HN1 in I Hi SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS IN ULSTER AND AMERICA BY CHARLES KNOWLES BOLTON Author of "The Private Soldier Under Washington," Etc. WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS DRAWN BY ETHEL STANWOOD BOLTON BOSTON BACON AND BROWN 1910 Copyright, 1910, by Charles Knowles Bolton PREFACE • The following pages attempt for the first time a syste- matic treatment of the beginning of a migration of settlers of Scotch and English descent from the north of Ireland to the New World. Parker, Perry, Green, Hanna and other writers have collected much of general history and tradi- tion ; and they have so pictured the Scotch traits developed under Irish skies, that Scotch Irish blood, once a reproach, is now cause for pride. But the conditions in Ireland be- fore the migration, the voyage across the ocean, the emi- grants as they appeared to early observers — these phases of the story have now for the first time been treated in detail, drawing upon hitherto unexplored sources. If a large part of our American population traces back to Ulster, the early religious, political and economic life of the valleys of the Foyle and the Bann should interest many, for many, whether they are aware of it or not, are descended from the Scotch Irish. Clergymen and statesmen have from genera- tion to generation extolled the rugged virtues of these pioneers, and a closer study of their lives will, it is hoped, deepen the hold which they already have upon our affec- tions. There has been a constant temptation to include in this study some account of emigrants from the west of Scot- land; they had very much in common with their Ulster friends and kinsmen. But however desirable a wide scope may be, it has been my purpose here to include only those who were influenced by the peculiar environment of a life upon Irish soil. 238143 iv PREFACE I am grateful to many for assistance: To the trustees of the Boston Public Library for the use of many books relating to Ireland, a few of them purchased at my sug- gestion; to the Hon. James Phinney Baxter for his per- sonal helpfulness as well as for access to his unrivaled manuscript material relating to Maine; to Mr. Julius H. Tuttle of the Massachusetts Historical Society; to Mr. Edmund M. Barton and Mr. Clarence S. Brigham of the American Antiquarian Society ; to Mr. "William P. Greenlaw of the New England Historic Genealogical Society; to Dr. Bernard C. Steiner of the Maryland Historical Society, and to Mr. Alexander S. Salley, Jr., Secretary of the His- torical Commission of South Carolina. I am under great obligation, also, to Dr. Hugh S. Morrison, coroner of Coleraine and Aghadowey, Ireland; to the Rev. Crawford Hillis of Tanvally Fort, County Down; to Mr. W. T. Pike of Brighton, England, publisher of an elaborate work on Belfast and the Province of Ulster; to the editor of the "Ulster Journal of Archaeology"; and to others who are mentioned in connection with each chapter. C. K. B. Pound Hill Place, Shirley. CONTENTS CHAPTER pAGE I. Ireland and New England before 1714 . 1 II. Ireland's Eelation to Maryland, Pennsyl- vania and South Carolina before 1718 . 21 III. Economic Conditions in Ulster, 1714-1718 37 IV. Political and Religious Conditions in Ulster, 1714-1718 60 V. The Rev. William Homes and the Rev. Thomas Craighead ..... 79 VI. Ulster and the Presbyterian Ministry in 1718 91 VII. Aghadowey and the Session Book . . 119 VIII. The Arrival of "Five Ships" in August, 1718 130 IX. The Winter of 1718-1719 in Boston . . 154 X. The Years 1718 and 1719 in Worcester; and in the Settlements at Rutland, Pelham and Palmer ...... 177 XI. The Winter of 1718-1719 in Dracut, An- DOVER, AND IN CASCO BAY . . . 196 XII. The Years 1718 and 1719 at Merrymeeting Ba y 215 vi CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE XIII. NUTFIELD AND LONDONDERRY, 1719-1720 . 239 XIV. The Scotch Irish in Donegal, Derry, and Neshaminy, Pennsylvania, after 1718 . 266 XV. The Scotch Irish in Charleston and Wil- liamsburg, South Carolina, after 1718 . 285 XVI. The Character of the Scotch Irish . . 296 Index . . .379 APPENDICES I. Ships from Ireland Arriving in New England, 1714-1720 317 II. The Petition to Governor Shute in 1718 . 324 III. Andrew McFadden's Transplanting to the Province of the Massachusetts Bay in 1718 331 IV. (A) Members of the Charitable Irish Society in Boston . 333 (B) Names of Fathers on the Presbyterian Baptismal Records in Boston, 1730-1736 . 334 V. List of Existing Vital Records of Towns in Ulster, begun before 1755 . . . 337 VI. Home Towns of Ulster Families, 1691-1718 . 339 ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Londonderry, on the River Foyle . . Frontispiece Redrawn from an Engraving made in 1793, by W. and J. Walker Ruins of the first Presbyterian Church built in Ireland, at Ballycarry, County Antrim 3 Bangor Castle, County Down .... 7 Near the Home of the Rev. Robert Blair The Rev. Cotton Mather ..... 16 Drawn by Sarah, wife of the Rev. John Moorhead, probably after Peter Pelham Ramelton, on Lough Swilly, County Donegal . 23 Early Home of the Rev. Francis Makemie of Maryland and Virginia Old House at Snow Hill, Maryland ... 26 Map of Maryland and Delaware .... 33 Road Map of the Bann Yalley .... 39 The Salmon Leap, near Coleraine and Somerset 53 With Ruins of Mount Sandall Fort on the Bank Meeting House at Dungannon, County Donegal Built before 1725 62 Redrawn from a View in the Ulster Journal of Archae- ology, N. S., Vol. 1, Page 47 viii ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE The Town of Antrim on the River Braid . . 73 Where the Rev. John Abernethy Lived Holy Hill House, Strabane, County Tyrone . 80 Standing when the Rev. William Homes was a Min- ister in Strabane. Set on Fire when Derry was Be- sieged Donegal, County Donegal 86 Home Town of the Rev. Thomas Craighead of Freetown, Massachusetts, Delaware, etc. COLERAINE, ON THE BANN 97 The Ship "William" Sailed from Coleraine in 1718. Drawing by John Huybers Map op the Province of Ulster .... 103 Wall and Iron Gates enclosing the Site op the Rev. James McGregor's Meeting House . 120 The Village Road east op McGregor's Meeting House, in what is now called Ardreagh . 123 Residence of Dr. Hugh S. Morrison at Aghadowey 128 Lizard Manor, Aghadowey, residence of Charles E. S. Stronge, Esq., J. P., D. L. . . . 129 Governor Winthrop's Mill at New London . . 137 South View op Belfast in 1789, from Mr. Joy's Paper Mill 147 The Brigantine "Robert" Sailed from this Port in 1718 An 18th Century Brigantine .... 150 Redrawn from Price's View of Boston ILLUSTRATIONS ix PAGE Map of Boston in 1722. Drawn by Captain John Bonner ....... 161 The Rev. John Moorehead, "minister of a Church of Presbyterian Strangers in Boston, ' ' 1730 167 Peter Pelham's Portrait, redrawn by John Huybers Map of Massachusetts and New Hampshire . .178 Ancient house in Worcester, once owned by Alex- ander McConkey ..... 189 Map of Casco Bay 204 Home built by Bryce McLellan at Falmouth in 1731 211 The Oldest House in Portland. "Brunswick Town" 216 Part of Southack's Map of Casco Bay. Meeting House and Session House at Londonderry, New Hampshire ...... 245 Ancient Ballymoney, County Antrim . . . 253 Reconstructed from a Plan and Descriptions in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, N. S., Vol. 3, Page 151 Abraham Holmes ' Letter from the Church at Aghadowey, County Londonderry, 1719 . 259 Beardiville, a house in Ballywillan, County An- trim . ....... 265 Standing when the Griffins of Spencer and the Temple- tons of Londonderry Lived at Ballywillan x ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Meeting House at Donegal, Pennsylvania . .273 Meeting House at Derby, Pennsylvania . .276 Charleston Harbor, South Carolina, 1740 . . 289 From Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of Amer- ica. The Name was written Charlestown until 1783 Map of South Carolina 293 The Parish Church, Aghadowey .... 297 From a Photograph taken for this hook by Miss Pauline Marian Stronge A Ruined church in Kilrea, County Londonderry 302 Conagher's Farm, near Dervock, County Antrim . 311 Home of the McKinley Family On the Aghadowey River ...*.. 313 From a Photograph by Miss Stronge SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS IRELAND AND NEW ENGLAND BEFORE 1714 On the map of Ireland the province of Ulster gath- ers into a circle nearly a quarter of the territory of the island. Its southerly bound runs from Donegal Bay on the west to Carlingford Bay on the east. In the centre of Ulster lies County Tyrone, with the counties of Donegal, Londonderry, and Antrim along its northern borders to fend the sea. This is the heart of the Scotch Irish country. South of County Tyrone are Fermanagh, Monaghan, and Ar- magh, counties not so closely associated with early Protestant migration. South of Monaghan, border- ing the Roman Catholic province of Leinster, is Cavan, and to the east, touching Armagh, lies County Down whose shores are less than a dozen miles from Ayrshire in Scotland. Donegal and Tyrone are drained by the Finn and the Mourne, two rivers which unite at Strabane to form the Foyle. The Foyle flows northward across Londonderry to the sea. From Lough Neagh on the eastern border of Tyrone the Bann flows north also 2 SCOTCH IBISH PIONEEES to the sea, separating the counties of Londonderry and Antrim. The sonrce-lands of the Foyle and the Bann had supported a Scotch population for several generations before the year 1718 ; of this population and its interest in America the following pages give some account. The temperature of Ulster is milder than that of New England, and even warmer than will be found in northern England. Snow rarely lies on the ground over a month in the winter. The gaunt, gloomy mountains and the barren moorlands give some parts of the country a forbidding aspect. There are fine streams which leap down the steeps and gurgle through the rocky foot-hills, sweeping gracefully and sleepily across the moors and mead- ows toward the sea. In the days of the early eighteenth century mills for lumber and grain were dotted over this country, and everywhere in Northern Ireland were the patches of green grass upon which the flax was spread to bleach in the sun. The villages comprised usually little more than a few houses along a winding country road, with a lane here and there to tie a wayward hut to the mother flock. The better houses were built with thick walls of stone, sometimes with projecting but- tresses and old-fashioned turrets. Their windows were leaded, and over the door a carved stone gave the birth-date of the house. Upon this stone was IEELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 3 lavished all the art of which the dwelling could boast. 1 Of the houses at Omagh an English traveller says : "A number of the houses were thatched; being repaired at different periods, as necessity required, the roofs often presented a grotesque appearance, and were decked in all the colours of the year; the fresh straw of autumn on the part lately done, and Ruins of the first Presbyterian Church built in Ireland at Ballycarry, County Antrim the green verdure of spring in the plentiful crop of weeds which grew on the more ancient." 2 Of the people themselves much will be said from time to time in these pages. The Irish or Celts were everywhere, although less numerous than in the Southern provinces. They were largely Eoman Catholics and therefore at the time legally deprived of the powers and privileges that the humblest la- 1 Gamble's Sketches of History, Politics and Manners in Dublin and the North of Ireland in 1810, New Edition, 1826, pp. 284-286. 2 Ibid, p. 251. 4 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS borer today expects as a matter of right. In the more remote regions the Irish were scarcely above the condition of savages, living npon game and abandoning agriculture to the conquering race. The Scotch, invited by the King to inhabit confis- cated Irish lands, were in almost every village, as their Presbyterian chapels bore witness. But during the century of their occupation of Ulster their thrift and energy had battled with but moderate success against the ravages of war and the burden of hostile laws. The third element in the population was the ruling class. This class was largely English, supplemented by Scotch and Irish landowners, nearly all of whom through self-interest or conviction upheld the Estab- lished Church, and by virtue of this allegiance had access to the magistracy and the army. Such a population offered endless opportunity for friction and discontent. And yet had there been an eighteenth century Lord Cromer to do for Ireland what the present administrator has done for Egypt, one may feel certain that the Irish question of today would never have existed. The Scotch Irish who came from Ireland to Amer- ica are criticised for their personal habits as much as they are praised for their more vital good quali- ties. That these defects persisted in Ulster is con- firmed by a generous and kindly English traveller, John Gamble, who in 1810 saw them in their homes. IRELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 5 Stopping at a roadside cottage one day for dinner he decided that he wonld ask for eggs, as safer than some other foods of unknown composition. The good woman who presided over the home, roasted an egg or two in ashes before her blazing fire. When he asked if they were done "she took a long pin with which she had been picking her teeth and thrust- ing it into the side of the egg: — 'Ah! weel-a-wot, snrr,' proceeded she, presenting it to him: 'it's as weel done an egg as ony in Christendom. ' " Bread, with butter dexterously spread with the thumb, after the custom of the people, completed the meal. Mr. Gamble then continues: "A few years ago the Presbyterians in the Coun- try parts of this Kingdom were not much cleaner than their Scottish ancestors. The inside of a ves- sel was seldom washed and the outside still sel- domer. ' n Confirmation of this view comes from Arthur Lee, who visited Pittsburg in 1784. He describes the town as inhabited almost entirely by Scots and Irish, living "in paltry log-houses, and as dirty as in the north of Ireland, or even Scotland." 2 But there were characteristics of these Scotch Irish husbandmen more racial and permanent than mere habits of cleanliness. Gamble was a shrewd 1 Gamble, p. 262. 2 Life of Arthur Lee, 1829, Vol. 2, p. 385. My attention has been called to Lee and other writers by Mrs. Ruth D. Coolidge. 6 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS observer of these: "It is astonishing, ' ' he says, "how little idea Presbyterians have of pastoral beanty; the Catholic has ten times more fancy — bnt a Presbyterian minds only the main chance. If he builds a cottage, it is a prison in miniature; if he has a lawn, it is only grass ; the fence of his grounds is a stone wall, seldom a hedge. ... A Presby- terian has a sluggish imagination : it may be awak- ened by the gloomy or terrific, but seldom revels in the beautiful." 1 These were the people whom we call Scotch Irish, a term which was in use as early as the seventeenth century. They came to America, not as discoverers, but as the pioneers of their race ; they defended the frontiers against Indians, and their numbers in the South so much augmented the forces in the Revolu- tionary army that they may fairly be said to have saved Washington from defeat. To these people the British Colonies in America were not unknown. Intercourse between Ireland and New England has gone on with little interruption from very early days. During the first century after the settlement of Boston, non-conformist ministers of Ireland and New England were in close touch; members of the Mather family were as familiar with the streets of Dublin as they were with the three green hills in the Bay colony's chief town; and more than one early attempt was made to transplant Ulster set- 'Gamble, p. 348. IRELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 7 tiers. Another century witnessed a steady migra- tion of the Protestant inhabitants of Ulster, until by estimation a third of the population had crossed the Atlantic. During the last fifty years central and southern Ireland have sent so many Roman Catholic emigrants that our American cities one and all feel the power of their numbers. The Atlantic States are Bangor Castle, County Down The Rev. Robert Blair preached at Bangor today a New Ireland, influenced in the rural dis- tricts by those of Scotch Irish descent, and governed in the cities by the Celtic Irish. In 1636 a desire to emigrate took firm hold upon the people in the towns near Belfast. Their leaders were four able men : the Rev. Robert Blair of Ban- gor, county Down; the Rev. James Hamilton who 8 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS preached at Bally waiter, a little village a few miles east of Belfast ; the Rev. John McLellan of the neigh- boring town of Newtownards; and the Rev. John Livingston who had been deposed from the chnrch at Killinchy in the diocese of Down. These earnest clergymen, living within the radins of a few miles of Bangor, became more and more dis- satisfied with the Established Chnrch and its order of service. Blair was their leader, a man of "ma- jestic, awfnl, yet amiable countenance, ' ' who gradu- ally drew into his circle the clergymen of eight or nine adjoining parishes. He was suspended from his charge, and by the varying authorities reinstated and twice deposed for non-conformity, and finally his followers suffered a like fate. They found it dif- ficult to preach in Ireland, and asked Livingston, a very eloquent speaker, to visit Boston in company with William Wallace, to obtain favorable terms from the Governor living there for a settlement in New England. Mr. Wallace delayed so long to bid farewell to his family that the two agents lost the desired ships then sailing from London. Meeting Mr. John Hum- phrey they agreed to go in his ship, and so were unable to accept Mr. Bellingham's later offer of passage in a larger ship. At Dorchester, England, they tarried to listen to the Rev. John White, a pro- moter of the colony of the Massachusetts Bay; at last setting sail they encountered head winds and IEELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 9 were forced to put in at Plymouth. There Wallace fell ill, and they decided to abandon the voyage. Liv- ingston never became an emigrant, but his son Bob- ert settled later npon the Hudson, and the soil of Livingston manor nurtured a race of American statesmen and soldiers. Persecution still continued in Ireland, and a kindly invitation from the Governor and Council in New England determined the leaders to order a ship to be built for them near Belfast, of about one hundred and fifty tons burden. Full of hope they named her the " Eagle Wing," from that beautiful passage in Exodus where the Lord said to Moses: "Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bare you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto myself. Now therefore, if ye will obey my voice indeed, and keep my covenant, then ye shall be a peculiar treas- ure unto me above all people: for all the earth is mine. ' ' One cannot but wonder, recalling the little settle- ment at Boston, what would have been the effect of the arrival of four or live very able Presbyterian ministers at that time. Blair and Livingston, McLellan and Hamilton were men of education, property, and family. Hamilton's uncle, Lord Clandeboye, had befriended them; McLellan and Livingston were by ties of marriage" or descent closely allied with the Scottish aristocracy. Blair was a prince among leaders, and rose to be mod- 10 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES erator of the General Assembly in Scotland ; in 1648 he represented it in an endeavor to have Cromwell impose Presbyterianism upon England. The "Eagle Wing" set sail September 9, 1636, from Lough Fergus, but was soon compelled to put in at Lough Eyan in Scotland to stop dangerous leaks; she then turned her prow westward. Tem- pestuous weather during the three or four hundred leagues which the ship covered weakened and at last crushed the rudder, "brake much of our gallion- head, our fore-cross-tree, and tare our fore-sail; five or six of our chainplaitts made up; ane great beam under the gunner-roome door brake ; seas came in over the round-house, and brake ane plank or two in the deck, and wett all them that were between decks. ' ' Thus Livingston tells of those trying days when men worked incessantly at the pumps, and repaired the damage from wave and wind as rapidly as they could find opportunity. Meanwhile their leader Blair lay ill in the cabin; some of the com- pany of one hundred and forty passengers died, and a baby came into that storm-tossed world of water. When the captain, who did not dare to face another hurricane off the New England coast, turned the lit- tle ship toward Ireland the courageous Blair fell in a swoon, unable to think of failure after so much distress. Through it all Blair 's infant son, who had been ill at departure, lived and even grew stronger, so that, in the quaint language of the chronicle, "it IEELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 11 pleesed the only wise God to twist in this small ply in Mr. Blair's rod. ,n * The early appearance of Scotch names in Amer- ica is dne largely to the wars between England and Scotland. Many prisoners taken at the battles of Dunbar and Worcester were sold into service in the colonies. These men worked ont their terms of serv- itude at the Lynn iron works and elsewhere, and founded honorable families whose Scotch names appear upon our early records. No account exists of the Scotch prisoners that were sent to New Eng- land in Cromwell's time; at York in 1650 were the Maxwells, Mclntires, Junkinses and Grants. The Mackclothlans, 2 later known as the Claflins, gave a governor to Massachusetts and distinguished mer- chants to New York city. In Prendergast 's ' ' Crom- wellian Settlement of Ireland' ' reference is made to attempts to strengthen the Protestant population of Catholic Ireland by offering inducements to New England families to migrate. These efforts of 1651, 1655 and 1656 led to the transplanting of many Yankee families to Limerick and Garristown, where their descendants perhaps still reside. During Charles the Second's time the harshness of the laws in Scotland as well as in Ireland led to 1 Autobiographies of Blair and Livingston, published by the Wodrow Society; also Dictionary of National Biography. 2 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 1, p. 377. See also the Claflin Genealogy. 12 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES many plans for removal to America. Hugh Camp- bell, a Boston merchant, obtained permission from the Bay colony in February, 1679-80, to transport settlers from Scotland and establish them in the Nepmug country 1 in the vicinity of Springfield. None of these Scotchmen, however, can properly be associated with Ulster, and their interest in Amer- ica is not germain to our subject. What object the captain of the ship George of Londonderry had in his voyage to Boston in 1675 we now have no means of knowing. The records of the Court of Assistants 2 show that the mariners of the ship appealed to the authorities for payment of wages. The names of the members of the crew were Philip Owen, Charles Frost, John Bell, Arthur Richards and William Maxfeild. The next effort to establish a colony originated in Ireland. Wait Winthrop in Boston wrote to his brother Fitz- John of Connecticut December 29, 1684, that a gentleman had lately come over, "a man of some interest there,' ' and was looking out for a plan- tation for about one hundred families. Winthrop talked with him of Quinnebaug 3 and was told that an abundance of people would come over if they could be assured that they could have liberty of con- 1 Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, Vol. 5, p. 264. 3 Ibid, Vol. 1, p. 41. s Plainfield, about twenty-nine miles north east of New London, in Connecticut. IRELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 13 science, their views being "much of the same stamp" as those in New England. 1 We know that conditions in a large part of Ireland were distressing ; this was especially true in the counties of Derry and Donegal, where many ministers of the presbytery of Lagan resolved to emigrate to America. But the fever for migration that was rising subsided upon the death of Charles II, February 6, 1685; no movement to New England took place, although a few settle- ments were made in Maryland, Pennsylvania and the Carolinas, where ships engaged in the tobacco trade found their ports of destination. 2 With the coming of James II to power, Roman Catholic influence began to be felt, and the Protes- tant population of Ireland was sure to suffer. In 1686 and 1687 high offices in the church and army were given to Papists, and an effort was made to bring English universities under Catholic rule. The Earl of Tyrconnel, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and an influential member of the Roman Catholic party at Court, at once "purged" the army in Ireland of its Protestant officers. But perceiving an oppor- tunity to show loyalty to King James by sending to England three thousand men to aid him in his encounter with William, Prince of Orange, "it pleased God to so Infatuate the Councils of my Lord 1 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Series V, Vol. 8, p. 450. 2 See the next chapter. 14 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES Tyrconnel," as Walker, historian of the siege, puts it, that he sent ont of Ireland the Catholic regiment quartered at Derry. Tyrconnel soon saw his error in withdrawing this force from Derry, and dis- patched the Earl of Antrim to the north. When the news of Antrim's approach reached the city there was great indecision; but caution soon gave way before hotter blood, the bridge was drawn up and the gates were locked. Thus began the defence of Derry, April 20, 1689. Incident at once crowded upon incident ; sally and assault, plot and treachery, vacillation and courage gave to each day a new sen- sation, until Colonel Lundy, commander of the be- sieged forces, having advocated a secret withdrawal of officers and gentlemen, leaving the citizens of Derry to the mercy of the enemy, was forced to flee in disguise with a pack on his back. Then in truth began the famous days of waiting and fighting, un- der the leadership of a militant clergyman, the Rev. George Walker, rector of Donaghmore in County Tyrone. To add to the distress of the besieged their enemies drove thousands of women and children from the neighboring towns under the walls of Derry where they had, to be rescued and fed by a garrison already short of stores. Then came the days when horse flesh was served to the soldiers, while dogs "fatned by eating the bodies of the slain Irish' ' sold by the quarter for five shillings and six pence, and cats brought four shillings and six pence each. IRELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 15 On the 30th of July, in the time of their direst ex- tremity, two ships ladened with provisions came np the Longh, broke the boom and reached the town amid hysterical tears and thanksgiving. They had but one pint of meal for each man and nine lean horses left for food. King William relieved the Presbyterians of some of their bnrdens by obtaining through his influence the Toleration Act (May 24, 1689) . The waste lands soon began to respond to the plow, and thrifty set- tlers from the Scottish lowlands and Lancashire came over the water to aid those that had survived the war. Under Queen Anne (1702-1714) the Presbyterians in Ireland again lost almost every advantage that had been gained, and became by the Test Act of 1704 virtually outlaws. Their marriages were de- clared invalid, and their chapels were closed. They could not maintain schools nor hold office above that of a petty constable. The commercial acts of 1698, restricting the Irish woolen industry and encouraging the manufacture of linen, brought ultimate improvement in Ireland because lands formerly devoted to grazing could now be devoted in part to tillage; but for some years immediately following the passage of the acts there was great industrial depression. Distress due to the lack of work, together with the want of religious freedom and political opportunity, excited the sym- 16 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS pathy of non-conformists beyond the bounds of Ire- land. During these years the Eev. Cotton Mather was in close touch with religious and political affairs in Scotland and Ireland. His father was a Master of IEELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 17 Arts of Trinity College, Dublin, and his two nncles, Nathaniel and Samuel, were well known in Dublin as preachers. To the University of Glasgow the Eev. Cotton Mather sent books and pamphlets from time to time, and had received there the honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity in 1710. He was therefore interested both in Ireland and in Scotland. More- over he was a far seeing patriot of broad views and sympathies, to whom New England owes much. He was the leading clergyman in a colony where his religion was the foremost force in education, in soci- ety, and in official life. On the 20th of September, 1706, Mather records : "I write letters unto diverse persons of Honour both in Scotland and in England; to procure Settle- ments of Good Scotch Colonies, to the Northward of us. This may be a thing of great consequence." 1 It was Mather's plan to settle hardy families on the frontiers in Maine and New Hampshire to pro- tect the towns and churches of Massachusetts from the French and Indians. In his Memorial of the Present deplorable state of New England he sug- gests that a Scotch colony might be of good service in getting possession of Nova Scotia. 2 With the death of Queen Anne in 1714 and the accession of George I the period of ferment in Irish 1 MS. in the Massachusetts Historical Society. 2 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Series V, Vol. 6, p. 41*. 18 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS emigration may be said to begin. In that year two clergymen set out for New England, and tbeir resi- dence in America probably had more to do with the great migration of 1718 than we can as yet demon- strate. They were the Rev. William Homes of Stra- bane in County Tyrone who settled on Martha's Vineyard, and the Rev. Thomas Craighead, his brother-in-law, of the town of Donegal, who lived for some years in Freetown, a village about ten miles east of Fall River. There was, however, no immedi- ate migration resulting from their arrival in New England. A few passengers had arrived in the year 1716 in the < « Truth and Daylight, ' ' the " Mary Ann, ' ' and the "Globe"; but in 1717 when piracy was rife along the New England coast the records, as com- municated by Governor Shute to the Lords of Trade, show that only fourteen male servants or appren- tices arrived from Dublin, in August, 1717, and nine from Belfast in September of that year. 1 None arrived at Boston from January to June 29th of the year 1718, although Captain Gibbs brought a few persons from Dublin to Marblehead in May. In less than two years from the arrival of the Rev. William Boyd in July, 1718, five or six hundred men, women and children had come over to settle. 2 But before considering the careers and influence 1 See Appendix 1. 2 Maine Historical Society Collections, Baxter Mss., Vol. X, p. 106. IRELAND AND NEW ENGLAND 19 of Homes and Craighead, the economic and religious condition of Ulster at this time should be made clear. Dean Swift, in speaking of tyrannical land- lords, wrote in 1720, 1 " Whoever travels this conn- try [Ireland] and observes the face of nature, or the faces, and habits, and dwellings of the natives, will hardly think himself in a land where law, religion, or common humanity is professed. ' ' And he explains that the landlords by "screwing and racking " their tenants had reduced the people to a worse condition than the peasants in France or the vassals in Ger- many and Poland. The property owners were pressed by debt incurred often in London or on the Continent. They felt forced to exact the last penny from their tenants, and too often turned a thrifty Scotch Protestant farmer from the land he had by incessant toil brought into good condition so that the land might go to two or more Catholic families who, while living together in poverty, could by their united efforts pay a greater return. The Irish were not fond of the plow and the land suffered under their hands. 2 Sir Thomas Phillips told King Charles I that the native Irish would give increasing rents rather than move ; therefore the landlord could hope to reap only half the profit from English and Scotch farmers that might come from the Irish. 3 1 Proposal for a Universal use of Manufactures. 2 Hill's Plantation in Ulster, p. 590. s Dublin University Magazine, 1833, p. 474. 20 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS As late as 1790 Lord Chancellor Clare again repeated the explanation: "The great misfortune of Ireland, and particularly [of] the lower classes of its inhabitants is, that at the expiration of every lease, the farm is pnt np to auction, and without con- sidering whether it is a Protestant or a Papist — whether he is industrious or indolent — whether he is solvent or a beggar, the highest bidder is declared the tenant by the law agent of the estate, I must say to the disgrace of the landlord, and most frequently much in his advantage." 1 These were the conditions in Ulster which turned the eyes of the intelligent Protestant farmer toward the American colonies. The desire to emigrate had deeper and more immediate sources than a century of intercourse and sympathy between Ireland and America. 1 Dublin University Magazine, May, 1833, p. 480. A very inter- esting account of the confusion and friction resulting from the occupation of the land by several tenants, each sharing the good and the poor plots of land, will be found in Mr. and Mrs. S. C. Hall's Ireland, Vol. 3, p. 261. II IRELAND'S RELATION TO MARYLAND, PENNSYLVANIA AND SOUTH CAROLINA BEFORE THE YEAR 1718 The early annals of the Presbyterian chnrch in the colonies sonth of New England are closely linked with the name of the Rev. Francis Makemie of Ram- elton on Lough Swilly, County Donegal, who was licensed by the Presbytery of Lagan in 1681, and came to America soon after. Makemie covered the Atlantic coast colonies in his ministrations, devoting much of his time, however, to Maryland. Before 1690 there were three and perhaps four congrega- tions in Somerset County, which then included Worcester County, Maryland, with their meeting- houses at Snow Hill (1684), Manokin, Wicomico, and Rehoboth. 1 These places lie south of the present southern boundary of Delaware. It may be said that although two ministers, Doughty and Hill, were early Presbyterian preachers on the western shore of Chesapeake Bay these settlements on the east a The sheriff of Somerset reported that the dissenters "hath a house in Snow Hill, one on the road going up along the seaside, one at Manokin, about thirty feet long— plain country buildings all of them." See Mrs. Mary M. North's "An Historic Church" (1904). 22 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES side formed the first stronghold of their faith in the South. Another member of the Lagan Presbytery in Ire- land, and a friend of Makemie, was the Rev. Wil- liam Traill, a Glasgow graduate, who suffered im- prisonment for his convictions, and upon his release came to Maryland in 1682. He probably founded the church at or near Rehoboth in Somerset County, where he had influential friends, including Colonel "William Stevens, John White, John Shipway and others. 1 A few months earlier, perhaps in 1681, came the Rev. Thomas Wilson to found a church at Manokin, a settlement now called Princess Anne. It is sup- posed that Wilson was the minister of the same name who had been at Killybegs, County Donegal. Among his friends were John Galbraith, Archibald Erskine, and David Brown. Possibly also Abraham Gale of Somerset County in 1684 should be counted as a neighbor and friend. Gale's wife Sarah and their sons James and John, sailing from Dublin to Virginia, fell in with a designing rascal who sold their services for a term of years to pay the sum required for their passage, although Gale himself stood ready to pay it. 2 1 Rev. J. W. Mcllvain in Johns Hopkins University Studies, notes supplementary, 1890, No. 3, p. 19. ■Maryland Archives, Vol. 17, p. 352. Ramelton, on Lough Swilly, Ireland Home of the Rev. Francis Makemie IEELAND AJSTD THE SOUTH 25 Another of Wilson's neighbors was John Wallis, Senior, "of Ireland and Monokin Kiver, Somerset County, ' ' who was living in 1685 with his wife Jane, his nephew John Wallis, Junior, and his kinsmen Matthew and James Wallis. 1 Other settlers from Ireland were there. Edward Eandolph, writing to the Commissioners of Customs from James City, June 27, 1692, adds to our knowledge of the Scotch Irish in Somerset County in the following reference to the new governor of Maryland: "I hear he has continued Maj r King to bee ye Navall Officer in Somerset Co ty on ye eastern shore, a place pestred w th Scotch & Irish. About 200 fam- ilies have within ye 2 years arrived from Ireland & setled in y* Co ty besides some hundred of family's there before. They have set up a linnen Manufac- ture, Encouraged thereto by Co 11 Brown, a Scotch- man, one of ye Councill & by Maj r King & other prin- cipall persons upon ye place, who support ye Inter- lopers & buy up all their Loading upon their first arrivall, & govern ye whole trade on ye Eastern shore, so y l whereas 7 or 8 good ships from Eng ld did yearly trade & load ye Tobb° of y* Co ty I find y l in these 3 years last past there has not been above 5 ships trading legally in all those Eivers, & nigh 30 Sayle of Scotch Irish & New Eng ld men. ' ' 2 1 Maryland Calendar of Wills, Jane Baldwin, editor, Vol. 1. 'In Edward Randolph (Prince Society), Vol. 7, p. 364, to which Mr. Albert Matthews directed my attention. 26 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS A third Presbyterian minister in this region was the Rev. Samuel Davis, 1 possibly also from Ireland, who is said to have been pastor of the " famous and {: §2& Old House in Snow Hill, Maryland venerable" church at Snow Hill from an early date until 1698. He afterward settled at Hoarkill, now Lewes, in Delaware. The Rev. Mr. Makemie mar- ried a lady of wealth in 1690 and settled in Accomac 1 Rev. William Hill, in his History of American Presbyterianism (Washington City, 1839) pp. 162-163, doubts a Scotch origin for all of the seven members of the first presbytery. Mackemie, Hampton and McNish, he agrees, Were Irish, IEELAND AND THE SOUTH 27 County, Virginia, a few miles south of Snow Hill. Whether he or Davis was regularly in charge at Snow Hill cannot now be determined. The Makemie Memorial Presbyterian Church perpetuates the memory of his ministry. Along the western shore of Chesapeake Bay Colo- nel Ninian Beall was the leading Presbyterian lay- man. Through his influence a church existed at Patuxent in 1704, and the members included several prominent Fifeshire families of the present Prince George County. Makemie 's successor was the Eev. John Henry, who came from Ireland in 1709, having been licensed by Armagh Presbytery in 1708. Although Makemie was the chief Presbyterian minister of the early pioneers there were several others in the colonies at about this period. They are little more than names to us, but they did faithful service, going from plantation to plantation along the rivers, preaching in the open air or in houses, where no church existed, and living as traders when bread could not be earned by the work of the ministry. The Eev. Josias Mackie came to Elizabeth Eiver, Virginia — the lands about Norfolk — from St. Johnstown, County Donegal, a town destined to try the soul of New England's Scotch Irish leader, Boyd, half a century later when he had returned to Ulster. The Eev. John Hamp- ton, probably "master John of Burt," whose school days were brightened by money from the Presbytery 28 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS of Lagan, settled at Snow Hill, and the Rev. George McNish, Scotch or Irish, officiated at Manokin and Wicomico. Others were the Rev. Hugh Conn of our present Bladensburg, Maryland, the Rev. Robert Orr of Maidenhead, New Jersey, the Rev. John Thomson of Lewes, and the Rev. Samuel Gelston who went down after a sojourn in New England to preach at Opequon in Virginia. A question arises in considering the history of these early churches of Maryland and Virginia; — Were the Scotch Irish a real factor here before the year 1718, the date of the great migration to New England ? In Maryland Presbyterianism was of the mild English type, and we find Presbyterians joining with Episcopalians in an appeal for an Established Church as a protection against the spread of Roman Catholicism. The same type of Presbyterianism pre- vailed in Philadelphia during the ministry of the Rev. Jedediah Andrews, a Yankee in the Quaker city. It is probable therefore that very few com- municants, aside from the ministers, had ever lived in Ireland. While few Presbyterians came from Ireland before 1718, the Quaker migration certainly began as early as 1682. The failure of this Quaker migra- tion to influence the coming of Scotch Irish settlers is curiously illustrated by a table in Mr. Myers's inval- uable book on the Irish Quakers in Pennsylvania. We learn there that of the one hundred and sixty- IRELAND AND THE SOUTH 29 five families that came during the thirty-five years from 1682 to 1717 only one left a home in Connty Antrim, and none came from Londonderry or Tyrone, the Scotch Irish counties ;* whatever Scotch Irish migration from Ulster existed before 1718 was not influenced by the Quakers ' example. In the next thirty-two years, 1718 to 1750, a period covering the great Scotch Irish migration from Ulster, two hundred and sixty-five Quaker adults or families came to Pennsylvania. Of these there were one hundred and thirty-five from Ulster, or just one half. They came largely from the meet- ings at Antrim, Ballinderry, Ballinacree and Lis- burn, in county Antrim, the heart of the Scotch Irish country, and from Ballyhagan, Grange, and Lurgan, county Armagh. This tide, however, did not really set in until after the Scotch Irish had b^gun their removal, or until 1729, when in one year twenty-nine left Ireland as against seventeen in the preceding nine years. Evidently the sudden increase in the Ulster Quaker migration was due to the economic disturbances of the years 1728 and 1729, discussed so fully in Archbishop Boulter's letters. 2 It follows, therefore, that the Scotch migration of 1718 from Ulster was in no manner influenced by the migration of Quakers. That Quakers and Presbyterians had family ties may be inferred, however, from the fact twenty-seven came from Armagh and Cavan. 2 See Chapter III, 30 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS that James Logan, the Quaker, William Penn's friend, and Secretary of Pennsylvania, was a cousin of the Rev. William Tennent, who came to America from Ireland and settled at East Chester, New York in 1718. 1 Tennent became one of the great leaders in the Presbyterian church. The passengers who arrived at Philadelphia from Ireland earlier than 1718 were for the most part Quakers or Celtic Irish. We have few contempor- ary references to the arrival of Scotch Irish com- panies of settlers, until the American Weekly Mer- cury of October 27, 1720, mentions a brigantine from Londonderry with ninety passengers on board. These were probably Presbyterians. The Presby- terian influence in the colonies was never strong un- til the migration from Ulster began. Mr. J. S. Futhey in his history of Upper Octorara Church bears testimony to this, and Mr. W. D. Mackey in his history of the church at White Clay Creek is another witness. Moreover, the Scotch Irish type of Mary- land Presbyterianism was just coming into prom- inence when the Rev. Thomas Craighead went from Freetown in Massachusetts to become the first pas- tor at White Clay Creek in 1724. 