UC-NRLF 
 
 SB 
 
FACTS AND OPINIONS 
 
 TOUCHING THE 
 
 REAL ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 iMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY: 
 
 VIEWS OF 
 
 WILBERFORCE, CLARKSON, AND OTHERS, 
 
 AND OPINIONS OF THE 
 
 ?EEE PEOPLE OF COLOR OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 BY 
 
 G.- B..STEBBINS. 
 
 PREFACE BY HON. WILLIAM 
 
 JAY, 
 
 BOSTON: 
 JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY. 
 
 CLEVELAND, OHIO: 
 
 JEWETT, PROCTOR, AJO> WORTHIXGTON. 
 
 1853. 
 
FACTS AND OPINIONS 
 
 TOUCHING THE 
 
 REAL ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE 
 
 AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY 
 
 VIEWS OF 
 
 WILBERFORCE, CLARKSON, AND OTHERS, 
 
 AND OPINIONS OF THE 
 
 FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 BY 
 
 G. B. S T E B B I N S. 
 
 H 
 
 PREFACE BY-E!(Xtf. WltLSAM- JAY. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY 
 
 CLEVELAND, OHIO: 
 
 JEWETT, PROCTOR, AND WORTHIXGTON. 
 
 1853. 
 
 
s-\ 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by 
 
 JOHN P. JEWETT & CO., 
 In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
 STKKKOTYPKD AT THI 
 BOS T OX SXEKEQTYPE F < 
 
PBEFACE. 
 
 BY WILLIAM JAY 
 
 THE scheme of sending our free cqjpred population to 
 Africa, prosecuted in the manner it is by the Coloniza 
 tion Society, and forwarded as it is by extraordinary and 
 most reprehensible legislation, is exciting a disastrous 
 influence on the prospects of the colored people, both 
 bond and free, and is familiarizing the public mind with 
 injustice and cruelty. The following pages afford ample 
 materials, drawn from the writings and speeches of the 
 advocates of this scheme, for learning its true origin and 
 real purport. It will be seen that the idea of banishing 
 the free blacks sprang from the alarm caused by a slave 
 insurrection ; and that, from first to last, the enterprise 
 has been regarded as intimately connected with the secu- 
 rity of the slaveholders and the permanency of human 
 bondage. 
 
 It is freely admitted that benevolent men of the north 
 have cooperated in this effort, in the hope of benefiting 
 
 M206617 * 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 the unhappy people whom it was proposed to exile. In 
 the pursuit of what appeared to them a good object, they 
 seem not to have been duly scrupulous about the means 
 used to eftect it. 
 
 It may be true, that some of the emigrants find in 
 Liberia a comfortable asylum from American prejudice 
 and oppression ; but it should be recollected that the very 
 money expended in their transportation was collected by 
 appeals powerfully tending to aggravate the sufferings 
 of their brethren who are left behind. The whole drift 
 of the constant stream of vituperation directed against 
 our free colored people, as " a curse aiid a blight," is to 
 encourage such a course of conduct toward them as shall 
 extort their " consent " to abandon the land of their 
 biuth. 
 
 The original, active, pervading principle of the Coloni- 
 zation Society is, as Mr. Henry A. Wise, with more 
 frankness than prudence, truly asserted, "FRIENDSHIP TO 
 THE SLAVEHOLDERS." None are better acquainted with 
 this cardinal principle of the colonization effort, nor more 
 ready to avail themselves of it, than our political aspi- 
 r.ants. Hence Mr. Webster, in his famous and unhappy 
 speech of 1850, himself an officer of the society, offered 
 the following magnificent bid for the presidency : 
 
 "If any gentleman from the SOUTH shall propose a 
 scheme of colonization to be carried on by this govern 
 ment upon a large scale, for the transportation of the 
 free colored people to any colony, or to any place in the 
 world, I should be quite disposed to incur almost any 
 degree of expense to accomplish that object. There have 
 
PREFACE. T 
 
 been received into the treasury of the United States 
 eighty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the public lands 
 ceded by Virginia, which have already been sold ; and 
 if the residue shall be sold at the same rate, the whole 
 will amount to TWO HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS. 
 Now, if Virginia or the south see fit to make any prop 
 osition to RELIEVE themselves from the BURDEN of their 
 free colored population, they have my free consent that 
 this government should pay them, out of these proceeds, 
 ANY sum of money adequate to that end." 
 
 Here we have no idle professions of sympathy for the 
 free blacks, subjected by our own prejudices and cruelty 
 to poverty, ignorance, and degradation, no visionary, 
 but benevolent predictions of their regeneration, on being 
 transferred from a land of Bibles and churches to the 
 darkness and heathenism of Africa, no sickly, puerile 
 sentimentality about the diffusion of the arts and sciences 
 and the light of Christianity throughout a benighted con 
 tinent, by sending to it " a horde of miserable wretches " 
 " of all classes of our population/ 7 to use the language 
 of Mr. Clay, " the most vicious, who contaminated them 
 selves, extend their vices to all around them." With a 
 boldness and directness of purpose well calculated to 
 conciliate southern electors, he assumes that the free 
 blacks are a BURDEN to the slaveholders, and offers his 
 aid to RELIEVE them from it. He is ready to levy on the 
 whole Union a tax of untold millions to transport this 
 burden to any place in the wide world they may select, as 
 best securing them from its noxious influence. 
 
