. A man is sometimes more generous when he has little, than when he has much money ; probably because, in the first case, he is desirous of concealing bis poverty. DR. FRANKLIN. oT 1 walked towards the top of the street, looking ea gerly on both sides, till I came to Market-street, where T met a child with a loaf of bread. Often had I made my dinner on dry bread. I inquired where he had bought it, and went straight to the baker s shop which he pointed out to me. I asked for some biscuits, ex pecting to find such as we had in Boston ; but they made it seems none of that sort at Philadelphia. I then asked for a three-penny loaf. They made no loaves of that price. Finding myself ignorant of the prices, as well as of the different kinds of bread, I de sired him to let me have three-penny worth of bread of some kind or other. He gave me three large rolls, I was surprised at receiving so much : I took them, however, and having no room in my pockets, I walked on with a roll under each arm, eating the third. In this manner I went through Market-street, to Fourth- street, and passed the house of Mr. Read, the father of my future wife. She was standing at the door, ob served me, and thought, with reason, that 1 made a very singular and grotesque appearance. I then turned the corner ; and went through Ches nut-street, eating my roll all the way ; and having made this round, I found myself again on Market street wharf, near the boat in which I had arrived, I stepped into it to take a draught of the river water ; and finding myself satisfied with my first roll, I gave the other two to a woman and her child, who, had come down the river with us in the boat, and was waiting to continue her journey. Thus refreshed, I regained the street, which was now full of well-dressed people, all going the same way. I joined them, and was thus led to a large Quakers meeting house near the market place. I sat down with the rest, and after looking round me for some time, hearing nothing said, and being drowsy from my last night s want of rest, I fell into a sound sleep. In this state I continued till the assembly dispersed, when one of the congregation hi<~ 03 LIFE O* the goodness to wake me. This was consequently the first house I entered, or in which I slept at Phila delphia. I began again to walk along the street by the river ^ide ; and looking attentively in the face of every one I met, I at length perceived a young quaker, whose countenance pleased me. I accosted him, and begged him to inform me where a stranger might find a lodg ing. We were then near the sign of the Three Ma riners. They receive travellers here, said he, but it is not a house that bears a good character ; if you will go with me I will show you a better one. He conducted me to the Crooked Billet, in Water-street. There I ordered something for dinner, and during my meal a number of curious questions were put to me ; my youth and appearance excitingthe suspicion of my be ing a runaway. After dinner my drowsiness returned, and I threw myself upon a bed without taking oil my clothes, and slept till 6 o clock in the evening, when I was called to supper. I afterwards went to bed at a very early hour, and did not awake till the next morning. As soon as I got up I put myself in as decent a trim as I could, and went to the house of Mr. Andrew Brad ford the printer. I found his father in the shop, whom I had seen at New-York. Having travelled on horse back, he had arrived at Philadelphia before me. He introduced me to his soil, who received me with civility, ti nd gave me breakfast; but told me he had no occa sion at present for a journeyman, having lately procur ed one. He added that there was another printer newly settled in the town, of the name of Keimer, who might perhaps employ me ; and that in case of a refusal, I should be welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me a little work now and then, till something bet ter should offer. The old man offered to introduce me to the new printer. When we were at his house : " Neighbor," DR. FRANKLIN. Ct said he, " I bring you a young man in the printing bu siness ; perhaps you may have need of his services." Keimcr asked me some questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I could work, and ther: said, that at present he had nothing for me to do, but that he should soon be able to employ me. At the same time taking old Bradford for an inhabitant of the town well-disposed towards him, he communicated hi? project to him, and the prospect he had of success. Bradford was careful not to discover that he was the father of the other printer : and from what Kcimer had said, that he hoped shortly to be in possession of *he greater part of the business of the town, led him by artful questions, and by starting some difficulties, to disclose all his views, what his hopes were founded -upon, and how he intended to proceed. I was present and heard it all. I instantly saw that one of the two was a cunning old fox, and the other a perfect novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was strangely surprised when I informed him who the old man was. I found Keimer s printing materials to consist of an old damaged press, and a small fount of worn-out Eng lish letters, with which he was himself at work upon an elegy on Aquila Rose, whom I have mentioned above, an ingenious young man, and of an excellent character, highly esteemed in the town, secretary of the assembly, and a very tolerable poet. Keimer also made verses, but they were indifferent ones. He could not be said to write in verse, for his method was to set the lines as they flowed from his muse ; and as he worked without copy, had but one set of letter-cases, and the elegy would probably occupy all his types, it was impossible for any one to assist him. I endeavor ed to put his press in order, which he had not yet used., and of which indeed he understood nothing : and hav ing promised to come and work off his elegy as soon is it should be ready, I returned to the house of Brad 40 LIFE 01 ford, who gave me some trifle to do lor the present, for which I had my board and lodging. In a few days Keimer sent for me to print off hi-; elegy. He had now procured another set of letter- cases, and had a pamphlet to re-print, upon which he set me to work. The two Philadelphia printers appeared destitute of every qualification necessary in their profession. Brad ford had not been brought up to it, and was very illit erate. Keimer, though he understood a little of the business, w r as merely a compositor, and wholly incapa ble of working at the press. He had been one of the French prophets, and knew how to imitate their su pernatural agitations. At the time of our first acquaint ance he professed no particular religion, but a little of all upon occasion. He was totally ignorant of the world, and a great knave at heart, as I had afterwards an op portunity of experiencing. Keimer could not endure that, working with him, I should lodge at Bradford s. He had indeed a house but it was unfurnished ; so that he could not take me in. He procured me a lodging at Mr. Read s his land lord, whom I have already mentioned. My trunk and effects being now arrived, I thought of making, in the eyes of Miss Read, a more respectable appearance than when chance exhibited me to her view, eating my roll, and wandering in the streets. "From this period I began to contract acquaintance with such young people of the town as were fond of reading, and spent my evenings with them agreeably, while at the same time I gained money by my in dustry, and, thanks to my frugality, lived contented. I thus forgot Boston as much as possible, and wished every one to be ignorant of the place of my residence, except my friend Collins, to whom I wrote, and who kept my secret. An incident, however arrived, which sent me home sooner than I had proposed. I had a brother-in-law, DR. FRANKLIN. 41 of the name of Robert Holmes, master of a trading sloop from Boston to Delaware. Being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia, he heard of me, and wrote to inform me of the chagrin which my sudden departure from Boston had occasioned my parents, and of the affection which they still entertained for me, assuring me that, if I would return, every thing should be adjusted to my satisfaction ; and he was very pres sing in his entreaties. I answered his letter, thanked him for his advice, and explained the reasons which had induced me to quit Boston, with such force and clearness, that he was convinced I had been less to blame than he had imagined. Sir William Keith, governor of the province was at Newcastle at the time. Captain Holmes, being by chance in his company when he received my letter, took occasion to speak of me, and shewed it him. The Governor read it, and appeared surprised when he learned my age. He thought me, he said, a young man of very promising talents, and that, of conse quence, I ought to be encouraged ; and there were at Philadelphia none but very ignorant printers, and that if I were to set up for myself, he had no doubt of my success ; that, for his own part, he would procure me all the public business, and would render me every other service in his power. My brother-in-law related all this to me afterwards at Boston ; but I knew no thing of it at the time ; when one day Keimer and I being at work together near the window, we saw the governor and another gentleman, Colonel French of Newcastle, handsomely dressed, cross the street, and make directly for our house. We heard them at the door, and Keimer, believing it to be a visit to himself, went immediately down : but the governor inquired for me, came up stairs, and, with a condescension and politeness to which I had not at all been accustomed, paid me many compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, obligingly reproached me for not having 4 * 42 LIFE OF made myself known to him on my arrival in the town, and wished me to accompany him to a tavern, where he and Colonel French were going to taste some excel lent Madeira wine. I was, I confess, somewhat surprised, and Keimer appeared thunderstruck. I went, however, with the Governor and the Colonel to a tavern at the corner of Third-street, Avhere, while we were drinking the Ma deira, he proposed to me to establish a printing house. He set forth the probabilities of success, and himself and Colonel French assured me that I should have their protection and influence in obtaining the printing of the public papers of both governments ; and as I ap peared to doubt whether my father would assist me in this enterprise , Sir William said he would give me a letter to him, in which he would represent the advan tages of the scheme, in a light.which he had no doubt would determine him. It was thus concluded that I should return to Boston by the first vessel, with the letter of recommendation from the Governor to my father. Meanwhile, the project w r us to be kept secret, and I continued to work for Keimer as before. The Governor sent every now and then to invite me to dine with him. I considered this as a very great honor ; and I was the more sensible of it, as he con versed with me in the most affable, familiar and friend ly manner imaginable. Towards the end of April, 1724, a small vessel was ready to sail for Boston. I took leave of Keimer upon the pretext of going to see my parents. The Gover nor gave me a long letter, in which he said many flat tering things to my father ; and strongly recommended the project of my settling at Philadelphia, as a thing which could not fail to make my fortune. Going down the bay we struck on a flat, and sprung a leak. The weather was very tempestuous, and we were obliged to pump without intermission ; I took iry DR, FRANKLIN. 43 turn. We arrived, however, safe and sound at Bos ton, after about a fortnight s passage. I had been absent seven complete months, and my relations, during that interval, had received no intelli gence of me ; for my brother-in-law, Holmes, was not yet returned, and had not written about me. My un expected appearance surprised the family ; but they were all delighted at seeing me again, and except my brother, welcomed me home. I went to him at the print ing-office. I was better dressed than I had ever been while in his service : I had a complete suit of clothes, new and neat, a watch in my pocket, and my purse was furnished with nearly five pounds sterling money. He gave me no very civil reception ; and having eyed me from head to foot, resumed his work. The workmen asked me with eagerness where I had been, what sort of a country it was, and how I likedit.. I spoke in the highest terms of Philadelphia, the happy life we led there, and expressed my intention of going back again. One of them asked what sort of money we had, I displayed before them a handful of silver, which I drew from my pocket. This was a curiosity to which they were not accustomed, paper being the current money at Boston. I failed not after this to let them see my watch ; and at last, my brother continu ing sullen, and out of humour, I gave them a shilling to drink, and took my leave. This visit stung my brother to the soul ; for when, shortly after, my mo ther spoke to him of a reconciliation, and a desire to see us on good terms, he told her that I had so insult ed him before his men, that he would never forget or forgive it : in this however he was mistaken. The Governor s letter appeared to excite in my fa ther some surprise : but he said little. After some days, Capt. Holmes being returned, he shewed it him, asking him if he knew Keith, and what sort of a man he was : adding, that in his opinion, it proved very ! iUle discernment to think of setting up a boy in busi- 44 LIFE OF ness, who for three years to come would not be of an age to be ranked in the class of men. Holmes said every thing he could in favor of the scheme ; but my father firmly maintained its absurdity, and at last, gave a positive refusal. He wrote, however, a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him for the protection he had so obligingly offered me, but refusing to assist me for the present, because he thought me too young to be entrusted with the conduct of so important an en terprise, and which would require so considerable a sum of money. My old comrade Collins, who was a clerk in the post- office, charmed with the account I gave of my new residence, expressed a desire of going thither ; andi while I waited my father s determination, he set off before me, by land, for Rhode-Island, leaving his books which formed a handsome collection in mathematics and natural philosophy, to be conveyed with mine ta New- York, where he proposed to wait for me. My father, though he could not approve Sir Wil liam s proposal, was yet pleased that I had obtained so advantageous a recommendation as that of a person of his rank, and that my industry and oeconomy had en abled me to equip myself so handsomely in so short a period. Seeing no appearance of accommodating matters between my brother and me, he consented to my return to Philadelphia, advised me to be civil to every body, to endeavour to obtain general esteem, avoid satire and sarcasm, to which he thought I was too much inclined ; adding, that with perseverance and prudent ceconomy, I might by the time I became of nge, save enongh to establish myself in business ; and that if a small sum should then be wanting, he would undertake to supply it. This was all I could obtain from him, except some trifling presents, in token of friendship from him and my mother. I embarked once more for New-York^ furnished at this time with their approbation and ble c - DR. FRANKLIN. :ring. The sloop having touched at Newport in Rhode Island, I paid a visit to my brother John, who had for some years been settled there, and was married. He had always been attached to me, and received me with sreat affection. One of his friends, whose name was Vernon, having a debt of about thirty-six pounds due to him in Pennsylvania, begged me to receive it for him, and keep the money till I should hear from him : ac cordingly he gave me an order for that purpose. This affair occasioned me, in the sequel, much cneu c iness. At Newport we took on board a number of passen gers ; among whom were two young women, and ;: grave and sensible Quaker lady with her servants. 1 hud shown an obliging forwardness in rendering the fjuakersome trifling services, which led her, probably, to feel an interest in my welfare ; for when she saw a familiarity take place, and every day increase, be tween the two young women and me, she took me aside and said, " Young man, I am in pain for thee. Thou hast no parent to watch over thy conduct, and thouseemestto be ignorant of the world, and the snare? fo which youth is exposed. Rely upon what I tell thee : those are women of bad characters ; I perceive it in all their actions-. If thou dost not take care, they will lead thee into danger. They are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, by the friendly interest I take in thy preservation, to form no connection with them." As I appeared at first not to think quite so ill of them a? she did, she related many things she had seen and heard, which had escaped my attention, but which con vinced me she was in the right 1 thanked her for her obliging advice, and promised to follow it. When we arrived at New-York, they informed me- where they lodged, and invited me to come and sec; them. I did not however go, and it was well I did not ; for the next day, the Captain missing a silver spoon,, andsome other things which had been taken from the 46 LIFE 0* cabin, and knowing these women to be prostitutes, pro cured a search warrant, found the stolen goods upon them, and had them punished. And thus, after having been saved from one rock concealed under water, upon which the vessel struck during our passage, I escaped another of a more dangerous nature. At New-York I found my friend Collins, who had arrived some time before. We had been intimate from our infancy, and had read the same books toge ther ; but he had the advantage of being able to devote more time to reading and study, and an astonishing disposition for mathematics, in which he left me far be hind him. AVhen at Boston, I had been accustomed to pass with him almost all my leisure hours. He was then a sober and industrious lad ; his knowledge had gained him a very general esteem, and he seemed to promise to make an advantageous figure in society. But during my absence he had unfortunately addicted himself to brandy, and 1 learned, as well from himself, as from the report of others, that every day since his arrival at New-York he hadljeen intoxicated, and had acted in a very extravagant manner. He had also play ed and lost all his money ; so that I was obliged to pay his expenses at the inn, and to maintain him during the rest of the journey ; a burthen that was very in convenient to me. The governor of New-York, whose name was Bur- net, hearing the captain say that ayoung man who was a passenger in his ship had a great number of books, begged him to bring me to his house. I accordingly went, and should have taken Collins with me had he been sober. The governor treated me with great civi lity, showed me his library, which was a very conside rable one, and we talked for some time upon books and authors. This was the second governor who had ho nored me with his attention ; and to a poor boy, as I {hen was these little adventures dicinot fail to be plea? DR. FRANKLIN. 4T We arrived at Philadelphia. On the way I receiv ed Vernon s money, without which we should have been unable to have finished our journey. Collins wished to get employment as a merchant s clerk ; but either his breath or his countenance be trayed his bad habit ; for, though he had recommend ations, he met with no success, and continued to lodge and eat with me, and at my expense. Knowing that I had Vernon s money, he was continually asking me to lend him some of it ; promising to repay me as soon as he should get employment. At last he had drawn so much of this money, that I was extremely- alarmed at what might become of me should he fail to make good the deficiency. His habit of drinking did not at all diminish, and was a frequent source of dis cord between us ; for when he had drank a little too much, he was very headstrong. Being one day in a boat together, on the Delaware, with some other young persons, he refused to take his turn in rowing. You shall row for me, said he, till we get home. No, I replied, we will not row for you. You shall, said he, or remain upon the water all night. As you please. Let us row, said the rest of the com pany ; what signifies whether he assists or not. But, already angry with him for his conduct in other re spects, I persisted in my refusal. He then swore that he would make me row, or would throw me out of the boat ; and he made up to me. As soon as he was within my reach I took him by the collar, gave him a violent thrust, and threw him head foremost into the river. I knew that he was a good swimmer, and was therefore under no apprehension for his life. Before he could turn himself, we were able, by a few strokes of our oars, to place ourselves out of his reach ; and whenever he touched the boat, we asked him if he would row, striking his hands with the oars to make him let go his hold. He was nearly suffocated with rage, but obstinately refused making any promise fc> LJ1E 01- row. Perceiving at length that his strength begun tq be exhausted, we took him into the boat, and conveyed him home in the evening, completely drenched. The utmost coldness subsisted between us after this adven ture. At last the captain of a West India ship, who was commissioned to procure a tutor for the children of a gentleman at Barbadoes, meeting with Collins, offered him the place. He accepted it, and took his leave of me, promising to discharge the debt he owed me, w r ith the first money he should receive ; but I have heard nothing of him since. The violation of the trust reposed in me by Vernon, was one of the first great errors of my life ; and it proves that my father was not mistaken when he sup posed me too young to be entrusted with the manage- / ment of important affairs. But Sir William, upon reading his letter, thought him too prudent. There was a difference, he said, between individuals : years of maturity were not always accompanied with discre tion, neither was youth in every instance devoid of it. Since your father, added he, will not set you up in business, I will do it myself. Make out a list of what will be wanted from England, and I will send for the articles. You shall repay me when you can. I am determined to have a good printer here, and I am sure you will succeed. This was said with so much seem ing cordiality, thut I suspected not for an instant the sincerity of the offer. I had hitherto kept the project, with which Sir William had inspired me, of settling in business, a secret at Philadelphia, and I still conti nued to do so. Had my reliance on the governor been known, some friend, better acquainted with his cha racter than myself, would doubtless have advised me not to trust him ; for 1 afterwards learned that he was universally known to be liberal of promises, which he had no intention to perform. But having never soli cited him, how could I suppose his offers to be deceit- DR. FRANKLIN. 4 ful ? On the contrary, I believed him to be the best, man in the world. I gave him an inventory of a small printing-office, the expense of which I had calculated at about a hun dred pounds sterling. He expressed his approbation, but asked if my presence in England, that I might choose the characters myself, and see that every arti cle was good in its kind, would not be an advantage. You will also be able, said he, to form some acquaint ance there, and establish a correspondence with sta tioners and booksellers. This I acknowledged was desirable. That being the case, added he, hold your self in readiness to go with the Annis. This was the annual vessel, and the only one, at that time, which made regular voyages between the ports of London and Philadelphia. But the Annis was not to sail for some months. I therefore continued to work with Keimer, unhappy respecting the sum which Collins had drawn from me, and almost in continual agony at the thoughts of Vernon, who fortunately made no de mand of his money till several years after. In the account of my first voyage from Boston to Philadelphia, I omitted I believe a trifling circum stance, which will not perhaps be out of place here. During a calm which stopped us above Block-Island, the crew employed themselves in fishing for cod, of which they caught a great number. I had hitherto adhered to my resolution of not eating any thing that had possessed life ; and I considered on this occasion, agreeably to the maxims of my master, Tryon, the capture of every fish as a sort of murder, committed without provocation, since these animals had neither done, nor were capable of doing, the smallest injury to any one that should justify the measure. This mode of reasoning I conceived to be unanswerable. Mean while I had formerly been extremely fond offish ; and when one of these cod was taken out of the frying-pan, ji thought its flavor delicious. I hesitated so 6 50 LIFE OF between principle and inclination, till at last recollect ing, that when the cod had been opened, some small iish were found in its belly, I said to myself, if you eat one another, I see no reason why we may not eat you. I accordingly dined on the cod with no small de gree of pleasure, and have since continued to catlike the rest of mankind, returning only occasionally to my vegetable plan. How convenient does it prove to be a rational animal, that knows how to find or invent a plausible pretext for whatever it has an inclination to do ! I continued to live upon good terms with Keimer, who had not the smallest suspicion of my projected establishment. He still retained a portion of his for mer enthusiasm ; and being fond of argument, we fre quently disputed together. I was so much in the habit of using my Socratic method, and had so frequently puzzled him by my questions, which appeared at first very distant from the point in debate, yet nevertheless led to it by degrees, involving him in difficulties and contradictions from which he was unabFe to extricate himself, that he became at last ridiculously cautious, and would scarcely answer the most plain and familiar question without previously asking me What would you infer from that ? Hence he formed so high an opinion of my talents for refutation, that he seriously proposed to me to become his colleague in the estab lishment of a new religious sect. He was to propo- gate the doctrine by preaching, and I to refute every opponent. When he explained to me his tenets, I found many absurdities which I refused to admit, unless he would agree in turn to adopt some of my opinions. Keimer wore his beard long, because Moses had somewhere said Thou shalt not mar the. corners of thy beard. He likewise observed the Sabbath, and these were with him two very essential points. I disliked them both ; ijut I consented to adopt them, provided he would ab- DR. FRANKLIN. *! vtam from animal food. I doubt, said he, whether my constitution will be able to support it. I assured him on the contrary, that he would find himself the better for it. He was naturally a glutton, and I wished to amuse myself by starving him. He consented to make trial of this regimen, if I would bear him com pany ; and in reality we continued it for three months. A woman in the neighborhood prepared and brought us our victuals, to whom I gave a list of forty dishes ; in the composition of which there entered neither flesh nor fish. This fancy was the more agreeable to me, as it turned to good account ; for the whole expense of our living did not exceed for each, eighteen pence a week. I have since that period observed several Lents with the greatest strictness, and have suddenly returned again to my ordinary diet, without experiencing the smallest inconvenience ; which has led me to regard as of no importance the advice commonly given of in troducing gradually such alterations of regimen. I continued it cheerfully ; but poor Keimer suffer* ed terribly. Tired of the project, he sighed for the flesh pots of Egypt. At length he ordered a roast pig, and invited me and two of our female acquaintance to dine with him ; but the pig being ready a little too soon, he could not resist the temptation, and eat it all up before we arrived. During the circumstances I have related, I had paid some attentions to Miss Read. I entertained for her the utmost esteem and affection ; and I had reason to believe that these sentiments were mutual. But we were both young, scarcely more than eighteen years of age : and as I was on the point of undertaking a long voyage, her mother thought it prudent to pre vent matters being carried too far for the present, judging that if marriage was our object, there would be more propriety in it after my return, when, as at Least I expected, I should be established in my btisi- 3"2 LIFE OF ness. Perhaps also she thought that my expectations were not so well founded as 1 imagined. My most intimate acquaintance at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph ; young men who were all fond of reading. The two first were clerks to Mr. Charles Brockdon, one of the principal attornies in the town, and the other clerk to a merchant. Watson was an upright, pious, and sen sible young man ; the others were somewhat more loose in their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, whose faith, as well as that of Collins, I had contribut ed to shake ; each of whom made me suffer a very adequate punishment. Osborne was sensible, and sincere, and affectionate in his friendships, but too much inclined to the critic in matters of literature. Ralph was ingenious and shrewd, genteel in his ad dress, and extremely eloquent. I do not remember to have met with a more agreeable speaker. They were both enamoured of the muses, and had already evinced their passion by some small poetical produc tions. It was a custom with us to take a charming walk on Sundays, in the woods that border on the SchuylkilL Here we read together, and afterwards conversed on what we read. Ralph was disposed to give himself ap entirely to poetry. He flattered himself that he should arrive at great eminence in the art, and even acquire a fortune. The sublimest poets, he pretend ed, when they first began to write, committed as many faults as himself. Osborne endeavored to dis suade him from it, by assuring him that he had no ge nius for poetry, and advised him to stick to the trade >n which he had been brought up. In the road of commerce, said he, you will be sure, by diligence and assiduity, though you have no capital, of so far suc ceeding as to be employed as a factor, and may thus, in time, acquire the means of setting up for yourself I concurred in these sentiments, but at the same time DR. FRANKLIN 53 expressed my approbation of amusing ourselves some times with poetry, with a view to improve our style. In consequence of this it was proposed, that, at our next meeting, each of us should bring a copy of vers es of his own composition. Our object in this com petition was to benefit each other by our mutual re marks, criticisms, and corrections ; and as style and expression were all we had in view, we excluded every idea of invention, by agreeing that our task should be a version of the eighteenth psalm, in which is describ ed the descent of the deity. The time of our meeting drew near, when Ralph called upon me and told me his piece was ready. I informed him that I hud been idle, and, not much liking the task, had done nothing. He showed me his piece, and asked what I thought of it. I expressed myself in terms of warm approbation, because it really appeared to have considerable merit. He then said : Osborne will never acknowledge the smallest degree of excellence in any production of mine. Envy alone dictates to him a thousand animadversions. Of you he is riot so jealous : I wish therefore you would take the verses and produce them as your own. I will pretend not to have had leisure to write any thing. We shall then see in what manner he will speak of them. I agreed to this little artifice, and immediately transcrib ed the verses to prevent all suspicion. We met. Watson s performance was the first that was read. It had some beauties, but many faults. We next read Osborne s, which was much better. Ralph did it justice, remarking a few imperfections, and applauding such parts as were excellent. He had himself nothing to show. It was now my turn. I made some difficulty ; seemed as if I wished to be excused ; pretended that I had had no time to make corrections, &c. No excuse, however, was admissi ble, and the piece must be produced. It was read and re-read* Watson and Osborne immediately resigned a * i4 . LWE 0V the palm, and united in applauding it. Ralph alone made a few remarks, and proposed some alterations ; but I defended my text. Os borne agreed with me, and told Ralph he was no more able to criticise than jie was able to write. When Osborne was alone with me, he expressed himself still more strongly in favor of what he consi dered as my performance. He pretended that he had put some restraint on himself before, apprehensive of my construing his commendation into flattery. But who would have supposed, said he, Franklin to be ca pable of such a composition ? What painting, what energy, what fire ! He has surpassed the original. In his common conversation he appears not to have choice of words ; he hesitates, and is at a loss ; and yet, good God, how he writes ! At our next meeting Ralph discovered the trick we had played Osborne, who was rallied without mercy. By this adventure Ralph was fixed in his resolution of becoming a poet. I left nothing unattempted to divert him from his purpose ; but he persevered, till at last the reading of Pope* effected his cure : he be came, however, a very tolerable prose writer. I shall speak more of him hereafter ; but as I shall probably have no farther occasion to mention the other two, I ought to observe here, that Watson died a few years after in my arms. He was greatly regretted, for he was the best of our society. Osborne went to the islands, where he gained considerable reputation as a barrister, and was getting money ; but he died young. We had seriously engaged, that whoever died first should return, if possible, and pay a friendly visit to the * Probably the Dunciad, where we find him thus immor talised by the author : Silence ye wolves, while RALPH to Cynthia howls, And makes night hideous ? answer him, ye owls f DR. FRANKLIN. 55 survivor, to give him an account of the other world ; but he has never fulfilled his engagement. The governor appeared to be fond of my company, and frequently invited me to his house. He always spoke of his intention of settling me in business, as a point that was decided. I was to take with me letters of recommendation to a number of friends ; and par ticularly a letter of credit, in order to obtain the neces sary sum for the purchase of my press, types, and pa per. He appointed various times for me to come for these letters, which would certainly be ready ; and when I came, always put me off to another day. These successive delays continued till the vessel whose departure had been several times deferred, was on the point of setting sail ; when I again went to Sir William s house, to receive my letters and take leave of him. I saw his secretary, Dr. Bard, who told me that the governor was extremely busy writing, but that he would be down at Newcastle before the vessel, and that the letters would be delivered to me there. Ralph, though he was married and had a child, de termined to accompany me in this voyage. His ob ject was supposed to be the establishing a correspond deuce with some mercantile houses, in order to sell goods by commission ; but I afterwards learned, that, having reason to be dissatisfied with the^parents of his wife, he proposed to himself to leave her on their hands, and never return to America again. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchanged promises of fidelity with Miss Read, I quitted Phila delphia. At Newcastle the vessel came to anchor. The governor was arrived, and I went to his lodgings. His secretary received me with great civility, told me on the part of the governor, that he could not see me then, as he was engaged in affairs of the utmost im portance, but that he would send the letters on board, and that he wished me, with all his heart, a good voy age and speedy return. I returned, somewhat aston- 5d LIFE OF ished, to the ship, but still without entertaining the slightest suspicion. Mr. Hamilton, a celebrated barrister of Philadel phia, had taken a passage to England for himself and his son, and, in conjunction with Mr. Denham, a qua- ker, and Messrs. Oniam and Russel, proprietors of a forge in Maryland, had agreed for the whole cabin, so that Ralph and I were obliged to take up our lodging with the crew. Being unknown to every body in the ship, we were looked upon as the common order of people : but Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, who was afterwards governor) left us at Newcastle, and returned to Philadelphia, where he was recalled, at a very great expense, to plead the cause of a vessel that had been seized : and just as we were about to sail, colonel Finch came on board, and shewed me many civilities. The passengers upon this paid me more attention, and I was invited, together with my friend Ralph, to occupy the place in the cabin which the return of the Mr. Hamiltons had made vacant ; an offer which we very readily accepted. Having learned that the dispatches of the governor had been brought on board by colonel Finch, I asked the captain for the letters that were to be intrusted to my care. He told me that they were all put together in the bag, which he could not open at present : but before we reached England, he would give me an op portunity of taking them out. I was satisfied with this answer, and we pursued our voyage. The company in the cabin were all very sociable, and we were perfectly well off as to provisions, as we had the advantage of the whole of Mr. Hamilton s, who had laid in a very plentiful stock. During the passage, Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me, which ended only with his life : in other respects the voyage was by no means an agreeable one, as we had much bad weather. When we arrived in the river, the captain was as DR. FRANKLIN. til as his word, and allowed me to search the bag for the governor s letters. I could not find a single one with my name written on it, as committed to my care ; but I selected six or seven, which I judged from the direction to be those that were intended for me ; par ticularly one to Mr. Basket the king s printer, and an other to a stationer, who was the first person I called upon. I delivered him the letter as coming from governor Keith. " I have no acquaintance (said he) with any such person ;" and opening the letter, oh, it is from Riddlesden !" he exclaimed. " I have lately discovered him to be a very arrant knave, and I wish to have nothing to do either with him or his letters." He instantly put the letter into my hand, turned upon his heel, and left me to serve some cus tomers. I Avas astonished at finding these letters were not from the governor. Reflecting and putting circum stances together, I then began to doubt his sincerity. I rejoined my friend Denham, and related the whole affair to him. He let me at once into Keith s charac ter, told me there was not the least probability of his having written a single letter ; that no one who knew him ever placed any reliance on him, and laughed at my credulity in supposing that the governor would give me a letter of credit, when he had no credit for himself. As I showed some uneasiness respecting what step I should take, he advised me to try to get employment in the house of some printer. You may there, said he, improve yourself in business, and you will be able to settle yourself the more advantageous ly when you return to America. We knew already, as well as the stationer, attorney Riddlesden to be a knave. He had nearly ruined the father of Miss Read, by drawing him in to be his se curity. We learned from his letter, that he was se cretly carrying on an intrigue, in concert with the governor, to the prejudice of Mr. Hamilton, who it &* LIFE OF was supposed would by this time be in Europe. Den ham, who was Hamilton s friend, was of opinion thai he ought to be made acquainted with it ; and in reality, the instant he arrived in England, which was very soon after, I waited on him, and, as much from good will to him as from resentment against the governor, put the letter into his hands. He thanked me very sincerely, the information it contained being of con sequence to him ; and from that moment bestowed on me his friendship, which afterwards proved on many occasions serviceable to me. But what are we to think of a governor who could play so scurvy a trick, and thus grossly deceive a poor young lad, wholly destitute of experience ? It was a practice with him. Wishing to please every body, and having little to bestow, he was lavish of promises. He was in other respects sensible and judicious, a very tolerable writer, and a good governor for the people, though not so for the proprietaries, whose in structions he frequently disregarded. Many of our best laws were his work, and established during his administration. Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took a lodging together at three-and-six-pence a week, which was as much as we could afford. He met with some relations in London, but they were poor, and not able to assist him. He now, for the first time, in formed me of his intention to remain in England, and that he had no thoughts of ever returning to Philadel phia. He was totally without money ; the little he had been able to raise having barely sufficed for his passage. I had still fifteen pistoles remaining ; and to me he had from time to time recourse, while he tried to get employment. At first, believing himself possessed of talents for the stage, he thought of turning actor : but W T ilkes, to whom he applied, frankly advised him to renounce the idea, as it was impossible to succeed. He next DR. FRANKLIN. W proposed to Roberts, a bookseller in Paternoster-Row f to write a weekly paper in the manner of the Specta tor, upon terms to which Roberts would not listen. Lastly, he endeavored to procure employment as a copyist, and applied to the lawyers and stationers about the Temple, but he could find no vacancy. As to myself, I immediately got engaged at Pal mer s, at that time a noted printer in Bartholomew- Close, with whom I continued nearly a year. I ap plied very assiduously to my work ; but I expended with Ralph almost all that I earned. Plays, and other places of amusement which we frequented together, having exhausted my pistoles, we lived after this from hand to mouth. He appeared to have entirely forgot ten his wife and child, as I also, by degrees, forgot my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and that merely to inform her that I was not likely to return soon. This was another grand error of my life, which I should be desirous of correcting, were I to begin my career again. I was employed at Palmer s on the second edition of WoolastoiTs Religion of Nature. Some of his ar guments appearing to me not to be well founded, I wrote a small metaphysical treatise, in which I animad verted on those passages. It was entitled a Disserta tion on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain. I dedicated it to my friend Ralph, and printed a small number of copies. Palmer upon this treated me with more consideration, and regarded me as a young man of talents ; though he seriously took me to task for the principles of my pamphlet, which he looked upon as abominable. The printing of this work was another error of my life. While I lodged in Little Britain, I formed acquain tance with a bookseller of the name of Wilcox, whose shop was next door to me. Circulating libraries were not then in use. He had an immense collection of books of all sorts. We agreed that, for a reasonable SU LIFE OF retribution, of which I have now forgotten the price, I should have free access to his library, and t i: ke what books I pleased, which I was to return when I had read them. I considered this agreement as a very great advantage, and I derived from it as much benefit as was in my power. My pamphlet falling into the hands of a surgeon, of the name of Lyons, author of a book entitled Infilli- bility of Human Judgment, was the occasion of a con siderable intimacy between us. He expressed great esteem for me, came frequently to see me in order to converse upon metaphysical subjects, arid introdu ced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the Fable of Bees, who had instituted a club at a tavern in Cheap- side, of which he was the soul : he was a facetious and very amusing character. He also introduced me, at Baston s coffee-house, to Dr. Pemberton, who pro mised to give me an opportunity of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, which I very ardently desired : but he never kept his word. I had brought some curiosities with me from Ame rica ; the principal of which was a purse made of as bestos, which fire only purifies. Sir Hans Sloane hearing .of it, called upon me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury square, where, after showing me every thing that was curious, he prevailed on me to add this piece to his collection ; for which he paid me very handsomely. There lodged in the fame house with us a young woman, a milliner, who had a shop by the side of the Exchange. Lively and sensible, and having received an education somewhat above her rank, her conver sation was very agreeable. Ralph read plays to her every evening. They became intimate. She took another lodging, and he followed he^. They lived for some time together ; but Ralph L ,g without employ rnent, she having a child, and the profits of her busi-> aessnot sufficing for the maintenance of thre n h" r*> DR. FRANKLIN. 01 solved to quit London, and try a country school. This was apian in which he thought himself likely to suc ceed, as he wrote a tine hand, and was versed in arith metic and accounts. But considering the office as be neath him, and expecting some day to make a better figure in the world, when he should be ashamed of its being known that he had exercised a profession so little honorable, he changed his name, and did me the honor of assuming mine. He wrote to me soon after his departure, informing me that he was settled at a email village in Berkshire. In his letter he recom mended Mrs. T***, the milliner, to my care, and re quested an answer, directed to Mr. Franklin, school master, at N***. He continued to write to me frequently, sending me large fragments of an epic poem he was compos ing, and which he requested me to criticise and cor rect. I did so, but not without endeavouring to pre vail on him to renounce this pursuit. Young had just published one of his Satires. I copied and sent him a great part of it ; in which the author demonstrates the folly of cultivating the Muses, from the hope, by their instrumentality, of rising in the world. It was all to no purpose ; paper after paper of his poem continued to arrive every post. Meanwhile Mrs. T*** having lost, on his account, both her friends and her business, was frequently in distress. In this dilemma she had recourse to me ; and to extricate her from her difficulties, I lent her all the money I could spare. I felt a little too much fond ness for her. Having at that time no ties of religion, and taking advantage of her necessitous situation, ! attempted liberties, (another error of rny life,) which she repelled with becoming indignation. She inform ed Ralph of my conduct, and the affair occasioned a breach between us. When he returned to London, lie gave me to understand that he considered all the obligations he owed me as annihilated by this proceedr 62 LIFE OF ing ; whence I concluded that I was never to expect the payment of what money I had lent him, or advan ced on his account. I was the less afflicted at this, a?? he was unable to pay me : and as, by losing his friend ship, I was relieved at the same time from a very heavy burthen. I now began to think of laying by some money. The printing-house of Watts near Lincoln s Inn- Fields, being a still more considerable one than that in which I worked, it was probable I might find it more advantageous to be employed there. I offered myself, and was accepted ; and in this house I conti nued during- the remainder of my stay in London. On my entrance I worked at first as a pressman ; conceiving that I had need of bodily exercise, to which I had been accustomed in America, where the prin ters work alternately as compositors and at the press. I drank nothing but water. The other workmen, to the number of about fifty, were great drinkers of beer. I carried occasionally a large form of letters in each hand, up and down stairs, while the rest employ ed both hands to carry one. They were surprised to see, by this and many other examples, that the Ameri can Aquatic, as they used to call me, was stronger thasi those whot drank porter. The beer boy had sufficient employment during the whole day, in serving that house alone. My fellow-pressman drank every day a pint of beer before breakfast, a pint with bread and cheese for breakfast, one between breakfast and din ner, one at dinner, one again about six o clock in the afternoon, and another after he had finished his day s work. This custom appeared to me abominable ; but he had need, said he, of all this beer, in order to ac quire strength to work. I endeavoured to convince him that bodily strength furnished by the beer, could only be in proportion to the solid part of the barley dissolved in the water of which the beer was composed ; that, there was a larger DR. FRANKLIN. C$ portion of flour in a penny loaf, and that consequently if he eat this loaf, and drank a pint of water with it, he^ would derive more strength from it than from a pint of beer. This reasoning, however, did not prevent him from drinking his accustomed quantity of heer, and paying every Saturday night a score of four or five shillings aweek for this cursed beverage ; an expense from which I was wholly exempt. Thus do those poor devils continue all their lives in a state of volun tary wretchedness and poverty. At the end of a few weeks, Watts having occasion for me above stairs as a compositor, I quitted the press. The compositors demanded of me garnish-money afresh. This I considered as an imposition, having already paid below. The master was of the same opinion , and desired me not to comply. I thus remain ed two or three weeks on the fraternity. I was con sequently looked upon as excommunicated ; and whenever I was absent, no little trick that malice could suggest was left unpractised upon me. I found my letters mixed, my pages transposed, my matter bro ken, &c. &c. all which was attributed to the spirit that haunted the chapel,* and tormented those who were not regularly admitted. I was at last obliged to submit to pay, notwithstanding the protection of the master ; convinced of the folly of not keeping up a good understanding with those among whom we are destined to live. After this I lived in the utmost harmony with my fellow-labourers, and sooh acquired considerable in fluence among them. I proposed some alterations in the laws of the chapel, which I carried without opposi tion. My example prevailed with several of them to renounce their abominable practice of bread and cheese with beer ; and they procured, like me, from a neigh bouring house, a good bason of warm gruel, in which * Printing-houses in general are thus denominated by the the spirit they call by tho nanr.e of R"h 7 i, tfi LIFE OF was a small slice of butter, with toasted bread and nut meg. This was a much better breakfast, which did not cost more than a pint of beer, namely, three-half pence, and at the same time, preserving the head clearer. Those who continued to gorge themselves with beer> often lost their credit with the publican, from neglecting to pay their score. They had then recourse to me, to become security for them ; theii tight, as they used to call it, being out. I attended at the pay-table every Saturday evening, to take up the little sum of money which I had made myself answer- able for ; and which sometimes amounted to nearly thirty shillings a week. This circumstance, added to my reputation of being a tolerable good gabber, or in other words , skilful in the art of burlesque^kept up my importance in the chapel, I had besides, recommended myself to the esteem of my master by my assiduous application to business, never observing Saint Monday. My extraordinary quickness in composing always procured me such work as was most urgent, and which is commonly best paid ; and thus my time passed away in a very plea sant manner. My lodging in Little Britain being too far fronUhe printing-house, I took another in Duke-street, oppo site the Roman Chapel. It was at the back of an Italian warehouse. The house was kept by a widow who had a daughter, a servant, and a shop-boy ; but the latter slept out of the house. After sending to the people with whom I lodged in Little Britain, t< inquire into my character, she agreed to take me m it the same price, three-and-sixpence a week ; con tenting herself, she said, with so little because of the security she should derive, as they were all women, from having a man lodged in the house. She was a woman rather advanced in life, the daiign ter of a clergyman. She had been educated a 1 1 restant; but her husband, whose memory she highly had converted her to the Catholic religion, DR. FRANKLIN. do She had lived in habits of intimacy with persons of distinction ; of whom she knew various anecdotes as far back as the time of Charles II. Being subject to fits of the gout, which often confined her to her room, she was sometimes disposed to see company. Tier s was so amusing to me, that I was glad to pass the evening with her as often as she desired it. Our sup per consisted only of half an anchovy a-piece, upon a slice of bread and butter, with a half pint of ale be tween us. But the entertainment was in her conver sation. The early hours I kept, and the little trouble I oc casioned the family, made her loath to part with me ; ajid when I mentioned another lodging I had found, nearer the printing-house, at two shillings a week, which fell in with my plan of saving, she persuaded me to give it up, making herself an abatement of two shillings : and thus I continued to lodge with her, du ring the remainder of my abode in London, at eighteen- pence a week. In a garret of the house there lived, in the most re tired manner, a lady seventy years of age, of whom I received the following account from my landlady She was a Roman Catholic-. In her early years she had been sent to the continent, and entered a convent with the design of becoming a nun ; but the climate not agreeing with her constitution, she was obliged to eturn to England, where, as there were no monas tics, she made a vow to lead a monastic life, in as rigid a manner as circumstances would permit. She ordmgly disposed of all her property to be applied o charitable uses, reserving to herself only twelve pounds a year ; and of this small pittance she gave a part to the poor, living on water-gruel, arid never ma- King use of hre but to boil it. She had lived in this et a great many years, without paying rent to the successive Catholic inhabitants that had kept the Muse : who indeed considered her abode with them 6 * -Jt> LIFE OF as a blessing. A priest came every day to confess her. I have asked her, said my landlady, how, living as she did, she could find so much employment for i confessor? To which she answered, that it was im possible to avoid vain thoughts. I was once permitted to visit her. She was cheer ful and polite, and her conversation agreeable. Her apartment was neat ; but the whole furniture consist ed of a matrass, a table, on which were a crucifix and a book, a chair, which she gave me to sit on, and over the mantle-piece a picture of St. Veronica, displaying jher handkerchief, on which was seen the miraculous impression of the face of Christ, which she explained to me with great gravity. Her countenance was pale, but she had never experienced sickness ; and I may adduce her as another proof how little is sufficient to maintain life and health. At the printing-house I contracted an intimacy with a sensible young man by the name of Wygate, who, as his parents were in good circumstances, had received n better education than is common with printers. He #as a tolerable Latin scholar, spoke French fluently, ^id was fond of reading. I taught him, as well as a .friend of his, to swim, by taking him twice only into the river ; after which they stood in need of no farther assistance. We one day made a party to go by water to Chelsea, in order to see the College, and Don Sol- iero s curiosities. On our return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, 1 undressed myself, and leaped into the river, from near Chelsea, the whole way to Blackfriar s Bridge, exhibiting, during my course, a variety ot 1 of activity and address, both upon the surface ot t water, as well as under it. This sight occasioned much astonishment and pleasure to those to wh< was new. In my youth, I took great delight m tt exercise. I knew, and could execute all the evolutions and positions of Thevenot ; and I added to them some DR. FRANKLIN. 67 of my own invention, in which I endeavoured to unite gracefulness and utility. I took a pleasure in display ing them all on this occasion, and was highly flattered with the admiration they excited. Wygate, besides his being desirous of perfecting himself in this art, was the more attached to me from there being in other respects, a conformity in our tastes and studies. He at length proposed to me to make the tour of Europe with him, maintaining our selves at the same time by working at our profession. I was on the point of consenting, when I mentioned it to my friend Denham, with whom I was glad to pass an hour whenever I had leisure. He dissuaded me from the project, and advised me to return to Philadel phia, which he was about to do himself. I must re- Jate in this place a trait of this worthy man s character. He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failing, he compounded with his creditors, and depart ed for America, where, by assiduous application as a merchant, he acquired in a few years a very consider able fortune. Returning ta England in the same ves sel with myself, as I have related above, he invited all his old creditors to a feast. When assembled, he thanked them for the readiness with which they had received his small composition ; and, while they ex pected nothing more than a simple entertainment, each found under his plate, when it came to be remov ed, a draft upon a banker for the residue of his debt> with interest. He told me it was his intention to Carry back with him to Philadelphia a great quantity of goods, in order to open a store ; and he offered to take me with him in the capacity of clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy letters, and superintend the store. He added, that as soon as I acquired a know ledge of mercantile transactions, he would improve my situation, by sending me with a cargo of corn and 9our to the American islands, and by procuring me 68 LIFE OF other lucrative commissions ; so that, with good ma nagement and oeconomy, I might in time begin busi ness with advantage for myself. I relished these proposals. London began to tire me ; the agreeable hours I had passed at Philadelphia presented themselves to my mind, and I wished to see them revive. I consequently engaged myself to Mr. Denham, at a salary of fifty pounds a year. This was indeed less than I earned as a compositor, but then I had a much fairer prospect. I took leave, therefore, as I believed forever, of printing, and gave myself up entirely to my new occupation, spending all iny time either in going from house to house with Mr. Denham to purchase goods, or in packing them up, or in expe diting the workmen, &c. &c. When every thing how ever was on board, I had at last a few days leisure. During this interval, I was one day sent for by a gentleman, whom I know only by name. It was Sir William Windham. I went to his house. He had by some means heard of my performances between Chelsea and Blackfriars, and that I had taught the act of swimming to Wygate and another young man in the course of a few hours. His two sons were on the point of setting out on their travels ; he was desirous that they should previously learn to swim, and offered me a very liberal reward if I would undertake to in struct them. They were not yet arrived in town, and the stay I should make myself was uncertain ; I could not therefore accept his proposal. I was led however to suppose from this incident, that if I had wished to re main in London, and open a swimming-school, I should perhaps have gained a great deal of money. This idea -struck me so forcibly, that, had the offer been made sooner, I should have dismissed the thought of return ing as yet to America. Some years after, you and I had a more important business to settle with one of ihe sons of Sir William Windham, then Lord Egre- mont. But let us not anticipate evon*. DR. FRANKLIN. 