2 The next port on the coast which is associated with Scotch Irish immigrants at an early date is Charles- 1 Webster's Presbyterian Church, p. 365. 'See Alfred Nevin's Presbytery of Philadelphia, 1888, Chapter 2, for a good summary of the early history. IEELAND AND THE SOUTH 31 ton. About the year 1683, if we may rely upon tradi- tion, several emigrants, influenced by Sir Richard Kyrle, 1 a Protestant Irishman of some note, and led by a man named Ferguson, landed there, although little is known of them. 2 One tangible fact, indeed, we have in the presence at Charleston in 1692 of Richard Newton whose brother Marmaduke Newton still remained at Carrickfergus in old Ireland. 3 The first Presbyterian church in Charleston was organized about 1685, with communicants largely if not entirely from Scotland and New England. It enjoyed a prosperous history for half a century. The Rev. Archibald Stobo of the original or " White Meeting House' ' became a famous Charleston preacher. He and his wife had come ashore in 1699 from the ship " Rising Sun," which then lay off the bar under jury masts, he having received an invita- tion to preach. A hurricane approaching unexpect- edly, the ship and all her company, except Mr. and Mrs. Stobo and the longboat's crew, were lost. The people were on their way to Scotland from the unfor- tunate colony at Darien. 4 The Rev. Mr. Stobo was an ardent missionary, and his efforts to widen the borders of his church by the creation of new congregations and the erec- 1 Governor of South Carolina in 1684. 2 Charlestown Year Book, 1883, p. 380. 3 South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, Vol. 8, 204. 'Charleston Year Book, 1882, p. 397. 32 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS tion of new places for worship were successful. A letter from South Carolina published in 1710 speaks of five " British Presbyterian' ' ministers then in the colony. 1 These preachers heralded the faith which was in another generation to make itself felt in South Carolina, when the real migration from Ire- land should begin. The following incident is worthy of record here. A certain Mr. John Jarvie had been ordained by the Presbytery of Belfast instead of by that of Down as had been decreed by the Synod. An explanation of the irregularity was given by Mr. Robert Wilson, merchant, of Belfast: "That there was a ship in the Logh of Belfast bound for South Carolina ; that the seamen and passengers amount to the number of 70; that it was earnestly desir'd that they may have a Chaplain on board, and if ordain 'd, so much the better for the voyage, and also for the person to be ordain 'd and the country whither they are bound — therefor desir'd, seeing Mr. Jarvie inclines to sail in the ship, that he may be ordain 'd before he go, and that it may be done as soon as possible, because the ship will soon be clear to sail." 2 It is possible that these passengers were from Glasgow, since nearly all ships from that port called at Bel- fast on the voyage to America. Whether Scotch or Scotch Irish we cannot decide, but they sailed 1 Hodge's Presbyterian Church, Vol. 1, p. 85. 3 Records General Synod at Belfast June 15, 1714, p. 336. IEELAND AND THE SOUTH 35 from an Irish port with one of Ireland's Presbyter- ian ministers on board, and arrived at Charleston, probably in the summer of the year 1714. Evidently there were a few Scotch Irish in and near Charleston, and on the rich lands between Phil- adelphia and Wilmington, at an early date. In New York also they held a place, and in the Presbyterian churches on Long Island. But in no case did the migrations before 1718 have great influence. They were, it is true, responses to a spirit of discontent and unrest in Ulster, but low rates of transportation on account of trade in tobacco had their force as well. Such were the conditions at the opening of the year 1718. Yet we shall see that in less than a dec- ade after Boyd and McGregor had set foot in New England, the ports of Philadelphia, Newcastle and Charleston were swarming with the Scotch Irish. James Logan of Pennsylvania reported in 1727 the arrival of eight or nine emigrant ships that autumn, and in 1729 six vessels in a single week Game into port. Before the year 1718 the growth of Scotch Irish influence and numbers cannot safely be measured by the spread of Presbyterianism, yet its early ecclesi- astical history is of contributive value. In the year 1704 or 1705 the ministers who gathered in Philadel- phia to ordain and install the Eev. Jedediah 36 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS Andrews of Boston agreed to form a General Pres- bytery. These men were : Francis Makemie, Rehoboth. Nathaniel Taylor, Upper Marlborough. John Wilson, Newcastle. George McNish, Manokin. John Hampton, Snow Hill. Samuel Davis, Lewes. Jedediah Andrews, Philadelphia. Although the Scotch Irish have their full share in this list of ministers, the people who listened to their sermons were very largely of Scotch and English ancestry ; and in the next decade their growing fam- ilies and the arrival of their friends from abroad so increased the number of Presbyterians that in 1717 the General Presbytery became a Synod with four presbyteries, Philadelphia, Newcastle, Snow Hill, and Long Island, 1 and twenty-nine ministers. Twenty years later the number of ministers had trebled, 2 for the great tide of migration which was identified with New England in 1718 soon turned toward Philadelphia. See Hodge's Presbyterian Church, 1839, pp. 93-97. Proceedings Presbytery of Baltimore, 1876. Ill ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN ULSTER, 1714-1718 To understand the conditions in Ulster in 1718 it will be necessary to know the Irish Society, or as it was called legally The Society of the Governor and Assistants of London, of the New Plantation in Ulster, in the Kingdom of Ireland. This Society held sway over the present county of Londonderry, between the rivers Foyle and Bann, leasing or sub- letting its valuable rights and privileges to local offi- cials. The territory about Coleraine thus came by lease into the hands of the Jackson family. Ambi- tious to acquire both property and power, they were often at odds with the authorities in London, and were driven by these conditions to hold their terri- tory at excessive rates imposed by the none too friendly London directors. In the year 1713 com- plaint was made that Mr. William Jackson had three uncles who with himself and two tenants were alder- men, so that six out of the twelve aldermen of Col- eraine obeyed his orders. Five of the twenty-four burgesses, or members of the lower house, were his tenants, and Mr. Jackson desired to fill a vacancy with another tenant of his, living ten miles away at 38 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Kilrea ; this tenant was moreover brother of a bur- gess, and both were sons of Alderman Adams. Thir- teen members of the Common Council (which includ- ed Aldermen and Burgesses) called upon the mayor for a judicial investigation of the matter, but the mayor, who was a relative of Jackson's,* refused to accede to their request although it was made accord- ing to the law. This was but the beginning of dis- cord in the Bann valley. In 1728 the Society expressed dissatisfaction with the Jackson family, which had opposed the political interest of the Soci- ety, and had through control of the Corporation of Coleraine usurped the power to grant lands. The long arm which reached out from London had no sooner quieted Coleraine, than Derry (the early name for Londonderry) was in trouble for disre- garding its by-laws. These controversies probably had little influence upon the lot of the humbler ten- ant except along the Bann where the Jackson sway was felt. It was " commonly reported' ' that the Hon. Richard Jackson was forced to raise the rents of his tenants in order to meet his obligations ; and that these tenants, who lived upon lands within the jurisdiction of the Clothworkers Company near Coleraine, began agitation for the first great Scotch- Irish emigration to America. 1 The larger part of the lands in Ulster had es- 1 Narrative of a Journey to the North of Ireland in the year 1802, by Robert Slade, Esq., Secretary to the Irish Society. Altyw.tfenCA. 1?' HcmHt. ^^ D L^^L£-JL ZDer^YTfj, ^ Road Map of the Bann Valley From Kilrea to Coleraine via Garvagh and Macosquin Twelve Miles ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 41 cheated to the crown early in the reign of James I, as » confiscated property of Irish noblemen in rebellion. In order to plant a Protestant colony in Ulster the Lords of Council placed these lands in the hands of wealthy adventurers. That part now known as County Londonderry came under the jurisdiction of the Corporation of London, and by its officers it was divided between twelve of the chief London compa- nies or guilds who came forward as " undertakers' ' or promoters of the project. The Irish Society was incorporated to have a general control of Derry and Coleraine, and of lands not granted to the twelve companies. It aided churches and schools, protected the settlers, and defended the rights of those who had invested in the enterprise. The twelve chief companies and their lands were noticed in the report of a journey of inspection made by Eobert Slade in 1802. 1 They were : Ironmongers, about Garvagh. Including more or less of the parishes of Aghadowey, Agivey, Macos- quin, Desertoghill, Errigal. ClothworJcers, about Coleraine. From the Atlantic S. E. along the Bann to Kill- owen ; included Down Hill. Drapers, about Moneymore. Grocers, about Muff. Bounded N. by Lough Foyle ; S. by Burntollet river. 1 Early tenants are mentioned in the notes to Pynnar's Survey, reprinted in Hill's Plantation in Ulster. \y 42 SCOTCH IKISH PIONEERS Goldsmiths, near Londonderry. Bounded N. and W. by lough and river Foyle ; S. by Tyrone. Vintners, Ballaghy, west of Lough Beg. Merchant Tailors, about Somerset, near Salmon Leap. Included most of Macosquin. Mercers, near Kilrea. Fishmongers, about "Walworth, near Lough Foyle. < « Alias Ballykelly." Skinners, " Alias Dungiven." Haberdashers, about Newtown Limavady, and Bally- castle. Salters, about Magherafelt. The charter granted by King James in 1615 was in the reign of Charles I annulled in the Court of Star Chamber, so that the Society and the twelve companies and their subordinate companies, all lost their powers. This decree was rescinded under Cromwell; and a new charter was granted by Charles II in 1662, whereby Derry became known legally as Londonderry. It was at this time that the control of Londonderry and Coleraine, with the fisheries, woods, ferryage, and the right of patron- age of the churches, was vested in the Governor and Assistants of the Irish Society and not in the several companies. 1 This system went far toward established Protes- tant power in Ulster. Indeed if the Presbyterians in »W. C. Hazlitt's Livery Companies of London, p. 28. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 43 Ulster had been treated with consideration and wis- dom by the leaders of the Irish Established Church, and with tact by the government in London, they would have had less inclination to brave the ocean to inhabit the frontiers of the colonies in America. It is evident that the economic changes in Mr. Jack- son's territory along the Bann cannot alone explain the emigration fever which prevailed on the banks of the Poyle. The controlling influences were more wide spread and more vital in the lives of the peo- ple. They were to some extent economic, but they were still more political and religious. A Scot might starve in Ireland as peaceably as he was likely to do in a strange land beyond the sea, but to be thwarted in his views of right and of heaven stirred him to action. The six years between 1714 and 1719 were notable in Ireland for their insufficient rainfall. 1 So long a period of injury to crops proved more and more dis- couraging, not only to those settlers who depended upon agriculture, but also to the weavers of flax who found the cost of food very high. In 1716 the sheep were stricken with a destructive disease known a s rot , and severe frosts over Europe further crip- plecTThe supply of food. During the spring and summer of 1718 ' ' a slow confluent s mall-pox ' ' raged over Ulster in a malignant form; while the next three years brought fevers in the winter months. * Rutty 's "Weather and Seasons." 44 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS These misfortunes affected the Scotch farmer in Ulster just as they did the native Irish in Leinster or in Munster. The following note on Ireland in 1716 is from Archbishop King's papers, and it has the ring of Dean Swift. It shows, moreover, that in Ireland the farmer had to contend with difficul- ties that were less marked in England and Scotland. "The common Irish 1 are laborious people, and if we set aside the holydays their religion nrjoins, they work as hard and as long as any in England. I con- fess not with the same success, for they have neither the assistance to labour nor the encouragement workmen have in England, their poverty will not furnish them with convenient tools, and so the same quantitie of work costs them p'haps twice the labour with which it is p'form'd in England; there are many accidental differences that increase their labour on them, as, for example, England is already enclos 'd, and if a farmer have a mind to keep a field for medow, grazing, or plowing, it costs him no more but the shutting his gate, but the Irishman must fence his whole field every year or leave it in com- mon, and the like saving of labour happens in the plow utensils in building houses and p'viding fire- ing. Neither hath the Irishman that encouragement *"A11 persons born in Ireland are called and treated as Irish- men although their fathers and grandfathers were born in Eng- land." — Swift to Earl of Peterborough, 1726, quoted in A great archbishop of Dublin, William King (1906), p. 283. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 45 to labour as there is in England, lie has no markett for his manufactories, if he build a good house or inclose his grounds, to be sure he must raise his rent or turn out at the end of a short lease. These and many other considerations make the Irishman's case very pitifull, and ought, as seems to me, to move compassion rather than anger or a severe condemna- tion. Upon the whole I do not see how Ireland can on the p'sent foot pay greater taxes than it does without starving the inhabitants and leaving them entirely without meat or clothes. They have already given their bread, their flesh, their butter, their shoes, their stockings, their beds, their house fur- niture and houses to pay their landlords and taxes. I cannot see how any more can be got from them, except we take away their potatoes and butter milk, or flay them and sell their skins." 1 The people suffered also from the devotion of the great landlords to grazing , due to the profit to be obtained from contraband trade in wool, and from the sale of salted meat. Farm buildings gradually disappeared or fell into decay and the herder with his dog wandered over the desolate fields. Leases forbade the use of the plow, and grain had to be imported because Ireland did not supply enough to satisfy the demand even at high prices. Archbishop Boulter who, with King, and that other brilliant x From (Great Britain) Royal Commission on Historical Manu- scripts, second report, London, 1874, pp. 256-257. \ 46 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS churchman, Dean Swift, strove incessantly for leg- islation to make Ireland prosper, wrote to the Arch- bishop of Canterbury in 1727 that more tillage must be demanded of the landowner. The Irish House of Commons had tried in 1716 and again in 1719 to interest the England Parliament in a bill of this nature. Boulter writes to the Archbishop of Can- terbury in February, 1727 : — ' ' There is part of another bill which will go over, that is of great consequence to this kingdom; the title of the act is, I think, an act to prevent frauds, &c. in buying corn, &c. and to encourage tillage. ' l It is the latter part of this bill about tillage that is of great moment here. The bill does not encour- age tillage by allowing any premium to the exporters of corn, but barely obliges every person occupying 100 acres or more (meadows, parks, bogs, &c. ex- cepted) to till five acres out of every 100 ; and so in proportion for every greater quantity of land they occupy. And to make the law have some force, it sets the tenant at liberty to do this, notwithstanding any clause in his lease to the contrary. We have taken care to provide in the bill, that the tenant shall not be able to burnbeat any ground in virtue of this act; and since he is tyed up from that, and from ploughing meadows, &c. the people skilled in hus- bandry say, he cannot hurt the land though he should go round the 100 acres in 20 years. "I find my Lord Trevor objected to a bill we sent ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 47 from council that this was a breaking of private contracts, and invading property : bnt I think that nothing, since the lessor receives no damage by it, and the pnblick is very mnch benefitted; and this is no more than what is done every session in Eng- land, where rivers are made navigable or commons inclosed; and in many road bills. "I shall now acquaint yonr Grace with the great want we are in of this bill : onr present tillage falls very short of answering the demands of this nation, which occasions onr importing corn from England and other places ; and whilst onr poor have bread to eat, we do not complain of this; bnt by tilling so little, if onr crop fails, or yields indifferently, onr poor have not money to buy bread. This was the case in 1725 and last year, and without a prodigious crop, will be more so this year. When I went my visitation last year, barley in some inland places, sold for 6 5. a bushel to make bread of ; and oatmeal (which is the bread of the north) sold for twice or thrice the usual price ; and we met all the roads full of whole families that had left their homes to beg abroad, since their neighbors had nothing to relieve them with. And as the winter subsistance of the poor is chiefly potatoes, this scarcity drove the poor to begin with their potatoes before they were full grown, so that they have lost half the benefit of them, and have spent their stock about two months sooner than usual : and oatmeal is at this distance from har- 48 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES vest, in many parts of this kingdom three times the customary price ; so that this summer must be more fatal to us than the last; when I fear many hun- dreds perished by famine. "Now the occasion of this evil is, that many per- sons have hired large tracts of land, on to 3 or 4000 acres, and have stocked them with cattle, and have no other inhabitants on their land than so many cot- tiers as are necessary to look after their sheep and black cattle; so that in some of the finest counties, in many places there is neither house nor corn field to be seen in 10 or 15 miles travelling : and daily in some counties, many gentlemen (as their leases fall into their hands) tye up their tenants from tillage: and this is one of the main causes why so many ven- ture to go into foreign service at the hazard of their lives, if taken, because they can get no land to till at home. And if some stop be not put to this evil, we must daily decrease in the numbers of our people. "But we hope if this tillage bill takes place, to keep our youth at home, to employ our poor, and not be jn danger of a famine among the poor upon any little miscarriage in our harvest. And I hope these are things of greater consequence than the breaking through a lease, so far as concerns ploughing five acres in a hundred." 1 After a potato famine from which many hun- 1 Letters by Hugh Boulter to several Ministers of State, Oxford, 1769, Vol. 1, pp. 220-223. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 49 dreds of the peasants died of starvation the English Council at last consented, avowedly for the benefit of the poor, to cancel the prohibitory clause in leases so that a small part of each farm should be plowed. 1 Two industries in the counties of Antrim and Lon- donderry changed the character of the misfortunes of the settlers there, although it cannot be said that they warded off trouble. The Scotch in Ulster should have been prosperous even in years when other provinces of Ireland starved. But the industries of Ireland were crushed out at the behest of English merchants by laws favorable to home products. The farms in Ulster were small, each having its field of potatoes. The soil was enriched by manure and lime, and after the crop of potatoes had been gathered the flax was sown, perhaps a bushel of seed by a family. 2 Each farm had also its bleaching green where the flax fibres were whitened in the sun, the drying season lasting for more than half the year. All that has to do with the flax plant must be of interest to lovers of Ulster. When the seed had pro- duced the graceful fields of flax, the women of the household kept down the weeds until the pretty blue petals had opened and had in turn given way to rip- ening seed-pods. The plants then were pulled or 1 ' plucked ' ' in small handf uls and ' ' bogged. " ' ' And 1 1 George II, Chapter 10. 'Arthur Young's Tour in Ireland, August, 1776. 50 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS why do you bog it, Larry !" asked Mrs. Hall, who was familiar with flax culture from childhood. "Is it why we bog it, dear? — Why then, you see, we must all pass through the waters of tribulation to be purified, and so must the flax — the bad you see, and the good, in that small plant is glued together, and the water melts the glue, so that they divide — and that's the sense of it, dear!" The plants were held in water by heavy stones — in running water if the fibres were to be good in color, although the processes of decay went on more rapidly in stagnant water. Sometimes they were laid out in the fields until a season's grass had grown up about and through them. In due time they were gathered and dried in the open air or over a fire. The coarse brown stalks were then slowly drawn over an upright post or chair-back and beaten inch by inch, this being the " scutching' ' process. The stalks in the next process were cleaned and split by rude combs of varying coarseness, and known as hackles. The task was tiresome and dirty, so that an itinerant workman usually did this part of the labor, going from cabin to cabin with his store of Dublin news and neighborhood gossip. The rough fibres were then subjected to many scaldings and dryings, until the bleaching greens began at last to appear white with the harvest of flax. A century ago the hand loom produced finer linen yarn than any that came from the mill. In 1815 Cath- ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 51 erine Woods of Dunmore near Ballynahinch, a girl of fifteen, spnn yarn which gave 2,520,000 yards to the avoirdupois pound of flax, requiring but 17 pounds, 6 ounces, 3% drams of flax to go entirely around the earth. 1 This industry of spinning and weaving was car- ried to America by many thousands of emigrants during half a century which preceded the Revolu- tionary war. It brought fame and comforts to the Scotch Irish towns both north and south. 2 After young Jerry Smith of Peterborough in New Hamp- shire, the future congressman, had acquired a little book learning he chided his mother one day for her unfamiliarity with the rudiments of grammar. Mrs. Smith who had borne ten children in twelve years, besides cooking and mending, digging sixteen bush- els of potatoes in a day, and earning money by spin- ning to educate her boys, replied somewhat warmly : "But wha taught you langage? It was my wheel; and when ye '11 hae spun as many lang threeds to teach me grammar as I hae to teach you, I'll talk better grammar ! ' ,3 The catching of salmon in the waters of the Bann J Mr. and Mrs. S. C. Hall's Ireland, new edition, Vol. 3, pp. 85-91. 2 Archibald Thompson of Abington and Bridgewater is said to have made the first spinning foot-wheel of New England manu- facture—a statement difficult of proof. He died in 1776 at the age of eighty-five. 'Morison's Life of Judge Smith, p. 5. 52 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES and the Foyle was a great Ulster industry, and the early settlers of Londonderry in New Hampshire must have known its every detail, for many of them had lived near the "Salmon Leap" on the Bann. About the middle of August the salmon spawned in all the streams that are tributary to the Bann and the Foyle. As soon as they could swim they went down to the sea. In January, when they began to return to fresh water, their weight often exceeded ten pounds. A year later their weight had doubled and they were ready for the market. It was natural that the Nutfield settlers should ask the American Indians where they could go for the catching of fish. This was an important occupation; but the linen manufacture was more wide spread, and many of the Scotch Irish who made their wills in America styled themselves " weavers.' ' The industry succeeded the woolen manufacture which had been ruined in 1698 by an English law that forbade export of wool- ens from Ireland except to England and Wales. 1 The linen industry had one unfortunate circum- stance peculiar to all manufacture. Depending to a large extent upon fo reign m arkets^ or its success, it had years of great prosperity followed by others of ruinous inactivity, and the causes of these fluctua- tions, whether economic or political, lay wholly out- side Ireland and beyond her control. When a period of depression was concurrent with the expiration of 10 and 11 William III, Chapter 10 (English), ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 55 many leases, as once happened on Lord Donegal's Antrim estates, the people emigrated in great num- bers' to America. Arthur Young has an instructive paragraph on this point : "It is the misfortune of all manufacture worked for a foreign market to be upon an insecure footing ; periods of declension will come, and when in consequence of them great numbers of people are out of employment, the best circumstance is their enlisting in the army or navy ; and it is the common result ; but unfortunately the manufacture in Ireland, is not confined, as it ought to be, to towns, but spreads into all cabins of the country. Being half farmers, half manufacturers, they have too much property in cattle, &c, to enlist when idle ; if they convert it into cash it will enable them to pay their passage to America, an alternative always chosen in preference to the military life. ' n It has often been said that the landlords in Ireland were always too much embarrassed financially to retain a Protestant tenantry. The highest bidder was usually an Irishman. Loving Ireland he did not wish to emigrate, and felt compelled to get the lease, even if the price was beyond his power to pay. He would share a single Scotch or English farmer's land with six or seven of his countrymen, all ekeing out a miserable existence; and when the unsuccess- ful Protestant bidder was far away clearing the New England field for planting, his Irish successors were 1 Pinkerton's Voyages, London, 1809, Vol. 3, p. 869. 56 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS ready to abandon the land they had obtained at an impossible rental. 1 Never over a third and often not over a fifth of the profit went to the tiller of the soil, 2 and the slightest misfortune reduced the profit to the laborer below the point of subsistence. Arch- bishop King in a letter to Archbishop Wake, June 2, 1719, sums up the matter from the point of view of a churchman who loved Ireland. 1 ' Some would insinuate that this is in some meas- ure due to the uneasiness dissenters have in the matter of religion, but this is plainly a mistake ; for dissenters were never more easy as to that matter than they have been since the Revolution, & are at present: & yet they never thought of leaving the kingdom, till oppressed by excessive [rents ! ] & other temporal hardships: nor do only dissenters leave us, but proportionately of all sorts, except Papists. The truth of the case is this: after the Revolution, most of the kingdom was waste, & abundance of the people destroyed by the war : the landlords therefore were glad to get tenants at any rate, & set their lands at very easy rents ; this invited abundance of people to come over here, especially from Scotland, & they have lived here very happily ever since ; but now their leases are expired, & they obliged not only to give what was paid before the Revolution, but in most places double & in many 1 Sir L. Tarsons in 1793. Also Archbishop King's Life, p. 301. 2 Boulter's Letters, Vol. 1, p. 292. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 5T places treble, so that it is impossible for people to live or subsist on their farms." 1 Add to these conditions a scarcity of small coin whereby the money required to pay the humble spin- ner for his yarn or the farmer for his produce cost the merchant over one and a half per cent ; 2 and the attempts in England to cripple the linen industry, 3 and we are not surprised that the desire to. emi- grate passed over the land like a fever. Letters like the following show that Archbishop King, at the very outset of the great migration, was doing his best by eloquent appeal to awaken the English con- science. He wrote February 6, 1717-18 to the Arch- bishop of Canterbury: "I find likewise that your Parliament is destroying the little Trade that is left us. These & other Discouragements are driving away the few Protestants that are amongst us ; inso- much that last year some Thousands of Families are gone to the West Indies. No Papists stir except young men that go abroad to be trained to # arms, with Intention to return with the Pretender. The Papists being already five or six to one, & a breed- ing People, you may imagine in what conditions we are like to be. I may farther observe that the Pa- pists being made incapable to purchase Lands, have turn'd themselves to Trade, & already engrossed almost all the Trade of the Kingdom." 4 1 King's Life, p. 301. a Boulter to Newcastle, 1728; Letters, Vol. 1, p. 252. 3 King to Archbishop of Canterbury, January 18, 1722-23, * King's Life, p. 207, 58 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES Trade between the British Isles and the American colonies went very largely to the Delaware and Chesapeake Bay. Tobacco-laden ships sailed for Dublin, Liverpool, Belfast or Glasgow ; returning to America with trifling cargoes of dress-goods, farm tools, and similar necessities, they gladly added to their revenues by transporting an occasional set- tler. There were few large parties of emigrants; if we except those who went to Williamsburg in South Carolina, few came to the South through con- certed action until toward the middle of the eight- eenth century. Few were led by ministers, but when they had settled along the banks of Christiana Creek, the Octorara, or the Neshaminy, they accepted min- isters who had come to serve English Presbyterians, or they sent to Ireland for others. The relations between New England and Ireland, on the other hand, were almost entirely intellectual and religious. There was no intercourse in trade to stimulate colonization. The migration of 1718 was so thoroughly a deliberate undertaking, clearly conceived and organized, that an agent was sent out to prepare the way. Ships were chartered for the voyage and their holds were filled with the house- hold goods of the Bann Valley emigrants. It was this initiative in 1718 which led to an active but short-lived passenger trade between Irish ports and Boston. In this enterprise the Eev. William Homes 's son, Captain Eobert Homes, played a considerable ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 59 part. The next year the more favorable conditions for settlement south and west of Philadelphia began to tnrn a large part of the traffic away from New England to Pennsylvania, and the Carolinas. This passenger traffic grew so rapidly that merchandise which had been of primary importance in Ulster's trade with the South ceased to be vital to the success of a voyage across the ocean. IV POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN ULSTER, 1714-1718 We now turn to the political oppression which was another cause for discontent in northern Ireland. In the early days of the London settlement and the succeeding Scotch migration when linen took the place of woolen, the new settlers felt that superior- ity which men who have a strong government behind them are wont to feel. They were independent, and even contemptuous of "the mere Irish." Under Cromwell they grew in strength until there were about eighty churches represented in the presbytery. With the return of Charles II, religious and political restrictions began to be felt. In Ulster sixty-one ministers were ejected from their churches, and curates were appointed to conduct Episcopal serv- ices; uniformity in church worship again became a dogma of the State. It must not be assumed that the disabilities under which Presbyterians in Ireland labored were pecul- iar to the time or place. It was held by many to be for the best interest of the State that people should worship God in the accustomed way; and in Queen POLITICS AND BELIGION 61 Elizabeth's time 1 all persons had been commanded to attend church on Sundays and holy days where the Book of Common Prayer was used. This was no more tyrannical than the policy of the non-conform- ing assembly in Scotland, which was to induce Crom- well to make the Presbyterian religion paramount in England, 2 nor more exacting than the aim of the Presbyterians in Ireland who, as soon as they felt their strength, asked to have the army under Pres- byterian influences only. The same strong spirit prevailed in early orthodox New England ; and the present large but empty churches there, with ample but idle horsesheds, testify to a more effective and perhaps more wholesome spiritual and social life in country towns of old under the despotism of Cot- ton Mather and his immediate successors. Eoman Catholic supremacy in Ireland under James II came to an end with the arrival of William and Mary in 1688. In 1691 Parliament decreed 3 that the statute of Queen Elizabeth's time relating to uniformity of church services should not apply to Ireland, thus permitting attendance at non-con- formist chapels. After January 1, 1691-2, all candi- dates for civil, military and ecclesiastical offices were to take oaths of allegiance to the royal family, and x 2 Elizabeth 2, Section 3; also 35 Elizabeth 1. 2 See life of the Rev. Robert Blair, in Dictionary of National Biography. 8 3 William and Mary, Chapter 2. (English Statutes.) 62 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS to make declarations against transubstantiation in the mass, and adoration of the Virgin Mary, provi- sions intended to bar Roman Catholics from office. Dissenters now had liberty to worship in their own chapels, and were not compelled to partake of the Lord's Supper according to the rites of the Estab- lished church in order to hold office. But they still had disabilities which could be made to bear heavily Presbyterian Meeting House at Dungannon, County Tyrone Built Before the Year 1725 upon them ; indeed if the magistrate chose, they suf- fered more than the Roman Catholics. The Synod which met at Antrim in 1698 declared its grievances to be an inability in many places to bury the dead until the Established service had been read, the requirement that school-masters partake of the Lord's Supper according to the customary rites, and the pressure to serve as church-wardens. Id 1699 the Synod being asked for advice as to mar- riages decided that ministers had better continue to POLITICS AND BELIGION 63 perform the ceremony "in an orderly way," as of old. In 1710 the Synod decided that it might be wise in some places to leave the performance of the cere- mony to the Episcopal clergy. In the second year of Queen Anne's reign (1703) a penal statute was carried by the help of the Bishops, 1 and they ob- tained in return for their support the introduction of a clause compelling in Ireland the sacramental test for office holders. This Irish Test Act seems to have been used unscrupulously as a weapon to place the Presbyterians on a level of disability with the Eoman Catholics. Their ministers were almost everywhere turned out of their pulpits or threatened with legal proceedings. Dissenters were debarred from teach- ing schools and the legality of their marriages was denied. In 1716 Samuel Smith, Jr., and John Kyle of Belfast were called upon to defend their mar- riages in court. These were test cases, followed however by others. The Synod determined to stand by the defendants with the church's funds, but threats from prominent supporters of the denom- ination to withhold contributions in the future if the course were persisted in, caused the Synod to aban- don the attempt to uphold its claims in this way. The Eegium Donum, an annual government gift to non-conformist clergy in Ireland, in recognition of the Protestant defence of Ulster in 1688, was sus- pended. In short the hardships inflicted under this 1 C. G. Walpole's History of the Knigdom of Ireland, p. 359, 64 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS law of Queen Anne from 1703 to 1719 had much to do with the migration to New England. The Government found it impossible to pass a more moderate act to quiet discontent until vacan- cies in the ranks of the bishops could be filled by more tolerant men, and the Toleration Act 1 of 1719 was the first measure of relief that could be obtained. The oath still required loyalty to a King when excommunicated by the Pope; and the customary provisions to disfranchise Roman Catholics, namely : a declaration that in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper there is no transubstantiation of the elements of bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, and that the adoration of the Virgin Mary and other saints, and Sacrifice of the Mass are superstitious and idolatrous. There were exemptions for dis- senters who did not favor baptism in infancy, and for Quakers, and there was no requirement to attend the Lord 's Supper ; but the thirteenth article of the act shut out all from its benefits who did not believe in the Trinity. This article struck a blow at Presby- terian Antrim which was just then divided over the doctrine of Christ's divinity, and weakened the non- conformist strength, although the act was con- sidered by Archbishop King "such a wide Tolera- tion as ... is not precedented in the whole Earth." King George pressed the measure vigor- ously and the clergy which had been transplanted 1 6 George I, Chapter 5, POLITICS AND KELIGION 65 from England helped to pass it through the Irish parliament. This concession did little to allay the fever for migration to America, which by 1728 aroused the fears of Archbishop Bonlter of Armagh, and occa- sioned a series of letters, chiefly of defence against the charge that excessive tythes rather than rents caused the exodus. Extracts from these letters fol- low, but it should be recalled that their author was not so much in sympathy with Ireland as was Arch- bishop King of Dublin. 1 Archbishop Boulter, writing to Lord Carteret from Dublin, March 8, 1728, says: "I do not doubt but some persons in the North may have been oppressed by the farmers of tythes. But I have at every visitation I have held had as great com- plaints from the clergy of the hardships put upon them by the people, in coming at their just dues, as the people can make of being any ways oppressed by the clergy or their tythe farmers, and I believe with as much reason. "As to the expensiveness of the Spiritual courts which they complain of, that will be very much avoided by the act passed last sessions for the more easy recovery of the tythes of small value. And 1 Relief from many of the penalties of Queen Anne's act came in 1737 (11 George II, Chapter 10), when Presbyterian marriages were declared legal, and in 1755, when dissenters were permitted to hold commissions in the militia. 66 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES indeed the gentlemen have, ever since I came hither, been putting it into the heads of their tenants, that it was not their rents, but the paying of the tythes that made them find it hard to live on their farms. And it is easy to see that this was a notion that would readily take with Scotch presbyterians. ' ' In a letter to the Bishop of London 1 the Archbishop contends that if the rent is doubled that implies that the value of the tythe is doubled ; so the archbishop throws the responsibility on the landlord. The growth of the country after the wars of 1688 un- doubtedly warranted somewhat higher rents. He continues: "It is not the tythe but the increased rent that undoes the farmer. And indeed in this country, where I fear the tenant hardly ever has more than one third of the profits he makes of his farm for his share and too often but a fourth or perhaps a fifth part, as the tenant's share is charged with the tythe, his case is no doubt hard, but it is plain from what side the hardship arises. . . . When they find they have 7 or 8 £ to pay, they run away: for the greatest part of the occupiers of the land here are so poor, that an extraordinary stroke of 8 or 10 £ [judgment] falling on them, is certain ruin to them." In a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, written from Dublin March 13, 1728, Boulter shows what efforts were made to better the conditions of the moment, 1 Boulter's Letters, Vol. 1, pp. 291-293, 297. POLITICS AND RELIGION 67 but he could scarcely have expected to upbuild the commercial well-being of Ireland, whatever influ- ence he might have had, without the enactment of new laws relating to religious and political equal- ity of dissenter and Episcopalian. He writes : "The humour of going to America still continues, and the scarcity of provisions certainly makes many quit us: there are now seven ships at Belfast that are carrying off about 1000 passengers thither : and if we knew how to stop them, as most of them can neither get victuals nor work at home, it would be cruel to do it: "We have sent for 2400 quarters of rye from Con- ingsbery; when they arrive which will probably be about the middle of May, we hope the price of things will fall considerably in the north, and we suppose they will mend pretty much when our sup- plies arrive from Munster." The Established Church in Ireland was fortunate in having several leaders during this period who were able administrators, and conscious of their duty toward Ireland. Archbishops King and Boul- ter showed by their correspondence a lively sense of the deplorable condition of the people, both spirit- ually and as to their worldly estate. They also strove to bring the clergy to a higher plane. In 1714 King remonstrated with Dr. Ashe, Bishop of Clogher, for his long years of absence from Ireland, on the ground that his conduct justified the reproach 68 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES of Mr. Boyse, the famous Presbyterian, that his bishopric was "only a pompons sinecure." 