 "To Greenland, Zembla, or the Lord knows where." 
 a* 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 Of course, as the removal is to be effected by the federal 
 government on a large scale, with unlimited funds at its 
 command ; as the burden is to be deposited wherever the 
 slaveholders please ; and as they are to be relieved, the trans 
 portation offered by the Massachusetts senator is to be 
 compulsory, rivalling in moral turpitude the expulsion of 
 the Moors from Spain and the Huguenots from France. 
 
 The legislation of both the free and slave states has 
 long been directed to rendering the condition of the free 
 blacks so intolerable as to coerce them into exile. But 
 these people, with great firmness and pertinacity, cleave 
 to their native land, and, in spite of their wrongs, are 
 rising in education and respectability, and are attracting 
 sympathy and friends. Their oppressors are now adopt 
 ing the policy of presenting to them the alternative of 
 exile or slavery. Various are the laws now in operation, 
 and new ones are forging, to convert the free blacks into 
 slaves. Until lately, laws of this description have been 
 confined to the slave states. Illinois, in her late act for 
 selling free negroes who come into her limits, has shown 
 us to what a height of villany hatred to the free negro, 
 united with friendship to the slaveholder, is capable of 
 attaining ; for the very law thus perpetrating an accursed 
 outrage on free citizens, guiltless of crime, accords to the 
 slaveholder the privilege of driving his slave coffles over 
 the soil of Illinois ! Now, this hatred to the free negro, 
 this friendship to the slaveholder, the Colonization Soci 
 ety has been actively engaged in fostering, from the day 
 of its organization to the present hour. If the reader 
 thinks this assertion harsh and unjust, he is entreated to 
 
PREFACE. Vli 
 
 study with deep attention the revelations made in this 
 work. He will find that colonizationists have seduously 
 endeavored to screen American slavery, as a system, from 
 all imputation of moral guilt ; have been instant, in sea 
 son and out of season, in holding up the free negroes as 
 most pernicious and dangerous nuisances ; and have hailed 
 with applause execrable laws, aggravating their oppres 
 sion, but accompanied with pecuniary appropriations for 
 their banishment to Africa. Most truly may it be said, 
 that the tender mercies of this scheme are cruel ; for most 
 cruel is the constant effort to excite hatred to the free 
 negro, and a morbid apprehension of danger from his 
 presence. Let the reader solemnly ask himself, even 
 admitting a removal to Africa may be advantageous to 
 some emigrants, how far a good end can sanctify unholy 
 means, and how far he can countenance the means used 
 by the society consistently with his obligations to God 
 and man. 
 
 August, 1853. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER, 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY, 13 
 
 TERMS OF THE PARTNERSHIP. DISCLAIMS HOSTILITY TO 
 
 SLAVERY, 22 
 
 APOLOGIES FOR SLAVERY. APPEALS TO FEAR AND IN 
 TEREST, 40 
 
 OPPOSED TO UNCONDITIONAL EMANCIPATION. HOSTILE TO 
 
 THE ANTISLAVERY MOVEMENT, 63 
 
 ITS PHILANTHROPY WOULD SEND THE COLORED PEOPLE 
 
 TO LIBERIA, BUT DEGRADE THEM HERE, .... 80 
 FAVORS EXPULSION OF THE FREE COLORED PEOPLE, . . 94 
 FAVORS PROSCRIPTIVE LEGISLATION. ASKS GOVERNMENT 
 AL AID, 103 
 
 SLAVERY A PROVIDENTIAL DISPENSATION, 122 
 
 SAVED THE UNION, 131 
 
 PLANS CRUEL AND IMPRACTICABLE. INFLUENCE ON FREE 
 PEOPLE OF COLOR EVIL; ON VIEWS OF DUTY DECEP 
 TIVE, 137 
 
 LIBERIA. THE SLAVE TRADE. IMPRACTICABLE REMEDY. 
 "THE MISSIONARY COLONY." INFLUENCE ON NATIVES. 
 
 EDUCATION, &C., 155 
 
 CONCLUSION. - BOTH SIDES, 189 
 
 OPINIONS OF FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR, 194 
 
 OPINIONS OF CLARKSON, WILBERFORCE, AND OTHERS, . .211 
 
 PROTEST, 213 
 
 LETTER FROM THOMAS CLARKSON TO WILLIAM LLOYD GAR 
 RISON, 215 
 
 viii 
 
ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE 
 
 OP THE 
 
 AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 THE object of this work is to bring together an array 
 of facts in regard to the real character and influence 
 of the American Colonization Society and its auxiliaries, 
 from the origin of the parent society to the present date. 
 
 Such comments and explanations will of course be made, 
 and such views presented, as may be deemed necessary to 
 a clear comprehension of the subject. 
 
 The facts presented will be drawn almost entirely from 
 official publications and reports of the society, speeches 
 of its chosen orators, comments and views of its friends. 
 Were it needful, a volume of a thousand pages could be 
 filled with quotations of a similar character. 
 
 A candid and earnest examination of the subject, a fair, 
 honest judgment, and an action in accordance with that 
 judgment, are all we ask. 
 
 The Colonization Society claims a high rank among the 
 philanthropic movements of the day ; but, in reality, its 
 highest idea of philanthropy toward the colored man (the 
 class it especially professes to regard) is to mark him as 
 
 1* (5) 
 
C) ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 the Pariah of our American civilization, to degrade him 
 here, and send him to Africa that we may be rid of his un 
 welcome presence. It has great solicitude for the colored 
 man in Africa, but helps to* crush him at home ; obeying 
 in that respect the deceptive influence of the prejudice 
 slavery has created. It claims to be a "great missionary 
 enterprise " toward Africa, but cannot say to America, 
 " Physician, heal thyself," in view of the abuse and oppres 
 sion heaped upon the colored man in our country. 
 