69 1 thus passed about eighteen months in London, working almost without intermission at my trade, avoiding all expense on my own account, except go ing now and then to the play, and purchasing a few books. But my friend Ralph kept me poor. He owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which was so much money lost ; and when considered as taken from my little savings, was a very great sum. I had, notwith standing this, a regard for him, as he possessed many amiable qualities. " But though I had done nothing for myself in point of fortune, I had increased my stock of knowledge, either by the excellent books I had read, 0r the conversation of learned and literary persons with whom I was acquainted. We sailed from Gravesend the 23d of July, 1726. For the incidents of my voyage I refer you to my jour nal, where you will find all the circumstances mi nutely related. We landed at Philadelphia on the 1 1th of the following October. Keith had been deprived of the office of governor and was succeeded by Major Gordon. I met him walking in the street as a private individual. He ap peared a little ashamed at seeing me, but passed on without saying any thing. I should have been equally ashamed myself at meet ing Miss Read, had not her family, justly despairing of my return after reading my letter, advised her to give me up and marry a potter, of the name of Rogers ; to which she consented ; but he never made her hap py, and she soon separated from him, refusing to co habit with him, or even bear his name, on account of a report which prevailed, of his having another wife. His skill in his profession had seduced Miss Read s pa rents ; but he was as bad a subject as he was excel lent as a workman. He involved himself in debt, and fled in the year 1727 or 1728, to the West Indies, T -vbere he died. Puringmy absence Keimer had taken a more cor* -30 LIFE OF siderable house, in- which he kept a shop, that was well supplied with paper, and various other articles. He had procured some new types, and a Number of work men ; among whom, however, there was not one who was good for any thing ; and he appeared not to want business. Mr. Dcnham took a warehouse in Water-street, where we exhibited our commodities. I applied my self closely, studied accounts, and became in a short time very expert in trade. We lodged and eat to gether. He was sincerely attached to me, and acted towards me as if he had been my father. On my side, I respected and loved him. My situation was happy ; but it was a happiness of no long duration. Early in February, 1727, when I entered into my twenty second year, we were both taken ill. I was attacked with a pleurisy, which had nearly carried me off ; I suffered terribly, and considered it as all over with me. I felt indeed a sort of disappointment when I found myself likely to recover, and regretted that I had still to experience sooner or later, the same dis agreeable scene again. I have forgotten what was Mr. Denham s disorder ; but it was a tedious one, and he at last sunk under it. He left rne a small legacy in his will, as a testimony of his friendship ; and I was once more abandoned to myself in the wide world 5 the warehouse being confid ed to the care of a testamentary executor, who dis missed me. My brother-in-law, Holmes, who happened to be at Philadelphia, advised me to return to my former pro fession, and Mr. Keimer offered me a very considera ble salary if I would undertake the management of his printing-office, that he might devote himself en tirely to the superintendence of the shop. His wife and relations in London had given me a bad character of him ; and I was loath for the present, to have any concern with him. I endeavored to get employment DR. FRANKLIN 7 . 71 as a clerk to a merchant ; but not readily finding a si tuation, I was induced to accept Keimer s proposal. The following were the persons I found in his print ing house : Hugh Merideth, a Pennsylvania!!, about thirty-five years of age. He had been brought up to husbandry, was honest, sensible, had some experience, and was fond of reading ; but too much addicted to drinking. Stephen Potts, a young rustic, just broke from school, and of rustic education, with endowments ra ther above the common order, and a competent por tion of understanding and gaiety ; but a little idle. Kei- mer had engaged these two at very low wages, which he had promised to raise every three months a shilling a week, provided their improvement in the typograph ic art should merit it. This future increase of wages was the bait he made use of to ensnare them. Meri deth was to work atthe press, and Potts to bind books, which he had engaged to teach them, though he un derstood neither himself. John Savage, an Irishman, who had been brought up to no trade, and whose service, for a period of four years, Keimer had purchased of the captain of a ship. He was also to be a pressman. George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time he had in like manner bought for four years, intending him for a compositor. I shall speak more of him presently. Lastly, David Harry, a country lad, who was ap prenticed to him. I soon perceived that Keimer s intention, in en gaging me at a price so much above what he was ac customed to give, was, that I might form all these raw journeymen and apprentices, who scarcely cost him anything, and who, being indentured, would as soon as they should be sufficiently instructed, enable him to do without me. 1 nevertheless adhered to my agree ment. I put the office in order, which was in the ut- 7.2 LIFE OF most confusion, and brought his people, by degrees, to pay attention to their work, and to execute it in a more masterly manner. It was singular to see an Oxford scholar in the con dition of a purchased servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age ; and the following are the par ticulars he gave me of himself. Born at Gloucester, he had been educated at a grammar school, and had distinguished himself among the scholars by his supe rior style of acting, when they represented dramatic performances. He was member of a literary club in the town, and some pieces of his composition, in prose as well as in verse, had been inserted in the Gloucester papers. From hence he was sent to Oxford, where* he remained about a year ; but he was not contented, and wished above all things to see London, and become an actor. At length, having received fifteen guinea? to pay his quarter s board, he decamped witji the mo ney from Oxford, hid his gown in a hedge, and travel led to London. There, having no friend to direct him, he fell into bad company, soon squandered his fifteen guineas, could find no way of being introduced to the .-.ictors, became contemptible, pawned his clothes, and was in want of broad. As he was walking along the streets, almost famished with hunger, and not knowing what to do, a recruiting bill was put into his hand, which offered an immediate treat and bounty money to whoever was disposed to serve in America. He instantly repaired to the house of rendezvous, inlisted himself, was put on board a ship and conveyed to Ame rica, without ever writing to inform his parents what was become of him. His mental vivacity, and good natural disposition, made him an excellent companion ; but he was indolent, thoughtless, and to the last de gree imprudent. John, the Irishman, soon ran away. I began to live very agreeably with the rest. They respected me, and the more so as they found Kcimer incapabli DR. FRANKLIN. ^ c,f instructing them, and as they learned something from me every day. We never worked on a Satur day, it being Keimer s sabbath ; so that I had two days in a week for reading. I increased my acquaintance with persons of know ledge and information in the town. Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent esteem ; and I had nothing to give me uneasiness but my debt to Vernon, which I was unable to pay, my savings a3 yet being very little. He had the goodness, however, not to ask me for the money. Our press was frequently in want of the necessary quantity of letter ; and there was no such a trade as that of a letter-founder in America. I had seen the practice of this art at the house of James, in London ; but had at the same time paid it very little attention. I however contrived to fabricate a mould. I made use of such letters as we had for punches, founded new letters of lead in matrices of clay, and thus sup plied in a tolerable manner, the wants that were most pressing. I also, upon occasion, engraved various ornaments, made ink, gave an eye to the shop ; in short, I was in .every respect foe factotum. But useful as I made my self, I perceived that my services became every day of less importance, in proportion as the other men im proved ; and when Keimer paid me my second quar ter s wages, he gave me to understand that they were too heavy, and that he thought I ought to make a$ abatement. He became by degrees less civil, and assumed more ttj,e tone of master. He frequently found fault, was difficult to please, and seemed always on the point of coming to an open quarrel with me. I continued, however, to bear it patiently, conceiv ing that his ill humour was partly occasioned by the deranged and embarrassed state of his affairs. Atlasta, slight incident broke our connection. Hearing a noise in the neighbourhood, I put my head out of the wm 7 Y4 LIFE OF dow to see what was the matter. Keimer being in the steeet, observed me, and in a loud and angry tone told me to mind my work ; adding some reproachful words, which piqued me the more as they were utter ed in the street ; and the neighbours, whom the same noise had attracted to the windows, were witnesses of the manner in w r hich I was treated. He immediately came up to the printing-room, and continued to ex-r claim against me. The quarrel became warm on both sides, and he gave me notice to quit him at the expiration of three months, as had been agreed be tween us ; regretting that he was obliged to give me so long a term. I told him that his regret was super fluous, as I was ready to quit him instantly ; and I took my hat and came out of the house, begging Mcrideth to take care of some things which I left, and bring them to my lodging. Merideth came to me in the evening. We talked for some time upon the quarrel that had taken place. He had conceived a great veneration for me, and was sorry I should quit the house while he remained in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native coun try, as I began to think of doing. He reminded me that Keimer owed more than he possessed ; that his creditors began to be alarmed ; that he kept his shop in a wretched state, often selling things at prime cost for the sake of ready money, and continually giving; credit without keeping any accounts; that of conse quence he must very soon fail, which would occasion u vacancy from which I might derive advantage. I ob jected my want of money. Upon which he informed me that his father had a very high opinion of me, and, from a conversation that had passed between them, he would advance whatever might be necessary to estab lish us, if I was willing to enter into partnership with }iim. " My time with Keimer," added he, " will be at an end next spring. In the mean time we may to London for our press arid type?. I know that I DR. FRANKLIN. iiui no workman ; but if you agree to the proposal, your skill in the business will be balanced by the capi tal I will furnish, and we will share the profits equal ly." His proposal was reasonable, and I fell in with it, His father, who was then in the town, approved of it. He knew that I had some ascendancy over his son, as I had been able to prevail on him to abstain a long time from drinking brandy ; and he hoped that, when more closely connected with him, I should cure him entirely of this unfortunate habit. I gave the father a list of what would be necessary to import from London. He took it to a merchant, and the order was given. We agreed to keep the secret till the arrival of the materials, and I was in the mean time, to procure work if possible, in another printing-house ; but there was no place vacant, and I remained idle. After some days, Keimer having the expectation of being employed to print some New- Jersey money bills, that would require types and en gravings, which I only could furnish, and fearful that Bradford, by engaging me, might deprive him of the undertaking, sent me a very civil message telling me that old friends ought not to be disunited on account of a few words, which were the effect only of a momen tary passion, and inviting me to return to him. Meri- deth persuaded me to comply with the invitation, par ticularly as it would afford him more opportunities of improving himself in the business by means of my instructions. I did so, and we lived upon better terms than before our separation. He obtained the New- Jersey business ; and , in order to execute it, I constructed a copper-plate printing- press ; the first that had been seen in the country. I engraved various ornaments and vignettes for the bills, and we repaired to Burlington together, where I exe cuted the whole to the general satisfaction ; and he received a sum of money for this work which enabled Lli E OF to keep his head above water for a considerable time longer. At Burlington I formed acquaintance with the prin cipal personages of the province ; many of whom were commissioned by the assembly to superintend the press, and to see that no more bills were printed than the law prescribed. Accordingly they were constantly with us, each in his turn ; and he that came common ly brought with him a friend or two to bear him com pany. My mind was more cultivated by reading than Keimer s ; and it was for this reason, probably, that they set more value on my conversation. They took ine to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and treated me with the greatest civility ; while Keimer, though master, saw himself a little neglected. He was, in fact, a strange animal ; ignorant of the com-- inon modes of life, apt to oppose with rudeness, gene rally received opinions, an enthusiast in certain points ef religion, disgustingly unclean iji his person, and a fittle knavish withal. We remained there nearly three months ; and at the expiration of this period I could include in the list of my friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustil, secretary of the province, Isaac Pearon, Joseph Cooper, several of the Smiths, all members of the assembly, and Isaac Deacon, inspector general. The last was a shrewd and subtle old man. He told me, that when a boy, his first employment had been in carrying clay to brick- makers ; that he did not learn to write till he was some what advanced in life ; that he was afterwards em ployed as an underling to a surveyor, who taught him his trade, and that by industry he had at last acquired a competent fortune. " I foresee," said he one day tc me " that you will soon supplant this man," speaking of Keimer, " and get a fortune in the business at 1 ladelphia." He was totally ignorant at the time ot my intention of establishing myself there, or any where elac. These friends were very serviceable to me xt> DR. FRANKLIN. 77 the end, as was I also, upon occasion, to some of them ; and they have continued ever since their esteem for rne. Before I relate the particulars of my entrance into business, it may be proper to inform you what was at that time the state of my mind as to moral principles, that you may see the degree of influence they had up on the subsequent events of my life. My parents had given me betimes religious impres sions ; and I received from my infancy a pious educa tion in the principles of Calvinism. But scarcely was I arrived at fifteen years of age, when after having doubted in turn of different tenets, according as I found them combated in different books that I read, I began to doubt of revelation itself. Some volumes against deism fell into my hands. They were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle s Lecture. It happened that they produced on me an effect precisely the reverse of what was intended by the writers ; for the arguments of the deists which were cited in order to be refuted, appeared to me much more forcible than the refutation itself. In a word, I soon became a per fect deist. My arguments perverted some other young persons ; particularly Collins and Ralph But m the sequel, when I recollected that they had both used me extremely ill, without the smallest remorse- when I considered the behaviour of Keith, another freethinker, and my own conduct towards Vernon and Hiss Read, which at times gave me much uneasiness 1 was led to suspect that this doctrine, though itmight ^ true, was not very useful. I began to entertain a whlhTSS 2 pm , 10n f my London P am P hI *t, to of Dr den prefixed as a motto > the Allowing lines Whatever is, is right ; tho purblind man bees but part of the chain, the nearest link His eyes not carrying to the equal beam I hat poises all above. 7 * 7a LIFE OF find of which the object was to prove, from the attri butes of God, his goodness, wisdom, and power, that there could be no such thing as evil in the world ; that vice and virtue did not in reality exist, and were no thing more than vain distinctions. I no longer re garded it as so blameless a work as I had formerly im agined ; and I suspected that some error must have imperceptibly glided into my argument, as all the inferences I had drawn from it had been affected, as it frequently happens in metaphysical reasonings. In a word, 1 was at last convinced that truth, probity, and sincerity, in transactions between man and man, were of the utmost importance to the happiness of life ; and 1 resolved from that moment, and wrote the resolution in my journal, to practice them as long as I lived. Revelation indeed, as such, had no influence on my mind ; but I was of opinion that, though certain ac tions could not be bad merely because revelation pro hibited them, or good because it enjoined them, yet it was probable that those actions were prohibited be cause they were bad for us, or enjoined because ad vantageous in their nature, all things considered. This persuasion, divine providence, or some guardian an gel, and perhaps a concurrence of favorable circum stances co-operating, preserved me from all immorali ty, or gross and voluntary injustice, to which my want of religion was calculated to expose me, in the danger ous period of youth, and in the hazardous situations in which I sometimes found myself, among strangers, and at a distance from the eye and admonitions of my father. I may say -voluntary, because the errors into which I had fallen, had been in a manner, the forced result either of my own inexperience, or the dishon esty of others. Thus, before I entered on my new ca reer, I had imbibed solid principles, and a character of probity. I knew their value ; and I made a solemn engagement with myself never to depart from them. I had not long returned from Burlington before our DR. FRANKLIN. 79 printing materials arrived from London. \ settled my accounts with Keimer, and quitted him, with his own consent, before he had any knowledge of our plan. We found a house to let near the market. We took it ; and to render the rent less burthensome (it was then twenty-four pounds a year, but I have since known it let for seventy) we admitted Thomas God frey, a glazier, with his family, who eased us of a con siderable part of it ; and with him we agreed to board. We had no sooner unpacked our letter, and put our press in order, than a person of my acquaintance, George House, brought us a countryman, whom he had met in the streets inquiring for a printer. Our money was almost exhausted by the number of things we had been obliged to procure. The five shillings we received from this countryman, the first fruit of our earnings, coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any sum I have since gained; and the recollection of the gratitude I felt on this occasion to George House, has rendered me often more disposed, than perhaps I should otherwise have been, to encou rage young beginners in trade. There are in every country morose beings, who are always prognosticating ruin. There was one of this stamp in Philadelphia. He was a man of fortune, de clined in years, had an air of wisdom, and a very grave manner of speaking. His name was Samuel Mickle. I knew him not ; but he stopped one day at my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately open ed a new printing house. Upon my answering in the affirmative, he said that he was very sorry for me, as it v/as an expensive undertaking ; and the money that had been laid out upon it would be lost, Philadelphia being a place falling into decay ; its inhabitants having all, or nearly all of them, been obliged to call together their creditors. That he knew from undoubted fact, the circumstances which might lead us to suppose the contrary, such as new buildings, and the advanced CO LIFE OF price of rent, to be deceitful appeaHances, which in re ality contributed to hasten the general ruin ; and he gave me so long a detail of misfortunes, actually ex isting, or which were soon to take place, that he left me almost in a state of despair. Had I known this man before I entered into trade, I should doubtless never have ventured. He however continued to live in this place of decay, and to declaim in the same style, refusing for many years to buy a house, because all was going to wreck ! and in the end, I had the satis faction to see him pay five times as much for one as it would cost him had he purchased it when he first be gan his lamentations. I ought to have related that, during the autumn of the preceding year, I had united the majority of well- informed persons of my acquaintance into a club, which we called by the name of the Junto, and the ob ject of which was to improve oor understandings. We met every Friday evening. The regulations I drew up, obliged every member to propose in his turn, one or more questions upon some point of morality, poli tics, or philosophy, which were to be discussed by the society ; and to read, once in three months, an essay of his own composition, on whatever subject he pleas ed. Our debates were under the direction of a pre sident, and were to be dictated only by a sincere de sire of truth ; the pleasure of disputing, and the vanity of triumph having no share in the business ; and in order to prevent undue warmth, every expression which implied obstinate adherence to an opinion, and all direct contradiction, were prohibited, under small pecuniary penalties. The first members of our club were Joseph Breint nal, whose occupation was that of a scrivener. He was a middle-aged man, of a good natural disposition, strongly attached to his friends, a great lover of poetry , reading every thing that came in his way, and writing DR. FRANKLIN. tolerably well, ingenious in many little trifles, and of an agreeable conversation. Thomas Godfrey, a skilful, though self-taught ma thematician, and who was afterwards the inventor ot what now goes by the name of Hartley s dial ; but he had little knowledge out of his own line, and was in supportable in company, always requiring, like the majority of mathematicians that have fallen in my way, an unusual precision in every thing that is said, continually contradicting, or making trilling distinc tions ; a sure way of defeating all the ends of conver sation. He very soon left us. Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, and who became after wards surveyor-general, He was fond of books and wrote verses. William Parsons, brought up to the trade of a shoe maker, but who having a taste for reading, had ar - quired a profound knowledge of mathematics. He h rst studied them with a view to astrology, and was afterwards the first to laugh at his folly. He also be- came surveyor-general. William Mawgridge, a joiner, and very excellent mechanic ; and in other respects a man of solid un derstanding. Hugh Merideth, Stephen Potts, and George Webb, of whom I have already spoken. Robert Grace, a young man of fortune ; generous, animated and witty ; fond of epigrams, but more fond i>f his friends. And lastly, William Colernan, at that time a mer chant s clerk, and nearly of my own age. He had a cooler and clearer head, a better heart, and more scru pulous morals, than almost any other person I have ever met with. He became a very respectable mer chant, and one of our provincial jiulges. Our friend ship subsisted, without interruption, for more than forty years, till the period of his death : and the club <!Qntini.i**d to ^xi -t almost y long-. 32 LIFE OF This was the best school of politics and philosophy that then existed in the province ; for our questions, which we read a week previous to their discussion, in duced us to peruse attentively such books as were written upon the subjects proposed, that we might be able to speak upon them more pertinently* We thus acquired the habit of conversing more agreeably ; every object being discussed conformably to our regu lations, and in a manner to prevent mutual disgust. *To this circumstance may be attributed the long dura tion of the club ; which I shall have frequent occa sion to mention as I proceed. I have introduced it here, as being one of the means in which I had to count for success in my business ; overy member exerting himself to procure work for us. Breintnal, among others^ obtained for us, on the part of the Quakers, the printing of forty sheets of their history ; of which the rest was to be done by Keimer. Our execution of this work was by no means masterly ; as the price was very low. It was in folio, upon pro patria paper, and in the pica letter, with heavy notes in the smallest type. I composed a sheet a day, and Merideth put it to press. It was frequent ly eleven o clock at night, sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution for the next day s task ; for the little things which our friends occasionally sent us, kept us back in this work : but I was so determined to compose a sheet a day, ttiat one evening when my form was imposed, and my day s work, as I thought, at an end, an accident having broken this form, and deranged two complete folio pages, I immediately distributed, and composed them anew before I went to bed. This unwearied industry, which was perceived by our neighbours, began to acquire us reputation and credit. I learned, among other things, that our new printing-house being the subject of conversation at a club of merchants who met every evening, it was the DR. FRANKLIN. ^ general opinion it would fail ; there being already two printing-houses in the town, Keimer s and Bradford s. But Dr. Bard, whom you and I had occasion to see, many years after, at his native town of St. Andrews in Scotland was of a different opinion. " The industry of this Franklin (said he) is superior to any thing of the kind 1 have ever witnessed. I see him still at work when I return from the club at night, and he is at it again in the morning before his neighbours are out of bed." This account struck the rest of the as sembly, and shortly after one of its members came to our house, and offered to supply us with articles of stationary ; but we wished not as yet to embarrass ourselves with keeping a shop. It is not for the sake of applause that I enter so freely into the particulars of my industry, but that such of my descendants as shall read these memoirs may know the use of this virtue, by seeing in the recital of my life the effects it operated in my favour, George Webb, having found a friend who lent him the necessary sum to buy out his time of Keimer, came one day to offer himself to us as a journeyman. We could not employ him immediately ; but I foolish ly told him, under the rose, that I intended shortly to publish a new periodical paper, and that we should then have work for him. My hopes of success, which I imparted to him, were founded on the circumstance, that the only paper we had in Philadelphia at that time, and which Bradford printed, was a paltry thing, mise rably conducted, in no respect amusing, and which yet was profitable. I consequently supposed that a good work of this kind could not fail of success. Webb betrayed my secret to Keimer, who, to prevent me, immediately published the Prospectus of a paper that he intended to institute himself, and in which Webfo was to be engaged. i was exasperated at this proceeding, and, with a viow to counteract them, not being able at present to 4 LIFE OF jnstitute my own paper, I wrote some humorous in Bradford s under the title of the Busy Body ;* and which was continued for several months by Brciutnal. I hereby fixed the attention of the public upon Brad ford s paper ; and the prospectus of Keimer, which we turned into ridicule, was treated with contempt. He began, notwithstanding, his paper ; and after continu ing it for nine months, having at most not more than ninety subscribers, he offered it me for a mere trifle, I had for some time been ready for such an engage ment ; I therefore instantly took it upon myself, and in a few years it proved extremely profitable to me. I perceive that I am apt to speak in the first person, though our partnership still continued. It is, perhaps, because vin fact, the whole business devolved upon me. Merideth was no compositor, and but an indifferent Eressman ; and it was rarely that he abstained frorn ard drinking. My friends were sorry to see me con nected with him ; but I contrived to derive from it the utmost advantage the case admitted. Our first number produced no other effect than any other paper which had appeared in the province, as to type and printing ; but some remarks, inrny peculiar style of writing, upon the dispute which then prevailed between governor Burnet, and the Massachusetts as sembly, struck some persons as above mediocrity, caused the paper and its editors to be talked of, and in a few weeks induced them to become our subscribers. Many others followed their example ; and our sub scription continued to increase. This was one of the first good effects of the pains I had taken to learn to put my ideas on paper. I derived this farther ad vantage from it, that the leading men of the. place, sec- ing in the author of this publication a man so well * A manuscript note in the file of the American Mercury, preserved in the Philadelphia library, says, that Franklin .< rote the first five numbers, and part of the eighth,. DR. FRANKLIN. able to use his pen, thought it right to patronise and encourage me. The votes, laws, and other public pieces, were printed by Bradford. An address of the house of as sembly to the governor had been executed by him iiv a very coarse and incorrect manner. We reprinted it with accuracy and neatness, and sent a copy to eyery member. They perceived the difference ; and it so strengthened the influence of our friends in the as sembly, that we were nominated its printer for the following year. Among these friends I ought not to forget one mem ber in particular, Mr. Hamilton, whom I have men tioned in a former part of my narrative, and who was now returned from England. He warmly interested himself for me on this occasion, as he did likewise on many others, afterwards ; having continued his kind ness to me till his death. About this period, Mr. Vernon reminded me of the debt I owed him, but without pressing me for pay ment. I wrote him a handsome letter on the occa sion, begging him to wait a little longer, to which ae consented ; and as soon as 1 was able I paid him, prin cipal and interest, with many expressions of grati tude ; so that this error in my life was in a manner atoned for. But another trouble now happened to me, which I had not the smallest reason to expect. Merideth s fa ther, who, according to our agreement, was to defray the whole expense of our printing materials, had only paid one hundred pounds. Another hundred was still due, and the merchant being tired of waiting, com menced a suit against us. We bailed the action, but with the melancholy prospect, that, if the money was not forthcoming at the time fixed, the affair would come to issue, judgment be put in execution, our de lightful hopes be annihilated, and ourselves entirely 8 S3 LIFE OF ruined : as the types and press must be sold, perhaps at half their value, to pay the debt. In this distress, two real friends, whose generous conduct I have never forgotten, and never shall forget while I retain the remembrance of any thing, came to me separately, without the knowledge of each other, and without my having applied to them. Each offer ed to me whatever sum might be necessary, to take the business into my own hands, if the thing was prac ticable, as they did not like I should continue in part nership with Merideth, who, they s;u d, was frequently seen drunk in the streets, and gambling at ale-houses, which very much injured our credit. These friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them that while there remained any probability that the Merideths would ful% their part of the compact, I could not propose a separation ; as I conceived my self to be under obligations to them for what they had done already, and were still disposed to do if they had the power :" but in the end should they fail in their engagement, and our partnership be dissolved, 1 -should then think myself at liberty to accept the kind- ness of my friends. Things remained for some time m this state. last I safd one day to my partner, Your father is per, haps dissatisfied with your having a share only m tl: business, and is unwilling to do for two what he woul do for you alone. Tell me frankly if that be the case un d 1 will resign the whole to you, and do ior myself as well as 1 can "-" No (said he) my father has really been disappointed in his hopes ; he is not able fr and I wish to put him to no further mconvemence.-- I see that I am not at all calculated for a printer ; I as a fanner, and it was absurd in me to DR. FRANKLIN. 87 resume my former occupation. You will doubt less find friends that will assist you. If you will take upon yourself the debts of the partnership, return my father the hundred pounds he has advanced, pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and u new saddle, I will renounce the partnership, and con sign over the whole stock to you." I accepted this proposal without hesitation. It was committed to paper, and signed and sealed without de lay. I gave him what he demanded and he departed soon after for Carolina, from whence he sent me, in the following year, two long letters, containing the best accounts that had yet been given of that country, as to climate, soil, agriculture, &c. for he was well versed in these matters. I published them in my newspaper, and they were r^eived with great satis faction. As soon as he was gone I applied to my two friend:?, and not wishing to give a disobliging preference to either of them, I accepted from each half what he had offered me, and which it was necessary I should have. I paid the partnership debts, and continued the business on my own account ; taking care to inform the public by advertisement, of the partnership being dissolved, -Tins was, I think, in the year 1729, or thereabout. .Nearly at the same period the people demanded a new emission of paper money ; the existing and only one that had taken place in the province, which amount- ed to fifteen thousand pound, being soon to expire. The wealthy inhabitants, prejudiced against every t of paper currency, from the fear of its deprecia tion, of which there had been an instance in the pro- vmce of New-England, to the injury of its holders, strongly opposed the measure. We had discussed this afi ir m our junto, in which I was on the side of the new emission ; convinced that the first small sum f a - tjmc ted in 1723, had done much good in the province, avouring commerce, industry and population, since 88 LIFE OF all the houses were now inhabited, and many ether*- building ; whereas I remembered to have seen, when first I paraded the streets of Philadelphia eating my roll, the majority of those in Walnut-street, Second- street, Fourth-street, as well as a great number in Chesnut and other streets, with papers on them signi fying that they were to be let ; which made me think at the time that the inhabitants of the town were de serting it one after another. Our debates made me so fully master of the subject, that I wrote and published an anonymous pamphlet, entitled An Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency. It was very well received by the lower and middling class of people ; but it displeased the opulent, as it increased the clamour in favour of the new emission. Having, however, no writer among them capable of answering it, their opposition became less violent ; and there being in the house of assembly a majority for the measure, it passed. The friends 1 had acquired in the house, persuaded that I had done the country essential service on this occasion, reward- ed me by giving me the printing of the bills. It was a lucrative employment, and proveci a very seasonable help to me ; another advantage which I derived from having habituated myself to write. Time and experience so fully demonstrated the util ity of paper currency, that it never after experienced any considerable opposition ; so that it soon amounted to 55,OOOJ. and in the year 1739 to 80,000/. It has since risen, during the last war, to 350,000/. trade, buildings and population having in the interval co linually increased ; but I am now convinced that the** are limits beyond which paper money would be pre judicial. f . 1 I soon after obtained, by the influence of my Hamilton, the printing of the -Newcastle paper money, another profitable work, as I then thought it, kttl things appearing great to persons of moderate fortune ; DR. FRANKLIN: no and they were really gre.it to me, as proving great en couragements. He also procured me the printing of the laws and votes of that government which I retain ed as long as I continued in the business. I now opened a small stationer s shop. I kept bonds and agreements of all kinds, drawn up in a more ac curate form than had yet been seen in that p >rt of the world ; a work in which I was assisted by my friend Brientnal. I had also paper, parchment, pasteboard, books, &c. One Whitemash, an excellent composi tor, whom I had known in London, came to offer him self. I engaged him, and he continued constantly and diligently to work with me. I also took an appren tice, the son of Aquila Rose. I began to pay, by degrees, the debt I had contract ed ; and in order to insure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be really indus trious and frugal, but also to avoid every appearance of the contrary. I was plainly dressed, and never seen in any place of public amusement. I never went a fishing nor hunting : A book indeed enticed me some times from my work, but it was seldom, by stealth, and occasioned no scandal ; and to show that I did not think myself above my profession, I conveyed home sometimes on a wheelbarrow the paper I purchased at the warehouses. I thus obtained the reputation of being an industrious young man, and very punctual in his payments?. The merchants who imported articles of stationary solicited my custom ; others offered to furnish me with books, and my little trade went on prosperously. . Meanwhile the credit and business of Keimer dimin ished every day, he was at last forced to sell his stock to satisfy his creditors ; and he betook himself to Bar- badoes, where he lived for some time in a very im poverished state. His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I worked with Keimer, huving bought his materials, succeeded him in the busioess, 8 * 90 LIFE OF I was apprehensive, at first, of finding in Harry a pow erful competitor, as he was allied to an opulent and respectable family ; I therefore proposed a partner ship, which, happily for me, he rejected with disdain. He was extremely proud, thought himself a fine gen tleman, lived extravagantly, and pursued amusements which suffered him to be scarcely ever at home ; of consequence he became in debt, neglected his busi ness, and business neglected him. Finding in a short time nothing to do in the country, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, carrying his printing materials w r ith him. There the apprentice employed his old master as a journeyman. They were continually quarrelling ; and Harry still getting in debt, was obliged at last to sell his press and types, and return to his old occupation of husbandry in Pennsylvania. The person who pur chased them employed Keimer to manage the busi ness, but he died a few years after. I had now at Philadelphia no competitor but Brad ford, who, being in easy circumstances, did not engage in the printing of books, except now and then as workmen chanced to offer themselves ; and was not anxious to extend his trade. He had, however, one advantage over me, as he had the direction of the post- office, and was of consequence supposed to have bet ter opportunities of obtaining news. His paper was also supposed to be more advantageous to advertising customers ; and in consequence of that supposition, his advertisements were much more numerous than mine : this was a source of great profit to him, and disadvan tageous to me. Jt was to no purpose that I really procured other papers, and distributed my own, by means of the post ; the publick took for granted my inability in this respect ; and I was indeed unable to conquer it in any other mode than by bribing the post boys, who served me only by stealth, Bradford being *o illiberal as to forbid them. This treatment of his excited my resentment ; and my disgust was so root- DR. FRANKLIN. 31 ed, that, when I afterwards succeeded him in the post* office, I took care to avoid copying his example. I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey, who with his wife and children, occupied part of my house, and half of the shop for his business ; at which indeed he worked very little, being always absorbed by math ematics. JVlrs. Godfrey formed a wish of marrying me to the daughter of one of her relations. She contrived various opportunities of bringing us together, till she saw that I was captivated ; which was not difficult, the lady in question possessing great personal merit. The parents encouraged my addresses, by inviting me con tinually to supper, and leaving us together, till at last it was time to come to an explanation. Mrs. Godfrey undertook to negociate our little treaty. I gave her to understand, that I expected to receive with the young lady a sum of money that would enable me at least to discharge the remainder of my debt for my printing materials. It was then, I believe, not more than a hundred pounds. She brought me for answer, that they had no such sum at their disposal. I observ ed that it might easily be obtained, by a mortgage on their house. The reply of this was, after a few days interval, that they did not approve of the match ; that they had consulted Bradford, and found that the busi ness of a printer was not lucrative ; that my letters would soon be worn out, and must be supplied by new ones ; that Keimer and Harry had failed, and that, probably, I should do so too. Accordingly they for bade me the house, and the young lady was confined. I know not if they had really changed their minds, or if it was merely an artifice, supposing our affections to be too far engaged for us to desist, and that we should contrive to marry secrectly, which would leave them at liberty to give or not as they pleased. But, sus pecting this motive, I never went again to their house. Some time after Mrs. Godfrey informed me that they were favourably disposed towards me, and wished n LIFE OF me to renew the acquaintance ; but I declared a firm resolution never to have any thing more to do with the family. The Godfreys expressed some resentment at this ; and as we could no longer agree, they chang ed their residence, leaving me in possession of the whole, house. I then resolved to take no more lodgers. This affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I looked around me, and made overtures of alliance in other quarters ; but I soon found that the profession of a printer being generally looked upon as a poor trade, I could expect no money with a wife, at least if I wished her to possess any other charm. Mean while, that passion of youth, so difficult to govern, had often drawn me into intrigues with despicable women who fell in my way ; which were not unaccompanied with expense and inconvenience, besides the perpet ual risk of injuring my health, and catching a disease which I dreaded above all things. But I was fortu nate enough to escape this danger. As a neighbour and old acquaintance, I kept up a friendly intimacy with the family of Miss Read. Her parents had retained an affection for me from the time of my lodging in their house. I was often invited thither ; they consulted me about their affairs, and I had been sometimes serviceable to them. I was touched with the unhappy situation of their daughter, who was almost always melancholy, and continually seeking solitude. I regarded myforgetfulness and in constancy, during my abode in London, as the princi pal cause of her misfortune ; though her mother had the candour to attribute the fault to herself, rather than to me, because, after having prevented our mar riage previous to my departure, she had induced her to marry another in my absence. Our mutual affection revived ; but there existed great obstacles to our union. Her marriage was con sidered indeed, as not being valid, the man having, it was said, a former wife still living in England ; but c DR. FRANKLIN $.; this it was difficult to obtain a proof at so great a dis- rance ; and though a report prevailed of his being dead, yet we had no certainty of it ; and supposing it to be true, he had left many debts, for the payment of which his successor might be sued. We ventured, nevertheless, in spite of all these difficulties, and I married her on the 1st of September, 1730. None of the inconveniences we had feared happened to us. She proved to me a good and faithful companion, and contributed essentially to the success of my shop. We prospered together, and it was our mutual study to render each other happy. Thus I corrected, as well as I could, this great error of my youth. Our club was not at that time established at a ta vern. W T e held our meetings at the house of Mr. Grace, who appropriated a room to the purpose. Some members observed one day, that as our books were frequently quoted in the course of our discuss ions, it would be convenient to have them collected in the room in which we assembled, in order to be con sulted upon occasion ; and that, by thus forming a common library of our individual collections, each would have the advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would nearly be the same as it he possessed them himself. The idea was approved., and we accordingly brought such books as we thought we could spare, which were placed at the end of the club-room. They amounted not to so many as we ex pected ; and though we made considerable use of them, yet some inconveniences resulting, from want of care, it was agreed, after about a year, to destroy the col lection ; and each took away such books as belonged to him. It was now that I first started the idea of establishing by subscription, a public library. I drew up the pro posals, had them ingrossed in form by Brockden the attorney, and my project succeeded, as will be seei. ?n the sequel **#*#** *;>..* 94 LIFE F [The life of Dr. Franklin, as written by himself, so &i as i^ has yet been communicated to the world, breaks off in this place. We have no hesitation in supposing- that eve ry reader will find himself greatly interested by the frank simplicity and the philosophical discernment by which these pages are so eminently characterized. We have there fore thought proper, in order as much as possible to relieve his regret, to subjoin the following 1 continuation, by one of the doctor s intimate friends, Dr. Stubcr,* of Philadelphia.] CONTINUATION OF FRANKLIN S LIFE. BY DR. STUBER. THE promotion of literature had been little attend ed to in Pennsylvania. Most of the inhabitants were too much immersed in business to think of scien- * Dr. Stuber was born in Philadelphia, of German parents- He was sent, at an early age, to the university, where his ge nius, diligence, and amiable temper soon acquired him the particular notice and favor of those under whose immediate direction he was placed. After passing through the common course of study, in a much shorter time than usual, he left the university, at the age of sixteen, with great reputation. Not long after, he entered on the study of physic ; and tho zeal with which he pursued it, and the advances he made, gave his friends reason to form the most flattering prospects of his future eminence and usefulness in the profession. As Dr. Stuber s circumstances were very moderate, be d?d not think his pursuit well calculated to answer them. He there fore relinquished it, after he had obtained a degree in the pro fession, and qualified himself to practice with credit and suc cess : and immediately entered on the study of Law. In pur suit of the last-mentioned object, he was prematurely arrest ed, before he had an opportunity of reaping the fruits of those talents with which he was endowed, and of a youth spent in the ardent and successful pursuit of useful and elegant litera ture Ml. FRANKLIN. .5 tine pursuits ; and those few, whose inclinations led them to study, found it difficult to gratify them, from the want of sufficiently large libraries. In such cir cumstances, the establishment of a public library was an important event. This was first set on foot by Franklin, about the year 1731. Fifty persons sub scribed forty shillings each, and agreed to pay ten shillings annually. The number increased ; and in 1742, the company was incorporated by the name of " The Library Company of Philadelphia." Several other companies were formed in this city in imitation of it. These were all at length united with the library company of Philadelphia, which thus received a con siderable accession of books and property. It now contains about 8,000 volumes* on all subjects, a phi losophical apparatus, and a good beginning towards a collection of natural and artificial curiosities, besides landed property of considerable value. The com pany have an elegnnt library-house, corner of Fifth and Liberty streets, in front of which is a marble statue of its founder, Dr. Franklin. This institution was greatly encouraged by the friends of literature in America and in Great-Britain. The Penn family distinguished themselves by their donations. Among the earliest friends of this institu tion must be mentioned the late Peter Collinson, the friend and correspondent of Dr. Franklin. He not only made considerable presents himself, and obtained others from his friends, but voluntarily undertook to manage the business of the company in London, re commending books, purchasing and shipping them. Uis extensive knowledge, and zeal for the promotion of science, enabled him to execute this important trust with the greatest advantage. He continued to perform these services for more than thirty years, and uniform ly refused to accept of any compensation. During this time, he communicated to the directors every in- * In 1817, it was more than 12 t OOO volume?. Pub, VO LIFE OF formation relative-lo improvements and discovers ihe arts, agriculture, and philosophy. The beneficial influence of this institution was soon evident. The cheapness of terms rendered it accessi ble to every one. Its advantages were not confined to the opulent. The citizens in the middle and lower walks of life were equally partakers of them. Hence a degree of information was extended amongst all classes of people, which is very unusual in other places. The example was soon followed. Libraries were established in various places, and they are now become very numerous in the United States, and par ticularly in Pennsylvania. It is to be hoped that they will be still more widely extended, and that informa tion will be every where increased. This will be the best security for maintaining our liberties. A nation of well-informed men, who have been taught to know and prize the rights which God had given them cannot be enslaved. It is in the regions of ignorance that tyranny reigns. It flies before the light of science. Let the citizens of America, then, encourage institu tions calculated to diffuse knowledge amongst the peo ple ; and amongst these, public libraries are not the Jeast important. In 1 732, Franklin began to publish poor Richard s Almanack. This was remarkable for the numerous and valuable concise maxims which it contained, all tending to exhort to industry and frugality. It was continued for many years. In the almanack for the last vear, all the maxims were collected in an address to the reader, entitled, The Way to Wealth, has been translated in various languages, and inserted in different publications. It has also been printed on a large sheet, and may be seen in many houses in Phi ladelphia. This address contains, perhaps the best practical system of ceconomy that ever has appeared. It is written in a manner intelligible to every one, and which cannot fail of convincing every reader of the DR. FRANKLIX. ? iusiicc and propriety of the remarks and advice which it contains. The demand for this almanack was so great, that ten thousand have been sold in one year ; which must be considered as a very large number, es pecially when we reflect, that this country was, at that time, but thinly peopled. It cannot be doubted that the salutary maxims contained in these almanacks must have made a favourable impression upon many of the readers of them. It was not long before Franklin entered upon his political career. In the year 1736 he was appointed clerk to the general assembly of Pennsylvania ; and was re-elected by succeeding assemblies for several years, until he was chosen a representative for the city of Philadelphia, Bradford was possessed of some advantages over Franklin, by being post-master, thereby having an op portunity of circulating his paper more extensively, and thus rendering it a better vehicle for advertise ments, &c. Franklin, in his turn, enjoyed these ad vantages, by being appointed post-master of Philadel phia in 1737. Bradford, while in office, had acted ungenerously towards Franklin, preventing as much as possible the circulation of his paper, He had now an opportunity of retaliating ; but his nobleness of soul prevented him from making use of it. The police of Philadelphia had early appointed watchmen, whose duty it was to guard the citizens against the midnight robber, and to give an immediate alarm in case of fire. This duty is, perhaps, one of the most important that can be committed to any set of men. The regulations, however, were not suffi ciently strict. Franklin saw the dangers arising from this cause, and suggested an alteration, so as to oblige the guardians of the night to be more watchful over the lives and property of the citizens. The propriety of this was immediately perceived, and a reform was effected, 9 93 LIFE OF There is nothing more dangerous to growing cities til an fires. Other causes operate slowly, and almost, imperceptibly ; but these in a moment render abortive the labours of ages. On this account there should be, in all cities, ample provisions to prevent fires from spreading. Franklin early saw the necessity of these ; and, about the year 1738, formed the first fire company in this city. This example was soon followed by others ; and there are now numerous fire companies in this city and liberties. To these may be attributed in a great degree the activity of extinguishing fires, for which the citizens of Philadelphia are distinguish ed, and the inconsiderable damage which this city has sustained from this cause. Some time after, Franklin suggested the plan of an association for insuring houses from losses by fire, which was adopted ; and the asso ciation continues to this day. The advantages expe rienced from it have been great. From the first establishment of Pennsylvania a spi rit of dispute appears to have prevailed amongst its in habitants. During the life time of William Penn, the constitution had been three times altered. After this period, the History of Pennsylvania is little else than a recital of the quarrels between the proprietaries, or their governors, and the assembly. The proprietaries contended for the right of exempting their land from taxes ; to which the assembly would by no means con sent. This subject of dispute interfered in almost every question, and prevented the most salutary laws from being enacted. This at times subjected the peo ple to great inconveniences. In the year 1744, during a war between France and Great Britain, some French and Indians had made inroads upon the frontier inhabi tants of the province, who were unprovided for such an attack. It became necessary that the citizens should arm for their defence. Governor Thomas re commended to the assembly, who were then sitting, to pass a militia law. To this they would agree only DR. FRANKLIN. W \ipon condition that he should give his assent to certaiy laws, which appeared to them calculated to promote the interest of the people. As he thought these laws would be injurious to the proprietaries, he refused his assent to them ; and the assembly broke up without passing a militia law. The situation of the province was at this time truly alarming : exposed to the con tinual inroads of an enemy, and destitute of every means of defence. At this crisis Franklin stepped forth, and proposed to a meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, a plan of a voluntary association for the defence of the province. This was approved of, and signed by twelve hundred persons immediately. Copies of it were circulated throughout the pro vince, and in a short time the number of signers amount ed to ten thousand. Franklin was chosen colonel of the Philadelphia regiment, but he did not think proper to accept of the honor. Pursuits of a different nature now occupied the greatest part of his attention for some years. He en gaged in a course of electrical experiments, with all the ardor and thirst for discovery which characterized the philosophers of that day. Of all the branches of experimental philosophy, electricity had been least explored. The attractive power of amber is men tioned by Theophrastus and Pliny, and, from them, by later naturalists. In the year 1600, Gilbert, an English physician, enlarged considerably the catalogue of substances which have the property of attracting light bodies. Boyle, Otto Guericke, a burgomaster of Magdeburg, celebrated as the inventor of the air- pump, Dr. Wall, and Sir Isaac Newton added some facts. Guericke first observed the repulsive power of electricity, and the light and noise produced by it. In 1709, Hawkesbec communicated some important observations and experiments to the world. For sev eral years electricity was entirely neglected, until Mr. Gray applied himself to it, in 1728, with great assi- WH* LIFE OF duity. He, and his friend Mr. Wheeler, made a great variety of experiments ; in which they demonstrated, that electricity may be communicated from one hody to another, even without being in contact, and in this way may be conducted to a great distance. Mr. Gray afterwards found, that, by suspending rofls of iron by silk or hair line*, and bringing an excited tube under them, sparks might be drawn, and a light perceived at the extremities in the dark. M. Du Faye, inten- dant of the French King s gardens, made a number of experiments, which added not a little to the science. He made the discovery of two kinds of electricity, which he called vitreous and resinous ; the former pro duced by rubbing glass, the latter from excited sul phur, sealing-wax, &c. But this idea he afterwards gave up as erroneous. Between the years 1739 and 3742, Defaguliers -made a number of experiments, but added little of importance. He first used the terms conductors and electrics, per sc. In 1 742, seve ral ingenious Germans engaged in the subject. Of these the principal were, professor Boze of Wittem- bergh, professor Winkler of Leipsic, Gordon, a Scotch Benedictine monk, professor of philosophy at Erfurt, and Dr. Ludolf of Berlin. The result of their re searches astonished the philosophers of Europe. Their apparatus was large, and by means of it they were enabled to collect large quantities of electricity, and thus to produce phenomena which had been hith erto unobserved. They killed small birds, and set spirits on fire. Their experiments excited the curi osity of other philosophers. Collinson, about the year 1745, sent to the library company of Philadelphia an account of these experiments, together with a tube, and directions how to use it. Franklin, with some of his friends, immediately engaged in a course of ex periments ; the result of which is well known. He was enabled to make a number of importnnt discove ries, and to propose theories to account for variou- DR. FRANKLIN. 