1 King himself gives some explanation of this unfortunate habit of the clergy when he says that there was little learning in Ireland and one could do no more than eat, drink and sleep. 2 The archbishop felt handicapped in trying to rival the Presbyterian influence in the North by the prac- tice of the rector who lived abroad, leaving his par- ish work to be done by a poorly paid curate. He writes : 1 ' The people of the North have a peculiar aversion to curates, & call them hirelings ; the difference in point of success amongst them is visible, between a grave resident minister that lives amongst his peo- ple, & spends part of what he receives from them in the place, & a poor curate that is not able to keep himself from contempt. . . . The people of the North do not grudge their tithes to the clergy, though they pay more than all the other provinces, because their landlords or the clergy must have them ; the first must spend them in London or Dub- lin, whereas the clergy spend them on the place. . . . But if the clergy live in Dublin, 'tis as good for the people landlords had the tithes. ... In short, the world begins to look on us as a parcel of men that have invented a trade for our easy and convenient livine:. ' ' 3 *A great archbishop of Dublin, William King (1906), p. 249. 2 King, p. 227. 8 King to the Bishop of Clogher, 1704. POLITICS AND EELIGION 69 In behalf of the clergy it must be said that they were more devoted than the landlords, and a fonrth or fifth of the resident justices were taken from the clerical ranks because no other men of education and standing were to be found in those communities, if we except the Presbyterian ministers who were barred by law from holding the office. Archbishop King was so devoted to Ireland that Boulter was chosen with a view to counteracting his influence. King was no less devoted to his church. He went from town to town in his " parish visita- tion, " exhorting his clergy to hold conferences with dissenters to bring them to conformity, making ad- dresses to the public which "seemed to flow from the occasion, rather than by design,' ' and obtaining results which seemed to him encouraging. 1 King, in his struggle with the Scotch in Ulster, wrote a very able book which caused a bitter contro- versy for a generation, covering the period before the migration of 1718. The book bore the title "A discourse concerning the Inventions of Men in the Worship of God," and attempted to prove that the Presbyterians, who prided themselves on their devo- tion to Scripture, worshipped in direct opposition to its mandates, and rarely read it in their meetings. When the book appeared in print they were, as he said, "irate and excited almost to fury." The Eev. Joseph Boyse of Dublin, a grandson of Matthew 'King, p. 35. 70 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES Boyse who lived for a time at Eowley in New Eng- land, and the Eev. Eobert Craighead, whose son migrated to New England and Pennsylvania, replied at great length. King had charged the Presbyterians with failure to attend public worship regularly, with neglect of the celebration of the Lord's Sup- per, and with being contented with scant instruc- tion in Christian principles. Boyse, as the ablest of several defenders of the dissenters, made the best attempt to refute these charges. The dissenters felt the weakness of their Bible training, but so many ministers had been admitted to preach with insuffi- cient education that it was difficult to raise the requirements. The proposition to have candidates for the ministry study the Psalter in Hebrew came before the Synod year after year and failed to pass. Finally Hebrew was deemed necessary, and in 1709 and 1710 the Synods voted that the Eev. Fulk White of Braid be paid £10 a year for teaching Hebrew. Candidates for the ministry were urged, also, to study the New Testament in the original Greek. Archbishop King by the publication of his book started a discussion which undoubtedly awakened the minds of the people, and must have done good. He said, "Our people, who before almost in silence endured the scoffings and continual disputations of the dissenters, their ears deafened with frequent arguments, and scornful attacks; neither in meet- ings, drinking parties, nor feasts, could they any- POLITICS AND RELIGION 71 where rest, but conquered and helpless, remained silent; now reviving as with new spirits, and in their turn attacking the adversaries." 1 It must be granted that the Established church, even with its endowments, had a difficult field for its labor. The Eoman Catholics dominated the lower provinces, and in Ulster the Scotch Presbyterians outnumbered the English Episcopalians, while together the Protestants scarcely exceeded the Roman Catholic population. The "estated gentle- men^ largely belonged to the Established church, and it was feared that their dissenting tenants, if granted privileges, would transfer their loyalty from landlord to dissenting minister. While the dominant class did not have the courage to be generous, it is not unfair to assume also that the Presbyterians were at times strangers to conciliation. In an address which came before the House of Lords at Dublin in 1711, relating to the "disturb- ance of the peace" at Drogheda by two Presbyteri- ans who wished to gather a church, the following charges are made: 1. Dissenters have refused to take apprentices that will not covenant to go to their meetings. 2. When in a* majority in Corporations they ex- cluded all not of their persuasion. 3. They oblige those of their Communion married by our Liturgy to do publick Penance. 1 King, p. 38, Quaedam. 72 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES 4. Episcopal order hath been stiled Anti-Scrip- tural; our worship called superstitious & idola- trous. 5. Ministers openly and violently assaulted. Al- though Episcopalians have endeavored, by gentle Usage, to melt them down into a more soft and com- plying temper. 6. They seek to enlarge their borders by misap- plying that Bounty of £1200 a year, extended to them for charitable purposes : — to the propagation of schism', to maintain agents, to support lawsuits against the church, to form seminaries to the poisoning of the prin- ciples of our youth, to set up synods and judicatories. The most unfortunate result, however, of a con- tentious spirit among Irish Presbyterians appeared when shades of belief became through violent de- bates among themselves the source of irreconcilable feuds, to be maintained with Scotch stubbornness. Presbyterianism, which should have been strong in Ulster, was by virtue of its Scotch origin deprived of its united force through the great theological schism of the time: in other words, through the ascendancy of what we should now call Unitarian- ism, or the growing disinclination of ministers to subscribe to the Westminster Confession. y "**«* A \A ^^ K /'( ' o o I— I oi £ a o ffl POLITICS AND BELIGION 75 The master mind of this time in Scottish theology was Professor Simson, who began his instruction in Divinity at Glasgow a century after the death of the Dutch theologian Arminius, that is in 1708. His liberal views were espoused by Professor Hamilton at Edinburgh, and by a leader in Ulster thought, the Eev. John Abernethy of Antrim in Ireland. Abernethy, a friend of Simson, founded the Belfast Society which rapidly gained prominence as the sup- porter of ministers in Ireland who would not sub- scribe to the Westminster Confession. In 1707 a minister in the Synod of Aberdeen had been sus- pended for asserting that virtue was more natural to man than vice. The opposition of Arminius to the doctrine that God had selected his chosen few for the Kingdom of Heaven, leaving by predestination the unfortunate and sinful majority of mankind to an eternity in hell, became the basis of the liberal movement under Simson and the younger clergy of western Scotland and Ulster. In their platform were many beliefs that have since then influenced all creeds : that man is naturally able through his own powers to seek saving grace ; that corruption which overcame the soul's purity was due to the body inherited from Adam ; that the wish for happiness should inspire Christian living ; that effective pun- ishment for sin must be eternal, but that infants would be saved, and even the heathen would be judged according to their opportunity for light. 76 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS And, most important of all, the elect would, it was hoped, outnumber the damned. 1 With these liberalizing theories went a change in preaching. Dogma became less important than con- duct, and the younger ministers turned to ethics and morality for their themes, drifting away from the homely exhortation to worship and follow Christ. The "non-subscribers" to the Westminster Con- fession were joined to the Presbytery of Antrim, and then in 1726 were made independent. In 1736, after years of bitter discord, the Assembly ruled that ministers insist on supernatural revelation, that they base their sermons on Gospel subjects and "let their hearers know that they must first be grafted into Christ as their root before their fruit can be savoury unto God." County Antrim was a theological bat- tle-ground during these opening years of the eight- eenth century when the doctrinal articles were by many abandoned. The theological disputes of the time left their im- press upon the emigrants to America. To them religion was a vital subject, for constant thought and frequent discussion. In New England this earn- est discussion grew into a spirit of discord which weakened the Presbyterian influence there. At the South the Presbyterians were of a milder temper, possibly because their greater numbers gave them less provocation to religious contention; possibly See Mathieson's Scotland and the Union, p. 224. POLITICS AND EELIGION 77 also because the milder English Presbyterianism had taken root early, and made itself felt even when the Scotch Irish had overrun the country. Their devotion to self-government made them the pioneers in the movement for political independ- ence. Eeferring to the Mecklenburg declaration a North Carolinian once said: "Och, aye, Tarn Polk declared independence lang before anybody else!" This Colonel "Tarn" or Thomas was the great uncle of President Polk. He was a leader among the Scotch Irish of North Carolina, and the opening paragraph of the "Declaration" which he read from the steps of the Court-house in Charlotte on a May afternoon in 1775 exhibits the courage of the race from Ireland. These are the opening words which he read : "Resolved, That whosoever directly or indirectly abetted, or in any way, form, or manner, counte- nanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country — to America — and to the inherent and inalienable rights of man. ' ' As the reading continued, and Colonel Polk's voice declared for a dissolution of the political bonds with the mother country, "that nation who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington," there was breathless silence followed by loud and long cheers. The Polks from Donegal were doing their part in America. 78 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS The Scotch Irish puzzled the traveller. Crevecceur 1 speaks of the varying ability and thrift shown by the settlers. He adds: "One would think on so small an island an Irishman must be an Irishman, yet it is not so; they are different in their aptitude to, and in their love of labour. ' ' If the Scotch Irish differed from the Irish they were not more like the Germans. The fundamental reason was a racial one, although the Scotch Irish selected slaty lands along the river banks where the soil is less productive than the lime-stone formations chosen by the Germans. 2 If we study the bio- graphical dictionary, however, to compare Scotch Irish civic achievement with German participation in public life, we shall find the slaty field obstructed by stumps a more productive nursery of statesmen than the well-cleared field of loam that delighted the German heart. 1 Letters from an American Farmer, N. Y. 1904, p. 83. 2 Faust's German element, 1909, Vol. 1, p. 132. See also B. Rush's Essays, 1798, pp. 224, 228. EEV. WILLIAM HOMES AND REV. THOMAS CRAIGHEAD The migration from the vicinity of Londonderry and from northern Tyrone to New England was mnch influenced by two Presbyterian ministers who had emigrated from Ireland a short time before, and were in sympathy with the Rev. Cotton Mather in his desire for the settlement of Protestant families from Ulster. William Homes, the first of these ministers, was born in the north of Ireland in 1663, of a family which had been of consequence there for several gen- erations. There was a Thomas Homes at Strabane, County Tyrone, in 1619; and at the time of which we write another Rev. William Homes, living at Urney, a few miles south of Strabane, was so well known that our William was called "the meek" to distinguish him. 1 He had a happy combination of gentleness and ability which made his career in the ministry less eventful than that of the second minister referred to above, the Rev. Thomas Craighead. The boy 1 William Homes, Junior, of Urney was ordained in 1696, and was probably a cousin. 80 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS Homes was carefully educated, and about 1686 lie came over to Martha's Vineyard where he obtained a position to teach school. His teaching was accept- able, and he was urged to remain there, but a desire to preach led him in July, 1691, to return to Ire- land. He was reported from Lagan meeting in 1692 as "on trial in order to ordination, 9 ' and having gone through his second trials he was ordained De- cember 21, 1692, as pastor of a church at Strabane Holy Hill House, Strabane, County Tyrone Standing when the Rev. William Homes preached at Strabane in the Presbytery of Convoy. Strabane was at the time a small village whose chief importance lay in its situation at the point where the Mourne and the Finn join to form the river Foyle. In the centre of the town there was a neat but plain market house, and farther down the road were two good gentle- HOMES AND CRAIGHEAD 81 men's country houses, facing each other. In this town he was to begin his labors. Mr. Homes received his degree of Master of Arts at the University of Edinburgh in 1693. Craighead had preceded him in 1691, and the names of several others of note later in America appeared on the college rolls soon after. From a copy of Mr. Homes 's diary, preserved by the New England His- toric Genealogical Society, many facts in regard to his family may be gleaned. William's father came from Donaghmore, county Donegal, a village a mile or more west of Castlefinn, and an hour's drive south west of Liiford on the road to Donegal and Ballyshannon. In the family lot there William's brother John, who was killed by lightning in 1692 in the parish of Raphoe, was buried; this John left five children, Margaret, John, Jolnot (?), Jane and Eebecca. Mary Ann, a sister of William, died in 1705. William married September 26, 1693, Kath- erine, daughter of the Rev. Robert Craighead, a venerable and distinguished minister of London- derry. 1 1 Their children as far as known were : Robert, born July 23, 1694, at Stragolan, County Fermanagh, sev- eral miles south of Omagh. He came to New England, and married Mary Franklin of Boston, April 3, 1716. She was a sister of Benjamin Franklin, the scientist and statesman. Robert was engaged for years as captain of a ship in trans- porting emigrants to America. Margaret, born February 28, 1695-96, at Strabane; married, 82 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS The Rev. William Homes and his brother-in-law the Rev. Thomas Craighead, with their families, ar- rived in Boston the first week in October, 1714, from Londonderry, on the ship "Thomas and Jane" of which Mr. William Wilson was then master. Homes brought four written testimonials, from the elders and overseers of his congregation at Strabane, from the Presbytery of Convoy, from the Synod, and from eight presbyterian ministers at Dublin, including the Rev. Joseph Boyse, a famous preacher and writer. The first testimonial was printed in the Bos- ton Gazette for August 26, 1746; of this issue no copy is known to exist. March 1, 1715-16, at Chilmark [Colonel] John Allen. She died April 26, 1778. William, born ; died February 18, 1699-1700. Katiierine, born March 20, 1698-99; baptized by the Rev. Thomas Craighead at Strabane; married, May 30 (?), 1721, at Chil- mark, Captain Samuel Smith. John, born July 30, 1700; baptized at Strabane by the Rev. Samuel Haliday of Ardstraw ; died October 14, 1732, at Chilmark. Jane, born August 30, 1701; baptized at Strabane by the Rev. Wil- liam Homes of Urney; married, July 1, 1725, Sylvanus Allen of Chilmark ; died December 17, 1763, at Chilmark. Agnes, born May 31, 1704; baptized by the Rev. Mr. Homes of Urney; married, December 14, 1725, Joshua Allen. Elizabeth, born September 15, 1705; married by the Rev. Mr. Prince, February 5, 1729-30, to James Hutchinson. Hannah, born January 31, 1708-09. Margery, born January 23, 1710-11 ; married, June 11, 1734, Ben- jamin Daggett. See also a memoir of Mrs. Sarah Tappan. HOMES AND CEAIGHEAD 83 The testimonial from Convoy was printed as part of the preface written by Joseph Sewall and Thomas Prince for Homes 's "The Good Government of Christian Families Becommended, ' ' a memorial vol- ume issued in 1747. It was signed by Francis Laird at Donaghmore 1 July 12, 1714. It will be seen that Homes came well recom- mended. He was of gentle spirit, although, some- thing of a leader, having served in Ireland as mod- erator of the general Synod of 1708 which met at Bel- fast with fifty-four ministers and forty ruling elders present. He was a student of administration. His work, entitled " Proposals of Some Things to be done in our administring Ecclesiastical Govern- ment^ (Boston, 1732) favored a council or presby- tery of churches to check the friction which became evident on several occasions among New England ministers and people. The Eev. John White of Gloucester replied two years later in "New Eng- land's Lamentations," contending that, excepting ruling elders and the "third way of communion,' ' the Congregationalists and Presbyterians stood on common ground. White held that no church in the whole consociation of churches would be so stub- born as to "sustain the dreadful sentence of non- communion." Nevertheless he felt secure in Con- gregational polity after reading the fifth chapter 1 Laird was succeeded there in 1744 by the Rev. Benjamin Homes. 84 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES of first Corinthians, where "the Brethren'' are ad- monished to come together and subject their sinning members to discipline. Samuel Sewall welcomed Mr. Homes upon his arrival, and showed him many marks of respect. In his diary on October 5, 1714, Sewall wrote: "I wait on the Lient. Gov r , visit Mr. William Homes, Mr. Thomas Craighead, Ministers, in order to know what was best to be done as to the ship 's coming up. Carried them a Bushel Turnips, cost me 5 s and a Cabbage cost half a Crown. Dined at the Castle, L l Gov r also invited Mr. Homes." On December 2d he records a gift of "an angel" (ten shillings) to Mr. Homes and Mr. Craighead, and in correspond- ence later he showed his good will. The pulpit at Chilmark in Martha's Vineyard be- ing vacant, Homes returned to the scene of his youthful labors. There he remained, faithful and honored, until his death June 27, 1746, in his eighty- fourth year. Mrs. Homes died April 10, 1754, in her eighty-second year. Thus were lost to the upbuild- ing of Ireland two worthy characters. Parker says 1 that a young man named Homes, son of a Presbyterian clergyman, first brought reports to the people in Ireland of opportunities in New England. This was probably Captain Robert Homes, son of the Rev. "William Homes ; he had an unusual opportunity for intercourse with his History of Londonderry, p. 34. HOMES AND CEAIGHEAD 85 father's former parishioners through his voyages to Ireland. In 1717 two men with names later signifi- cant in the Worcester and Falmouth settlements, called to see the minister at Chilmark; they were John McClellan and James Jameson. Three weeks later (November 24th) Mr. Homes writes in his diary: "This day I received several letters, one from Doctor Cotton Mather, one from severall gentlemen proprietors of lands at or near to Casco Bay, and one from son Eobert." The above quotation points strongly to a confer- ence held at Boston in November between Captain Eobert Homes, recently from Ireland and interested in transporting Scotch Irish families, the Eev. Cot- ton Mather, eager to see the frontiers defended by a God-fearing, hardy people, and the third party to the conference, the men who were attempting to plant settlements along the Kennebec. They must have talked over the project for a great migration (they all had written to the minister at Chilmark), and undoubtedly Captain Eobert Homes sent over letters and plans to friends at Strabane, Donagh- more, Donegal and Londonderry. Perhaps no one in Boston had so many relatives among the clergy in Ulster, and as a sea-captain he had a still fur- ther interest in the migration. Eobert himself sailed for Ireland April 13, 1718, and returned "full of passengers' ' about the middle of October. The Eev. Mr. Homes in his diary describes his 86 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS journey to Boston on this great occasion. He lodged with his son and preached twice, from Philemon i. 21, for the Rev. Cotton Mather at the North meet- ing honse, and from Proverbs xii. 26 for the Rev. John "Webb at the New North; neither text seems to have had any special significance. The Rev. William Homes had two prominent Donegal, County Donegal Home of the Rev. Thomas Craighead brothers-in-law, Robert and Thomas Craighead. The Rev. Robert Craighead studied divinity at Edin- burgh and Leyden and had a conspicuous career at Dublin from 1709 until 1738, when he died. In 1719, when the Presbyterian church in Ireland was in pro- longed debate over the deity of Christ and subscrip- tion to the Westminster Confession of Faith, he served as moderator of the Ulster Synod. The Rev. HOMES AND CEAIGHEAD 87 Thomas Craighead was educated in Scotland, but later entered upon his trials for the ministry as a probationer in the Presbytery of Strabane in 1698. He settled at Donegal. Here he remained until he removed with his brother-in-law Homes to America in 1714', being succeeded by the Eev. John Homes, who enjoyed a long pastorate at Donegal. 1 The Eev. Thomas Craighead had the unhappy gift of discord and he led a somewhat stormy life, al- though he was a fearless and a useful minister. For some time all went well at Freetown. Mr. Craig- head, when he settled there, had agreed to subsist on voluntary contributions from his flock. Probably his manner did not attract, and the support became gradually reduced until he was obliged to petition the General Court for a grant of money. They al- lowed ten pounds in June, 1718, for half a year's services. This was probably not the first grant of the kind to Mr. Craighead. In 1719 he brought his plight to the notice of the Justices of the Peace *By his wife, Margaret, Mr. Craighead had: Thomas, born in 1702; married Margaret, daughter of George Brown, merchant of Londonderry, Ireland. A farmer at White Clay Creek, Delaware. Andrew, died unmarried. Alexander, died in March, 1766 ; an eloquent minister who lived in Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina. John, of Cumberland County, Pennsylvania. Jane, married, October 23, 1725, the Rev. Adam Boyd, pastor of a church at the forks of the Brandywine. Their son edited the Cape Fear Mercury. 88 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS for Bristol County, and at a Court of General Ses- sions of the Peace the town was ordered to lay a rate for his support. Many refused to comply and were thrown into jail. A petition to the General Court asking to have the men liberated, the rate de- clared annulled and Craighead 's election as minister at Freetown void, was granted June 19, 1719. The unfortunate minister then petitioned for relief, hav- ing for four and a half years preached at Freetown, three of these years without pay, and being then deeply in debt. In December he was granted twenty pounds. 1 Among his enemies John Hathaway, a kinsman, was a conspicuous figure, and to him Cot- ton Mather addressed a stirring letter, as a last effort to restore peace. It was written July 21, 1719: "21 d Vml719 "You cannot be insensable that the minister whom ye glorious Lord hath graciously sent among you is a man of Excellent Spirit, and a great Blessing to your plantation. Mr. Craighead is a man of Sin- gular piety and Humility & meekness, & patience & self denial and industry in the work of God. All that are acquainted with him, have a precious esteem of him. And if he should be driven from you, it would be such a Damage [to] you, such a Ruine to your plantation, as ought not without Horror to be thought upon. Province Laws 1719-20, Chapters 43, 110. HOMES AND CRAIGHEAD 89 "But, we are given to understand, from some who are the spectators of what is done among you, That Mr. Hath way 's Coming unto a good, friendly & Christian Frame towards Mr. Craighead would much Contribute unto his Comfortable Coun- tenance Among you. We do therefore, Exceed- ingly importune you, to put away Evil Differences towards that faithful Servant of God. and Come unto such a frame, as, if you now felt the last Pangs of Death upon you (which Cannot be put off) you would chuse to dy withal. "It will be not a little for your own Eeputation with Godly & Worthy Men, that your disaffection for that Valuable man were laid aside And if once you come to sit lovingly together, the more you know him the more will you Love him." Craighead soon left Freetown, and in the spring of the year 1723 moved his family southward into "the Jerseys," as President Stiles of Yale makes record. He joined Newcastle presbytery January 28, 1724, and on the 22nd of the next month was installed minister of the church at White Clay Creek in Delaware. There Mr. Craighead preached elo- quently for seven years, enjoying frequent revivals and building new churches through his zeal. In 1733 he moved to Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, and joined Donegal presbytery September 3rd. He was pastor of the church at Pequea from October 31, 1733, to September, 1736. Changing his resi- 90 SCOTCH IBISH PIONEEES dence once more he settled at Hopewell in 1738, and preached nntil he died while pronouncing a bene- diction, in April, 1739; his last church was within the bounds of the present town of Newville, a few miles west of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. While serving in these pastorates he was known as " Father' ' Craighead, and attained a wide reputa- tion, rising soon to be moderator of the Synod. Craighead came of a distinguished family, and is the ancestor of many ministers in the southern states. Having relatives in Londonderry and Dub- lin he was able by correspondence to stir the spirit of migration. He stands as a link between New Eng- land and the colonies south of the Hudson. Many of the Scotch Irish went from the Kennebec settle- ments to happier surroundings in Pennsylvania. They left brothers and cousins throughout Massa- chusetts and New York. Their ties of sympathy, faith and blood, helped to bind the colonies together in 1775. Tidings of the fight at Lexington stirred North and South Carolina profoundly for there were kinships along the entire coast. VI ULSTER AND THE PRESBYTERIAN MINISTRY IN 1718 In the early years of the Colonies, that is, before 1718, an occasional party of emigrants went ont from Ireland in the ships which sailed to sonthern ports for tobacco and cotton. Through them the Car- olinas became in a few years familiar to the people of Ulster. New England on the other hand received scarcely any immigration before 1718, and there was very little intercourse, unless we except that of a theological and literary nature which existed between leaders of thought in Dublin and Boston. This was perhaps the chief reason which led to the appointment of an agent by the Banj^iallejf colo- nists. This agent, the Rev. William Boyd, was ordained at Macosquin in January, 1709-10. The Rev. Thomas Boyd, probably his father, was an Episco- pal clergyman at the neighboring town of Aghado- wey, and although deposed in 1661 for non-conform- ity, continued to preach there until his death in 1699, holding services also at Macosquin for the last ten years that he lived. When the Rev, William Boyd had fulfilled his 92 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES mission in Boston and was ready to return to Ma- cosquin, he preached a "return" sermon at the weekly lecture on the 19th of March, 1718-19. It was printed in 1719 with the title "God's way the Best way" (Jeremiah vi. 16). The introduction by the Rev. Increase Mather tells in rather quaint language so much of interest relating to Mr. Boyd and his mission to New England that it is given in part just as he wrote it: "It was not before the last Summer that he Arrived among us. He had his Education in the University of Edinburgh in Scot- land; and there commenc'd Master of Arts: and afterwards Read Divinity in the Famous Colledge and University in Glasgow 1 under the care of Mr. Widrow, then Professor of Divinity there. Has been Ordained a Minister of the Gospel, and Pastor of a Church at Macasky in Ireland. Many in that Kingdom having had thoughts of a remove to this part of the World, have considered him as a Person suitably qualify 'd to take a Voyage hither, and to make Enquiry what Encouragement or otherwise, they might expect in case they should engage in so weighty and hazardous an Undertaking, as that of Transporting themselves & Families over so vast an Ocean. The issue of this Affair has a great depend- ence on the Conduct of this Worthy Author. The ^mong the Fasti are William Boyd, 1709, and Adam Boyd, 1711. References to the. Boyds may be found in Miss Leavitt's The Blair Family (1900). PEESBYTEEIANS IN ULSTER 93 Lord direct him in it. Since his being in New-Eng- land (as well as afore that) by the Exemplary holi- ness of his Conversation, and the Eminency of his Ministerial Gifts, he has obtained a good Eeport amongst all Good Men. . . . "It is justly observed in the Sermon Emitted herewith, that Antiquity alone, is not a sufficient Jus- tification of any Practice ; Altho ' Truth is more An- cient than Error.' ' Cotton Mather with his unfailing kindness sent Mr. Boyd away with a generous letter of commenda- tion: ' l Boston, N. E. 20 d ii m 1719 "It is hereby Certified on Behalf of y e Eeverend M r . William Boyd That which he has Commenced among us, he has, as far as we Could know or learn Adorned Y e Doctrines of God o r Saviour, with un- blemished Conversation, and improved y e Charac- ter given him in y e recomendations which he brought hither from Ireland with him. And that his public Labours in y e ministry of the Gospel, have been De- sired and Accepted among the people of God in this Country: with whom he now leaves a very Good Name, & Eeputation, At his Departure from us. "Having furnished this O r worthy Brother with Such a Testimony, we earnestly Comend him to y 6 Conduct & Blessing of o r glorious Lord, in y e Voy- age that is now before him. ' n American Antiquarian Society Manuscripts, 94 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Before further reference is made to Mr. Boyd's subsequent career and the lives of his contempora- ries, something must be said of the Presbyterian church in Ulster, its organization, its work and its ministry, for the ministers were closely allied with the first plan to form a Scotch Irish colony in Amer- ica. The General Synod of the Presbyterian church ^# in Ulster was held usually in June of each year. The Synod of 1717 is especially interesting for its long and important sessions, in which Boyd, McGregor, Cornwall and others who were interested in America took part. Nine presbyteries were represented, Down, Belfast, Antrim, Tyrone, Armagh, Coleraine, Derry, Convoy, and Monaghan; one hundred churches sent their ministers and in most instances also a ruling elder. The aged David Cargill had come with the Eev. Mr. McGregor from Aghadowey ; they were both appointed by the Synod members of the Committee "on funds. " Matthew Clark and James Woodside were absent; Clark was ex- cused, but Mr. Woodside did not have so good a rea- son for absence and was not excused. The records of the Synod show among other ac- tivities an increasing interest in the Irish language, some ministers being able to read and others to preach in Irish. The Synod of Argyle also expressed a desire to aid Ulster in the conversion of the Irish, and there is mention of a Celtic catechism, ready to be printed. Of still greater importance, if Mr, PRESBYTERIANS IN ULSTER 95 McGregor was already thinking and speaking of re- moval to America, was his appointment to travel abont the counties of Londonderry, Antrim and Tyrone on a mission to convert the Celtic Irish. The Synod declined after much discussion to transfer the Rev. Robert Craighead, brother of the minister soon to be in Massachusetts, from Dublin to Londonderry. Many other cases of ministerial transfers were discussed, including the Rev. Mr. Cornwall's request to be relieved of his work at Augher (near Clogher) on account of ill-health, the distance of his house from the church, and the inabil- ity of the congregation to meet expenses. 2 A young man who wished to enter the ministry was examined by the Presbytery of Antrim which now reported to the Synod "that he hath neither a natural capacity nor learning any way equal to the work of the Ministry,' ' and was advised to lay aside his purpose. • There are also in the records many discussions of charities, assignments to preach, admonitions to thoughtless or possibly sinful brothers. Taking them all in all, the records of the Ulster Synod are 1 A second opportunity for the spread of the "fever" for emigra- tion was offered by the appointment of the Rev. Mr. Cornwall to preach in August before the new Presbytery of Augher, erected from parts of the counties of Monaghan and Tyrone. The next year four young men were presented by this Presbytery for their "second trials," and it was announced that they were "designed for America," 96 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS orderly, concise, and sane — a monument to a century and more of religious work in Ireland. They con- vince the reader that a man privileged to take part in the meetings of his congregation, of his presby- tery, or of the General Synod had an opportunity to fit himself for self-government. Indeed, the com- mittee work and the exercise in speaking which these assemblies offered prepared the leading Presby- terian laymen in Ulster to participate in county and town affairs in America on equal terms with their neighbors. The Scotch Irish, from minister to la- borer, were bred in an atmosphere of self-reliance, and they carried this force with them to the New World. The emigrants of the year 1718 came largely from the Bann Valley. The Valley's chief town, Cole- raine, still gloried in its buildings of the Elizabethan period, grouped along a good road leading to the square (now called the Diamond), and onward to the bridge across the Bann water. John Barrow, a- traveller of a later date, writes : ' ' Standing on this bridge, the spectator has a fine view of the Bann on both sides of it; that to the northward embraces, among a number of decent- looking villas or farm-houses, a very pretty man- sion and grounds on the left bank, close to the sub- urb, called, from the owner I imagine, Jackson Hall ; and the view in the contrary direction, or up the river, exhibits many neat villas, well planted with 53 ** O tf rt ^ w o < J3 ij H a > w W H AGHADOWEY'S SESSION BOOK 125 William Anderson Eobert Alison John Gillmore Nealy Cahan Jean Kearns Margaret Miller S. D. 6 3-0 1-0 1-0 8 8 10-6 To raise the money needed for these benefactions required collectors for each quarter, ' l North, South, East and West." Those appointed were Kennedy, Cargill, Miller, Archbold, Nickel, Dunlap, Henry, William Wallace and Eobert Hunter. At the Session held December 19, 1715, the follow- ing grants were recorded : Silvanus Brooks 1-6 Marth M c Levenny 1-0 Eliz Murch 11 1-0 George M c Farland 1-0 Jen* M c Elchiner 1-0 Will. Bouie 1-6 Jas. Gilmor 8 Hugh Millar 1-0 Isab. Porter 1-6 Alice Higins 8 Hellen Gilmor 1-0 126 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS The records which cover the period of Mr. Mc- Gregor's ministry throw many side lights on social life. Complaint was made that Captain Hngh Blair, who moved into town in 1703-4, did not present a certificate of his membership elsewhere. He came to occupy, perhaps, the famons Aghadowey or Blair's House which stood near the church. Dr. Hugh S. Morrison, in a letter dated December 25, 1909, speaks of a visit to this house the day before, of its modern stone finish with bow windows, and its walls in parts six feet thick, showing marks of port holes which have been filled up. In the garret are two large chests or ' l arks, ' ' lined with tin, and bound with primitive wrought iron bands and hinges. Here meal was stored, perhaps for the defenders of Derry. Lapses from the standards imposed by social life are the source of many entries in the records. In 1702-3 Mary Clark was ordered to appear publicly before the Congregation to confess her too free con- duct with James Cochran, a soldier in the year 1689. At the twenty-fourth session, in 1704, the old adage "the better the day the better the deed" seems to have been disregarded: "It haveing been evident to this session that John Boyd did Joyn in company wt David Lawson to bring away Mr Wil- liam Hustown's daughter unknown to her parrents upon the sabath day in order to be Maryed to the said Lawson & being very Active in this Affair upon the sabath day, this being a general offence to this AGHADOWEY'S SESSION BOOK 127 session and to all good people, this session apoints Hugh Hendry to cite John Boyd to our next session, the foresd Lawson not receeding in this congrega- tion we cannot cite him." During the spring of the year 1715 Hugh Mont- gomery, the same Hugh who came to New England, was paying his court to Miss Jane Cargill, whose sis- ters, Mrs. McGregor of Aghadowey, Mrs. Gregg of Macosquin, and Mrs. McKeen of Ballymoney (as- suming that they all were married at this time) formed an influential family circle. Perhaps Hugh found some difficulty in getting within this circle. At any rate, he and Miss Jane got beyond the circle's outer bound and found themselves in far off Bally- mena. There they were married on the 22d of May, not by a minister but by the faith's arch enemy Eobert Donald, "curate of Bellymenoch. ,, All of which is sworn to by John Freeland and William Hodge, as if Mr. Donald's certificate was not evi- dence enough. The records state that Hugh "ac- knowledgth the disorder of his marriage & profess- eth his sorrow for it," glad we may be sure that this confession was permitted to be made before the Ses- sion instead of to the Congregation. Others mentioned the same year were Thomas Turner and Marion Hunter, and also Hugh Tor- rence. Mr. McGregor's last appearance at a Session was on April 11, 1718. The next meeting was held April 128 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Residence of Db. Hugh S. Morrison at Aghadowey, Ireland 29, 1719, when the business referred altogether to settlement of the accounts of the Congregation, showing a balance of Is. Od. remaining in David Millar's hands. "This is in his hand when all the Accounts are settled since our Minist. Left us as wittnes Mat Clerk.' ' The village street in Aghadowey is now called Ardreagh. Near it there is a tall chimney of a bleaching green. The thatched cottages along the road were built between 1690 and 1700, yet they are AGHADOWEY'S SESSION BOOK 129 tidy and comfortable, and are still occupied by the heirs of the Scotch Irish who did not cross the At- lantic. There are in Aghadowey several country mansions, including the residence of Dr. Hugh S. Lizard Manor, Aghadowey Home of Charles E. S. Stronge, Esq., J. P., D. L. (From a photograph by Miss Stronge) Morrison, near Two Bridges, and the seat of Charles E. S. Stronge, Esq., known as Lizard Manor, once the Manor House of the Worshipful Company of Ironmongers, of London. VIII THE AEEIVAL OF "FIVE SHIPS' ' IN AUGUST, 1718 It would not be difficult to picture to ourselves the excitement produced by the preparations of those who contemplated removing to America. Families were closely allied in Ulster, and the affairs of each one interested a wide circle. The itinerant weaver brought from Dublin tales of the New World, more or less accurate accounts of the life across the At- lantic, derived from ship captains, or even from American students at the University there. The frequent assignment of ministers for temporary service in other parishes than their own was a means of carrying the news. A few years after Boyd set forth Archbishop Boulter said that the desire for emigration had gone through Ulster like a fever; and we may well believe that letters from Cotton Mather, William Homes and Thomas Craighead had great influence. There was much to be done by a family before removal. A supply of food, clothing and bedding was necessary; and the house-hold goods had to be packed for the long voyage. The land, the farm ani- mals and the heavier tools must be sold. These were ARRIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 181 busy days, and the partings must have been hard for all, nnless friends hoped to follow soon. In leav- ing their Churches the emigrants did not fail to pro- cure testimonials of good standing to be used in forming fresh religious ties in New England. We find mention of these testimonials at Rutland, at Needham, Middleboro and elsewhere, but rarely the actual text. That brought over by William Cald- well, one of the defenders of Londonderry, was lost only a few years ago. It was written on parchment the size of a half sheet of note paper i 1 "The bearer, William Caldwell, his wife Sarah Morrison, with his children, being designed to go to New England in America — These are therefore to testifie they leave us without scandal, lived with us soberly and inoffensively, and may be admitted to Church priviledges. Given at Dunboe Aprile 9, 1718, by Jas. Woodside, Jr. Minister." 2 Parker, in his History of Londonderry, says that the pioneers ' ' embarked in five ships for Boston, and arrived there August 4, 1718.' ' This statement has been repeated wherever the Scotch Irish have been mentioned, but with no added information since Parker 's day. In one place only can the names of the ships be found, and it is not a little strange that no student of the subject up to this time has had the 1 Mr. Edmund M. Barton obtained these facts from Mrs. Charles E. Stevens, daughter of Seth Caldwell of Barre. 2 Barre Anniversary, 1874, p. 205. The "Jr." is omitted here- after. 