 Slavery it apologizes for, and even defends, as we shall 
 see ; the idea of liberty for all it repudiates, if the slave 
 have a right, when freed, to remain here ; the antislavery 
 movement in our country is the object of its hostility. 
 
 The society, in short, was founded, has been, and is, 
 controlled by slave owners and the enemies of the colored 
 race ; has ever been governed by compromising expedien 
 cy ; has succeeded by a deceptive course in enlisting the 
 aid and sympathy of those of widely differing character : 
 with insidious care and ceaseless industry its leading 
 advocates have spread far and wide false ideas, helping to 
 deceive the nation," to crush the colored man, to throw 
 obstacles in the way of the triumph of freedom. 
 
 If, in proving these and other charges, we are compelled 
 to be severe, it shall be simply the severity of Truth. Our 
 business is with principles, or rather want of them, in 
 this scheme of colonization with men, so far as they 
 help Error to a longer life. 
 
 Doubtless there are those who support the colonization 
 movement honestly, not informed as to its real character 
 and spirit. When we remember that even CLARKSON and 
 WILBERFORCE hailed the American Colonization Society 
 as a noble enterprise, and for years supported it, there 
 need be no marvel that able and honest men are deceived 
 by its misrepresentations ; and when we know that the 
 intrepid Clarkson pronounced its schemes " diabolical," 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 7 
 
 and that one of the last acts of the public life of Wilber- 
 force was to sign a protest against it, none should hesitate 
 to examine carefully, and give a fearless verdict. 
 
 Let the question be clearly understood and fairly met. 
 No objection is offered against colored men going where 
 they please to better their condition. Their right to em 
 igrate should be defended as strenuously as their right to 
 remain here and be treated as men ; but let them go inde 
 pendently of this society or its colony. 
 
 But the Colonization Society says to them, " Go to Afri 
 ca ! there you can be men ; but stay here and your man 
 hood shall be dwarfed, crushed beneath a prejudice which 
 is an " ordination of Providence, no more to be changed 
 than the laws of nature," libelling God and man alike, 
 by saying that the good Father has ordained that a part 
 of his family shall ever hate the presence of another por 
 tion, and that white Americans shall ever " mark the peo 
 ple of color, bond or free, as subjects of a degradation 
 inevitable and incurable," while they remain here. 
 
 Let none be diverted by statements, true or false, of 
 Liberian prosperity. Granting even that a few thousand 
 colored persons are prospering and improving in that col 
 ony ; if this has been accomplished at the terrible cost of 
 defending the right of the slave owner to his " sacred " 
 property in man, of opposing immediate emancipation, of 
 striving to make more bitter a prejudice which degrades 
 millions here, all must admit that teo sadly precious a 
 price has been paid for Liberian prosperity. 
 
 We have room enough in our broad land for twenty 
 fold our present population. Every industrious laborer 
 gives valuable aid in developing new resources of wealth. 
 Hosts of European emigrants come here, and the paths of 
 preferment are as free to them as to the native American. 
 
 The Colonization Society would remove the free colored 
 population from the country. What folly ! Were every 
 
8 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 slave free to-day, their labor would be needed, their re 
 moval a calamity. Why colonize or expatriate the col 
 ored people, bond or free ? " Whom we have injured we 
 hate." Keeping up the delusive idea that the colored 
 man is " a curse and contagion/ makes it seem needful to 
 keep him under the restraint of slavery, helps to perpetuate 
 the system. Thus the society does the work of its masters. 
 Suppose an association had been formed in England a 
 few years since, composed of distinguished noblemen, em 
 inent divines, and wealthy merchants, to aid in colonizing 
 the Irish to America or elsewhere, with their own consent. 
 Taking into account poverty, crowded population, and un 
 just legislation, all rendering it difficult to gain a liveli 
 hood in Ireland, this might have appeared a benevolent 
 scheme. As the prevailing spirit of the society revealed 
 itself in its reports and the speeches of its leading members, 
 suppose it had said of the Irish, " of all classes the most 
 vicious," "a large mass of human beings who hang as 
 a vile excrescence on society," " an anomalous race of 
 beings, the most depraved upon earth," " the habits, the 
 feelings, the prejudices of society, (prejudices which reason, 
 nor education, nor religion itself can subdue,) mark the 
 Irish as subjects of a degradation inevitable and incura 
 ble," - " we do not ask that the provisions of our consti 
 tution or statute book shall be so modified as to exalt or 
 relieve the condition of the Irish ; let those provisions 
 stand in all their rigor to work out their ultimate and un 
 bounded good," " emancipation for Ireland, with liberty 
 for the Irish to remain on this side of the Atlantic, is an 
 act of dreamy madness." The rank and wealth of those 
 who should utter such sentiments would not shield them 
 from stern rebuke and keen ridicule, aimed at their shal 
 low pretence of philanthropy, used to cover, but too trans 
 parent to hide, their hatred of the Irish. Yet all these 
 sentiments have been uttered by eminent colonizationists 
 in regard to the free colored people of our country ! 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 9 
 
 Colonization reports and addresses have ever been full 
 of professions of regard for the colored man ; in Africa, 
 holding up the idea, that there was his place of refuge ; 
 but no earnest and repeated protests against his abuse 
 and degradation here. No ; that was an ordination of 
 Providence. It were impious to act against the will of 
 the Almighty ! 
 