101 phenomena ; which have been universally adopted, and which bid fair to endure for ages. His observa tions he communicated, in a series of letters, to his friend Collinson ; the first of which is dated March 28, 1747. In these he makes known the power of points in drawing and throwing off the electrical mat ter, which had hitherto escaped the notice & electri cians. He also made the grand discovery of a plus and minus, or of a positive and negative state of electri city. We gave him the honor of this, without hesita tion, although the English have claimed it for their countryman, Dr. Watson. Watson s paper is dated January 21, 1748 ; Franklin s July 11, 1747; several months prior. Shortly after, Franklin, from his prin ciples of plus and minus state, explained, in a satisfac tory manner, the phenomena of the Leyden phial, first observed by Mr. Cuneus, or by professor Mus- chenbroeck of Leyden, which had much perplexed philosophers. He shewed clearly that the bottle, when charged, contained no more electricity than be fore, but that as much was taken from the one side as was thrown on the other ; and that, to discharge it, nothing was necessary but to make a communication between the two sides, by which the equilibrium might be restored, and that then no signs of electricity would remain. He afterwards demonstrated, by experi ments, that the electricity did not reside in the coat ing, as had been supposed, but in the pores of the glass itself. After a phial was charged, he removed the coating, and found that upon applying a new coat ing the shock might still be received. In the year 1749, he first suggested his idea of explaining the phenomena of thunder gusts, and of the aurora bore- alis, upon electrical principles. He points out many particulars in which lightning and electricity agree ; and he adduces many facts, and reasoning from facts, in support of his positions. In the same year he con ceived the astonishingly bold and grand idea of ascer- 9 * 102 LIFE OF taining the truth of his doctrine, by actually drawing down the forked lightning, by means of sharp pointed iron rods raised into the region of the clouds. Even in this uncertain state, his passion to be useful to man kind displays itself in a powerful manner. Admitting the identity of electricity and lightning, and knowing the power of points in repelling bodies charged with electricity, and in conducting their fire silently and imperceptibly, he suggests the idea of securing houses, ships, &LC. from being damaged by lightning, by erect ing pointed iron rods, which should rise some feet above the most elevated part, and descend some feet into the ground or the water. The effect of these, he concluded, would be either to prevent a stroke by re pelling the cloud beyond the striking distance, or by drawing off the electrical fire which it contained ; or, if they could not effect this, they would at least con duct the stroke to the earth, without any injury to the building. It was not until the summer of 1752, that he. was enabled to complete his grand and unparalleled dis covery by experiment. The plan which he had originally proposed, was, to erect on some high tower, or other elevated place, a centry box, from which should rise a pointed iron rod, insulated by being fixed in a cake of resin. Electrified clouds passing over this, would, he conceived, impart to it aportion of their electricity, which would be rendered evident to the senses by sparks being emitted, when a key, a knuckle, or other conductor, was presented to it. Philadelphia at this time afforded no opportunity of trying an ex periment of this kind. Whilst Franklin was waiting for the erection of a spire, it occurred to him, that he might have more ready access to the region of clouds by means of a common kite. He prepared one by at taching two cross sticks to a silk handkerchief, which would not suffer so much from the rain as paper, his upright stick was affixed an iron point. The string DR, FRANKLIN. 103 was, as usual, of hemp, except the lower end, which was silk. Where the hempen string terminated, a key was fastened. With this apparatus, on the ap pearance of a thunder-gust approaching, he went into the commons, accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicated his intentions, well knowing the ridicule which, too generally for the interest of science, awaits unsuccessful experiments in philosophy. He placed himself under a shed to avoid the rain. His kite was raised. A thunder cloud passed over it. No signs of electricity appeared. He almost despaired of success ; when suddenly he observed the loose fibres of his string to move towards an erect position. He now presented his knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. How exquisite must his sensations have been at this moment ! On this experiment depended the fate of his theory. If he succeeded, his name would rank high amongst those who have improved science ; if he failed, he must inevitably be subjected to the derision of mankind, or, what is worse, their pity, as a well-meaning man, but a weak silly projec tor. The anxiety with which he looked for the result of his experiment, may easily be conceived. Doubts and despair had begun to prevail, when the fact was ascertained in so clear a manner, that even the most incredulous could no longer withhold their assent. Repeated sparks were drawn from the key, a phial was charged, a shock given, and all the experiments made, which are usually performed with electricity. About a month before this period, some ingenious Frenchmen had completed the discovery, in the man ner originally proposed by Dr. Franklin. The letters which he sent to Mr. Collinson, it is said, were refu sed a place amongst the papers of the Royal Society of London. However this may be, Collinson publish ed them in a separate volume, under the title of New Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia, in America. They were read with avi- W4 LIFE OF dity, and soon translated into different languages. A ?ery incorrect French translation fell into the hands of the celebrated Buffon, who notwithstanding the dis advantages under which the work labored, was much pleased with it, and repeated the experiments with success. He prevailed upon his friend, M. D Alibard, to give his countrymen a more correct translation of the work of the American electrician. This contribu ted much towards spreading a knowledge of Franklin s principles in France. The King, Louis XV. hearing of these experiments, expressed^ a wish to be a spec tator of them. A course of experiments was given at the seat of the Due D Aven, at St. Germain, by M. De Lor. The applauses which the king bestowed upon Franklin, excited in Buffon, D Alibard, and De Lor, an earnest desire of ascertaining the truth of his theory of thunder-gusts. Buffon erected his appara tus on the tower of Montbar, M. D Alibard at Mary- la- ville, and De Lor at his house in the Etr apade at Paris, some of the highest ground in that capital. D Alibard s machine first shewed signs of electricity. On the 10th of May, 1752, a thunder-cloud passed over it, in the absence of M. D Alibard, and a num ber of sparks were drawn from it by Coiffier, a joiner, with whom D Alibard had left directions how to pro ceed, and by M. Raulet, the prior of Mary-la- ville. An account of this experiment was given to the Royal Academy of Sciences, in a memoir by M. D Alibard, dated May 13th, 1752. On the 18th of May, M. De Lor proved equally successful with the apparatus erected at his own house. These discoveries soon excited the philosophers of other parts of Europe to repeat the experiment. Amongst, these none signal ized themselves more than Father Beccaria of Turin, to whose observations science is much indebted, Even the cold regions of Russia were penetrated by the ardor for discovery. Professor Richman bade fair to add much to the stock of knowledge on this subject, DR. FRANKLIN. 105 when aft unfortunate flash from his rod put a period to his existence. The friends of science will long re member with regret the amiable martyr to electri city. By these experiments Franklin s theory was estab lished in the most firm manner. When the truth of it could no longer be doubted, the vanity of men en deavored to detract from its merit. That an Ameri can, an inhabitant of the obscure city of Philadelphia, the name of which was hardly known, should be able to make discoveries, and to frame theories, which had escaped the notice of the enlightened philosophers of Europe, was too mortifying to be admitted. He must certainly have taken the idea from somebody else. An American, a being of inferior order, make discov eries ! Impossible. It was said, that the Abbe Nollet, in 1748, had suggested the idea of the similarity of lightning and electricity, in his Lecons de Physique. It is true, that the Abbe mentions the idea, but he throws it out as a bare conjecture, and proposes no mode of ascertaining the truth of it. He himself ac knowledges, that Franklin first entertained the bold thought of bringing lightning from the heavens, by means of pointed rods fixed in the air. The similar ity of electricity and lightning is so strong, that we need not be surprised at notice being taken of it, as soon as electrical phenomena became familiar. We find it mentioned by Dr. Wall and Mr. Gray, while the science was in its infancy. But the honor of form ing a regular theory of thunder-gusts, of suggesting a mode of determining the truth of it by experiments, and of putting these experiments in practice, and thus establishing his theory upon a firm and solid basis, is incontestibly due to Franklin. D Alibard, who made the experiments in France, says, that he only follow- ed the track which Franklin had pointed out. It has been of late asserted, that the honor of com pleting the experiment with the electrical kite, does iOC LIFE OF n ot belong to Franklin. Some late English paragraphs have attributed it to some Frenchman, whose name they do not mention ; and the Abbe Bertholon gives it to M. De Romas, assessor to the presideal of Ne- rac ; the English paragraphs probably refer to the same person. But a very slight attention will con vince us of the injustice of this procedure ; Dr. Frank lin s experiment was made in June 1 752 ; and his let ter, giving an account of it, is dated October 19, 1752, M. De Romas made his first attempt on the 14th of May 1753, but was not successful until the 7th of June ; a year after Franklin had completed the dis covery, and when it was known to all the philosophers in Europe. Besides these great principles, Franklin s letters on electricity contain a number of facts and hints, which have contributed greatly, to wards reducing this branch of knowledge to a science. His friend, Mr. Kinner- sley, communicated to him a discovery of the different kinds of electricity excited by rubbing glass and sul phur. This, we have said, was first observed by M. Du Faye ; but it was for many years neglected. The philosophers were disposed to account for the phenom ena, rather from a difference in the quantity of eletcri- city collected ; and even Du Faye himself seems at last to have adopted this doctrine. Franklin at first entertained the same idea ; but upon repeating the experiments, he perceived that Mr. Kinnersley was right ; and that the vitreous and resinous electricity of Du Faye were nothing more than the positive and neg- itive states which he had before observed ; that the glass globe charged positively, or increased the quan tity of electricity on the prime conductor, whilst the globe of sulphur diminished its natural quantity, or charged negatively. These experiments and obser vations opened a new field for investigation, upon which electricians entered with avidity ; and their la bours havp added much to the stock of our knowledge. DR. FRANKLIN. 1(W la September, 1752, Franklin entered upon a course, of experiments, to determine the state of electricity in the clouds. From a number of experiments lie form ed this conclusion: "that the clouds of a thunder- gust are most commonly in a negative state of electri city, but sometimes in a positive st;ite ;" and from this it follows, as a necessary consequence, "that, for the most part, in thunder-strokes, it is the earth that strikes into the clouds, and not the clouds that strike into the earth." The letter containing these observa tions is dated in September, 1753; and yet the discov ery of ascending thunder has been said to be of a mod ern date, and has been attributed to the Abbe Bartho- lon, who published his memoir on the subject in 1776. Franklin s letters have been translated into mosl of the European languages, and into Latin. In propor tion as they have become known, his principles have been adopted. Some opposition was made to his theories, particularly by the Abbe Nollet, who was, however, but feebly supported ; whilst the first philo sophers of Europe stepped forth in defence of Frank lin s principles ; among whom D Alibard and Becca- ria were the most distinguished. The opposition has gradually ceased, and the Franklini;m system is now universally adopted, where science flourishes. The important practical use which Franklin made of his discoveries, the securing of houses from injury by lightning, has been already mentioned. Pointed conductors are now very common in America ; but prejudice has hitherto prevented their general intro duction into Europe, notwithstanding the most un doubted proofs of their utility have been given. But mankind can with difficulty be brought to lay aside established practices, or to adopt new ones. And perhaps we have more reason to be surprised that a practice, however rational, which was proposed about forty years ago should in that time have been adopted in so many places, than that it has not universally pre- 103 LIFE OF vailed. It is only by degrees {hat the great bedy of mankind can be led into new practices, however salu tary their tendency. It is new nearly eighty years since inoculation was introduced into Europe and America ; and it is so far from being general at pre sent, that it will, perhaps, require one or two centuries to render it so. In the year 1745, Franklin published an account of his new invented Pennsylvania fire places, in which he minutely and accurately states the advantages and disadvantages of different kinds of fire-places ; and endeavors to shew that the one wkich he describes is to be preferred to any other. This contrivance has given rise to the open stoves now in general use ; which however differ from it in construction, particu larly in not having an air-box at the back, through which a constant supply of air, warmed in its passage, is thrown into the room. The advantages of this are, that as a stream of warm air is continually flowing into the room, less fuel is necessary to preserve a proper temperature, and the room may be so tightened as that no air may enter through cracks ; the consequen ces of which are colds, tooth-aches, &c. Although philosophy was a principal object of Franklin s pursuit for several years, he confined him self not to this. In the year 1 747, he became a mem ber of the general assembly of Pennsylvania, as a burgess for tiie city of Philadelphia. Warm disputes at this time subsisted between the assembly and the proprietaries ; each contending for what they conceiv ed to be their just rights. Franklin, a friend to the rights of man from his infancy, soon distinguished himself as a steady opponent of the unjust schemes of the proprietaries. He was soon looked up to as the head of the opposition ; and to him have been attribu te d many of the spirited replies of the assembly, to the messages of the governors. His influence in the body was very great. This arose not from any supe- DR. FRANKLIN. 109 nor powers of eloquence ; he spoke but seldom, and tie never was known to make any thing like an elabo rate harangue. His speeches often consisted of a sin gle sentence, or of a well told story, the moral of which was always obviously to the point. He never attempted the flowery fields of oratory. His manner was plain and mild. His style in speaking was, like that of his writings, remarkably concise. With this plain manner, and his penetrating and solid judgment, he was able to confound the most eloquent and subtle of his adversaries, to confirm the opinions of his friends, and to make converts of the unprejudiced who had opposed him. With a single observation, he has rendered of no avail an elegant and lengthy discourse, and determined the fate of a question of importance. But he was not contented with thus supporiing the rights of the people. He wished to render them per- utly secure, which can only be done by making their value properly known ; and this must depend upon encreasing and extending information to every M is of men. We b-ive already seen that he was the fo Mi !er of the public library, which contributed great ly towards improving the minds of the citizens. But th- : s w;<s not sufficient. The schools trien subsisting u r ere in general of little utility. The teachers were men ill .nullified for the important duty which they h id undertaken ; and, after all, nothing more could be obtained than the rudiments of a common English ftdiKvition. Franklin drew up a plan of an Academy to be erected in the city of Philadelphia, suited to c the state of an infant country ;" but in this, as in all his plans, he confined not his views to the present time only. He looked forward to the period when an institution on an enlarged plan would become necessa ry. With this view he considered his Academy as " a foundation for posterity to erect a seminary of learning more extensive, and suitable to future circumstances." In pursuance of this plan, the constitutions were drawn 10 110 LIFE OF tip and signed on the 13th of November 1749. IL these, twenty-four of the most respectable citizens of Philadelphia were named as trustees. In the choice of these, and in the formation of his plan, Franklin is said to have consulted chiefly with Thomas Hopkin- son, Esq. Rev. Richard Peters, then secretary of the province, Tench Francis, Esq. attorney-general, and Dr. Phineas Bond. The following article shews a spirit of benevolence worthy of imitation ; and, for the honor of our city, we hope that it continues to be in force. " In case of the inability of the rector, or any mas ter, (established on the foundation by receiving a cer tain salary) through sickness, or any other natural infirmity, whereby he may be reduced to poverty, the trustees shall have power to contribute to his support, in proportion to his distress and merit, and the stock in their hands." The last clause of the fundamental rules is express* ed in language so tender and benevolent, so truly pa rental that it will do everlasting honor to the hearts and heads of the founders. " It is hoped and expected, that the trustees will make it their pleasure, and in some degree their bu siness, to visit the academy often ; to encourage and countenance the youth, countenance and assist the masters, and by all means in their power advance the usefulness and reputation of the design ; that they will look on the students as, in some measure, their own children, treat them with familiarity and affection ; and when they have behaved well, gone through their studies, and are to enter the world, they shall zeal- cusly unite, and make alLthe interest that can be made, to promote and establish them, whether in business , offices, marriages, or any other thing for their advan tage, preferable to all other persons whatsoever, CTCB of equal merit." DR. FRANKLIN. Ill The constitutions being signed and made public, with the names of the gentlemen proposing them selves as trustees and founders, the design was so well approved of by the public spirited citizens of Philadel phia, that the sum of eight hundred pounds per an num, for five years, was in the course of a few weeks subscribed for carrying the plan into execution ; and in the beginning of January following, (viz. 1750) three of the schools were opened, namely, the Latin and Greek schools, the Mathematical, and the English schools. In pursuance of an article in the original plan, a school for educating sixty boys and thirty girls (in the charter since called the Charitable School) was opened, and amidst all the difficulties with which the trustees have struggled in respect to their funds, has still been continued full for the space of forty years ; so that allowing three years education for each boy and girl admitted into it, which is the general rule, at least twelve hundred children have received in it the chief part of their education, who might otherwise, in a great measure, have been left without the means of instruction. And many of those who have been thus educated, are now to be found among the most useful and reputable citizens of this state. The institution, thus successfully begun, continued daily to flourish, to the great satisfaction of Dr. Frank lin ; who, notwithstanding the multiplicity of his other engagements and pursuits, at that busy stage of his life, was a constant attendant at the monthly visitations and examinations of the schools, and made it his par ticular study, by means of his extensive correspon dence abroad, to advance the reputation of the semina ry, and to draw students and scholars to it from differ ent parts of America and the West-Indies. Through the interposition of his benevolent and learned friend, Peter Collinson, of London, upon the application of the trustees, a charter of incorporation, dated July 13, 1753, was obtained from the honorable proprietors of 112 LIFE OP Pennsylvania, Thomas Penn and Richard Perm, Esqrs. accompanied with a liberal benefaction of five hundred pounds sterling ; and Dr. Franklin now began in good earnest to please himself with the hopes of a speedy accomplishment of his original design, viz. the establishment of a perfect institution, upon the plan of the European colleges and universities ; for which his academy was intended as a nursery or foundation. To elucidate this fact, is a matter of considerable im portance in respect to the memory and character of Dr. Franklin, as a. philosopher, and as the friend and patron of learning and science ; for notwithstanding what is expressly declared by him in the preamble to the constitutions, viz. that the academy was begun for f 1 teaching the Latin and Greek languages, with all useful branches of the arts and sciences, suitable to the state of an infant country, and laying a foundation for posterity to erect a seminary of learning more extensive, and suitable to their future circumstances," yet it has been suggested of late, as upon Dr. Frank lin s authority, that the Latin and Greek, or the dead languages, are an incumbrance upon a scheme of liberal education, and that the engrafting or founding a college, or more extensive seminary, upon his acad emy, was without his approbation or agency, and gave him discontent. If the reverse of this does not al ready appear, from what has been quoted above, the following letters will put the matter beyond dispute. They were written by him to a gentleman, who had at that time published the idea of a college, suited to the circumstances of a young country, (meaning New- York,) a copy of which havingbeensentto Dr. Frank lin for his opinion, gave rise to that correspondence which terminated, about a year afterwards, in erect ing the college upon the foundation of the academy, and establishing that gentleman at the head of both, where he still continues, after a period of thirty-i> years, to preside with distinguished reputation DR. FRANKClN. 113 From these letters also the state of the academy, at that time, will be seen. Philadelphia, April 19, 1753. SIR, I received your favor of the llth instant, with your new* piece on Education which I shall carefully pe ruse, and give you my sentiments of it, as you desire, by next post. I believe the young gentlemen, your pupils, may be entertained and instructed here, in mathematics and philosophy to satisfaction. Mr. Alison! (who was edu cated at Glasgow) has been long accustomed to teach the latter, and Mr. Grew| the former : and I think their pupils make great progress. Mr. Alison has the care of the Latin and Greek school, but as he has now three good assistants, he can very well afford some hours every day for the instruction of those who are engaged in higher studies. The mathematical school is pretty well furnished with instruments. The Eng lish library is a good one ; and we have belonging to it a middling apparatus for experimental philosophy, and purpose speedily to complete it. The Loganian library, one of the best collections in America, will shortly be opened ; so that neither books nor instru ments will be wanting ; and as we are determined al ways to give good salaries, we have reason to believe we may have always an opportunity of choosing good masters ; upon which, indeed the success of the whole depends. We are obliged to you for your kind offers * A general idea of the college of Marania. t The Rev. and learned Mr. Francis Alison, afterwards D. D. and Vice-Provost of the College. t Mr. Theophilus Grew, afterwards Professor of Mathema tics in the College. $ Those assistants were at that time Mr. Charles Thomp son, late Secretary of Congress, Mr. Paul Jackson, and Mr. T acob Duche. 10 * 114 LIFE OF in this respect, and when you are settled in England, we may occasionally make use of your friendship and judgment. If it suits your conveniency to visit Philadelphia be fore you return to Europe, I shall be extremely glad to see and converse with you here, as well as to cor respond with you after your settlement in England ; for an acquaintance arid communication with men of learning, virtue, and public spirit, is one of my great est enjoyment. I do not know whether you ever happened to see the first proposals I made for erecting the Acadamy. I send them enclosed. They had (however imperfect) the desired success, being followed by a subscription of four thousand pounds, towards carrying them into execution. And as we are fond of receiving advice, and are daily improving by experience, I am in hopes we shall in a few years, see a perfect institution. I am very respectfully, &c. B. FRANKLIN. Mr. W. Smith, Long-Island. Philadelphia May 3, 1753. SIR, Mr. Peters has just now been with me, and we have compared notes on your new piece. We find nothing in the scheme of education, however excellent, but what is, in our opinion, very practicable. The great difficulty will be to find the Aratus,* and other suitable persons, to carry it into execution ; but such may be had, if proper encouragement be given. We have both received great pleasure in the perusal of it. For inypart, I know not when I have read apiece that has * The name given to the principal or head of the ideal col lege, the system of education in which hath nevertheless beer nearly realized, or followed as a model, in the college ana academy of Philadelphia, and some other American, semu Ties, for many years past, DR. FRANKLIN. 115 more affected me so noble and just are the senti ments, so warm and animated the language ; yet as censure from your friends may be of more use, as well as more agreeable to you than praise, I ought to mention, that I wish you had omitted not only the quo tation from the Review,* which you are now justly dissatisfied with, but those expressions of resentment against your adversaries, in pages 65 and 79. In such cases the noblest victory is obtained by neglect, and by shining on. " Mr. Allen has been out of town these ten days ; but before he went he directed me to procure him six copies of your piece. Mr. Peters has taken ten. He proposed to have written to you ; but omits it, as he expects so soon to have the pleasure of seeing you here. He desires me to present his affectionate com pliments to you, and to assure you that you will be very welcome to him. 1 shall only say, that you may depend on iny doing all in my power to make your visit to Philadelphia agreeable to you. I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN. Mr. Smith. Philadelphia, November 27 , 1753. DEAR SIR, Having written you -fully, via Bristol, I have now little to add. Matte rs/f dating to the Academy re main in statu quo. The trustees would be glad to see. a rector established there,, but they dread entering into new engagements till they &re got out of debt ; and I have not yet got them wholly over to my opinion, that a good professor, or teacher of the higher branches of * The quotation alluded to (from the London Monthly Re view for 1749,) was judged to reflect too severely on the dis cipline and government of the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and was expunged from the following edi tions of this work. 116 LIFE OF learning, would draw so many scholars as to pay great part, if not the whole of his salary. Thus, unless the proprietors (of the province) shall think fit to put the finishing hand to our institution, it must, I fear, wait some few years longer before it can arrive at that state of perfection, which to me it seems now capable of; and all the pleasure I promised myself in seeing you settled among us, vanishes into smoke. But good Mr. Collinson writes me word, that no endeavours of his shall be wanting; and he hopes, with the archbishop s assistance, to be able to prevail with our proprietors.* I pray God grant them suc cess. My son presents his affectionate regards, with, dear- sir, Yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. P. S. I have not been favoured with a line from yon since your arrival in England. Philadelphia, April 18, 1754. DEAR SIR, I have had but one letter from you since your ar rival in England, which was a short one, via Boston, dated October 18th, acquainting me that you had writ ten largely by captain Davis Davis was lost, and with him your letters, to my gre: t disappointment. Mes- nard and Gibbon have since arrived here, and I hear nothing from you. My comfort is, an imagination that you only omit writing because you are coming, and propose to tell me every thing viva voce. So not knowing whether this letter will reach you, and hoping either to see or hear from you by the Myrtilla, Capt. * Upon the application of archbishop Herring, and P. Col- iinson, Esq. at Dr. Franklin s request, (aided by the letters of Mr. Allen and Mr. Peters) the Hon. Thomas Penn, Esq. sub scribed an annual sum, and afterwards gave at least 50QO/,. *o the founding or engrafting the College upon the Academy. DR. FRANKLIN. 117 Sudden s ship, which is daily expected, I only add, .hat I am, with great esteem and affection, Yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. Mr. Smith. About a month after the date of this last letter, the gentleman to whom it was addressed arrived in Phila delphia, and was immediately "placed at the head of the seminary ; whereby Dr. Franklin, and the other trustees, were enabled to prosecute their plan, for perfecting the institution, and opening the college upon the large and liberal foundation on which it now stands ; for which purpose they obtained their addi tional charter, dated May 27th, 1755. Thus far we thought it proper to exhibit in one view Dr. Franklin s services in the foundation and establishment of this seminary. He soon afterwards embarked for England, in the public service of his country ; and having been generally employed abroad, in the like service, for the greatest part of the remain der of his life, (as will appear in our subsequent ac count of the same,) he had but few opportunities of taking any further active part in the affairs of the sem inary, until his final return in the year 1785, when he found its charters violated, and his ancient colleagues, the original founders, deprived of their trust, by an act of the legislature ; and although his own name had been inserted among the new trustees, yet he declined to take his seat among them, or any concern in the management of their affairs, till the institution was restored by law to its original owners. He then as sembled his old colleagues at his own house, and bein- chosen their president, all their future meetings were, at his request, held there, till within a fe.w months of his death, when with reluctance, and at their desire, lest he might be too much injured by his attention to their business, he suffered them to meet at the college, UB LIFE OF Franklin not only gave birth to many useful institu tions himself, but he was also instrumental in promo ting those which had originated with other men. About the year 1752, an eminent physician of this city, Dr. Bond, considering the deplorable state of the poor, when visited with disease, conceived the idea of establishing an hospital. Notwithstanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to interest few people so far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain sub scriptions from them. Unwilling that his scheme should prove abortive, he sought the aid of Franklin, who readily engaged in the business, both by using his influence with his friends, and by stating the ad vantageous influence of the proposed institution in his paper. These efforts were attended with success. Considerable sums were subscribed : but they were r^till short of what was necessary. Franklin now made another exertion. He applied to the assembly, and, after some opposition, obtained leave to bring in a bill, specifying, that as soon as two thousand pounds were subscribed, the same sum should be drawn from the treasury by the speaker s warrant, to be applied to the purposes of the institution. The opposition, as the sum was granted upon a contingency which they sup posed would never take place, were silent, and the bill passed. The friends of the plan now redoubled their efforts to obtain subscriptions to the amount sta ted in the bill, and were soon successful. This was the foundation of the Pennsylvania Hospital, which, with the Bettering-house and Dispensary, bears ample testimony of the humanity of the citizens of Phila delphia. Dr. Franklin had conducted himself so well office of post-master, and had shown himself to b well acquainted with the business of that departme that it was thought expedient to raise him to a more dignified station. In 1553 he was appointed I depiH postmaster-general for the British colonies, he prc DR. FRANKLIN 1.1.9 Sts arising from the postage of letters, formed no in- considerable part of the revenue, which the crown of Great Britain derived from the colonies. In the hands of Franklin, it is said, that the post-office in America yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland. The American colonies were much exposed to de predations on their frontiers, by the Indians ; and more particularly whenever a war took place between France and England. The colonies, individually, were either too weak to take efficient measures for their own defence, or they were unwilling to take upon themselves the whole burden of erecting forts and maintaining garrisons, whilst their neighbors, who partook equally with themselves of the advantages, contributing nothing to the expense. Sometimes also the disputes, which subsisted between the governors and assemblies, prevented the adoption of means of defence : as we have seen was the case in Pennsylva nia in 1745. To devise a plan of union between the Colonies, to regulate this and other matters, appeared a desirable object. To accomplish this, in the year 1754, commissioners from New-Hampshire, Massa chusetts, Rhode-Island, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, met at Albany. Dr. Franklin attended here, as a commissioner from Pennsylvania, and pro duced a plan, which, from the place of meeting, has been usually termed " The Albany Plan of Union." This proposed, that application should be made for an act of Parliament, to establish in the colonies a ge neral government, to be administered by a president- general, appointed by the crown, and by a grand- council, consisting of members chosen by the repre sentatives of the different colonies ; their number to be in direct proportion to the sums paid by each colo ny into the general treasury, with this restriction, that no colony should have more than seven, nor less than two representatives. The whole executive authority was committed to the president -general, The po\rer 120 LIFE OF of legislation was lodged in the grand-council and pre sident-general jointly ; his consent being made neces sary to passing a bill into a law. The powers vested in the president and council were, to declare war and peace, and to conclude treaties with the Indian nations ; to regulate trade with, and to make purchases of vacant lands from them, either in the name of the crown, or of the union : to settle new colonies, to make laws for governing these until they should be erected in sepa. rate governments, and to raise troops, build forts, fit out armed vessels, and use other means for the gene ral defence : and, to effect these things, a power was given to make laws, laying such duties, imposts, or taxes, as they should find necessary, and as would be least burdensome to the people. All laws were to be sent to England for the king s approbation ; and un less disapproved of within three years, were to re main in force. All officers in the land or sea service were to be nominated by the president-general, and ap proved of by the general council ; civil officers were to be nominated by the council, and approved by the president. Such are the outlines of the plan propos ed for the consideration of the congress, by Dr. Frank lin. After several days discussion, it was unanimously agreed to by the commissioners, a copy transmitted to each assembly, and one to the king s council. The fate of it was singular. It was disapproved of by the ministry of Great-Britain, because it gave too much power to the representatives of the people ; and it was rejected by every assembly, as giving to the president- general, the representative of the crown, an influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of government intended for freemen. Perhaps this re jection, on both sides, is the strongest proof that could be adduced of the excellence of it, as suited to the situation of America and Great Britain at that lime. It appears to have steered exactly in the middle, be tween the opposite interests of both. BR. FRANKLIN. 121 Whether the adoption of this plan would have pre sented the separation of America from Great Britain, is a question which might afford much room for spe culation. It may be said, that, by enabling the co lonies to defend themselves, it would have removed the pretext upon which the stamp-act, tea-act, and other acts of the British parliament, were passed ; which excited a spirit of opposition, and laid the foun dation for the separation of the two countries. But, on the other hand, it must be Admitted, that the restric tion hid by Great Britain upon our commerce, oblig ing us to sell our produce to her citizens only, and to take from them various articles, of which, as our manu factures were discouraged, we stood in need, at a price- greater than that for which they could have been ob tained from other nations, m<<st inevitably produce dissatisfaction, even though no duties were impose^ by the parliament ; a circumstance which might still h:ive taken pi ice. Besides, as the president-general was to be appointed by the crown, he must, of necessity, be devoted to its views, and would, therefore, refuse his assent to any laws, however salutary to the com munity, which had the most remote tendency to injure the interests of his sovereign. Even should they re ceive his assent, the approbation of the king was to be necessary ; who would indubitably, in every instance, prefer the advantage of his home dominions to that of his colonies. Hence would ensue perpetual disagree ments between the council and the president-general, and thus, between the people of America and the -crown of Great Britain. While the colonies continued weak, they would be obliged to submit, and as soon as they acquired strength, they would become more ur gent in their demands, until, at length, they would shake off the yoke, and declare themselves indepen dent. Whilst the French were in possession of Canada, their trade with tfee natives extended very far. even t* 11 l2 LIFE O* the back of the British settlements. They were dis posed, from time to time, to establish posts within the territory which the British claimed us their own. In dependent of the injury to the fur trade, which was considerable, the colonies suffered this further incon venience, that the Indians were frequently instigated to commit depredations on their frontiers. In the year 1753, encroachments were made upon the boun daries of Virginia. Remonstrances had no effect. In the ensuing year, a body of men was sent out under the command of Mr. Washington, who, though a very young man, had, by his conduct in the preceding year, shewn himself worthy of such an important trust. Whilst marching to take possession of the post at the junction of the Allegany and Monongahela, he was informed that the French had already erected a fort there. A detachment of their men marched against him. He fortified himself as stongly as time and cir cumstances would -idmit. A superiority of numbers soon obliged him to surrender Fort Necessity. obtained honorable terms for himself and men, and returned to Virginia. The government of Great Bri tain now thought it necessary to interfere. In the year 1755 General Braddock, with some regiments of reg ular troops, and provincial levies, was sent t( dispos sess the French of the posts upon which they had ^eized. After the men were all ready, a difficulty "occurred, which had nearly prevented the expedition. This was the want of wagons. Frmkhnnow stepped forward, and with the assistance of his son, in a lit time procured a hundred and fifty . Braddock unfortu nately fell into an ambuscade, and perished v number of his men. Washington who had a panied him us an aid-de-camp, and had warned him vain, of his danger, now displayed great military talents in effecting a retreat of the remains the army, and in forming a junction with the real , under CoLDunbar, upon whom the chief command nov DR. FRANKLIN, 123 devolved. With some difficulty they brought their little body to a place of safety ; but they found it ne cessary to destroy their waggons and baggage, to pre vent their falling into the hands of the enemy. For the waggons which he had furnished, Franklin had given bonds to a large amount. The owners declared their intentions of obliging him to make a restitution of their property. Had they put their threats into execution, ruin must inevitably have been the conse quence. Governor Shirley, finding that he had in curred these debts for the service of government, made arrangements to have them discharged, and re leased Franklin from his disagreeable situation. The alarm spread through the" colonies, after the defeat of Braddock, was very great. Preparations to arm were every where made. In Pennsylvania, the prevalence of the quaker interest prevented the adop tion of any system of defence, which would compel the citizens to bear arms. Franklin introduced into the assembly a bill for organizing a militia, by whr:h every man was allowed to take arms or not, as to him should appear fit. The quakers, being thus left at liberty, suffered the bill to pass ; for although their principles would not suffer them to fight, they had no objections to their neighbours fighting for them. In consequence of this act a very respectable militia was formed. The sense of impending danger infused a military spirit in all, whose religious tenets were not opposed to war. Franklin was appointed colonel of a regiment in Philadelphia, which consisted of 1200 men. The north-western frontier being invaded by the enemy, it became necessary to adopt measures for its defence. Franklin was directed by the governor to take charge of this business. A power of raising men and of appointing officers to command them, was vest ed in him. He soon levied a body of troops, with which he repaired to the place at which their presence 124 LIFE OF was necessary. Here he built a fort, and placed thtf garrison in such a posture of defence, as would enable them to withstand the inroads, to which the inhabi tants had previously been exposed. He remained here for some time, in order the more completely ttf discharge the trust committed to him. Some business f importance rendered his presence necessary in the assembly, and he returned to Philadelphia. The defence of her colonies was a great expense to Great Britain. The most effectual mode of lessen ing this was, to put arms into the hands of the inhabi tants, and to teach them their use. But England wish ed not that the Americans should become acquainted with their own strength. She was apprehensive, that, as soon as this period arrived, they would no long er submit to that monopoly of their trade, which to them was highly injurious, but extremely advanta geous to the mother country. In comparison with the profits of this, the expense of maintaining armies and fleets to defend them w r as trifling. She sought tojkeep them dependent upon her for protection, the best plan which could be devised for retaining them in peacea ble subjection. The least appearance of a military spirit was therefore to be guarded against, and, al though a war then raged, the act organizing a militia was disapproved of by the ministry. The regiments which had been formed under it were disbanded, and the defence of the province entrusted to regular troops. The disputes between the proprietaries and the peo ple continued in full force, although a war was raging on the frontiers. Not even the sense of danger was sufficient to reconcile, for ever so short a time, their jarring interests. The assembly still insisted upon the justice of taxing the proprietary estates, but the governors constantly refused to give their assent to this measure, without which no bill could pass into a law. Enraged at the obstinacy, and what they coa- DR, FRANKLIN. 12i reived to be unjust proceedings of their opponents, the assembly at length determined to apply to the mo ther country for relief. A petition was addressed to the King in council, stating the inconveniences under which the inhabitants laboured, from the attention of the proprietaries to their private interests, to the neg lect of the general welfare of the community, and praying for redress. Franklin was appointed to pre sent this address, as agent for the province of Penn sylvania, and departed from America in June 1757. In conformity to the instructions which he had receiv ed from the legislature, he held a conference with the proprietaries, who then resided in England, and en deavoured to prevail upon them to give up the long- contested point. Finding that they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he laid his petition before the council. During this time Gov. Denny assented to a law imposing a tax, in which no discrimination was made in favour of the Penn family. They, alarmed at this intelligence, and Franklin s exertions, used their utmost exertions to prevent the royal sanction being given to this law, which they represented as highly- iniquitous, designed to throw the burden of support ing government on them, and calculated to produce the most ruinous consequences to them and their pos terity. The cause was amply discussed before the privy council. The Penns found here some strenu ous advocates ; nor were there wanting some who warmly espoused the side of the people. After some time spent in debate, a proposal was made, that Frank lin should solemnly engage, that the assessment of the tax should be so made, as that the proprietary estates should pay no more than a due proportion. This he agreed to perform, the Penn family withdrew their opposition, and tranquillity was thus once more restor ed to the province. The mode in which this dispute was terminated is $ striking proof of the high opinion entertained of 126 LIFE OF Franklin s integrity and honor, even by those who considered him as inimical to their views. Nor was their confidence ill-founded. The assessment was made upon the strictest principles of equity ; and the proprietary estates bore only a proportionable share of the expenses of supporting government. After the completion of this important business, Franklin remained at the court of Great Britain, as agent for the province of Pennsylvania. The exten sive knowledge which he possessed of the situation of the colonies, and the regard which he always mani fested for their interests, occasioned his appointment to the same office by the colonies of Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia. His conduct, in this situa tion, was such as rendered him still more dear to his countrymen. He had now an opportunity of indulging in the so ciety of those friends, whom his merits had procured him while at a distance. The regard which they had entertained for him was rather increased by a personal acquaintance. The opposition which had been made to his discoveries in philosophy gradually ceased, and the rewards of literary merit were abundantly confer red upon him. The Royal Society of London, which had at first refused his performances admission into its transactions, now thought it an honour to rank him among its fellows. Other societies of Europe were equally ambitious of calling him a member. The university of St. Andrew s in Scotland, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed by the Universities of Edinburgh and of Ox ford. His correspondence was sought for by the most eminent Philosophers of Europe. His letters to these abound with true science, delivered in the most sim ple unadorned manner. The province of Canada was at this time in the po< session of the French, who had originally settled i The trade with the Indians, for whichits situation was PR. FRANKLIN. 127 very convenient, was exceedingly lucrative. The French traders here found n market for their commo dities, and received in return large quantities of rich furs, which they disposed of at a high price in Europe. Whilst the possession of this country was highly ad vantageous to France, it was a grievous inconvenience to the inhabitants of the British colonies. The In dians were almost generally desirous to cultivate the friendship of the French, by whom they were abun dantly supplied with arms and ammunition. When ever a war happened, the Indians were ready to fall upon the frontiers : and this they frequently did, -even when Great Britain and France were at peace. From these considerations, it appeared to be the interest of Great Britain to gain the possession of Canada. But the importance of such an acquisition was not well un derstood in England. Franklin about this time pub lished his Canada pamphlet, in which he, in a very forcible manner, pointed out the advantages which would result from the conquest of this province. An expedition against it was planned, and the com mand given to General Wolfe. His success is well known. At the treaty in 1762, France ceded Canada to Great Britain, and by her cession of Louisiania, at the same time relinquished all her possessions on the continent of America. Although Dr. Franklin was now principally occu pied with political pursuits, he found time for philoso phical studies. He extended his electrical researches, and made a variety of experiments, particularly on the tourmalin. The singular properties which this stone possesses of being electrified on one side positively, and on the other negatively, by heat alone, without friction, had been but lately observed. Some experiments on the cold produced by evapo ration, made by Dr. Cullen, had been communicated to Dr. Franklin, by Professor Simpson of Glasgow. These he repeated, and found, that, by the evaporation 128 LIFE OF of ether in the exhausted receiver of an air-pump, so great a degree of cold was produced in a summer s day, that water was converted into ice. This discove ry he applied to the solution of a number of pheno mena, particularly a singular fact, which philosophers had endeavoured in vain to account for, viz. that the temperature of the human body, when in health, never exceeds 96 degrees of Farenheit s thermometer, al though the atmosphere which surrounds it, may be heated to a much greater degree. This he attributed to the increased perspiration, and consequent evapo ration produced by the heat. In a letter to Mr. Small of London, dated in May 1760, Dr. Franklin makes a number of observations y tending to shew that, in North America, north-east .storms begin in the south-west parts. It appears, from actual observation, that a north-east storm, which extended a considerable distance, commenced at Phi ladelphia nearly four hours before it was felt at Boston. He endeavoured to account for this, by supposing that, from heat, some rarefaction takes place about the Gulph of Mexico, that the air further north being cooler rushes in, and is succeeded by the cooler and denser air still further north, and that thus a continu ed current is at length produced. The tone produced by rubbing the brim of a drink ing glass with a vfet finger had been generally known. A Mr. Puckeridge, an Irishman, by placing on a table a number of glasses of different sizes, and tuning them by partly filling them with water, endeavoured to form an instrument capable of playing tunes. He was prevented by an untimely end, from bringing his invention to any degree of perfection. After his death some improvements were made upon his plan. The sweetness of the tones induced Dr. Franklin to make a variety of experiments ; and he at length form ed that elegant instrument which he has called the Jbrmonica. DR. FRANKLIN, 129 in the summer of 1762 he returned to America. On his passage he observed the singular effect produc ed by the agitation of a vessel, containing oil floating on water. The surface of the oil remains smooth and undisturbed, whilst the water is agitated with the ut most commotion. No satisfactory explanation of this appearance has, we believe, ever been given. Dr. Franklin received the thanks of the assembly of Pennsylvania, " as well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many arid important services done to America in gen eral, during his residence in Great Britain." A com pensation of 50001. Pennsylvania currency, was also decreed him for his services during six years. During his absence he had been annually elected member of the assembly. On his return to Pennsyl vania he again took his seat in this body, and continu ed a steady defender of the liberties of the people. In December 1762, a circumstance which caused great alarm in the province took place. A number of Indians had resided in the county of Lancaster, and conducted themselves uniformly as friends to the white inhabitants. Repeated depredations on the frontiers had exasperated the inhabitants to such a degree, that they determined on revenge upon every Indian. A number of persons, amounting to 120, principally in habitants of Donnegal and Peckstang or Paxton town ships, in the county of York, assembled ; and, mount ed on horseback, proceeded to the settlement of these harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number was now reduced to about twenty. The Indians received intelligence of the attack which was intended against them, but disbelieved it. Considering the white peo ple as their friends, they apprehended no danger from them. When the party arrived at the Indian settle - ment, they found only some women and children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They murdered all whom they found, and amongst others :^0 LIFE OF the chief Shahaes, who had been always distinguished tor his friendship to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well disposed part of the community. The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who, by absence, had escaped the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the gaol, as a place of se curity. The governor issued a proclamation, expres sing the strongest disapprobation of the action, offer ing a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceable Indians in future. But, notwithstanding this, a party of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for secu rity. Another proclamation was issued, but had no Affect. A detachment marched down to Philadelphia, tor the express purpose of murdering some friendly Indians, who had been removed to the city for safety. A number of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fight ing, even in their own defence, were most active upon this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. The governor fled for safety to the house of Dr. Franklin, who, with some others, advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had in fluence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish their undertaking, and return to their homes. The disputes between the proprietaries and the as sembly, which, for a time, had subsided, were again revived. The proprietaries were dissatisfied with the concessions made in favor of the people, and made great struggles to recover the privilege of exempting their estates from taxation, which they had been indu ced to give up. In 1763 the assembly passed a militia bill, to which rhe governor refused to give his assent, unless the as sembly would agree to certain amendments which he DR. FRANKLIN. 13} proposed. These consisted in increasing the fines, and, in some cases, substituting death for fines. He wished too that the officers should be appointed alto gether by himself, and not be nominated by the peo ple, as the bill had proposed. These amendments the assembly considered as inconsistent with the spirit of liberty. They would not adopt them ; the governor was obstinate, and the bill was lost. These, and various other circumstances, increased the uneasiness which subsisted between the proprieta ries and the assembly, to such a degree, that, in 1764, a petition to the king was agreed to by the house, pray ing an alt oration from a proprietary to a regal govern ment. Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house but in the public prim s. A speech of Mr. Dkkenson, on the subject, was pub lished, with a prefice by Dr. Smith, in which ^rcat pains were taken to shew the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Mr. G dloway, in re ply to Mr. Dickenson was published, accompanied with a preface by Dr. Franklin ; in which he bly opposed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickenson s speech. This application to the throne " produced no effect. The proprietary government was stili continued. At the election for a new assembly, in the fall of 1764, the friends of the proprietaries made great ex ertions to exclude those of the adverse party, and ob tained a small majority in the City of Philadelphia. FrankKn now lost his seat in the house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assem bly, it -appeared that there was still a decided majority of Franklin s friends. He was immediately appointed provincial agent, to the great chagrin of his enei.ves, wLo made a solemn protest against his appciunvent ; which was refused admission upon the. ninua^. ->s being unprecedented. It was, however, published in LIFE OF the papers, and produced a spirited reply from him. ;*ust before his departure for England. The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Crenville s stamp act, and the opposition made to it are well known. Under the marquis of Rockingharn s -administration, it appeared expedient to endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists ; and the repeal of the odious tax was contemplated. Amongst other means of collecting information on the disposition of the peo ple to submit to it, Dr. Franklin was called to the bar pf the ho-.ise of commons. The examination which he iM C u- lerwent w :S published, and contains a stri k proof of the extant and accuracy of his informa- ti, , iae facility with which he communicated his se ! ,IK vats. He represented facts in so strong a point x>f /lew, that the inexpediency of the act must have ai reared cle^r to every unprejudiced mind. The act after some opposition, was repealed, about a year after it w is enacted, and before it had ever been carried into execution. In the year 1766, he made a visit to Holland -;nd Germany, and received the greatest marks of attention from men of science. In his passage through Holit nd, he learned from the watermen the effect which a diinu- riition of the quantity of water in canals has, in imped ing the progress of boats. Upon his return to Eng land, he was led to make a number of experiments ; all of which tended to confirm the observation. These, with an explanation of the phenomenon, he commu nicated in a letter to his friend, Sir John 1 ringle, which is contained in the volume of his philosophical pieces. In the following year he travelled into France, where he met with no less favourable reception he had experienced in Germany. He was introduce to a number of literary characters, and to the King, Louis XV. DR. FRANKLIN. 