132 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS curiosity to bring these names to light. They are to many thousands of people as important as the May- flower and the Speedwell are to those of pilgrim descent. Only one newspaper was being issued in North America in 1718, and of the files for July, August and September but one copy of each issue is known to exist. At the rooms of the Massachusetts Historical Society I examined these papers, and here print every known detail regarding arrivals from Ireland at the port of Boston for these three months. It is our phenomenal good fortune that at this precise moment a gentleman in Boston was watch- ing each ship as it discharged its passengers, and was writing his impressions to Governor Winthrop of Connecticut. The Scotch Irish had no "William Bradford nor John Winthrop to chronicle their transplanting, but the Boston News-Letter and Thomas Lechmere's letters give us a not unworthy picture of the arrival nearly two centuries ago. To these sources let us add the diary of Cotton Mather, the patron of the "poor Scotch.' ' The News-Letter for July 21-28 mentions the arrival from Ireland of the ship "William and Mary," James Montgomery, master; the issue for August 25-September 1 states that she had cleared for Dublin. The "William and Mary" brought over the Rev. William Boyd of Macosquin, the leader of the move- ABEIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 133 ment ; and Cotton Mather writes July 25th : " A min- ister arrived from Ireland, w th Instructions to en- quire after ye circumstances of this countrey 1 in order to ye coming of many more, gives me an oppor- tunity for many services.' ' The next day Mather says : "The many Families arriving from Ireland, will afford me many opportunities, for kindness to ye Indigent." Mather here uses "arriving" to mean "about to arrive,' ' having found through conversa- tion with Mr. Boyd that many settlers were on their way from Ireland. The first of the Scotch-Irish emigrant ships is re- ferred to in the News-Letter of July 28-August 4 as from Londonderry, John Wilson, master, but the ship's name is not given. She probably came in on the 28th, for Lechmere, having been instructed by his brother-in-law Winthrop to find a suitable miller among incoming passengers, wrote on the 28th at "Eleven of ye Clock at night": "Shipps are come- ing in hourly, but no news ; Irish f amilys enough ; above 200 souls are come in allready, & many now hourly expected ; so that I wish you were here ; they are none to be sold, have all paid their passages sterl s in Ireland; they come upon some encourage- ment to settle upon some unimproved Lands, upon what other Towns I know not. "... 1 This seems to disprove the theory referred to by Professor Perry that Boyd "stayed the summer in Boston." 134 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS Tlie next issue of the News-Letter seems to refer to this arrival in the following advertisement : ' ' Sun- dry Boys times for Years by Indentures, young Women and Girls by the Year, portable Linnen, Woolen and Beef to be disposed of by Mr. William Wilson at his Warehouse in Merchants Row, Bos- ton." It may seem difficult to harmonize the varying views of Mather and Lechmere as to the standing of these emigrants, but Lechmere was interested in the better class, men with trades who had left remuner- ative occupations to come to New England, and they of course paid their passage-money before their arrival here. In the same ships came kinsmen who had no property and could cross the ocean only by agreeing to work out their passage-money. The passengers of this kind probably became the Worces- ter Colony. And with them were a few ignorant adventurers who came over as indentured servants to try their fortunes ; in these Mather as a minister felt a kindly interest. But there is evidence that in several of the ships of July and August there were many prosperous, religious families from the coun- ties of Londonderry and Antrim, influenced to mi- grate by Boyd, McGregor, McKeen, Gregg and other leaders. The second emigrant ship reached Boston on the 4th of August, the traditional date of arrival among the descendants of the settlers of the New Hamp- AERIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 135 shire Londonderry. The vessel is referred to in the News-Letter of August 4-11 as the brigantine " Rob- ert,' ' James Ferguson, master, "from Glasgow and Belfast in Ireland. ' ' The same day Lechmere, writ- ing to Winthrop for himself and his wife Ann, says : "I have this day according [to] yo r directions made Enquiry after a miller, & a Vessel comeing in this day from Scottland, I find there is a young fellow of about 24 years of age. . . . This day are likewise Severall Vessells come in from all Parts, but no News ; I am of Opinion all the north of Irland will be over here in a little time, here being another Ves- sell y* is a Third, with Irish familys come in, & 5 more, as they say, expected, & if their report be true, as I this day heard, if the Encouragem" given to these be liked at Irland ; 20 ministers with their con- gregations in generall will come over in Spring; I wish their comeing so over do not prove f atall in the End." Lechmere 's letter settles the point that the ship which arrived about the 25th with Mr. Boyd did not bring Scotch emigrants. We have then: July 28th! , John Wilson, from London- derry. August 4th. Robert, James Ferguson, from Glas- gow and Belfast. August 4th. William, Archibald Hunter, from Coleraine. The third Scotch Irish emigrant ship, the "Wil- liam, ' ' set sail from Coleraine, the heart of the dis- 136 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS trict from which most of the early settlers came. The News-Letter of August 4r-ll mentions the ship " William,' ' Archibald Hunter, from Coleraine; she cleared for Ireland the last week in August. Lech- mere refers to her as the third ship with Irish fam- ilies that had arrived, and states that she and the " Robert" entered on the same day. Cotton Mather's dream of a great migration from Protestant Ireland was coming true. On the 7th of August he writes : "But what shall be done for the great Numbers of people, that are transporting themselves thither from ye North of Ireland : — Much may be done for ye Kingdom of God in these parts of ye world, by this Transportation. " A month later, September 13th, he says: "Among ye Fam- ilies arrived from Ireland, I find many & wondrous objects for my compassions. Among other meth- ods of helping ym, I would enclose a sum of money w th a Nameless Letter, unto one of their ministers to be distributed among ym." Although these emigrants were viewed with dis- trust by most New Englanders, the two chief figures in Boston at this time, Mather and fiflirmel jj jewall, showed their ministers marked courtesy. On the 9th of August, Sewall writes in his diary that at seven "Mr. Macgregor and Mr. Boyd dine with me and my Son J. S. and James Clark. Gave the Scots Ministers each of them one of my Proposals.' ' Meanwhile Winthrop wrote from Connecticut that The Winthkop Mill at New London AEEIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 139 the miller whom Lechmere had selected was too ex- pensive and hinted that his brother-in-law had been overreached. Lechmere was an improvident aristo- crat, brother to Lord Lechmere, and Winthrop had reason at this time and later on to question the judg- ment of this husband of his sister. Lechmere replied rather hotly, and his estimate of the Scotch Irish, while not entirely reliable under these circumstances, is worthy of record. The letter is dated at Boston August 11, 1718, and reads: "As to y e Miller, the price is really as you are informed & whoever tells you that Servants are cheaper now then they were, it is a very gross mistake, & give me leave to tell you your Informer has given you a very wrong information about y e cheapness thereof, for never were they dearer then now, there being such demand for them, & likewise pray tell him he is much out of the way to think that these Irish are Servants, they are generally men of Estates, & are come over hither for no other reason but upon Encouragement sent from hence upon notice given y m they should have so many acres of Land given them gratis to settle our frrontiers as a barrier against y e Indians ; therefore y e notion given you hereof is absolutely groundless ; the price of the Miller as proposed was 20£ & did not think of selling his time under sd sum, but since I wrote you he tells me would not stand with me for 20 or 30 £ — thinking I should pay him ready money for him. It is now too late to think any thing farther 140 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS of him. Many inquireing after him, & lie was kept for yo r answer, which I think is somewhat darke, but lett that be what it will, could I advance so much bank stock, w h is very low, I should still endeav r to gett him, & so it being out of my power I must wholly desist from any such thought. I know yo r necessity is such I would willingly do anything for y r interest was I capable. . . . Yo r Very Affect 6 Bro & Serv* Tho s Lechmere I should be glad you would send my Gunn down by some body or other. These confounded Irish will eat us all up provisions being most extravagantly dear & scarce of all sorts.' ' The News-Letter which notices the arrival of the ship "William" mentions also the ship "Mary Anne," Andrew Watt, master, from Dublin; she cleared about a fortnight later for Great Britain. 1 It is doubtful if the "Mary Anne" brought any Scotch Protestants from Dublin as part of the Bann Valley company. But the emigrants on the other ships beheld what must have been an unprecedented x The same issue of the News-Letter has this advertisement: "Newly Imported and to he disposed of at reasonable Rates by Messieurs Tho Steel and Geo Bethune, at their Warehouse in Merchants Row, Boston, sundry European Goods, viz Iron, Cord- age, Broadcloths, Stuffs, Linnens and Madera Wines: Also Servants bound by Indenture, some four and some for five Years to be seen on board the 'Mary Anne' Andrew Watt Commander now at Anchor near the end of the Long Wharff, Boston." AEEIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 141 sight in Boston harbor, five ships from Ireland lying at anchor at the same time, the " William and Mary," the ship of the unknown name, the "Rob- ert," the ' 'William' ' and the "Mary Anne." This doubtless made a deep and lasting impression upon minds alert to every new sight and thought as the emigrants were borne slowly up the beautiful bay. A month later a second ship from Dublin, the "Dolphin," John Mackay, master, came in. The News-Letter which notices her arrival has this to say of her cargo : "Just arrived the Pink 'Dolphin' John Mackay, Master, with Servants, Boys, Tradesmen, Husband- men, and Maids, to be disposed of by Mr John Walker, at his Warehouse at the lower end of Wood- mansy WharfT in Merchants Row, or at Mr Benja- min Walker's House over against the Town House, Boston." There were few if any Scotch Irish on the "Dol- phin," but on the first of September a fourth emi- grant ship arrived, the "Maccallum," James Law, master, from Londonderry. Lechmere states that she brought "20 odd familys," and among the pas- sengers was probably a Scotch schoolmaster to whom Mather refers September 6th as here from Ireland and wanting employment. From Lech- mere's letter it may be questioned whether the com- pany on the "Maccallum" was closely allied with those on the ships from Belfast and Coleraine. He 142 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES writes: "This day a Ship arrived from Irland w th 20 odd f amilys ; they were first bound for N London bnt haveing a long Passage the M rs perswaded y m to putt in here, so the poor Creatures are left in y e Lurch. ' ' From the statement that their destination was not that of the other emigrants although they must have embarked at about the same time, it would seem that they had other plans in view, and had not come under the immediate influence of Boyd and McGregor. This company probably came with the Eev. James Woodside of Garvagh, in the Bann Val- ley. The bargaining which went on for a week between Captain Law of the "Maccallum" and Captain Rob- ert Temple, later a famous colonizer in Maine, came to naught. Temple could not persuade Law and his company to continue their voyage to Connecti- cut, and on the eighth of September the "Maccal- lum" sailed out of Boston harbor, for the territory owned by the Gentlemen Proprietors of Eastern Lands, at the mouth of the Kennebec River. Law then perhaps satisfied his desire to take on a load of staves at or near Kittery on the Piscataqua and returned to Boston by October 7th, when he ap- peared in court to give surety for several of his passengers. He cleared for Londonderry the first week in December, 1718. Lechmere's letter describing the affair is so good an account of the trials of the bewildered and nearly AEEIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 143 helpless emigrants that I continue the quotation begun above: . . . " Pray if any thereof should still have any inclination to come yo r way to settle in Connecticut, I should be glad. You would aggree to their Settling about Tantiusques, w h in my Opin- ion is y e best place, & M r . Temple is doeing what he can still to perswade y e M r . to proceed for y r place, he intends to load Bolts & Staves home for Ireland & when I saw him among other talke I assured him he might load cheaper w th you then at Piscataqua ; how sd M r . Temple will worke on him I know not. Y e method they go in w th y e Irish is they sell y m so many Acres of Land for 12 d y e acre & allow y m time to pay j l in. I know Land is more Valuable w th you, & therefore I am afraid 'twill be y e more difficult to aggree with y m . Y e only thing I can think off is y r Quantity you allow y m must be the less, you are the best judge so I leave it wholly to you, tho at same time should be glad of yr Thought thereof, & assure you y u in my opinion it would be greatly for yr Interest.' ' Lechmere's next letter shows Temple working to induce the company to settle at Merrymeeting Bay at the mouth of the Androscoggin. In this he was successful, and it is possible that the experience first turned his mind seriously to the transportation of Ulstermen to these Eastern lands. During the next two years several ships came over under his man- agement with settlers for the Kennebec. The letter follows : 144 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS "Boston Sepf 8 th 1718. "As to y* Irish, I have acquainted Mr. Temple with what yon write, he seeni's not willing they should take up w th y" proposall you mention ; y* Gent. Pro- priety of ye Eastern Lands hearing, I was talkeing with y m about Settling some of them have (as I hear) made new proposalls to them wherupon they have resolved with sd Mr Temple to visitt said Lands whither they are bound this afternoon; what they will conclude on I know not." The deposition of David Dunning of Brunswick 1 in 1767 states that "on or about the year 1718 he came first to Boston in the same vessel with Andrew McFadden and wife (now a widow) ; soon after we came in the same vessel down together to the east- ern country, and I have lived in Brunswick ever since 1718." Jane McFadden stated that they moved down to the Kennebec Biver and up Merrymeeting Bay to a place called Cathance (now Bowdoinham). Here we seem to trace the company which came over in the ' ' Maccallum ; ' ' if the inference is correct this company left a record on Cyprian Southack's map of 1720 as "the Irish new settlement." McFadden came from Garvagh in the Bann Valley, and was probably of the Rev. James Woodside's company. We should expect all emigrants from the Bann to be followers of the Rev. TVilliam Bovd. who had 1 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 39, p. 184. ARRIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 145 come out to Governor Shute as their accredited agent, but it is possible that Boyd and Woodside were not in sympathy, since Woodside 's company intended to settle in New London — a town never mentioned by Boyd or McGregor. 1 The News-Letter for September 22-29, 1718, prints a report that a vessel had arrived at Casco Bay from Ireland, with several passengers on board, and a minister. This report refers no doubt to this company which sailed out of Boston harbor on Sep- tember 8th. The followers of McGregor and James McKeen, also from the Bann Valley, must have sailed later in the season, for their ship upon arriving at Casco Bay was frozen in. Major Samuel Gregg in his rem- iniscences says that his grandfather James Gregg, a bleacher of linen cloth, in the Rev. Mr. Boyd's parish of Macosquin, near Coleraine, landed at Bos- ton August 4th "with several other passengers that came in other ships. The ship that they [Gregg's immediate neighbors] came in as passengers went down East and spent the winter at Casco which is now called Portland.' ' This incident is so well established in the tradi- tional history of the Londonderry Scotch-Irish — it accords so well with the known facts — that we may accept the statement that Gregg and his friends who 1 It is just possible that Lechmere was misinformed and that the 'Maccallum" never intended to go to New London. 146 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES went to Casco Bay sailed in the ship in which they had crossed the ocean. These men under the imme- diate leadership of the Eev. James McGregor came from Coleraine and neighboring towns in the Bann ^Valley, and the next spring (1719) they founded Nutfield, now Londonderry, New Hampshire. It would seem to be a reasonable assumption that the Nutfield colony, including the few who remained at Casco Bay, had crossed the sea on the ship "Wil- liam," which left Coleraine in April or May, or on the brigantine "Bobert" from Belfast, a more at- tractive port of departure, or in both ships. The "William" is reported as "cleared" in the News- Letter for August 25-September 1 and as "outward bound" September 15-22. She seems to have re- turned to Ireland. Ferguson, captain of the "Bobert," was in town October 7th to attend court; and this suggests that he may have lain in the outer harbor during the time intervening between his clearing from Boston and his attendance at court. With him on the voyage from Ireland came John Armstrong, his wife and five children, who were unable to convince the au- thorities in Boston that they were self-supporting. Captain Ferguson was ordered before the Court of General Sessions of the Peace to answer "for bring- ing in his vessell and landing in this Town John Armstrong, his wife and five children who cannot give Security to Indemnify the Town as the Law k. k p. H|;' 1 > v v m \. AEEIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 149 requires." Ferguson's explanation that three of the children were servants by indenture did not en- tirely satisfy the Court, and it was " Ordered that the s d fferguson carry the s d Armstrong wife & two youngest Children out of the Province or Indemnify the Town." Finally the Captain and William Wil- son, at whose wharf they probably landed, became sureties in £100 each that the Armstrong family, would not come back upon the town for support. 1 If this is the same John Armstrong who later in the year heads a petition from the Scotch Irish set- tlers at Falmouth, this is very good evidence that he, who certainly came over from Belfast in the brigantine "Bobert," soon after went in her to Casco Bay with the little company from the Bann Valley. On the whole this seems probable, and it would follow that the Eev. James McGregor and his well-to-do connection, the Greggs, McKeens and others who according to Major Gregg crossed the ocean in the ship which afterward carried them to Casco Bay, journeyed a few miles to Belfast to take passage in the "Bobert," while the families in more moderate condition, with the heavier freight, came down the Bann from Coleraine in the larger ship, the "William." We get some impression of the appearance of these ships from the view of Boston drawn by Wil- 1 Records Court of General Sessions of the Peace, Suffolk County, October 7, 1718. 150 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS liam Burgis in 1722 and commonly called Price's View. Lying off Boston are many forms of craft, some at anchor and others bending to a good breeze. In the foreground are two stately vessels, one like the " William,' ' a ship with full body, a blunt bow and high stern, three masts and a wealth of rigging ; A Brigantine of 1718 another like the * ' Robert, ' ' with more rounding bow and stern, a foremast square rigged like those of the ship, but with the main mast fore-and-aft rigged like a sloop. The "Robert" we think of as a herma- phrodite brig, but the English sailor of old would have called her a brigantine, as she was classed by the News-Letter. It requires some effort to realize that a great part ARRIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 151 of our population owes its place on this side the Atlantic to the slow, clumsy but rather impressive ships of the types to be seen in the drawing by Bur- gis. Nor do we easily comprehend the weariness of the voyage or even its hazard. The Pirate and the God of Storms shared an annual harvest of lives and fortunes. Let us take two incidents in a single year. The ship "Friends Goodwill" left Larne on the coast of Antrim about the first of May in the year 1717. Meeting constant head winds the ship made very poor progress, and food ran so low that the fifty-two persons on board came to want. Cap- tain Gooding or Goodwin fortunately fell in with another vessel and obtained provisions. Continual bad weather brought further delay, and hunger again threatened. Short allowance of water, bread, and meat brought only a temporary reprieve from starvation, and the crew soon were set to catching dolphins and sharks which a "good Providence" placed in their path. Eains came and the water was gathered from the decks to quench the thirst. When May, June and July, months of constant anxiety, had passed August brought so great a storm that the ship lay like a thing deserted, her decks awash, her sailors weak and exhausted. With September the sun shone, but their hunger increased, and in des- peration they began to speak of drawing lots to de- cide whom should be eaten first. The Captain how- ever now held out hope of land and about the sec- 152 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS ond week of September the "Friends Goodwill" crept up Boston harbor with only one of her com- pany dead. 1 A pirate conld hardly do greater damage. Cap- tain Codd who came into Philadelphia from Dublin in October with one hundred and fifty passengers, many of them servants, reported having been taken off the Capes by Teach of "the Pirate sloop Revenge of 12 Guns and 150 men. ' ' Teach took two snows ; from one he threw overboard a great load of staves and crowded her with the passengers and crews of subsequent captures ; from the other he cast a load of grain and turned her into a pirate ship. Out of a sloop bound from Madeira Teach took twenty-seven pipes of wine, cut down her masts, and left her to drift. From another he took two casks and sank her. Other captures were made before Codd was per- mitted to complete his voyage. During this enforced delay the victims saw much of Captain Bennet who had relinquished the command of the " Revenge' ' to Teach on account of his slow recovery from wounds received in a recent fight with a Spanish Man of War. Bennet took a walk in his "morning gown" after each day's breakfast, and then devoted his time to study, surrounded by his books, of which he had a good library on board. The pirate, with his 1 News-Letter, September 9-16, 1717; November 25-December 2. The New England Weekly Journal, November 10, 1729, describes another voyage of even greater hardships. AEEIVAL OF FIVE SHIPS 153 guns and his books, was more than the average mer- chantman could hope to resist. He added terror to the long voyage of the emigrant from Ireland. 1 1 News-Letter, November 4-11, 1717.^ The researches made by Mr. Edwin M. Bacon and Mr. John H. Edmonds have very gen- erously been placed at my disposal in preparing this chapter. IX THE WINTER OF 1718-19 IN BOSTON In July and August, 1718, from five to seven hun- dred Protestant immigrants from Ireland entered the port of Boston. Several followers of the Rev. Mr. McGregor set out early in the autumn for And- over where they spent the winter. Others as we have seen went to Casco Bay and the Kennebec River. Family ties no doubt drew some into the neighbor- ing towns, although all trace of these influences have been lost. Among the early emigrants who came probably from the north of Ireland many were scattered through towns not known thereafter as distinctly Scotch Irish settlements. Where we find one family others are almost certainly to be found, disguised it may be by an English name. The following names are given as an indication of the wide distribution of the emigrants. Some families are merely known to be Scotch, others are Presbyterians who brought their babies to the Rev. Mr. Moorhead in Boston for baptism, while in still other instances the home town in Ireland has been or can be found by reference to THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 155 the local church records. 1 James Long was in Charlestown, John Tom in Cambridge, Thomas Karr or Carr, John Pike, James Lindsay, James Taggart and John Brownlie in Roxbury, Robert Burns and James Aull in Medford, James Moor in Chelsea, Jeremiah Smith and John Longhead in Milton, Archibald Thompson and Thomas Henry in Bridgewater, and John Kennedy, with Abraham Hunter, at Braintree. At Concord lived Samuel Henderson; Robert Wilson was at Maiden, Alex- ander Smith at Billerica, Thomas Little, Charles Richards, John Moor and James Gordon at Shirley, Daniel Ritter and Thomas Harkness at Lunenburg, Thomas Bogle at Sudbury, John McClure at Woburn and James Wilson at Lexington. Dugall McCombs was at Western, John McAllister at Westboro, Da- vid McClure at Brookfield, Andrew McElwain at Bolton, James Cargill at Mendon, Walter Beath at Lunenburg and at Boothbay in Maine, William Le- man at Wiscasset, and Mrs. James at Annapolis. John Nichols lived at Freetown, John Wood and James Henry at Providence, and Archibald Mac- Kaye at Pomfret in Connecticut. With James Glasford at Leicester was Matthew Watson who came from Coleraine in Ireland. James Smith of Needham brought a letter from the church X I am indebted to my sons Stanwood and Geoffrey for many references to Scotch Irish in country towns. 156 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES in Ballykelly. At Middleboro 1 was William Stro- bridge or Strawbridge, from Donagh (also called Cardonagh), Donegal, where the Eev. Thomas Strawbridge was minister from 1721 to 1762. At Lancaster there was a group of immigrants, Eobert and Elizabeth Bratten from the chnrch at Termont (or Clougherny), Tyrone, Eobert Waite from Agha- dowey, Jane Macmnllin from Dawsonbridge (Castle- dawson), William and Ellinor White from Dun- boe, Margaret Stuart from Bovedy, all in Connty Derry, as well as Alexander Scott and his wife "from Ireland.' ' At Dracut was Thomas Holmes from Coleraine, with a brother John at Boston. On the other hand an occasional voyager drifted back to Boston, perhaps forced from town to town lest he become a charge npon the rates. Thomas Crook came in the "Three Anns and Mary," Cap- tain Eichards, master, to Casco Bay, and from there was carried in a fishing sloop to Salem "where he, being sick, was turned out of Doors from House to House, till at length he got so far as Lyn, being then in a perishing condition & could proceed no further by reason of his Legs being dropsical, that at Lyn he was put under the Care & Direction of Dr. Brom- stead. ,,2 1 In Middleboro there may have heen several Scotch Irish set- tlers: James Nealson, John McCully, William McFall, Thomas Pickens, John Montgomery, and an earlier Scotch or Scotch Irish- man Alexander Canedy. (Weston's Middleboro, p. 434.) 3 Massachusetts Resolves, 1719-20, Chapter 21. THE SCOTCH IEISH IN BOSTON 157 The authorities in Boston conld not very well warn from town so great a company as that which arrived in 1718, although they shared Mr. Surveyor- General Lechmere's anxiety lest the "confounded Irish" eat them out of house and home. The select- men met August 13th and impowered Mr. John Marion to appear before the Court of General Ses- sions of the Peace for the county of Suffolk "to move what he Shall think proper in order to Secure this Town from Charges w ch may hapen to accrue or be imposed on them by reason of the Passengers Lately arived here from Ireland or elsewhere. ' n During the winter many were warned to leave Boston, Thomas Walker, John Eogers, James Blare or Blair, with Elizabeth and Eachel, who had come over from Ireland in August; 2 Anne Hanson who came down from Casco Bay, and Mehitable Lewis, from Piscataqua; Eobert Holmes and wife, William Holmes and child, also from Casco Bay ; and Alex- ander McGregory, lately from Ireland with his fam- ily ; they were all asked to leave or find sureties. The selectmen could not hope to save the town from charges for the support of those who had brought with them their modest savings, if the price of grain continued to rise. Before the Scotch Irish arrived the town had au- thorized the selectmen to expend for grain from time 1 Selectmen's Records, Record Commission Reports, Vol. 13, p. 41. 2 Suffolk Court Files, No. 12620. 158 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS to time as much as they thought best out of the sum of £1500 received from the sale of lands at Blue Hill. In October the following vote was passed by the selectmen to keep down the price of Indian corn: " Voted: that in case any considerable quantity of Indian Corn be imported into this Town before the Shutting in of y e ensuing winter & exposed to Sale, In order to check an Exorbitant demand of y 6 Sellers thereof : — "Any four of the Sel. men agreeing may open the Townes Granary and order the Sale of corn at four Shillings & Six pence p. bushel. ' ' On the 18th of December it was voted that "the Granaryes be opened for the Sale of Indian Corn on Fryday & Saterday next, viz* the South granary on Fryday, and the North Granary on Satterday, and on the next week following on Tuesday at the South and on Fryday at the North, and Mr. Galpine is directed to Sell out to the Inhabit 48 of this Town not exceeding one bushel to each buyer, at five Shil- lings p bushel, and he is directed to put up before hand one bushel in each of y e Townes Baggs, and first receive each p'sons money and then Shift the Corn into their respective baggs, the hours ap- pointed to attend the Same is from nine to twelve in the fore noon and from two to four in the after noon & he is to Imploy y e Cryer to cry at that price each buyer to bring good bill ready changed & to cry thr° the Town on thursday." THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 159 The need of wheat still pressing, the selectmen on December 19th agreed with the Hon. Jonathan Belcher for ten thousand pounds at forty shillings per hundred. The matter had become of so much importance that the Governor and Council advised the town to purchase grain in Connecticut if neces- sary in order to avoid distress. In January eight thousand pounds had been purchased. At the March town meeting, 1719, the inhabitants decided to lay out the entire sum of £1500 in grain to carry them through the spring months, and a committee of seven was appointed "to consult together for the Releife of This Town under their present distresses. ,, Through the kindness of Mr. Charles P. Green- ough I have had access to the account kept by David Stoddard of his purchases in Boston during the years 1717, 1718 and 1719. Mr. Stoddard paid six shillings per bushel for wheat in the spring of 1717, and three shillings for Indian corn. In the spring of 1719, with the Scotch Irish in Boston, wheat had nearly doubled in price, selling for ten shillings per bushel, while corn which had brought three now brought five shillings. A study of the prices of small fruits and vegetables shows no material change due to the presence of the Scotch Irish. PRICES. Before Arrival. After Arrival. 0-0-9 (May 31, 1718) 1 qt. gooseberries 0-0- 9 (May 31, 1719) 0-0-3 (June 25, 1718) 1 qt. currants 0-0- 3 (June 20, 1719) 0-1-0 (July 1, 1718) 1 qt. beans 0-0- 9 (June 27, 1719) 0-0-3 (June 28, 1718) 1 qt. cherries 0-0- 3 (July 13, 1719) 160 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS The prices after the arrival of the emigrants in the snmmer of 1718, and again twelve months later when presumably many had left Boston, were: PRICES. Summer of 1718. Summer of 1719. 0-1-0 (Aug. 19, 1718) 1 cabbage 0-0-10 (Aug. 13, 1719) 0-0-2 (Aug. 27, 1718) 1 qt. Damsons [plums] 0-0- 3 (Aug. 31, 1719) 0-0-6 (Sept. 19, 1718) 1 cabbage 0-0- 4 (Sept. 14, 1719) 0-4-6 (Nov. 4, 1718) 1 bu. carrots 0-5- (Nov. 16, 1719) There were many taverns in Boston at this time, about half of them managed under the names of women. These became the resort of numbers of idle immigrants, and the members of the Council, Justices, selectmen, and overseers of the poor agreed among themselves in August that for the next eight weeks they would walk the streets by turns at night to suppress disorders, and by their presence show that the land of promise was not to be a land of license. The winter of 1717-18 in Ireland had been very trying; small-pox, fevers and other afflictions pre- vailed there and especially in Ulster. We should expect to find further evidence of these conditions in the health of the passengers that left the ports of Ireland in the spring of 1718. As early as the year 1714 the ship " Elizabeth and Kathrin" from Ire- land had landed sick persons on Spectacle Island 1 by order of the Government ; and again in 1716 the Province Laws, 1714, Chapter 45. «V 1 T*w*J»~~ 16M I A, ./«-/ 3 Strut*. CrnmmmrS v«sr 5«muw.aiW -/<«.? 6 JKi&ap Jefcv* .1770 7 - 1W 8 777S 9 7710 7a Captain John Bonner's Map or Boston THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 163 island was used for the same purpose. In 1717 a pest house was built, but before its completion some eighty persons from Ireland were put ashore. In the year 1718 " seven several companies' ' were left on Spectacle Island before June 17th, 1 a fact which seems puzzling, since arrivals from abroad between January 1st and June 17th of that year were few; but the contemporary record is clear and beyond controversy. Some of these infected companies must have come from other American ports. A large ship-load from Ireland was detained in No- vember, 1719. 2 The inference from these facts seems to be that if any of the immigrants of July and Au- gust, 1718, were detained with contagious diseases they were inconsiderable in number and thus found no place in the records. These were busy days in Boston. The batteries were repaired and the defences across the Neck were finished. Streets were being paved, projects were on foot for bringing in coal by sea, the weight and price of loaves of bread were fixed, schoolmasters were employed, and provision was made for the reading of God's word, catechising, and the encouragement of good spelling. In so large a place it is not easy to discover the names of those who arrived from Ireland in 1718 and 1719, and settled down to remain there. It is Province Laws, 1718-19, Chapter 19. 2 Hid, 1719-20, Chapter 68. 164 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS said that the Rev. John Moorhead, who was born near Belfast, and came to Boston in 1727, was in- duced to remain in town by the kindly welcome ex- tended to him from resident families that he had known some years before. 1 We mnst remember, however, that Mr. Moorhead did not arrive until the migration from Ireland had been growing for several years. The records of marriages performed in Boston after July, 1718, show Scotch Irish names, as the following examples indicate : — William Blair and Mary Phillips, Oct. 29, 1718. Cornelius Campbell and Eliza Short, September 17, 1718. James Duncan and Eliza. Bason, December 16, 1718. It will be found that the Campbells, Duncans, Blacks, Bethunes and others came before 1718, and most of them from Scotland. The following births, however, may suggest the Scotch-Irish immigration : Lydia, daughter of William Mackinley and Lydia, born 12 March, 1718-19. Lydia, daughter of William Forbish and Sarah, born 12 March, 1718-19. William, son of William Doke and Lydia, born 29 April, 1719. But a careful study of Boston birth and marriage records for 1718 and 1719 would seem to indicate 1 A. Blaikie's Presbyterian Church in New England, p. 62. THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 165 that the immigrants of these years went, very gener- ally into the country. The Boston Scotch Irish came later. We know little of the feeling towards these Scotch emigrants from Ireland shown by Boston people, although elsewhere they were disliked. An impor- v^ tant incident of the next winter throws some light upon the subject, and for that reason it will be men- tioned here. Benjamin Gray, a bookseller and pub- lisher, offered for sale books on religion, and from time to time published works by Scotch presbyte- rians. Naturally then the Eev. William Boyd be- __— - came a frequent visitor to Gray's shop. Boyd, as a leader of men, as an able preacher, and as a writer, was for a few months a prominent figure in Boston. At this period he was living in Charlestown at Cap- tain John Long's hotel, or "the great tavern," as it was called. It happened that Mr. Boyd was in the shop on February 7, 1718-19, a Saturday, talking with friends when Edward Ellis, son of Eobert Ellis, a surgeon, entered. Ellis soon became abusive, and singling out the Bev. Mr. Boyd he said that the Scotch Irish clergyman was an immoral man, and as evidence asserted that Boyd had had improper relations with a maid-servant in Captain Long's employ. Ellis was at once arrested and his case came before the Court of General Sessions of the Peace for Suffolk County on April 7th. He was con- 166 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS victed, sentenced to pay twenty pounds, seven shil- lings, and to find sureties to be bound in twenty five pounds each that he would be of good behavior for six months, and he was ordered also to pay all the costs of the prosecution. The prominence of Ellis is made clear by the fact that the men who came to his assistance as sureties were both well known, Rob- ert Auchmuty, Esquire, and Thomas Phillips, Inn- holder. Ellis was discharged November 10, 1719. Over against this incident we may place the fol- lowing sentence from the Rev. Increase Mather's Preface to Boyd's farewell sermon which was deliv- ered March 19, 1719 : ' * Since his being in New Eng- land (as well as before that) by the Exemplary holi- ness of his Conversation, and the Eminency of his Ministerial Gifts, he has obtained good Report amongst all Good Men." At the close of the sermon, mentioned above, the Governor invited Mr. Boyd to dine, the company in- cluding the Rev. Cotton Mather, the Rev. James Woodside who had ordained Mr. Boyd in Ireland, Samuel Sewall, and a Mr. Stanton. The Rev. John Moorhead, son of a respected farmer at Newton, near Belfast, county Down, was born there in 1703. He studied at the University of Edinburgh, and, upon his return to Newton, ac- counts that he heard of New England led him to emi- grate to Boston. He arrived in 1727 and soon after undertook services, the people whom he gathered The Rev. John Moobhead, 'Minister of a Church of Presbyterian Strangers in Boston' (Drawn by John Huybers) THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 169 about him calling themselves the " Church of Pres- byterian strangers." He was ordained as their pastor March 30, 1730. Among these people was John Little, a prosperous gardener, who exhibited much interest. He had a house on Milk Street, and in May, 1729, purchased land for a garden at the cor- ner of Long Lane and Bury Street. In Mr. Little 's barn which stood on this land services were held for several years, the congregation making additions to the barn and alterations from time to time. Elders were first elected July 14, 1730, and John Young, Robert Patton, Samuel McClure, 1 Richard McClure and Thomas McMullen were chosen to fill this office. They watched over those who had been baptized, cared for the sick and needy, and reproved the err- ing. Mr. Moorhead visited each family, whether in town or country, once or twice a year to talk with the parents and catechise children and servants. At the close of each visit he knelt in prayer with the family. In June, 1735, Mr. Little conveyed the barn or meeting house and land on the north east corner of Long Lane to a Committee appointed by the Congre- gation to hold the property in trust. The members of this Committee were George Glen, a tailor, who had come from South Carolina in 1719, William 1 Grandfather of the Rev. David McClure, D. D., whose Diary has been published. David's son and grandson held the same offices. 170 SCOTCH IKISH PIONEEKS Hall a leather-dresser, William Shaw a tailor, and Andrew Knox a mariner, all of Boston. 1 Other members of the clmrch interested in the negotiations which preceded the transfer were Edward Allen, tailor, George Sutherland, shopkeeper, Daniel Mac- Neal, laborer, Samuel Miller, gunsmith, and Abra- ham All or Aul, tailor. In 1744 a large and dig- nified building was erected, and in 1788 by a change of street name the place of worship became the Federal Street church. Mr. Moorhead married June 22, 1730, Sarah Parsons, an English lady of refinement and some artistic talent; they had sev- eral children, Alexander, Parsons, Mary, John, Wil- liam, and Agnes or Ann Agnes. At least one of these, Agnes, who married Alexander Willson of Boston, left issue. 2 His health began to fail a few years before his death; on the last Sunday in November, 1773, he preached twice, but upon returning home he became very ill and died on Thursday, December 2d. 3 The Eev. David McGregor of Londonderry preached the funeral sermon, which was printed in 1774. Moor- head was a tall man, and rather corpulent. His character is described in a notice printed soon after his death: 1 Suffolk Deeds, Vol. 51, p. 14. 2 Mary Moorhead, perhaps a relative, married in Boston, April 3, 1732, Andrew Menford. 3 Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter, No. 3662, December 9, 1773. THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 171 "Very few men have left behind them a fairer or better character, — charitable and liberal to the poor, with a hearty disposition to render them every serv- ice in his power, — industrious and faithful in the dispensation of the word, and a most earnest desire for the good of souls which was the actuating and ruling principle of his life. His mind was deeply impressed with the importance of the truth of the atonement of Jesus Christ as the only well grounded hope of salvation and happiness in a future state; this made him anxiously desirous to communicate that impression to others. With this view his labors were incessant. In all his discourses from the sacred desk he held up this grand truth as the only principle upon which depended the very existence of Chris- tianity; also frequently visiting the families of his flock, and endeavoring to inspire them to practice as well as believe the Gospel. His honesty of heart, open and frank manner of address, rendered him at all times an able and faithful adviser.' n The administrators of Mr. Moorhead's estate, William McNeil and the unmarried daughter Mary Moorhead, reported £ 223 - 3 - 11 to be divided be- tween the son Alexander and the daughters Mary Moorhead and Agnes or Ann Agnes Willson. 2 John Little, the early benefactor of the Scotch 1 Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter, Decem- ber 9, 1773. 2 Suffolk Wills, Vol. 74, p. 356. 172 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Irish in Boston, was a son of Archibald Little with whom he came to Boston. John Little at his death in 1741 left two minor sons John and Moses, a daughter Mary having died in infancy. His will pro- vided for his family, but in case the sons were to die before marriage and before reaching the age of twenty one, he instructed his executors Henry Der- ing and Andrew Cunningham to transfer his prop- erty to the Overseers of the Poor to be invested by them as a trust. The annual income was to be used for the employment of a schoolmaster to teach read- ing, writing and arithmetic to the "poor Protestant children whose Parents are of the Kingdom of Ire- land and Inhabitants of Boston." Their books and materials, with psalter, testament and Bible, were to be furnished free. Children between the ages of seven and fourteen were eligible. 