 To the eye of the colonizationist it may truly be said 
 of the negro, " Tis distance lends enchantment to the 
 view." Place him in Liberia, where the Atlantic rolls its 
 insurmountable barrier against his return, and he becomes 
 a man, with a sacred halo of rights about his person. 
 Look at him in America, he is only a negro, fit subject for 
 jeers or outrageous abuse, of which he must say, like Shy- 
 lock of old, 
 
 " All which I bore with patient shrug, 
 For sufferance is the badge of all our tribe." 
 
 Others whom we esteem we delight to have with us, to 
 enjoy their society but the regard of the colonization 
 ist for the colored man increases as its object is more dis 
 tant, and so soon as he goes to Africa, that feeling which 
 chilled into repulsive dislike in his presence, warms into 
 the pure glow of a self-sacrificing affection a singular 
 psychological phenomenon, worthy the attention of learned 
 and curious investigators. 
 
 But it may be said, that men of high repute and excel 
 lent character in private life are colonizationists ; that 
 eminent divines and statesmen take active part in the 
 movement ; that a great multitude of the men and women 
 of the country look upon it with favor. One of the sad 
 results of the existence of slavery is the creation of a 
 wide-spread prejudice, which makes the presence of the 
 colored man disagreeable if he ask to be treated as a man. 
 It is easier to talk about sending him to Africa, than to 
 2 
 
10 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 conquer this prejudice. So the colonization scheme be 
 comes popular, seems philanthropic, is not rigidly scruti 
 nized, passes as a great benevolent plan, and answers the 
 purpose in the hands of its proslavery controllers, of apol 
 ogizing for slavery, of treating it as an evil to be perhaps 
 abolished at some distant day, when all the slaves can be 
 transported to a " happy distance." Truly does Mrs. 
 Stowe say, in the^ Key to Uncle Tom s Cabin, " Slavery 
 will not be much annoyed by the expressed expectation 
 that it is to die somewhere about the millennium." 
 
 As to what eminent divines and statesmen are doing 
 and have done for colonization, the events of the past 
 twenty years show plainly how those in high position, 
 awed by the overshadowing presence of the slave power, 
 compromise honor and manliness sadly enough. 
 
 Although there may be those who give themselves up 
 to serve falsehood, we will not believe that this cruel 
 prejudice is to be invincible or everlasting in the minds 
 of the people, although so deeply seated that it cannot 
 speedily be destroyed. The tears that coursed down many 
 a cheek while reading, in Uncle Tom s Cabin, the story of 
 the gentle Eva laying her white hand on the head of 
 Topsy, and making the poor outcast feel, by sweet and 
 gentle words, that kind affection could reach even her, 
 were so many evidences of prejudice melting into sympa 
 thy ; those sympathies must slowly crystallize into prin 
 ciples, and then the Colonization Society and its auxilia 
 ries will cease to exist. 
 
 A great conflict is going on in our country ; a moral 
 warfare between freedom and slavery. The idea that 
 slavery is a sin against God, a treason to humanity, that 
 no compromise should be made with its upholders, that 
 unconditional and immediate emancipation is the right of 
 the slave, the duty and highest interest of the master, the 
 way of salvation for the nation from this giant crime is 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 11 
 
 taking deeper hold of the hearts of the people. As the 
 growing strength of antislavery is felt more and more, 
 the slave power rouses itself to new and stronger efforts. 
 
 The Colonization Society starts into new life along 
 with proslavery " compromises," ready to aid in schemes 
 of prescriptive legislation against the colored people, 
 fierce exhibitions of the old hatred born of slavery, 
 to offer its illusive schemes for ridding the land of their 
 presence, to make slavery stronger by helping to degrade 
 the race in bondage. Politicians making bids for southern 
 favor go into colonization meetings to make speeches, 
 divines facing southward pray for the success of this " holy 
 cause," pretended lovers of the Union tell how the society 
 offers a common ground on which all can stand without 
 sectional prejudice. 
 
 How the Colonization Society has been controlled by 
 slaveholders ; how it has made its appeals to fear, and 
 prejudice, and kindly feeling, to gain aid from all classes 
 and all sections of the country ; how it has cast aside prin 
 ciple, and been governed by compromising expediency ; 
 how impracticable and cruel are its plans, we shall en 
 deavor to show in the course of this work. What is the 
 light in which the colored people view it is also a matter 
 of interest, since it claims to be the benevolent enterprise 
 of the day toward them. Their opinions shall be given. 
 