133 Several letters written by Hutchinson, Oliver, and ethers, to persons in eminent stations in Great Britain, came into the hands of Dr. Franklin. These contained the most violent invectives against the leading characters of the state of Massachusetts, and strenuously advised the prosecution of vigorous measures, to compel the people to obedience to the measures of the ministry. These he transmitted to the legislature, by whom they were published. At tested copies of them were sent to Great Britain, with an address, praying the king to discharge from office persons who had rendered themselves so obnoxious to the people, and who had shewn themselves so un friendly to their interests. The publication of these letters produced a duel between Mr. Whately and Mr. Temple ; each of whom was suspected of having been instrumental in procuring them. To prevent any further disputes on this subject, Dr. Franklin, in one of the public papers, declared that he had sent tuem to America, but would give no inform ;tion concerning the manner in which he had obtained them ; nor w^as this ever discovered. Shortly after, the petition of the Massachusetts as sembly was taken up for examination before the privy council. Dr. Franklin attended, as agent for the as sembly ; and here a torrent of the most violent aid unwarranted abuse was poured upon him by the soli citor-general, Wedderburne, who was engaged as council for Oliver and Hutchinson. The petition was declared to be scandalous and vexatious > and the prayer of it refused. Although the parliament of Great Britain had re pealed the stamp-act, it was only upon the principle of expediency. They still insisted upon the right to tax the colonies ; and, at the same time that the stamp^ act was repealed, an act was passed, declaring the right of parliament to bind the colonies in all c ses whatsoever. This language was used even by th?) 134 LIFE OF most strenuous opposers of the stamp-act ; and y amongst others, by Mr. Pitt. This right was never recognized by the colonists ; but, as they flattered themselves that it would not be exercised, they were not very active in remonstrating against it. Had this pretended right been suffered to remain dormant, the colonists would cheerfully have furnished their quota of supplies, in the mode to which they had been ac customed ; that is, by acts of their own assemblies, in consequence of requisitions from the secretary of state. If this practice had been pursued, such was the dispo sition of the colonies towards the mother country , that, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they laboured, from restraints upon their trade, calculated solely for the benefit of the commercial and manufac turing interests of Great Britain, a separation of the two countries might have been a far distant event. The Americans, from their earliest infancy, were taught to venerate a people from whom they were de scended ; whose language, laws, and manners, were the same as their own. They looked up to them as models of perfection ; and, in their prejudiced minds, the most enlightened nations of Europe were consider ed as almost barbarians, in comparison with English men. The name of an Englishman conveyed to an American the idea of every thing good and great. Such sentiments instilled into them in early life, what but a repetition of unjust treatment could have induced them to entertain the most distant thought of separa tion ! The duties on glass, paper, leather, painter s colours, tea, &c. the disfranchisement of some of the colonies ; the obstruction to the measures of the legis lature in others, by the king s governors ; the con temptuous treatment of their humble remonstrances, stating their grievances, and praying a redress o them, and other violent and oppressive measures, at length excited an ardent spirit of opposition. Instead of endeavoring to allay this by a mofe lenient conduct. DR. FRANKLIN. 135 the ministry seemed resolutely bent upon reducing the colonies to the most slavish obedience to their de crees. But this tended only to aggravate. Vain were all the efforts made use of to prevail upon them to lay aside their designs, to convince them of the impossibili ty of carrying them into effect, and of the mischievous consequences which must ensue from a continuance of the attempt. They persevered, with a degree of inflexibility scarcely paralleled. The advantages which Great Britain derived from her colonies were so great, that nothing but a degree of infatuation little short of madness, could have pro duced a continuance of measures calculated to keep up a spirit of uneasiness, which might occasion the slightest wish for a separation. When we consider the great improvement iu the science of government, the general diffusion of the principles of liberty amongst the people of Europe, the effects which these have already produced in France, and the probable consequences which will result from them elsewhere, all of which are the offspring of the American Revo lution, it cannot but appear strange, that events of so great moment to the happiness of mankind, should have been ultimately occasioned by the wickedness or ignorance of a British ministry. Dr. Franklin left nothing untried to prevail upon the ministry to consent to a change of measures. In private conversations, and in letters to persons in government, he continually expatiated upon the impo licy and injustice of their conduct towards America ; and stated, that, notwithstanding the attachment of the colonists towards the mother country, a repetition of ill treatment must ultimately alienate their affections. They listened not to his advice. They blindly per severed in their own schemes, and left to the colonists no alternative, but opposition or unconditional submis sion. The 1 ttter accorded not with the principles of freedom, which they had been taught to revere. To 136 LIFE OF the former they were compelled, though reluctantly, to have recourse. Dr. Franklin, finding all efforts to restore harmony between Great Britain and her colonies useless , return ed to America in the year 1775 ; just after the com mencement of hostilities. The day after his return he was elected by the legislature of Pennsylvania a Member of Congress. Not long after his election a committee was appointed, consisting of Mr. Lynch. Mr. Harrison, and himself, to visit the Camp at Cam bridge, and in conjunction with the commander in chief, to endeavour to convince the troops, whos$ term of enlistment was about to expire, of the neces sity of their continuing in the field, and persevering in the cause of their country. In the fall of the same year he visited Canada, to endeavour to unite them in the common cause of liber ty ; but they could not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures of the British Government. M. Le Roy, in a letter annexed to Abbe Fauchet s eulogium of Dr. Franklin, states that the ill success of this ne- gociation was occasioned, in a great degree, by religious animosities, which subsisted between the Canadians and their neighbours, some of whom had at different times burnt their chapels. When Lord Howe came to America, in 1776, vested with power to treat with the colonists, a correspon dence took place between him and Dr. Franklin, on the subject of a reconciliation. Dr. Franklin was af terwards appointed, together with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, to wait upon the commissioners, in order to learn the extent of their power. These were found to be only to grant pardons upon submission These were terms which would not be accepted ; and the object of the commissioners could not be obtaine* The momentous question of Independence wa shortly after brought into view, at a time when the fleets and armies, which were sent to enforce obe- DR. FRANKLIN. 13? dience, were truly formidable. With an army nu merous indeed, but ignorant of discipline, and entirely unskilled in the art of war, without money, without a fleet, without allies, and with nothing but the love of liberty to support them, the colonists determined to separate from a country, from which they had ex perienced ti repetition of injury and insult. In this question, Dr. Franklin was decidedly in favour of the measure proposed, and had great influence in bring ing over others to his sentiments. The public mind had been pretty fully prepared for this event, by Mr. Paine s celebrated pamphlet, Cow- inon Sense. There is good reason to believe that Dr. Franklin had no inconsiderable share, at least, in fur bishing materials for this work. In the convention which assembled at Philadelphia in 1776, for the purpose of establishing a new form of government for the state of Pennsylvania, Dr. Frank- I m was chosen president. The late constitution of this state, which was the result of their deliberations, may be considered as a digest of his principles of gov ernment. The single legislature, and the plural ex ecutive, seem to have been his favourite tenets. In the latter end of 1776, Dr. Franklin was appoint ed to assist in the negociations which had been set on foot by Silas Deane at the court of France. A con viction of the advantages of a commercial intercourse with America, and a desire of weakening the British empire by dismembering it, first induced the French court to listen to proposals of an alliance. But they .shewed rather a reluctance to the measure, which, by Dr. Franklin s address, and particularly by the success of the American arms against general Burgoyne, was at length overcome - r and in February 1778, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded ; in consequence of which France became involved in the war with Great Britain. Perhaps no person could have been found, more ca 138 LIFE OF pable ef rendering essential services to the United States at the court of France, than Dr. Franklin. He was well known as a philosopher, and his character was held in the highest estimation. He was received with the greatest marks of respect by all the literary characters ; and this respect was extended amongst all classes of men. His personal influence was hence very considerable. To the effects of this were added those of various performances which he published, tending to establish the credit and character of the United States. To his exertions in this way, may, in no small degree be ascribed the success of the loans negociated in Holland and France, which greatly con tributed to bringing the war to a happy conclusion. The repeated ill success of their arms, and more particularly the capture of Cornwallis and his army, at length convinced the British nation of the impossi bility "of reducing the Americans to subjection. The trading interest particularly became very clamorous for peace. The ministry were unable longer to op pose their wishes. Provisional articles of peace were agreed to, and signed at Paris on the 30th of Novem ber, 1782, by Dr. Franklin, Mr Adams, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens, on the part of the United States ; and by Mr. Oswald on the part of Great Britain. These tbrmed the basis of the definite treaty, which was Concluded the 30th of September 1783, and signed by Dr Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jay, on the one part, and by Mr. David Hartley on the other. On the 3d of April 1783, a treaty of amity and commerce, between the United States and Sweden was concluded at Paris, by Dr. Franklin and the Count Von Krutz. A similar treaty with Prussia was concluded 1775, not long before Dr. Franklin s departure EU Dr Pe Franklin did not suffer his political pursuits * engross his whole attention. Some of his perform- DR. FRANKLIN. 139 ances made their appearance in Paris. The object of these was generally the promotion of industry and oeconomy. In the year 1784, when animal magnetism made great noise in the world, particularly at Paris, it was thought a matter of such importance, that the King appointed commissioners to examine into the founda tion of the pretended science. Dr. Franklin was one of the number. After a fair and diligent examination, in the course of which Mesrner repeated a number of experiments, in the presence of the commissioner?, some of which were tried upon themselves, they de termined that it was a mere trick, intended to impose upon the ignorant and credulous IVIesmer was thus interrupted in his career to wealth aad fame, and a most insolent attempt to impose upon the human un derstanding t>affled. The important ends of Dr. Franklin s mission being completed by the establishment of American Inde pendence, and the infirmities of age and disease com ing upon him, he became desirous of returning to hie native country. Upon application to Congress to be recalled, Mr. Jefferson was appointed to succeed him, in 1785. Sometime in September of the same year, Dr. Franklin arrived in Philadelphia. He. was shortly after chosen member of the supreme executive coun cil for the city ; and soon after was elected president of the same. & When a Convention was called to meet in Philadel phia, in 1787, for the purpose of giving more energy to the government of the union, by revising and amending the articles of confederation, Dr. Franklin was appointed a delegate from the State of Pennsylva nia. He signed the Constitution which they propos ed for the union, and gave it the most unequivocal marks of his approbation. A society of political enquiries, of which Dr. Frank- Hn was president, was established about this period, 140 LIFE OF The meetings were held at his house. Two or three essays rei-i in this society were published. It did not long continue. In the year 1787, two societies were established in Philadelphia, founded on principles of the most liberal and refined humanity. The Philadelphia Society for alleviating the miseries of public prisons; and the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the African race. Of each of these Dr. Franklin was pre sident. The labours of these bodies have been crown ed with success ; and they continue to prosecute, with unwearied diligence, the laudable designs for which they were established. Dr. Franklin s increasing infirmities prevented his regular attendance at the council chamber ; and ia 1788, he retired wholly from public life. His constitution had been a remarkable good one. He had been little subject to disease, except an attack of the gout occasionally, until the year 1781, when he was first attacked with the symptoms of the calculous complaint, which continued during his life. During the intervals of pain from this grievous disease, he spent many cheerful hours, conversing in the most agreeable and instructive manner. His f Acuities were entirely unimpaired, even to the hour of his de.ith. His name, as president of the Abolition Society, was signed to the memorial presented to the house of Representatives of the United States, on the 12th of February 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power vested in them by the constitution, in dis couraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last public act. In the debates to which this me morial gave rise, several attempts were made to justi fy the trade. In the Federal Gazette of March 25th there appeared an essay, signed Historic us, written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a speech, DR. FRANKLIN. 14i said to have been delivered in the Divan of Algiers in 1687, in opposition to the prayer of the petition of a sect culled Erika, or purists, for the abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech w is an excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson of Georgia. All the arguments urged in fuvour of ne gro slavery, are applied with equal force to justify the plundering and enslaving the Europeans. It af fords, at the same time, a demonstration of the fu tility of the arguments in defence of the dave trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity of the au thor, a* his advanced period of life. It furnished too a no less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other times and nations, than his celebra ted parable against persecution. And as the latter led many to search the scriptures with a view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the book stores and libraries, for the work from wVich it was said to be extracted.* In the beginning of April following, he was attack ed with a fever and a complaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The following account of his last illness was written by his friend and physician, Dr. Jones. " The stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed ; and during the extremely pain ful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of laudanum to mitigate his tortures still, in the inter vals of pain, he not only amused himself with reading and conversing with his family, and a few friends who visited him, but as often employed in doing business of a public as well as private nature, with various persons who waited on him for that purpose ; and in every in- stance displayed, not only that readiness and disposi tion of doing good, which was the distinguished cha- * This speech will be found ia the volume of Essays, M2 LIFE OF racteristic of his life, but the fullest and clearest pos session of his uncommon mental abilities ; and not unfrequently indulged himself in those jeux d* esprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him. " About sixteen days before his death, he was seiz ed with a feverish indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third or fourth clay, when he complained of pain in his left breast, which increased till it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and a laborious breathing. During this state, when the severity of his pains sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe that he was afraid that he did not bear them as he ought acknow ledged his grateful sense of the many blessings he had received from the Supreme Being, who had raised him from small and lew beginnings to such high rank and consideration among men and made no doubt but his present afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a world, in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he continued till five days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great quantity of matter, which he continued to throw up while he had strength to do it ; but, as that failed, the organs of respiration became gradually oppressed a calm lethargic state succeed ed, and, on the 17th of April, 1790, about eleven o clock at night, he quietly expired, closing a long and useful life of eighty-four years and three months. " It may not be amiss to add to the above account that Dr. Franklin, in the year 1735, had a severe pleu risy, which terminated in an abscess of the left lobe of his lungs, and he wns then almost suffocated with the quantity and suddenness of the discharge. A second DR. FRANKLIN. 143 attack of a similar nature happened some years after this, from which he soon recovered, and did not ap pear to suffer any inconvenience in his respiration from these diseases." The following Epitaph on himself, was written by fcimmany years previous to his death : THE BODY of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Printer, (Like the cover of an old Book, Its contents torn out, And stript of its lettering and gilding,) Lies here, food for worms : - Yet the work itself shall not be lost, For it will (as he believed) appear once more, In a new And more beautiful edition Corrected and Amended by The Author. EXTRACTS from the last Will and Testament of DR. FRANKLIN. With regard to my Books, those I had in France, and those I left in Philadelphia, being now assembled together here, and a catalogue made of them, it is my intention to dispose of them as follows : My History of the Academy of Sciences, in sixty or seventy volumes quarto, I give to the philosophical society of Philadelphia, of which I have the honour to be president. My collection in folio of Les Arts and Les Metiers, I give to the philosophical society, estab lished in New-England, of which I am a member. My quarto edition of the same Arts and Metiers, I 144 LIFE OF give to the Library Company of Philadelphia. Such and so many of my books as 1 shall m.trk, in the said catalogue, with the name of my grandson, Benja min Franklin Bache, I do hereby give to him : and such and so m my of my books as I sh;?ll mark in the said catalogue with the name of my grandson William B.if.hs, I do hereby give to him : and such as shall be m. rked with the name of Jonathan Williams, I here by give to my cousin of that n *me. The residue and remainder of all my books, manuscripts-, and papers, I do give to my grandson William Temple Franklin. My share in the library company of Philakelphiu I give to my grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache, con fiding that he will permit his brothers and sisters to share in the use of it. I was born in Boston, New-England, and owe my first ir-stni tions in literature to the free grammar- schools established there. I therefore give one hun dred pounds sterling to my executors, to be by them, the survivors or survivor of them, paid over to the m aggers or directors of the free schools ininy native town of Boston, to be by them, or the person or per sons who shall have the superintendance and manage ment of the Srdd schools, put out to interest, and so continued at interest for ever ; which interest annually shull be laid out in silver medals, and given as honora ry rewi.r-is annually by the directors of the said free schools, for the encouragement of scholarship in the said schools, belonging to the said town, in such man ner is to the discretion of the selectmen of the said town shall seem meet. Out of the salary that may remain due to me, as president of the state, I give the sum of two thousand pounds to my executors,^ to be by them, the survivors or survivor of them, paid over to such person or per sons as the legislature of this state, by an act of as sembly, shall appoint to receive the s? me, in trust, to be employed for making the Schuylkill navigable, DR. FRANKLIN. 145 During the number of years I was in business as a stationer, printer, and postmaster, a great many small sums became due to me, for books, advertisements, postage of letters, and other matters, which were not collected, when, in 1757, I was sent by the assembly to England as their agent and, by subsequent ap- pointments continued there till 1775 when, on my return, I was immediately engaged in the affairs of congress, and sent to France in 1776, where I remained nine years, not returning till 1785 ; and the said debts not being demanded in such a length of time, are be come in a manner obsolete, yet are nevertheless justly due These, as they are stated in my great folio ledg er E, 1 bequeath to the contributors of the Pennsyl vania hospital ; hoping that those debtors, and thejie- scendants of such as are deceased, who now, as I find, make some difficulty of satisfying such antiquated de mands as just debts, m ly however be induced to pay er give them as charity to that excellent institution. I am sensible that much must inevitably be lost ; but I hope something considerable may be recovered. It is possible too that some of the parties ctr.rgcJ may have existing old im-,ettled accounts against me ; in which case the managers of the said hospital will al-^ low >nd deduct the amount, and pay the balance, if they find it against me. T request my friends Henry Hill, Esq. John J.iy, Esq. Francis Hopkinson, Esq. and Mr. Edward Duf- field, of Bonfielcl, in Philadelphia cou.ity, to be the executors of this my last will aul testament, and I hereby nominate and appoint them for that purpose. I svould have my body buried with as little expense or cei-emony as may be. Philadelphia, July 17, 1788. CODICIL. I Benjamin Franklin, in the foregoing or annexed last will and testament, having further considered the 13 146 LIFE OF same, dp think proper to make and publish the follow ing codicil, or addition thereto : It having long been a fixed political opinion of mine, that in a democratical state there ought to be no offices of profit, for the reasons I had given in an article of my drawing in our constitution, it was my intention, when I accepted the office of president, to devote the appointed salary to some public use : Accordingly I had already, before I made my last will, in July last, given large sums of it to colleges, schools, building of churches, &c. and in that will I bequeathed two thou sand pounds more to the state, for the purpose of mak ing the Schuylkill navigable ; but understanding since, that such a sum will do but little towards accomplish ing such a work, and that the project is not likely to be undertaken for many years to come and having entertained another idea, which I hope may be fonnd more extensively useful, I do hereby revoke and an nul the bequest, and direct that the certificates I have for what remains due to me of that salary, be sold to wards raising the sum of two thousand pounds ster ling, to be disposed of as I am now about to order. It has been an opinion, that he who receives an estate from his ancestors, is under some obligation to transmit the same to posterity. This obligation lies not on me, who never inherited a shilling from any ances tor or relation. I shall, however, if it is not diminished by some accident before my death, leave a considera ble estate among my decendants and relations. The above observation is made merely as some apology to my family, for my making bequests that do not appear to have any immediate relation to their advan tage. I was born in Boston, New-England, and owe my first instructions in literature to the free grammar- schools established there. I have, therefore, consi dered those schools in my will. DR. FRANKLIN. 147 But I am under obligations to the state of Massachu setts, for having, unasked, appointed me formerly their agent, with a handsome salary, which continued some years ; and although I accidentally lost in their service by transmitting Governor Hutchinson s let ters, much more than the amount of what they gave me, I do not think that ought in the least to Diminish my gratitude. I have considered that, among artisans, good apprentices are most likely to make good citi zens ; and having been myself bred to a manual art, printing in my native town, and afterwards assisted to set up my business in Philadelphia by kind loans of money from two friends there, which was the founda tion of my fortune, and of all the utility in life that may be ascribed to me I wish to be useful even after my death, if possible, in forming and advancing other young men, that may be serviceable to their country in both these towns. To this end, I devote two thousand pounds ster ling, which I give, one thousand thereof to the inhab itants of the town of Boston, in Massachusetts, and the other thousand to the inhabitants of the city of Phila delphia, in trust, to and for the uses, intents and pur poses, herein after mentioned and declared. The said sum of one thousand pounds sterling, if ac cepted by the inhabitants of the town of Boston, shall be managed under the direction of the selectmen, united with the ministers of the oldest episcopalian, congregational, and presbyterinn churches in that town, who are to let out the same upon interest at five per cent, per annum, to such young married artificers, under the age of twenty-five years, as have served an apprenticeship in the said town, and faithfully fulfilled the duties required in their indentures, so as to ob tain a good moral character, from at least two respect able citizens, who are willing to become sureties in a bond, with the applicants, for the repayment of the money so lent with interest, according to the terms 148 LIFE 0F herein after prescribed ; all which bonds are to be tu ken for Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof in current gold coin : and the managers shall keep a boofc, or books, wherein shall be entered the names of those who shall apply for and receive the benefit of this institution, and of their sureties, together with the sums lent, the dates, and other necessary and proper records respecting the business and concerns of this institution : and as these loans are intended to assist young married artificers in setting up their bu siness, they are to be proportioned by the discretion of the managers, go as not to exceed sixty pounds sterling to one person, nor to be less than fifteea pounds. And if the number of appliers so entitled should be so large as that the sum will not suffice to afford to each as much as might otherwise not be improper, the proportion to each shall be diminished, so as to afford to every one some assistance. These aids may therefore be small at first, but as the capital increases, by the accumulated interest, they Avill be more ample. .And in order to serve as many as possible in their turn, as well as to mike the repayment of the principal bor rowed more easy, each borrower shall be obliged to pay with the yearly interest one tenth part of the prin cipal, which sums of principal and interest so paid in, shall be again let out to fresh borrowers. And it is presumed, that there will be always found in Boston virtuous and benevolent citizens, willing to bestow a part of their time in doing good to the rising genera tion, by superintending and managing this institution gratis ; it is hoped that no part of the money will at any time lie dead, or be diverted to other purposes, but be continually augmented by the interest, in which case there may in time be more than the occasion in Boston shall require : and then some may be spared to the neighbouring or other towns in the said state of Massachusetts, which may desire to have it, such DR. FRANKLIN. 149 towns engaging to p.-iy punctually the interest, and such proportion of the principal annually to the inhabi tants of the town of Boston, ff this pi in is executed, and succeeds as projected, without interruption, for one hundred years, the sum will be then one hundred and thirty-one thousand pounds ; of which I would have the managers of the donation of the town of Bos ton then lay out, at their discretion, one hundred thousand pounds in public works, which may be judg ed of most general utility to the inhabitants ; such as fortifications, bridges, aqueducts, public buildings, baths, pavements, or whatever may make living in the town more convenient to its people, and render it more agreeable to strangers resorting thither for health, or a temporary residence. The remaining thirty-one thousand pounds I would have continued to be let out to interest, in the manner above directed, for one hun dred years ; as I hope it will have been found that the institution has had a good effect on the conduct of youth, and been of service to many worthy characters and useful citizen. At the end of the second term, if no unfortunate accident has prevented the operation, the sum will be four millions and sixty-one thousand pounds sterling ; of which I leave one million and six ty-one thousand pounds to the disposition and manage ment of the inhabitants of the town of Boston, and the three millions to the disposition of the government of the state ; not presuming to carry my views any farther. All the directions herein given respecting the dis position and management of the donation to the inhab itants of Boston, I would have observed respecting that to the inhabitants of Philadelphia ; only, as Phila delphia is incorporated, I request the corporation of that city to undertake the management, agreeable to the said directions , and I do hereby vest them with full and ample powers for that purpose. And having considered that the covering of its ground-plat with 13 * 150 DR. FRANKLIN.. buildings and pavements, which carry off most rains, and prevent it soaking into the earth, -and renewing and purifying the springs, whence the water of the wells must gradually grow worse, and in time be unfit for use, as 1 fi> d has Happened in )!! old cities ; I re commend, that, at the end of the first hundred years, if nol done before, the corporation of the city employ a p ;rt of the hundred thousand pounds in bringing by pipes the water of Wissahickon : creek into the town, so as to supply the inhabitants, which I apprehend may be done without great difficulty , the level of that creek being much above that of the city, and may be made higher by a dam. I also recommend making the Schuylkill completely navigable. At the end of the second hundred years, 1 would have the disposi tion of the four millions and sixty-one thousand pounds divided between the inhabitants of the city of Philadel phia and the government of Pennsylvania, in the same manner as herein directed with respect to that of the inhabitants of Boston and the government of Massa chusetts. It is my desire that this institution should take place, and begin to operate within one year after my decease ; for which purpose due notice should be publicly given, previous to the expiration of that year, that those for whose benefit this establishment is in tended may make their respective applications ; and I hereby direct my executors, the survivors, and survi vor of them, within six months after my decease, to pay over the said sum of t\vo thousand pounds ster ling to such persons as shall be duly appointed by the selectmen of Boston, and the corporation of Philadel phia, to receive and take charge of their respective sums of one thousand pounds each, for the purposes aforesaid. Considering the accidents to which all human affairs and projects are subject in such a length of time, I have perhaps too much flattered myself with a vain fancy, that these dispositions, if carried into execution, will be continued without interruption, DR. FRANKLIN. *M and have the effects proposed ; 1 hope, however, that if the inhabitants of the two cities should not think fit to undertake the execution, they will at least accept the offer of these donations, as marks of my good will, tokens of my gratitude, and testimony of my desire to be useful to them even after my departure. I wish, indeed, that they may both undertake to endeavour the execution of my project, because 1 think, that, though unforeseen difficulties may arise, expedients will be found to remove them, arid the scheme be found practicable. If one of them accepts the money with the conditions, and the other refuses, my will then is, that both sums be given to the inhabitants of the city accepting ; the whole to be applied to the same purposes, and under the same regulations di rected for the separate parts ; and if both refuse, the money remains of course in the mass of my estate, and it is to be disposed of therewith, according to my will made the seventeenth day of July, 1788. My fine crab-tree walking-stick, with a gold head curiously wrought in the form of the cap of Liberty, I .live to my friend, and the friend of mankind, Gene ral Washington. If it were a sceptre, he had merit ed it, and would become it. [Dr. Franklin s funeral was attended by all of the most distinguished inhabitants of Philadelphia, in cluding the principal officers, both of the National and State governments. In the House of Representatives of the U. S. Mr. Madison moved a resolution, of the following import : " This house being informed of the decease of Benjamin Franklin, a citizen whose na tive genius was not more an ornament to human na ture, than his various exertions of it have been pre cious to science, to freedom, and to his country, do resolve* as a mark of veneration due to his memory, that the members wear the customary badge of mourning for one month,"] Pub, tisi LIFE OF, &c. To show the readiness of Dr. Franklin at repartee > an- l the boldness with which he, at all times, avowed his opinion in fivor of the revolution, and his opinion of VY.ishington, we republish the following. The instance took place at the Court of the King of Denmark, at a public dinner, when the following Toasts were drank : By the King of England s Ambassador. George the III. who, like the SUN, enlightens the whole earth by the brightness of his beams. By the King of France s Ambassador. Louis the XVI. who, like the MOON, sheds his mild lustre on all around. By Dr. Franklin, the American Ambassador. Ge neral George Washington, President of the United States who, like Joshua of old, commanded the Swi and the Moon to stand still, and they obeyed him. ESSAYS, HUMOROUS, MORAL AND LITERARY, &<:-. ON EARLY MARRIAGES. TO JOHN ALLEYNE, ESQ. DEAR JACK, You desire, you say, my impartial thoughts on the subject of an early marriage, by way of answer to the numberless objections that have been made by numerous persons to your own. You may remember when you consulted me on the occasion, that I thought youth on both sides to be no objection. Indeed, from the marriages that have fallen under my observation, I am rather inclined to think, that early ones stand the best chance of happiness. The temper and habits of the young are not yet become so stiff and uncomply ing, as when more advanced in life ; they form more easily to each other, and hence many occasions of dis gust are removed. And if youth has less of that pru dence which is necessary to manage a family, yet the parents and elder friends of young married persons are generally at hand to offer their advice, which am ply supplies that defect ; and by early marriage, youth is sooner formed to regular and useful life ; and possibly some of those accidents or connections, that might have injured the constitution, or reputation, or both, are thereby happily prevented. Particular circumstances of particular persons, may possibly sometimes make it prudent to delay entering into *54 ESSAYS. that state ; but in general, when nature has rendered our bodies fit for it, the presumption is in nature s favour, that she has not judged amiss in making us desire it. Late marriages are often attended, too, with this further inconvenience, that there is not the same chance that the parents shall live to see their offspring educated. " Late children," says the Span ish proverb, " are early orphans." A melancholy reflection to those whose case it may be ! With us in America, marriages are generally in the morning of life ; our children are therefore educated and settled in the world by noon ; and thus, our business being done, we have an afternoon and evening of cheerful leisure to ourselves, such as our friend at present en joys. By these early marriages we are blessed with more children ; and from the mode among us, found ed by nature, of every mother suckling and nursing her own child, more of them are raised. Thence the swift progress of population among us, unparalleled in Europe. In fine, I am glad you are married and congratulate you most cordially upon it. You are now in the way of becoming a useful citizen : and you have escaped the unnatural state of celibacy for life the fate of many here, who never intended it, but \vho having too long postponed the change of their condi tion, find, at length, that it is too late to think of it, and so live all their lives in a situation that greatly les sens a man s value. An odd volume of a set of books bears not the value of its proportion to the set : what think you of the odd half of a pair of scissors ? it i-.an t well cut any thing ; it may possibly serve to scrape a trencher. Pray make my compliments and best wishes ac ceptable to your bride. I am old and heavy, or I should ere this have presented them in person. I shall make but small use of the old man s privilege, that of giving advice to younger friends. Treat your wife always with respect ; it will procure respect to ESSAYS. 155 you, not only from her, but from all that observe it. Never use a slighting expression to her, even in jest ; for slights in jest, after frequent bandy ings, are apt to end in anger earnest. Be studious in your profession, and you will be learned. Be industrious and frugal, and you will be rich. Be sober and temperate, and you will be healthy. Be in general virtuous and you will be happy. At least, you will, by such conduct, stand the best chance for such consequences. I pray God to bless you both ! being ever your affectionate B . FRANKLIN. ON THE DEATH OF HIS BROTHER, MR. JOHN FRANKLIN. TO MISS HUBBARD. I condole with you. We have lost a most dear and valuable relation. But it is the will of God and nature, that these mortal bodies be laid aside, when the soul is to enter into real life. This is rather an embryo state, a preparation for living. A man is not completely born until he be dead. Why then should we grieve that a new child is born among the immortals, a new member added to their happy soci ety ? We are spirits. That bodies should be lent us while they can afford us pleasure, assist us in acquir ing knowledge, or doing good to our fellow-creatures is a kind and benevolent act of God. When they be come unfit for these purposes, and afford us pain in stead of pleasure ; instead of an aid become an incum- bnnce, mci answer none of the intentions for which they were given, it is equally kind and benevolent ihat a way is provided by which we may get rid of them. Death is that way. We ourselves, in some cases, prudently choose a partial death. A mangled painful limb, which cannot be restored, we willingly cut off. He who plucks out a tooth, parts with it free ly, since the pain goes with it ; and he who quits the whole body, parts at once with all pains, and possibili ties of pain and diseases, it was liable to or capable of making him suffer. Our friend and we were invited abroad on a party of pleasure, which is to last for ever. His chair was ready first ; and he is gone before us. We could not all conveniently start together : and why should you and I be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and know where to find him ? Adieu, B. FRANKLIN. TO THE LATE DR. MATHER, OF BOSTON. REV. SIR, I received your kind letter, with your excellent advice to the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be lightly passed over by many readers, yet, if they make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred, the effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention one little instance, which, though it relates to myself, will not be quite uninter esting to you. When I was a boy, 1 met with a book entitled, " Essays to do good," which I think was written by your father. It had been so little regarded by i former possessor, that several leaves of it were torn out ; but the remainder gave. me such a turn of thinking, as to have nn influence on my conduct through life : for I have always set a greater value on the cha- ESSAYS. 157 racter of a doer of good, than any other kind of repu- tation ; and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that book. You mention your being in your seventy-eighth year. I am in my seventy-ninth. We are grown old to gether. It is now more than sixty years since I left Boston ; but I remember well both your father and grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I vi sited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania : he re ceived me in his library ; and on my taking leave, shewed me a shorter way out of the house, through a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam over head. We were still talking as I withdrew, he accom panying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily, " Stoop, Stoop !" I did not un derstand him till I felt my hetxd iiit against the beam. He was a man who never missed any occasion of giv ing instruction ; and upon this he snid to me : " You are young and have the world before you : stoop as you go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps." This advice, thus beat into my bend, has frequently been of use to me ; and I often think of it, when 1 see pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too high. I long much to see again my native place ; and once hoped to lay my bones there. I left it in 1723. I visited it in 1733, 1743, and 1763 ; and in 1773 I was in England. In 1775, I had a sight of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy. I did hope to have been there in 1783, but could not obtain my dismission from this employment here j and now I fear I shall never have that happiness. My best wishes however attend my dear country, " esto perpetua." It is now blessed with an excellent constitution : may it last forever ! 14 153 ESSAYS. This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the United States. It is a friendship of the ut most importance to our security, and should be care fully cultivated. Britain has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us ; and has still at times some flattering hopes of recovering it. Accidents may increase those hopes, and encourage dangerous attempts. A breach between us and France would infallibly bring the English again upon our backs ; and yet we have some wild beasts among our countrymen who are endeavouring to weaken that connection. Let us preserve our reput-ition, by performing our engagements ; our credit by fulfilling our contracts ; an& our friends by gratitude and kindness ; for we know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of them. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, Reverend Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. Patsy, May 12, 1784, THE WHISTLE. A TRUE STORY. WRITTEN TO HIS NEPHEW, When I was a child, at seven years old, my friends on a holiday, filled my pocket with coppers, I went directly to a shop where they sold toys for children ; and being charmed with the sound of a whistle that 1 met by the way in the hands of another boy, I voluntarily oftered him all my money for one* I then ESSAYS. Io9 came home, and went whistling all over the house, much pleased with my whistle, but disturbing all the family. My brothers, and sisters, and cousins, under standing the bargain I had made, told me I had given four times as much for it as it was worth. This put me in mind what good things I might have bought with the rest of my money ; and they laughed at me so much for my folly, that I cried with vexation ; and the reflection gave me more chagrin than the whistle gave me pleasure. This however was afterwards of use to me, the im pression continuing on my mind : so that often, when I was tempted to buy some unnecessary thing, I said to myself, Don t give too much for the whistle ; and so I saved my money. As I grew up, came into the world, and observed the actions of men, I thought I met with many, very many, who gave too much for the whistle. When I saw any one too ambitious of court favours, sacrificing his time in attendance on levees, his repose , his liberty, his virtue, and perhaps his friends to attain it, I have said to myself, This man gives too much for his whistle. When I saw another fond of popularity, constantly employing himself in political bustles, neglecting his own affairs, and ruining them by that neglect: He pays indeed, says I, too much for his whistle. If I knew a miser, who gave up every kind of com fortable living, all the pleasure of doing good to otheis, all the esteem of his fellow-citizens, and the joys of benevolent friendship, for the sake of accumulating wealth : Poor man, says I, you do indeed pay too much for your whistle. When I meet a man of pleasure, sacrificing every laudable improvement of the mind, or of his fortune, to mere corporeal sensations ; Mistaken man, says I, you are providing pain for yourself instead of pleasure ; you give too much for your whistle. 160 ESSAYS. If I see one fond of fine clothes, fine furniture, fine equipages, all above his fortune, for which he contracts debts, and ends his career in prison ; Mas, says I, he has paid dear, very dear, for his whistle. When I see a beautiful, sweet-tempered girl, mar ried to an ill-natured brute of a husband ; What a pity it is, says I, that she has paid so much for a whistle. In short, I conceive that great part of the miseries of mankind were brought upon them by the false esti mates they had made of the value of things, and by their giving too much for their whistles. A PETITION TO THOSE WHO HAVE THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF EDUCATION. I address myself to all the friends of youth, and conjure them to direct their compassionate regards to my unhpppy fate, in order to remove the prejudi ces of which I am the victim. There are twin sis ters of us ; and the two eyes of man do not more re semble, nor are capable of being on better terms with each other, than my sister and myself, were it not for the partiality of our parents, who make the most injurious distinctions between us. From my infan cy I have been led to consider my sister as a being of a more elevated rank. I was suffered to grow up without the least instruction, while nothing was spared in her education. She had masters to teach her writing, drawing, music, and other accomplishments j tmtif by chance I touched a pencil, a pen, or a needle, I was bitterly rebuked ; and more than once I have been beaten for being awkward, and wanting a graceful manner. It is true, my sister associated me with her upon some occasions ; but she always made a point < ESSAYS. 161 taking the lead, calling upon me only from necessity, or to figure by her side. But conceive not, Sirs, that my complaints are insti gated merely by vanity No ; my uneasiness is occa sioned by one object much more serious. It is the practice in our family, that the whole business of pro viding for its subsistence falls upon my sister and my self. If any indisposition should attack my sister and I mention it in confidence, upon this occasion, that she is subject to the gout, the rheumatism and cramp, without making mention of other accidents what would be the fate of our poor family ? Must not the regret of our parents be excessive, at having placed so great a difference between sisters who are perfectly equal? Alas! we must perish from distress ; for it would not be in my power even to scrawl a suppliant petition for relief, having been obliged to employ the hand of another in transcribing the request which I have now the honour to prefer to you. Condescend, Sirs, to make my parents sensible of the injustice of an exclusive tenderness, and of the necessity of distributing their care and affection among all their children equally. I am, with a profound respect, Sirs, Your obedient servant, THE LEFT HAND, THE HANDSOME AND DEFORMED LEG. There are two sorts of people in the world, who with equal degrees of health and wealth, and the other comforts of life, become the one happy, and the other miserable. This arises very much frprq the 14 * 162 ESSAYS. different views in which they consider things, persons, and events ; and the effect of those different views upon their own minds. In whatever situation men can be placed, they may find conveniences and inconveniences ; in whatever campany, they may find persons and conversation more or less pleasing ; at whatever table, they may meet with meats and drinks of better and worse taste, dishes better and worse dressed ; in whatever climate, they will find good and bad weather : under whatever government, they may find good and bad laws, and good and bad administration of those laws ; in whatev er poem, or work of genius, they may see faults and beauties ; in almost every face, and every person, they may discover fine features and defects, good and bad qualities. Under these circumstances, the two sorts of people above mentioned, fix their attention, those who arc disposed to be happy, on the conveniences of things, the pleasant parts of conversation, the well-dressed dishes, the goodness of the wines, the fine weather, &c. and enjoy all with cheerfulness. Those who are to be unhappy, think and speak only of the contraries. Hence they are continually discontented themselves, and by their remarks sour the pleasures of society ; offend personally many people, and make themselves every where disagreeable. If this turn of mind was founded in nature, such unhappy persons would be the more to be pitied. But as the disposition to criticise, and to be disgusted, is perhaps, taken up originally by imitation, and is, unawares, grown into a habit, which, though at present strong, may nevertheless be cur ed, when those who have it are convinced of its bad effects on their felicity ; I hope this little admoni tion may be of service to them, and put them on changing a habit, which, though in the exercise it is chiefly an act of imagination, yet has serious conse quences in life, as it brings on rea) griefs and oiisfor ESSAYS, 103 tunes. For as many are offended by, and nobody loves this sort of people ; no one shews them more than the most common civility and respect, and scarcely that ; and this frequently puts them out of humour, and draws them into disputes and contentions. If they aim at obtaining some advantage in rank or fortune, nobody wishes them success, or will stir a step, or speak a word to favour their pretensions. If they in cur public censure or disgrace, no one will defend or excuse, and many join to aggravate their misconduct, and render them completely odious : If these people will not change this bad habit, and condescend to be pleased with what is pleasing, without fretting them selves and others about the contraries, it is good for others to avoid an acquaintance with them ; which is always disagreeable, and sometimes very inconvenient, especially when one finds one s self entangled in their quarrels. An old philosophical friend of mine was grown, from experience, very cautious in this particular, and carefully avoided any intimacy with such people. He had like other philosophers, a thermometer to shew him the heat of the weather ; and a barometer, to mark when it was likely to prove good or bad ; but there being no instrument invented to discover, at first sight, this unpleasing disposition in a person, he, for that purpose, made use of his legs : one of which was remarkably handsome, the other, by some accident, crooked and deformed. If a stranger, at the first in terview, regarded his ugly leg more than his hand some one, he doubted him. If he spoke of it, and took no notice of the handsome leg, that was sufficient to determine my philosopher to have no further ac quaintance with him. Every body has not this two legged instrument ; but every one, with a little atten tion, may observe signs of that carping, fault-finding disposition, and take the same resolution of avoiding the acquaintance of those infected with it. I therefore ESSAYS. advise those critical, querulous, discontented, unhappy people, that if they wish to be respected and beloved by others, and h:ippy in themselves, they should leave off" looking at the ugly leg. CONVERSATION OF A COMPANY OF EPHEMERAE; WITH THE SOLILOQUY OF ONE ADVANCED IN AGE. TO MADAME BRILLIANT. You may remember, my dear friend, that when we lately spent that happy day, in the delightful garden and sweet society of the Moulin Joly, 1 stopt a little in one of our walks, and staid some time behind the company. We had been shewn numberless skel etons of a kind of little fly, called an Ephemeras, whose successive generations, we are told, were bred and ex pired within the day. I appened to see allying compa ny of them on a leaf, who appeared to be engaged in conversation. You know I understand all the inferior animal tongues : my too great application to the study of them, is the best excuse I can give for the little pro gress I have made in your charming language. I listened through curiosity to the discourse of these little creatures ; but as they, in their natural vivacity spoke three or four together, I could make but little of their conversation. I found, however, by some bro ken expressions that I heard now and then, they were disputing warmly on the merit of two foreign musi cians, the one a cousin, the other a muscheto ; in which dispute they spent their time, seemingly as regardless of the shortness of life as if they had been sure of ESSAYS. 166 living a month. Happy people, thought I, you live certainly under a wise, just and mild government, since you have no public grievances to complain of, nor any subject of contention, but the perfections or imperfections of foreign music. I turned my head from them to an old grey-headed one, who was single on another leaf, and talking to himself. Being amus ed with his soliloquy, 1 put it down in writing, in hopes it will likewise amuse her to whom I am so much in debted for the most pleasing of all amusements, her delicious company, and heavenly harmony. " It was," says he, " the opinion of learned philo sophers of our race, who lived and flourished long be fore my time, that this vast world the Moulin Joly could not itself subsist more than eighteen hours ; and I think there was some foundation for that opi nion ; since, by the apparent motion of the great lumi nary, that gives life to all nature, and which in my time has evidently declined considerably towards the ocean at the end of our earth, it must then finish its course, be extinguished in the waters that surround us, and leave the world in cold and darkness, necessa rily producing universal death and destruction. I have lived seven of those hours ; a great age, being no less than 420 minutes of time. How very few of us continue so long ! I have seen generations born., flourish, and expire. My present friends are the chil - dren and grand-children of the friends of my youth, who are now, alas, no more ! And I must soon follow them ; for, by the course of nature, though still in health, I cannot expect to live above seven or eight minutes longer. What now avails all my toil and la bour in amassing honey-dew on this leaf, which I can i not live to enjoy ! What the political struggles I have been engaged in, for the good of my corn-patriot in habitants of this bush, or my philosophical studies, for the benefit of our race in general ! for in politics what ran laws do without morals ?) our present race A66 ESSAYS. of Ephemerae will in a course of minutes become cor- rupt, like those of other and older bushes, and conse quently as wretched : And in philosophy how small our progress! Alas! art is long and life is short! My friends would comfort me with the idea of a name, they say, I shall leave behind me ; and they tell me I have lived long enough to nature and to glory. But what will fame be to an Ephemera? who no longer exists ? and what will become of all history in the eighteenth hour, when the world itself, even the whole Moulin Joly, shall come to its end, and be bu ried in universal ruin ?" To me, after all my eager pursuits, no solid plea sures now remain, but the reflection of a long life spent in meaning well, the sensible conversation of a few good lady Ephemerae, and now and then a kind smile and a tune from the ever amiable Bril liant. B. FRANKLIN, MORALS OF CHESS. Playing at chess is the most ancient and most "universal game known among men ; for its origi nal is beyond the memory of history, and it has, for numberless ages, been the amusement of all the civi lized nations of Asia, the Persians, the Indians, and the Chinese. Europe has had it above a thousand years ; the Spaniards have spread it over their part of America, and it begins lately to make its appear ance in these states. It is so interesting in itself, as to not need the view of gain to induce engaging in it ; and thence it is never played for money. Those, therefore, who have leisure for such diversions, cannot fiud one that is more innocent : and the following ESSAYS. 