1 Had his sons died in childhood Mr. Little's charity would have aided the Scotch Irish to this day and his name would have been known in our annals. Among those who came to Boston in or about 1727 Peter Pelham, schoolmaster, painter and engraver, became the most eminent. He had close and kindly association with the Scotch Irish, and in 1751 he engraved a portrait of the Rev. Mr. Moorhead, one of the earliest of those of the Boston clergy made by him. John Little owed many favors to the Pelhams, and in 1741 he remembered Peter's son Charles in Suffolk Wills, Vol. 35, p. 476. THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 173 his will "as a token of my love for the Friendship receiv'd from his Father and Family. ,, William Shaw, a Boston tailor and a member of the committee to which John Little deeded the Pres- byterian meeting house in 1735, died soon after, leav- ing a very interesting will. His bequest of land in Kingsfield to a sister Jane, wife of "William Mc- Clenenghen" of Kingsfield, suggests that Shaw was closely allied with these settlers, many of whom came from the Rutland company. The Shaws of Kings- field, an early name for Palmer, Massachusetts, were Joshua, David, Samuel and Seth. The last three were deacons and men of influence. If Deacon Sam- uel is the "brother Samuel' ' Shaw of our William's will we have a numerous progeny for William's father Samuel Shaw of Boston. Captain John Mc- Clanathan married Martha Shaw, perhaps a sister of Jane mentioned above, who married William McClanathan. It is evident that William Shaw of Mr. Moorhead's church was closely allied with Palmer; he was a "petitioner" there in 1732 and owner of a fifty acre home lot. Tradition says that the Shaws came from Queenstown in 1720, but their alliance with Rutland families may mean that they had lived in County Tyrone and merely took ship from Queenstown. Mr. Shaw left fi.ve pounds to the Presbyterian con- gregation in Long Lane, and his books to his friends. The titles of these volumes show what the Scotch 174 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Irish pioneer read : The Practical Sabbatarian, by John Wells, minister of St. Olave, Jewry ; Lectures upon the Fourth of John, by Arthur Hildersam, a puritan divine at Ashby de la Zouch ; A Sacramental Directory, by John Willison, minister at Dundee; Heaven upon Earth, by James Janeway, a minister at Rotherhithe; and The Great Concern of Salva- tion, by Professor Thomas Halliburton of St. An- drews. The last volume Shaw left to Alexander Thien. This book was published in 1721, so that the owner must have purchased it in Boston if he came in 1720. His great Bible and the work by Janeway he gave to Mrs. "Eupham" Johnson, and to her hus- band George his case of bottles — discriminating gifts, we may suppose ! To their daughter Mary he left his oval table and pocket Bible with silver clasps, as well as the books by Willison and Hilder- sam, and his candlesticks and fire-tongs. The clothing which he wore is described at some length: To his brother-in-law McClanathan his Camblet coat lined with green, and his black and white jacket; to his brother Samuel Shaw a Duroy coat, brown holland coat, and dimmity jacket; to Alexander Thien his coat with metal buttons. The father was to have the grey suit of clothes trimmed with black, his "Rocquelo" or roquelaure, a loose coat to be thrown over the shoulders, his silver shoe buckles, his linen, and Burkitt's Expository notes on the New Testament. To David Hoston or Huston THE SCOTCH IRISH IN BOSTON 175 and wife he gave four pounds. The executors were his father and George Glen, tailor, his fellow mem- ber on the Church committee. The witnesses were William Hall, another member of the above men- tioned committee, James Johnson, and James Brad- ford. 1 Eobert Patten became an elder in Mr. Moorhead's church. But his father showed an interest in Trin- ity church and in his will remembered both faiths; he left a gold ring and gloves to Mr. Moorhead, and £ 40 to the minister, wardens and vestry of Trinity. 2 The Charitable TTJsh_Societ y of Boston , instituted v^ in 1737, was to be composed of persons ' ' of the Irish Nation or extraction" ; and since the managers were to be Protestants (article viii) it is probable that the earliest members also were of that faith. Those who became members before the year 1742, when Eoman Catholics are first supposed to have been eligible to membership, number one hundred and sixteen. 3 Many of them had been in Boston for several years, and had become prosp erous merchants or mariners. The Scotch Irish began to arrive in Boston in considerable numbers as early as 1718. If we as- sume that most of these emigrants moved into the country towns their whereabouts is made clear. If, however, any great number remained in Boston we 1 Suffolk Wills, Vol. 32, p. 179. *IMd, Vol. 69, p. 268. 3 See Appendix IV. 176 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES may wonder that they made no impress on affairs before 1730, when the Presbyterian Church records begin. The surnames mentioned in these records give some idea of Boston Scotch Irish families, al- though parents came fifty miles for the rites of bap- tism, and in some cases there is no indication on the records that a family lived out-of-town. THE WINTER OF 1718-19 IN WORCESTER Cotton Mather had in mind very early that the emigrants from Ulster would be useful settlers on the frontier. In 1718 the village of Worcester could claim a position on the Massachusetts frontier, al- though it lay only forty miles from Boston. First settled in 1674, it was deserted in King Philip 's war, 1675, and again in Queen Anne 's war, 1702. In 1713 Jonas Rice courageously built a cabin at the north- ern end of Sagatabscot Hill, south east. of the cen- tre of Worcester and near the Grafton line. Two years later his brother Gershom settled at Paka- choag Hill in the south western part of the township, near a corner of the present Auburn. These Eng- lish settlers and others built a fort or garrison house of logs in 1717 on the west side of the present Main Street, near Chatham Street. The same year Obadiah Ward built his mill a little south east of the garrison house, and a year later Joshua Rice fin- ished a garrison house on the Jo Bill road, north of the Main Street garrison house. At the north east corner of Main and Exchange streets already stood Daniel Heywood's fortified tavern, a landmark even 178 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS in those days on the great highway into the wilder- ness. 1 '• /tnh.'m ♦ Worcester • Leicester The little company of Scotch Irish settlers, poor, weary, laden with blankets and tools, flax- wheels and 1 Wall's Worcester, 1877, Chapter 2. I am indebted to Mr. Law- rence Park of Groton for aid in preparing this chapter. Mr. Ben- jamin Thomas Hill of Worcester has read the manuscript and has placed his views of old houses at my disposal. WOBCESTER COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 179 cradles, watched this sandy path as it ran on through woodland and meadow, and dotted at intervals with garrison houses, which must have reminded them of danger. They came to act as a buffer against the Indians, and instead of welcome they received surly conversation from the few inhabitants who turned out to meet them. At the head of the party of emi- grants was the Rev. Edward FitzGerald from Lon- donderry, of whom less is known than of the other ministers of the migration. James McClellan was one of the leaders, and he may even have been in Worcester when the band of emigrants came slowly out from Boston, if he landed on July 28th, as seems possible. It was on Saturday, August 9th, of the week after the ships entered the harbor, that McClel- lan made terms with Grershom Rice of Worcester for a farm of seventy five acres. 1 The price was forty one pounds. The land was bounded partly westerly by land in the possession of Captain Prentice, east- erly by land of Mr. John Smith, and every where else by common land, a country road six rods wide running through the farm. April 23d of the next year McClellan purchased from Nathaniel Jones 1 Middlesex Deeds, Vol. 19, p. 328. In the publications of the Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 3, p. 144, the early Pro- prietors' Records are given. A plot made November 21, 1718, shows land laid out on the right of Captain Thomas Prentice, de- ceased, and "Macklelans land" is shown to be on "the Comon road," west of the Captain's land. In 1720 William McClellan's land is shown (page 157). 180 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES another large tract of land bounded on the sonth by the town line and on the east by G-ershom Bice's land and common land. These and later purchases formed a large farm between Pakachoag Hill and the Leicester line. McClellan at once became a factor in the Worces- ter of 1718, with its fifty-eight dwellings and its two hundred souls. Log cabins were built rapidly on the common land. Mr. Wall in his Reminiscences of Worcester indicates on his map the probable sites in 1718 of the homes of the settlers, most of them Scotch Irish men who came with their families and so had to provide houses for them. Professor Perry thinks that at least fifty families of the old fashioned size settled in Worcester that autumn, doubling the population of the town. 1 Eeligious services under the Rev. Mr. FitzGerald began in a garrison house near the intersection of the Boston and Lancaster roads, 2 at the north end of the town. In the autumn of 1718 or the summer of 1719 the Presbyterians began to erect a church of their own, on the west side of Lincoln street, "near the top of the hill, a little north of the Paine house. ' ' Through ignorance as to the religious views of the Scotch Irish, or more probably from a desire to force all the inhabitants of the town to attend and support Proceedings Scotch Irish Society, 2d Congress, p. 111. Lincoln's Worcester, p. 163. WOECESTER COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 181 one church, the rougher element came together one night and destroyed the frame before mnch progress had been made. It is said that Deacon Daniel Hey- wood of the orthodox chnrch lent his influence to this movement 1 and that the "best people in town" were present. The destruction proved a crushing blow to those who clung tenaciously to their own form of worship. Many moved north onto a tract of land known as the settlers' part of the town. When, in 1722, forty or fifty families had gathered there this territory, six miles square, was incorpo- rated asjfrailansU Many also went elsewhere, some gathering at Sut- ton to be under the Rev. John McKinstry, who began his ministry there about 1720; others moving to Londonderry in New Hampshire. The Scotch Irish did not entirely desert Worcester, although so few remained that they had no control of affairs in the annual town meetings, nor could they bear the bur- den of a minister of their own faith. The Rev. Mr. FitzGerald left them, but returned occasionally to preach, being referred to as late as 1729. 2 A few years later the Presbyterians again attempted to form a church, and they called the Rev. William Johnston who is said to have come from Mullow- male, or Mullaghmoyle, county Tyrone. In 1737 John Clark and nine others, finding it 1 Carl's tour in Main Street, pp. 8, 146. 2 Lincoln's Worcester, pp. 166, 191. 182 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEBS burdensome to support Mr. Johnston and at the same time aid the town's minister, asked the town to free them from taxation for the support of reli- gious services, but "ye Irish petition' ' was voted down by "a grate majority.' ' Evidently the desig- nation " Irish* ' still clung to these Scotch and Eng- lish settlers from Ulster. Through adversity and isolation of old they had grown clannish and they did not assimilate well with the older New England blood. If we could go back to these early years we should probably find that after FitzGerald's departure the Presbyterians attended the Congregational or town services, except when an itinerant or a passing min- ister of their own communion gathered the loyal band in a cabin to unite them in prayer or to baptize their children. . The orthodox church was built in 1719 in front of the site of the present handsome city hall. At this period it was plain, without steeple, and at first filled with benches. The committee on seating in 1724 had no Scotch Irish members, nor did they grant any places for private pews to these new set- tlers. In the fore seat or bench was John Gray ; in the third seat were Matthew Gray, John Duncan; in the fourth seat was William Gray; in the fifth seat were James Hamilton, William McNal, Eobert Peables, J. McClellan, Andrew Farrend, Alexander McConkey, John Killough and Eobert Lothridge or WORCESTER COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 183 Lortridge; and in the sixth seat William McClel- lan, David Young, J. Bety or Batty, W. Mahan, James McClellan and [Thomas] Beard, or Baird, all or nearly all of them Scotch Irish. 1 In 1733 there were in the "fore seet" John Gray with five English sitters ; in the second seat William Gray, James Hambleton, Andrew McFarland, John Clerk, Robert Peables; in the third seat, Matthew Gray, Alexander McConkey, William Caldwell, John Duncan, William Gray, Jr., Matthew Gray, Jr., An- drew McFarland, Jr., and John Gray, Jr. ; in the fourth seat Moses Harper, James Thornington or Thornton, John Batty, Oliver Wallis, and Robert Blair ; in the fifth seat James Furbush, Robert Lort- ridge, John Alexander, William Mahan, John Stin- son, Duncan Graham, John McFarland, and Joseph Clerk; in the sixth seat John Patrick, James Glas- f ord, John Sterling, and Hugh Kelso. In the fore seat in the long gallery were William and James McClellan, 2 and Robert Barber; in the second seat were Patrick Peables, John McConkey, John Pea- bles; and in the second seat of the "frunt galiry" were Samuel Gray, Thomas Hambleton, and Mat- thew Clark. In most of the seats were other sitters who were probably not of the Scotch Irish stock. 3 It will be seen that in 1733 there was a consider- 1 Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 2, p. 28. 2 Perry adds John Cishiel. 8 Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 2, pp. 85-86. 184 . SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS able Scotch Irish colony within a church-going ra- dius of the Worcester church. In 1737 the Irish petition had been voted down. The lands now included in the town of Pelham were being opened for settlement, and on the 21st of Jan- uary, 1738-39, John Stoddard arranged to settle a number of families ' ' such as were inhabitants of the Kingdom of Ireland or their descendants, being Protestants. ' ' Their names were : x James and John Alexander; Adam Clark; Ephraim and George Cowan, the latter being of Concord; John and Thomas Dick; John Ferguson of Grafton; James Gilmore of Boston; John Gray, Jr., Samuel, and William Gray, Jr.; James Hood; Adam Johnson; John Johnson of Shrewsbury; Robert Lotheridge; Thomas Lowden of Leicester; Alexander and John McConkey; James McAllach; Abraham Patterson of Leicester; Patrick and Robert Peibols; John Stinson; James Thornton; James Taylor; Samuel Thomes; Alexander Turner. The proprietors reg- istered in 1739 included also Andrew McFarland, James Breakenridge, Robert Barbour, William Johnson and Matthew Gray. John Gray, Jr., had 3-60 of the rights, Robert Peibols 5-60 and James Thornton had 14-60. All the others had one or two rights. As the place was to be called Lisburn after the town in County Antrim a natural inference would be that Thornton came from that "mother town." 1 Parmenter's Pelham, pp. 17, 24. WORCESTER COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 185 He was a man of ability and his son was a signer of the Declaration of Indepedence. Exact information may be had in regard to a few of the Worcester settlers. James McClellan, whose early purchase of land has already been men- tioned, was a very religious, industrious and thrifty man. His will, on file at the Middlesex Probate office, was signed September 29, 1729, when he made his mark. It was probated October 31st. The will was written apparently by Samuel Jenison, who with Moses and Jane Harper were witnesses. Mc- Clellan mentions " Margaret my dearly beloved wife"; the son William to have lands at Bogger- hoage, 1 104 acres with buildings, and to give his mother yearly 100 weight of beef and 100 weight of pork ; the son James to have 95 acres and one half the buildings, the other half to be Margaret's for life; James to haul and cut her fire wood, and to provide yearly ten bushels of Indian corn, three of English corn, two of malt, one barrel of cider, fodder for two cows, and a horse in the winter season, and also to fit (!) him in order whenever she wants to ride. To Margaret he gave the use of the orchard for life. To William's children William, Samuel and Ann he gave three pounds each, and to James's children James and Rebecca like sums. James he made executor. It is an excellent will, clear, simple, 1 "The south part of the town, then known as Bogachoag (now Auburn)." — Carl's tour in Main Street, p. 119, 186 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS and thoughtful through all its details, worthy of the Worcester colony, and of the emigrant's distin- guished descendants General Samuel McClellan, General George B. McClellan, and the mayor of Greater New York. The Young family 1 have left on their grave stones valuable evidence of their Irish home. John and David both came from the Londonderry neighbor- hood, and this suggests that the Worcester company was from the valley of the Foyle; while the New Hampshire and Falmouth people were from the Bann Valley. John Young was born in the Isle of Bert or Burt near Londonderry, and died at Worces- ter June 30, 1730, aged 107. David was born in the parish of Taughboyne, Donegal, between London- derry and Lifford on the west bank of the Foyle, and died December 26, 1776, aged 94. 2 The will of Daniel McFarland, who died in Worcester in 1738, states that he had a daughter Margaret Campbell living in County Tyrone, Ire- land. Daniel may have been a brother of John Mc- Farland, mentioned in a paper in the Suffolk County Files, number 163,586, which shows that three emi- grants of the name, probably those of Boothbay a Professor Perry says that the Youngs were of Celtic origin. See his article, p. 110. 'Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 1. In the first cemetery in Worcester, where about seventeen were buried between 1713 and 1727, there are no stones. The earliest stone on the Com- mon bears the date 1727. WORCESTER COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 187 little later, appear to have come from Ardstraw, County Tyrone, in 1720. The paper reads : " This Bill bindethus John McFarland, Sr. John McFarland, Jr. Andrew McFarland in the sum of £ 13. 16. for the payment of £ 6. 18. unto Rev. Mr. Isaac Taylor or order within 30 days after arrival at New England for value reed. Dated 10 August 1720. In presence of Robert Temple, Alexander Hamilton." * Taylor was assistant to the Rev. Mr. Haliday, minister at Ardstraw, Ireland. He may, however, have been at Brunswick for a few months in 1719 and 1720. 1 Matthew Gray who came over as a child in 1718 and Robert who came as a youth of twenty-one are both referred to as " of the Company of immigrants who settled here in 1718.' ' John Gray had land laid out to him by the town's committee November 26, 1718, and these were his children: Robert (born 1697, ancestor of Asa Gray the botanist), Samuel, Barnes, son of Daniel McFarland of Worcester, was at Bruns- wick in 1738. Duncan McFarland of Rutland was probably a son of Duncan who died in Boston in 1696, although perhaps closely related to the Worcester family. An Andrew McFarland married at Billerica in 1725, 188 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS William, Matthew (ancestor of Professor Bliss Perry), John, Mary (called wife of William Blair of Aghadowey, and later wife of Matthew Barbour) , and Sarah (wife of Robert Barbour, who was born at "Koppra," County Tyrone). 1 It is evident that those with families were obliged to build log cabins and clear spaces for planting ; but two families no doubt often lived together under the same roof. There were also many young men and girls who went from place to place in search of em- ployment. Some of these in the course of ten years returned to Worcester to buy land. Others married and settled elsewhere. The chief Worcester Scotch Irish settlers bore the following names, but many others were transient dwellers in Worcester and will be referred to under Rutland, Pelham and Palmer. Thomas Baird Rev. Edward Fitz Gerald Robert Barbour Samuel Fleming John Batley [Betty?] James Forbush Abraham Blair Mrs. Isabel Gilmore Robert Blair John Gray William Caldwell James Hamilton Robert Crawford James Heart John Duncan Hugh Kelso William Dunlap (1731) Archibald Lamond (1731) 1 No place name in Ireland begins with Ko. Perhaps Cappagh on the northern side of the Mourne, between Newtown Stewart and Omagh, is referred to. Clogher was not far away. WORCESTER COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 191 Robert Lollard Robert Lortridge James McClellan John McClintock Alexander McConkey John McConkey Daniel McFarland William McHan John McKachan Robert Peables David Thomas James Thornton William Walker Matthias Wallis David Yonng John Yonng Many men bearing these names will be found men- tioned in the excellent history of Pelham. Most of the Rutland settlers came with the Worcester colony, and the names of the chief Scotch Irish families there belong almost as certainly with the Worcester as with the Rutland list. Some of these Rutland settlers brought letters of dismissal from their church in Ireland. That of Malkem Hendery was from the Rev. Mr. Haliday at Ardstraw in County Tyrone, the home of the McFarlands. The Stinsons, Hamiltons and Savages were closely allied, and it is possible that a large number of the Rutland colony came over from Ardstraw together. Of the follow- ing those with an asterisk prefixed probably repre- sent Ardstraw colonists. ^Alexander Bothwell James Browning ^John Browning James Clark John Clark *Aaron Crawford *John Crawford *William Fenton Robert Ferrell Robert Forbush 192 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Duncan Graham Patrick Gregory *John Hamilton (of Brookfield 1726) *Malkem Hendery John Lecore William McCarter Thomas McClanathan John McClanathan [Duncan McFarland] John Mclntire *Robert McLem Daniel McMains James McPherson *John Moor John Murray *Robert Patrick Edward Savage Matthew Slarrow J William Sloan James Smith William Spear Robert Sterling John S tins on William Watson Edward Savage mentioned above was the grand- father of the Philadelphia painter and engraver of portraits of Washington. The chief Palmer settlers, who came largely from Worcester, were: James Breakenridge Andrew Farrand Thomas Farrand, Jr. Robert Ferrell Joseph Fleming John Glasford James Lamont Thomas McClanathan William McClanathan John McMaster William McMitchel Alexander McNitt James Moore John Moore John Patterson William Patterson John Peables Duncan Quinton Robert Rogers Samuel Shaw WOECESTEE COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 193 Seth Shaw Alexander Tackels James Shearer John Thomson Eobert Smith Eobert Thomson John Spence At Palmer and on lands across the Ware Eiver in the present town of Ware the population grew rapidly. Sons and daughters from Worcester and Eutland did the first rough work of the pioneer. To their numbers were added those of the later immi- grants who withstood the allurements of a warmer climate. There was Alexander McNitt from County Donegal whose son Barnard served as clerk and treasurer of the Proprietors of Common Lands. Several miles east of Palmer William Sinclair, born in the parish of Drumbo, County Down, in 1676, lived at this period in Leicester and Spencer. 1 His daughter Agnes became the wife of the chief man in this Scotch Irish neighborhood, William Breaken- ridge, the first representative to the Provincial Con- gress, and town clerk of Ware for eighteen years. He came to America from Ireland in 1727 when four years of age, with his father, James, a native of Scotland. Mr. Hyde in his address at Ware, says : " There is in the Brakenridge family an ancient manuscript music-book upon the fly-leaf of which is written, 'Mr. Jacobus Breakenridge, His Music Book, made and taught per me, Eobt. Cairnes, at 1 History of Spencer, 1841, pp. 114, 132; 1860, 204, 255. 194 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Glenreavoll, 1 Sept. 1715. J Besides the scale and rudiments of music, it contains the date of his mar- riage, 1720, and the births of his children, giving the day, the hour and the time in the moon, with other memoranda. On one page is written, 'We departed from Ireland, July 16, 1727, and my child died on the 19th of Aug. ' " The newer towns drew from almost every county in Ulster. The evidence relating to the origin of the Worces- ter-Rutland colony, however, seems to point to the valley of the Foyle as the home of its pioneer mem- bers. If McClellan had not come in the ship from Londonderry, John Wilson, master, which arrived July 28th he would have come on August 4th. In those days the space of time between August 4th and the 9th, Monday to Saturday, would have been short for the labors of bringing his family goods ashore, journeying out to Worcester, selecting a farm and looking it over, waiting for a deed to be drawn, and attaching his signature. All this could have been done in six days, but a careful, provident man would have felt hurried in so important a task in a strange land. If, however, McClellan arrived on the ship from Londonderry he had from July 28th to August 9th to reach Worcester and buy his farm. With him in Worcester were settlers from three counties, Londonderry, Donegal and Tyrone, but Perhaps Glenravil, barony of Antrim, County Antrim. WOBCESTEB COUNTY SETTLEMENTS 195 most of them came from County Tyrone. The Foyle, made broad by the union of two streams, flows by Lifford on the Donegal side, and Strabane on the Tyrone side, northward between the counties until it approaches the city of Londonderry. There the county of Londonderry seems to throw itself across the Foyle to encompass the city. These twenty miles of the Foyle from Strabane to the city drain a terri- tory which has been a nursery of strong men "who fought naked for King William, our liberties, our religion, and all that was dear to us." These men from the valley of the Foyle proved themselves sturdy of body and brain. They were, however, if we may judge from minor evidences, less prosperous and possibly less well educated at the time of arrival than those of the Bann compa- nies. In this opinion I am supported by Professor Perry, who writes: "I entertain the opinion, gath- ered from scattered and uncertain data, that it was the poorer, the more illiterate, the more helpless, part of the five ship-loads who were conducted to Worcester." 1 Under these circumstances their suc- cess in the New World was remarkable. 1 Page 110 of his article. XI THE WINTER OF 1718-19 IN DRACUT, ANDOVER, AND CASCO BAY We have seen that many Scotch Irish immigrants passed the winter of 1718-19 in Boston, mnch to the discomfort of the town officers and citizens there. These immigrants were possibly from the territory aronnd Belfast, comprising southern Antrim and the northern part of the County of Down. They must have treasured some memories of the sailing of the Eagle Wing nearly a century before, for many of their towns had sent out inhabitants on that fated expedition. The Worcester company left Boston early in Au- gust, 1718. Other families and groups of immigrants struck out for themselves. James Smith, who had come from Ballykelly, a town between the Foyle and the Bann, near Newton Limavady, wandered about for a few months and settled down in Needham, where his third son Matthew was born in April, 1720. The Rev. Jonathan Townsend, writing there in February, 1723^, states that a year earlier he had had to plead with his people not to ill-treat the new settlers, 1 from which we may infer that the 1 Information from George K. Clarke, Esq. DEACUT AND CASCO BAY 197 Smiths soon must have had Scotch Irish neighbors. The church reference to Mr. Smith is an interesting record : "Jan: 9, 1726. — James Smith & Mary his Wife admitted into the Church, came from Ireland A. D. 1718, & Brought a Testimonial with them from M r . John Stirling Minister of the Congregation of Belly- kelly in the County of Londonderry." The leaders of the Bann Valley settlers, finding that their agent, the Eev. William Boyd, had ob- tained no definite grant of land, determined to spend the winter in or near Boston until affairs were more to their satisfaction. Boyd, as we have seen, re- mained in Boston, but the Rev. Mr. McGregor's means were not sufficient to allow him to pass the winter in idleness, and he appealed to the Rev. Cot- ton Mather for influence in obtaining a position as teacher or minister. Mather in his diary under October 3d writes : ' ' Encourage y e people of Dray- cot unto ye Inviting of a worthy Scotch minister lately arrived here, to settle among y m . ' ' Mather's letter, written on the previous day, is printed below from the somewhat illegible rough draft at the American Antiquarian Society's library in Worcester: 2 d VIII m 1718 Dear Brethren Being informed that you are desirous to hear from us, the character of o r Friend and Brother Mr Mc 198 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS Gregore, we do, with great Alacrity and satisfaction give yon to nnderstant that we look npon him, as a person of a very excellent character : and consider- ably qualified for the work of ye ministry as well for his ministerial abilities as his Christian [I] piety: [serious gravity and as far as we have heard every way unexceptionable Behaviour.] 1 And we have also had it credibly Reported unto us, that from a singular goodness in his Temper, he was usually called The peace-maker, in ye countrey from whence he came. On these Accounts we cannot but hope that if you should obtain him, to become your pastor, you will enjoy in him a very precious gift of your as- cended Saviour, To whose Blessing you are now commended by Your hearty Friend [Cotton Mather]. In writing of Mr. McGregor it must be evident that Cotton Mather expressed himself after two months of intercourse with the Scotch minister. We may assume also from McGregor's marriage to a sister of the wives of James McKeen and Captain James Gregg that he must himself have been a man of ability, for they were leaders • among men wher- ever they chanced to be. The village of Dracut had built a little meeting house three years earlier on the river road, now Varnum Avenue. It was thirty feet long and twenty 1 Mather wrote this clause as a marginal insertion. DBACUT AND CASCO BAY 199 feet wide, and to this house of worship after listen- ing to some fifteen candidates the people decided to summon Mr. McGregor, ' ' the peace-maker. ' ' The town evidently hoped that he would, if acceptable, settle down after the admirable custom of the time to be the father of his flock through life. The record of the town (there are no church records until 1788) reads : "Dracutt, Oct. ye 15, 1718. "Mad choice of Mr. Mackgreggor to settel in Dra- cutt to prech the Gospel and to do the Whole Work of a Settled minister ; and likewise Voted to give to Mr Macgreger Sixty five pounds a year for his salary for the first four years, and then Seaventy pound a year till there Be fifty families in the town of Dra- cutt, and then it Shall Be eighty pounds a yeare; and likewise voted for a settlement sixty pounds the one half the Next June ins eying, and the other half the next June, in the year 1720 ' 91 The Eev. James McGregor spent the winter of 1718-19 in Dracut on the banks of Beaver Brook, a little north of the present city of Lowell, and south of the future Nutfield ; but there is no evidence that the Scotch Irish people followed him to Dracut. In addition to his work as the village pastor he taught the school. Parker in his History of Londonderry refers to a winter settlement of Scotch Irish at Andover, a 1 1 consulted also papers lent by Silas R. Coburn, Esq., of Dracut. 200 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES village five or ten miles east of Dracut. "On tak- ing their departure, ' ' lie writes, "from one of the families with whom they had resided, they left a few potatoes for seed. The potatoes were accordingly planted; came np and flourished well; blossomed and produced balls, which the family supposed were the fruit to be eaten. They cooked the balls in vari- ous ways, but could not make them palatable, and pronounced them unfit for food. The next spring, while ploughing their garden the plough passed through where the potatoes had grown, and turned out some of great size, by which means they discov- ered their mistake." This incident is said to have occurred on the farm of Nathaniel Walker, father of the Eev. Timothy Walker, first minister of Concord. The farm was near the boundary line between North Andover and Bradford, and several families probably spent the winter of 1718-19 there, the single men and girls finding shelter and employment in the neighboring villages. 1 The Andover taxpayers were assessed forty shillings in 1719 to provide funds to aid the poor, and part of the money thus collected was no doubt spent for provisions for the Scotch Irish. Ob- viously the settlers of a single winter left few rec- ords of their stay ; but Miss C. H. Abbott, the inde- fatigable investigator, has found traces of them. 1 Miss Abbott writes : "The Walker garden may have been on the Andover line, but I am quite as sure he worshipped and paid taxes mainly in Bradford town." DRACUT AND CASCO BAY 201 Thomas Grow, probably the same man who signed the petition to Governor Shute in 1718, was one of those who remained in Andover after his compan- ions had moved to Nutfield. An order was issned the next winter for his relief, and at about the same time, with man's improvidence, he was married. His wife, Rebecca Holt came of a well known local family. 1 Two other men from Ireland are mentioned upon the records at an early date, Robert Stuart and Wil- liam Bolton, who were recorded January 30, 1718-19, as living in the town. They had come up from Bos- ton the preceding summer or autumn, Stuart bring- ing a family with him. Very unreliable tradition 2 states that Robert Stuart of Edinburgh (1655-1719) was the father of Robert of Andover and of John (1682-1741), the proprietor of Londonderry, New Hampshire. Samuel Stuart of Andover, called a third son of the first Robert, was executor of the will of John in 1741. A Walter Stewart or Stuart of Londonderry married in 1722 Giziell Crumey of Boxford, and a little later John Stuart of London- derry owned land in Boxford. These men may have been kinsmen, but there were so many early immi- grants by the name of Stuart, some on Cape Cod, 1 Their children mentioned upon the records were Ruth, born in 1720, and Hannah, born in 1723. In 1721 the town records refer to "Elizabeth Nichols' child that is called John Grow," for whom provision was to be made. 2 See, however, the "Duncan-Stuart family," p. 140. 202 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES others in Connecticut, in Charlestown, Lunenburg and elsewhere that only the family historian could trace their relationship. William Bolton, called "Scotch" by his descend- ants, came from the vicinity of Coleraine. He mar- ried at Andover in 1719-20, and died soon after in the adjoining town of Reading, leaving two sons William and John. Of these immigrants Miss Abbott says: "I find many were tenants on farms held partly by dower widows and worked on shares." Land was difficult of purchase in an old town like Andover, and most of the Scotch Irish were transients only. On the Andover town records are the names of : John CofTerin or Cochran . . 1725/6 John Telford 1725/6 John Cromme or Crombie . . 1726/7 Hugh Riddle .... 1726/7 William Crumney . . . 1727 Thomas Richardson, "Irishman," his son John baptized . . 1730 Joseph Waugh and wife Margaret, before 1732 Alexander Macartney, ' ' Irish- man," and Margaret his wife, about 1742 James, John and Samuel Seaton . 1748 Other members of the Scotch Irish migration may DBACUT AND CASCO BAY 203 have tarried at Haverhill, Bradford and Dracut, but the record of them is meagre. While the Andover colonists were spending the winter in moderate comfort, the " Irish' ' at Casco Bay suffered great hardship. Parker writes : ' i The party that left Boston for Casco Bay, arrived there late in the season ; and it proving to be a very early and cold winter, the vessel was frozen in. Many of the families, not being able to find accommodations on shore, were obliged to pass the whole winter on board the ship, suffering severely from the want of food, as well as of convenience of situation/ ' The village of Falmouth on the site of the present city of Portland, Maine, had suffered from Indian raids, from intense cold in winter, and from the pov- erty of its fishing population. In the Acts and re- solves of the province of the Massachusetts Bay it is recorded July 16, 1718, that a committee of five was appointed to view Falmouth, give advice as to laying out of streets, placing the meeting house, and organ- ization. The appointment of this committee prob- ably drew the attention of Governor Shute to the lands about Casco Bay between Cape Elizabeth and the mouth of the Kennebec, roughly the land between Portland and Bath. He, it is said, spoke to Mc- Gregor and McKeen, and the latter with the Eev. Mr. McGregor's congregation, relatives, and friends, de- termined to go at once in the ship in which they had crossed the ocean, to explore the coast of the bay. 204 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Meanwhile the Committee recommended that the inhabitants already there be given powers of self- government since there was "a Fair Prospect of its being in a little time a flourishing town." On No- ^^to|>e Buxa&fiM vember 12th the Legislature approved the sugges- tion on condition that fifty families more be admit- ted as soon as possible and settled in a compact and defensible manner. On the 19th the Legislature ap- proved a project for a town to be laid out near Fal- mouth for the Scotch Irish, evidently having no DRACUT AND CASCO BAY 205 thought that the Scotch Irish emigrants would settle in Falmouth. Those who sailed into Casco Bay in the " Robert' ' went ashore probably between Falmouth Village and the Point on Cape Elizabeth, where they began about the month of November to build rough shelters for the winter. 1 It seems difficult to believe that the fam- ilies which were on the ship could not provide rough huts before winter set in. Evidently the autumn was extremely cold and the vessel, if tradition is to be believed, was caught in the ice, so that those who did not immediately get their huts well under way were forced by the bitter weather to settle down on the " Robert' ' for the winter. John Armstrong and others at once sent a petition to the government at Boston. This John Armstrong is no doubt the indigent voyager on the "Robert"; in the wild life on Cape Elizabeth his ability brought him forward. The official reference to the petition reads : "A Petition of John Armstrong & divers others, Setting forth that there are about thirty Families arrived from the North of Ireland, at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, that they are building Cottages to shelter themselves from the weather, that their good Success in these Parts will encourage many of their Brethren to transport themselves & Families into this countrey ; ^outhack's "Actual survey of the sea coast" has houses and trees at "Porpolac Pt." » 206 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES And therefore Praying that they may have Portions of Land allotted to them near Falmouth; & seeing they are scarce of Provisions, that they may have some thing to subsist them this Winter." 1 There are several petitions of this period, and in reply the Council stated that Armstrong's petition could not be granted as Falmouth was " anciently inhabited,' f and the lands were already owned. Meanwhile the development of Falmouth lan- guished. Samuel Moody and John Smith wrote to the government that notwithstanding the favorable report of the Committee, and the powers given to Falmouth, yet claimers and proprietors of lands could not agree upon their bounds. The petitioners asked that a constable and other officers be ap- pointed to regulate affairs and provide for the sup- port of a minister. They stated that the population was about three hundred, 2 most of them from Ire- land, and one half so poor that they had neither pro- vision nor money for them. They conclude by ask- ing "that this Hon ble Court would be pleased to con- sider the deplorable Circumstances of the said Place by reason of the great Number of poor Strangers arrived amongst them and take some speedy & Ef- fectual Care for their supply." This petition was ordered to be referred to the 1 Legislative Records of the Council, Vol. 10, pp. 309, 313, 314, 318, 321. 2 The "Robert's" passengers were not the only Scotch Irish on Cape Elizabeth. DBACUT AND CASCO BAY 207 session in May, and one hundred bushels of Indian meal were to be forwarded to the Irish people. 1 The Eev. William Cornwall had gone with the "Bobert" in place of the Kev. Mr. McGregor. Mr. Cornwall was from Clogher, in County Tyrone, a day's journey south of Londonderry. He was not well, and on account of the distance of his dwelling house in Clogher from the church, and the arrears of his salary, he resigned his pastorate and joined the McGregor colony. One winter at Casco Bay seems to have chilled his ardor for pioneering and he returned to become minister at Taughboyne in 1722. The pri- vations which threatened the " Bobert V company at Porpooduc, as the Cape Elizabeth land was called, brought from Mr. Cornwall a letter of distress. Cot- ton Mather, January 8, 1718t19, wrote in his Diary : "Some Letters unto ye Scotch ministers arrived in o[u]r East Countrey, may have a Tendency to hearten them in that work of God, which they have to do, in those New Plantations ; and more particu- larly for ye Christianizing of the Indians there." 2 The following draft of a letter by Mather gives an intimation of his labors in behalf of the struggling colony "at Porpooduc, Casco Bay, Falmouth town- ship. ' ' He writes : "Whereas, the New Settlement at Casco-hay, is as yett in its feeble infancy, But Yett there is usual Massed December 3, 1718. 1 1 am indebted to Mr. Julius H. Tuttle for these references to Mather's Diary. 208 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS (besides y e Families that have began as inhabitants) on y e Lords-day a Considerable Resort of people that are from divers places on their Fishing voyages: which renders y e Condition of these places a little pe- culiar, and Considerably calls for our care that the Lords-days may not pass without public Exercise of Religion there: Whereas also there is now a very worthy, pious & Peaceful Minister whose name is Mr. Comwal much desired and invited by the people there: who are willing to do something toward the subsistence of him ; which something is much too lit- tle in any tolerable measure to insure y e Instruction. " 'Tis humbly moved That y e General Assembly would express y e goodness usual w th ye governmen* on such occasions and allow for one year from ye public Treasury some. agreeable accession to what y e people there can do, towards ye support of such a minister." 