 Twenty years since, WM. LLOYD GARRISON wrote his 
 " Thoughts on African Colonization," which did much at 
 that time to call attention to the real character of the 
 movement. In 1835, an excellent work by WILLIAM JAY, 
 an " Inquiry into the Nature and Tendency of the Ameri 
 can Colonization and American Antislavery Societies," 
 was published. Many suppose that since then the society 
 has changed its character, and a compendium of facts of 
 a later date seems highly necessary. Wishing to show 
 the career of the society from the -first, we have given 
 
12 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 facts of an early date to show under what influences it 
 originated, and what were its early developments - those 
 of a later date to show that its spirit and purpose are un 
 altered. The attention of every reader is especially solicit 
 ed to the protest signed by WILBERFORCE and other em 
 inent English philanthropists against the society, ancl also 
 to the valuable letter of THOMAS CLARKSON, giving his 
 views of its character, both of which will be found near 
 the close of the work. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 13 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 IN the twelfth Annual Report of the New York Coloniza 
 tion Society is the following in regard to the origin of the 
 colonization movement : " A spirit of fierce and uncom 
 promising hostility has persecuted this blessed cause 
 through a course of years, and employed against it, with 
 untiring zeal, every weapon which subtlety and ingenuity 
 of opponents could devise. This has led many Christian 
 minds to a reexamination of the whole enterprise of 
 African colonization to inquire into its origin, ascertain 
 its genius, and examine its results, as far as its progress 
 has developed them Notwithstanding all the op 
 probrium so gratuitously thrown upon it, the friends of this 
 cause can find ground of confidence in the stability and 
 success of the colonization enterprise from the very spirit 
 in which it originated. 
 
 " It was not prejudice against color it was not desire 
 that slaves might be held more securely by the removal of 
 the free blacks from among them, nor that the price of 
 those in bondage might be enhanced by the emancipation 
 of some of their number. It was not for political or com 
 mercial purposes. These were not the motives ; this was not 
 the spirit in which the enterprise of African colonization 
 originated. 
 
 " The first great conception of the scheme was formed by 
 the devout, benevolent DR. FINLEY ; and no one can contem 
 plate the workings of his holy mind when originating this 
 plan, without a subduing, an almost sublime impression of 
 the purity of his motives, of the exalted sympathies and 
 the lofty and expansive philanthropy that swayed him. 
 
14 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 He yearned in Christ-like compassion over the hapless 
 colored man, and groaned and travailed for his social, po 
 litical, and religious redemption. The fire that burned 
 in his own bosom soon caught and kindled in others, and 
 he drew to his aid kindred high-born spirits. The cries 
 of S. J. MILLS ascended to heaven for this cause, and his 
 heart beat high in aspirations for its success, just before 
 he retired from this world to his rest in glory. Coloniza 
 tion originated in the counsels, the prayers, the tears, the 
 hopes, and holy desires of a group of patriotic, humane, 
 philanthropic Christian minds, that would add dignity to 
 any nation that could claim them as her citizens and sons. 
 In its very commencement this work seems to have been 
 of God, and it is not to be overthrown by the capricious 
 jostlings of every wind of doctrine, or wayward burst of 
 popular feeling. Faith and prayer, confidence and hope 
 in God, have grafted it from the first into the good olive 
 tree have rooted and grounded it in those immutable 
 principles of truth and right, which will secure its vitality 
 and growth when exotics by its side shall have withered 
 
 and passed away This scheme from the first lias 
 
 appealed to the calmer, loftier, and more enduring princi 
 pies of our nature, and has anchored its convictions in 
 reason and conscience, instead of enlisting fancy and fanati 
 cal excitability." 
 
 This extract gives a fair and eminently religious aspect 
 to the matter, and is a good specimen of the boldness of 
 assertion and lofty flight of imagination sometimes found 
 in the writings and speeches of colonizationists. It is 
 well adapted to the feelings of a class of people who love 
 to see whatever falls in with their prejudices baptized as 
 of holy origin. 
 
 We will turn to a few historical matters of fact, as to 
 the origin of the scheme of African colonization. 
 
 In a memorial to the legislature of Virginia, commend- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 15 
 
 ed to special attention by R. W. Bailey, Agent American 
 Colonization Society for Virginia, (see Appendix 32d Ann. 
 Report Jim. Col. Soc., 1849,) are the following statements : 
 " Among the evils that are contingent to slavery may be 
 reckoned a large class of free colored persons, the descendants 
 of slaves, constituting a lower caste in society, and yet 
 
 above the slaves This evil was early contemplated. 
 
 . . . . Mr. Jefferson, as early as 1777, proposed to the 
 legislature of Virginia, to be incorporated into the 
 revised code of the state, a plan for colonizing the free 
 colored population. This is the earliest conception "dis 
 tinctly announced of a plan for African colonization. 
 Dr. Thornton, a native of Virginia, and resident of Wash 
 ington, attempted ten years afterward to form a colony of 
 free blacks to ejnigrate and establish a colony on the 
 coast of Africa^ Both these plans failed at the time, 
 owing to war and want of means. The memorial states 
 also that in 1800 the Virginia legislature took action on 
 the subject, and again in 1816, and says, " Although 
 eminent and good men from other states were concerned 
 in the construction of this noble society, and to the hon 
 ored name of FINLEY is correctly attributed the principal 
 instrumentality in its actual organization, yet the mighty 
 conception may be found in Virginia, the "mother of 
 states." These two statements, both from colonizationists, 
 do not quite agree the first seems adapted to a certain 
 latitude, like an almanac ; history shows the last to be 
 truest. 
 
 But from other sources we gain more information as to 
 the early movements in Virginia. In the New York 
 Gazette of Oct. 2d, 1800, is an extract from a letter of a 
 gentleman in Virginia to a friend in New York, dated Sept. 
 21st, vouched for by the editor as from " a highly respecta 
 ble source" giving an account of an extensive conspiracy 
 among the negroes. The writer says, " By this time you 
 
16 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 have no doubt heard of the conspiracy formed in this coun 
 try by the NEGROES, which but for the interposition of 
 Providence would have put the metropolis of the state, 
 and even the state itself, into their possession. A dread 
 ful storm, with a deluge of rain, which carried away the 
 bridges and rendered the water-courses every where im 
 passable, prevented the execution of their plot. It was 
 extensive and vast in its design. Nothing could have 
 been better contrived. The conspirators were to have 
 seized on the magazine, the treasury, the mills, and the 
 bridge across James River. They were to have entered 
 the city of Richmond in three places with fire and sword, 
 and to have commenced an indiscriminate slaughter 
 the French only excepted. 
 