16? piece, written with a view to correct (among a few young friends) some little improprieties in the prao . tice of it, shews, at the same time, that it may, in its effects on the mind, be not merely innocent, but ad vantageous, to the vanquished as well as the victor. The game of chess is not merely an idle amuse ment. Several valuable qualities of the mind, useful in the course of human life, are to be acquired or strengthened by it, so as to become habits, ready on all occasions. For life is a kind of chess, in which we have often points to gain, and competitors or adversa ries to contend with, and in which there is avast varie ty of good and ill events, that are, in some degree, the effects of prudence or the want of it. By playing at chess, then, we may learn. I. Foresight, which looks a little into futurity, and considers the consequences that may attend an action ; for it is continually occurring to the player, " If I move this piece, what will be the advantage of my new situation ? What use can my adversary make of it to annoy me ? What other moves can 1 make to support it, and to defend myself from his attacks ?" II. Circumspection, which surveys the whole chess board, or scene of action, the relations of the several pieces and situations, the dangers they are respective ly exposed to, the several possibilities of their aiding each other, the probabilities that the adversary may take this or that move, and attack this or the other piece, and what different means can be used to avoid his stroke, or turn its consequences against him. III. Caution, not to make our moves too hastily. This habit is best acquired by observing strictly the laws of the game, such as., " If you touch a piece, you must move it somewhere ; if you set it down, you must let it stand ;" and it is therefore best that these rules should be observed, as the game thereby becomes more the image of human life, and particu larly of war ; in which, if you have incautiously put 168 ESSAYS. yourself into a bad and dangerous position, you can not obtain your enemy s leave to withdraw your troops, and place them more securely, but you must abide all the consequences of your rashness. And, lastly, we learn by chess the habit of not being discouraged by present bad appearances in the state of our affairs, the habit of hoping for afavourable change, and that of persevering in the search of resources. The game is so full of events, there is such a variety of turns in it, the fortune of it is so subject to sudden vi cissitudes, and one so frequently, after long contempla tion, discovers the means of extricating one s self from a supposed insurmountable difficulty, that one is encou raged to continue the contest to the last, in hopes of victory by our own skill, or at least giving a stale mate, by the negligence of our adversary. And whoever considers, what in chess he often sees instances of, that particular pieces of success are apt to produce pre sumption, and its consequent inattention, by which the loss may be recovered, will learn not to be too much discouraged by the present success of his adversary, nor to despair of final good fortune, upon every little check he receives in pursuit of it. That we may therefore, be induced more frequent ly to choose this beneficial amusement, in preference to others, which are not attended with the same advan tages, every circumstance which may increase the pleasures of it should be regarded ; and every action or word that is unfair, disrespectful, or that in any way may give uneasiness, should be avoided, as con trary to the immediate intention of both the players, which is to pass the time agreeably. Therefore, first, If it is agreed to play according to the strict rules ; then those rules are to be exactly observed by both parties, and should not be insisted on for one side, while deviated from by the other for this is not equitable. ESSAYS. 16y Secondly, If it is agreed not to observe the rules exactly, but one party demands indulgences, he should then be as willing to allow them to the other. Thirdly, No false move should ever be made to ex tricate yourself out of a difficulty, or to gain an advan tage. There can be no pleasure in playing with a person once detected in such unfair practice. Fourthly, If your adversary is long in playing, you ought not to hurry him, or express any uneasiness at his delay. You should not sing, nor whistle, nor look at your watch, nor take up a book to re.id, nor make a tapping with your feet on the floor, or with your fin gers on the table, nor do any thing that may disturb his attention. For all these things displease, and they do not shew your skill in playing, but your craftiness or your rudeness. Fifthly, You ought not to endeavour to amuse and deceive your adversary, by pretending to have made bad moves, and saying that you have now lost the game, in order to make him secure and careless, and inattentive to your schemes ; for this is fraud and de ceit, not skill in the game. Sixthly, You must not, when you have gained a vic tory, use any triumphing or insulting expression, nor show too much pleasure ; but endeavour to console your adversary, and make him less dissatisfied with himself, by every kind of civil expression that may be used with truth, such as, " You understand the game better than I, but you are a little inattentive ;" or, " You play too fast ;" or " you had the best of the game, but something happened to divert your thoughts, and that turned it in my favour." Seventhly, If you are a spectator while others play, observe the most perfect silence. For if you give ad vice, you offend both parties ; him against whom you give it, because it may cause the loss of his game ; him in whose favour you give it, because, though it be good and he follows it, he loses the pleasure he 45 170 ESSAYS. might have had, if you had permitted him to think us til it had occurred to himself. Even after a move, or moves, you must not, by replacing the pieces, show how it might have been placed better : for that dis pleases, and may occasion disputes and doubts about their true situation. All talking to the players les sens or diverts their attention, and is therefore un- pleasing. Nor should you give the least hint to either party, by any kind of noise or motion. If you do, you are unworthy to be a spectator. If you have a mind to exercise or shew your judgment, do it in playing your own game, when you have an opportunity, not in cri ticising, or meddling with, or counselling the play of others. Lastly, if the game is not to be played rigorously, according to the rules above mentioned, then moderate your desire of victory over your adversary, and be pleased with one over yourself. Snatch not eagerly at every advantage offered by his unskilfulness or inat tention : but point out to him kindly, that by such a move he places or leaves a piece in danger and unsup ported ; that by another he will put his King in a peri lous situation, &c. By this generous civility (so op posite to the unfairness above forbidden) you may, in deed, happen to lose, the game to your opponent, but you will win what is better, his esteem, his respect, and his affection ; together with the silent approba tion and good will of impartial spectators. THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT DREAMS, INSCRIBED TO MISS * * * *. BEING WRITTEN AT HER REaUEST. As a great part of our life is spent in sleep, during which we have sometimes pleasing, and sometu painful dreams, it becomes of some consequence ESSAYS. 174 V) obtain the one kind, and avoid the other ; for whe ther real or imaginary, pain is pain, and pleasure is pleasure. If we can sleep without dreaming, it is well that painful dreams are avoided. If, while we sleep, we can have pleasing dreams, it is, as the French say, (ante gagne, so much added to the pleasure of life. To this end it is, in the first place, necessary to be careful in preserving health, by due exercise, and great temperance ; for, in sickness, the imagination is disturbed ; and disagreeable, sometimes terrible ideas are apt to present themselves. Exercise should precede meals, not immediately follow them ; the first promotes, the latter, unless moderate, obstructs diges tion. If, after exercise, we feed sparingly, the diges tion will be easy and good, the body lightsome, the temper cheerful, and all the animal functions per formed agreeably. Sleep, when it follows, will be natural and undisturbed. While indolence, with full feeding, occasions nightmares and horrors inexpressi ble : we fall from precipices, are assaulted by wild beasts, murderers, and demons, and experience every variety of distress. Observe, however, that the quan tities of food and exercise are relative things : those who move much may, and indeed ought to eat more ; those who use little exercise, should eat little. In ge neral, mankind, since the improvement of cooke ry, eat about twice as much as nature requires. Suppers are not bad, if we have not dined ; but restless nights naturally follow hearty suppers, after tull dinners. Indeed, as there is a difference in con stitutions, some rest well after these meals ; it costs them only a frightful dream, and an apoplexy, after which they sleep till doomsday. Nothing is more common in the newspapers, than instances of people, who, after eating a hearty supper, are found dead a-bed in the morning. Another means of preserving health, to be attended to, is the having a constant supply of fresh air in vour ;:.-> ESSAYS. bed-chamber. It has been a great mistake, the sleep ing in rooms exactly closed, and in beds sirrroumled by curtains. No outward air, that may come into you. is so unwholesome as the unchanged air, often breath ed, of a close chamber. As boiling water does not grow hotter by longer boiling, if the particles that re ceive greater heat can escape : so living bodies do not putrify, if the particles, as fast as they become putrid, can be thrown off. Nature expels them by the pores of the skin and lungs, and in a free open air, they arc carried off ; but, in a close room, we receive them again and again, though they become more and more corrupt. A number of persons crowded into a small room, thus spoil the air in a few minutes, and even render it mortal, as in the Black Hole at Calcutta. A single person is said to spoil only a gallon of air per minute, and therefore requires a longer time to spoil a chamber-full ; but it is done, however, in propor tion, and many putrid disorders hence have their ori gin. It is recorded of Methusalem, who, being the longest liver, may be supposed to have best preserv ed his health, that he slept always in the open air ; for, when he had lived five hundred years, an angel said to him: " Arise, Methusalem : and build thee an house, for thou shalt live yet five hundred years long er." But Methusalem answered and said : " If I am to live but five hundred years longer, it is not worth while to build me an house I will sleep in the air as I have been used to do." Physicians, after hav ing for ages contended that the sick should not be in dulged with fresh air, have at length discovered that it may do them good. It is therefore to be hoped that they may in time discover likewise that is is not hurt ful to those who are in health : and that we may be then cured of the aerophobia that at present distresses weak minds, and make them choose to be stifled and poisoned, rather than leave open the windows of a bed-chamber, or put down the glass of a coach. ESSAYS. 173 Confined air, when saturated with perspirable mat ter*, will not receive more ; and that matter must re main in our bodies and occasion diseases : but it gives some previous notice of its being about to be hurtful, by producing certain uneasiness, slight indeed at first, such as, with regard to the lungs, is a trilling sensa tion, and to the pores of the skin a kind of restless ness which is difficult to describe, and few that feel it know the cause of it. But we may recollect, that sometimes on walking in the night, w r e have, if warmly covered, found it difficult to get asleep again. We turn often without finding repose in any position. This figgettiness, to use a vulgar expression for want of a better, is occasioned wholly by an uneasiness in the skin, owing to the retention of the perspirable matter ; f.he bed clothes having received their quantity, and be ing saturated, refusing to take any more. To become sensible of this by an experiment, let a person keep his position in the bed, but throw off the bed-clothes, and suffer fresh air to approach the part uncovered of his body ; he will then feel that part suddenly refresh ed ; for the air will immediately relieve the skin, by receiving, licking up, and carrying off, the load of perspirable matter that incommoded it. For every portion of cool air that approaches the warm skin, in receiving its part of that vapour, receives therewith a degree of heat that rarifies and renders it lighter, when it will bepushed away, with its burthen, by cooler, and therefore heavier fresh air ; which, for a moment, sup- is its place, and then, being likewise changed, and warmed, gives way to a succeeding quantity. This the order of nature, to prevent animals being infect- J-by their own perspiration. He will now be sensible the difference between the part exposed to the air, * What physicians call the perspirable matter, is that va pour which passes off from our bodie9, from the lungs, and through the pores of the skin. The quantity of this faTtiiid to *~ s five-eights of what we eat. J5 * 174 ESSAYS. and that which, remaining sunk in the bed, denies the air access : for this part now manifests its uneasi ness more distinctly by the comparison, and the seat of the uneasiness is more plainly perceived, than when the whole surface of the body was affected by it. Here then, is one great and general cause of un- pleasing dreams. For when the body is uneasy, the mind will be disturbed by it, and disagreeable ideas of various kinds, will, in sleep, be the natural conse quences. The remedies, preventative, and curative, follow : 1. By eating moderately, (as before advised for health s sake,) less perspirable matter is produced in a given time ; hence the bed clothes receive it longer before they are saturated ; and we may, therefore, sleep longer, before we are made uneasy by their re fusing to receive any more. 2. By using thinner and more porous bed-clothes, which will suffer the perspirable matter more easily to pass through them, we are less incommoded, such being longer tolerable. 3. When you are awakened by this uneasiness, and find you cannot easily sleep again, get out of bed, beat up and turn your pillow, shake the bed-clothes well, with at least twenty shakes, then throw the bed open, and leave it to cool : in the meanwhile, continuing un- drest, walk about your chamber, till your skin has had time to discharge its load, which it will do sooner as the air may be drier and colder. W hen y ou begin to feel the cold air unpleasant, then return to your bed ; and you will soon fall asleep, and your sleep will be sweet and pleasant. All the scenes presented to your fancy, will be of the pleasing kind. I am often as agreeably en tertained with them, as by the scenery of an opera. J you happen to be too indolent to get out of bed, yd may, instead of it, lift up your bed-clothes with arm and leg, so as to draw in a good deal of Ires and by letting them full, force it out again. 1 nis, re- ESSAYS. 175 peated twenty times, will so clear them of the perspi rable matter they have imbibed, as to permit your sleeping well for some time afterwards. But this lat^ ter method is not equal to the former. Those who do not love trouble, and can afford to have two beds, will find great luxury in rising, when they wake in a hot bed, and going into the cool one. Such shifting of beds would also be of great service to persons ill of a fever, as it refreshes and frequently procures sleep. A very large bed, that will admit a removal so distant from the first situation as to be cool and sw r eet, may in a degree answer the same end. One or two observations more will conclude this little piece. Care must be taken, when you lie down, to dispose your pillow so as to suit your manner of placing your head, and to be perfectly easy ; then place your limbs so as not to bear inconveniently hard upon one another, as, for instance, the joints of your ancles : for though a bad position may at first give but little pain, and be hardly noticed, yet a continuance will render it less tolerable, and the uneasiness may come on while you are asleep, and disturb your ima gination. These are the rules of the art. But though they will generally prove effectual in producing the end intended, there is a case in which tinniest punctual observance of them will be totally fruitless. I need not mention the case to you my dear friend : but my account of the art would be imperfect without it. The case is, when the person who desires to have pleasant dreams has not taken care to preserve, what is neces sary above all things, A GOOD CONSCIENCE, 176 ESSAYS. ADVICE TO A YOUNG TRADESMAN. WRITTEN ANNO 1748. TO MY FRIEND A. B. As you have desired it of me, I write the following hints, which have been of service to me, and may, if observed, be so to you. Remember that time is money. He that can earn ten shillings a day by his labour, and goes abroad or sits idle one half of that day, though he spends but sixpence during his diversion or idleness, ought not to reckon that the only expense ; he has really spent, or rather thrown away, five shillings be sides. Remember that credit is money. If a man lets his money lie in my hands after it is due, he gives me the interest, or so much as I can make of it during that time. This amounts to a considerable sum when a man has good and large credit, and makes good use of it. Remember that money is of a prolific generating nature. Money can beget money, and its offspring can beget more, and so on. Five shillings turned is six ; turned again, it is seven and three pence ; and so on till it becomes an hundred pounds. The more there is of it, the more it produces, every turning, so that the profits rise quicker and quicker. He that kills a breeding sow, destroys all her offspring to the thousandth generation. He that murders a crown, destroys all that it might have produced, even scores of pounds. Remember that six pounds a year is but a groat a day. For this little sum, which may be daily wasted either in time or expense, unperceived, a man of credit may, on his own security, have the constant pos- scseion and use of an hundred pounds. So much m ESSAYS. 177 stock, briskly turned by an industrious man, produces great advantage. Remember this saying, " The good paymaster is lord of another man s purse." He that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the time he promises, may at any time, and on any occasion, raise all the money his friends can spare. This is sometimes of great use. After industry and frugality, nothing con tributes more to the raising of a young man in the world, tharupunctuality and justice in all his dealings : therefore never keep borrowed money an hour be yond the time yoja promised, lest a disappointment shut up your friend s purse for ever. The most trifling actions that can affectaman s cre dit are to be regarded. The sound of your hammer at live in the morning, or nine at night, heard by a cre ditor makes him easy six months longer ; but if he sees you at a billiard table, or hears your voice at a tavern when you should be at work, he sends for his money the next day ; demands it before he can receive it in a lump. It shews, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe ; it makes you appear a careful, as well as all honest man, and that still increases your credits Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living accordingly. It is a mistake that many people who have credit fall into. To prevent this keep an exact account for some time, both of your ex penses and your income. If you take the pains at first to mention particulars, it will have this good ef fect ; you will discover how wonderfully small trifling expenses mount up to large sums, and will discern what might have been, and may for the future be sav ed, without occasioning any great inconvenience. In short, the way to wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as the way to market. It depends chiefly on two words, industry mid frugality ; that is, waste nei ther timt nor money, but make the best use of both. S78 ESSAYS. Without industry and frugality no&ing.^iil do, and with them every thing. He that gets all he can hon estly, and- saves all he gets, (necessary expenses ex- cepted,) will certainly become rich if that Being who governs the world, to whom all should look for a blessing on their honest endeavours, doth not, in his wise providence, otherwise determine. AN OLD TRADESMAN, NECESSARY HINTS TO THOSE THAT WOULD BE RICH. WRITTEN ANNO 1736. The use of money is all the advantage there is ID .having money. For six pounds a year you may have the use of one hundred pounds, provided you are a man of known prudence and honesty. He that spends a groat a day idly, spends idly above six pounds a year, which is the price for use of one hundred pounds. He that wastes idly a groat s worth of his time per day, one day with another, wastes the privilege of using one hundred pounds each day. He that idly loses five shillings worth of time, loses five shillings, and might as prudently throw five shil lings into the sea. He that loses five shillings, not only loses that sum, but all the advantage that might be made by turning it in dealing, which, by the time that a young man be comes old, will amount to a considerable sum of money. f Again : he that sells upon credit, asks a price what he sells equivalent to the principal and interest of his money for the time he is to be kept out ot it ; .herefore^he that buys upon credit, pays interest tor ESSAYS. 179 what he buys ; and he that pays ready money, might let that money out to use ; so that he that possesses any thing he has bought, pays interest for the use of it. Yet, in buying goods, it is best to pay ready money, because, he that sells upon credit, expects to lose five per cent, by bad debts ; therefore he charges, on all he sells upon credit, an advance that shall make up that deficiency. Those who pay for what they buy upon credit, pay their share of this advance. He that pays ready meney, escapes, or may escape, that charge. A penny sav d is twopence clear ; A pin a day s a groat a year. THE WAY TO MAKE .MONEY PLENTY IN EVERY MAN S POCKET. At this time, when the general complaint is that "money is scarce," it will be an act of kindness to inform the moneyless how they may reinforce their pockets. I will acquaint them with the true secret of money-catching the certain way to fill empty purses and how to keep them always full. Two simple rules, well observed, will do the business. First, let honesty and industry be thy constant com panions ; and, Secondly, spend one penny less than thy clear gains. Then shall thy hide-bound pocket soon begin to thrive, and will never again cry w r ith the empty belly ache : neither will creditors insult thee, nor want op press, nor hunger bite, nor nakedness freeze thee. The whole hemisphere will shine brighter, and plea sure spring up in every corner of thy heart. Now, therefore, embrace these rules and be happy. Banish 180 ESSAYS. the bleak winds of sorrow from thy mind, and live in- dependent. Then shalt thou be a man, and not hide thy face at the approach of the rich, nor suffer the pain of feeling little when the sons of fortune walk at thy right hand : for independency, whether with little or much, is good fortune, and placeth thee on even ground with the proudest of the golden fleece. Oh then, be wise, and let industry walk with thee in the morning, and attend thee until thou readiest the even ing hour for rest. Let honesty be as the breath of thy soul, and never forget to have a penny, w r hen all thy expenses are enumerated and paid ; then shalt thou reach the ppint of happiness, and independence shall be thy shield and buckler, thy helmet and crown ; then shall thy soul walk upright, nor stoop to the silk en wretch because he hath riches, nor pocket an abuse because the hand which offers it wears a ring set with diamonds. AN ECONOMICAL PROJECT. [A Translation of this Letter appeared in one of the Daily Papers of Paris about the year 1784. The following is the Original Piece, with some additions and corrections made iu it by the Author.] TO THE AUTHORS OF THE JOURNAL. Messieurs, You often entertain us with accounts of new dis coveries. Permit me to communicate to the pub lic, through your paper, one that has lately been made by myself, and which I conceive may be of great utility. I was the other evening in a grand company, where the new lamp of Messrs. Quinquet and Lange was in troduced, and much admired for its splendor ; but a ESSAYS. 181 general inquiry was made, whether the oil it consum ed, was not in proportion to the light it afforded, in which case there would be no saving in the use of it. No one present could satisfy us in that point, which all agreed ought to be known, it being a very desirable thing to lessen, if possible, the expense of lighting our apartments, when every other article of family ex pense was so much augmented. I was pleased to see this general concern for cecono- my ; for I love oeconomy exceedingly. I went home, and to bed, three or four hours after midnight, with my head full of the subject. An acci dental sudden noise waked me about six in the morn ing, when I was surprised to find my room filled with light ; and I imagined at first that a number of those lamps had been brought into it ; but rubbing my eyes I perceived the light came in at the windows. I got yp and looked out to see what might be the occasion of it, when I saw the sun just rising above the horizon, from whence he poured his rays plentifully into my chamber, my domestic having negligently omitted the preceding evening to close the shutters. I looked at my watch, which goes very well, and found that it was but six o clock ; and still thinking it something extraordinary that the sun should rise so early, 1 looked into the almanac ; where I found it to be the hour given for his rising on that day. I looked forward too, and found he was to rise still earlier every day till towards the end of June ; and that at no time in the year he retarded his rising so long as till eight o clock. Your readers, who with me have never seen any signs of sunshine before noon, and sel dom regard the astronomical part of the almanack, will be as much astonished as I was, when they hear of his rising so early ; and especially when I assure them, that he gives light as soon as he rises. I am con vinced of this. I am certain of the fact. One cannot be more certain of any fact. I saw it witl* my own 16 163 ESSAYS. eyes. And having repeated this observation the thre?. following mornings, I found always precisely the same result. Yet so it happens, that when I speak of this discov ery to others, I can easily perceive by their counte nances, though they forbear expressing it in words, that they do not quite believe me. One indeed, who is a learned natural philosopher, has assured me that I. must certainly be mistaken as to the circumst.mce of the light coming into my room : for it being well known, as he says, that there could be no light abroad at that hour, it follows that none could enter from with out ; and that of consequence, my windows being ac cidentally left open, instead of letting in the light, had only served to let out the darkness : and he used many ingenious arguments to shew me how I might, by that means, have been deceived. I own that he puz zled me a little, but he did not satisfy me : and the subsequent observations I made, as above mentioned, confirmed me in my first opinion. This event has given rise, in my mind, to several serious and important reflections. I considered that, if I had not beer awakened so early in the morning, I should have slept six hours longer by the light of the sun, and in exchange have lived six hours the fol lowing night by candle light ; and the latter being a much more expensive light than the former, my love of O3conr ; my induced me to muster up what little arith metic I was master of, and to make some calculations, which I shall give you, after observing, that utility is in my opinion, the test of value in matters of inven tion, and that a discovery which can be applied to no vse, or is not good for something, is good for nothing. I took for the basis of my calculation the supposi tion that there are 100,000 families in Paris, and that these families consume in the night half a pound of bougies, or candles, per hour. I think this is a mode rate allowance, taking one family with another j fgr ESSAYS. 163 though I believe some consume less, I know that many consume a great deal more. Then estimating seven hours per diy, as the medium quantity between the time of the sun s rising and ours, he rising during the six following months from six to eight hours before noon, and there being seven hours of course per night in which we burn candles, the account will stand thus In the six months between the twen tieth of March and the twentieth of September, there are nights 183 Hours of each night in which we burn candles - 7 Multiplication gives for the total number of hours * - 1,281 These 1,281 hours multiplied by 100,000, the number of inhabitants, give - 128,100,000 One hundred twenty-eight millions and one hundred thousand hours, spent at Paris by candle-light, which, at half a pound of wax and tallow per hour, gives the weight of 64,050,000 Sixty-four millions and fifty thousand of pounds, which estimating the whole at the medium price of thirty sols the pound, makes the sum of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand Hvres tournois 93,075,000 An immense sum! that the city of Paris might save every yeur, by the oeconomy of using sunshine instead of candles. If it should be said, that the people are apt to be ob stinately attached to old customs, and that it will be difficult to induce them to rise before noon, conse quently my discovery can be of little use ; I answer, JWZ desperandum. I believe all who have common *34 ESSAYS. sense, as soon as they have learnt from this paper that it is flay-light when the sun rises, will contrive to rise with him ; and, to compel the rest, I would propose the following regulations : First. Let a tax be laid of a louis per window, OK every window that is provided with shutters to keep out the light of the sun. Second. Let the same salutary operation of police be made use of to prevent our burning candles, that inclined us last winter to be more oeconomical in burn ing wood ; that is, let guards be placed in the shops of the wax and tallow chandlers, and no family be per mitted to be supplied with more than one pound of candles per week. Third. Let guards be posted to stop all the coaches, &c. that would pass the streets after sun-set, except those of physicians, surgeons, and midwives. Fourth. Every morning, as soon as the sun rises, let all the bells in every church be set ringing ; and if that is not sufficient, let cannon be fired in every street, and wake the sluggards effectu .lly, and make them open their eyes to see their true interest. All the difficulty will be in the first two or three days ; after which the reformation will be as natural and easy as the present irregularity : for, ce n est qut le premier pas qui coute. Oblige a man to rise at four in the morning, and it is more than probable he shall go willingly to bed at eight in the evening ; and, hav ing had eight hours sleep, he will rise more willingly at four the morning following. But this sum of ninety- six millions and seventy-five thousand livres is not the whole of what may be saved by my ceconomical pro ject. You may observe, that J have calculated upon only one half of the year, and much may be saved in the other, though the days are shorter. Besides, the immense stock of wax and tallow left unconsumed during the summer, will probably make candles much ESSAYS. 185 cheaper for the ensuing winter, and continue cheaper as long as the proposed reformation shall be supported. For the great benefit of this discovery, thus freely communicated and bestowed by me on the public, I demand neither place, pension, exclusive privilege, nor any other reward whatever. I expect only to have the honour of it. And yet I know there are lit tle envious minds who will, as usual, deny me this, and say that my invention was known to the ancients, and perhaps they may bring passages out of the old books in proof of it. I will not dispute with these people that the ancients knew not the sun would rise at certain hours : they possibly had, as we have, al manacs that predicted it : but it does not follow from thence that they knew he gave light as soon as he rose. This is what I claim as my discovery. If the ancients knew it, it must have long since been forgotten, for it certainly was unknown to the moderns, at least to the Parisians ; which to prove, I need use but one plain simple argument. They are as well instructed, judi cious, and prudent a people as exist any where in the world, all professing, like myself, to be lovers of ceco- nomy ; and, from the many heavy taxes required from them by the necessities of the state, have surely rea son to be oeconomical. I say it is impossible that so sensible a people, under such circumstances, should have lived so long by the smoky, unwholesome, and enormously expensive light of candles, if they had really known that they might have had as much pure light of the sun for nothing. I am, &c. AN ABONNE, 16 * 186 ESSAYS. ON MODERN INNOVATIONS IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, AND IN PRINTING. TO NOAH WEBSTER, JUN. ESft, AT HARTFORD. Philadelphia, Dec. 26, 1789. DEAR SIR, I received, some time since, your Dissertations on the English Language. It is an excellent work, and will be greatly useful in turning the thoughts of our countrymen to correct writing. Please to accept my thanks for it, as well as for the great honor you have done me in its dedication. I ought to have made this acknowledgement sooner, but much indisposition prevented me. I cannot but applaud your zeal for preserving the purity of our language both in its expression and pro nunciation, and in correcting the popular errors, se veral of our states are continually falling into with re spect to both. Give me leave to mention some of them, though possibly they may already have occur red to you. I wish, however, thatinsome future pub lication of yours you would set a discountenancing mark upon them. The first I remember, is the word improved. When I left New-England in the year 1 723, this word had never been used among us, as far as I know, but in the sense of ameliorated, or mstde letter y except once in a very old book of Dr. Mather s, enti tled, Remarkable Providences. As that man wrote a very obscure hand, I remember that when I read that word in his book, used instead of the word employed, I conjectured that it was an error of the printer, who had mistaken a short I in the writing for an r, and a y with too short a tail for a v, whereby employed was converted into improved ; but when I returned to Bos ton in 1733, I found this change had obtained favour, ESSAYS. 187 and was then become common ; for I met with it often in perusing the newspapers, where it frequently made an appearance rather ridiculous. Such, for instance, as the advertisement of a country house to be sold, which had been many years improved as a tavern ; and in the character of a deceased country gentleman, that he had been, for more th:m thirty years, improved as a justice of the peace. This use of the word im prove is peculiar to New-England, and not to be met with among any other speakers of English, either on this or the other side of the water. During my late absence in France, I find that sev eral other new words have been introduced into our parliamentary language. For example, I find a verb formed from the substantive notice. I should not have noticed this were it not that the gentleman, 4*c. Also another verb, from the substantive advocate; The gentleman who advocates, or who has advocated that motion, 4*c. Another frojaa the substantive progress, the most awkward and abominable of the three : The committee having progressed , resolved to adjourn. The word opposed, though not a new word, I find used in a new manner, as, The gentlemen who are opposed to this measure, to which I have also myself always been opposed. If you should happen to be of my opinion with respect to these innovations, you will use your authority in reprobating them. The Latin language, long the vehicle used in dis tributing knowledge among the different nations of Europe, is daily more and more neglected ; and one of the modern tongues, viz. French, seems in point of universality, to have supplied its place. It is spoken in all the courts of Europe ; and most of the literati, those even who do not speak it, have acquired know ledge of it, to enable them easily to read the books that are written in it. This gives a considerable ad vantage to that nation. It enables its authors to incul cate aad spread through other Rations, such sentiments 188 ESSAYS. and opinions, on important points, as are most condu cive to its interests, or which may contribute to its re putation, by promoting the common interests of man kind. It is, perhaps, owing to its being written in French, that Voltaire s Treatise on Toleration has had so sudden and so great an effect on the bigotry of Eu rope, as almost entirely to disarm it. The general use of the French language has likewise a very advan tageous effect on the profits of the bookselling branch of commerce, it being well known, that the more co pies can be sold that are struck off from one composi tion of types, the profits increase in a much greater proportion than they do in making a greater number of pieces in any other kind of manufacture. And at present there is no capital town in Europe without a French bookseller s shop corresponding with Paris. Our English bids fair to obtain the second place. The great body of excellent printed sermons in our lan guage, and the freedom of .our writings on political subjects, have induced a great number of divines of different sects and nations, as well as gentlemen con cerned in public affairs to study it, so far at least as to read it. And if we were to endeavor the facilitating its progress, the study of our tongue might become much more general. Those who have employed some part of their time in learning a new language, must have frequently observed, that while their acquaint ance with it was imperfect, difficulties, small in them selves, operated as great ones in obstructing their pro gress. A book, for example, ill printed, or a pronun ciation in speaking not well articulated, would render a sentence unintelligible, which from a clear print, or a distinct speaker, would have been immediately com prehended. If therefore, we would have the benefit of seeing our language more generally known among mankind, we should endeavour to remove all the dif ficulties, however small, that discourage the learning of it. But I am sorry to observe, that of late year?, ESSAYS. 189 those difficulties, instead of being diminished, have been augmented. In examining the English books that were printed between the restoration and the accession of George the second, we may observe, that all substantives were begun with a capital, in which we imitated our mother tongue, the German. This was more particularly useful to those who were not well acquainted with the English, there being such a prodigious number of our words that are both verbs and substantives, and spelt in the same manner, though often accented differently in pronunciation. This method has, by the fancy of printers, of late years, been entirely laid aside ; from an idea, that suppressing the capitals shews the cha racter to greater advantage ; those letters, prominent above the line, disturbing its even regular appearance. The effect of this change is so considerable, that a learn ed man in France, who used to read our books, though not perfectly acquainted with our language, in conver sation with me on the subject of our authors, attribut ed the greater obscurity he found in our modern books, compared with those written in the period above men tioned, to change of style for the worse in our writers ; of which mistake I convinced him, by marking for him each substantive with a capital, in a paragraph, which he then easily understood, though before he could not comprehend it. This shews the inconvenience of that pretended improvement. From the same fondness for an uniform and even appearance of characters in the line, the printers have of late banished also the Italic types, in which words of importance to be attended to in the sense of the sentence, and words on which an emphasis should be put in reading, used to be printed. And lately another fancy has induced other printers to use the round s instead of the long one, which formerly served well to distinguish a word readily by its varied appearance. Certainly the omitting ttyis prominent letter noakes q 190 ESSAYS. line appear more even, but renders it less immediate ly legible ; as the paring of all men s noses might smooth, and level their faces, but would render their physiognomies less distinguishable. Add to all these improvements backwards, another modern fancy, that grey printing is more beautiful than black. Hence the English new books are printed in so dim a charac ter, as to be read with difficulty by old eyes, unless in a very strong light and with good glasses. Whoever compares a volume of the Gentleman s Magazine, printed between the years 1731 and 1740, with one of those printed in the last ten years, will be convinced of the much greater degree of perspicuity given by black than by the grey. Lord Chesterfield pleasantly re marked this difference to Faulkener, the printer of the Dublin Journal, who was vainly miking encomiums on his own paper, as the most complete of any in the world. " But Mr. Faulkener," says my lord, " don t you think it might be still farther improved by using paper and ink not quite so near of a colour." For all these reasons I cannot but wish that our American printers would, in their editions, avoid these fancied improvements, and thereby render their works more agreeable to foreigners in Europe, to the great advan tage of our bookselling commerce. Farther, to be more sensible of the advantage of clear and distinct printing, let us consider the assist ance it affords in reading well aloud to an auditory. In so doing the eye generally slides forward three or four words before the voice. If the sight clearly dis tinguishes what the coming words are, it gives time to order the modulation of the voice, to pxpress them properly. But if they are obscurely printed, or dis guised by omitting the capitals and long/ s, or other wise, the reader is apt to modulate wrong, and finding he has done so, he is obliged to go back and begin the sentence again ; which lessens the pleasure of the hearers. This leads me to mention an old error m ESSAYS. m <rar mode of printing. We are sensible that when a question is met with in the reading, there is a proper variation to be used in the management of the voice. We have, therefore, a point, called an interrogation, affixed to the question, in order to distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its end, so that the reader does not discover it till he finds that he has wrongly modulated his voice, and is therefore obliged to begin again the sentence. To prevent this, the Spanish printers, more sensibly, phce an interrogation at the beginning as well as at the end of the question. We have another error of the same kind in printing plays, where something often occurs that is marked as spoken aside. But the word aside is placed at the end of the speech, when it ought to precede it, as a direction to the reader, that he may govern his voice accordingly. The practice of our ladies in meeting five or six to gether, to form little busy parties, where each is em ployed in some useful work, while one reads to them, is so commendable in itself, that it deserves the atten tion of authors and printers to make it as pleasing as possible, both to the reader and hearers. My best wishes attend you, being, with sincere es teem, Sir, Your most obedient and very humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. AN ACCOUNT OF THE HIGHEST COURT OF JU DICATURE IN PENNSYLVANIA. viz. THE COURT OF THE PRESS. POWER OF THIS COURT. It may receive and promulgate accusations of all kindg, against all persons and characters among tlie 192 ESSAYS, the citizens of the state, and even against all inferior courts ; and may judge, sentence, and condemn to in famy, not only private individuals, but public bodies, &c. with or without inquiry or hearing, at the court s discretion. Whose favor, or for whose emoluments this Court is established. In favor of about one citizen in five hundred, who, by education, or practice in scribbling, has acquired a tolerable style as to grammar and construction, so as to bear printing ; or who is possessed of a press and a few types. This five hundredth part of the citi zens have the privilege of accusing and abusing the other four hundred and ninety-nine parts at their plea sure : or they may hire out their pens and press to others, for that purpose. Practice of this Court. It is not governed by any of the rules of the com mon courts of law. The accused is allowed no grand jury to judge of the truth of the accusation before it is publicly made ; nor is the name of the accuser made known to him ; nor has he an opportunity of confronting the witnesses against him, for they are kept in the dark, as in the Spanish court of inquisition. Nor is there any petty jury of his peers sworn to try the truth of the charges. The proceedings are also sometimes so rapid, that an honest good citizen may find himself suddenly and unexpectedly accused, and in the same morning judged and condemned, and sen tence pronounced against him that he is a rogue and a Tillian. Yet if an officer of this court receives the slightest check for misconduct in this his office, he claims immediately the rights of a free citizen by the constitution, and demands to know his accuser, to con front the witnesses, and to have a fair trial by a jury of his peers. ESSAYS. 198 The foundation of its authority. It is said to be founded on an article in the state con stitution, which establishes the liberty of the press u liberty which every Pennsylvania!! would fight and aie for though few of us, I believe, have distinct ideas oi its nature and extent. It seems, indeed, somewhat like the liberty of the press that felons have ; by the common law of England before conviction ; that is, to be either pressed to death or hanged. If by the liberty of the press, were understood merely the liberty of discussing the propriety of public measures and political opinions, let us have as much of it as you please ; but if it means the liberty of affronting, ca lumniating;, and defaming one another, I, for my part, own myself willing to part with my share of it, when ever our legislators shnll please so to alter the l>vw : and shall cheerfully consent to exchange my liberty of abusing others, for the privilege of not being abus ed myself. By whom this court is commissioned or constituted. It is not any commission from the supreme execu tive council, who might previously judge of the abili ties, integrity, knowledge, &c. of the persons to be appointed to this great trust of deciding upon the cha racters and good feme of the citizens : for this court is above that council, and may accuse, judge, and con demn it at pleasure. Nor is it heredit try, as is the court of dernier resort in the peerage of England. But any man who can procure pen, ink, and paper, with a press, a few types, and a huge pair of blacking balls, may commissionate himself, and his court is immediately established in the plenary possession and exercise of its rights. For if you make the least complaint of the judge s conduct, he daubs his black ing balls in your f ice wherever he meets you, and be sides tearing your private character in splinters, marks 17 194 ESSAYS. you out for the odium of the public, as an enemy to the liberty of the press. Of the natural support of this court. Its support is founded in the depravity of such minds as have not been mended by religion, nor im proved by good education. There is a lust in man no charm can tame, Of loudly publishing his neighbour s shame. Hence, On eagles wings, immortal, scandals fly, While virtuous actions are but born and die. DRYDEN. Whoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his neighbor, will feel a pleasure in the reverse. And cf those who, despairing to rise to distinction by their virtues, are happy if others can be depressed to a level with themselves, there are a number sufficient in every great town to maintain one of these courts by their subscription. A shrewd observer once said, that in walking in the streets of a slippery morning, one might see where the good natured people lived, by the ashes thrown on the ice before the doors ; probably he would have formed a different conjecture of the tem per of those whom he might find engaged in such sub scriptions. Of the checks proper to be established against the abuses of power in these courts. Hitherto there are none. But since so much has been written and published on the federal constitution ; and the necessity of checks, in all other parts of good government, has been so clearly and learnedly explain ed, I find myself so far enlightend as to suspect some check may be proper in this part also ; but 1 have been at loss to imagine any that may not be construed an infringement of the sacred liberty of the press. At iength, however, I think I have found one, that instead ESSAYS. of diminishing general liberty, shall augment it ; which is, by restoring to the people a species of liberty, of which they have been deprived by our laws, I mean the liberty of the cudgel ! In the rude state of society prior to the existence of laws, if one man gave anoth er ill-language, the affronted person might return it by a box on the ear ; and if repeated, by a good drub bing : and this without offending against any law ; but now the right of making such returns is denied, and they are punished as breaches of the peace, while the right of abusing seems to remain in full force ; the laws made against it being rendered ineffectual by the liberty of the press. My proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press untouched, to be exercised in its full extent, force, and vigour, but to permit the liberty of the cudgel to go with it, paripassu. Thus, my fellow-citi- vens, if an imprudent writer attacks your reputation- dearer perhaps to you than your life, and puts his name to the charge, you may go to him as openly and break his head. If he conceals himself behind the printer, and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you may in like manner, waylay him in the night, at tack him behind, and give him a good drubbing. If your adversary hires better writers than himself, to abuse you more effectually, you may hire brawny por ters, stronger then yourself, to assist you in giving him a more effectual drubbing. Thus far goes my project, as to private resentment and retribution. But if the public should ever happen to be affronted, as it ought to be with the conduct of such writers, I would not advise proceeding immediately to these extremi ties, but that we should in moderation content our selves with tarring and feathering, and tossing them in a blanket. If, however, it should be thought that this propo sal of mine may disturb the public peace, I would then humbly recommend to our legislatures, to take up th t9fl ESSAYS. consideration of both liberties, that of the press, no that of the cudgel : and by an explicit law mark their extent and limits : and at the same time that they se cure the person of a citizen from assaults, they would likewise provide for the security of his reputation. PAPER. A POEM. Some wit of old such wits of old there were Whose hints show d meaning, whose illusions care. By one brave stroke to mark all human kind, Call d clear blank paper ev ry infant mind ; When still, as on ning sense her dictates wrote, Fair Virtue put a seal, or Vice a blot. The thought was happy, pertinent, and true ; Methinks a genius might the plan pursue. I, (can you pardon my presumption ? I) No wit, no genius, yet for once will try. Various the papers various wants produce. The wants of fashion, elegance, and use. Men are as various : and, if right I scan, Each sort of paper represents some man. Pray note the fop half powder and half lace- Nice as a band-box were his dwelling-place ; He s the gill paper, which apart you store, And lock from vulgar hands in the scrutoire. Mechanics, servants, farmers, and so forth, Are copy paper, of inferior worth ; Less prizM, more useful, for yoar desk decreed, Free to all pens, and prompt at ev ry need. The wretch whom av rice bids to pinch and spare* Starve, cheat, and r .-lifer, to enrich an heir, Is coarse brown paper ; such as pedlars choose To wrap up ware*, which better men will ust ESSAYS, 197 Take next the Miser s contrast, who destroys Health, fame, and fortune, in a round of joys. Will any paper match him ? Yes, thro out, He s a true sinking paper, past all doubt. The retail politician s anxious thought Deems this side always right, and that stark nought ; He foams with censure ; with applause he raves A dupe to rumours, and a tool of knaves ; He ll want no type his weakness to proclaim, While such a thing as fools-cap has a name. The hasty gentleman, whose blood runs high. Who picks a quarrel, if you step awry, Who can t a jest, or hint, or look endure : What s he ? What ? Touch-paper to be sure. What are our poets, take them as they fall, Good, bad, rich, poor, much read, not read at all ? Them and their works in the same class you ll find : They are the mere waste-paper of mankind. Observe the maiden, innocently sweet, She s fair white paper, an unsullied sheet ; On which the happy man whom fate ordains, May write his name, and take her for his pains. One instance more, and only one I ll bring ; Tis the Great-Man who scorns a little thing, Whose thoughts, whose deeds, whose maxims are his own, Form d on the feelings of his heart alone : True genuine royal-paper is his breast ; Of all the kinds most precious, purest, best. 17 * 198 ESSAYS. ON THE ART OF SWIMMING. iy ANSWER TO SOME INQUIRIES OF M. DUBOURG* ON THE SUBJECT. I am apprehensive that I shall not be able to find leisure for making all the disquisitions and experi ments which would be desirable on this subject. I must, therefore, content myself w r ith a few remarks. The specific gravity of some human bodies, in comparison to that of water, has been examined by M. Robinson, in our Philosophical Transactions, volume 50, page 30, for the year 1757. He asserts, that fat persons with small bones float most easily upon water. The diving bell is accurately described in our transactions. When 1 was a boy, I made two oval pallets, each about ten inches long, and six broad, with a hole for the thumb, in order to retain it fast in the palm of my hand. They much resemble a painter s pallets. In swimming I pushed the edges of these forward, and I struck the water with their flat surfaces as I drew them back. 1 remember I swam faster by means of these pallets, but they fatigued my w r rists. I also fitted to the soles of my feet a kind of sandals ; but I was not satisfied with them, because I observed that the stroke is partly given with the inside of the feet and the an cles, and not entirely with the soles of the feet. We have here waistcoats for swimming, which are made of double sail-cloth, with small pieces of cork quilted in between them. I know nothing of the scaphandre of M. de la Cha- pelle. I know by experience that it is a great comfort to a swimmer, who has a considerable distance to go, to turn himself sometimes on his back, and to vary in other respects the means of procuring a progressive motion. * Translator of Dr, Franklin s Works into French* ESSAYS. 199 When he is seized with the cramp in the leg, the method of driving it away is to give to the parts affect ed a sudden, vigorous, and violent shock ; which he may do in the air as he swims on his back. During the great heats of summer there is no danger in bathing, however warm we may be, in rivers which have been thoroughly warmed by the sun. But to throw one s self into cold spring water, when the body has been heated by exercise in the sun, is an impru dence which may prove fatal. I once knew an instance of four young men, who having worked at harvest m the heat of the day, with a review of refreshing them selves plunged into a spring of cold water : two died upon the spot, a third the next morning, and the fourth recovered with great difficulty. A copious draught of cold water, in similar circumstances, is frequently attended with the same effect in North America. The exercise of swimming is one of the most healthy and agreeable in the world. After having swam for an hour or two in the evening, one sleeps coolly the whole night, even during the most ardent heat of summer. Perhaps the pores being cleansed, the insensible perspiration increases and occasions this coolness. It is certain that much swimming is the means of stopping a diarrhoea, and even of producing a constipation. With respect to those who do not know how to swim, or who are affected with a diarrhoea at a season which does not permit them to use that ex ercise, a warm bath, by cleansing and purifying the skin, is found very salutary, and often effects a radical cure. I speak from my own experience, frequently repeated, and that of others to whom I have recom mended this. You will not be displeased if I conclude these hasty remarks by informing you, that as the ordinary me thod of swimming is reduced to the act of rowing with the arms and legs, and is consequently a laborious and fatiguing operatJQn when the space of water to be 200 ESSAYS. crossed is considerable ; there is a method in which a swimmer may pass with facility, to great distances by means of a sail. This discovery I fortunately made by accident, and in the following manner. When I was a boy I amused myself one day with flying a paper kite ; and approaching the bank of a pond, which was near a mile broad, I tied the string to a stake, and the kite ascended to a very considera ble height above the pond,, while I was swimming. In a little time, being desirous of amusing myself with my kite, and enjoying at the same time the pleasure of swimming, I returned ; and loosing from the stake the string with the little stick which was fastened to it went again into the water, where I found, that, lying on my back and holding the stick in my hands, 1 was drawn along the surface of the water in a very agreea ble manner. Having then engaged another boy to carry my clothes round the pond, to a place which I pointed out to him on the other side, I began to cross the pond with my kite, which carried me quite over without the least fatigue, and with the greatest plea sure imaginable. I was only obliged occasionally to halt a little in my course, and resist its progress, when it appeared that, by fallowing too quick, I lowered the kite too much ; by doing which occasionally I made it rise again I have never since that time practised this singular mode of swimming, though I think it not im possible to cross in this manner from Dover to Calais. The packet-boat, however, is still preferable. NEW MODE OF BATHING. EXTRACTS OF LETTERS TO M. DUBOURG. London, July 28, 1768. I greatly approve the epithet you give, in your letter of the 8th of June, to the new method OA ESSAYS. 