1 "With the approach of warmer weather in the spring of 1719 most of the McGregor colony looked about for a more promising place. Those who re- mained at Falmouth led a miserable existence. The Rev. Thomas Smith, "pastor of the first church of Christ in Falmouth,' ' came to his desolate field of labor in 1720. There were less than sixty families, very poor because they were so often forced through fear of the Indians to abandon their farms and live in garrison houses, and some of them, says Smith, 'American Antiquarian Society, Mather Papers. DEACUT AND CASCO BAY 209 " soldiers that had found wives on the place, and were mean animals.' ' But the fighting in 1722 did away with the worst of them. 1 In 1735 there were only twenty families at Por- pooduc, and the Presbyterians there, at Falmouth, and at the settlement in Brunswick, to be noticed later, were ministered to by the Eev. James Wood- side for several years. He was followed by the Eev. William McClenathan, who removed to Blandf ord in Massachusetts in 1744. During the next score of years only the aged gathered to hear a passing Presbyterian minister, to renew their faith and their memories of old Ireland. 2 History and tradition have left some record of those who remained in Falmouth after the winter sojourners had gone on to Nutfield. John Arm- strong, signer of the petition, with Eobert Means, who had married his daughter, were certainly there, and Means settled at Stroudwater, a village near Falmouth. The descendants of Means became very prominent later in Massachusetts. Armstrong is said to have had brothers Simeon, James and Thomas, who had grants in or near Falmouth be- fore 1721. 3 1 Smith's Journal, p. 15. 2 A. Blaikie's Presbyterianism, p. 88. 3 Armstrong had an infant son, James, and a son Thomas, born in Falmouth in 1719. His brother, James, had Thomas, born in Ireland in 1717, as well as John, born in 1720, and James, in 1721, both in Falmouth. 210 • SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS John Barbour 1 came with his family, a son John having come to York, it is said, as early as 1717. Eandal McDonald is also mentioned as of the com- pany which spent the winter of 1718-19 in Falmouth, and with him William Jameson. A man named Sle- mons is said to have settled at Stroudwater with Means. This list is no doubt wholly inadequate, but the establishment of settlers a few miles away at Bruns- wick in 1718, supposed to be the passengers by the ' ' Maccallum, ' ' and additions in great numbers there in 1719 under Captain Robert Temple, make it ex- tremely difficult to name those who spent the winter of 1718-19 in or near Falmouth, and remained long enough to find a place on the records. Trouble with the Indians drove many farmers out of the country during the next five years, and from the lists of persons reaching Boston a few names of early dwellers in Casco Bay can be added. These names were incorporated into the Boston Select- men's records. Recorded at a meeting of the selectmen, April 27, 1719:— Anne Hanson who came from Casco into this Town ab* a week before was on ye 23 th of march, 1718 [-19] warned to depart. 1 Smith and Deane's Journal, pp. 57, 60, 92, 165 ; Willis's Port- land, pp. 326, 788; McLellan's Gorham, p. 395. See also an article by Mrs. Alice F. Moody in The Boston Transcript, June 5, 1907. S p s I - * fi 3 5 OS •— ' j * DEACUT AND CASCO BAY 213 Bobert Holmes & wife, William Holmes & child who came from Casco into this Town ab* 12 dayes before was on the 15 th of Aprill cur* warned to depart. Eecorded July 25, 1719 :— Joan Maccoullah widd came from Casco bay who had been then here ab* 5 dayes was on the 5 th of June, warned to depart. Eecorded October 28, 1720:— Noah Peck from Casco 2 moneths warned 26 th of August. Eecorded July 28, 1722 :— Thomas Longworth, Lame, from Casco [warned] June 3. Longworth was a settler long before 1718. The same may perhaps be said of Peck. The Scotch Irish settlers at Casco Bay between 1718 and 1722, that is, at Falmouth and along the shore of Cape Elizabeth, were more numerous than these records show, but some of the earliest were : James Armstrong. John Armstrong. Simeon Armstrong. Thomas Armstrong. f John Barbour. Thomas Bolton. . . Eev. William Cornwall. 214 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES Joshua Gray. 1 Anne Hanson. Bobert Holmes and wife. William Holmes and child. William Jameson. 2 Joan Macconllah. Eandal McDonald. Bryce McLellan. Bobert Means. Andrew Simonton. William Simonton. William Slemons or Slemmons. Bryce McLellan, who appears in the above list, built a house in Falmouth in 1731. Through the vicissitudes of fortune this house survived fire and storm, Mowat's attack in 1775, and the ruthless hand of progress, t standing on York Street after every other house of its period had disappeared from the present city of Portland. Among the later Scotch Irish settlers at Falmouth was John Motley, from Belfast in Ireland, who mar- ried in 1738 Mary Boberts. A son settled in Boston, where he became prominent; his descendant, John Lothrop Motley, was the historian of the Nether- lands. 1 So says Professor A. L. Perry. Proceedings Scotch Irish So- ciety, 2d Congress, p. 135. He also includes William Gyles. "This was probably the William Jameson who died at Rutland in 1760, leaving a sister, Martha Reed, of County Antrim, Ireland. XII THE YEARS 1718 AND 1719 AT MERRY- MEETING BAY In a previous chapter the voyage of the ship "Ma^aHum" was described, and it was made evi- dent that her passengers from Londonderry settled on lands at the Eastward. These lands skirted a large body of water, known as Merrymeeting Bay, which is formed by the Androscoggin River enter- ing the Kennebec. Southack's map, covering this region, bears the inscription, "An actual survey of the sea coast from New York to the I. Cape Briton . by Capt. Cyprian Southack. Printed and sold by Wm. Herbert, London Bridge & Rob 1 Sayer . . . Fleet Street.' ' On the land between Brunswick and Maquoit Bay there is an inscription which states that in the years 1718, 1719 and 1720 five hundred emigrants from Ireland had come to settle ; the inscription reads : "Kennebeck River very Long strong Tydes with all its branches Trade mostly is as yet Lumber Fish small matter came from the Kingdom of Ireland with in three Year : 1720 five Hun- 216 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS dred Inhabitants and made new Settlements for Farm- ing and Lumber." In the English Pilot, Part IV, London, 1737, the map described as "The Harbour of Casco Bay, By Cyprian Southicke,'' indicates a church and several houses between Maquoit Bay and the Androscog- *B*ooc/ Sovnd Part of Southack's Map gin River. 1 The words "Irish new settlement' ' show the character of the inhabitants. By the depositions of David Dunning, Jane McFadden, and her son Andrew, and John McPhe- tre, we learn that some of the people who settled here in 1718 "removed from Ireland to Boston, from Boston down to Kennebec River and up Merry- meeting Bay to a place called Cathance." 1 1 am indebted to Mr. John W. Farwell, Mr. Frederick L. Gay, and Mr. John H. Edmonds for much information relating to early- New England maps. MERRYMEETING BAY 217 A summary of these depositions follows : David Dunning, gentleman, of Brunswick, deposed October 8, 1767, that on or about the year 1718 he came first to Boston, and in the same vessel with Andrew McFadden and his wife (now widow). Soon after they came down together in the same ves- sel to the eastern country, and lived in Brunswick ever since 1718. Jane McFadden of Georgetown, aged about eighty-two, deposed June 19, 1766, that she with her late husband, Andrew McFadden, lived in the town of Garvo [Garvagh], County Derry, on the Bann Water, Ireland, at a place called Summersett. About forty-six years ago they removed from Ire- land to Boston, from Boston down to the Kennebec River and up Merrymeeting Bay to a place called Cathance Point. 1 Andrew McFadden of Georgetown, aged fifty- three, deposed June 22, 1768, that he was a son of the above Andrew and Jane. Daniel McFadden of Georgetown, aged forty-six, made a similar deposi- tion. Other testimony shows that Andrew and Jane had a daughter between Andrew and Daniel, born on the Kennebec River. They christened her Sum- mersett. 2 1 See Appendix III. 2 John Moore, living in Philadelphia in 1712, had a child of the same name. 218 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES John McPlietre of Georgetown, aged above sixty, deposed Jnne 22, 1768, that he knew Summersett place on the Bann Water, for he lived within about five miles of it. 1 Colonel David Dunning was the son of Andrew Dunning, who was born in 1664, and came with his wife, Susan Bond, to the lower Kennebec, known then as Georgetown in Maine. After a year Andrew settled at Maquoit in Brunswick. He was a black- smith, and died January 16, 1736, aged 72 years. His children were James, Andrew, Eobert, William and David. He and Andrew McFadden evidently were able, thrifty settlers, not unlike those led by McGregor, and they also were from the Bann Val- ley. But these were not the only early settlers on the Kennebec. Captain Robert Temple came over to Boston with his family and servants in the autumn of 1717 to settle as a gentleman farmer. He visited Connecticut and also the lands of the Pejepscot Company about the Androscoggin River in Maine. He much preferred, however, the lands on the east side of the Kennebec, opposite the mouth of the An- droscoggin. Upon his return to Boston he was taken into the enterprise, and agreed to undertake the transportation of settlers from Ireland. Tem- 1 Depositions given in the New England Historical and Genealog- ical Register, Vol. 39, p. 184; taken from the Cumberland County Court files by W. M. Sargent of Portland, MERRYMEETING BAY 219 pie engaged two large ships in 1718, and three more ships were chartered the next year. The Scotch Irish whom he brought over settled on the east bank of the Kennebec, between the present towns of Dres- den and Woolwich. The land was called Cork. The names of some of his people were : William Mont- gomery, Caldwell, James Steel, David Steel, McNut, James Rankin, William and James Burns or Barns. 1 A few of the Temple colonists set- tled in Topsham, opposite Brunswick, and several in Cathance, now part of Bowdoinham, on the Kenne- bec, south of Dresden. 2 Others, the larger part of the several hundred who came under Temple, went to New Hampshire and Pennsylvania to avoid the wrath of Father Rasle and his Indians. Cork was destroyed soon after. The ships must have brought immigrants rapidly, for Southack's map, published in London in 1720, states that already five hundred had arrived, or about one hundred families. The News-Letter for August 17-24, 1719, prints an item from Piscataqua dated August 21st, to the effect that Philip Bass had arrived at the Kennebec River from Londonderry with about two hundred passengers. Many of these must have been friends of those who came in the 1 See an interesting paper on "The Transient Town of Cork," in Maine Historical Society Collections, 2d Series, Vol. 4, p. 240. 2 The Rev. E. S. Stackpole has given me valuable aid on this subject. 220 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS ' ' Maccallum. ' ' We unfortunately have no record of the arrival of ships in 1718 and 1719 at the month of the Kennebec. Bnt not all the settlers there sailed directly from Ireland; many came through the for- ests or by sea from Falmouth, York, and Boston. Perhaps the Spear and Harper families of Bruns- wick had associations farther south, since David Spear (from Coleraine) and James Harper, both of the Connecticut Valley, were early settled in and near Windsor. The Rev. James Woodside had been preaching at Garvagh, in the Bann Valley, since 1700. Wheeler, in his history of Brunswick, 1 calls him a clergyman of the Church of England ; but there is more signifi- cance in the fact that we find him mentioned in Kil- len's Congregations of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, as a Presbyterian minister at Garvagh. Wind and tide drove him into Massachusetts Bay, and he went with his flock to Casco Bay and on to Brunswick, where they arrived in September, 1718. Possibly his sympathies were with the English rit- ual ; this might have made him unwelcome to some of his Brunswick congregation and so given color to the tradition that he was an Episcopalian. The first reference to religion at Brunswick ap- 1 Mr. Wheeler in his History and also in an entertaining sketch of Brunswick at the time of its incorporation (Pejepscot His- torical Society Collections) is not always to be followed in statements as to ancestry and year of immigration. MERRYMEETING BAY 221 pears to be a petition to the General Court from three Indians at Fort George, in October, 1717 ; and in response to their desire the Rev. Joseph Baxter was sent north from Medford to preach. In the summer of 1718 Mr. Woodside, with from twenty- five to forty families, reached Casco Bay from the Irish Londonderry, or from "Derry Lough.' ' The company went from Falmouth over land or by water to Merrymeeting Bay, as described in the deposition of Jane McFadden. Woodside appears to have set- tled down, temporarily at least, with his family at Falmouth. It is probable that the McGregor colony, with the Rev. Mr. Cornwall, had not yet arrived at Casco Bay, for they are known to have reached there in cold weather. Furthermore, Mr. Cornwall dined in Boston with Judge Sewall as late as October 16, 1718, and as he probably sailed with the rest of his party, the departure was no doubt as late as the end of October. The settlers at Brunswick, having been without Mr. Baxter's ministrations for six months, voted in town meeting November 3, 1718, to call Mr. Wood- side from Falmouth. The vote touches upon several details of interest, and it is given here: "Att a Leagual Town meeting in Brunswick Novm ber 3 d 1718, It was Voted That whereas the Proprietors of S d Township in their paternal Care for our Spiritual Good, have by there Joynt Letter Sought to y e Rev- erend M r . James Woodside to be our Minister & in 222 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS order there to proposed Conditions for his Settle- ment on their part, Wee the Inhabitance of Bruns- wick will Give Fourty pounds pr annum toward y e support of y e s d Mr. Woodside & a Sum in propor- tion there to from this time untill May next (if he Come to us) & God in his providence Should Then part us. "It was also at this meeting Voted That M r Bax- ters house on y e 6 th Lott in Brunswick Be forthwith made habitable for y e s d Mr. Woodside. That y e Charges there of y e Transporting him & his f amoly from Falmouth to Brunswick be paid Equally by us V s inhabitance of s d Brunswick & y l Capt Gyles is here by impowered to se y e Buisness effected. Joseph Heath Town C lk ' n In January, 1719, Cotton Mather wrote letters to the Scotch ministers at the Eastward to give them courage. Mr. Woodside certainly needed this en- couragement, for matters went ill with him there. In May the town voted to continue Mr. Woodside 's services for six months, "provided those of us who are Dissatisfied with his Conversation (as afore Said) Can by Treating with him as becomes Chris- tians receive Such Sattisfaction from him as that they will heare him preach for y e Time afore s d ." Mr. Wheeler takes " Conversation' ' to mean charac- ter. Possibly deportment or habits would come a 1 Wheeler's Brunswick, p. 354. MEEEYMEETING BAY 223 little nearer, although in another place Wheeler says the trouble was that he was not puritanical enough. Mather, in 1716, writing to a friend in Scotland, spoke of the transplanted clergy as too often "of a disdainful carriage," and of an "expression full of a levity not usual among o r ministers." The town voted September 10, 1719, to pay Mr. Woodside to that date and to dismiss him. In 1721 the Eev. Isaac Taylor, an assistant to the Eev. Samuel Haliday at Ardstraw, County Tyrone, came over. He could not have remained long, for in 1729 he was at Ardstraw, and had conformed to the Church of England. In 1722 he lent money to the McFarlands, probably those who were later of Boothbay, to pay their pas- sage across the Atlantic. The Eev. James Woodside returned to Boston, and on January 25, 1720, Mather writes that "poor Mr. Woodside, after many and grievous calamities in this uneasy country, is this week taking ship for London." He obtained credentials from the Eev. Cotton Mather, and a note of recommendation from the governor. Mather's letter reads : "Boston, New England "Jan 14, 1720 "Concerning the Eeverend Mr. James Woodside the Bearer hereof, we have been informed That ar- riving with other good people to the Eastern parts of New England from the Northern parts of Ireland 224 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS with ample recommendation [f] from the presber- tery of Ronte 1 in the year 1718 he had invitations to settle at several places, bnt chose a settlement at a New Town called Brunsivick: Declaring that he had in his view the instrnction of the Eastern Salvages (which he Chould have near unto him) in the primi- tive and Reformed Christianity. In the progres- sion [of] that Excellent service we have been in- formed." Woodside 's son, Captain William, remained in Brunswick, where he became prominent. Captain Woodside had the ready wit and resource of his people. He once agreed to outrun a very fleet In- dian if the savage would when defeated give him a fur robe. The Indian was delighted with the plan, since Woodside's corpulent figure was, known far and wide to be slow of movement. A great crowd gathered at the appointed time and place, and the trial began. The captain ran so awkwardly and perspired so freely that the entire company, includ- ing his rival, broke into continual roars of laughter. The Indian remained near the captain to enjoy the fun, and so far forgot his part in the sport that the captain, with a final burst of speed, came home a winner before anyone recalled the fact that he was a competitor. In 1723 the Rev. Mr. Woodside sent a very inter- 1 "Above these [i. e. The Glinnes] as far as the river Bann, the country is called Rowte." — Camden's Britannia, 1722, p. 1406. MEPKYMEETING BAY 225 esting petition to the king in council, which tells„of the family misfortunes i 1 "To the Kings most Excellent Majesty in Council The humble Memorial & Petition of James Woodside late Minister of the Gospel, at Brunswick, in New England. "Sheweth * ' That he with 40 Familys, consisting of above 160 Persons did in the Year 1718 embarque on a ship at Derry Lough in Ireland in Order to erect a Colony at Casco Bay, in Your Majestys Province of Main in New England. "That being arriv'd they made a settlement at a Place called by the Indians Pegipscot, but by them Brunswick, within 4 miles from Fort George, where (after he had laid out a considerable sum upon a Garrison House, fortify 'd with Palisadoes, & two large Bastions, had also made great Improvements, & laid out considerably for the Benefit of that Infant Colony) the Inhabitants were surpriz'd by the In- dians who in the Month of July 1722 came down in great Numbers to murder Your Majesty's good Sub- jects there. "That upon this Surprize the Inhabitants, naked & destitute of Provisions run for shelter into your Pet. rs House (which is still defended by his sons) 1 From Maine Historical Society Collections. Baxter Mss., Vol. X, p. 163. Original in the Rolls office, London. 226 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS where they were kindly receivd, provided for, & protected from the rebel Indians. "That the S a Indians being happily prevented from murdering Yonr Majesty's good Subjects (in Revenge to your Pet. r ) presently kill'd all his Cattel, destroying all the Moveables, & Provisions they could come at, & as Your Pet r had a very consider- able Stock of Cattel he & his Family were great suf- ferers thereby, as may appear by a Certificate of the Grovernour of that Province a Copy whereof is here- unto annexed. "Your Pet r therefore most humbly begs that in Regard to his great undertaking, his great Losses & sufferings, the Service done to the Publicke in sav- ing the Lives of many of Your Majesty's Subjects, "the unshak[en] Loyalty & undaunted Courage of his Sons, who still defend the S d Garrison. Your Maj- esty in Councel will be pleas 'd to provide for him, his Wife & Daughter here or grant him the Post of M r . Cummins, a Searcher of Ships in the Harbour of Boston N England, lately deceas'd that so his Family, reduced to very low Circumstances may be resettled, & his losses repair 'd where they were sus- tain 'd. & Your Pet r shall ever pray &c. ' ' "I do hereby certifie that the Rev. d M r . Woodside went over from Ireland to New England with a con- siderable Number of People, that he & they sate MERRYMEETING BAY 227 down to plant in a Place they called Brunswick in the Eastern Parts of New England there he bnilt a Garrison House, which was the Means of saving the Lives of many of his People in the late Insurrection of the Indians in July last. That his Generosity is taken Notice of by both Doctors Mathers & that the Indians cutt off all his Cattle, whereby he and his Family are great Sufferers Samuel Shute 1 i Copia vera "London June 25, 1723 14 E: Memorial & Petition of James Woodside to His Most Excellent Majesty in Councel. June 1723" During these days of Indian warfare, pillage and reprisal, men were impressed for sentinel duty, and distributed in small groups at garrison houses throughout the frontier towns in Maine, which was then under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. One of the unpleasant experiences of young Scotch Irish- men was to be met in the street by an officer and his attendants, and forced into military service. Many fell sick under the strain of such a life in the Maine woods, and through rough usage at the hands of officers. This ill-treatment fell heaviest upon the ' ' Irish, ' ' and particularly at the outset of the Indian troubles. A case is on .record of a Scotch Irish im- pressed soldier returning weak and crippled to the 228 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS place of his enlistment with no attempt at conceal- ment, and because he conld not produce papers to show his discharge, he was whipped at the cart's tail, and kept in jail until the Sheriff was moved through pity to ask for his release. Not until one half the force at the front had disappeared through illness and desertion did the Governor take the matter in hand. A committee then visited the fron- tier and brought back an unpleasant account of garrison life in such places as Brunswick. With the coming of militant Indians the colonists fled, some to the New Hampshire Londonderry or to Worcester, and many to Pennsylvania, leaving few traces of their sojourn in Maine. William Willis, editor of Smith and Deane 's Journals, has attempted to gather the names of these early settlers. The Eev. Everett S. Stackpole, a student of the subject, suggests the addition of those whose surnames ap- pear between brackets : [Andrew] McFadden Ward MeGowen [David] Given [William?] Vincent [Andrew] Dunning [John?] Hamilton [William] Simpson Johnston [David Alexander and son] [John?] Malcome [William Alexander] McLellan [James Wilson] Crawford [James McFarland] Graves [George Cunningham] MERRYMEETING BAY 229 [Robert Lithgow] [David Ross] [John Welch] [William Craigie] [John Yonng] The last four men Welch, 1 Ross, Craigie and Young, witnessed a deposition at Brunswick Sep- tember 4, 1718. 2 If they were Scotch Irish they might have come in July or August, but it seems most natural to place them with John Barbour at York where Scotchmen had lived since Cromwell's wars in 1650. Possibly they did not have any con- nection with the Scotch Irish movement. At the outbreak of Dummer's war many Bruns- wick settlers sailed for Boston, and suffered the customary formality of being warned out of town. Lists of these have the virtue of being well within the field of verity. The settlers thus recorded un- doubtedly came from the Kennebec country or settle- ments adjoining, and nearly all of these were Scotch Irish. The date at the left shows when the record of warning was reported to the selectmen in Boston. July 25, 1719 : Mary Banerlen, a widd° w th 6 Children who came from Bronswick into this Town on ye e 22 th of July. 1 See Monmouth, Maine. 2 York deeds, Vol. 9, folio 238. 230 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES October 24, 1719 : John Clark w th his wife & five children who came from Merrymeeting bay. October 24, 1719 : John Gray w th his wife & five Children John Newel w th his wife & three Children Eobert Tark w th his wife & three Children who all came into this Town from Berwick in a sloop Thomas Bell mast r James Dixwell & James Wallis husb d men who arrived here from y e Eastward Susanna Gate who Saves She came from the Eastw d July 22, 1720: Eliz a Eylee from Arrowsack. October 28, 1720: Jean Hall & child from Piscattiqna. January 27, 1721/22 : Humphry Taylor Wife & Six Children from Smal point, warned Aug. 7th. Jean Sper & three Children from the East- ward, warned August 5th. Mary Shertwell from Arowshick John Miller from Misconges July 28, 1722 from the Eastward viz. 1 [the following who from their names, notably that of McFar- land, evidently came from about Merrymeeting Bay.] Jean Hunter with Two Children MERRYMEETING BAY 231 Katherin Carter with & 3 Children Jean Wilson with 4 Children Sundry from the Eastward viz 1 Andrew Macf aden wife & 6 Children Isaac Hunter wife & 2 Children Alexan r wife and 4 Children James Johnson wife & 4 Children John Nelson wife & 2 Children Mathew Acheson wife & 2 Children Andrew Rogers Robert Rowland Samuel f orgeson William Hambleton November 6, 1722. A List of Sundry Persons Brought from Brunswick, Topsham and Towns adjacent at the Eastward parts by Thomas San- ders, and warned to depart the Town of Boston, as the Law directs, August the 12 th 1722. viz 1 . Charles Stuart Susan Lithgoe Hanna Stuart Will" 1 Lithgoe Hana Stuart Jean Lithgoe Sam 11 Stuart Susan Lithgoe Henry Stuart James Ross 1 Moses Harper Jenet Ross Mary Harper Eliza th Ross Jenat Harper Mary Ross Robert Lithgoe Isb 11 Ross 1 Wheeler thinks he was not Scotch Irish. 232 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS John Ross Mary Thorn Thomas Thorn Hugh Minsy [Menzies?] Sarah Minsy John Young Katherine Young Margaret Young Mary Young Easter Young Sarah Young James Harper James Miller Margaret Wadburn Mary Wadburn George Wadburn David Evins Will m Evins Thomas Rogers Eliza th Rogers Isabella Rogers John Hamilton John Hamilton James Beverly Agnus Beverly James Beverly Sam 11 Beverly Joseph Beverly Mary Smith John Smith Aubia Smith Mathew Smith Robert Wallis Martha Wallis John Wallis Anbah Wallis Jonas Stanwood 1 Sam 11 Stanwood 1 David Stanwood 1 M r Salter Mary Salter Thomas Salter Mary Salter M r Swwanan & Maid M r Cary & wif James Rodgers April 26, 1723:. Daniel Hunter & His Wife James Savage His Wife & five Children- Irish people from Smal Point. Ap r 10 th . *Not Scotch Irish. MEREYMEETING BAY 233 October 28, 1723: Tho. Hogg his wife & Two Children from Arowshick. June 29, 1724: Mary Thomas & one Child from St. Georges. We may summarize the Merrymeeting Bay Scotch Irish settlers of 1718-1722 somewhat in this way, us- ing Wheeler's list of early settlers, pages 865-874; the warnings above; and various facts found else- where. Some names are no doubt English, but as yet they cannot safely be eliminated. Merrymeeting Bay Scotch Irish Settlers, 1718-1722. Matthew Acheson, wife and two children Alexander, wife and four children David Alexander and son William Alexander Mary Banerlen, widow, and six children James and William Barns or Burns Agnes Beverly James Beverly Joseph Beverly Samuel Beverly Calwell Katherine Carter and three children Cary and wife John Clark, wife and five children 234 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS John Cochran Selectman at Brunswick in 1719? " Ireland " in mnster roll William Craigie At Brunswick September 4, 1718 Crawford George Cunningham James Dixwell Andrew Dunning "Ireland" in muster roll David Evans John Evans William Evans Samuel Ferguson Alexander and James Ferguson were at Kit- tery in 1711 Thomas Fleming David Given or Giveen John Graves John Gray, wife and five children Jean Hall and child John Hamilton Abel and Gabriel Hamilton at Berwick in 1711 Patrick Hamilton Robert Hamilton Robert Hamilton, Jr. William Hamilton William Hands ard MEBRYMEETING- BAY 235 James Harper "Ireland" in mnster roll Jenet Harper Joseph Harper Mary Harper • Moses Harper William Harper Thomas Hogg, wife and two children ; from Ar- rowsic, 1723 ?Adam Hnnter Daniel Hnnter and wife "Irish people from Smal point/ ' 1723 Isaac Hnnter, wife and two children James Hnnter Jean Hunter and two children John Hunter James Johnson, wife and four children Jean Lithgow Robert Lithgow Susan Lithgow William Lithgow Andrew McFadden, wife and six children James McFarland McGowen McNut John Malcom James Miller John Miller From Miscongus 236 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS Dr Hugh Minnery or Minory Hugh Minsy Sarah Minsy Henry Mitchell " Ireland' ' in muster roll- Hugh Mitchell " Ireland' ' in muster roll William Montgomery John Nelson, wife and two children John Newel, wife and three children James Rankin Elizabeth Riley From Arrowic Andrew Rogers Elizabeth Rogers Isabella Rogers James Rogers Thomas Rogers David Ross Elizabeth Ross Isabella Ross James Ross Jenet Ross John Ross Mary Ross Robert Rowland Mr Salter Mary Salter Thomas Salter MERRYMEETING BAY 237 James Savage, wife and five children "Irish people from Smal point/ ' 1723 Mary Shertwell From Arrowsic William Simpson Anbia Smith James Smith John Smith Mary Smith Matthew Smith Jean Spear and three children David and James Steel James Stinson or Stevenson " Ireland " in muster roll John Stinson Robert Stinson Charles Stnart Hannah Stnart Henry Stnart Samnel Stnart William Tailer Robert Tark, wife and three children Humphrey Taylor, wife and six children From Small Point Mary Thomas and one child From Saint Georges, 1724 Peter Thompson Mary Thorn Thomas Thorn 238 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS James Thornton Thomas Tregoweth John Vincent Anbah Wallis Daniel Wallis James Wallis John Wallis Martha Wallis Robert Wallis Ward John Welch James Wilson Jean Wilson and four children George Woodbnrn Margaret Woodbnrn Mary Woodburn Samnel York Easter Young John Young Katherine Young Margaret Young Mary Young Sarah Young These are the settlers who fulfilled the Rev. Cotton Mather's dream of a line of emigrant outposts. They suffered grievous hardships, but who shall say that they and theirs did not in the fulness of time reap a just reward of prosperity, influence and honor ? CHAPTER XIII NITTFIELD AND LONDONDERRY, 1719-1720 The Scotch Irish petition, signed in Ireland, bears the date "this 26th day of March, Annoq. Dom. 1718," a few weeks only before the Rev. Mr. Boyd set sail for New England, where he arrived about July 25th. While his friends were crossing the ocean, Mr. Boyd endeavored to interest Governor Shnte, Judge Sewall and the Rev. Cotton Mather in their behalf. Evidently he could do little more in Boston than call upon persons of influence before his flock came into the harbor. We have seen that many of the settlers went to the frontier settlement at Worcester, and still others to Casco Bay, where Governor Shute was endeavoring to foster the growth of Falmouth. James Smith went to Needham, Walter Beath to Lunenburg, and Matthew Watson to Leicester, although it is not al- ways possible to say that these or others went imme- diately to the towns where they eventually settled. The followers of the two clergymen, Boyd and Mc- Gregor, desired a grant of land which they might control rather than permission to settle among the old stock that had founded the colony. These men remained in Boston while negotiations went on. The 240 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Rev. Mr. McGregor and Archibald Boyd, 1 perhaps a brother of the clergyman of that name, sent the following petition to the General Court: "A Petition of Archibald Boyd, James MacGreg- ory & sundry others Setting forth that the Petition- ers being under very discouraging circumstances in their own Countrey (viz. the Kingdom of Ireland) as well on the Account of Religion, as the Severity of their Rents & Taxes ; & having h'eard of the great "Willingness to encourage any of his Majestys Prot- estant & loyal Subjects of sober conversation to set- tle within this Province they have this last Sum- mer, with their Families, undertaken a long & haz- zardous Voyage to the sd Parts & are now residing in & about Boston, & have been waiting the Meeting of this Hon ble Assembly: And Praying that the Court would be pleased to grant unto them a convenient Tract of their wast Land, in such Place as they shall think fit, where they may without Loss of time, settle themselves & their Families, as over forty more Families who will come from Ireland as soon as they hear of their obtaining Land for Township; which they apprehend will be of great Advantage to this Country by strengthening the Frontiers & out Parts & making Provisions Cheaper. "In the House of Represent ves October 31, 1718: Read and Committed. In Council; Read." *A Rev. Archibald Boyd, of Maghera, ordained October 28, 1703, was "set aside" in 1716. LONDONDERRY 241 The above petition shows that the rigorous laws relating to religion, and the rise in rents and taxes abont Coleraine in Ireland, brought about the Scotch Irish migration. The reference to forty families soon to follow may indicate some connection in the plans of the McGregor company and the Rev. James Woodside's party which finally settled at Bruns- wick. The petition was granted November 20, 1718, and a committee of six was appointed to lay out a town for the people from Ireland. It was to be six miles square, of unappropriated lands "in the East- ern parts.' ! Eighty house lots were to be laid out in a defensible manner, and not exceeding one hundred acres more to each lot. When forty lots had been taken the owners would manage all their own pru- dential affairs, and upon the settlement of eighty families they could then dispose of common lands. With true New England spirit, provision was made for two hundred and fifty acres to be set aside for the ministry before any other allotments were made, and a like amount for a school. 1 Parker states that the company which passed the winter of 1718-19 on shipboard in Casco Bay ex- plored the country to the eastward, and finding noth- ing satisfactory that had not been claimed they as- cended the Merrimac to Haverhill, April 2, 1719 ; at this point they were told of a fertile tract of land covered with nut trees, lying about fourteen miles 1 Province Laws, 1718-19, Chapters 99, 104. 242 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS north west of the meeting-house at Haverhill. Leav- ing their families there, or across the river at Brad- ford, the men of the party, James McKeen, Captain James Gregg and others, at once mounted horses and rode over to examine the land. They found it satisfactory and named the place Nuffield, on ac- count of the trees growing there. They remained to build # a few temporary huts near a small tribu- tary of Beaver Brook, which they called West-run- ning Brook. They then returned to Haverhill for their wives and children. Those who had remained on the south side of the Merrimac at Bradford or Andover crossed over the river in boats. The Haverhill rabble had no love for the " Irish," and greeted them with jeers and ridicule. When near- ing the shore for a landing one of the boats turned over, so that women and children were thrown into the water. This afforded boundless delight to the onlookers, and at last inspired a local bard, who "Then they began to scream and bawl, And if the devil had spread his net He would have made a glorious haul. ' " Several of the company went to Nuffield by way of Dracut, a town near the mouth of Beaver Brook, where it joins the Merrimac. They met the Rev. 1 B. L. Mirick's Haverhill, 1832, pp. 140-141. LONDONDERRY 243 Mr. McGregor and asked him to go with them. The two parties journeying to Nutfield met on April 11th, at the little hill where the men had on the pre- vious visit tied their horses. This happy and mem- orable occasion was made impressive by an address from the Rev. Mr. McGregor. He congratulated his friends on the termination of their wanderings after enduring the perils of a voyage across the ocean and a pitiless winter. He besought them to be stead- fast in their faith in the midst of a strange people and unknown dangers. Before he returned to Dracut the next day he preached from Isaiah xxxii. 2, "And a man shall be a hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest; as rivers of water in a dry place; as the shadow of a great rock in a weary land. ' ' He stood under a large oak tree, east of Beaver Pond and within sight of the first rude cabins of his people, who now gathered round him. His tall figure was erect and commanding, his dark face serene and strong. It was a time for courage and for prayer. They had come over the sea to escape persecution and had met everywhere in the new world intol- erance and distrust. They had not only to subdue the wilderness but to kindle a brotherly Christian spirit in the grandsons of those who founded Ply- mouth and Boston. The settlers decided to build on either side of West-running Brook, each home lot to be thirty rods 244 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS wide, fronting the brook, and extending back from the bank to a distance sufficient to make each lot contain sixty acres. In this way they were able for a few years to live in a close commnnity as a pro- tection from the Indians. Two stone garrison houses were built for further safety, although as it hap- pened the town was never attacked, and one man, James Blair, never sought their sheltering walls. There is a tradition that this immunity from In- dian assault was due to a bond of friendship between McGregor and Philippe, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Gov- ernor-general of Canada. It has been said that the two men, the Catholic nobleman and the Protestant commoner, attended the same college. The improb- ability of the story is apparent, although some form of intercourse between the two may be inferred from the fact that a manuscript sermon in McGreg- or's hand bears on the margin Vaudreuil's name and titles. The following paragraph in SewalPs Diary, under date of March 5, 1718-19, refers . to news obtained by Boyd, possibly from a letter writ- ten by Vaudreuil, although there is not the slightest evidence that it was sent to McGregor. The passage reads: "Mr. Boyd dines with me: he says there is a Report in the Town that Gov r Vandrel [Vaudreuil] has written that he can no longer keep back the In- dians from War. ' ' In these days of hewing and building at Nutfield we get a pleasant bit of humor in the story of the V\. r ■ ■■ W ( V^^M'" ; | l' j 454 1.1'V 11 .' ill \ p. LONDONDERRY 247 construction of John Morison's log cabin. John was at work on the bank of West-running Brook, selecting from his pile of logs those that he pre- ferred for front wall and for sides, and those best suited for beams to support the roof. His wife Margaret, engrossed by her share of the home du- ties, nevertheless found time to watch his progress and also to cast an eye about upon the work being done by other women's husbands. As the cabin grew she' became anxious, and approaching him in a manner unusually affectionate she said: "Aweel, aweel, dear Joan, an it maun be a loghouse, do make it a log heegher nor the lave" (higher than the rest). It was her grandson, Jeremiah Smith, whose inheri- ted desire to excel made him a member of Congress and chief justice of his state. But there was in these settlers something more vital than even a proper pride. They were every- where devout. When a religious organization was needed the Bann company at once thought of the Rev. Mr. McGregor. He accepted their invitation to settle at Nutfield and in May, 1719, removed with his family from Dracut to the new village. This must have been a contrast indeed, leaving the well- established town for a large field covered with stumps of trees, intersected by a brook, and dotted with log cabins. But between the stumps potatoes and beans and barley grew, and where the smoke curled from the clay chimneys he knew that there 248 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS lie should recognize voices, and should meet eyes that were familiar with Coleraine in old Ireland, with the Salmon Leap, the Giant's Causeway, Boyd's mountain, and even with God's house in far-away Aghadowey church-yard. There he had been known as the "Peace-maker," and he lived to be revered anew in his New England home. The settlement had been made at Nutfield under the impression that the lands were in Massachusetts, but in May, 1719, the General Court decided that New Hampshire had jurisdiction over them. James Gregg and Robert Wear, in behalf of the Scotch Irish at Nutfield, then asked the governor and court assembled at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, for a township ten miles square. Meanwhile, to obtain a title to the lands of Nutfield, which were claimed by several persons, they applied to Colonel John Wheel- wright, the chief claimant. By virtue of a deed or grant made to his grandfather and others by repre- sentatives of all the Indians between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua, the colonel held a title which commanded attention. His deed to James McGregor, Samuel Graves, David Cargill, James McKeen, James Gregg, "and one hundred more" was dated October 20, 1719. 1 Lieutenant-Governor Wentworth, on account of a dispute as to the title, refused to make a grant, but by advice of his council extended to the people the 1 See Parker's Londonderry, page 321. LONDONDERRY 249 benefits of government and appointed James McKeen a justice of the peace and Robert Wear a sheriff. The petition 1 reads: "The Hnmble peti- tion of the People late of Ireland now settled at Nut- field to his Excellency the Governor and General Court assembled at Portsmouth Sep 1 23 d 1719. "Humbly Sheweth, That your Petitioners having made application to the General Court met at Bos- ton in October last 2 and having obtained a grant for a Township in any part of their unappropriated lands took incouragement thereupon to^ settle at Nuffield about the Eleventh of Aprile last which is situated by Estimation about fourteen miles from Haverel meeting House to the North West and fif- teen miles from Dracut meeting House on the River merrimack north and by East. That your petition- ers since their settlement have found that the said Nuffield is claimed by three or four different parties by virtue of Indian Deeds, yet none of them offered any disturbance to your petitioners except one party from Newbury and Salem. Their Deed from one John Indian bears date March the 13th Anno Dom : 1701 and imports that they had made a purchase of the said land for ^.ve pounds, by virtue of this deed they claim ten miles square Westward from Haverel *New Hampshire Town Papers, Vol. IX, p. 480. 