 " They were then to have called on their fellow negroes 
 and the friends of humanity throughout the continent, by 
 
 proclamation, to rally to their standard Never was 
 
 there a more propitious season for the accomplishment of 
 their purpose. 
 
 " The country is covered with a rich harvest of Indian 
 corn, the flocks and herds are fat in the fields, and the 
 liberty and equality doctrine (nonsensical, dangerous, and 
 wicked as it is, in this land of tyrants and slaves) is, for 
 electioneering, purposes, sounding and resounding through 
 out valleys and mountains. 
 
 " The city of Richmond and the circumjacent country are 
 in arms, and have been for the ten or twelve days past. 
 The patrollers are doubled throughout the state, and the 
 governor, impressed with the magnitude of the danger, 
 has appointed for himself three aides-de-camp ! A number 
 of the conspirators have been hung, and a great many 
 more are yet to be hung. The trials and executions are 
 going on every day." 
 
 How much the fears of the slaveholders magnified the real 
 danger it is not possible to know, but evidently there was a 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 17 
 
 wide-spread feeling of insecurity. This conspiracy was dis 
 covered in the fall ; and the ensuing session of the legislature 
 it was resolved, " That the governor be requested to cor 
 respond with the president of the United States on the 
 subject of purchasing lands, without the limits of this 
 state, whither persons obnoxious to the laws, or dangerous to 
 the peace of society, may be removed." What " persons " 
 wete meant can easily be judged in view of the late 
 conspiracy. 
 
 The ambiguity of the expression used was such as to 
 render its exact meaning somewhat doubtful ; and at the 
 next session of the legislature, it was resolved, " That the 
 governor be requested to correspond with the president 
 of the United States for the purpose of obtaining a place 
 without the limits of the same, to which free negroes and 
 mulattoes, and such as may be emancipated, may be sent, or 
 choose to remove to, as a place of asylum. 7 
 
 In 1803, Judge Tucker, of Virginia, an able and dis-* 
 tinguished man, made public a plan for the abolition of 
 slavery, " without the emancipation of a single slave, 
 without depriving any man of the property he possesses, 
 and without defrauding a creditor who has trusted him on 
 the faith of that property." His project was to declare 
 all female slaves born after a certain date free. Aft im 
 portant part of the plan as showing the feeling toward 
 the free colored men, even in the mind of one of the best 
 and most humane men of that day was, that no free 
 black should be capable of holding any office, of holding 
 real estate, keeping arms, serving as a witness against a 
 white man, making a will, acting as executor, or maintain 
 ing any action in a suit at law. 
 
 Reasons for the restrictions he gives as follows : 
 -" Although I am opposed to the banishment of negroes, I 
 wish not to encourage their future residence among us. 
 By denying them the highest privileges which civil gov- 
 
18 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 ernment affords, / wish to render it tJwr inclination and thm 
 {^interest to seek those privileges in some other climate." 
 
 In the legislature of 1805, the representatives in Con 
 gress were instructed to endeavor to obtain " a territory 
 in Louisiana, to be appropriated to the residence of such 
 people of color as have been, or shall be, emancipated in 
 Virginia." * 
 
 The next year the legislature passes a law that every 
 slave thereafter manumitted should leave the State within 
 a year, or be again made a slave. In 1816 a resolve was 
 introduced into the Virginia legislature, by Mr. CHARLES 
 F. MERCER, and adopted almost unanimously, asking aid 
 of Congress to procure in Africa, or elsewhere, beyond 
 the limits of the United States, a territory " to secure as 
 an asylum for such persons of color as are now free, and 
 may desire the same, and for those who may be hereafter 
 emancipated within this commonwealth." 
 
 Mr. Mercer states, that the resolution was introduced 
 prior, but with a view to the formation of the American 
 Colonization Society. (Af. Rep. xi. 266.) A pamphlet 
 published in Washington, in 1817, giving an account of 
 the formation of the society, says, " Believing that the 
 Virginia legislature had entered upon this subject with a 
 spirit and determination to prosecute the measure pro 
 posed, and desirous of producing a more general and 
 simultaneous feeling and movement in aid of this object 
 by calling the attention of the general government to the 
 subject, a meeting was "appointed." 
 
 The meeting was held Dec. 21st, 1816 ; Henry Clay pre 
 sided, and on taking the chair, said the object of the 
 meeting was " to consider the propriety and practicability 
 of colonizing the free people of color in the United States, 
 and of forming a society for that purpose." After speak- 
 
 * These proceedings were all in secret sessions of the legislature. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 19 
 
 ing of the condition of the colored people, he said : 
 " Can there be a nobler cause than that which, while it 
 proposes to rid our own country of a useless and pernicious, 
 if not a dangerous portion of its population, contemplates the 
 spreading of the arts of civilized life, and the possible 
 redemption from ignorance and barbarism of a benighted 
 quarter of the globe ! " 
 
 John Randolph, of Virginia, also declared, " this meet 
 ing does not in any wise affect the question of negro 
 slavery, but as far as it goes, must materially tend to secure 
 the property of every master in the United Slates over his 
 slaves." 
 