201 treating the small-pox, which you call the tonic or bra cing method : I will take occasions from it, to men tion a practice to which I have accustomed myself. You know the cold bath has long been in vogue here as a tonic ; but the shock of the cold water has always appeared to me, generally speaking, as too violent, and I have found it much more agreeable to my con stitution to bathe in another element, I mean cold air. With this view I rise early almost every morning, and sit in my chamber, without any clothes whatever, half an hour or an hour, according to the season, either reading or writing. This practice is not in the least painful, but on the contrary, agreeable ; and if I re turn to bed afterwards, before I dress myself, as sometimes happens, I make a supplement to my night s rest of one or two hours of the most pleasing sleep that can be imagined. I find no ill consequences whatever resulting from it, and that at least it does not injure my health, if it does not in fact contribute much to its preservation. I shall therefore call it for the future a bracing or tonic bath. March 10, 1773. I shall not attempt to explain why damp clothes oc casion colds, rather than wet ones, because I doubt the fact : I imagine that neither the one nor the other contribute to this eifect ; and that the causes of colds are totally independent of wet and even of cold. 1 pro pose writing a short paper on this subject, the first leisure moment I have at my disposal. In the mean time I can only say, that having some suspicions that the common notion, which attributes to cold the pro perty of stopping the pores and obstructing perspira tion, was ill-founded, I engaged a young physician, who is making some experiments with Sanctorious s balance, to estimate the different proportions of his perspiration when remaining one hour quite naked, KSSAYS and another warmly clothed. He pursued the experi ment in this alternate manner for eight hours suc cessively, and found his perspiration almost double during those hours in which he was naked. OBSERVATIONS ON THE GENERALLY PREVAIL- VAILING DOCTRINES OF LIFE AND DEATH. TO THE SAME. Your observations on the causes of death, and the experiments which you propose for recalling to life those who appear to be killed by lightning, demon strate equally your sagacity and humanity. It ap pears that the doctrines of life and death, in general, are yet but little understood. A toad, buried in sand, will live, it is said, until the sand becomes petrified ; and then, being inclosed in the stone, it may still live for we know not how many ages. The facts which are cited in support of this opinion, are too numerous and too circumstantial not to deserve a certain degree of credit. As we are ac customed to see all the animals with which we are ac quainted eat and drink, it appears to us difficult to con ceive how a toad can be supported in such a dungeon. But if we reflect, that the necessity of nourishment, which animals experience in their ordinary state, pro ceeds from the continual waste of their substance by perspiration : it will appear less incredible that some animals in a torpid state, perspiring less because they use no exercise, should have less need of aliment ; and that others, which are covered with scales or shells, which stop perspiration, such as land and sea turtles, serpents, and some species offish, should be able to subsist a considerable time without any nourish- ESSAYS. :$3 merit whatever. A plant, with its flower?, fades and dies immedi-ttely, if exposed to the air without having its roots immersed in a humid soil, from which it may draw a sufficient quantity of moisture, to supply that which exhales from its substance, and is carried off continually by the air. Perhaps, however, if it were buried in quicksilver, it might preserve, for a conside rable space of time, its vegetable life, its smell and co lour. If this be the case, it might prove a commo dious method of transporting from distant countries those delicate plants which are unable to sustain the in clemency of the weather at sea, and which require particular care and attention. I have seen an instance of common flies preserved in a manner somewhat similar. They had been drowned in Madeira wine, apparently about the time when it was bottled in Virginia, to be sent to London. At the opening of one of the bottles at the house of a friend where I was, three drowned flies fell into the first glass which was filled. Having heard it remark ed that drowned flies were capable of being revived by the rays of the sun, I proposed making the experiment upon these. They were therefore exposed to the sun upon a sieve which had been employed to strain them out of the wine. In less than three hours two of them beg;m by degrees to recover life. They commenced by some convulsive motions in the thighs, and at length they raised themselves upon their legs, wiped their eyes with their forefeet, beat and brushed their wings with their hind feet, and soon after began to fly, find ing themselves in Old England, without knowing how they came thither. The third continued lifeless until sun-set, when, losing all hopes of him, he was thrown away. I wish it were possible, from this instance, to invent ft method of embalming drowned persons, in such a mannc<- th: t they might be recalled to life at any pe riod, however distant j for having a very ardent desire ESSAYS. to see and observe the state of America an hundred years hence, I should prefer to an ordinary de-ith, the being immersed in a cask of Madeira wine, with a few friends, until that time, then to be recalled to life by the solar warmth of my dear country ! But, since, in all probability, we live in an age too early, and top near the infancy of science, to see such an art brought in our time to its perfection, I must for the present, content myself with the treat, which you are so kind as to promise me, of the resurrection of a fowl or a turkey-cock. PRECAUTIONS TO BE USED BY THOSE WHO ARE ABOUT TO UNDERTAKE A SEA VOYAGE. When you intend to take a long voyage, no thing is better than to keep it a secret till the moment of your departure. Without this you ivill be continually interrupted and tormented by visits from friends and acquaintances, who not only make you lose your valuable time, but make you forget a thou sand things which you wish to remember ; so that when you are embarked, and fairly at sea, you recol- lest, with much uneasiness, affairs which you have not terminated, accounts that you have not settled., and a number of things which you proposed to carry with you, and which you find the want of every mo ment. Would it not be attended with the best conse quences to reform such a custom, and to suffer a trav eller, without deranging him, to make his preparations in quietness, to set apart a few days, when these are finished, to take leave of his friends, and to receive their good wishes for his happy return ? It is not always in one s power to choose a captain ; though great part of the pleasure and happiness of the passage depends upon this choice, and though one must for a time be confined to his company, and be in some measure under his command. If he is a social sensible man, obliging, and of a good disposition, you will be so much the happier. One sometimes meets with people of this description, but they are riot com mon ; however, if yours be not of this number, if he be a good seaman, attentive, careful, and active in the management of his vessel, you may dispense with the rest, for these arc the most essential qualities. Whatever right you may have by your agreement with him, ib the provisions he has taken on board for the use of the passengers, it is always proper to have some private store, which you may make use of occa sionally- You ought, therefore, to provide good wa ter, that of the ship being often bad ; but you must put it into bottles, without which you cannot expect to preserve it sweet. You ought also to c;irry with you good tea, ground coffee, chocolate, wine of the sort you like best, cider, dried raisins, almonds, sugar, capilluire, citrons, rum, eggs dipped in oil, portable soup, bread twice baked. With regard to poultry, it is almost useless to carry any with you, unless you re solve to undertake the office of feeding and fattening them yourself. With the little care which is taken of them on board ship, they are almost all sickly, and their flesh is as tough as leather. All sailors entertain an opinion, which has undoubt edly originated formerly from a want of water, and when it has been found necessary to be sparing of it, that poultry Hiever know when they have drank enough ; and that when water is given them at discretion, they generally kill themselves by drinking beyond mea sure. In consequence of this opinion, they give them water only once in two days, and even then in small quantities : but as they pour this water into troughs inclining on one side, which occasions it to rim to the lower part, it thence happens that they are ob- !<ged to mount one upon the back of another in order 18 30$ ESSAYS. to reach it ; and there are some which cannot evn dip their beaks in it. Thus continually tantalized and tormented by thirst, they are unable to digest their food, which is very dry, and they soon fall sick and die. Some of them are found thus every morning, and are thrown into the sea ; whilst those which are killed for the table are scarcely fit to be eaten. To remedy this inconvenience, it will be necessary to di vide their troughs into small compartments, in such a manner that each of them may be capable of contain ing water ; but this is seldom or never clone. On this account, sheep and hogs are to be considered as the best fresh provision that one can have at sea ; mutton there being in general very good, and pork excellent. It may happen that some of the provisions and stores which I have recommended may become almost use less, by the care which the captain has taken to lay in a proper stock ; but in such a cr.se you may dispose of it to relieve the poor passengers, who, paying les for their passage, are stowed among the common sailors, and have no right to the captain s provisions, except such part of them as is used for feeding the crew. These passengers are sometimes sick, melancholy, and dejected ; and there are often women and children among them neither of whom have any opportunity of procuring those things which 1 have mentioned, and of which, perhaps, they have the greatest need. By distributing among them a part of your superfluity, you may be of the greatest assistance to them. You may restore their health, save their lives, and in short ren der them happy ; which always affords the liveliest sensation to a feeling mind. The most disagreeable thing at sea is the cookery ; for there is not, properly speaking, any professed cook on board. The worst sailor is generally chosen for that purpose, who for the most part is equally dirty. Hence comes the proverb used among the English sailors, that God sends meat, and the devil sends cooks, ESSAYS. "207 Those, however, who have a better opinion of provi dence, will think otherwise. Knowing that sea air, rind the exercise or motion which they receive from the rolling of the ship, have a wonderful effect in whetting the appetite, they will say that Providence has given sailors bad cooks to prevent them from eat ing too much ; or that knowing they would have bad cooks, he has given them a good appetite to pre vent them from dying with hunger. However, if you have no confidence in these succours of Providence, you may yourself, with a lamp and a boiler, by the help of a little spirits of wine, prepare some food, such us soup, harsh, &c. A small oven made of tin- plate is not a bad piece of furniture ; your servant may roast in it a piece of mutton or pork. If you are ever tempted to eat salt beef, which is often very good, you will find that cider is the best liquor to quench the thirst generally caused by salt meat or salt fish. Sea- biscuit which is too hard for the teeth of some people, may be softened by steeping it ; but bread double-ba ked is the best, for being made of good loaf-bread cut into slices, and baked a second time, it readily imbibes water, becomes soft, and is easily digested ; it conse quently forms excellent nourishment, much superior to that of biscuit, which has not been fermented. I must here observe, that this double-baked bread was originally the real biscuit prepared to keep at sea ; for the word biscuit, in French, signifies twice, baked.* Pease often boil badly, and do not become soft ; in such a case, by putting a two-pound shot into the kettle, the rolling of the vessel, by njeans of this bullet will convert the pease into a kind of porridge, like mustard. Having often seen soup, when put upon the table at sea in broad flat dishes, thrown out on every side by the rolling of the vessel, I have wished that our tin men would make our soup-basons with divisions or * It is derived from bis again, and cuit baked. 203 ESSAYS. compartments forming small plates, proper for COM* taining soup for one person only. By this disposi tion, the soup, in an extraordinary roll, would not be thrown out of the plate, and would not fall into the breasts of those who are at table, and scald them. Hav ing entertained you with these things of little impor tance, permit me now to conclude with some-general reflections upon navigation. When navigation is employed only for transporting necessary provisions, from one country, where the^y abound, to another where they are wanting ; when by this it prevents famines, which were so frequent and so fatal before it was invented and became so common ; we cannot help considering it as one of those arts which contribute most to the happiness of mankind. But when it is employed to transport things of no utili ty, or articles merely of luxury, it is then uncertain whether the advantages resulting from it are sufficient to counterbalance the misfortunes it occasions, by ex posing the lives of so many individuals upon the vast ocean. And when it is used to plunder vessels and transport slaves, it is evidently only the dreadful means of increasing those calamities which afflict hu man nature. One is astonished to think on the number of vessels nnd men who are daily exposed in going to bring tea from China, coffee from Arabia, and sugar and tobuco, from America ; all which commodities our ancestors lived very well without. The sugar trade employs nearly a thousand vessels ; and that of tobacco almost the same number. With regard to the utility of to bacco, littV 3 can be said; and with regard to sugar how much more meritorious would it be to sacrifice the momentary pleasure which we receive from drink ing it once or twice a day in our tea, than to encour uge the numberless cruelties that are continually ex ercised in order to procure it us ! A celebrated French moralist said, that when lit considered the wars which we foment hi Africa to get ESSAYS. 209 negroes, the great number who of course perish in these wars ; the multitude of those wretches, who die on their passage, by disease, bad air, and bad pro visions ; and lastly, how many perish by the cruel treatment they meet with in a state of slavery ; when he saw a bit of sugar, he could not help imagining it to be covered with spots of human blood. But, hud he added to these considerations the wars which we carry on against one another, to take and ret tke the islands that produce this commodity, he would not have seen the sugar simply spotted with blood, he would have beheld it entirely tinged with it. These wars make the maritime powers of Europe, and the inhabitants of Paris and London, pay much dearer for their sugar than those of Vienna, though they are almost three hundred leagues distant from the sea. A pound of sugar, indeed, costs the former not only the price which they give for it, but also what they pay in taxes, necessary to support those fleets and armies which serve to defend and protect the countries that produce it. ON LUXURY, IDLENESS, AND INDUSTRY. xROM A LETTER TO BENJAMIN VACGH, ES&.* WRITTEN IN 1784. It is wonderiul how preposterously the affairs of this world are managed. Naturally one would imagine that the interest of a few individuals should give way to general interest ; but individuals manage their af fairs with so much more application, industry and ad dress, than the public do theirs, that general interest most commonly gives way to particular. We assen>- * A member of Parliament for the borough of Calne, in Wiltshire, between whom and our author there subsisted a very close friendship, 18 * 210 ESSAYS. blc parliaments and councils, to have the benefit of their collected wisdom ; but we necessarily have, at the same time, the inconvenience of their collected passions, prejudices, and private interests. By the help of these, artful men overpower their wisdom, and dupe its possessors ; and if we may judge by the acts, arrets, and edicts, all the world over, for regu lating commerce, an assembly of great men is the greatest fool upon earth. I have not yet, indeed, thought of a remedy for lux ury. I am not sure that in a great state it is capable of a remedy ; nor that the evil is in itself always so great as it is represented. Suppose we include in the defini tion of luxury all unnecessary expense, and then let us consider whether laws to prevent such expense are possible to be executed in a great country, and whether, if they could be executed, our people generally would be happier or even richer. Is not the hope of being one day able to purchase and enjoy luxuries, a great spur to labor and industry? May not luxury, there fore, produce more than it consumes, if, without such a spur, people would be, as they are naturally enough inclined to be lazy and indolent ? To this purpose I remember a circumstance. The skipper of a shallop, employed between Cape-May and Philadelphia, had done us some small service, for which he refused to be paid. My wife understanding that he had a daughter, sent her a present of a new-fashioned cap. Three years after, this skipper being at my house with an old farmer of Cape-May, his passenger, he mentioned the cap, and how much his daughter had been pleased with it. " But (said he) it proved a dear cap to our congregation," "How so ?" " When my daughter appeared with it at meeting, it was so much admired, that all the girls resolved to get such caps from Phila delphia ; and my wife and I computed that the whole could not have cost less than an hundred pounds." " True, (said the farmer,) but you do not tell all the ESSAYS. >rory. I think the cap was nevertheless an advantage to us ; for it was the first thing that put our girls upon knitting worsted rniUens for sale at Philadelphia, that they might h;>vj \vhercwithalto buy caps and ribbons there ; and you know that that industry has continued, and is likely to continue and increase to a much great er value, and answer better purposes." Upon the whole, I was -more reconciled to this little piece of luxury, since not only the girls were made happier by tine caps, but the Philadelphians by the supply of warm mittens. In our commercial towns upon the sea-coasts, for tunes will occasionally be made. Some of those who grow rich will be prudent, live within bounds, and pre serve what they have gained for their posterity ; others fond of shewing their wealth, will be extravagant and ruin themselves. Laws cannot prevent this ; and per haps it is not always an evil to the public. A shilling spent idly by a fool, may be picked up by a wiser per son, who knows better what to do with it. It is there fore not lost. A vain, silly fellow builds a fine house, furnishes it richly, lives in it expensively, and in a few years ruins himself: but the masons, carpenters, smiths, and other honest tradesmen, have been by his employ assisted in maintaining and raising their fami lies ; the farmer has been paid for his labour and en couraged, and the estate is now in better hands. In some cases, indeed, certain modes of luxury may be a public evil, in the same manner as it is a private one. If there be a nation for instance, that exports its beef and linen, to pay for the importation of claret and porter, while a great part of its people live upon potatoes, and wear no shirts : wherein does it differ from the sot who lets his family starve, and sells his clothes to buy drink? Our American commerce is, I confess, a lit tle in this way. We sell our victuals to the islands for rum and sugar ; the substantial necessaries of life, for superfluities. But we have plenty, and live well 212 ESSAYS. nevertheless, though, by being sober, we might be richer. The vast quantity of forest land we have yet to clear, and put in order for cultivation, will for a long time keep the body of our nation laborious and frugal. Forming an opinion of our people and their manners, by what is seen among the inhabitants of the sea-ports, is judging from an improper sample. The people of the trading towns may be rich and luxurious, while the country possess all the virtues that tend to promote happiness and public prosperity. Those towns are not much regarded by the country : they are hardly con sidered as an essential part of the states ; and the ex perience of the last war has shewn, that their being in possession of the enemy did net necessarily draw on the subjection of the country ; which bravely continu ed to maintan its freedom and independence notwith standing. It has been computed by some political arithmeti cian, that if every man and woman would work for four hours each day on something useful, that labour would produce sufficient to procure all the necessaries and comforts of life ; want and misery would be ban ished out of the world, and the rest of the twenty-four hours might be leisure and pleasure. What occasions then so much want and misery ? It is the employment of men and women in works that produce neither the necessaries or conveniences of life, who, with those that do nothing, consume neces saries raised by the laborious. To explain this : The first elements of wealth are maintained by la bour, from the earth and waters. I have land , and raise corn. With this, if I feed a family that does nothing, my corn will be consumed, and at the end of the year 1 shall be no richer than I was at the beginning. But it Awhile I feed them, I employ them, some in spinning, others in making bricks, &c. for building, the value of my corn will be arrested and remain with me, and at ESSAYS. x!iS .be end of the year we may be all better cloatlied and better lodged. And if, instead of employing a man I feed in making bricks, I employ him in fiddling for me, the corn he eats is gone, and no part of his manufac ture remains to augment the wealth and convenience of the family ; I shall therefore be the poorer for this fiddling man, unless the rest of my family work more or cat less, to make up the deficiency he occasions. Look round the world, and see the millions employ ed in doing nothing, or in something that amounts to nothing, when the necessaries and conveniences of life are in question. -What is the bulk of commerce, for which we fight and destroy each other, but the toil of millions for superfluities, to the great hazard and loss of many lives, by the constant dangers of the sea ? How much labour is spcntin building and fitting great ships to go to China and Arabia for tea and coffee, to the West Indies for sugar, to America for tobacco ? These things cannot be called the necessaries of life, for our ancestors, lived very comfortably without them. A question may be asked : Could all these people now employed in raising, making, or carrying superfluities be subsisted by raising necessaries ? I think they might. The world is large, and a great part of it un cultivated. Many hundred millions of acres in Asia, Africa, and America, are still in a forest ; and a great deal even in Europe. On a hundred acres of this fo rest, a man might become a substantial farmer ; and a hundred thousand men employed in clearing each his hundred acres, would hardl y brighten a spot big enough to be visible from the rnoon, unless with HerscheFs telescope, so vast are the regions still in wood. It is however some comfort to reflect, that, upon the whole, the quantity of industry and prudence among mankind exceeds the quantity of idleness and folly. - Hence the increase of good buildings, farms cultivated, /.!<* populous cities filled with wealth, all over Europe .214 ESSAYS. which a few ages since were only to be found on the coasts of the Mediterranean ; and this notwithstanding the mad wars continually raging, by which are often destroyed in one year the works of many years peace. So that we may hope, the luxury of a few merchants en the coast will not be the ruin of America. One reflection more, and I will end this long ramb ling letter. Almost all the parts of our bodies require some expense. The feet demand shoes ; the legs stockings ; the rest of the body clothing ; and the belly a^good deal of victuals. Our eyes, though exceedingly useful, ask, when reasonable, only the cheap assist ance of spectacles, which could not much impair our finances. But the eyes of other people are the eyes that ruin us. If all but myself were blind, I should want neither fine clothes, fine houses, nor fine furni ture. ON THE SLAVE TRADE. Reading in the newspapers, the speech of Mr. Jackson in Congress, against meddling with the af fair of slavery, or attempting to mend the condition of slaves, it put me in mind of a similar speech, made about an hundred years since, by Sidi Mehemet Ibra him, a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may be seen in Martin s account of his consulship, 1G87. It was against granting the petition of the sect called Erika or Purists, who prayed for the abolition of pira cy and slavery, as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it ; perhaps he has not seen it. If therefore some of its reasonings are to be found in his eloquent speech, it may only shew that men s interests operate, and are operated on. with surprising similarity, in all countries and climates, whenever they are under sinv ESSAYS. 21ft ilar circumstances . The African speech, as translat ed, is as follows : " Alia Bismillah, Sac. God is great, and Mahomet is his prophet. Have these Erika considered the consequences of granting their petition ? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, how shall we be furnished with the commodities their countries produce, and which are so necessary for us ? If we forbear to make slaves of their people, who, in this hot climate, are to cultivate our lands ? Who are to perform the common labours of our city, and of our families ? Must we not then be our own slaves ? And is there not more compassion and more favor due to us Mussulmen than to those Christian dogs ? We have now above fifty thousand slaves in and near Algiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradu ally annihilated. If, then, we cease taking and plun dering the infidel ships, and making slaves of the sea men and passengers, our lands will become of no value, for want of cultivation ; the rents of houses in the city will sink one half; and the revenues of govern ment, arising from the share of prizes, must be total ly destroyed. And for what ? To gratify the whim of a whimsical sect, who would have us not only for bear making more slaves, but even manumit those we have. But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss ; will the state do it ? Is our treasury sufficient ? Will the Erika do it ? Can they do it ? Or would they, to do what they think justice to the slaves, do a great er injustice to the owners ? And if we set our slaves free what is to be done with them ? Few of them will return to their native countries ! they know too well the greater hardships they must there be subject to. They will not embrace our holy religion : they will not adopt our manners ; our people will not pol lute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we maintain them as beggars in our streets ? or suffer 21U L1SSAY5. ur properties to be the prey of their pillage ? for met; accustomed to slavery, will not work for a livelihood, when not compelled. And what is there so pitiable iu their present condition ? Were they not slaves in their own countries ? Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states governed by despots who hold all their subjects in slavery, without exception ? Even England treats her sailors as slaves, for they are, when ever the government pleases, seized and confined in ships of war, condemned, not only to work, but to fight for small wages, or a mere subsistence, not bet ter than our slaves are allowed by us. Is their con dition then made worse by their falling into our hands ? No : they have only exchanged one slavery for an other ; and I may say a better : for here they are brought into a land where the sun of Islamism gives forth its light, and shines in full splendour, and they have an opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving their im mortal souls. Those who remain at home, have not that happiness. Sending the slaves home, then, would be sending them out of light into darkness. " I repeat tKe question, what is to be done with them ? I have heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the wilderness, where there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and where they may flour ish as a free state. But they are, I doubt, too little disposed to labor without compulsion, as well as too ignorant to establish good government : and the wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy, or again enslave them. While serving us, we take care to provide them with every thing ; and they arc treated with humanity. The labourers in their own countries, are, as I am informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no farther improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They are not liable to be impress ed for soldiers, and forced to cut one another s Chris- ESSAYS. 217 tian throats as in the wars of their own countries. If some of the religious mad bigots who now tease us with their silly petitions, have, in a fit of blind zeal, freed their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not hu manity that moved them to the action ; it was from the conscious burthen of a load of sins, and hope, from the supposed merits of so good a work, to be excused from damnation. How grossly are they mistaken in im agining slavery to be disavowed by the Alcoran ! Are not the two precepts, to quote no more, " Masters, treat your slaves with kindness Slaves, serve your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity," clear proofs to the contrary ? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that sacred book forbidden : since it is well known from it, that God has given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful Miisselmen, who are to enjoy it, of right, as fast as they can conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable proposition, the manumission of Christian slaves, the adoption of which would be depreciating our lands and houses, and there by depriving so many good citizens of their properties, create universal discontent, and provoke insurrections, to the endangering of government, and producing ge neral confusion. I have, therefore, no doubt that this wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole nation of true believers, to the whim of a few Erika, and dismiss their petition." The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this resolution : " That the doctrine, that the plundering and enslaving the Christians is unjust, is at best problematical ; but that it is the interest of this state to continue the practice is clear ; therefore, let the petition be rejected." And it was rejected accordingly. And since like motives are apt to produce, in the minds of men, like opiniens and resolutions, may we not venture to predict, from this account, that the peti tions to the parliament of England for abolishing the 19 218 ESSAYS. slave-trade, to say nothing of other legislatures and the debates upon them, will have a similar conclusion HISTORICUS. Blarch 23, 1790. OBSERVATIONS ON WAR. By the original law of nations, war and extirpation were the punishment of injury. Humanizing by de grees, it admitted slavery instead of death : a farther step was the exchange of prisoners instead of slavery : another, to respect more the property of private per sons under conquest, and be content with acquired dominion. Why should not this h w of nations go on improving ? Ages have intervened between its se veral steps : But as knowledge of late increases ra pidly, why should not those steps be quickened ? Why should it neft be agreed to, as the future law of nations, that in any war hereafter the following descrip tion of men should be undisturbed, have the protec tion of both sides, and be permitted to follow their employments in security 1 viz. 1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labour for the subsistence of mankind. 2. Fishermen, for the same reason. 3. Merchants and traders in unarmed ships, who ac commodate different nations by communicating and exchanging the necessaries and conveniences of life. 4. Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns. It is hardly necessary to add, that the hospitals of enemies should be unmolested they ought to be as sisted. It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of war, and the inducements to it, should be diminished. If rapine be abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken away ; and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting, ESSAYS. 219 The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a remnant of the ancient piracy, though it may be ac cidentally beneficial to particular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorises it. In the beginning of a war some rich ships are surprised and taken. This encourages the first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels ; and many others to do the same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful ; arm their merchant ships better, and render them not so easy to be taken ; they go also more under the protection .of convoys. Thus while the privateers to take them are multi plied, the vessels subject to be taken, and the chances of profit are diminished : so that many cruises are made, wherein the expenses overgo the gains ; and, as is the case in other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of adventurers are losers, the whole expense of fitting out all the privateers du ring a war being much greater than the whole amount of goods taken. Then there is the national loss of all the labour of so many men during the time they have been employed in robbing ; who besides spend what they get in riot, drunkenness and debauchery ; lose their habits of in dustry ; are rarely fit for any sober business afterra peace, and serve only to increase the number of high waymen and house-breakers. Even the undertakers who have been fortunate, are, by sudden wealth, led into expensive living, the habit of which continues when the means of supporting it cease, and finally ruins them : a just punishment for having wantonly and unfeeliegly ruined many honest, innocent traders and their families, whose substance was employed in serving the common interest of mankind. :- 20 ESSAYS. ON THE IMPRESS OF SEAMEN. Notes copied from Dr. Franklin s writing in pencil in the mar gin of Judge Foster s celebrated argument in favour of thi- Impressing of Seamen, (published in the folio edition 01 his works.) Judge Foster, p. 158. Every man." The conclusion here from the whole to a part, does nof seem to be good logic. If the alphabet should sny. Let us all fight for the defence of the whole ; that "is equal, and may therefore be just. But if they should say, Let A, B, C, and D go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and sleep in whole skins ; that is not equal, and therefore cannot be just. /6. "Employ." If you please. The word signi fies engaging a man to work for me, by offering him such wages as are sufficient to induce him to prefer my service. This is very different from compelling him to work on such terms as I think proper. Ib. " This service and employment, &c." These are false facts. His employments and service are not the same Under the merchant he goes in an unarmed vessel, not obliged to fight, but to transport merchan dize. In the king s service he is obliged to fight, and to hazard all the dangers of battle. Sickness on board of king s ships is also more common and more mortal. The merchant s service too he can quit at the end of the voyage ; not the king s. Also, the merchant s wages are much higher. Ib. "I am very sensible, &c." Here are two things put in comparison that are not comparable : viz. injury to seamen, and inconvenience to trade. Incon venience to the whole trade of a nation will not justify injustice to a single seaman. If the trade would suffer without his service, it is able and ought to be willing to offer him such wages as may induce him to afford his service voluntarily. ESSAYS. . 221 Page 159. " Private mischief must be borne with patience, for preventing a national calamity." Where is this maxim in law and good policy to be found ? And how can that be a maxim which is not consistent with common sense ? If the maxim had been, that private mischiefs, which prevent a national calamity, ought to be generously compensated by the nation, one might understand it : but that such private mischiefs are only to be borne with patience, is absurd ! /6. " The expedient, &c. And, &c." (Paragraphs 2 and 3.)-Twenty ineffectual or inconvenient schemes will not justify one that is unjust. Ib. " Upon the foot of, &c." Your reasoning, in deed, like alie, stands but upon one foot ; truth upon two. Page 160. " Full wages." Probably the same they had in the merchant s service. Page 174. " I hardly admit, &c." (Paragraph 5.) When this author speaks of impressing, page 158, he diminishes the horror of the practice as much as pos sible, by presenting to the mind one sailor only suffer ing hardship (as he tenderly calls it) in some particular cases only : and he places against this private mischief the inconvenience to the trade of the kingdom. But if, as he supposes is often the case, the sailor who is pressed, and obliged to serve for the defence of trade, at the rate of twenty-five shillings a month, could get three pounds fifteen shillings in the merchant s service, you take from him fifty shillings a month ; and if you have a 100,000 in your service, you rob this honest industrious part of society, and their poor families, of 250,OOOJ. per month, or three millions a year, and at the same time oblige them to hazard their lives in lighting for the defence of your trade ; to the defence of which all ought indeed to contribute (and sailors among the rest) in proportion to their profits by it ; but this three millions is more than their share, if they 19 * 222 ESSAYS. did not pay with their persons ; but when you force that, methinks you should excuse the other. But it m.iy be said, to give the king s seamen mer chant s wages would cost the nation too much, and call for more taxes. The question then will amount to this : whether it be just in a community, that the rich er part should compel the poorer to fight in defence of them and their properties, for such wages as they think fit to allow, and punish them if they refuse ? Our au thor tells us that it is " legal." I have not law enough to dispute his authorities, but I cannot persuade my self that it is equitable. I will, however, own for the present, that it may be lawful when necessary ; but then I contend that it may be used so as to produce the same good effects the public security, without do ing so much intolerable injustice as attends the im pressing common seamen. In order to be better un derstood, I would premise two things ; First, that vo luntary seamen may be had for the service, if they were sufficiently paid. The proof is, that to serve in the same ship, and incur the same danger, you have no occasion to impress captains, lieutenants, second lieutenants, midshipmen, pursers, nor many other of ficers. Why, but that the profits of their places, or the emoluments expected, are sufficient inducements ? The business then is, to find money, by impressing, sufficient to make the sailors all volunteers, as well as their officers ; and this without any fresh burthen upon trade. The second of my premises is, that twenty- five shillings a month, with his share of salt beef, pork, and pease pudding, being found sufficient for the sub sistence of a hard working seaman, it will certainly be so for a sedentary scholar or gentleman. I would then propose to form a treasury, out of which encour agements to seamen should be paid. To fill this trea sury, I would impress a number of civil officers, who at present have great salaries, oblige them to serve m their respective offices for twenty-five shillings a ESSAYS. 233 month, with their shares of mess provisions, and throw the rest of their s il iries into the seamen s treasury. If such a press-warrant were given me to execute, the first I would press should be a Recorder of Bristol, or a Mr. Justice Foster, because I might have need of his edifying example, to show how much impressing ought to be borne with ; for he would certainly find, that though to be reduced to twenty-five shillings a month might be a private mischief, yet that, agreeably to his maxim of law and good policy, it ought to be borne with patience, for preventing a national calamity. Then I would press the rest of the Judges ; and, opening the red book, I would press every civil officer of government from 50/. a year salary, up to 50,000/. which would throw an immense sum into our treasu ry ; and these gentlemen could not complain, since they would receive twenty-five shillings a month, and their rations : and this without being obliged to fight. Lastly, I think I would impress * * * * ON THE CRIMINAL LAWS, AND THE PRACTICE OF PRIVATEERING. LETTER TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN, ESQ. March 14th, 1785. MY DEAR FRIEND, Among the pamphlets you lately sent me, was one entitled Thoughts on Executive Justice. In return for that, I send you one on the same subject, Observations cojicernant V Execution de V Article IL de la Declara tion sur le Vol. They are both addressed to the Judges, and written, as you will see, in a very different spirit. The English author is for hanging all thieves. The Frenchman is for proportioning punishments to of fences, 24 ESSAYS. If we really believe, as we profess to believe, that the hw of Moses was the law of God, the dictates of divine wisdom, infinitely superior to hurmn ; on what principles do we ordain death as the punishment of an offence, which according to that law, was only to be punished by a restitution of four-fold ? To put a man to death for an offence which does not deserve death, is it not a murder ? And as the French writer says, Doit-on pueir un delit contre la societe par un crime contre la nature ? Superfluous property is the creature of society. Simple and mild laws were sufficient to guard the property that was merely necessary. The savages bow, his hatchet, and his coat of skins, were sufficient ly secured, without law, by the fear of personal re sentment and retaliation. When, by virtue of the first laws, part of the society accumulated wealth, and grew powerful, they enacted others more severe, and would protect their property at the expense of humani ty. This was abusing their power, and commencing a tyranny. If a savage, before he entered into society, had been told " Your neighbour by this means, may become owner of an hundred deer ; but if your brother, or your son, or yourself, having no deer of your own, and being hungry, should kill one, an infamous death must be the consequence :" he w 7 ould probably have prefered his liberty, and his common right of killing any deer, to all the advantages of society that might be proposed to him. That it is better a hundred guilty persons should escape, than that one innocent person^should suffer, is a maxim that has been long and generally approved ; never, that I know of, controverted. Even the san guinary author of the thoughts agrees to it, adding well, " that the very thought of injured innocence, and much more that of suffering innocence, must awaken all our tenderestand most compassionate feelings, and at the same time raise our highest indignation against ESSAYS. %Z.j the instruments of it. But," he adds, " there is no danger of either from a strict adherence to the laws." Really ! Is it then impossible to make an unjust law ? and if the law itself be unjust, may it not be the very " instrument" Avhich ought " to raise the author s and every body s highest indignation ?" I see in the last newspapers from London, that a woman is capital ly convicted at the Old Bailey, for privately stealing out of a shop some gauze, value fourteen shillings and three-pence : Is there any proportion between the injury done by a theft, value fourteen shillings and three-pence, and the punishment of a human creature by death on a gibbet ? Might not that woman, by her labour have made the reparation ordained by God, in paying fourfold ? Is riot all punishment inflicted be yond the merit of the offence, so much punishment of innocence ? In this light, how vast is the annual quan tity, of not only injured but suffering innocence, in al most all the civilized states of Europe ! But it seems to have been thought that this kind of innocence may be punished by way of preventing crimes. I have read, indeed, of a cruel Turk in Bar- bary, who, whenever he bought a new Christian slave ordered him immediately to be hungup by the legs, and to receive a hundred blows of a cudgel on the soles of his feet, that the severe sense of the punishment, and fear of incurring it thereafter, might prevent the faull.s that should merit it. Our author himself would hard ly approve entirely of this Turk s conduct in the go vernment of slaves ; and yet he appears to recommend something like it for the government of English sub jects, when he applauds the reply of Judge Barnetto the convict horse-stealer ; who being asked what he had to say why judgment of death should not pass a- gainst him, and answered that it was hard to hang a man for only stealing a horse, was told by the judge, " Man, thou art not to be hanged only for stealing a horse, but that horses may not be stolen." The man s answer, if candidly examined, will, I imagine, appear 226 ESSAYS. reasonable, as being founded on the eternal principle of justice and equity, that punishments should be pro portioned to offences, and the judge s reply brutal and unreasonable, though the writer wishes all judges to carry it with them whenever they go to the circuit and to bear it in their minds, as containing a wise reason for all the penal statutes which they are called upon to put in execution. It at once illustrates (says he) the true grounds and reasons of all capital punishments whatsoever, namely, that every man s property, as well as his life, may be held sacred and inviolate. Is there then no difference in value between property and life ? If I think it right that the crime of murder should be punished with death, not only as an equal punishment of the crime, but to prevent other mur ders, does it follow that I must approve of the same punishment for a little invasion on my property by theft? If I am not myself so barbarous, so bloody- minded, and revengeful, as to kill a fellow-creature for stealing from me fourteen shillings and three pence, how can I approve of a law that does it ? Mon tesquieu, who was himself a judge, endeavours to im press other maxims. He must have known what hu mane judges feel on such occasions, and what the ef fects of those feelings : and, so far from thinking that severe and excessive punishments prevent crimes, he asserts, as quoted by our French writer, that " L atrocite des loix en empeche T execution. " Losque la peine est sans raesure, on est souvent oblige de lui prelerer 1 impunite. " La cause des tous les relachemens vict de 1 impunite des crimes et won de la moderation des peines." It is said by those who know Europe generally, that there are more thefts committed and punished annually in England than in all the other nations put together. If this be so, there must be a cause or causes for such depravity in our common people. May not one be the deficiency of justice and morality in our national government, manifested in our oppressive conduct to ESSAYS. 327 subjects, and unjust wars on our neighbours ? View the Ions; persisted in, unjust, monopolizing treatment, of Ireland, at length acknowledged ! View the plun dering government exercised by our merchants in the, Indies ; the confiscating war made upon the American colonies ; and, to say nothing of those upon France and Spain, view the late war upon Holland, which was seen by impartial Europe in no other light than that of a war of rapine and pillage ; the hopes of an immense and easy prey being its only apparent, and probably its true and real motive and encouragement. Justice is as strictly due between neighbour nations as between neighbour citizens. A highwayman is as much a rob ber when he plunders in a gang, as when single ; and a nation that makes an unjust war is only a great gang. After employing your people in robbing the Dutch, it is strange that, being out of that employ by peace, they still continue robbing, and rob one another ? Pir- aterie, as the French call it, or privateering is the universal bent of the English nation, at home and abroad, wherever settled. No less than seven hundred privateers were, it is said, commissioned in the last war ! These were fitted out by merchants, to prey up on other merchants, who have never done them any in jury. Is there probably any one of those privateering merchants of London, who were so ready to rob the merchants of Amsterdam, that would not as readily plunder another London merchant of the next street, if he could do it with the same impunity ! The avidity, the aliena appetens is the same ; it is the fear alone of the gallows that makes the difference. How then can a nation, which, among the honestest of its people, has so many thieves by inclination, and whose government encouraged and commissioned no less than seven hun dred gangs of robbers ; how can such a nation have the face to condemn the crime in individuals, and hang up twenty of them in a morning ! It naturally puts one in mind of a Newgate anecdote : One of the i&itt ESSAi S. prisoners complained, that in the night somebody had taken his buckles out of his shoes. " What the devil I" says another, " have we then thieves amongst us? It must not be suffered. Let us search out the rogue, and pump him to death." There is, however, one late instance of an English merchant who will not profit by such ill-gotten gain. He was, it seems, part owner of a ship, which the other owners thought fit to employ as a letter of marque, and which took a number of French prizes. The booty being shared, he has now an agent here inquir ing, by an advertisement in the Gazette, for those who suffered the loss, in order to make them, as far as in him lies, restitution. This conscientious man is a Quaker. The Scotch presbyterians were formerly as tender ; for there is still an ordinance of the town of Edinburgh, made soon after the reformation, " for bidding the purchase of prize goods, under pain of losing the freedom of the burgh for ever, with other punishments at the will of the magistrate ; the prac tice of making prizes being contrary to a good con science, and the rule of treating Christian brethren as we would wish to be treated ; and such goods are not to be sold by any godly men within this burgh." The race of these godly men in Scotland is probably extinct, or their principles abandoned, since, as far as that nation had a hand in promoting the war against the colonies, prizes and confiscations are believed to have been a considerable motive. It has been for some time a generally-received opin ion, that a military man is not to inquire whether a war be just or unjust ; he is to execute his orders. All princes who are disposed to become tyrants must probably approve of this opinion, and be willing to es tablish it ; but is it not a dangerous one ! since, on that principle, if the tyrant commands his army to attack and destroy, not only an unoffending neighbour nation, but even his own subjects, the army is boimd to obey. ESSAYS. B28 A negro slave, in our colonies, being commanded by his master to rob or murder a neighbour, or do any other immoral act, may refuse ; and the magistrate will protect him in his refusal. The slavery then of a soldier is worse than that of a negro ! A conscientious officer if not restrained by the apprehension of its be ing imputed to another cause, may indeed resign ra ther than be employed in an unjust war, but the pri vate men are slaves for life, and they are perhaps in capable of judging for themselves. We can only la ment their fate, and still more that of a sailor, who is often dragged by force from his honest occupation, and compelled to imbrue his hands in perhaps innocent blood. But methinks it well behoves merchants (men more enlightened by their education, and perfectly free from any such force or obligation) to consider well of the justice of a war, before they voluntarily engage a gang of ruffians to attack their fellow-merchants of a neighbouring nation, to plunder them of their proper ty, and perhaps ruin them and their families, if they yield it ; or, to wound, maim, and murder them, if they attempt to defend it. Yet these things are done by Christian merchants, whether a war be just or un just : and it can hardly be just on both sides. They are done by English and American merchants, who, nevertheless, complain of private theft, and hang by dozens the thieves they have taught by their own ex ample. It is high time, for the sake of humanity, that a stop were put to this enormity. The United States of America, though better situated than any Euro pean nation to make profit by privateering, (most of the trade of Europe, with the West-Indies passing before their doors, ) are, as far as in them lies, en^ deavouring to abolish the practice, by offering, in all their treaties with other powers, an article, engaging solemnly, that, in case of future war, no privateer shall be commissioned on either side ; and that HE 20 .1) ESSAYS. med merchant ships, on both sides, shall pursue their voyages unmolested.* This will be a happy im provement of the law of nations. The humane and the just cannot but wish general success to the propo sition. With unchangeable esteem and affection, I am, my dear friend, Ever yours. * This offer having been accepted by the late king of Prus- aia, a treaty of amity and commerce was concluded between that Monarch and the United States, containing the following- humane, philanthropic article ; in the formation of which Dr. Franklin, as one of the American Plenipotentiaries, was prin cipally concerned, viz. ARTICLE XXIII. If war should arise between the two contracting parties, the merchants of either country, then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debt?, and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying offal! their effects without molestation or hindrance : and all wo men and children, scholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, artisans, manufacturers, and fishermen unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, or places, and in gene ral all others whose occupations are for the common subsist ence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective employments, and shall not be molested in their persons, nor shall their houses or goods be burnt, or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted, by the armed force of the enemy into whose power, by the events of war, they may happen to fall, but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price. And all merchants and trading vessels employed in exchanging the products of different places, and thereby rendering the necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of human life more easy to be obtained, and more general, shall be allowed to pass free and unmolested ; and neither of the contracting powers shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessels empowering them to take or destroy such trading vessels, or interrupt such com merce. ESSAYS. 231 REMARKS CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF NORTH-AMERICA. Savages we call them, because their manners differ from ours, which we think the perfection of civility : they think the same of theirs. Perhaps, if we could examine the manners of dif ferent nations wtth impartiality, we should find no people so rude as to be without any rules of politeness ; nor any so polite as not to have some remains of rude ness. The Indian men, when young, are hunters and war riors ; when old, counsellors ; for all their govern ment is by the counsel or advice of sages ; there is no force, there are no prisons, no officers to compel obe dience, or inflict punishment. Hence they generally study oratory ; the best speaker having the most in fluence. The Indian women till ground, dress the food, nurse and bring up the children, and preserve and hand down to posterity the memory of public transactions. These employments of men and wo men are accounted natural and honorable. Having few artificial wants, they have abundance of leisure for improvement by conversation. Our laborious manner of life, compared with theirs, they esteem slavish and base ; and the learning on which we value ourselves they regard as frivolous and useless. An instance of this occurred at the treaty of Lancaster, in Pennsylva nia, anno 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Six Nations. After the principal business was settled, the commissioners from Virginia acquainted the Indians by a speech, that there was at Williams- burg a college, with a fund, for educating Indian youth, and that if the chiefs of the Six Nations would send down half a dozen of their sons to that college, the government would take care that they should be well provided for, and instructed in all the learning of the white people. It is one of the Indian rules of polite ESSAYS, aess not to answer a public proposition the same day that it is made ; they think it would be treating it in u light manner ; and they shew it respect by taking time 4 ; o consider it, as of a matter important. They there fore deferred their answer till the day following- ; when their speaker began, by expressing their deep sense cf the kindness of the Virginia government, in making them that offer ; "for we know (says he) that you highly esteem the kind of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of our young men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced, therefore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and we thank you heartily. But you who are wise, must know, that different nation? have different conceptions of things ; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some experience of it ; several of our young people were formerly brought up at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all your sciences ; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners ; ignorant of every means of living in the woods ; unable to bear either cold or hunger ; knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy ; spoke our language imperfectly ; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or counsel lors ; they were totally good for nothing. We are however, not the less obliged by your kind offer, tho we decline accepting it : and to show our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of their sons, we will take great care of their educa tion, instruct them in all we know, and make men of them." Having frequent occasions to hold public council*, they have acquired great order and decency in con ducting them. The old men sit in the foremost ranks, the warriors in the next, and the women and children in the hindmost. The business of ike we- ESSAYS, i:.i:.> men is to take exact notice of what passes, imprint it in their memories, for they have no writing, and com municate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipu lations in treaties a hundred years back ; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak, rises. The rest preserve a pro found silence. When he has finished and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that if he has omitted any thing he intended to say or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To in terrupt another, even in common conversation, is reck oned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order ; and how diffe rent from the mode of conversation in many polite com panies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never suffered to finish it ! The politeness of these savages in conversation, is, indeed, carried to excess : since it does not permit them to contradict or deny the truth of what is assert ed in their presence. .By this means they indeed avoid disputes ; but then it becomes difficult to know their minds, or what impression you make upon them. The missionaries who have attempted to convert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one* of the great difficulties of their misson. The Indians hear with patience the truths of the gospel explained to them, and give their usual tokens of assent and appro bation ; you would think they were convinced. No such matter. It is mere civility. A Swedish minister having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehannah Indians, made a sermon to them, acquainted them with the principal historical facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the faJl of our 20 * .2^4 ESSAYS. ilrst parents by eating an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; his miracles and sufferings, &c. When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to thank him. " What you have told us," says he, * is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat apples. It is better to make them all into cider. We are much obliged by your kindness in coming so far as to tell us those things which you have heard from your mothers. In return, I will tell you some of those we have heard from ours. " In the beginning, our fathers had only the flesh of animals to subsist on ; and if their hunting was un successful, they w r ere starving. Two of our young hunters having killed a deer, made a fire in the wood? to broil some parts of it. When they were about to satisfy their hunger, they beheld a beautiful young woman descend from the clouds, and seat herself on that hill which you see yonder among the Blue Moun tains. They said to each other, it is a spirit that per haps has smelt our broiling venison, and wishes to eat of it ; let us offer some to her. They presented her with the tongue : she was pleased with the taste of it, and said, " Your kindness shall be rewarded. Come to this place after thirteen moons, and you shall find something that will be of great benefit in nourishing you and your children to the latest generations." They did so, and to their surprise, found plants they had never seen before ; but which, from that ancient iime, have been constantly cultivated among us, to our great advantage. Where her right hand had touched the ground, they found maize ; where her left hand had touched it, they found kidney beans ; and where her backside had sat on it, tobacco." The good missionary, disgusted with this idle tale, said, " What I delivered to you were sacred truths ; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction and falsehood." The Indian, offended, replied, " My brother, it seems your friends have not done you justice in your educa- ESSAYS. 