2 The petition from John Armstrong at Falmouth was not granted. That from Archibald Boyd led to the grant of a town- ship, and so appears to be the one here referred to. 250 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS line and one Caleb Moody of Newbury in their name discharged our People from clearing or any wais improving the said land unless we agreed that twenty or five and twenty families at most should dwell there and that all the rest of the land should be reserved for them. "That your petitioners by reading the Grant of the Crown of Great Britain to the Province of the Massachusetts bay, which determineth their north- ern line three miles from the River merrimack from any and every part of the River and by advise from such as were more capable to judge of this Affair, are Satisfied that the said Nutfield is within his Majesties Province of New Hampshire which we are further Confirmed in, because the General Court met at Boston in May last, upon our renewed application did not think fit any way to intermeddle with the said land. ' ' That your petitioners therefore imbrace this op- portunity of addressing this honorable Court, pray- ing that their Township may consist of ten miles square or in a figure Equivalent to it, they being al- ready in number about seventy Families & Inhabi- /" tants and more of their friends arrived from Ireland to settle with them, and many of the people of New England settling with them, and that they being so numerous may be Erected into a Township with its usual Priviledges and have a power of making Town Officers and Laws, that being a frontier place they LONDONDERRY 251 may the better subsist by Government amongst them, and may be more strong and full of Inhabitants : ' ' That your Petitioners being descended from and professing the Faith and Principles of the Establist Church of North Britain and Loyal Subjects of the British Crown in the family of his Majesty King George and incouraged by the happy administration of his Majesties Chief Governour in these provinces and the favourable inclinations of the good people of New England to their Brethren adventuring to come over and plant in this vast Wilderness, humbly Expect a favorable answer from this honourable Court and your Petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray &c, Subscribed at Nutfield in the name of your people Sep 4 y e 21 st 1719 " James Gregg "Robertt Wear" Nutfield was incorporated as the town of London- derry in June, 1722, and an interesting list of pro- prietors was appended to the act. 1 It would be fruitless to follow longer the fortunes of the New Hampshire Londonderry, since Parker has written the story in all its detail. The people throve and multiplied, they tilled the soil, fished at the Amoskeag falls, and made linens and hollands that became known far and wide. 1 See Parker's Londonderry, pp. 322-326 ; also New Hampshire Town Papers, Vol. IX, p. 484. 252 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS It is said by Parker that sixteen men with their families first settled on the " common field' ' about the month of West-rnnning Brook. Perhaps they should be defined 1 as the immediate friends of Mr. McGregor. The town in December, 1719, voted to grant a lot to each of "the first Comers to the town which is the number of twenty." The sixteen men were: James McKeen, of Ballymoney, 2 County Antrim: he married 1st Janet Cochran, 2d Annis Cargill. His daughter married James Nesmith. He died No- vember 9, 1756, at the age of 91 years. James Gregg, of Macosquin, County Londonderry: he married Janet Cargill, sister of Mrs. McKeen above and of Mrs. James McGregor. John Barnett, Captain, and Jean his wife. Their children are mentioned in the records as early as 1722. He died in 1740 at the age of 86. Jean or Janet was the widow of John McKeen, a brother of James McKeen. Archibald Clendenin, and Miriam his wife. Their children are given in the birth records as early as 1720. 1 "More strictly defined as members of Rev. James McGregor's congregation." — Willey's Nutfield, p. 91. 2 The townland of Ballynacree in the parish of Ballymoney was also a center of Quaker influence. From the 'Ballynacree monthly meetings there went out to Pennsylvania Daniel, Andrew and Alexander Moore, William McCool, Samuel Beverly, Samuel Miller, John Boyd and Thomas McMillan. LONDONDERRY 253 John Mitchell, Captain, died in 1776, aged 80. His wife Eleanor died in 1771, aged 74. James Sterrett, of whom little is known. His home lot was isolated, and next to it he had a grant of 80 acres laid ont in 1729. James Anderson, and Mary his wife. Their children are mentioned as early as 1720. He died in 1771, aged 88. His grand-daughter Alice married the Rev. Joseph McKeen, first president of Bowdoin College, grandson of James McKeen. Allen Anderson, married a daughter of Hugh Ran- kin but died childless. Land was laid out to him in 1728. Randal Alexander, and Jenet his wife. Their chil- dren are mentioned on the birth records. He died in 1770, aged 83. The "Randal" in Scotch Irish names came from the great Earl of Antrim. James Clark, and Elizabeth his wife, had a child whose birth is recorded in 1726. He became a deacon, and had four sons and a daughter. James Nesmith, married Elizabeth, daughter of James McKeen. He died in 1767, aged 75. She died in 1763, at the age of 67. Robert Weir or Wear, and Martha his wife. A daughter Elizabeth was born in 1723. John Moris on, and Margaret his wife. He died in Peterborough in 1776, aged 98. She died in 1769, aged 82. Samuel Allison, and Catherine his wife. Their 254 SCOTCH' IEISH PIONEERS children are mentioned as early as 1721. He died in 1760, at the age of 70. Thomas Steele, married Martha Morison, sister of John Morison above. He died in 1748, aged 65. She died in 1759, aged 73. John Stuart, and Jean his wife. The records speak of twenty "first comers," so that we should, perhaps, add four others to the above list. These might be Goffe, Graves, Simonds and Keyes, or the first two, with the Rev. Mr. McGregor and a fourth. At best we can only offer a surmise. With the sixteen settlers should be associated the Rev. James McGregor who married Marion Cargill, the sister of Mrs. McKeen and Mrs. James Gregg. These people were all from the banks of the Bann River, or the Bann Water, as it was called, and had ties of blood or social intercourse to hold them together. James McKeen and his brother John were in business together at Ballymoney, 1 county Antrim, in 1718, and had prospered. They determined to emigrate to America, influenced perhaps by James 's brother-in-law McGregor who felt keenly the effects of commercial depression and religious strife in Ire- 1 The accompanying sketch of Ballymoney, reconstructed from a plan, shows its four streets. In the foreground is Meeting House Lane, with the Gate Cabin (near Gate End and the Castle) at the extreme left, and Fort Cabin at the right, with the Meet- ing House opposite to it. The Main Street leads to Coleraine. From it to the right is Church Street; to the left is Piper's Eow, with the Market on the corner. ~W M LONDONDERRY 257 land. 1 John McKeen died a short time before the ship was to sail; but his widow with her four chil- dren continued with the party, which was evidently composed of families allied by marriage or closely associated with the McKeen business interests in Ballymoney, or with the Rev. Mr. McGregor's reli- gious life across the Bann at Aghadowey and Ma- cosquin. We are not surprised therefore to hear that McKeen 's daughter said to her granddaughter one day that " James McKeen, having disposed of his property embarked with his preacher, Rev. James McGregor and sixteen others, who had bound themselves to him for a certain time to pay for their passage to America. ,,2 He no doubt engaged the ship and became responsible for most of the expense of the enterprise. The news that the Scotch Irish were to have a tract of land ten miles square for a town of their own soon attracted settlers from Boston, Worcester, and Fal- mouth. In September, 1719, there were seventy fam- ilies at Nutfield, not all, however, of Scotch Irish con- nection. The list of proprietors of Londonderry in 1722 records about one hundred Scotch Irish land owners, and also several of English descent, John Wheelwright, Benning Wentworth, Richard Wal- 1 His parish had become poor and his salary was greatly in arrears. 2 Mrs. Thorn's statement, L. A. Morrison's Dinsmoor Family, Lowell, 1891, p. 41. 258 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS dron, Edward Proctor, Benjamin and Joseph Kidder. • It is difficult to name the seventy families who set- tled at Nutfield before September, 1719 ; there must have been in addition to the sixteen original fam- ilies at least twenty five who came during the sum- mer of 1719. Some of these twenty five or more we know: others are to be found probably in the list of proprietors of 1722. 1 One might name : David Cargill, a selectman in 1719 ; he may have been the father of Mrs. McKeen, Mrs. Gregg and Mrs. McGregor: he was elected as the first select- man, a courtesy perhaps to his distinguished sons- in-law, for he served but one year. He had been a Ruling Elder of the church in Aghadowey, Ireland, and died in 1734, at the age of 73. His wife Jenet survived him for eleven years. Alexander McMurphy, mentioned very early. His son John was a Justice of the Peace, and the town's first representative. 2 James Reid, a graduate of the University of Edin- burgh; among the first settlers, and prominent. He died in 1755, at the age of sixty. John Wallace, who came in 1719 or 1720, and mar- ried in 1721 Annis Barnett. They had four sons and four daughters. 1 1 am indebted to Mrs. Charles F. White, Mrs. Henry S. Tufts and Miss Virginia Hall for many genealogical facts of value in connection with these families. 2 See Willey's Nutfield, p. 231. LONDONDERRY 259 Abkaham Holmes's Letter from the Church at Aghadowey, Ireland John Bell, from Ballymoney in 1719 or 1720. The grandfather of Governor Bell of New Hampshire. Abraham Holmes came with his wife and children in 1719. He died in 1753, at the age of 70. His wife 260 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Mary Morison was probably a sister of David and Samuel Morison. They brought a very interesting letter from the church in Aghadowey, Ireland, signed by John Given and David Cargill. This letter reads i 1 "The bearer, Abraham Holmes, Janet Givens his mother-in-law, Mary Morison his wife, and their two Children has lived in this Congregation the most part of them from their Infancy, and all along, and now at their departure they were not only sober and free of publick scandle, But also of good Report and Christian Conversation (Children exepted) now Communicants with us. And now being about to transport themselves to New England in America we have nothing to hinder their being received as mem- bers of any Christian Society, and may be admitted to sealing ordinances wherever providence may or- der their lot; all of which is certified at Ahadonia [Aghadowey] this 12 th day of June 1719. Witness by "John Givens "David Cargill" The following men are mentioned in the historical statement with which the first town clerk opened his book of records : 1 1 am indebted to Mr. J. Albert Holmes for a copy of this paper. The original is owned by Mr. Charles D. Page of New Haven. LONDONDERRY 261 Robert Boyes, a prominent pioneer, who was sent to Ireland after Mr. McGregor's death to secure a successor in the pulpit ; Alexander and James Nichols, both useful men ; Alexander McGregor, doubtless a relative of the clergyman ; James Blair, the man who lived without fear of Indians and was never molested ; Alexander Walker, and James Morison. Among those who may have been of English ori- gin, but were very early in Nutfield two appear on the town records in 1719 : John Goffe was town clerk from 1719 to 1722. He probably belonged to the Charlestown family of the same name. Samuel Graves, a selectman as early as 1719. One might expect him to be a relative of the McKeen connection, for he was a grantee from Wheelwright of the Nutfield township, and the other four grantees mentioned, McKeen, McGregor, Cargill and Gregg were all related one to another by blood or marriage. Two other men are noted by the editor of the printed Londonderry records as early settlers, Jo- seph Simonds, who appears in the historical state- ment, and Elias Keyes, who, like Goffe and Graves, fails of mention in the statement. 262 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS So ends a list which is far from satisfactory since many others may have been in Londonderry during the snmmer of the year 1719. GofTe, the town clerk, placed upon the Nutfield records birth dates which antedate 1718. It cannot be assumed that settlers reported these facts before the settlement was made at West-running Brook. Probably GofTe, who re- corded his own early family statistics, did a like service for his friends the Graveses, MacMurphys, Leslies and Smiths. 1 They were, perhaps, all in Nutfield in 1719. The early settlers of Londonderry comprised many who remained but a short time and moved on to new plantations. 2 William Aiken James AndersonJ Edward Aiken John Anderson James Aiken John Archibald William Adams John Archibald, Jr. James Alexander Robert Armstrong (called " early" by Robert Actmuty or Jesse McMurphy) Auchmuty Randal Alexander J John Barnettt- ° Samuel AllisonJ John Barnett, Jr. Allen Anderson t J ° John Bell 1 Willey's Nutfield, pp. 63, 237. 2 Robert Boyes and David Cargill in 1729 sent a petition to Colonel Dunbar in behalf of 150 families who desired lands about Pemaquid, Maine, for settlement. Maine Historical Society Col- lections, Baxter MSS., Vol. X, p. 439. * 1 1 °. For explanation see p. 265. LONDONDERRY 263 James Blairt ° John Blair David Bogle Thomas Bogle Dr. Hugh Bolton William Bolton Eobert Boyesf ° Thomas Caldwell William Campbell David Cargill* ° David Cargill, Jr.° George Clark James Clark! ° John Clark Matthew Clark Robert Clark Thomas Clark Archibald ClendeninJ ° Andrew Cochran John Cochran Peter Cochran William Cochran David Craig John Crombie David Dickey Samuel Dickey James Doak John Doak Robert Doak George Duncan William Eayers James Gilmore Robert Gilmore William Gilmore John Given John Goffe* Samuel Graves* ° John Gray Henry Green David Gregg James Gregg* t i ° John Gregg Samuel Gregg William Gregg Nehemiah Griffin Abraham Holmes Samuel Huston William Humphra or Humphrey James Lesly or Leslie James Liggit James Lindsey [of Mendon, turner, 1731] John McClurg Alexander McCollum John McConoeighy Daniel McDuffee x 264 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS James McGlaughlin Rev James McGregor* f Alexander McGregort ° John Mack James McKeen* f t ° Janet McKeen John McKeen Robert McKeen Samuel McKeen Alexander McMurphj John McMurphy Alexander McNeal James McNeal John McNeal Abel Merrel John MitchellJ Hugh Montgomery James Moor John Moor Samuel Moor David Morison James Morisonf ° John Morison, d. 1736 John Morison (Jr.) * 1 1 Robert Morison Samuel Morison James Nesmitht ° Alexander Nichols f ° James Nichols t ° Peter Patterson ° John Pinkerton Hugh Ramsey Hugh Rankin James Reid John Richey James Rogers John Sheales William Smith Archibald Stark Thomas Steele! t ° James Sterrettt John Stuartt Jonathan Taylor Matthew Taylor William Thompson Andrew Todd Alexander Walker t ° John Wallace Robert Weir or Wear Benjamin Williams Benjamin Willson Elizabeth Willson ° Mary Willson Thomas Willson William Willson James Wilson Robert Wilson John Woodford LONDONDERRY 265 * indicates that the name will be found on the town records of 1719. t indicates that the name appears in the historical statement with which the town records open. t indicates one of Parker's "first sixteen settlers." indicates an early settler in the judgment of the editor of the printed Londonderry records. The following proprietors of Londonderry in 1722 have not been included above ; few if any were Scotch Irish : Col. John Wheelwright, Edward Proctor, Beardiville, Ballywillan, County Antrim Seat of the Leckys, distinguished at the Siege of Derry Benjamin and Joseph Kidder, Joseph Simonds, Elias Kays, John Eobey, John Senter, Stephen Perce, Andrew Spanlden, Benning Wentworth, and Eichard Waldron. The Scotch Irish had their wish fulfilled, the desire for a town to be ruled by their own kith and kin. XIV THE SCOTCH IRISH IN DONEGAL, DERRY AND NESHAMINY, PENNSYLVANIA AFTER 1718 After the development of Londonderry, Rutland, and Pelham the New England Scotch Irish spread gradually into other towns, Windham, Antrim, Peterborough, Colerain, Blandford, Palmer and many more. Upon each they left a mark of thrift and piety. From these towns the more venturesome moved westward into New York, and one of their settlements, Cherry Valley, became famous later as the scene of an Indian massacre. Receiving fewer immigrants from Ireland to swell their numbers than like communities at the South received, the Scotch Irish of New England had less power, both to exercise in civil affairs, and to aid them to maintain their transplanted faith. If they may be said to have been unfortunate in this respect they have been peculiarly favored in their historians. Londonderry, Windham, Peterborough and Pelham are represented by local histories that treasure the Scotch Irish tradition. The life of Judge Jeremiah Smith, and the family histories of the Blairs, Smiths and Morrisons, are typical of the record of Scotch PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IRISH 267 Irish life that New England has preserved. If it be true that history must achieve vitality to reclaim a dead past, we may say, viewing these vital his- torical works, that New England in the days of the Scotch Irish pioneers still lives. Of the Scotch Irish at the South much of this can also be said with equal emphasis. Theirs is a record of influence still to be traced in history. A southern stronghold of Presbyterianism was in the neighborhood of Newcastle, Delaware. The narrow tongue of land between the upper shore of Chesapeake Bay and the Delaware Eiver is shared by Maryland and Delaware. Maryland's portion includes the Elk River and is known as Cecil County. Delaware's portion is called Newcastle County, with Wilmington, its chief city, at the mouth of Christiana Creek. North of these two counties and across the Pennsylvania line are Lancaster and Chester counties (all known as Chester County from 1682 to 1729), extending from the Delaware River to the Susquehanna River. This territory, south a few miles from Philadelphia, became the mecca for Scotch emigrants from Ireland. These emigrants pushed up through Newcastle County to cross the Pennsylvania line, hoping to escape from Maryland and its tithes. 1 Unfortunately at this very time the exact line of the boundary was in dispute between Lord Baltimore and the heirs of William Penn, and 1 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, January, 1901, p. 497. 268 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS many of the settlers flocked in and preempted land in dispute, without obtaining right or title. To add to the confusion the Penn family were in a state of domestic discord, so that their agent James Logan allowed very few grants in any place after the year 1720. An exception was made however in the case of the Scotch Irish, people who, said Logan, "if kindly used, will I believe be orderly, as they have hitherto been, and easily dealt with; they will also, I expect, be a leading example to others.' ' These grants were made for a settlement which was called Donegal. 1 At this early period when the business of sending ' ' runners ' ' into the rural communities in Ireland to stimulate emigration 2 had not begun, we must not ex- pect to find any noticeable increase in the number of ships entering the Atlantic ports. At Boston trading vessels from Dublin were not infrequent visitors, but aside from servants their passengers were few. At Charleston the number of ships en- tering the port scarcely varied between the years 1714 and 1724, except for a falling off when the pirates injured commerce in 1717-18, and a tempo- rary increase in 1719. Few Scotch Irish came to New York in the early part of the eighteenth century because the Governor of New York and New Jersey, Lord Cornbury, dealt Pennsylvania Magazine of History, Vol. 21, p. 495. 2 Ibid, p. 485. PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IRISH 269 harshly with dissenters. The Rev. Francis Mak- emie and the Rev. John Hampton visited the city on a missionary tour to New England in January, 1706-7. Makemie was refused permission to preach in the Dutch Church, but conducted a service openly at the home of William Jackson in Pearl Street on Sunday, the 19th. He was arrested and thrown into prison for preaching without a license. Makemie petitioned for a speedy trial, but the legal proceedings were permitted to drag on until the seventh of June when a verdict of not guilty was brought in. The financial burden of imprisonment and trial, amounting to more than eighty three pounds, fell entirely upon Makemie, although he is known to have had firm friends in New York. His sureties John Johnstone, gentleman, and William Jackson, cordwainer, both recorded in 1703 as resi- dents of the South ward, no doubt had listened to this famous sermon; and we know of four others who were present: Captain John Theobalds, John Vanhorne, Anthony Young and one Harris, Lord Cornbury's coachman. 1 The Governor, soon after the trial, was removed from office and imprisoned for debt. Late in 1718 the News-Letter furnishes evidence of the arrival of passengers from Ireland at the port of New York. 2 Whether Celts or Scots x For a list of Presbyterians in New York in 1755, see Journal Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. 1, p. 244. 2 A pink from Ireland, John Read, master, arrived with pas- sengers November 10, 1718. 270 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS we have as yet no information. But in forty years we find the Scotch Irish in New York to be wealthy and of great political influence. Philadelphia seems to have had a considerable im- migration from Dublin, Belfast and Glasgow from the time of the arrival of the first Quakers in 1682. What are we to think of over seventy passengers from Waterford, Ireland, who arrived in the ship Cezer, Matthew, Cowman, commander, in July, 1716, 1 or of fifty passengers from Cork in March 1718? Again, of what character were the one hundred and fifty passengers which the Elizabeth and Mar- garet, after a voyage of twelve weeks from Dublin, left at Philadelphia in August, 1718? "Were these people Presbyterian Scotch Irish? A few may no doubt have claimed their faith and their blood, but I cannot but believe that up to the year 1719 most of the passengers were English and Celtic servants and mechanics, with a number of prosperous Scotch and English Quakers. Very few Ulster weavers and farmers came to the South until word reached Ireland late in 1718 that Boyd, the Bann Valley en- voy, had found serious difficulty in obtaining land in New England for settlement. In 1719 hundreds of Scotch Irish immigrants turned to lands in Chester 1 News-Letter, August 6, 1716. Captain Cowman arrived from Dublin in September, 1717, with about one hundred passengers. Captain Gough in the Dove brought passengers a month later. PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IRISH 271 County and to the fields south of the Pennsylvania line for their homes. 1 The Scotch Irish migration of Presbyterians to Chester County 2 began in 1719 and thus came long after the English-Irish migration of Quakers which had begun in 1682. These Presbyterians became of sufficient influence in Chester County in 1722 to ob- tain the name Donegal for their township. Chief among them at this time were : James Galbraith, Senior, and his sons Andrew, James and John Robert Wilkins and his sons Thomas, William, Peter and John Gordon Howard and his sons Thomas and Joseph George Stuart and his son John Peter Allen James Roddy James and Alexander Hutchinson John and Robert Spear Hugh, Henry, and Moses White Robert McFarland and his sons Robert and James James Paterson Richard Allison 1 The curious reader may be interested in Charles Clinton's Journal of his voyage from Dublin via Glenarm and Derry Lough in 1729 when over one hundred passengers died on board. See the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1902, p. 112. 2 Puthey and Cope's Chester County, p. 248. 272 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Patrick Campbell Robert Middleton Thomas Bayly Jonas Davenport James and Samuel Smith James Kyle James and Thomas Mitchell John and Benjamin Sterrett Joseph Work Ephraim Lytle David McClure Samuel Fulton Alexander McKean Robert and Arthur Buchannan James Cunningham William Maybee William Hay Henry Bailey John Taylor William Bryan John and Malcom Karr Edward Dougherty John and Hugh Scott The place names in old Chester County, Pennsyl- vania, such as Derry, Donegal and Toboyne, suggest that the early emigrants came for the most part from lands west of the River Foyle. These pioneers built their log cabins in the pleas- PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IEISH 275 ant meadows and woodlands near John Galbraith's mill, and in dne time they gave of their prosperity to maintain a well-built " ordinary" or tavern, for which the same thrifty John obtained a license in 1726. Here Bebecca, his daughter, was born, to be- come at the age of eighteen the wife of Colonel Eph- raim Blaine whose untiring efforts as Commissary of Provisions kept body and soul together through the terrible winter at Valley Forge. Thus the Scotch Irish of Donegal were to have their influence upon the greater events of the world. The fine old church at Donegal became a center of religious influence. Its plain walls, high windows, and great gambrel roof symbolizes the plain man- ners and large hearts of its worshippers. Beneath the even turf within the graveyard wall these pio- neers now lie, protected from the summer's heat by spruce and cedar. The heirs of their blood and brain are building the great west, while strange hands trim the sod, and children with unfamiliar names play among the ancient head stones. 1 After the Galbraiths and their friends had moved west- ward or had become less dominant in their influence other men of the same race came into prominence, the Semples, Andersons, Lowreys, Pedans, Porters, and Whitehills. 1 A picture of the church may be seen in Gail Hamilton's Biog- raphy of James G. Blaine, 1895, and both the Church and Gal- braith's "ordinary" in the Scotch Irish Society, 8th Congress, pp. 80, 336. 276 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES Donegal was only one of f onr townships along the east bank of the Susquehanna, all of them Scotch Irish settlements, which extended south and north of the present city of Harrishurg. Perhaps the most interesting of these is Derry since its ancient meeting house brings to the present generation a flavor of those pioneer times. Built on the "bar- rens of Derry' ' as early as 1729, its walls were of hewn oak logs, two feet thick, covered by rough hemlock boards, and sheathed within with yellow pine and cherry. The nails and fastenings were Meeting House at Derry, Pennsylvania primitive examples of hammer and anvil ; the thirty eight panes of glass over the pulpit were set in pewter, and the communion service was of the same metal — mugs and platters sent over from London by sympathizing dissenters in 1733. The pulpit was small and crescent shaped, with PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IRISH 277 narrow steps leading up from the east side. Along the wall were stout pegs on which to sling the musk- ets of the male worshippers. Close by the meeting house was the session-house with the pastor's study, and a few rods away within a neat wall about God's acre slept the dead. 1 Derry, early known as Spring Creek, received its first settlers about 1720. As the Scotch Irish be- gan to increase in numbers a Presbyterian minister was needed, and in 1726 the Rev. James Anderson of Donegal gave one fifth of his time to Derry, and an- other fifth to Paxtang. One of the founders of the -church was James Gal- braith whose father James had crossed the ocean, some say, as early as 1718. The younger James had fallen in love with Elizabeth Bertram, the daughter of a clergyman from Bangor, County Down, who came to the church at Derry. Elizabeth's mother, Elizabeth Gillespie, tradition claimed, had a fine estate in Edinburgh. James settled on Swatara Creek, next to the farm of three hundred and fifty acres which the Derry people had deeded to their minister upon his arrival. Here a prosperous farm and grist-mill brought food and clothing for James 's growing family and for his aged father, who came to dwell under his roof. Another settler, David McNair, came over from *W. H. Egle's History of Pennsylvania, 1883, p. 644. Also his address at the church October 2, 1884. 278 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Donaghmore, County Donegal, the ancestral town of the Rev. William Homes of Martha's Vineyard. David's nephew became governor of Missouri. In the Derry grave yard lie the Boyds, Campbells, Chamberses, Clarks, Harrises, Hayses, Logans, Mar- tins, Mitchells, Moodeys, McCords, Roans, Rodgers, Snoddeys, Thompsons, Wilsons and Wallaces. In Hanover township were William Crain, John Barnett, William Allen and others. At Paxtang were John Wiggins, John Gray, Robert Elder, John Forster, Matthew Cowden, Hugh McCormick and Thomas Rutherford. The last mentioned emigrant left a record of his birth and marriage in old Tyrone. Across the river in Allen township lived the fam- ilies of Wilson, Wallace, Parker and Linn, as well as Andrew Gregg who is said to have had a brother David amid the ungracious rocks of New Hampshire, another brother Samuel in Massachusetts, and a brother John in South Carolina. A study of the marriages in the various families given in Dr. Egle 's Scotch Irish genealogies, will yield names of many neighbors along the banks of the Susquehanna. North of Philadelphia the Presbyterians, chiefly Dutch settlers with a few Welshmen, had worshipped at Neshaminy Creek, Bensalem, and other near-by towns since 1710. The Neshaminy records are of especial interest in 1722 when persons from "Eer- PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IEISH 279 lant" (Ireland) were recorded as admitted by certi- ficate. These persons were : William Pickins and his wife (Margaret?) George Davis and his wife Hugh White and his wife Andrew Keed and his wife John Anderson and his wife Moses White and his wife Humphrey Eyre and his wife Israel Pickins Matte Gillespie Joanna Bell (or Jane who married George Logan?) Thomas Foster, his wife, daughter Margaret and the rest of his children; also his wife's brother, George Logan * Neshaminy became famous in the annals of the Presbyterian Church as the site of the Log College in which the Eev. William Tennent trained young men for the ministry. 2 Tennent had married in Ire land a daughter of the Eev. Gilbert Kennedy, a fine type of the sturdy old Scotch Irish clergy, a man whose tomb still remains to record his ancient blood and virile inheritances. Tennent 's four sons brought Journal Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. 1, p. 111. 1 Ibid, p. 345. 280 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS to America great zeal and much needed high stand- ards of ministerial cnltnre. In looking over the map of Pennsylvania we find that these townships, Donegal, Paxtang, Derry and Hanover (near the Susquehanna), and Drumore, Colerain, Fallowfield and Sadsbury (along Octorara Creek, which marks the western line of Chester County after 1729), together with the Brandy wine farms a little north of Wilmington, the Neshaminy lands north of Philadelphia, and Allen township, ten miles west of Easton, comprise the earliest settle- ments of the Scotch Irish in Pennsylvania. The settlers who first occupied these fertile lands entered America at the ports of Philadelphia and New- castle. At Philadelphia the Rev. Jedediah Andrews had begun about 1701 to preach in the "Barbadoes store.' ' His followers were Presbyterians, and to his church came the strangers of that faith. From Philadelphia the immigrants spread out over the county of Lancaster. 1 From Newcastle as another center they pushed along the Christiana to its con- 1 1. D. Rupp's Lancaster County, 1844, p. 185. For a list of land- holders before 1735 in the present County of Lancaster, which com- prised that part of old Chester County settled largely by Scotch Irish, see Rupp, p. 233. The list includes the Craigheads, Cook- sons, McCawleys, Storys, Greens, Blacks, Steels, Montgomerys, McCardys, Templemans, McConnels, McNealys, McClellands, Sher- rards, Stinsons, McKimms, Dyers, Lambs, Bishops, McPhersons, PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IRISH 281 tributing sources, White Clay Creek and Red Clay Creek. Along the banks of these creeks, and down the Brandywine and the Elk, the Rev. George Gillespie, a Scotch preacher, had ridden from honse to house on his lonely circuit as early as 1713, when he was stationed at the church at the head of the Christi- ana. 1 Scotch and English chiefly composed the con- gregations until between 1718 and 1720, although the presence of ministers from Ireland would seem to suggest an occasional layman also from Irish soil. 2 On White Clay Creek were the Steels, Gardeners and Whites, of early importance, although their church of that name was not founded until 1721. The purchasers of land for the joint church at Robinsons, Murrays, Bensons, Blyths, Allisons, McClenns, Shen- non, McClures, Hugheses, Duffields, Crawfords, Dennys, Scotts, Pennocks, Blackshaws, Buchanans, Gilmores, Musgroves, Hig- genbothems, Livingtons, Painters, Saunderses, Stileses, Watsons, Webbs, Irwins, Palmers, Owens, Pendalls, Thornburys, Mar- shall, Jacksons, Beesons, Nessleys, Herseys, Astons, Steers, Mc- Nabbs, Smiths, Lindseys, Longs, Kings, Moores, Fullertons, Francises, McKanes, Douglases, Darbys, Knowleses, McClan- aghans, Burtons, Gales, Cowens and others. A few of these families were doubtless Quakers. 1 Mackey's White Clay Creek, p. 4; G. E. Jones's Lower Bran- dywine Church, 1876, p. 9. 2 The Rev. Robart Cross of Newcastle, 1719, and Jamaica, Long Island, 1723, was born near Ballykelly, Ireland. 282 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Lower Brandywine in 1720 1 were John Kirkpatrick, James Houston, James Mole, William Smith, Mag- nus Simonson, Ananias Higgins, John Heath and Patrick Scott. The surnames of the members of the Upper Octorara Church 2 before the middle of the eighteenth century were : Alison, Blelock, Boggs, Boyd, Boyle, Clingan, Cochran, Cowan, Dickey, Filson, Fleming, Gardner, Grlendenning, Hamill, Henderson, Heslep, Hope, Kerr, Kyle, Liggett, Lockhart, Luckey, McAllister, McNeil, McPherson, Mitchell, Moody, Park, Rich- mond, Robb, Rowan, Sandford, Scott, Sharpe, Sloan, Smith, Stewart, Summeril, Wiley, Wilkin, and Wil- son. The Rev. Samuel Young, a successor of Gillespie in this field, came to the Elk River in 1718, having preached at Magherally in County Down for four- teen years. He had been ordained by Armagh Pres- bytery in 1703. The following extracts from a very long letter written by Robert Parke, an Irish Quaker of the original Chester county, Pennsylvania, to his sister in Ireland, describe life in the colony in 1725. Mr. Parke makes it evident that there was no disap- pointment upon their arrival in America, when he 1 Jones, p. 12. 2 Futhey's Upper Octorara Church, p. 151. The church was or- ganized in 1720. The first minister, the Rev. Adam Boyd, Craig- head's son-in-law, was ordained in 1724, PENNSYLVANIA SCOTCH IRISH 283 writes : ' ' There is not one of the family but what likes the country very well and wod If we were in Ireland again come here Directly it being the best country for working folk & Tradesmen of any in the world. . . My father bought a Tract of Land consisting of five hundred Acres for which he gave 350 pounds, it is Excellent good land but none cleared, Except about 20 Acres, with a small log house & Orchard Planted.' ' A little later he con- trasts the farmer's labor in Pennsylvania with his work in Ireland: "We plowed up our Sumer's fal- lows in May & June, with a Yoak of Oxen & 2 horses & they goe with as much Ease as Double the number in Ireland. . . Dear Sister I de- sire thee may tell my old friend Samuel Thornton that he could give so much credit to my words & find no Iffs nor ands in my Letter that in Plain terms he could not do better than to Come here, for both his & his wife's trade are Very good here, The best way for him to do is to pay what money he Can Conveniently Spare at that side & engage himself to Pay the rest at this Side & when he Comes here if he Can get no friend to lay down the money for him, when it Comes to the worst, he may hire out 2 or 3 Children. . . I wod have him Procure 3 or 4 Lusty Servants & Agree to pay their passage at this Side he might sell 2 & pay the others passage with the money." Parke closes his letter with a touch of brotherly gallantry : 284 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS "I wod not have thee think much at my Irregular way of writing by reason I write as it offer 'd to me, for they that write to you should have more wits than I can Pretend to." 1 A. C. Myers's Immigration of the Irish. Quakers, 1902, p. 70. XV THE SCOTCH IRISH IN SOUTH CAROLINA AFTER 1718 Settlements which were so far to the south that they were constantly menaced by the Spaniards and their Indian allies grew slowly. At Port Royal and Charleston the Scotch, both free men and deported prisoners taken in battle, were very early in resi- dence. About the year 1685 an Independent, or as some called it, a Presbyterian church was organized, and it had a prosperous history for half a century. The career of its chief minister, the Rev. Archibald Stobo, has already been referred to. His successor, the Rev. William Livingston, from the North of Ire- land, preached from 1704 to 1720, when he died. 1 In 1731 or 1732 about a dozen members of this first church, including James Abercrombie, John Allen, Daniel Crowford, 2 John Bee, 2 John Fraser, 2 George Ducaff or Ducat, 2 and James Paine or Payne, 2 withdrew and formed a new organization, 1 His descendants bear the names of Tunno and Stewart. Charleston Year Book for 1882, p. 381. 2 Assigned pews in the old church in 1732, and thus were not as yet known as seceders. Fraser and Ducat were members in 1724. 286 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS worshipping in a small wooden building, with the Rev. Hugh Stewart for their minister. These fam- ilies were alarmed by an evident trend in the senti- ment of the majority toward Congregationalism, and since they adhered loyally to the Westminster Con- fession they wished to be free to maintain a minister of their own faith. Some of the founders of this seceding or Scotch Presbyterian church in Charleston in 1732 were probably Scotch Irish. The statement that John Witherspoon's daughter, who had died immediately after his arrival from Ireland, was the first person buried in the new church field implies that there were religious and perhaps racial ties which governed this choice of a spot ; although in the older church there continued members bearing Scottish names. In 1717 the town of Beaufort on the Island of Port Royal was laid out. To the west of this town were lands lying along the northern bank of the Savannah River; they had recently been left uninhabited by the retreat of the Yamassee Indians after their re- bellion and defeat. These lands the Assembly opened up to Protestants in 1719, increasing the usual allotment of fifty acres to two hundred acres for each settler. It is said by Rivers, the historian, with how much authority is not known, that several hundred emigrants from Ireland were to take pos- session of these and other lands the same year ; x but 1 Howe's Presbyterian Church in South Carolina, p. 177. SOUTH CAROLINA SCOTCH IRISH 287 the grants were soon after annulled by the Colonial Proprietors, the territory was surveyed, and from it fifteen baronies were erected. Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., secretary of the Historical Commission of South Carolina, writes that Mr. Riv- ers 1 /'did not mean (for that would not have been true) that these Irishmen settled in a body on the Yamassee lands or expected to do so. They would have taken their grants anywhere in the province, just as hundreds of other settlers from England, Scotland, and Ireland had been doing. It is even doubtful if these Irishmen came in a body, or dis- persed in a body." Many of them, if many there were, died of fever or privation, and the others were forced to look elsewhere for homes. At this time civilization in South Carolina did not extend beyond the Port Royal neighborhood at the south, and to the north it was limited to the territory between the San- tee and the Edisto rivers. Some probably wandered into Charleston, where they remained until a strong Scotch Irish colony took possession of the township of Williamsburg. This colony arrived in 1732 or the year following, the Council having granted the petition of James Pringle and other Irish Protestants that their pas- sage be paid. A township twenty miles square, along the Black River, was laid out for them, and 1 See pp. 293-294 of his South Carolina, 288 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES was given the name Williamsburg. 1 To this colony came John Witherspoon, James McClelland, William Sym, David Allan, William Wilson, Robert Wilson, James Bradley, William Frierson, John James, Wil- liam Hamilton, Archibald Hamilton, Roger Gordon, John Porter, John Lemon, David Pressley, William Pressley, Archibald McRae, James Armstrong, the Erwins, Plowdens, Dickeys, Blakelys, Dobbinses, Stnarts and McDonalds. 2 In August, 1736, a church was organized and the Rev. Robert Heron of Ireland became the first min- ister. From the church at Williamsburg sprang that at Indian Town, with Major John James and William, Robert and David Wilson among its found- ers; also that at Salem, founded by Samuel and James Bradley. At Mount Zion Church were Roger and James Wilson, with Captain William Erwin; at Jeffries Creek were John and Gavin Wither- spoon; and John and Hugh Erwin joined the Hope- well Church which others directly from Ireland had founded. The Plowden, Nelson and Gamble fam- ilies were identified with the earliest days of the Church at Brewington. 3 The Scotch Irish at Williamsburg, or perhaps later companies of immigrants, did not all fare pros- perously, and in 1738 Charleston was forced to pro 1 McCrady's South Carolina under the Royal Government, p. 132; also, Scotch Irish Society, 1st Congress, p. 202. 2 Wallace's History of Williamsburg Church, 1856, pp. 18, 36. 8 Wallace's History of Williamsburg Church, pp. 35, 36. HI u o o 21 S SOUTH CAROLINA SCOTCH IRISH 291 vide for poor Protestants from Ireland who swarmed the streets, begging from door to door. 1 John Wither spoon came from County Down in 1734, with his children David, John, Robert and Sarah. Robert has left us an account of his early experiences, typical of the pioneer hardships of those who settled in South Carolina. 2 After lying becalmed in Belfast Lough for two weeks the ship with Robert's grandmother very ill on board, got un- der way on the 28th of September, 1734. It soon encountered rough weather and the aged lady died. Her interment in a roaring storm made a deep im- pression upon the boy. About the first of December the ship reached Charleston with a crew exhausted by almost incessant toil at the pumps. There the child Sarah died and was buried in the new Scotch graveyard. The settlers were kindly received by families that had come over in earlier years, but were soon sent up the river in an open boat to "Po- tatoe Ferry,' ' where the women and children were put ashore to find what protection they could in a barn-like hovel. Meanwhile the men with their tools and baggage pushed up stream, and then went for- ward through flooded woods and meadows to find a 1 Hewit's Historical Account of South Carolina, Vol. 2, pp. 316, 324; in Carroll's Historical Collection. 