 On the 28th Dec. a second, meeting was held, and the 
 constitution adopted : and on the 1st of January, 1817, a 
 third, at which the officers were chosen, and the society 
 fully organized, commenced its career with a slaveholder 
 Judge Washington, of Virginia as president, twelve of 
 its seventeen vice-presidents from the south, and all its 
 twelve managers, it is said, slaveholders. How much the 
 president was engaged in the scheme as one of philanthro 
 py, may best be judged by the fact, that although he wrote 
 a letter to the society, in which he said " we may fairly 
 hope it will lead to the sure but gradual abolition of 
 slavery," (Af. Rep. vii. 20,) yet in another published 
 letter, he said, that learning his slaves thought, as he was 
 nephew to Gen. Washington and a president of the Coloni 
 zation Society, he would free them, he called them together, 
 and after stating to them what he had heard, assured them 
 he had no intention to give freedom to any of them. This 
 occurred in 1821 ; and shortly after, fifty-four of his slaves 
 were transported not to Liberia, but into the hands of a 
 slave dealer for the New Orleans market. 
 
 At a meeting of the Virginia Colonization Society, in 
 1836, (Auxiliary to Am. Col. Soc.,) Rev. Mr. Plumer 
 said, " The plan of colonizing the free blacks, and such as 
 
20 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 might be made free, originated here the principles of the 
 the society are Virginia principles," (Af. Rep. xii. 67 ;) and 
 another gentleman remarked, " I acknowledge we are 
 indebted to New England for many good things, most of 
 all for the excellent men who have become identified with 
 our interests, and imbued with our principles, (that is, no 
 doubt, have become slaveholders,) and form such valuable 
 members of society among us. But we have never received 
 from New England any thing so valuable as our colonization 
 principles. These are a portion of the inheritance we 
 have derived from our fathers." (Af. Rep. xii. 114.) 
 
 Comment is needless, as all can compare the rhapsody 
 on the first page of this chapter with the simple facts 
 cited to show the real influences predominant in the forma 
 tion of the society. 
 
 We would not deny the philanthropy of some of its 
 advocates, or cast an imputation on the devotedness and 
 excellence of Mills or Finley ; but the best of men may be 
 drawn into projects which carry a fair aspect, but are 
 used for evil designs. It is a singular fact that no prom 
 inent colonizationist, known -as an officer and leading 
 spirit in the movement, has as yet set the example of 
 giving freedom to his own slaves for the purpose of let 
 ting them go to Liberia, or any where else, during his life 
 time. If such has been the case, we have not been able to 
 ascertain after diligent inquiry. 
 
 The object of the society, in the first two articles (and 
 the only articles stating or relating to its object) of the 
 constitution, is as follows : 
 
 " Art. I. This society shall be called the American 
 Society for colonizing the Free People of Color of the 
 United States. 
 
 " Art,, II. The object to which its attention is to be 
 exclusively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for 
 colonizing (with their consent) the free people of color 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION" SOCIETY. 21 
 
 residing in our country, to Africa, or such other place as 
 Congress shall deem most expedient. And the society 
 shall act to effect this object in cooperation with the 
 general government, and such of the states as may adopt 
 regulations on the subject." The constitution has no pre 
 amble setting forth its motives, nothing by which it can 
 be judged whether they are philanthropic or selfish, hu 
 mane or cruel ; and this seems specially devised to 
 allow and induce all classes to engage in its plans. 
 
 As Mr. JAY has remarked, with much force, (Inquiry, 
 p. 12,) " It has secured the cooperation of three distinct 
 classes. 
 
 " First, such as desire sincerely to afford the free blacks 
 an asylum from the oppression they suffer here, and by 
 their means to extend the blessings of Christianity and 
 civilization to Africa, and who at the same time flatter 
 themselves that colonization will have a salutary influence 
 in accelerating the abolition of slavery. Secondly, such 
 as expect to enhance the value and security of slave prop 
 erty, by removing the free blacks ; and thirdly, such as 
 seek relief from a bad population without the trouble or 
 expense of improving it." 
 
 This purpose has been well answered ; but as each mem 
 ber needs the cooperation of all, principle must be compro 
 mised to gain it. 
 
 Some sharp-tongued talker has said, " Compromise is 
 the American devil." The Colonization Society furnishes 
 an illustration of the ruinous results of tampering with 
 this domestic fiend slaveholders have swayed it, and 
 men filled with prejudice against the negro, hating the 
 very presence of those " guilty of a skin not colored like 
 their own," have made it a means of crushing and de 
 grading the colored man in our country. 
 
 3 
 
22 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 TERMS OF THE PARTNERSHIP. DISCLAIMS 
 HOSTILITY TO SLAVERY. 
 
 ALTHOUGH the exclusive object of the Colonization So 
 ciety is declared in its constitution to be the voluntary 
 colonizing of free people of color, and that declaration is 
 repeated by its adherents, yet so frequent are the apolo 
 gies for slaveholders, the assertions that it is not hostile 
 to slavery, in its annual reports and the speeches of its 
 prominent advocates, that one might suppose the original 
 and exclusive object lost sight of in a zealous effort to 
 maintain a good reputation with the upholders of the 
 " peculiar institution/ 7 and remove any suspicions that their 
 scheme might tend to render slaveholding less reputable 
 and religious in the eyes of men. 
 