235 tion ; they have not well instructed you in the rules of common civility. You saw that we, who understand and practise those rules, believed all your stories, why do you refuse to believe ours ?" When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and in commode them where they desire to be private: this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. " We have," say they, " as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our towns, we wish for oppor tunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company." Their manner of entering one another s villages has likewise its rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling strangers to enter a village abruptly, without giving notice of their approach. Therefore, as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old men usually come out to them, and lead them in. There is in every village a vacant dwelling, called the stranger s house. Here they are placed, while the old men go round from hut to hut, acquainting the inhabitants that stran gers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary ; and every one sends them what he can spare of victuals and skins to repose on. When the strangers are re freshed, pipes and tobacco are brought ; and then, but not before, conversation begins, with inquiries who they are, whither bound, what news, &,c. and it usually ends with offers of service ; if the strangers have occasion for guides, or any necessaries for con tinuing their journey ; and nothing is exacted for the entertainment. The same hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons ; of which Conrad Weiscr, our interpreter, gave me the following instance. He had been naturalized ai 238 ESSAYS the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohock language . In going through the Indian country, to carry a mes sage from our Governor to the Council at Onondas;a he called at the habitation of Canassetego, an old ac quaintance, who embraced him, spreading furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canassetego began to converse with him ; asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other, whence he then came, what occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered all his questions, and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, " Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs ; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble all in the great house ; tell me what it is for ? What do they do there ?" They meet there, says Conrad, to hear and learn " good things." * I do not doubt," says the Indian, " that they tell you so ; they have told me the same : but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany, to sell my skins, and buy blan kets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other merchants. How ever, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for beaver. He said he could not give more than four shillings a pound : but says he, I can not talk on business now ; this is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since ! can not do any business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too, and I went with him. There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people very an grily. I did not understand what he said ; but per ceiving that he looked much at me, and at Hanson, I ESSAYS. 237 imagined he was angry at seeing me there : so I went out, sg| down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought too that the man had mentioned something of beaver, and I suspected it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they came out I accosted my merchant. 4 Well Hans, said I, I hope you agreed to give more than four shilling a pound. No, says he, I cannot give so much, I cannot give more than three shillings and six-pence. I then spoke to seve ral other dealers, but they ail sung the same song, three and six-pence, three and six-pence. This made it clear to me that my suspicion was right ; and that whatever they pretended of meeting to k learn good things., the purpose was to consult how to cheat In dians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn good things, they would certainly have learned some before this time. But they are still ig norant. You know our practice. If a white man, in Travelling through our country, enters one of our ca bins, we all treat him as I do you ; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger : and we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep on ; we demand nothing in return.* But if I go into a white man s house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say. Where is your money, and if I have none, * It is remarkable, that in all ages and countries, hospitality has been allowed as the virtue of those, whom the civilized were pleased to call Barbarians ; the Greeks celebrated the Scythians for it. The Saracens possessed it eminently ; and it is to this day the reigning virtue of the wild Arabs. St. Paul too, in his relation of his voyage and shipwreck ou the island of Melitia, says, " The barbarous people shewed us no little kindness, for they kindled a lire, and received us every nne, because of the present rain, and because of the cold. This note i? taken from a ^ml 1 collection of Franklin s papers Pillv, 238 ESSAYS- they say, Get out you Indian dog. You see they have not yet learned those little good things that we need no meetings to be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us when we were children ; and there fore it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect : they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver. TO MR. DUBOURG, CONCERNING THE DI5SENTIONS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. London, October 2, 1770. I see with pleasure that we think pretty much alike on the subject of English America. We of ihe colonies have never insisted that we ought to be ex empt from contributing to the common expenses ne cessary to support the prosperity of the Empire. We only assert, that having parliaments of our own, and not having representatives in that of Great-Britain, our parliaments are the only judges of what we can, and what we ought to contribute in this case ; and that the English parliament has no right to take our money without our consent. In fact, the British empire is not a single state ; it comprehends many ; and though the parliament of Great-Britain has arrogated to it self the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same king, but not the same legislatures. The dispute between the two countries has already cost England many millions sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been a proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities ; objects of luxury and fash ion, which we can well do without ; and the resolu- ESSAYS. v-JiJ lion we have formed of importing no more till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of our in fant manufactures to take root ; and it will not be easy to make our people abandon them in future, even should a connection more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles. I have, indeed, no doubt thai the parliament of England will finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of our rights and privileges. B. FRANKLIN. A COMPARISON OF THE CONDUCT OF THE ANCIENT JEWS, AND OF THE ANTIFEDERALISTS IN THE UNI TED STATES OF AMERICA. A zealous advocate for the proposed Federal Constitution in a certain public assembly said that " the repugnance of a great part of mankind to good government was such, that he believed, that if an an gel from heaven was to bring down a constitution formed there for our use, it would nevertheless meet with violent opposition." He was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment ; and he did not justify it. Probably it might not have immediate ly occurred to him that the experiment had been tried and that the event was recorded in the most faithful of all histories, the Holy Bible ; otherwise he might, as it seems to me, have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable authority. The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single family, by continued acts of his attentive providence, till it became a great people : and having^ rescued them from bondage by many miracles per formed by his servant Moses, he personally delivered 240 E^AYS. to that chosen servant, in presence of the whole na tion, a constitution and code of laws for their observ ance ; accompanied and sanctioned with promises of great rewards, and threats of severe punishments, as the consequence of their obedience or disobedience, This constitution, though the Deity himself was to be at its head (and it is therefore called by political writers a Theocracy) could not be carried into execu tion but by means of his ministers ; Aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to be, with Moses, the first established ministry of the new government. One would have thought, that the appointment of men who had distinguished themselves in procuring the liberty of their nation, and had hazarded their lives in openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch w r ho would have retained that nation in slavery, might have been an appointment acceptable to a grateful people ; and that a constitution, framed for them by the Deity himself, might on that account have been secure of an universal welcome reception. Yet there were, in every one of the thirteen tribes, some discontented, restless spirits, who were continually exciting them to reject the proposed new government, and this from various motives. Many still retained an affection for Egypt, the land of their nativity, and these, wherever they felt any in convenience or hardship, through the natural and una voidable effect of their change of situation, exclaimed against their leaders as the authors of their trouble ; and were not only for returning into Egypt, but for stoning their deliverers.* Those inclined to idolatry were displeased that their golden calf was destroyed. Many of the chiefs thought the new constitution might be injurious to their particular interests, that the pro- iitable places would be engrossed by the families and friend? of Moses and Aaron, and others equally well- * Numbers, chap. s:v. ESSAYS. 241 born excluded.* In Josephus, and the Talmud, we learn some particulars, not so fully narrated in the scripture. We are there told, " that Corah was am bitious of the priesthood ; and offended that it was conferred on Aaron ; and this, as he said, by the au thority of Moses only, without the consent of the people. He accused Moses of having, by various artifices, fraudulently obtained the government, and deprived the people of their liberties ; and of conspirirfg with Aaron to perpetuate the tyranny in their family. Thus, though Corah s real motive was the supplanting of Aaron, he persuaded the people he meant only the public good ; and they, moved by his insinuations, began to cry out " Let us maintain the common li berty of our respective tribes ; we have freed ourselves from the slavery imposed upon us by the Egyptians, and shall we suffer ourselves to be made slaves by Mo ses ? If we must have a master, it were better to re turn to Pharaoh, who at least fed us with bread and onions, taan to serve this new tyrant, who by his ope rations has brought us into danger or famine." Then they called in question the reality of his conference with God ; and objected to the privacy of the meetings, arid the preventing any of the people from being pre sent at the colloques, or even approaching the place, as grounds of great suspicion. They accused Moses also of pecidation ; as embezzling part of the golden spoons and the silver chargers, that the princes had offered at the dedication of the altar,f and the offering of the gold of the common people,J as well as most of the poll-tax ; and Aaron they accused of pocketing * Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 3. " And they gathered thera- ? elves together against Moses and Aaron, and said unto them, ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregations are holy, every one of Vaem wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the congregation ?** f Numbers, chap. vii. | Exodus, chap. xxxv. ver. 23, Numbers, chap. iii. and Exodus, chap, xxx 21 242 ESSAYS. much of the gold of which he pretended to haye made a molten calf. Besides peculation, they charged Mo ses with ambition; to gratify which passion, he had, they said, deceived the people, by promising tobrin^ them to a land flowing with milk and honey ; instead of doing which, he had brought them from such a land ; and that he thought light of this mischief, pro vided he could make himself an absolute prince* That, to support the new dignity with splendour in his family, the partial poll-tax already levied and given to Aaront was to be followed by a general onej which would probably be augmented from time to time, if he were suffered to go on promulgating new laws on pretence of new occasional revelations of the divine will, till their whole fortunes were devoured by that aristocracy." Moses denied the charge of peculation ; arid his accusers were destitute of proofs to support it ; though facts, if real, are in their nature capable of proof. " I have not," said he, (with holy confidence in the pre sence of God,) " I have not taken from this people the Falue of an ass, nor done them any other injury." But his enemies had made the charge, and with some suc cess among the populace, for no kind of accusation is so readily made, or easily believed, by knaves, as the accusation of knavery. In fine, no less than two hundred and fifty of the principal men " famous in the congregation, men of renown, " headingand exciting the mob, worked them up to such a pitch of phrensy, that they called out, stone em, stone em, and thereby secure our liberties ; and let us choose other captains that may lead us back * Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 13. u Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land flowing with milk and honey, to kill us in this wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us ?" t Number?, chap. iii. J Exodus, chap, xxx, $ Numbers, chap. xvi. ESSAYS. 243 into Egypt , in case we do not succeed in reducing the Canaanites. On the whole, it appears that the Israelites were a people jealous of their newly acquired liberty, which jealousy was in itself no fault ; but that when they sufferedittobe worked upon by artful men, pretending public good, with nothing really in view but private in terest, they wer led to oppose the establishment of the new constitution, whereby they brought upon themselves much inconvenience and misfortune. It farther appears from the same inestimable history, that when, after many ages, the constitution had be come old and much abused, that an amendment of it was proposed, the populace as they had accused Moses of the ambition of making himself a prince, and cried out, stone him, stone him ; so, excited by their high- priests and scribes, they exclaimed against the Mes siah, that he aimed at becoming king of the Jews, and cried, crucify him, crucify him. From all which we may gather, that popular opposition to a public mea sure is no proof of its impropriety, even though the opposition be excited and headed by men of distinc tion. To conclude. I beg I may not be understood to in fer, that our general convention was divinely inspired when it formed the new federal constitution, merely because that constitution has been unreasonably and vehemently opposed: yet, I must own, I have so much faith in the general government of the world by Providence, that I can hardly conceive a transaction of such momentous importance to the welfare of millions novv existing, and to exist in the posterity of a great nation, should be suffered to pass without being in some degree influenced, guided, and governed by that omnipotent, omnipresent and benificent Ruler, in whom all inferior spirits live, and move, and have their being. 344 ESSAYS. THE INTERNAL STATE OF AMERICA, iEING A TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE INTEREST AND POLICY OF THAT VAST CONTINENT. There is a tradition, that, in the planting of New- England, the first settlers met with many difficulties and hardships ; as is generally the case when a civi lized people attempt establishing themselves in a wilderness country. Being piously disposed, they sought relief from heaven, by laying their wants and distresses before the Lord, in frequent set days of fast ing and prayer. Constant meditation and discourse on these subjects kept their minds gloomy and discon tented ; and, like the children of Israel, there were many disposed to return to that Egypt which persecu tion had induced them to abandon. At length, when it was proposed in the assembly to proclaim another fast, a farmer of plain sense rose, and remarked, that the inconveniences they suffered, and concerning which they had so often weaned heaven with their complaints, were not so great as they might ha?*.- expected, and were diminishing every day as the co lony strengthened ; that the earth began to reward their labour, and to furnish liberally for their subsist ence ; that the seas and rivers were found full offish the air sweet, and the climate healthy ; and, above all. that they were there in the full enjoyment of liberty civil and religious ; he therefore thought, that reflect ing and conversing on these subjects would be more comfortable, as tending more to make them contented with their situation ; and that it would be more be coming the gratitude they owed to the Divine Being if, instead of a fast, they should proclaim a thanksgiv ing. His advice was taken, and from that day to this they have, in every year, observed circumstances of public felicity sufficient to furnish employment for a thanksgiving day, which is therefore constantly order ed and religiously observed, ESSAYS. 2-l.j I see in the public papers of different states frequent complaints of hard times, deadness of trade, scarcity of money, &c. &c. It is not my intention to assert or maintain that these complaints are entirely without foundation. There can be no country or nation exist ing, in which there will not be some people so circum stanced as to find it hard to gain a livelihood ; people who are not in the way of any profitable trade, and with whom money is scarce, because they have no thing to give in exchange for it ; and it is always in the power of a small number to make a great clamour, But let us take a cool view of the general state of our affairs, and perhaps the prospect will appear less gloomy than has been imagined. The great business of the continent is agriculture For one artisan, or merchant, 1 suppose we have at least one hundred farmers, and by far the greatest part cultivators of their own fertile lands, from whence many of them draw not only food necessary for their subsist ence, but the materials of their clothing, so as to need very few foreign supplies ; while they have a surplus of productions to dispose of, whereby wealth is gradual - ly accumulated. Such has been the goodness of Divine Providence to these regions, and so favourable the cli mate, that, since the three or four years of hardship in the first settlement of our fathers here, a famine or scarcity has never been heard amongst us ; on tht". contrary, though some years may have been more, and others less plentiful, there has always been provision enough for ourselves, and a quantity to spare for ex portation. And although the crops of last year were generally good, never was the farmer better paid for the part he can spare commerce, as the published price currents abundantly testify. The lands he possesses are also continually rising in value with the increase of population ; and on the whole, he is enabled to give such good wages to those who work for him, that all who are acquainted with the old world must agree 3 21 * 246 ESSAYS. that in no part of it arc the labouring poor so generally well fed, well clothed, well lodged, and well paid, as in the United States of America. If we enter the cities, we find that, since the revolu tion, the owners of houses and lots of grounds have had their interest vastly augmented in value ; rents have risen to an astonishing height, and thence encourage ment to increase building, which gives employment to an abundance of workmen, as does also the increased luxury and splendour of living of the inhabitants thus made richer. These workmen all demand and obtain much higher wages than any other part of the world could afford them, and are paid in ready money. Thi? rank of people therefore do not, or ought not to com plain of hard times ; and they make a very considera ble part of the city inhabitants. At the distance I live from our American fisheries, I cannot speak of them with any degree of certainty : but I have not heard that the valuble race of men em ployed in them is worse paid, or that they meet with less success than before the revolution. The whale men indeed have been deprived of one market for their oil ; but another, I hear, is opening for them, which it is hoped may be equally advantageous ; and the demand is constantly increasing for their sperma ceti candles, which there bear a much higher price than formerly. There remain the merchants and shop-keepers. Of these, though they make but a small part of the whole nation, the number is considerable, too great in deed for the business they are employed in ; for the consumption of goods in every country has its limits ; the facilities of the people, that is, their ability to buy and pay, is equal only to a certain quantity of merchan dise. If merchants calculate amiss on this proportion, and import too much, they will of course find the sale dull for the overpluss, and some of them will say that trade languishes. They should, and doubtless will, ESSAYS. 247 grow wiser by experience, and import less. If too many artificers in town, and farmers from the country, flattering themselves with the idea of leading easier lives, turn shop-keepers, the whole natural quantity of that business divided among them all may afford too small a share for each, and occasion complaints that trading is dead ; these may also suppose that it is owing to scarcity of money, while in fact, it is not so much from the fewness of buyers, as from the excess ive number of sellers, th t the mischief arises ; and, if every shopkeeping farmer and mechanic would re turn to the use of his plough and working tools, there would remain of widows, and other women, shopkeep ers sufficient for the business, which might then af ford them a comfortable maintenance. Whoever has travelled through the various parts of Europe, and observed how small is the proportion of people in affluence or easy circumstances there, com pared with those in poverty and misery ; the few rich and haughty landlords, the multitude of poor, abject, rack-rented, tythe-paying tenants, and half-paid, and half-starved ragged labourers ; and views here the happy mediocrity that so generally prevails throughout these states, where the cultivator works for himself, and supports his family in decent plenty ; will, me- thinks, see abundant reason to bless Divine Providence for the evident and great difference in our favour, and be convinced that no nation known to us enjoys a greater share of human felicity. It is true, that in some of the states there are parties and discords ; but let us look back, and ask if we were ever without them ? Such will exist wherever there is liberty ; and perhaps they help to preserve it. By the collision of different sentiments, sparks of truth are struck out, and political light is obtained. The differ ent factions, which at present divide us, aim all at the public good ; the differences are only about the various modes of promoting it. Things, Actions 3 measures, ESSAifS. and objects of all kinds, present themselves to the minds of men in such a variety of lights, that it is not possible we should all think alike at the same time on every subject, when hardly the same man retains at all times the same ideas of it. Parties are therefore the common lot of humanity ; and ours are by no means more mischievous or Jess beneficial than those of other countries, nations, and ages, enjoying in the same degree the great blessing of political liberty; Some indeed among us are not so much grieved for the present state of our affairs, as apprehensive for the future. The growth of luxury alarms them, and they think we are from that alone in the high road to ruin. They observe, that no revenue is sufficient without ceconomy, and that the most plentiful income of a whole people from the natural productions of their country may be dissipated in vain and needless expen ses, and poverty be introduced in the place of afflu ence. This may be possible. It however rarely hap pens : for there seems to be in every nation a greater proportion of industry and frugality, which tend to en rich, than of idleness and prodigality, which occasion poverty ; so that upon the whole there is a continual accumulation. Reflect that Spain, Gaul, Germanj , and Britain were in the time of the Romans, inhabited by people little richer than our savages, and consider the wealth they at present possess, in numerous well- built cities, improved farms, rich moveables, maga zines stocked with valuable manufactures, to say no thing of plate, jewels, and coined money ; and all this, notwithstanding their bad, wasteful, plundering go vernments, and their mad destructive wars ; and yet luxury and extravagant living has never suffered much restraint in those countries. Then consider the great proportion of industrious frugal farmers inhabiting the interior parts of these American states, and of whom the body of our nation consists, and judge whether itts possible that the luxury of our sea-ports can be suffi- ESSAtrf. 249 ".icut to ruin such a country. If the importation of foreign luxuries could ruin a people, we should proha- bly have been ruined long ago ; for the British nation claimed a right, and practised it, of importing among us not only the superfluities of their own production, but those of every nation under heaven ; we bought and consumed them, and yet we flourished and grew rich. At present our independent governments may do what we could not then do, discourage by heavy duties, or prevent by heavy prohibitions, such im portations, and thereby grow richer ; if, indeed, which may admit of dispute, the desire of adorning ourselves with fine clothes, possessing line furniture, with ele gant houses, &c. is not, by strongly inciting to labour and industry, the occasion of producing a greater value than is consumed in the gratification of that desire. The agriculture and fisheries of the United States are the great sources of our increasing wealth. He that puts a seed into the earth is recompensed, perhaps by receiving forty out of it ; and he who draws a fish out of our water, draws up a piece of silver. Let us (and there is no doubt but we shall) be at tentive to these, and then the power of rivals, with all their restraining and prohibiting acts, cannot much hurt us. We are sons of the earth and seas, and, like Antaeus in the fable, if in wrestling with a Hercules we now and then receive a fall, the touch of our pa rents will communicate to us fresh strength and vi our to renew the contest. INFORMATION TO THOSE WHO WOULD RE MOV* TO AMERICA. Many persons in Europe having, directly, or by letters, expressed to the writer of this, who is well acquainted with North America, their desire of trans- 250 ESSAYS. porting and establishing themselves in that country ; but who appear to him to have formed, through ig norance, mistaken ideas and expectations of what is to be obtained there ; he thinks it may be useful, and prevent inconvenient, expensive, and fruitless remo vals and voyages of improper persons, if he gives some clearer and truer notions of that part of the world, than have hitherto prevailed. He finds it imagined by numbers, that the inhabi tants of North America are rich, capable of rewarding, and disposed to reward, all sorts of ingenuity ; that they are at the same time ignorant of all the sciences, and consequently that strangers, possessing talents in the belles -letters, fine arts, &c. must be highly es teemed, and so well paid as to become easily rich them selves ; that there are also abundance of profitable offices to be disposed of, which the natives are not qualified to fill ; and that haying few persons of family among them, strangers of birth must be greatly re spected, and of course easily obtain the best of those offices, which will make all their fortunes ; that the government too, to encourage emigrations from Eu rope, not only pay the expense of their personal trans portation, but give lands gratis to strangers, with ne groes to work for them, utensils of husbandry, and stock of cattle. These are all wild imaginations : and those who go to America w r ith expectations founded upon them, will surely find themselves disappointed. The truth is that though there are in that country few people so miserable as the poor of Europe, there ae also few that in Europe would be called rich ; it is rather a general happy mediocrity that prevails. There are few great proprietors of the soil, and few tenants ; most people cultivate their own lands, or follow some handicraft or merchandize; very few rich enough to live idly upon their rents or incomes, or to pay the high prices given in Europe for painting, statutes, architecture, and the other works of art that ESSAYS. 251 are more curious than useful. Hence the natural geniuses that have arisen in America, with such ta lents, have uniformly quitted that country for Europe, where they can be more suitably rewarded. It is true- that letters and mathematical knowledge are in esteem there, but they are at the same time more common than is apprehended ; there being already existing nine colleges, or universities, viz. four in New-Eng land, and one in each of the provinces of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, all furnished with learned professors ; besides a num ber of smaller academies ; these educate many of their youth in the languages, and those sciences that quali fy men for the professions of divinity, law, or physic, Strangers indeed are by no means excluded from ex ercising those professions ; and the quick increase of inhabitants every where gives them a chance of em ploy, which they have in common with the native?. Of civil officers or employments, there are few ; no superfluous ones as in Europe ; and it is a rule estab lished in some of the states, that no office should be so profitable as to make it desirable. The 36th article of the constitution of Pennsylvania runs expressly in these words : "As every freeman, to preserve his in dependence, (if he has not a sufficient estate,) ought to have some profession, calling, trade, or farm, whereby he may honestly subsist, there can be no necessity for, nor use in establishing offices of profit ; the usual effects of which are dependence and servility, unbe coming freemen, in the possessors and expectants ; faction, contention, corruption, and disorder among the people. Wherefore, whenever an office, through increase of fees or otherwise, becomes so profitable as to occasion many to apply for it, the profits ought to be lessened by the legislature." These ideas prevailing more or less in all the Unit ed States, it cannot be worth any man s while who has means of living at home, to expatriate himself m 252 ESSAYS. hopes of obtaining a profitable civil office in America : and as to military offices, they are at an end with the war, the armies being disbanded. Much less is it ad visable for a person to go thither, who has DO other quality to recommend him but his birth. In Europe it hns indeed its value ; but it is a commodity that can not be carried to a worse market than to that of Amer ica, where people do not inquire concerning a stran ger, What is he ? but What can he do ? If he has any useful art, he is welcome ; and if he exercises it, and behaves well, he will be respected by all that know him ; but a mere man of quality, who on that account wants to live upon the public by some office or salary will be despised and disregarded. The husbandman is in honor there, and even the mechanic, because their employments are useful. The people have a saying, that God Almighty is himself a mechanic, the greatest in the universe ; and he is respected and ad mired more for the variety, ingenuity, and utility of his handyworks, than for the antiquity of his family. They are pleased with the observation of a negro, and frequently mention it, that Boccarorra (meaning the white man) make de black man workee, make de horse workee, make de ox workee, make ebery ting workee ; only de hog. He dehog, no workee ; Jie eat, he drink, he walk about, he go to sleep when he please, he libb like a gentleman. According to these opinions of the Americans, one of them would think himself more obliged to a genealogist, who could prove tor Jiim that his ancestors and relations for ten generations had been ploughmen, smiths, carpenters, turners, weavers, tanners, or even shoemakers, and conse quently that they were useful members of society ; than if he could only prove that they were gentlemen, doing nothing of value, but living idly on the labour ot -. there, mere feuges consumer e nati* and otherwis< * . . . born Merely to eat np the corn. WATTS. ESSAYS. 253 good for nothing, till by their death their estates, like the carcase of the negro s gentleman-hog, come to be cut up. With regard to encouragements for strangers from government, they are really only what are derived from good laws and liberty. Strangers are welcome because there is room enough for them all, and there fore the old inhabitants are not jealous of them ; the laws protect them sufficiently, so that they have no need of the patronage of great men ; and every one will enjoy securely the profits of his industry. But if he does not bring a fortune with him, he must work and be industrious to live. One or two years residence give him all the rights of a citizen ; but the govern ment does not at present, whatever it may have done in former times, hire people to become settlers, by paying their passages, giving land, negroes, utensils, stock, or any other kind of emolument whatsoever. In short, America is the land of 1 ibour, and by no means what the English call Lubber/and, and the French Pays de. Cocagne, where the streets are said to be paved with h;ilf-peck loaves, the houses tiled with pancakes, and where the fowls fly about ready roasted crying, Come eat me ! Who then are the kind of persons to whom an emi gration to America would be advantageous ? And what are the advantages they may reasonably expect ? Land being cheap in that country, from the vast forests still void of inhabitants, and not likely to be in habited in an age to come, insomuch that the property of -in hundred acres of fertile soil full of wood may be obtained near the frontiers, in many places, for eight or ten guineas, hearty young labouring men, who un^ derstand the husbandry of corn and cattle, which is nearly the same in that country as in Europe, may easily establish themselves there. A little money sa ved of the good wages they receive there while they work for others, enables them to buy the land and be- 254 ESSAYS. gin their plantation, in which they are assisted by the good will of their neighbours, and some credit. Mul titudes of good people from England, Ireland, Scot land, and Germany, have by this means in a few years become wealthy farmers, who in their own countries, where all the lands are fully occupied and the wages of labour low, could never have emerged from the mean condition wherein they were born. From the salubrity of the air, the healthiness of the climate, the plenty of good provisions, and the en couragement to early marriages, by the certainty of subsistence in cultivating the earth, the increase of inhabitants by natural generation is very rapid in Ame rica, and becomes still more so by the accession of strangers ; hence there is a continual demand for more artisans of all the necessary and useful kinds, to supply those cultivators of the earth with houses, and with furniture and utensils of the grosser sorts, which cannot so well be brought from Europe. Tolerable good workmen in any of those mechanic arts, are sure to find employ, and to J>e well paid for their work, there being no restraints preventing strangers from exercising any art they understand, nor any permis sion necessary. If they are poor, they begin first as servants or journeymen ; and if they are sober, indus trious, and frugal, they soon become masters, estab lish themselves in business, marry, raise families, and become respectable citizens. Also, persons of moderate fortunes and capitals, who having a number of children to provide for, are desirous of bringing them up to industry, and to se cure estates for their posterity, have opportunities of doing it in America, which Europe does not afford. There they may be taught and practise profitable me chanic arts, without incurring disgrace on that ac count ; but on the contrary acquiring respect by such abilities. There small capitals luid out in lands, which daily become more valuable by the increase of people, ESSAYS. 255 afford a solid prospect of ample fortunes thereafter for those children. The writer of this has known several instances of large tracts of lands, bought on what was then the frontier of Pennsylvania, for ten pounds per hundred acres, which, after twenty years, when the settlement had been extended far beyond them, sold readily, without any improvement made upon them, for three pounds per acre. The acre, in America, is the same with the English acre, or the acre of Nor mandy. Those who desire to understand the state of govern ment in America, would do well to read the constitu tions of the several states, and the articles of confede ration that bind the whole together for general purpo ses, under the direction of one assembly, called the Congress. These constitutions have been printed by order of Congress, in America ; two editions of them have also been printed in London ; and a good trans lation of them in French, has lately been published at Paris. Several of the princes of Europe having of late, from an opinion of advantage to arise by producing all commodities and manufactures within their own do minions, so as to diminish or render useless their im portations, have endeavoured to entice workmen from other countries, by high salaries, privileges, &c. Ma ny persons pretending to be skilled in various great manufactures, imagining that America must be in want, of them, and that the Congress would probably be disposed to imitate the princes above mentioned, having proposed to go over, on condition of having their passages paid, land given, salaries appointed, exclusive privileges for terms of years, &c. Such persons, on reading the articles of confederation, will find that the Congress have no power committed to them, or money put into their hands for such purpo ses ; and that if any such encouragement is given, it must be by the government of some particular state. ^6 ESSAYS. This, however, has rarely been done in , and when it has been done, it has rarely succeeded, so as to establish a manufacture, which the country was not yet so ripe for as to encourage private persons to set it up : labour being generally too dear there, and hands difficult to be kept together, ever}^ one de siring to be a master, and the cheapness of land inclin ing many to leave trade for agriculture. Some in- deed have met with success, and are carried on to ad vantage ; but they are generally such as require only a few hands, or wherein great part of the work is per formed by machines. Goods that are bulky, and of so small value as not well to bear the expense of freight may often be made cheaper in the country, than they can be imported ; and the manufacture of such goods will be profitable wherever there is a sufficient de mand. The farmers in America produce indeed a good deal of wool and flax ; and none is exported, it is all worked up : but it is in the way of domestic ma nufacture, for the use of the family. The buying up quantities of wool and flax, with the design to employ spinners, weavers, &c, and form great establishments, producing quantities of linen and woollen goods for sale, has been several times attempted in different provinces ; but those projects have generally failed, goods of equal value being imported cheaper. And when the governments have been solicited to support such schemes by encouragements, in money, or by imposing duties on importation of such goods, it has been generally refused, on this principle, that if the country is ripe for the manufacture, it may be carried on by private persons to advantage ; and if not, it is a folly to think of forcing nature. Great establishments of manufacture require greater numbers of poor to do the work for small wages : those poor are to be found in Europe, but will not be found in America, till the lands are all taken up and cultivated, and the excess of people who cannot get land, want employment. The ESSAYS. 257 manufacture of silk, they say, is natural in France, as that of cloth in England, hecause each country produ ces in plenty the first material : but if England will have a manufacture of silk as well as that of cloth, and France of cloth as well as that of silk, these unnatural operations must be supported by mutual prohi bitions, or high duties on the importation of each other s goods: by which means the workmen are enabled to tax the home consumer by greater prices, while the higher wages they receive makes them nei ther happier nor richer, since they only drink more and work less. Therefore the government of Ame rica do nothing to encourage such projects. The peo ple, by this means, are not imposed on, either by the merchant or mechanic ; if the merchant demands too much profit on imported shoes they buy of the shoe maker ; and if he asks too high a price, they tuko them of the merchant ; thus the two professions are checks on each other. The shoemaker, however, has, on the whole a considerable profit upon his la bour in America, beyond what he had in Europe, as lie can add to his price a sum nearly equal to all the expenses of freight and commission,- risque or insu rance, &c. necessarily charged by the merchant. And it is the same with every other mechanic art. Hence it is that artisans generally live better and more easily in America than in Europe ; and such as are good economists, make a comfortable provision for age, and for their children. Such may, therefore, remove with advantage to America. In the old long-settled countries of Europe, all arts, trades, professions, farms, &c. are so full that it is dif ficult for a poor man who has children to place them where they may gain, or learn to gain a decent liveli hood. The artisans, who fear creating future rivals in business, refuse to take apprentices, but upon con ditions of money, maintenance, or the like, which the parents are unable to comply with. Here the youth 22 * 258 ESSAYS. are dragged up in ignorance of every gainful art, and obliged to become soldiers, or servants, or thieves, for a subsistence. In America, the rapid increase of inhabitants takes away that fear of rivalship, and arti sans .viilii -/ly ivt o.ive apprentices from the hope of profit by their labour, during the remainder of the time stipulated, after they shall be instructed. Hence it is easy for poor families to get their children in structed ; for the artisans are so desirous of appren tices, that many of them will even give money to the parents, to have boys from ten to fifteen years of age bound apprentices to them, till the age of twenty-one ; and many poor parents have, by that means, on their arrival in the country, raised money enough to buy land sufficient to establish themselves, and to subsist the rest of their family by agriculture. These con tracts for apprentices are made before a magistrate, who regulates the agreement according to reason and justice ; and having in view the formation of a future useful citizen, obliges the master to engage by a writ ten indenture, not only that, during the time of ser vice stipulated, the apprentice shall be duly provided with meat, drink, apparel, washing, and lodging, and at its expiration with a complete new suit of clothes, but also that he shall be taught to read, write, and cast accounts ; and that he shall be well instructed in the art or profession of his master, or some other, by which he may afterwards gain a livelihood, and be able in his turn to raise a family. A copy of this in denture is given to the apprentice or his friends, and the magistrate keeps a record of it, to which recourse may be had, in case of failure by the master in any point of performance. This desire among the masters to have more hands employed in working for them, in duces them to pay the passages of young persons, of both sexes, who, on their arrival, agree to serve them one, two, three, or four years : those who have already learned a trade, agreeing for a shorter term. ESSAYS. 2uO in proportion to their skill, and the consequent imme diate value of their services ; and those who have none agreeing for a longer term, in consideration of being taught an art their poverty woukl not permit them to acquire in their own country. The almost general mediocrity of fortune that pre vails in America, obliging its people to follow some business for subsistence, those vices that arise usually from idleness, are in a great measure prevented. In dustry and constant employment are great preserva tives of the morals and virtue of a nation. Hence bad examples to youth are more rare in America, which must be a comfortable consideration to parents. To this may be truly added, that serious religion, under its various denominations, is not only tolerated, but respected and practised. Atheism is unknown there ; infidelity rare and secret ; so that persons may live to a great age in that country without having their piety shocked by meeting with an atheist or an infidel. And the Divine Being seems to have manifested his appro bation of the mutual forbearance and kindness with whicb the different sects treat each other, by the remarkable prosperity with which he has been pleas ed to favour the whole country. FINAL SPEECH OF DR. FRANKLIN IN THE LATE FEDERAL CONVENTION.* MR. PRESIDENT, I confess that I do not entirely approve of this constitution at present : but, Sir, I am not sure I * Our reasons for ascribing this speech to Dr. Franklin, are its internal evidence, and its having appeared with his name, daring his life-time, uncontradicted, in. an American periodical publication, 260 ESSAYS. shall never approve it ; for having lived long, I experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or further consideration, to change opin ions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is, therefore, that the older I grow, the more apt am I to doubt my own judgment, and to pay more respect to the judgment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects of religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that whenever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steel, a protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, that the only difference between our two churches, in their opinions of the certainty of their doc trines, is, the Roman church is infallible, and the church of England never in the wrong." But, though many private persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their own sect, few ex press it so naturally as a certain French lady, who, in a little dispute with her sister, said, I dont know how it happens, sister, but I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right. // n ny a que moi gut a tou- jours raison. In these sentiments, Sir, I agree to this constitution, with all its faults, if they are such : be cause I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government, but what may be a blessing, if well administered, and I believe farther that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being inca pable of any other. I doubt too, whether any other convention we can obtain, may be able to make a bet ter constitution. For when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you assemble with those men, all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local in terests, and their selfish views. From such an assem bly can a perfect production be expected ? It there- ES3AVS. 261 fore astonishes me. Sir, to find this system approach ing so near to perfection as it does ; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence, to hear that our councils are confounded, like those of the builders of Babylon, and that our states are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting each other s throats. Thus 1 consent, Sir, to this constitution because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that this is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born ; and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to our constituents, were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavour to gain partisans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received and thereby lose all the sa lutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength or efficiency of any government, in procuring and securing happiness to the people, de pends on opinion ; on the general opinion of the good ness of that government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore, that for our own sakes as a part of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this constitution, wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means of having it well administered. On the whole, Sir, I cannot help expressing a wish, that every member of the convention, who may still have objections, would with me on this occasion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument. [The motion was then made for adding the last for muta, viz. 26.2 ESSAYS. Done in convention by the unanimous consent, which was agreed to, and added accordingly.] SKETCH 0^ AN ENGLISH SCHOOL. FOR THE CONSIDERATION OF THE TRUSTEES OF THE . PHILADELPHIA ACADEMY. It is expected that every scholar to be admitted into this school, be at least able to pronounce and divide the syllables in reading, and to write a legible hand. None to be received that are under years of age* FIRST, OR LOWEST CLASS. Let the first class learn the English Grammar rules, and at the same time let particular care be taken to improve them in orthography. Perhaps the latter is best done by pairing the scholars ; two of those nearest equal in their spelling to be put together. Let these strive for victory ; each propounding ten words every day to the other to be spelled. He that spells truly most of the other s words, is victor for that day ; he that is victor most days in a month, to obtain a prize, a pretty neat book of some kind, useful in their future studies. This method fixes the attention of children extremely to the orthography of words, and makes them good spellers very early. It is a shame for a man to be so ignorant of this Rtle art in his own lan guage, as to be perpetually confounding words of like sounds and different significations ; the consciousness of which defect makes some men, otherwise of good learning and understanding, averse to writing even a common letter. Let the pieces read by the scholars in this class be short : such as Coxal s fables and little stories. In ESSAYS. SGvi giving the lesson, let it be read to them ; let the meaning of the most difficult words in it be explained to them ; and let them con over by themselves before they are called to read to the master or usher ; who is to take particular care that they do not read too fast and that they duly observe the stops and pauses. A vocabulary of the most useful difficult words might be formed for their use, with explanations ; and they might daily get a few of those words and explanations by heart, which would a little exercise their memo ries ; or at least they might write a number of them in a small book for the purpose, which would help to fix the meaning of those words in their minds, and at the same time furnish every one with a little dictionary for his future use. THE SECOND CLASS. To be taught reading with attention, and with prc- per modulation of the voice j according to the senti ment and subject. Some short pieces, not exceeding the length of a Spectator, to be given this class for lessons (and some of the easier Spectators would be very suitable for the purpose.) These lessons might be given every night as tasks ; the scholars to study them against the morn ing. * Let it then be required of them to give an ac^ count, first of the parts of speech and construction of one or two sentences. This will oblige them to re cur frequently to their grammar, and fix its principal rules in their memory. Next, of the intention of the writer, or the scope of the piece, the meaning of each sentence, and of every uncommon word. This would early acquaint them with the meaning and force of words, and give them that most necessary habit, of reading with attention. The master then to read the piece with the proper modulations of voice, due emphasis, and suitable action < St:-4 ESSAYS. where action is required ; and put the youth on imi tating his manner. Where the author has used an expression not the best, let it be pointed out ; and let his beauties be par ticularly remarked to the youth. Let the lessons for reading be varied, that the youth may be made acquainted with good styles of all kinds in prose and verse, and the proper manner of reading each kind sometimes a well-told story, a piece of a sermon, a general s speech to his soldiers, a speech in a tragedy, some part of a comedy, an ode, a satire, a letter, blank verse, Hudibrastic, heroic, &LC. But let such lessons be chosen for reading, as contain some useful instruction, whereby the understanding or morals of the youth may at the same time be im proved. It is re quired that they should first study and under stand the lessons, before they are put upon reading them properly ; to which end each boy should have" an English dictionary, to help him over difficulties. When ourboys read English to us, we are apt to ima gine they understand wh"t they read, because we do, and because it is their mother tongue. But they of ten read as parrots speak, knowing little or nothing of the meaning. And it is impossible a reader should give the due modulation to his voice, and pronounce properly, unless his understanding goes before his tongue, and makes him master of the sentiment. Ac customing boys to read aloud what they do rot first understand, is the cause of those even set tones so common among readers, which, when they have once got a habit of using, they find so difficult to correct ; by which means, among fifty readers we scarcely find a good one. For want of good reading, pieces publish ed with a view to influence the minds of men, for their own or the public benefit, lose half their force. Were there but one good reader in a neighbourhood, a pub- Jic orator might be heard throughout a nation with thr ESSAYS. same advantages, and have the same effect upon hi? audience, as if they stood within the reach of hi? voice. THE THIRD CLASS. To be taught speaking properly and gracefully , which is near a-kin to good reading, and naturally follows it in the studies of youth. Let the scholars of this class begin with learning the elements of rhetoric from some short system, so as to be able to give an ac count of the most useful tropes and figures. Let all their bad habits of speaking, all offences against good grammar, all corrupt or foreign accents and all impro per phrases, be pointed out to them. Short speeches from the Roman or other history, or from the parlia mentary debates, might be got by heart, and delivered with the proper action, &c. Speeches and scenes in our best tragedies and comedies (avoiding things that could injure the morals of youth) might likewise be got by rote, and the boys exercised in delivering or acting them ; great care being taken to form their manner after the truest models. For this farther improvement, and a little to vary their studies, let them now begin to read history, after having got by heart a short table of the principal epo- chas in Chronology. They may begin with Rollin s ancient and Roman histories, and proceed at prepei* hours, as they go through the subsequent classes, with the best histories of our own nation and colonies. Let emulation be excited among the boys 5 by giving weekly, little prizes, or other small encouragements, to those who are able to give the best account of what they have read, as to times, places, names of persons, &c. This will make them read with attention, and imprint the history well in their memories. In re marking on the history, the master will have fine op portunities of instilling instructions of various kinds, 23 26C ESSAYS. mid improving the morals, as well as the understand ings of youth, .The natural and mechanic history, contained in the Spectacle de la Nature, might also be began in thi? class, and continued through the subsequent classes brother books of the same kind ; for, next to the know- ledge of duty, this kind of knowledge is certainly the most useful, as well as the most entertaining. The merchant may thereby be enabled better to understand many commodities in trade ; the handicraftman to improve his business by new instruments, mixtures, and materials ; and frequent hints are given for new manufactures, and new methods of improving land, that may be set on foot greatly to the advantage of the country. THE FOURTH CLASS. To be taught composition. Writing one s own language well, is the next necessary accomplishment after good speaking. It is the writing master s busi ness to take care that the boys make fair characters, and place them strait and even in the lines ; but to form their style, and even to take care that the stops and capitals are properly disposed, is the part of an English master. The boys should be put on writing letters to each other on any common occurrences, and on various subjects, imaginary business, &c. contain ing little stories, accounts of their late reading, what parts of authors please them, and why ; letters of congratulation, of compliment, of requests , of thanks,^ of recommendation, of admonition, of consolation, of expostulation, excuse, &c. In these they should be taught to express themselves clearly, concisely, and natu rally without affected words or high flown phrases. All their letters to pass through the master s hand, who is to point out the faults, advise the corrections, and commend what he finds right. Some of the best letters published in our own language, as Sir William ESSAYS. 