2 Witherspoon was not harassed by local Irish port officers as were many in 1736 when the Government had become alarmed by the magnitude of the migration. See Pennsylvania Magazine of History, Vol. 21, p. 485. 292 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEERS suitable spot for their houses. They had no timbers, and they soon discovered that boughs of trees cov- ered with sods were but a poor protection against the fierce winter storms. Soon however a fire blazed upon the rude hearth, the smoke dried the branches overhead, and with one of Queen Anne's great muskets loaded with swan-shot close at hand, even the night in an endless waste of forest and marsh lost some of its terror. Although they had to wait long for their spring planting they were given time to become acclimated before the warm and sultry weather set in. They thus escaped the sickness which carried off great numbers of the early settlers in South Carolina. 1 The great tide of migration, however, did not all come through the port of Charleston. Many of the Scotch Irish of the Carolinas came from Ireland to Pennsylvania, and then went through Virginia and North Carolina to the Waxhaws in South Caro- lina. 2 Of this stock was John C. Calhoun, and — somewhat later — Andrew Jackson. Mr. McCrady, the historian of South Carolina, in a note on this migration, says that from the Waxhaws the Scotch Irish crossed the Catawba and spread over the coun- ties of Lancaster, York, Chester and Fairfield. Prominent among them were the Adairs, Allisons, Brattons, Adrians, Blacks, Boggs, Broones, Buchan- 1 Hanna's Scotch Irish, Vol. 2, p. 26. 2 McCrady, p. 624. SOUTH CAEOLINA SCOTCH IRISH 293 ans, Boyces, Bryces, Crawfords, Crocketts, Carrols, Carsons, Chamberses, Dunlops, Douglasses, Erwins, Flemings, Irwins, Hancocks, Kirklands, Laceys, Lathams, Loves, Lyles, Masseys, McCaws, McDan- iels, McCans, Millses, McKenzies, Mclllhennys, McMullans, McLnres, McMorrises, Martins, Neelys, -Deaofo t orh noya/ -kn^a^ce 3 Wylies, Witherspoons, Eosses, and Youngs. 1 In Union County, as it now is, were the Brandons, Bogans, Jollys, Kennedys, McQunkins [McQuak- 1 McCrady's South Carolina, 1719-1776, p. 317. 294 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS ins!], Youngs, Cunninghams, Savages, Hughs, Vances, and Wilsons. 1 The McCrerys (or McCrearys), Greens, Hannahs, Abernathys, Millers, Beards, Wellses, Coffees, Gis- hams, Bartons, Youngs, McClures, Adamses, and the McDaids settled in Newberry between the Broad and the Saluda. 2 After them came the Caldwells, Thompsons, Youngs, Fairs, Carmichaels, Hunters, McClellans, Greggs, Wilsons, Conners, Neals, Cam- erons, Flemings, McCallas, Montgomerys, Sloans, Spencers, Wrights, Glenns, Chalmerses, McCrack- enses, and Glasgows. At Nazareth Church in Spartanburg were the Andersons, Millers, Barrys, Moores, Collinses, Thompsons, Vernons, Pearsons, Jamisons, Dodds, Rays, Pennys, McMahons, Nicols, Nesbitts, and Pa- tons. 3 In the bounds of Abbeville and Edgefield were the Meriwethers, Wardlaws, Moors, Browns, McAlasters, Logans and Calhouns. 4 These many surnames survive everywhere along the rivers and in the mountain settlements. By the middle of the eighteenth century the Scotch Irish, through industry and intelligence even more than by force of numbers, had come to have a con- 1 Southern Presbyterian Review, Vol. 14, p. 482. Quoted by McCrady. 2 Mills's Statistics of South Carolina, p. 639. O'Neall's Annals of Newberry, pp. 47, 49. 8 Southern Presbyterian Review, Vol. 14, No. 3, p. 483. 4 Logan's History of Upper South Carolina, p. 25. SOUTH CAEOLINA SCOTCH IEISH 295 trolling voice in the management of much of the southern country. And this voice was heard a gen- eration later when a rider brought into the Caro- linas a paper which had told the people of New York, of Philadelphia and of farms along the shores of Chesapeake Bay that New England farmers had dared to fire upon British troops at Lexington. XVI THE SCOTCH IRISH CHARACTER In this attempt to give some impression of the Scotch in Ireland and in America, so much emphasis has been placed npon documentary history that race characteristics have played only a small part in the story. But these people of Coleraine on the Bann, of Strabane and Londonderry, came into the rural settlements of the New World with so distinct a personality, with customs and habits so marked, that they left an enduring impress. Since the days of the battle of Dunbar (1650), or for nearly a cen- tury, the Scotchman had lived in the Atlantic col- onies. How did his influence differ from that of his Scotch cousin of Ulster who came to America in 1718? Did the life in Ulster really effect a change? Certainly orators and writers have from time to time made this claim. The lowland Scotch and their borderland English neighbors left heather-clad mountains and grazing flocks to cross the narrow waters of the North Chan- nel into Antrim and Down. They abandoned pas- toral land for flax fields and bleach-greens, surren- dering an isolated existence to live close together upon small farms. Speaking of Aghadowey Miss QQ H w ca E rt § ad 5 S n 3 a r. Alexander, 106 George, 263 James, 136. 191, 263, 333 ; no- ticed, 255 John, 181, 191, 230, 233, 263, 333, 335 Mary, 126 Matthew, 183, 263 Rev. Matthew, 94, 100, 108, 128 ; his preaching, 302 ; marries Mrs. McGregor, 106 Robert, 263 Thomas, 263 See also Clerk Clarke. George K., 196 Claverhouse, Graham of, 300 Clavers, as a bogey, 300 Clendenin, Archibald, 252, 263 Clerk, John, 183 Joseph, 183 Clinton, Charles, his voyage, 271 Clogher, 100, 207 Clothworkers Companv, 38, 41 Clough, 101 Clougherny, 156 Cobham, Rev. Thomas, 101, 330 Coburn, Silas R., 199 Cochran, Andrew. 263, 326, 328 Boulonget, 330 James, 126. 326 Janet, 252 John, 202. 2d4, 263, 326, 328 Peter, 263 William, 263. 326 Code, Samuel, 327 Coffee, 294 Cofferiri, John, 202 Coin, scarcity in Ireland, 57 Colbreath, John, 326 Cole, Thomas, 114 Colerain, Penn., 280 Coleraine, Ireland, 41, 155. 156, 320 ; and the Jackson family, 37 ; control of. 42 ; described, 96 ; view of, 97 Collins, 294 Colvil, John, 329 Conagher's Farm. 310, 311 Concord, 155, 184 Connecticut Valley, Irish of, 112 Conner, 294 Cookson, 280 Coolidge, Ruth D., 5 Cord, Andrew, 330 Cork, Ireland, 219 Cork, Maine, on map, 204 Cornbury, Lord, 268, 269 Cornwall, Rev. William, 95, 100, 110, 207. 213, 221 Cowan, 282 Ephraim, 184 George, 184 James, 336 Cowden, Matthew, 278 Cowen, 281 Cowman, Matthew, 270 Craig, David. 263, 325 James, 328 John, 327 Robert, 325 Craighead, 280 Rev. Robert, 70 ; daughter mar- ries Homes, 80 Rev. Robert, Jr., 86 Rev. Thomas, 18, 30, 79, 84, 86, 130 ; sketch of, 87 Craigie, William, 229, 234 INDEX 383 Crain, William, 278 Crawford, 228, 281, 293 Aaron, 191 Daniel, 285 James, 329 John, 191 Robert, 188 Crevecoeur, quoted, 78 Crockett, 293 Crombie, John, 202, 263 Crook, Thomas, 156 Cross, Rev. Robert, 281 Crozier, James, 334 Crumey, Giziell. 201 Crumney, William, 202 Cumerford, Thomas, 333 Cumings, Alexander, 336 Cunningham, 294 Andrew, 172 George, 228, 234 James, 272 Robert, 335 Currv, Andrew. 327 James, 328 Joseph, 330 Cuthbertson, Robert, 376 Daggett, Benjamin, 82 Dalton, James, 333 Dame, William, 335 Darby, 281 Darien Colony, 31 Davenport, Jonas, 272 Davidson. James 335 Davis, George, 279 John, 335 Samuel, 36 Rev. Samuel, 26 William, 333 Dawsonbridge, 156 Dean, Adam, 327 Andrew, 330 Deane, Nathaniel, 114 Dennis, Captain, 322 Denny, 281 Derby, Michael, 333 Dering, Henry, 172 Derry, Ireland, siege of, 13-15, 126 Derry, Penn., 266 ; view of meeting house, 276 Derry and Londonderry, 42 Derryfleld, N. H.. on map, 178 Desertion, 227, 228 Diaries, 301 Dick, John, 184 Thomas, 184 Dickey, 282, 288 Adam, 326 David, 263 Samuel, 263 Dicky, John, 335 Dill, Daniel, 114 Dillon, Peter, 333 Dissenters, under William III, 62 ; under George II, 65 ; criti- cised, 70 ; at Drogheda, 71 Dixon, Robert, 335 Dixwell, James. 230, 234 Doak, James, 263 John, 263 Robert. 263 Dobbins, 288 Dodd, 294 Dodge, Andrew, 328 Doke, William. 164 "Dolphin," 141, 320 Donagh, 156 Donaghmore, Donegal, 81, 100 Donald, Robert, 127 Donaldson, Alexander, 329 Donegal, Lord, 55 Donegal, Ireland, 100 Donegal, Penn., 266 ; view of meet- ing house, 273 ; description of meeting house, 275 Dorus, Hugh, 333 Dorrance, George, 114 John, 114 Samuel, 114 Rev. Samuel, 113 Dougherty, Edward, 272 Walter, 333 Doughty and Hill, 21 Douglas, 281, 293, 329 Douse, Samuel, 333 "Dove," ship, 270 Dow, Ebenezer, 114 Dowglase, Alexander, 318 Downing, James, 333 Dracut, 156, 198, 242; calls McGregor, 199 ; on map, 178 Draper, George, 333 Drapers, 41 Dresden, Maine, on map, 204 Dress, 107 ; of Presbyterians in Bos- ton, 174 Drink habit, 108 Drogheda, trouble at, 71 Drumbo, 193 Drummond, William, 333 Drumore, Penn., 280 Ducat, George, 285 Duffleld, 281 Dummer's war, 229 Dunbar, battle of, 11 Dunboe, 131, 156 Duncan, David, 326 George, 263 James, 164 John, 182, 183, 188 Robert, 333 William, 326 Dungannon, meeting house, view of, 62 384 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Dungiven, 42, 107 Dunlap, Andrew, 327 Moses, 121, 125 Rev. Robert, 116 William, 188 Dunlop, 293 Alexander, 102, 330 Robert, 336 Thomas, 328 Dunmore, 51 Dunning, Andrew, 228, 234 David, his deposition, 144, 216, 217 William, 333 Dunworth, Henry, 333 Duroy coat, 174 Dyer, 280 E Eagle Wing, voyage of, 9-10 Eayers, William, 263 Economic conditions in Ulster, chap- ter 3. Edgar, William, 333 Edgefield, 294 Edmonds, John H., 153, 216, 331 Education of Scotch Irish, 303, 305, 306 Egart, James, 333 Egle, W. H., referred to, 277, 278 Elbows, 115 Elder, James, 328 Rev. John, 121 Robert, 278 Thomas, 327, 328 Rev. Thomas, 100, 102, 330 Elk River, 282 Eliot, Simon, 336 Elizabeth, Queen, religion under 61 "Elizabeth," ship, 321 "Elizabeth and Kathrin," 160, 317 "Elizabeth and Margaret," ship, 270 Elizabeth River, 27 Ellington, 113 Ellis, Edward, 165 Robert, 165 Elson, Benjamin, 317 Emigration, 268; fever of, 130; in- fluences to, 43 ; and manu- facturers, 88 English, ability of, 309 Enoch, Thomas, 329 Episcopalians, 71 Erskine, Archibald, 22 Erwin, 288, 293 Hugh, 288 John, 288 William, 288 "Essex," brigantine, 323 Established church, 71 Eton, James, 326 Richard, 326 Eton, Thomas, 326 Evans, David, 232, 234 John, 234 William, 232, 234 "Experiment," ship, 323 Eyre, Humphrey, 279 Fair, 294 Fallowfleld, Penn., 280 Falmouth. Maine, 203 ; life at, 208 Families in Ulster, 339-377 Family, size of, 308 Farrand, Andrew, 192 Thomas, 192 Farrel, John, 333 Farrend, Andrew, 182 Farwell, John W., 216 Faust's German Element, quoted, 78 Federal Street Church, 170 Feet, 303 Fenton, William. 191 Fergus, Owen, 333 Ferguson, Alexander, 234 George, 333 James, 146, 149, 234, 319 John, 184 Samuel, 231, 234 of Charleston, 31 Ferrell, Robert, 191, 192 Filson, 282 Finn, river, 1 Fishmongers, 42 FitzGerald, Rev. Edward, 111, 179- 182, 188 Richard, 111 Fitzgibbon, Patrick, 333 Flax, cultivation. 49-50 Fleming. 282, 293, 294 Andrew, 328 Joseph, 192 Samuel, 188 Thomas, 234 Forbish, William, 164 Forbush, James, 183, 188 Robert. 191 Forsaith, James, 328 Forster, John, 278 Foster, Thomas, 279 Foyle, river, 1, 195 Francis, 281 Franklin. Benjamin, 81 Eraser, John, 285 Freeland, John, 127 Thomas, 327 William, 333, 335 Freeman, Edith S., 325 Freetown, 87, 88, 89, 155 French, Nath., 114 William, 333 "Friends Goodwill," 151, 319 Frierson, William, 288 Frizwell, Benjamin, 335 INDEX 385 Frost, Charles, 12 Fullerton, 281 Fulton, John, 335 Peter, 329 Samuel, 272 Futhey, J. S., quoted, 30 Gaelic, 304 Galbraith, Andrew, 271 James, 271, 277 John, 22, 275 Rebecca, 275 Gale, Abraham, 22 Gales, 281 Gallard, John, 318 Gallup, John, 114 Gait, Benjamin, 329 William, 330 Gamble, 288 John, on drinking, 108; on the Scotch Irish, 4 Gardner, 282 James, 333 Garrison life, 228 Garvagh, 41, 217, 331 ; on map, 39 Gate, Susanna, 230 Gaudy, James, 335 Gay, Frederick L., 216 "George," snow, 321 "George," ship, voyage of, 12 Georgetown, 116, 117 ; on map, 204 Geoghegan, Michael, 333 Georgia, Gaelic in, 304 Germans, ability of, 309 ; as farm- ers, 78 Gibbs, Captain, 319 Daniel, 333 Gibson, John, 114 Samuel, 336 Gillespie, Elizabeth, 277 Matte, 279 Gilmore, 281 Helen, 125 Isabel, 188 James, 125, 184, 326 John, 125 Joseph, 333 Robert, 263 ^ ^ Samuel, 326 William, 263 Gisham, 294 Giveen, Robert, 329 Given, David, 229, 234 John, 122, 259, 260, 263 Glasford, James, 155, 183 John, 192 Glasgow, 32, 294 Glen, George, 169, 175, 333 Robert, 114 Glendenning, 282 Glenn, 294 Glenravil, 194 "Globe," ship, 318, 321 Goddard house, view of, 189 Goffe, John, 256, 261, 262, 263 Gold, John, 122 Goldsmiths, 42 Gooding, Edward, 319 Goodman, James, 322 Gordon, Alexander, 114 James, 155 John, 114 Robert, 114 Roger, 288 Gough, Captain, 270 Government, training for, 301, 309 Gradon, John, 333 Grafton, 184 Graham, Duncan, 183, 192 Grants, the, 11 Graves, 228 John, 234 Samuel. 248, 256, 261, 262, 263 Gray, Asa, 187, 310 Benjamin, 165 John, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 230, 234, 267, 278, 326, 330 Joshua, 214 Matthew, 182, 183, 184, 187 Samuel, 183, 184 William, 182, 183, 184 Gray family, 187, 188 "Gray-hound," sloop, 317, 322 Grazing in Ireland, 45, 48 Greeley, Horace, 310 Green, 280, 294 Henry, 263 Greenleaf, Jonathan, 117 Greenough, Charles P., 159 Gregg, 294 Andrew, 278 David, 263 George, 330 Hugh, 336 James, 145. -i*9, 198, 242, 248, 251, 261. 263, 329, 330; no- ticed, 252. John, 263 Samuel, 145, 263 William, 263 Gregory, George, 328 Patrick, 192 Griffin, John, 333 Nehemiah, 263 . Grocers, 41 Grow, James, 327 Thomas, 327 Gwinn, John, 335 Gyles, William, 214 Haberdashers, 42 Haliday, Rev. Samuel, 100 Halifax, Fort, 332 Halkins, William, 326 386 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Hall, Jean, 230, 234 Mrs. S. C, 50 Virginia, 258 William, 170, 175, 333 Halliburton, Thomas, 174 Hambleton. Thomas, 183 William. 231, 234 Hamilton, Abel, 234 Alexander, 187 Archibald, 288 Frederick, 333 Gabriel, 234 James, 182, 183, 188, 318 Rev. James, 7 John, 192, 228, 232, 234 Patrick, 234 Robert, 234 William, 114, 288 Professor, 75 Hamiltons, 191 Hammond, Otis G., 106 Hampton, Rev. John, 27, 36 ; in New York, 269 Hancock, 293 Handsard, William, 234 Hannah, 294 Hanover, 278 Hanson, Anne, 157, 210, 214 David, 328 John, 333, 335 Samuel, 326 Thomas, 326 Hardships, 292 Harkness, Thomas, 155, 336 Harmon, William, 336 Harper, James, 220, 232, 238 John, 333. 335 Joseph, 235 Moses, 183, 185, 231, 235 William, 235 Harris, 278 Samuel, 321 Hart, James, 335 Harvey, Rev. John, 115 Hathaway, John, 88, 89 Haverhill, 241 ; greets Irish, 242 Hay, William, 272, 335 Hays, 278 Hazlitt, W. C, quoted, 42 Health of passengers, 160 Heart, James. 188 Heath, John, 282 Joseph, 222 Hebrew, to be taught, 70 Hemphill, Gawin, 335 Henderson, James, 329 Samuel, 155 Hendery, Malkem, 191, 192 Hendry, Hugh, 122. 125, 127 Robert, 326, 329 William, 326 Henry, Hugh, 271 Rev. Hugh, 116 Henry, James, 155, 329 Rev. John, 27 Robert, 329 Thomas, 155 Heron, Rev. Robert, 288 Hersey, 281 Heslep, 282 Heywood, Daniel, 177, 181 Hezlet, John, 329 Hides, Gilbert, 336 Higgenbothem, 281 Higgins, Alice, 125 Ananias, 282 Higinbotham, Rev. Robert, 100, 101, 330 Hildersam, Rev. Arthur, 174 Hill, Benjamin T., 178 Robert, 335 Rev. William, quoted, 26 Hillhouse, Rev. James, sketch of, 113 William, 113 Hines, Thomas, 326 Hodge, Henry, 335 Robert, 335 William, 127 Hodgen. Robert, 335 Hogg. George, 336 Thomas, 233, 235 William, 334 Holmes, Abraham, 263 ; his church letter, 259, 260 Andrew, 333 Hugh, 329 J. Albert, referred to, 260 John, 156 Robert, 213, 214 Thomas, 156 William, 157, 213, 214, 333 Homes, Rev. Benjamin, 83, 100 Rev. John, 100 Captain Robert, 58, 81, 157, 319, 320, 321, 323; and emi- gration, 84-85 Rev. William, 18, 130; sketch of, 79; death, 84 Rev. William, of Urney, 79 Homes family, 81-82 Home-towns of Ulster families, 339- 377 Hood, James, 184 Hoog, James, 326 John, 333 Robert, 326 Hope, 282 Hopkin, Robert, 114 Hopkins, James, 114 Hopewell Church, 288 Houses in Ulster, 2 Houston, James, 282 John, 326 Howard, Gordon, 271 Joseph. 271 Hugh, 294 INDEX 387 Hughes, 281 James, 333 Huguenots, ability of, 309 Hulton, James, 326 Thomas, 326 Humphrey, John, 8 William, 263 Hunter, 294 Abraham, 155 Adam, 235 Archibald, 135, 136, 320 Daniel, 232, 235 Isaac, 231, 235 James, 235 Jean, 230, 235 John, 235, 326 Marion, 127 Robert, 125 Samuel, 326 Thomas, 326 Huston, David, 174 Samuel, 263 William, 126 Hutchinson, Alexander, 271 Elizabeth, 335 James, 82, 271 John, 333 I Immigration in 1717, 18; in 1718, 130-153 Impressment, 227 Indian Town, church at, 288 Indians, Nutfield free from, 244 Inventions of Men, 69 Ireland, labor in, 44 ; grazing in, 45 ; poverty, 47 ; farm profits, 56 ; in 1718, 57 ; and New Eng- land, 58 ; learning in, 68 ; fevers in, 160 Irish language, 94 Irish new settlement, 216 Irish Society, 37 ; charter, 42 Irishmen, who are called, 44 ; as tenants, 55 Ironmongers, 41, 129 Irwin, z«l, 293 Isle of Burt, 186 Jackson, 281 Andrew, 292, 310 John, 328 Richard, 38 William, 37, 269 Jackson Hall, 99 James, Mrs., 155 John. 288 James II, Ireland under, 13 Jameson, James, 85 John, 328 William, 210, 214, 330 Jamison, 294 "Jane," ship, 321 Janeway, Rev. James, 174 Jarvie, John, 32 Jarvis, Nathaniel, 322 William, 322 Jeffries Creek, S. C, 288 Jenison, Samuel, 185 Jenson, William, 327 Jirwin, Gawen, 328 Johnson, Adam, 184 Euphemia, 174 George, 174 James, 175, 231, 235 John, 184 William, 184 Johnston, 228 Daniel, 327 John, 335 Robert, 328 Samuel, 328 Rev. William, 181 ; sketch of, 112 William, 327 Johnstone, John, 269 Jolly. 293 Jones, Nathaniel, 179 "Joseph," ship, 321, 322, 323 "Joseph and Mary," ship, 321 Junkinses, 11 K Karr, John, 272 Malcom, 272 Kasson, Adam, 114 John, 114 William, 114 Kearns, Jean, 125 Keigwin, John, 114 Kelly, Henry, 335 Kelso, Hugh, 183, 188 Kennebec River, 215, 219 Kennebec settlement, 144 Kennedy, 293 David, 333 Fergus, 326 Rev. Gilbert, 279 Hugh, 121, 125 James, 327 John, 155. 336 Ker, Hugh, 329 William, 328, 330 Kernochan, Samuel, 335 Kernohan, J. W., 122 Kerr, 282 John, 336 Keyes, or Kays, Elias, 256, 261, 265 Kid, Alexander, 326 Kidder, Benjamin, 258, 265 Joseph, 258, 265 Kile, Ephraim, 335 Killen's Congregations, 220 ivilleshandra, 101 388 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEEES Killough, John, 182 Kilmore, 100 Kilraughts, 101 Kilrea, 38, 42, 299 King, 281 James, 327 John, 327 Robert, 329 William, Archbishop, on labor in Ireland. 144 ; and rents, 56 ; on trade, 57 ; on the Tolera- tion act, 64 ; and Dr. Ashe, 67 ; his book on the Inventions of Men, 69-70 Kingsfield, 173 Kingston, Thomas, 328 Kirkcaldy, 115 Kirkland, 293 Kobert, 335 Kirkpatrick, John, 282 Kittery, 142 Knowles, 281 Knox, Adam, 333 Andrew, 170, 330, 335 Henry, 310 James, 326 John, 326 Robert, 325, 327, 334, 335 Koppra, 188 Kyle, 282 James, 272 John, 63 Kyrle, Sir Richard, 31 Lacey, 293 Laidlay, James, 329 Laird, Francis. 83 Lamb, 28u Lamond, Archibald, 188 John, 327 Robert, 327 Lamont, James, 192 John, 328 Lancaster, 152 Lancaster County, Penn., Scotch Irish in, 280 Landlords, Swift on, 19 Lason, John, 329 Latham, 293 Law, James, 141, 142, 320 Lawler, Thomas, 333 Lawry, Thomas, 636 Lawson, David, 126 Leaser, 20 Leavitt, Emily W., 92 Lechmere, Thomas, 157 ; his letters, 132-144 Lecore, John, 192 Lee, Arthur, on the Scotch Irish, 5 Francis, 335 Leech, John, 327 Rev. William, 101, 320 Leicester, 155, 184, 239 Leman, William, 155 Lemon, John, 288 Lenox, James, 329 Leslie, James, 262, 263 John, 329 Lewes, 33, 36 Lewes, Del., 26 Lewis, Joseph, 233 Mehitable. 157 Lexington, 155 Liggett, 282 Liggit, James, 263 Limavaddy, 99 Lindsay, David, 329 James, 155, 263 William, 335 Lindsey, 281 Linen, 50, 52; in 1698, 15; use of, 305 Linn, 278 Lisburn, Pelham to be called, 184 Literature, Scotch Irish in, 301, 309 Lithgow, Robert, 229 William, 231, 235 Lithgow family, 231, 236 Little, John, 169, 333, 334; his school, 171-2; and the Pel- hams, 172 Thomas, 155 Livingston, 281 » Rev. John, 8, 9 Rev. William, 285 Lizard Manor, view of, 129 Lockhart, 282 Lockhead, John, 336 Lodge, Senator, on Scotch Irish ability, 308 Log College, 279 Logan, 278, 294 George, 279 James, 30, 35 ; on Scotch Irish, 268 Loghouses, 247 Lollard, Robert, 191 Londonderry, Ireland, siege of, 13- 15 ; Cathedral records, 339-377 Londonderry, N. H., on map, 178 ; settled, 242 ; view of meeting house, 245 ; title to lands, 248-251; first settlers, 252- 261 ; proprietors, 262-265 Long, 281 James, 155, 336 Capt. John, 165 Longhead, John, 155 Long Lane meeting house, 169 Longworth, Thomas, 213 Lord's Supper, 64 Lowrey. 275 Lorie, Thomas, 326 Lothridge, Robert, 182, 183, 184, 191 Lough, John, 335 INDEX 389 Lowden, Thomas, 184 Lower Brandywine, 282 Love, 293 Matthew, 325 Luckey, 282 Lunenburg, 155, 202, 239 Lyle, 293 Lytle, Ephraim, 272 M McAlan, James, 335 McAlaster, 294 McAlben, William, 330 * McAlester, George, 329 McAllach, James, 184 McAllister, 282 John, 155 Macarell, John, 317 McBride, Alexander, 329 Rev. Robert, 100 McCalla, 294 "Maccallum," ship, 141, 142, 145, 220, 320 McCan, 293 John, 330 McCardy, 280 Maccarell, Robert, 318 McCarter, William, 192 Macartney, Alexander, 202 McCaw, 293 McCawley, 280 McClanaghan, 281 McClanathan, John, 173, 192 Thomas, 192 William, 173, 192 McClanethan, Rev. William, 116 McCleary, Alexander, 336 John, 334 McClellan, 294 James, 183, 191; his land, 179; his will, 185 ; his arrival, 194 George B., 186, 310 McClellan, J., 182 John, 85 William, 179, 183 McClelland, 280 James, 288 McClenathan, Rev. William, 209 McClenn, 281 McClennehan, Rev. William, 334 McClintock, 105 John, 191 Rev. Samuel, 106 William, 335 McClure, 281, 294 Charles, 335 David, 155, 292, 335 James, 335 John, 155, 335 Richard, 169 Richard, 335 Samuel. 169, 335 McClurg, John, 263 McCollum, Alexander, 263 McCombs, Dugall, 155 McConkey, Alexander, 182, 183, 184, 191 ; his house, 189 John, 183, 184, 191 McConnel, 280 McConoeighy, John, 263 McCook, Archibald, 102, 330 McCool, William, 252 McCord, 278 McCormick, Hugh, 278 Maccoullah, Joan, 213, 214 McCracken, 294 McCrady, Edward, quoted, 292 McCreary, 294 McCrillis, James, 334 McCully, John, 156 McCurdy, John, 334 McDaid, 294 McDaniel, 293 Hugh, 334 Thomas, 334 McDonald, 288 Randal, 210, 214 McDougall, John, 335 McDuffee, Daniel, 263 McElchiner, Jenet, 125 McElwain, Andrew, 155 McFadden, Andrew, 102, 144, 217, 218, 228, 231, 235, 327; his transplanting, 331 Daniel, 217 Jane, 144, 332 ; her deposition, 216, 217 McFaden, James, 334 McFall, Daniel, 334 William, 156 McFarland, 223 Andrew, 183, 184, 187 Daniel, 186. 191 Duncan, 187, 192 George, 125 James, 228, 235 John, 183, 186, 187 Robert, 271 McFee, James, 327 McGivern, Samuel, 329 McGlaughlin, James, 264 McGowan, 235 McGowens, 228 McGowing, Lodowic, 334 McGregor, Alexander, 261, 264, 325 Rev. David, 108, 170 Rev. James, 94, 95, 99, 119, 145, 146, 149, 256, 257, 261, 264; his family, 106; habits, 107; view of his meeting house, 120 ; dines with Sewall, 136 ; recommended by Mather, 197 ; 198; called to Dracut, 199; his petition, 240 ; goes to Nut- field, 243, 247; and Vau- dreuil, 244; wife, 252 390 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES McGregor family, 106 McGregory, Alexander, 157 McHan, William, 191 McIIard, James, 334 Mclllhenny, 293 Mcllvain, Rev. J. W., 22 Mclntire, 11 Mclntire, John, 192 Neill, 334 Macintosh, Rev. Dr., quoted, 300, 313 Mack, John, 264 McKachan, John, 191, 335 McKane, 281 Mackay, John, 141, 320, 321 MacKaye, Archibald, 155 Mackclothlan, 11 McKean, Alexander, 272 McKeen, Edward, 326 James, 145, 149, 198, 242, 248, 249, 253, 255, 256, 261, 264, 328; noticed, 252; goes to Casco Bay, 203 John, 252, 257, 327 Rev. Joseph, 255 Robert, 264 Samuel, 264 McKenzie, 293 McKerrel, Daniel, 326 McKerrell, James, 328 Mackey, W. D., quoted, 30 Mackie, Rev. Josias, 27 McKimm, 280 McKinley, William, 164, 310, 311 ; on Scotch Irish, 300 McKinstry, Rev. John, 181 ; sketch of, 113 McKisick, John, 336 McLane, Duncan, 335 McLaughlen, George, 329 John, 329 Lawrence, 327, 329 Richard, 330 Thomas, 326, 327 McLellan, 228 .Bryce, his house, 211, 214 Rev. John, 8, 9 McLem, Robert, 192 Macleod, Rev. John, 304 McLevenny. Martha, 125 McLure, 293 McMahon, 290 McMains, Daniel, 192 McMaster, John, 192, 321 McMillan, Thomas, 252 McMitchel, William, 192 McMorris, 293 McMullan, 293 Macmullen, Jane. 156 Thomas, 169 McMun, Samuel, 326 McMurphy, Alexander, 258, 262, 264 Jesse, 262 John, 264, 334 McNabb, 281 McNair, David, 277 McNal, William, 182 MacNeal, Alexander, 264, 325 Daniel, 170, 335 James, 264 John, 264 Neall, 325 McNealy, 280 McNeil, 282 Adam, 334 Archibald, 334 William, 171 McNichols, Ezekiel, 335 McNish, Rev. George, 36 McNitt, Alexander, 192, 193 Barnard, 193 McNut, 235 Macosquin, on map, 39 MacPheaderies, Archibald, 319 McPherson, 280, 282 James, 192 McPhetre, John, 216, 218 McQuakin, 293 McQuistian, James, 335 McQunkin, 293 McRae, Archibald, 288 McRelis, Daniel, 121 Magherafelt, 42 Magherally, 100 Mahan, William, 183 Makemie, Rev. Francis, 21, 26, 365; in New York, 269 ; his arrest and trial, 269 Malcolm, Michael, 334 Malcome, John, 228, 235 Maiden, 155 Manokin, 21, 28, 33, 36 Manufacturers and Emigration, 55 Map of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 178 "Margaret," ship, 322 Marion, John, 157 Marriages by dissenters, 63, 65 Marshall, 281 Marston, Captain, 322 Martha's Vineyard, 80 Martin, 278, 293 "Mary," schooner, 321, 323 "Mary and Abigail," 322 "Mary and Elizabeth," ship, 320 "Mary Ann," ship, 318 "Mary Anne," ship, 140, 317, 320 Maryland, Presbyterians in, 21 Maryland boundary and tithes, 267 Massey, 293 Mather, Rev. Cotton, 85, 86, 130, 132, 166, 238, 239; portrait, 16 ; desire for Immigrants, 17 ; letter to Hathaway, 88; let- ter about Boyd, 93 ; letter to Woodside, 109 ; on the arrival of Scotch Irish, 133-136; rec- ommends McGregor, 197 ; en- courages ministers, 222 INDEX 391 Mather, Rev. Increase, on Boyd, 92, 166 Mathieson's Scotland and the Union, quoted, 76 Matthews, Albert, 25 Maxfeild, William, 12 Maxwell, 11 James, 335 Maybee, William, 272 Mayes, James, 334, 335 Means, Robert, 209. 214 Mear, Alexander, 328 Mecklenburg declaration, 77 Medford, 155 Memorials of the Dead in Ireland, 240 Mendon, 155 Menford, Andrew, 170, 335 Menzies. See Minsy. Mercers, 42 Merchant Tailors, 42 Meriwether, 294 Merrel, Abel, 264 Merrymeet.ng Bay. 143, 331 ; on map, 204 ; settlement, 215 ; names of Scotch Irish at, 233- 238 Mickleroy, William, 335 Mickleravie, Hugh, 335 Micklevain, William, 335 Middleboro, 156 Middleton, Robert, 272 Migration of 1636, 7; in Cromwell's time, 11 ; from New England to Ireland, 11 ; to the South, 13 Military duty, 227 Military training, 301. 309 Millar, David, 128 Hugh, 125 John, 326 Margaret, 125 Robert, 325 Samuel, 334 Miller, 294 Alexander, 319, 320 David, 121, 125 James, 232, 235 John, 230, 234 Robert, 114, 328 Samuel, 170, 252 Mills, 293 Milton, 155 Ministers, dress of, 107 Minnery, Dr. Hugh, 236 Minsy, Hugh, 232, 236 Sarah, 232, 236 Misconges, 230 Mitchell, 278, 282 David, 329, 334 Henry, 236 Hugh, 236 James, 272 Mitchell, John, noticed, 255, 264, 330 Thomas, 272, 335 Mole, James, 282 Molony, Thomas, 334 Moneymore, 41, 303, 304 Monreagh, 105 Montgomery. 280, 294 Hugh, 127, 264 James, 132, 319 John, 156 Robert, 319. 335 William, 219, 236 Moodey, 278, 282 Moody, Alice P., 210 Caleb, 250 Samuel, 206 Moony, John, 334 Moor, 294 James. 155, 264, 334 John, 155, 192, 264, 328, 335 Samuel, 264 William, 336 Moore, 281, 294 Alexander, 252 Andrew, 252 Daniel, 252 David, 334 James, 192, 325 John, 192, 217 ' Samuel, 334 Thomas, 328 William, 334 Moorhead, Rev. John, 106, 334, 335; his arrival, 164 ; sketch of, 166; portrait of, 167, 172; wife, 170 ; children 170 Moorhead, Mary, 170 Sarah, 170 Morison, Mrs., 303 David, 260, 264 James, 261, 264, 325 John, 264, 325; builds log house, 247; noticed, 255, 256 Margaret, 247, 255 Robert, 264 Samuel, 260, 264 Morrison, Dr. Hugh S., letter on Blair's House, 126; view of his home, 128 L. A., quoted, 257 Sarah, 131 Mortimer, Philip, 334 Morton, Robert, 334 Motley, John, 214 John Lothrop, 214, 310 Patrick 334 Mount Sandal 1 Port, view of, 53 Mount Zion Church, 288 Mourne, river, 1 Muff, 41 Mullaghmoyle, 181 Murchison, Eliz., 125 392 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Murdock, John, 326, 327, 329 Robert, 327 Stephen, 327 Murray, 281 John, 192, 326, 327 Rev. John, 117 Musgrove, 281 Music, 193 Myers, on the Irish Quakers, 28 N Nazareth Church, 294 Neal, 294 Daniel, 334 Nealson, James, 156 Needham, 155, 239 Neely, 293 Neill, Rev. Henry, 100, 102 Neilson, Rev. Robert, 101, 330 Nelson, 288 James, 334 John, 231, 236 Nepmug country, 12 Nesbitt, 294 Neshaminy Creek, 58, 278 Neshaminy, Penn.. 266 ^Nesmith, James, 252, 264, 325, 330; noticed, 255 Nessley, 281 Nevin, Alfred, quoted, 30 Newall, Joseph, 320 Newberry, 294 Newcastle, 35, 36, 117 Newcastle, Delaware, 267 Newel, John, 230, 236 Newell, Joseph, 323 New England emigrants to Ireland, 11; Scotch Irish, 266 New Hampshire, 308 New London, 113, 142 Newton, Marmaduke, 31 Richard, 31 Newtown Limavady, 42 New York, Scotch Irish in, 268, 269 Nicols, 294 Nichols, Alexander, 261, 264 Andrew, 335 James, 261, 264 John, 155 Nickel, Thomas, 122, 125 Noble, Arthur, 334 John, 334 Non-subscribers in Antrim, 75-76 North, Mrs. Mary M., quoted, 21 North Carolina. 308 Nutfleld, settled, 242 O'Cahan, Grany, 122 Nealy, 125 Octorara Creek, 58 Oliver, Daniel, 305 Omagh, houses at, 3 Orr, Alexander, 335 Boniel, 329 Isaac, 334 John, 329 Patrick, 329 Thomas, 325 William, 329 Oursell, Nicholas, 318 Owen, 281 Rev. John, 113 Philip, 12 P Page, Charles D., 261 Paine, James, 285 Painter, 281 Pakachoag Hill, 177, 180 Palmer, 115, 173, 281 ; settlers, 182 Park, 282, 327 Lawrence, 178 Parke, John, 114 Patrick, 114 Robert, 114 ; letter on emigra- tion, 282-284 Parker, 278 Rev. E. L., 241, 252 ; and Shute petition, 324 ; quoted, 131, 199, 200, 203 Paterson, James, 271, 330 William, 327 Patterson, Abraham, 184 David, 329 John, 192 Peter, 264 Vincent, 114 William, 192, 335 Pattison, Alexander, 328 Ninian, 328 Paton, 294 Patrick, Andrew, 327 John, 183 Robert, 192 Patten, Robert, 175 Patton, Robert, 169, 334 William, 334 Patuxent, 27, 33 Paxtang, 278 Peables, John, 183, 192 Patrick, 183, 184 Robert, 182, 183, 184, 191 Pearson, 294 Peat, Robert, 323 Peck, Noah, 213 Pedan, 275 Peg of Limavaddy, 99 Pejepscot, 218, 225 Pelham, 115 Charles, 17^ Peter, 172, 334 Pelham, Mass., settlement, 184 Pendale, 281 Pennock, 281 INDEX 393 Pennsylvania, life in, 228-284 ; Scotch Irish, 266 Penny, 294 Pequea, 89 Perce, Stephen, 265 Per cent, of population, 308 Perry, Prof. Arthur L., 133 ; on Worcester, 180, 195 ; quoted, 183, 186, 214 Bliss, 188 Prof. James, 335 Perth, 115 Peterborough, 255 Petition for land, 240 ; to Governor Shute, 101, 105, 324 Pettey, James, 329 Pharr, John, 335 Philadelphia passengers at, 30, 35 ; Scotch Irish in, 270 Phillips, Thomas, 166 Sir Thomas, 19 Pickens, Israel, 279 Thomas, 156 William, 279 Pike, John, 155 Pirates, 322 Piscataqua, 142, 143, 248; ship at, 219 Plowden, 288 Plowing allowed, 49 Polk, Thomas, 77 Pomfret, 155, 307, 308 Poor in Ireland, 122 Porpooduc, on map, 204 ; houses at, • 205 Port regulations in Ireland, 291 Port Royal, 285 Porter, 275 Isabel, 125 John, 288 Rev. John, 100, 102, 330 Portland. See Falmouth Potatoes, at Andover, 200 ; use of, 305 Poverty in Ireland, 47 Powers, John, 334 Pownalborough, 332 Poyntz, John, 334 Preaching, 302 Presbyterian books, 174 Presbyterian meeting house, Boston, 169 Presbyterians under Queen Anne, 15 ; in Maryland, 28 ; and Quakers, 29 ; at Charleston, 31 ; Synod, 36; in Ulster, 60; wanted control in Ireland and Eng- land, 61 ; under William III, 62 ; criticised by Dr. King, 69 ; charges against, 71 ; split, 75 Prentice, Captain, 179 Pressley, David, 288 Pressley, William, 288 Prices of provisions, 159 Price's view, 150 Prince, Thomas, 83 Proctor, Edward, 258, 265 "Prosperity," ship, 323 Protestant tenantry, 55 Providence, 155 Pynner's Survey, 41 Quakers, 64 ; did not influence Scotch Irish migration, 28 ; in Bally- nacree, 252 Quig, John, 334, 335 Quinnebaug, 12 Quinton, Duncan, 192 Ramage, Thomas, 329 Ramsay, James, 327 John, 327 Thomas, 329 Ramsey, Hugh, 264 Randal, 255 Randolph, Edward, quoted, 25 Rankin, Hugh, 255, 264 James, 219, 236 Rasle, Father, 219 Rawlings, Philip, 321, 323 Ray, 294 Read, George, 323 John, 269 Records in Ulster, 337 Reed, Andrew, 279 Hugh, 121 Martha, 214 Reid, James, 264 ; noticed, 258 Rehoboth, 21, 22, 33, 36 Religious conditions in Ireland, un- der William III, 61 Rent and tythes, 66 Rents in Ireland, 56 Regium Donum, suspended, 63 "Return," schooner, 320 ship, 323 "Revenge," 152 Rice, Gersham, 177 Jonas, 177 Richards, Arthur, 12 Charles, 155 Richardson, Thomas, 202 Richie, Francis, 329 Richey, Alexander, 325 Francis, 334 John, 264 Richmond, 282 Riddle, Hugh, 202 Riley, Elizabeth, 230, 236 "Rising Sun," ship, 31 Ritter, Daniel, 155 394 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Rivers, W. J., his South Carolina, quoted, 286-287 Rivers, influence of, 307 Roan, 278 Robb. 282 John, 329 "Robert," brigantine, 135, 146, 149, 150, 319 ship, voyage of, 205, 206 Roberts, Mary, 214 Robey, John, 265 Robinson, 281 James, 335 William, 317 Roddy, James, 271 Rodger, 278 James, 327 Roe, Robert, 325 Rogers, Andrew, 231, 236 Elizabeth, 232, 236 Hugh, 327 Isabella, 232, 236 James, 232, 236, 264 John, 157, 320 Robert, 192 Thomas, 232, 236 William, 114 Roquelo coat, 174 Ross, 293 David, 229, 236 James, 231, 236 John, 232, 236, 327 Robert, 335 Samuel, 327 Ross family, 231, 236 Rossiter, W. S., referred to, 307, 308 Route, 224 Rowan, 282 Rowland, Robert, 231, 236 Roxbury, 155 Ruling elders, 339-377 "Runners," in Ireland, 268 Rupp, Isaac D., quoted, 280 Rutherford, Robert, 334 Rev. Robert, 116 Thomas, 278 Rutland, on map, 178 ; incorporated, 181 ; names of settlers, 191 Rutledge, Edward, 310 Ryan, Kennedy, 334 Sacramental test, 63 Sadsbury, Penn., 280 Sagatabscot Hill, 177 St. Lawrence, Joseph, 334 Salem, S. C, church at, 288 Salley, A. S., Jr., quoted, 287 Salmon fisheries, 51-52 Salmon Leap, 42 ; on map, 39 ; view of, 53 Salter, 42 Salter, Grashinham, 321 Mary, 232, 236 Thomas, 232, 236 Sandford, 282 Sargent, W. M., 218 Saunders, 281 Savage, 191, 294 Edward, 192 Isaac, 334 James, 232, 237 Scarboro, 116 School in Boston, Little's, 172 Scotch Irish, 4 ; cleanliness, 5 ; Lee on, 5 ; as farmers, 78 ; mean- ing of the term, 309 ; ability shown by, 309 Scott, 281, 282 Alexander, 156 Hugh, 272 John, 272 Patrick, 282 Robert, 335 Seating, committee on, 182 Seaton, James, 202 John, 202 Samuel, 202 Semple, 275 Mary, on the Bann Valley, 299 Senter, John, 265 Seton, John, 326 Settlements in 1776, 307 Sewall, Joseph, 83 Samuel, 84, 136, 244 Shadey, Thomas, 328 Sharpe, 282 Shaw. Samuel, 173, 174, 192 Seth, 193 William, 170; his will, 173 Sheales, John, 264 Shearer, James, 193 Shennen, 281 Sherrard, 280 William, 334 Shertwell, Mary, 230, 237 Ships from Ireland, 317 Shipway, John, 22 Shirley, 155 Shirley, John, 121, 122 Shirlow, William, 335 Shorswell, James, 329 Shrewsbury, 184 Shute, Samuel, Governor, 18, 203, 227 ; petition to, 324 Simonds, Joseph, 256, 261, 265 Simonson, Magnus, 282 Simonton, Andrew, 214 William, 214 Simpson, Peter, 327 William, 228, 237 Simson, Professor, 75 Andrew, 334 Sinclair, George, 335 William, 193 INDEX 395 Skinners, 42 Slamon, William, 325 Slarrow, Matthew, 102, 192, 329 Slemmons, William, 214, 325 Slemons, 210 Sloan. 282, 294 William, 192 Sloane, Robert, 334 Samuel, 334 Small Point, 204. 237 Smeally, John, 325 Smith, 281, 282 Alexander, 155 Aubia, 237 James, 155, 192, 196, 237, 239, 272, 328 ; his letter from Bal- lykelly, 197 Jeremiah, 155, 247, 335 ; and his mother, 51; life of, 266, 299; education, 304 John. 114, 179, 206, 232, 237, 328, 335 Matthew, 196, 237 Patrick, 328 Robert, 193, 327 Samuel, 63, 82, 272, 327, 328, 335 Rev. Thomas, 208 William, 262, 264, 282, 303, 304 Smith family, 232, 237 Snoddey, 278 Snow Hill, 21, 26, 28, 33, 36; old house at, 26 Somerset, Ireland, 53 Somerset County, Md., 21, 33 r Scotch Irish in, 25 South, Scotch Irish of, 266 South Carolina, 169; Scotch Irish in, 30-35, 285; hardships, 291, 292 Southack, Cyprian, 144 ; his map, 215, 216. 219 Spartanburg, 294 Spaulden, Andrew, 265 Spear, David, 220 Jean, 230, 237 John, 271 Robert, 271, 335 William, 192 Spectacle Island, 160, 163 Spence, John, 193 Spencer, 294 Spinning, in Ireland, 51 ; in Ameri- ca, 51 ; wheels, 51 ; school, 305 Stackpole, Rev. B. S., 219, 228 Stafford, Luke, 322 Stanley, David, 334 Stanwood, David, 232 Jonas, 232 Samuel, 232 Stark, Archibald, 264 General John, 310 Steel, 280 David, 219, 237 James, 219, 237 Thomas, 140 Steele, Thomas, noticed, 256, 264 Steer, 281 Sterling, John, 183 Robert, 192 Sterrett, Benjamin, 272 James, 255, 264 John, 272 Stet, James, 334 Steuart, James, 327 Stevens, Mrs. Charles B., 131 Col. William, 22 Stevenson, James, 237 Stewart, 282 Rev. Hugh, 286 Ronald, 335 Walter, 201 William, 334 Stiles, 281 Ezra, President, 89, 117 Still, James, 326 Stinson, 191, 280 James, 237 John, 183, 184, 192, 237 Robert, 237 Stirling, Rev. John, 100, 197 John, 327 M'G., 327 Stiven, Robert, 329 Stobo, Rev. Archibald, 31, 285 Stockman, Hugh, 328 Stoddard, David, 159 John, 184 Storey, 280 Strabane, 80 Strawbridge, Rev. Thomas, 156 William, 156 Strobridge, William, 156 Stronge, Charles E. S., his home, 129 Pauline Marian, 129, 297 Stroudwater, 209, 210 Stuart, 288 Charles, 231, 237 Gordon, 271 Hanna, 231, 237 Henry, 231, 237 John, 201, 256, 264 Margaret, 156 Robert, 201 Samuel, 201, 231, 237 Sturgeon, 332 Sudbury, 155 Summeril, 282 Summersett, Maine, 331 as a Christian name, 217 Surnames in Ulster, 339-377 Sutherland, George, 170 Sutton, 113, 181 Swanan, Mr., 232 396 SCOTCH IEISH PIONEEES Swift, Dean, on landlords, 19 ; quoted, 44, 46 Sym, William, 288 Synod of Ulster, business of, 94-98 Synod records, 339 Tabb, James, 334 Tackels, Alexander, 193 Taggart, James, 155 Tailer, William, 237 Tailors, 306 Tanner, John, 334 Tantiusques, 143 Tappan, Sarah, 82 Tarbel, David, 329 Hugh, 329 Tark, Robert, 230, 237 Tate, James, 335 Rev. James, 101, 330 Tatt, James, 335 Taughboyne, 105, 111, 186, 207 Taylor, Humphrey, 230, 237 Rev. Isaac, 187, 223 James, 184 John, 272 Jonathan, 264 Matthew, 264 Rev. Nathaniel, 36 Teach, Captain, 152 Telford, John, 202 Temple, Robert, 142, 187, 210, 218, 334 Templeman, 280 Tenants, 19, 20 Tennent, Rev. William, 30, 279 Termont, 156 Test act, 15 ; use of, 63 Thackeray, W. M., on Coleraine, 99 Theobalds, John, 269 Thien, Alexander, 174 Thorn, Mrs., 257 Thomas, Archibald, 334 David, 191 Mary, 233, 237 Samuel, 184 "Thomas & Jane," ship, 317 Thompson, 278, 294 Misses, of Cullycapple, 121 Adam, 328 Archibald, 155 Archibald, and spinning wheels, 51 James, 327, 328 Jeremiah, 330 John, 330, 334 Jonathan, 328 Peter, 237, 330 Robert, 328 William, 264 Thomson, Archibald, 336 George, 328 Rev. James, 102, 330 Thomson, John, 122, 193, 325, 328 Robert, 193 Thorn, Mary, 232, 237 Thomas, 232, 237 Thornbury, 281 Thornton, James, 183, 184, 191, 238 Matthew, 310 Samuel, 283 "Three Anns and Mary," 156 Tillage bill, 45, 48 Tobacco trade, 58 Toboyne, Penn., 272 Tod, Laurence, 328 Todd, Andrew, 264 Daniel, 329 Toler, William, 334 Toleration act, 15, 64 Tom, John, 155, 335 Tomb, Archibald, 335 Tomson, Hugh, 326 Tonson, James, 327 Topham, Walter, 335 Torrence, Hugh, 127 Town names, list of, 339 Towns, Irish, having records, 337 Townsend, Rev. Jonathan, 196 Tracy, Patrick, 334 Traill, Rev. William, 22 Tregoweth, Thomas, 238 Trevor, Lord, 48 Trinity, 64 Trinity Church, Boston, 175 Trotter, James, 325 "Truth and Daylight," galley, 318 Tufts, Mrs. Henry F., 258 Turk, John, 335 Turner, Alexander, 184 Thomas, 127 Tuttle, Julius H., 207 Tweed, David, 335 Tyrconnel, Earl of, 13 Tythes, 65 U Ulster, extent, 1 • climate, 2 ; houses, 2-3 ; population, 4 ; under James II, 13 ; under Queen Anne, 15; in 1698, 15; under George I, 17 ; economic condi- tions, chapter 3 ; disease and drought, 43 ; political and re- ligious conditions, chapter 4 ; under Queen Anne, 64 ; and curates, 68 ; map of, 103 Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 340 Ulsterman, 313 Unitarianism in Ulster, 72 Union County, 293 Upper Marlborough, 33, 36 Upper Octorara church, 282 Valley Forge, 275 Vance, 294 INDEX 39T Vanhorne, John, 269 Vaudreuil, Marquis de, 244 Vernon, 294 Vincent, John, 238 William, 228 Vintners, 42 Vital records in Ulster, 337 Voluntown, 114 Voyage, the Atlantic, 151 W Waite, Robert, 156 Wakefield, John, 321 Waldron, Richard, 257, 265 Walker, Alexander, 261, 264 Benjamin, 141 Rev. George, at Derry, 14 James, 325 John, 141, 335 Nathaniel, 200 Patrick, 334, 335 Robert, 325, 327 Thomas, 157 William, 191, 325 Wall, Caleb, 180 Wallace, 278 John, 264; noticed, 258 William, 8, 9, 125 Wallas, Thomas, 329 William, 329 Wallis, Daniel, 238 James, 25, 230, 238 John, 25, 232, 238 Matthew, 25 Matthias, 191 Oliver, 183 Robert, 232, 238 Wallis family, 232, 238 Walsh, Nathaniel, 334 Walworth, 42 Ward, 229, 238 Obadiah, 177 Wardlaw, 294 Ware, Mass., 193 Warnings, 229 Watson, 281 Andrew, 326, 328 Joseph, 325 Matthew, 155, 239 William, 192 Watt, Andrew, 140, 320 Luke, 329 Samuel, 329 Watts, Alexander, 335 John, 334, 335 Waugh, Joseph, 202 Waxhaws, 292 Wear, Robert, 248, 249, 251, 329 ; noticed, 255 Webb, 281 Welch, John, 229, 238 Thomas, 114 264, Wells. 294 Rev. John, 174 Wendell, Barrett, 118 Wentworth, Benning, 248, 257, 265 Westboro, 155 Western, 155 Westminster Confession, 75 West-running Brook, 242, 243, 247, 252 Wheeler's Brunswick, 220, 222 Wheelwright, John, 248, 257, 265 Whippie, Allen, 335 White, Mrs. Charles F., 258 David, 335 Rev. Fulk, to teach Hebrew, 70 Hugh, 278 John, 22 Rev. John, 83 Rev. John, of Dorchester, Eng- land, 8 Moses, 271, 279 Patrick, 335 William, 156 White Clay Creek, 30, 89 Whitehill, 275 Whitley, John, 334 Wicomico, 21, 28, 33 Widborn, David, 329 Wiggins, John, 278 Wight, John, 329 Joseph, 330 Wiley, 282 Wilie, Robert, 335 Wilkin, 282 Wilkins, Peter, 271 Robert, 271 "William," ship, 135, 146, 149, 150, 320 "William and Mary," ship, 132, 319 William III, 15 Williams, Benjamin, 264 Peter, 334 Williamsburg colony, 287, 288 Williamson, William, 335 Willis, James, 335 William, 228 Willison, Rev. John, 174 Willson, Alexander, 170 Benjamin, 264 David, 328, 330 James, 327 John, 328 Robert, 330 Thomas, 122, 264 William, 264 Wilson, 278, 282, 294 Alexander, 335 David, 288 James, 155, 228, 238, 264 Jean, 231, 238 John, 133, 319 Capt. John, 194 Rev. John, 36 398 SCOTCH IRISH PIONEERS Wilson, Rachel, 300 Roger, 288 Robert, 155. 264, 288, 335 Robert, merchant, 32 Samuel, 102, 328 Thomas, 327, 328 Rev. Thomas, 22 William, 82, 134, 149, 288, 317, 327, 328 Windham, N. EL, 112 Winthrop, Governor, 132, 139 Wait, 12 Wiscasset, 155 Witherspoon, 293 Gavin, 288 John, 286, 288; his voyage, 291 Robert, 291 Woburn, 155 Wood, John, 155 Woodburn, George, 232, 238 Woodburn family, 232, 238 Woodford, John, 264 Woods, Catherine, her spinning, 51 ; Mrs. Martha, 100 Woodside, Rev. James, 94, 99, 131, 142, 144, 166, 209, 241 ; Math- er's letter to, 109 ; at Bruns- wick, 220-227 ; his own story, 225 Woodside, William, 224 Woolen in 1698, 15 Worcester, settlement, 177 ; on map, 178 ; site of Presbyterian meeting house, 180, 181 ; seating, 182 ; cemetery, 186 ; names of settlers, 188 ; their character, 195 Work, Joseph, 272 Robert, 336 Wright, 294 Wylie, 293 Yamassee lands, 286, 287 York, Samuel, 238, 325 "York Merchant," ship, 317 Young, 293, 294 Arthur, on emigration and man- ufactures, 55 Anthony, 269 David, 183, 191 ; his grave- stone, 186 John, 169, 191, 229, 232, 238, 335 ; his gravestone, 186 Rev. Samuel, 100, 282 Young family, 232, 238 I RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT TO—» 202 Main Library LOAN PERIOD 1 HOME USE n ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS Renewals and Recharges may be made 4 days prior to the due date. Books may be Renewed by calling 642-3405 Sk SENtONlLL DUE AS STAMPED BELOW DEC 1 8 1995 U. C. 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