267 Temple s, those of Pope and his friends, and some others, might be set before the youth as models, their beauties pointed out, and explained by the master, the letters themselves transcribed by the scholar. Dr. Johnson s Ethices Elementa, or First Principles of Morality, may now be read by the scholars, and ex plained by the master to lay a solid foundation of vir tue and piety in their minds. And as this class con tinues the reading of history, let them now, at proper hours, receive some farther instructions, of Chronolo gy and in that part of Geography (from the mathema tical master) which is necessary to understand the maps and globes. They should also be acquainted with the modern names of places they find mentioned in ancient writers. The exercises of good reading, and proper speaking, still continued at suitable times, FIFTH CLASS. To improve the youth in composition, they may now, besides continuing to write letters, begin to write little essays in prose, and sometimes in verse ; not to make them poets, but for this reason, that nothing ac quaints a lad so speedily with variety of expressions as the necessity of finding such words and phrases as well suit the measure, sound and rhyme of verse, and at the same time well express the sentiment. These essays should all pass under the master s eye, who will point out their faults, and put the writer on correcting them. Where the judgment is not ripe enough for forming new essays, let the sentiments of a Spectator be given, and required to be clothed in the scholar s own words ; or the circumstances of some good story ; the scholar to find expression. Let them be put sometimes on abridging a paragraph of a diffuse author : sometimes on dilating or amplifying what is wrote more closely. And now let Dr. Johnson s Noe- tica, or First Principles of Human Knowledge, con- taini ng a logic, or art of reasoning, &c. be read by the 268 ESSAYS. youth, and the difficulties that may occur to them be explained by the master. The reading of history, and the exercise of good reading and just speaking, still continued. SIXTH CLASS. In this class besides continuing the studies of the hall ; preceding in history, rhetoric, logic, moral and natural philosophy, the best English authors may be read and explained ; as Tillotson, Milton, Locke, Ad- dison, Pope, Swift, the higher papers in the Spectator and Guardian, the best translations of Homer, Virgil s and Horace, of Telmachus, Travels of Cyrus, &c. Once a year let there be public exercises in the trustees and citizens presence. Then let fine gilt books be given as prizes to such boys as distinguish them selves, and excel the others in any branch of learn ing, making three degrees of comparison : giving the best prize to him that performs best ; a less valuable one to him that comes up next to the best ; and anoth er to the third. Commendations, encouragements, and advice to the rest ; keeping up their hopes, that by industry, they may excel another time. The names of those that obtain the prize, to be yearly printed in a list. The hours of each day are to be divided and dis posed in such a manner as that some classes may be with the Writing-master, improving their hands ; oth ers with the mathematical master, learning arithmetic, accounts, geography, use of the globes^ drawing, me chanics, &c. while the rest are in the English school, under the English master s care. Thus instructed, youth will come out of this school fitted for learning any business, calling, or profession, except such wherein languages are required : and though unacquainted with any ancient or foreign tongue, they will be masters of their own, which is ot more immediate and general use, and withal will have ESSAYS. 266 attained many other valuable accomplishments ; the time usually spent in acquiring those languages, often without success, being here employed in laying such a foundation of knowledge and ability, as properly im proved, may qualify them to pass through and execute the several offices of civil life, with advantage and re putation to themselves and country. THE BUSY-BODY. No. I. From the American Weekly Mercury, from Tuesday, January 28, to Tuesday, February 4, 17289. MR. ANDREW BRADFORD, I design this to acquaint you, that I, who have long been one of your courteous readers, have lately entertained some thought of setting up for an author myself: not out of the least vanity, I assure you, or desire of showing my parts, but purely for the good of my country. I have often observed with concern, that your Mer cury is not always equally entertaining. The delay of ships expected in, and want of fresh advices from Eu rope, make it frequently very dull ; and I find the freezing of our river has the same effect on news as trade. With more concern have I continually observ ed the growing vices and follies of my country folk : and though reformation is properly the concern of ev ery man, that is, every one ought to mend one ; yet it is too true in this case, that what is every body s bu siness is no body s business, and the business is done accordingly. I therefore, upon mature deliberation, r.hink fit to take no body s business wholly into my own hands ; and, out of zeal for the public good, design to erect myself into a kind of censor morum : purposing, 23 * <7G ESSAYS. with your allowance, to make use of the Weekly Mer cury as a vehicle, in which my remonstrances shall be conveyed to the world. I am sensible I have, in this particular, undertaken a very unthankful office, and expect Httle besides my labour for my pains. Nay, it is probable, I may dis~- please a great number of your readers, who will not very well like to pay ten shillings a year for being told of their faults. But as most people delight in cen sure, when they themselves are not the objects of it, if any are offended at my publicly exposing their private vices. I promise they shall have the satisfaction, in a very little, time of seeing their good friends and neigh bors in the same circumstances. However, let the fair sex be assured, that I shall al ways treat them and their affairs with the utmost de cency and respect. I intend now and then to dedicate a chapter wholly to their service ; and if my lectures any way contribute to the embellishment of their minds, and brightening of their understandings, with out offending their modesty, I doubt not of having their favour and encouragement. It is certain that no country in the world produces naturally finer spirits than ours, men of genius for every kind of science, and capable of acquiring to per fection every qualification, that is in esteem among mankind. But as few here have the advantage of good books, for want of which, good conversation is still more scarce, it would, doubtless, have been very acceptable to your readers, if, instead of an old out-of- Jate article from Muscovy or Hungary, you had en tertained them with some well chosen extract from a good author. This 1 shall sometimes do, when I hap pen to have nothing of my own to say that I think of more consequence. Sometimes, I purpose to deliver lectures of morality or philosophy, and (because I am naturally inclined to be meddling with things that do sot concera me) perhaps I may sometimes talk polr ESSAYS, 273 tics. And if I can by any means furnish out a weekly entertainment for the public, that will give a rational diversion, and at the same time be instructive to the readers, I shall think my leisure hours well employed ; and if you publish this, I hereby invite all ingenious gentlemen and others (that approve of such an under taking) to my assistance and correspondence. It is like, by this time, you have a curiosity to be acquainted with my name and character. As I do not aim at public praise, I design to remain concealed : and there are such numbers of our family and relations at this time in the country, that, though I have signed my name at full length, 1 am not under the least ap prehension of being distinguished and discovered by it. My character indeed, I would favour you with, but that I am cautious of praising myself, lest I should be told my trumpeter s dead ; and I cannot find in my heart, at present, to say any thing to my own disad vantage. It is very common with authors in their first per formances, to talk to their readers thus, If this meets with a suitable reception, or, if this should meet with due encouragement, I shall hereafter publish, &c. This only manifests the value they put on their own writings, since they think to frighten the public into their applause, by threatening, thatunless you approve what they have already wrote, they intend never to write again ; when perhaps it may not be a pin mat ter, whether they ever do or no. As I have not ob served the critics to be more favourable on this ac count, I shall always avoid saying any thing of the kind ; and conclude with telling you, that if you send me a bottle of ink, and a quire of paper by the bearer, you nay depend on hearing further from, Sir, Your most humble servant, THE BUSY-BODY. 272 ESSAYS. THE BUSY-BODY. No. II. From Tuesday, February 4, to Tuesday, February 1 J, 17289. All fools have still an itching to deride, And fain would be upon the laughing side. POPE. Monsieur Rochefocault tells us somewhere in his Memoirs, that the Prince of Conde delighted much in ridicule, and used frequently to shut himself up for half a day together, in his chamber, with a gentle man, that was his favourite, purposely to divert him self with examining what was the foible, or ridicu lous side of every noted person in the court. That gentleman said afterwards in some company, that he thought nothing was more ridiculous in any body, than this same humour in the prince ; and I am some what inclined to be of this opinion. The genera! tendency there is among us to this embellishment (which I fear is too often grossly imposed upon my loving countrymen instead of wit) and the applause it meets with from a rising generation, fill me with fear ful apprehensions for the future reputation of my country : a young man of modesty (which is the most certain indication of large capacities) is hereby dis couraged from attempting to make any figure in life : his apprehensions of being out-laughed, will force him to continue in a restless obscurity, without having an opportunity of knowing his own merit himself, or dis covering it to the world, rather than venture to ex pose himself in a place, where a pun or a sneer shall pass for wit, noise for reason, and the strength of the argument be judged by that of the lungs. Among these witty gentlemen, let us take a view of Ridentius : what a contemptible figure does he make with his tram of paltry admirers ? This wight shall give himself an hour s diversion with the cock of a man s hat, ESSAYS. the heels of his shoes, an unguarded expression in his discourse, or even some personal defect ; and the height of his low ambition is to put some one of the company to the blush, who perhaps must pay an equal share of the reckoning with himself. If such a fellow makes laughing the sole end and purpose of his life, if it is necessary to his constitution, or if he has ;t great desire of growing suddenly fat, let him eat ; let him give public notice where any dull stupid rogues may get a quart of four penny for being laughed at ;, but it is barbarously unhandsome, when friends meet for the benefit of conversation, and a proper relaxa tion from business, that one should be the butt of the companv, and four men made merry at the cost of the fifth. How different from this character is that of the good-natured, gay Eugenius ! who never spoke yet- but with a design to divert and please ; and who wu^ never yet baulked in his intention. Eugenius take^ more delight in applying the wit of his friends, than in being admired himself; and if any one of the com pany is so unfortunate as to be touched a little too nearly, he will make use of some ingenious artifice to turn the edge of ridicule another way, chusing ra ther to make himself a public jest, than be at the pain of seeing his friend in confusion. Among the tribe of laughers I reckon the pretty gentlemen, that write satyrs, and carry them about ii* their pockets, reading them themselves in all compa ny they happen into ; taking an advantage of the ill taste of the town, to make themselves famous for a pack of paltry, low nonsense, for which they deserve to be kicked, rather than admired, by all who have rhe least tincture of politeness. These I take to bo :.he most incorrigible of all my readers ; nay, I expec they will be squibbing at the Busy-Body himself. ~ However, the only favour he begs of them is thi> that if thny cannot rontroul their overbearing itch ^i ESSAYS scribbling, let him be attacked in downright bitim lyricks ; for there is no satyr he dreads half so much as an attempt towards a panegyrick. THE BUSY-BODY. No. III. From Tuesday, February 11, to Tuesday, Fcbruan. 18, 17289. Non vultus instantis Tyranni Mente quatit solida, nee auster, Dux inquieti turbidus Adaiae, Nee fulminantis magna Jo vis manus. HOR. It is said, that the Persians, in their ancient con stitution, had public schools, in which virtue was taught as a liberal art or science : and it is certainly of more consequence to a man, that he has learnt to go vern his passions, in spite of temptation ; to be just in his dealings, to be temperate in his pleasures, to sup- pert himself with fortitude under his misfortunes, to behave with prudence in all his affairs, and in every circumstance of life ; I say, it is of much more real advantage to him to be thus qualified, than to be a master of all the arts and sciences in the world beside. Virtue alone is sufficient to make a man great, glo rious, and happy. He that is acquainted with Cato, as I am, cannot help thinking as I do now, and will ac knowledge he deserves the name, without being ho noured by it. Cato is a man whom fortune has placed m the most obscure part of the country. His circum stances are such, as only put him above necessity, without affording him many superfluities : yet who is greater than Cato ? I happened but the other day to be at a house in town, where, among others, were met men of the most note in this place ; Cato had business with some of them, and knocked at the door. The ESSAYS; most trifling actions of a man, in my opinion, as well as the smallest features and lineaments of the face, give a nice observer some notion of his mind. Me- thought he rapped in such a peculiar manner, as seem ed of itself to express there was one who deserved as well as desired admission. He appeared in the plain est country garb ; his great coat was coarse, and look ed old and threadbare ; his linen was homespun ; his beard, perhaps, of seven days growth ; his shoes thick and heavy ; and every part of his dress corres ponding Why was this man received with such con curring respect from every person in the room, even from those who had never known him or seen him be fore ? It was not an exquisite form of person or gran deur- of dress, that struck us with admiration. I be lieve long habits of virtue have a sensible effect on the countenance : there was something in the air of his face, that manifested the true greatness of his mind ;" which likewise appeared in all he said, and in every part of his behaviour, obliging us to regard him with a kind of veneration. His aspect is sweetened with humanity and benevolence, and at the same time em boldened with resolution, equally free from diffident bashfulness and an unbecoming assurance. The con sciousness of his own innate worth and unshaken in tegrity, renders him calm and undaunted in the pre sence of the most great and powerful, and upon the most extraordinary occasions. His strict justice and known impartiality make him the arbitrator and deci der of all differences that arise for many miles around him, without putting his neighbours to the charge, perplexity,, and uncertainty of law suits. He always speaks the thing he means, which he is never afraid or ashamed to do, because he knows he always means well ; and therefore is never obliged to blush, and feel the confusion of finding himself detected in the meanness of a falshood. He never contrives ill against his neighbour, and therefore is never seen with a 2?6 ESSAYS. lowering, suspicious aspect. A mixture of innocence and wisdom makes him ever seriously cheerful. His generous hospitality to strangers, according to his ability, his goodness, his charity, his courage in the Cause of the oppressed, his fidelity in friendship, his humility, his honesty and sincerity, his moderation and his loyalty to the government, his piety, his tem perance, his love to mankind, his magnanimity, his public spiritedness, and, in fine, his consummate vir tue, make him justly deserve to be esteemed the glory of his country. The brave do never shun the light, Just are their thoughts, and open are their tempers ; Freely without disguise they ]ove and hate ; Still are they found in the fair face of day, And heaven and men are judges of their actions. HOWE. Who would not rather choose, if it were in his choice, to merit the above character, than be the rich est, the most learned, or the most powerful man in the province without it ! Almost every man has a strong natural desire of be ing valued and esteemed by the rest of his species ; but I am concerned and grieved to see how few fall into the right and only infallible method of becoming so. That laudab 1 m./uition is too commonly misap plied, and often in employed. Some, to make them selves considerable, pursue learning ; others grasp at wealth ; some aim at being thought witty ; and others are only careful to make the most of an handsome per son : but what is wit, or wealth, or form, or learning when compared with virtue ? It is true, we love the handsome, we applaud the learned, and we fear the rich and powerful ; but we even worship and adore the virtuous. Nor is it strange ; since men of virtue are so rare, so very rare to be found. If we were as industrious to become good, as to make ourselves great, we should become really great by being good, ESSAYS. 277 and the number of valuable men would be much in creased ; but it is a grand mistake to think of being- great without goodness ; and I pronounce it as certain., that there was never yet a truly great man, that was not at the same time truly virtuous. OCretico! thou sour philosopher ! thou cunning statesman ! thou art crafty, but far from being wise. When wilt thou be esteemed, regarded, and beloved like Cato ? When wilt thou, among thy creatures, meet with that unfeigned respect and warm good-will that all men have for him ? Wilt thou never under stand, that the cringing, mean, submissive deportment of thy dependants, is (like the worship paid by Indians to the devil) rather through fear of the harm thou znayest do them, than out of gratitude for the favours they have received of thee ? Thou art not wholly void of virtue ; there are many good things in thee, and many good actions reported of thee. Be advised by thy friend ; neglect those musty authors ; let them be covered with dust, and moulder on their proper shelves ; and do thou apply thyself to a study much more profitable, the knowledge of mankind and of thyself. This is to give notice, that the Busy-Body strictly forbids all persons, from this time forward, of what age, sex, rank, quality, degree, or denomination so ever, on any pretence, to inquire who is the author of this paper, on pain of his displeasure, (his own near and dear relations only excepted.) It is to be observed, that if any bad characters hap pen to be drawn in the course of these papers, they mean no particular person, if they are not particular ly applied. Likewise, that the author is no party-man, but 9 general medler. N, B. Gretico lives in a neighbouring proyince 24 27ff ESSAYS. THE BUSY-BODY. No. IV. From Tuesday, February 18, to Tuesday, Fc> 25, 17289. Nequid nimis. In my first paper, I invited the learned and the in genious to join with me in this undertaking : and I now repeat that invitation. I would have such gen tlemen take this opportunity (by trying their talent in writing) of diverting themselves and friends, and im proving the taste of the town. And because I would encourage all wit of our own growth and produce, I hereby promise, that whoever shall send me a little essay on some moral or other subject, that is fit for public view in this manner, (and not basely borrowed from any other author,) I shall receive it with candour, and take care to place it to the best advantage. It will be hard, if we cannot muster up in the whole country a sufficient stock of sense to supply the Busy-Body at least for a twelve month. For my own part, I have already professed, that I have the good of my country wholly at heart in this design, without the least sinis^ ter view ; my chief purpose being to inculcate the no ble principles of virtue, and depreciate vice of every kind. But as I know the mob hate instruction, and the generality would never read beyond the first line of my lectures, if they were actually filled with nothing but wholesome precepts and advice, I must therefore sometimes humour them in their own way. There are a set of great names jn the province, who are the common objects of popular dislike. If I can now and then overcome my reluctance, and prevail with my self to satirize a little one of these gentlemen, the expectation of meeting with such a gratification will induce many to read me through, who would other wise proceed immediately to the foreign news. As I ESSAYS. 271 3m very well assured the greatest men among us have a sincere love for their country, notwithstanding its ingratitude, and the insinuations of the envious and malicious to the contrary, so 1 doubt not but they will cheerfully tolerate me in the liberty I design to take for the end above mentioned. As yet I have but few correspondents, though they begin now to increase. The following letter, left for me at the printer s, is one of the first I have received, which I regard the more for that it comes from one of the fair sex, and because I have myself oftentimes suffered under the grievance therein complained of, TO THE BUSY-BODY. Sir, You having set yourself up for a censuror morum v as I think you call it) which is said to mean a reform er of manners, I know no person more proper to be applied for redress in all the grievances we suffer from want of manners in some people. You must know, I am a single woman, and keep a shop in this town for a livelihood. There is a certain neighbour of mine., who is really agreeable company enough, and with whom I have had an intimacy of some time standing ; but of late she makes her visits so exceedingly often, jk&d stays so very !oog every visit, that I am tired out of all patience. I have no manner of time at all to my self; and you, who seem to be a wise man, must needs be sensible, that every person has little secrets . and privacies, that are not proper to be exposed even to the nearest friend. Now I cannot do the least thing in the world, but she must know about it ; and it is a wonder I have found an opportunity to write you this letter. My misfortune is, that I respect her very well, and know not how to disoblige her so much as to tell her I should be glad to have less of her compa ny ; for if I should once hint such a thing, I am afraid ehe would resent it so as never to darken my door 220 ESSAYS*. again. But alas ; Sir, I have not yet told you half HT? affliction. She has two children that are just bi ii enough to run about and do pretty mischief: these are continually along with mamma, either in mv room or shop, if I hare ever so many customers or peo ple with me about business. Sometimes they pul! the goods off my low shelves, down to the ground, and perhaps where one of them has just been making wa ter. My friend takes up the stuff, and cries, "Oi thou little wicked mischievous rogue !" But however, it has done no great damage ; it is only wet a little. and so puts it up upon the shelf again. Sometime? they get to my cask of nails behind the counter, and divert themselves, to my great vexation, with mix ing my ten-penny and eight-penny and four-penny to gether. I endeavour to conceal my uneasiness as much as possible, and with a grave look go to sorting them out. She cries, " Dont thee trouble thyself, neighbour. Let them play a little ; I ll put all to rights before I go." But things are never so put to right? but that I find a great deal of work to do after they are gone. Thus, Sir, I have all the trouble and pester- ment of children, without the pleasure of calling them my own ; and they are now so used to being here that they will be content no where else. If she would hav been so kind as to have moderated her visits to ten times a da} , and staid but half an hour at a time, J should have been contended, and I believe never have given you this trouble. But this very morning they have so tormented me that I could bear no longer . for while the mother was asking me twenty imperti nent questions, the youngest got to my nails, and with treat delight rattled them by handfuls all over the oor ; and the other at the same time made such a terrible din upon my counter with a hammer, that I grew half distracted. I was just then about to make myself a new suit of pinners, but in the fret and con fusion I cut it quite out of all manner of shape, and ut ESSAYS. 281 terly spoiled a piece of the first muslin. Fray, Sir, tell me what I shall do. And talk a little against such unreasonable visiting in your next paper ; though I would not have her affronted with me for a great deal, for sincerely I love her and her children, as well, I think, as a neighbour can, and she buys a great many things in a year at my shop. But I would beg her to consider, that she uses me unmercifully, though I be lieve it is only for want of thought. But I have twen ty things more to tell you besides all this : there is a handsome gentleman that has a mind ([ dont question) to make love to me ; but he can t get the opportunity to O dear, here she comes again j I must con- elude. " Tour s, &c. " PATIENCE." Indeed, it is well enough, as it happens, that she is come to shorten this complaint, which I think is full long enough already, and probably would otherwise have been as long again. However, I must confess, I cannot help pitying my correspondent s case, and in her behalf, exhort the visitor to remember and consi der the words of the wise man, Withdraw thy foot from the house of thy neighbour, lest he grow weary of thee and so hate thee. It is, I believe, a nice thing and very difficult, to regulate our visits in such a manner as never to give offence, by coming too seldom, or loo often, or departing too abruptly, or staying too long. However, in my opinion, it is safest for most people, in a general way, who are unwilling to dis oblige, to visit seldom, and tarry but a little while in a place ; notwithstanding pressing invitations, which are many times insincere. And though more of your company should be really desired ; yet in this case, too much reservedness is a fault n^ore easily excused than the contrary. 282 ESSAYS. Men are subject to various inconveniences merely through lack of a small share of courage, which is a quality very necessary in the common occurrences of life, as well as in a battle. How many impertinences do we daily suffer with great uneasiness, because we have not courage enough to discover our dislike ? And why may not a man use the boldness and freedom of telling his friends that their long visits sometimes in commode him ? On this occasion, it may be enter taining to some of my readers, if I acquaint them with the Turkish manner of entertaining visitors, which 1 have from an author of unquestionable veracity : who assures us, that even the Turks are notso ignorant of civility and the arts of endearment, but that they can practise them with as much exactness as any other nation, whenever they have a mind to show them selves obliging. " When you visit a person of quality (says he) and having talked over your business, or the compliments, or whatever concern brought you thither, he makes a sign to have things served in for the entertainment, which is generally a little sweatmeat, a dish of sherbet, and another of coffee ; all which are immediately brought in by the servants, and tendered to all the guests in order, with the greatest care and awfulness imaginable. At last comes the finishing part of your entertainment, which is perfuming the beards of the company ; a ceremony which is performed in this manner. They have ifor the purpose a small silver chafing dish, covered with a lid full of holes, and fix ed upon a handsome plate. In this they put some fresh coals, and upon them a piece of lignum aloes, and shutting it up, the smoke immediately ascends with a grateful odour through the holes of the cover. This smoke is held under every one s chin, and offer ed as it were a sacrifice to his beard. The bristly idol soon receives the reverence done to it, and so greedily takes in and incorporates the gummy steam, that it re- ESSAYS. 283 tains the savour of it, and may serve for a nosegay a good while after. " This ceremony may perhaps seems ridiculous at first hearing ; but it passes among the Turks for an high gratification. And I will say this in its vindica tion, that its design is very wise and useful. For it is understood to give a civil dismission to the visitants, intimating to them, that the master of the house has bu siness to do, or some other avocation, that permits them to go away as soon as they please ; and the soon er after this ceremony the better. By this means you may, at any time, without offence, deliver your self from being detained from your affairs by tedious and unseasonable visits ; and from being constrained to use that piece of hypocrisy, so common in the world, of pressing those to stay longer with you, whom perhaps in your heart you wish a great way off, for having troubled you so long already." Thus far my author. For my own part, I have ta ken such a fancy to this Turkish custom, that for the future I shall put something like it in practice. I have provided a bottle of right French brandy for the men, and citron water for the ladies. After 1 have treated with a dram, and presented a pinch of my best snuff, I expect all compan}^ will retire, and leave me to pur sue my studies for the good of the public. ADVERTISEMENT. I give notice that I am now actually compiling, and design to publish in a short time, the true history of the rise, growth, and progress of the renowned Tiff Clubb. All persons who are acquainted with any facts, circumstances, characters, translations, &c. which will be requisite to the perfecting and embellishing of the said work, are desired to communicate the same to the author, and direct their letters to be left with the printer hereof. The letter signed Would-be-soL- u ~?; is come to hand. 224 ESSAYS. THE BUSY-BODY. No. V. From Tuesday, February 25, to Tuesday, March 4, 17289. Vos, O patricius sanguis, quos vivere fas est, Occipiti caeco, posticae occurite sannae. PERSIUS. This paper being designed for a terror to evil do ers, as well as a praise to them that do well, I am lifted up with secret joy to find that my undertaking is approved, and encouraged by the just and good, and that few are against me but those who have rea son to fear me. There are little follies in the behaviour .of most men, which their best friends are too tender to acquaint them with ; there are little vices and small crimes which the law has no regard to or remedy for ; there are likewise great pieces of villainy sometimes so craf tily accomplished, and so circumspectly guarded, that the law can take no hold of the actors. All these things, and all things of this nature, come within my province as Censor, and I am determined not to be negligent of the trust I have reposed in myself, but resolve to execute my office diligently and faithfully. And that all the world may judge with how much humanity, as well as justice, I shall behave in this of fice ; and that even my enemies may be convinced L take no delight to rake into the dunghill lives of viscious men ; and to the end that certain persons may be a little eased of their fears, and relieved from the terri ble palpitations they have lately felt and suffered, and do still suffer ; I hereby graciously pass an act of ge neral oblivion, for all offences, crimes, and misde meanors, of what kind soever, committed from the beginning of the year 1681, until the day of the date of my first paper, and promise only to concern my c e!f ESSAYS. with such as have been since and shall hereafter be committed. I shall take no notice who has (hereto fore) raised a fortune by fraud and oppression, nor who by deceit and hypocrisy ; what woman has been false to her good husband s bed, nor what man has, by barbarous usage or neglect, broke the heart of a faithful wife, and wasted his health and substance in debauchery ; what base wretch has betrayed his friend, and sold his honesty for gold, nor what baser wretch first corrupted him, and then bought the bar gain : all this, and much more of the same kind, I shall forget, and pass over in silence ; but then it is to be observed, that 1 expect and require a sudden and general amendment. These threatenings of mine, I hope will have a good effect, and, if regarded, may prevent abundance of folly and wickedness in others, and at the same time, save me abundance of trouble ; and that people may not flatter themselves with the hope of concealing their loose misdemeanors from my knowledge, and in that view persist in evil doing, I must acquaint them, that I have lately entered into an intimacy with the extraordinary person, who some time since wrote me the following letter ; and who, having a wonderful faculty, that enables him to discover the most secret iniquity, is capable of giving me great assistance in my designed work of reformation. " Mr. Busy Body, " I rejoice, Sir, at the opportunity you have giv en me to be serviceable to you, and, by your means, to this province. You must know, that such have been the circumstances of my life, and such were the mar vellous occurrences of my birth, that I have not only a faculty of discovering the actions of persons, that are absent or asleep, but even of the devil himself, in ma ny of his secret workings, in the various shapos, h^ 286 ESSAYS. bits and names of men and women ; and bavin* tra veiled and conversed much, and met but with aVery few of the same perceptions and qualifications, J can recommend myself to you as the most useful man you ran correspond with. My father s father s father (for we had no grandfathers in our family) was the same John Bunyan that writ that memorable book, The Pilgrim s Progress, who had, in some degree a natu ral faculty of second sight. This faculty (how derived to him our family memoirs are not very clear) was en joyed by all his decendants, but not by equal talents. It was very dim in several of my first cousins, and probably had been nearly extinct in our particular branch, had not my father been a traveller. He lived in his youthful days in New England. There he mar ried, and there was born my elder brother, who had so much of this faculty, as to discover witches in some of their occult performances. My parents transporting themselves to Great Britain, my second brother s birth was in that kingdom. He shared but a small por tion of this virtue, being only able to discern transac tions about the time of, and for the most part after their happening. My good father, who delighted in the Pilgrim s Progress, and mountainous places, took shipping, with his wife, for Scotland, and inhabited in the Highlands., where myself was born ; and whether the soil, climate, or astral influences, of which are preserved divers prognostics, restored our ancestor s natural faculty of second sight, in a greater lustre to me, than it had ehined in through several generations, I will not here discuss. But so it is, that J am possess ed largely of it, and design, if you encourage the pro posal, to take this opportunity of doing good with it, which I question not will be accepted of in a grateful way by many of your honest readers, though the dis* covery of my extraction bodes me no deference from your great scholars and modern philosophers. This my father was long ago aware of, and lest the name ESSAYS. 287 alone should hurt the fortunes of his children, he, in his shiftings from one country to another, wisely changed it. " Sir, I have only this further to say, how I may be useful to you, and as a reason for my not making my self more known in the world : hy virtue of this great gift of nature, second sightedness, I do continually see numbers of men, women, and children, of all ranks, and what they are cjoing, while I am sitting in my closet ; which is too great a burthen for the mind, and makes me also conceit, even against reason, that all this host of people can see and observe me, which strongly inclines me to solitude, and an obscure liv ing ; and on the other hand, it will be an ease to me to disburthen my thoughts and observations in the way proposed to you, by Sir, your friend and humble servant." I conceal this correspondent s name, in my care for his life and safety, and cannot but approve his pru dence, in chusing to live obscurely. I remember the fate of my poor monkey : he had an ill-natured trick of grinning and chattering at every thing he saw in petticoats : my ignorant country neighbours got a notion, that pug snarled by instinct at every female who had lost her virginity. This was no sooner ge nerally believed, than he was condemned to death ; by whom I could never learn, but he was assassinated in the night, barbarously stabbed and mangled in a thousand places, and left hanging dead on one of my gate posts where I found him the next morning. The Censor observing, that the itch of scribbling begins to spread exceedingly, and being carefully ten der o the reputation of his country, in point of wit and gooci^ense, has determined to take all manner of writing in v&v?e or prose, that pretended to either, un der his immediaTite cognizance ; and accordingly, here by prohibits the pub7^ in g an J s ch for the future, til! they have first assed hif ^aroirisiion, and received 230 ASSAYS. his imprimatur : for which he demands as a fee only six pence per sheet. N. B. He nevertheless permits to be published, all satirical remarks on the Busy-Body, the above prohi bition notwithstanding, and without examination, or re quiring the said fees ; which indulgence the small wits, in and about this city, are advised gratefully to accept and acknowledge. The gentleman who calls himself Sirronio, is di rected, on receipt of this, to burn his great book of Crudities. P. S. In compassion to that young man, on account of the great pains he has taken, in consideration of the character I have just received of him, that he is really good-natured, and on condition he shows it to no foreigner, or stranger of sense, 1 have thought fit to reprieve his said great book of Crudities from the flames, till further order. Nolii me tongere. I had resolved, when I first commenced this design, on no account to enter into a public dispute with any man ; for I judged it would be equally unpleasant to me and my readers, to see this paper filled with con tentious wrangling, answers, replies, &.c. which is a way of writing that is endless, and at the same time seldom contains any thing that is either edifying or entertaining. Yet when such a considerable man as 3I r . finds himself concerned so warmly to accuse and condemn me, as he has done in Keimer s fet In structor, I cannot forbear endeavouring to s r;dV so^e- thing in my own defence, from one of Ane worst tf characters that could be given mebv, man of worth. But as I have many things of mo- tf consequence to of fer the public, I declare "* uat ] will never, after this ESSAYS. 2U* tune, take notice of any accusations, not better sup ported with truth and reason ; much less may every little scribbler, that shall attack me, expect an answer from the Busy-Body. The sum of the charge delivered against me, either directly or indirectly, in , the said paper, is this : not to mention the first weighty sentence concerning vani ty and ill-nature, and the shrewd intimation, that I am without charity, and therefore can have no pretence to religion, I am represented as guilty of defamation and scandal, the odiousness of which is apparent to every good man, and the practice of it opposite to Christianity, morality, and common justice, and, in some cases, so far below all these, as to be inhuman , a blaster of reputations ; as attempting by a pretence, to screen myself from the imputation of malice and prejudice : as using a weapon, which the wiser and better part of mankind hold in abhorrence : and as given treatment which the wiser and better part of mankind dislike on the same principles, and for the same reason, as they do assassination, &c. and all this is inferred and concluded from a character 1 have wrote jn nly Number III. In order to examine the truth and justice of this heavy charge, let us recur to that character. And her<* we may be surprised to find what a trifle has raised this mighty clamour and complaint, this grievous ac cusation I The worst thing said of the person, in what is called my gross description (be he who he will to whom my accuser has applied the character of Cretico) is, that he is a sour philosopher, crafty, but not wise. Few human characters can be drawn that will not fit some body, in so large a country as this ; but one w r ould think, supposing I meant Cretico a real person, I had sufficiently manifested my impartiality, when I said, in that very paragraph, that Cretico ia not without virtue ; that there are many good things in him. and many good actions reported of him ; 25 290 ESSAYS. which must be allowed in all reason, very much to overbalance in his favour those worst words, sour tem pered and cunning. Nay, my very enemy and ac cuser must have been sensible of this, when he freely acknowledges, that he has been seriously considering, and cannot yet determine, which he would choose to be, the Cato or Cretico of that paper ; since my Cato is one of the best of characters. Thus much in my own vindication. As to the only reasons there given, why I ought not to continue drawing characters, viz. Why should any man s picture be published which he never sat for ; or his good name taken from him any more than his money or possessions, at the arbitrary will of another, &c. I have but this to answer ; the money or possessions, I presume, are nothing, to the purpose ; since no man can claim a right either to (hose or a good name, if he has acted so as to forfeit them. And are not the public the only judges what share of reputation they think proper to allow any man ? Supposing I was capable, and had an inclina tion, to draw all the good and bad characters in Ame rica, why should a good man be offended with me for drawing good characters ? And if I draw ill on<?s, can they fit any one but those that deserve them ? And ought any but such to be concerned that they have their deserts ? I have as great an aversion and abhor rence for defamation and scandal as any man, and would, with the utmost care, avoid being guilty of such base things: besides I am very sensible and certain, that if I should make use of this paper to defame any person, my reputation would be sooner hurt by it than liis ; and the Busy-Body would quickly become de testable ; because, in such a case, as is justly observed, the pleasure arising from a tale of wit and novelty soon dies away in generous and honest minds, and is fol lowed with a secret grief, to see their neighbours ca lumniated. But if I myself was actually the worst man ia the province, and any one should draw my real cba- ESSAYS. ^91 acter, would it not be ridiculous in me to say, lie had defamed and scandalized me, unless he had added in a matter of truth ? If any thing is meant by asking, why any man s picture should be published which he never sat for ? it must be, that we should give no char- acter without the owner s consent. If I discern the wolf disguised in harmless wool, and contriving the destruction of my neighbor s sheep, must I have hi* permission, before I am allowed to discover and pre vent him ? If I know a man to be a designing knave, must I ask his consent, to bid my friends beware of him? If so, then, by the same rule, supposing the Busv-Body had really merited all his enemy had char- ged"him with, his consent likewise ought to have been obtained, before so terrible an accusation was publish ed against him. I shall conclude with observing, that in the last para graph save one of the piece now examined, much ill- nature and some good sense are co-inhabitants (as he expresses it.) The ill-nature appears in his endeavour ing to discover satire, where I intended no such thing but quite the reverse ; the good sense is this, that drawing too good a character of any one is a refined manner of satire, that may be as injurious to him as the contrary, by bringing on an examination that un dresses the person, and in the haste of doing it, he may happen to be stript of what he really owns and deserves. As I am Censor, I might punish the first, but I forgive it. Yet I will not leave the latterunre- warded ; but assure my adversary, that in considera tion of the merit of those four lines, I am resolved to forbear injuring him on any account in that refined manner. I thank my neighbour P W 1 for his kind letter. The lions complained of shall be muzzled. - 6 2 ESSAYS. THE BUSY-BODY. No. VI. From Tuesday, March 20, to Tuesday, March 27, 1729. Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, Auri sacra fames ?- .. .. -VIRGIL. One of the greatest pleasures an author can have is, certainly, the hearing his works applauded. The hiding from the world our names, while we pub lish our thoughts, is so absolutely necessary to this self-gratification, that I hope my well-wishers will congratulate me on my escape from the many diligent, but fruitless inquiries, that have of late been made af ter me. Every man will own, that an author, as such, ought to be hid by the merit of his productions only ; but pride, party, and prejudice, at this time, run so very high, that experience shows we form our notions of a piece by the character of the author. Nay, there are some very humble politicians in and about this ci ty, who will ask, on which side the writer is, before they presume to give their opinion of the thing wrote. This ungenerous way of proceeding I was well aware of before I published my first speculation ; and there fore concealed my name. And I appeal to the more generous part of the world, if I have, since I appeared in the character of the Busy-Body, given an instance of my siding with any party more than another, in the unhappy divisions of my country ; and I have, above all, this satisfaction in myself, that neither affection, aversion, or interest, have biassed me to use any par tiality towards an} man, or set of men ; but whatso ever I find nonsensical, ridiculous, or immorally dis honest, 1 have, and shall continue openly to attack, with the freedom of an honest man, and a lover of my country. ESSAYS. xUJ I profess I can hardly contain myself, or preserve the gravity and dignity that should attend the censorial office, when I hear the odd and unaccountable exposi tions, that are put upon some of my works, through the malicious ignorance of some, and the vain pride of more than ordinary penetration in others ; one instance of which many of my readers are acquainted with. A certain gentleman has taken a great deal of pains to write a key to the letter in my number IV, wherein he has ingeniously converted a gentle satire upon te dious and impertinent visitants, into a libel on some of the government. This I mention only as a specimen of the taste of the gentleman ; I am forsooth, bound to please in my speculations, not that I suppose my im partiality will ever be called in question on that ac count. Injustices of this nature I could complain of in many instances : but I am at present diverted by the reception of a letter, which, though it regards me only in my private capacity, as an adept, yet I venture to- publish it for the entertainment of my readers : " To Censor Morum, Esq. Busy- Body General of the Province of Pennsylvania, and the Counties of New castle, Kent, and Sussex upon Delaware. " HONOURABLE SIR, " I judge by your lucubrations, that you are not only a lover of truth and equity, but a man of parts and learning, and a master of science ; as such I honour you. Know then, most profound Sir, that I have, from my youth up, been a very indefatigable student in and admirer of, that divine science, astrology. I have read over Scott, Albertus Magnus, and Cornelius Agrippa, above three hundred times ; and was in hopes, by my knowledge and industry, to gain enough to have re~- compenced me for my money expended, and time lost in the pursuit of this learning. You cannot be ignorant, sir, (for your intimate second-sighted correspondent 25 * 294 ESSAYS. knows all things,) that there are large sums of money hidden underground in divers places about this town, and in many parts of the country ; hut alas, sir, not withstanding I have used all the means laid down in the immortal authors before mentioned, and when they failed the ingenious Mr. P d 1, with his mercurial wand and magnet, I have still failed in my purpose. This, therefore, I send, to propose and desire an ac quaintance with you, and I do not doubt, notwithstand ing my repeated ill fortune, but we may be exceed- .mgly serviceable to each other in our discoveries ; and that if we use our united endeavours, the time will oome, when the Busy-Body, his second- sighted cor respondent, and your very humble servant, will be three of the richest men in the province : and then, .Sir, what may we not do ? A word to the wise is suf ficient. I conclude with all demonstrable respect, Yours and Urania s Votary, TITAN PELIADS. In the evening after I had received this letter, I made a visit to my second-sighted friend, and commu nicated to him the proposal. When he had read it, he assured me, that to his certain knowledge, there is not at this time so much as one ounce of silver or gold hid underground in any part of this province ; for that the late and present scarcity of money had obliged those, who were living, and knew where they had formerly hid any, to take it up, and use it in their own necessary affairs : and as to all the rest, which was buried by pi rates and others in old times, who were never like to -ome for it, he himself had long since dug it all up, and applied it to charitable uses ; and this he desired me to publish for the general good. For, as he acquainted me, there are among us great numbers of honest artifi cers and labouring people, w r ho, fed with a vain hope of growing suddenly rich, neglect their business, almo5 f ESSAYS. sp. i to the ruining of themselves and families, and volunta rily endure abundance of fatigue in a fruitless search after imaginary hidden treasure. They wander through the woods and bushes by day, to discover the marks and signs ; at midnight they repair to the hope ful spots with spades and pickaxes ; full of expecta- tion, they labour violently, trembling at the same time in every joint, through fear of certain malicious de mons, who are said to haunt and guard such places. At length a mighty hole is dug, and perhaps several cart-loads, of earth thrown out ; but alas, no keg or iron pot is found 1 no seaman s chest crammed with Spanish pistoles, or weighty pieces of eight ! Then they conclude, that through some mistake in the pro cedure, some rash word spoke, or some rule of art neglected, the guardian spirit had power to sink it deeper into the earth, and convey it out of their reach. Yet, when a man is once thus infatuated, he is so far from being discouraged by ill success, that he is rather ani mated to double his industry, and will try again and again in a hundred different places, in hopes at last of meeting with some lucky hit, that shall at once re ward him for all his expense of time and labour. This odd humour of digging for money through a belief, that much has been hid by pirates formerly fre quenting the river, has for several years been mighty prevalent among us ; insomuch that you can hardly walk half a mile out of the town on any side, without observing several pits dug with that design, and per haps some lately opened. Men, otherwise of very good sense, have been drawn into this practice, through an overweening desire of sudden wealth, and an easy credulity of what they so earnestly wished might be true. While the rational and almost certain methods of acquiring riches by industry and frugality are neglected or forgotten. There seems to be some peculiar charm in the conceit of finding money ; and if the sands of the Schuylkill were so much mixed with 296 E3SAYS. small grains of gold, that a man might in a day s time with care and application, get together to the value of half a crown, I make no question but we should find several people employed there, that can with ease earn five shillings a day at their proper trades. Many are the idle stories told of the private success of some people, by which others are encouraged to proceed ; and the astrologers, with whom the country s warms at this time, are either in the belief of these things themselves, or find their advantage in persuad ing others to believe them ; for they are often con sulted about the critical times for digging, the methods of laying the spirit, and the like whimsies, which ren ders them very necessary to, and very much caressed by, the poor deluded money-hunters. There is certainly something very bewitching iu the pursuit after mines of gold and silver and other valuable metals and many have been ruined by it. A sea-captain of my acquaintance used to blame the En glish for envying Spain their mines of silver, and too much despising or overlooking the advantages of their own industry and manufactures. For my part, says he, I esteem the banks of Newfoundland to be a more valuable possession that the mountains of Postosi ; and when I have been there on the fishing account, have looked at every cod pulled up into the vessel as a cer tain quantity of silver ore, which required only carry ing to the next Spanish port to be coined into pieces of eight ; not to mention the national profit of fitting out and employing such a number of ships and sea men. Let honest Peter Buckram, who has long with out success, been a searcher after hidden money, re- ilect oa this, and be reclaimed from that unaccountable folly. Let him consider, that every stitch he takes when he is on the shop board is picking up part of a grain of gold, that will in a few days time amount to a pistole ; and let Faber think the same of every nail he drives, or every stroke with his plane. Such thoughts ESSAYS. 297 may make them industrious, and of consequence in time they may be wealthy. But how absurd it is to ne glect a certain profit for such a ridiculous whimsey : to spend whole days at the Georgic, in company with an idle pretender to astrology, contriving schemes to dis cover what was never hidden, and forgetful how care lessly business is managed at home in their absence : to leave their wives and a warm bed at midnight (no matter if it rain, hail, snow, or blow a hurricane, pro vided that be the critical hour) and fatigue themselves with the violent exercise of digging for what they shall never find, and perhaps getting a cold that may cost their lives, or at least disordering themselves so as to be fit for no business beside for some days after. Surely this is nothing less than the most egregious folly and madness. I shall conclude with the words of my discreet friend, Agricola, of Chester County, when he gave his son a good plantation : " My son," says he, " I give thee now a valuable parcel of land ; I assure thee I have found a considerable quantity of gold by digging there ; thee mayst do the same : but thee must care fully observe this, Never to dig more than plough- deep." LETTER TO JOSIAH QUINCEY, Passy,Sept. 1M, 1783, Mr. Storer told me not long since, that you com plained of my not writing to you. You had reason ; for I find among your letters, two unanswered. The truth is, I have had too much business to do for the public, and too little help allowed me ; so that it be came impossible for me to keep up my private cor respondence. I promised myself more leisure whcr. 298 ESSAYS. the definite treaty of peace should be concluded. But that, it seems, is to be followed by a treaty of commerce, which will probably take up a good deal of time and require much attention. I seize this lit tle interim to sit down, and have a little chat with my friends in America. I lament with you the many mischiefs, the injus tice, the corruption of manners, &c. &c. that attend a depreciating currency. It is some consolation to me that I washed my hands of that evil, by predicting it in Congress, and proposing means that would have been effectual to prevent it, if they had been adopted. Subsequent operations that I have executed, demon strate that my plan was practicable. But it was un fortunately rejected. Considering all our mistakes and mismanagements, it is wonderful we have finished an affair so well and so soon ! Indeed, I am wrong in using that expression. We havejinished our ctffairs so well nor blunders have been many, and they serve to manifest the hand of Providence more clear ly in our favor, so that we may much more properly say, " These are thy doings, OLord, and they are mar vellous in our eyes /" Mr. Storer, whom you mention to me, is now in England. He needed none of the advice you desired me to give him. His behaviour here, was unexcep tionable, and he gained the esteem of all that knew him. The epitaph on my dear and much esteemed young friend, is too well written, to be capable of improve ment by any corrections of mine ; your moderation appears in it, since the natural affection of a parent has not induced you to exaggerate his virtues. I shall al ways mourn his loss with you, a loss not easily made up to his country. How differently constituted was his noble and ge nerous mind from that of the miserable calumniators you mention ! Having plenty of merit in himself, he ESSAYS. 9 was not jealous of the appearance of merit in others, but did justice to their characters with as much plea sure, as these people do injury : It is now near two years since your friendship induced you to acquaint me with some of their accusations. I guessed easily at the quarter from whence they came ; but conscious of my innocence, and unwilling to disturb public ope rations by private resentment or contentions, I passed them over in silence, and have not till within these few days taken the least step towards my vindication. Informed that the practice of abusing me continues, and that some heavy charges are lately made against me, respecting my conduct in the treaty, written from Paris, and propagated amongst you, I have de manded of all my colleagues that they do me justice, and I have no doubt of receiving it from each of their . I did not think it necessary to justify myself to you, by answering the calumnies you mentioned. I knew you did not believe them. It was impossible that I should at this distance combine with any body to urge the redemption of the paper on those unjust term?, having no interest in such redemption. It was im possible that I should have traded with the public money, since I have not traded with any money, ei ther separately or jointly with any other person, di rectly or indirectly, to the value of a shilling, since my being in France. And the fishery which it was said I had relinquished, had not then come in ques tion, nor had I ever dropped a syllable to that pur pose, in word or writing ; but was always firm in this principle, that having had a common right with the English to the Fisheries while connected with that nation, and having contributed equally with our blood and treasure, in conquering what had been gained from the French, we had an undoubted right in breaking up our partnership, to a fair division. As to the two charges of age and weakness, I must confess the first ; but I am not quite so clear in the 300 ESSAYS. latter ; and perhaps my adversaries may find thai they presumed a little too much upon it when they ventured to attack me. But enough of these petty personalities I quit them to rejoice with you in the peace God has bless ed us with, and the prosperity it gives us a prospect of. The definitive treaty was signed the 3d. We are now friends with England, and with all mankind. May we never see another war ! for in my opinion, there never was a good war, or a bad peace Adieu, and believe me ever, My dear friend, Yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN/ i 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or t on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. i \ - fflar 62JE [ RLXTD LD f - LD 21A-50m-8. 61 (Cl795slO)476B General Library University of California Berkeley b I 04557 n