 Having an " exclusive object " in view, it cannot, of course, 
 turn aside from that object to utter a free brave word in 
 favor of the right of the slave, as a man, to his liberty. 
 No, that were unconstitutional ; and slaveholders in such 
 cases are " strict constructionists " ; but there is no trou 
 ble in turning aside to say many a word, neither free nor 
 brave, in favor of the right of the master to his property, 
 and in denunciation of the antislavery movement ; it is 
 not unconstitutional at all. 
 
 In the preliminary meeting, just before the adoption of 
 the constitution, a distinguished slaveholder (Henry Clay) 
 said, " It was not proposed to consider any question of 
 emancipation, or that was connected with the abolition of 
 slavery. It was only on that condition, he was sure, that 
 many gentlemen from the south and west, whom he saw 
 present, had attended, or could be expected to cooperate" 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 23 
 
 Tluii ? early were tlie only terms of the guilty copartnership 
 made known. It is true colonizationists are permitted to 
 talk about the society as a means for the ultimate expatri 
 ation of the blacks, and the emancipation of the slaves, at 
 a day indefinitely distant. This serves the purpose of 
 gaining the confidence and the money of a certain class 
 of good people, has no earnest purpose behind it, means 
 nothing, none fear it, and serves well to keep up the preju 
 dice against the enslaved race, so important to slavery. 
 
 The northern colonizationist says to the slaveholder, 
 " When it may suit your pleasure or profit to grant free 
 dom to your slaves and send them to Africa, we shall be 
 most happy to aid in sending them across the Atlantic, 
 for they are subjects of a degradation inevitable and 
 incurable here, and the society offers the only feasible 
 plan 7 for their transportation ; the free colored population 
 we wish heartily to be rid of, and will see to it that they 
 arc so treated as to gain their voluntary consent to go 
 to Africa. {But, gentlemen, rest assured we have no spe 
 cial hostility to slavery ; it is an evil entailed on you 
 by your ancestry, forced upon them by the British ; we 
 are not in favor of any visionary schemes of the aboli 
 tionists ; we do not wish the slaves freed at once, with 
 liberty to remain here ; we shall defend your right to 
 your property against all who would attack it." And the 
 slaveholder replies, " Gentlemen, we are pleased with your 
 spirit. Rest assured that when it may seem best to send 
 our slaves to Africa, we shall be happy to accept your aid ; 
 but that will probably be at a distant day : and mean 
 while we trust you will be governed by the same catholic 
 spirit toward us as heretofore ; that you will recognize 
 and defend our right to property ; that } r ou will steadily 
 refuse to take the initiative steps in any question of eman 
 cipation, or that is connected in any way with the abolition 
 of slavery, leaving us to make the first move in any mat- 
 
24 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 ter of that delicate nature/ as of course our position 
 and intimate knowledge of the subject make it eminently 
 proper we should. As to the abolitionists, we feel assured 
 you look upon them as misguided fanatics ; and, so far as 
 the free colored people are concerned, we agree cordially, 
 for with us they are the most abandoned race on earth, 1 and 
 their removal would increase the usefulness and improve 
 the moral character of those in servitude/ (N. C. Col. Soc. 
 Af. Rep. iii. 67,) and for whom, being committed peculiar 
 ly to our care by the providence of God, we feel a special 
 solicitude. 77 
 
 They strike hands, the Colonization Society is the result 
 of the agreement, and SLAVEHOLDERS AND THEIR APOLO 
 GISTS BECOME THE LEADING PARTNERS, although kind phi 
 lanthropists are welcome to pity the hard lot of the negro 
 here, paint glowing ideal pictures of his happiness and 
 Christian graces on the coast of Africa, and rejoice at a 
 time, in the vista of a bright but distant future, when 
 slavery may be abolished, and its victims transported to 
 a better land. 
 
 The object of this chapter is to show that in the early 
 days of the society, and down to the present time, it has 
 disclaimed hostility to slavery. This has only been the in 
 evitable result of the original terms of this guilty partner 
 ship, embracing the" slaveholders of the south and the 
 professedly pious and humane of the north, banded togeth 
 er to serve " the American devil/ 7 * by compromising the 
 right of uttering one word of hearty rebuke of slavery, 
 and of course falling into its defence; for neutrality on this 
 subject is impossible if the tide of proslavery influence be 
 not stoutly buffeted, individual or society alike are swept 
 away by its strong current. 
 
 At the first annual meeting of the society, in 1817, Hen 
 ry Clay said, 
 
 " Whilst he was up he would detain the society for a 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 25 
 
 few moments. It was proper again and again to repeat 
 that it was far from the intention of the society to affect, 
 in any manner, the tenure by which a certain species of 
 property is held. He was himself a slaveholder ; and he 
 considered that species of property as inviolable as any other in 
 the country. He would resist as soon, and with as much 
 firmness, encroachments upon it as he would upon any 
 other property which he held. Nor was he disposed even 
 to go as far as the gentleman who had just spoken, (Mr. 
 Mercer, of Virginia,) in saying he would emancipate his 
 slaves if means were provided for sending them out of 
 the country." 
 
 Other citations of a similar character will show that 
 the society has maintained its evil ground with a consist 
 ency worthy a better cause, although in due time we shall 
 show that in other respects it has been guilty of the most 
 flagrant inconsistencies. 
 
 " It had been properly observed by the chairman, as 
 well as by the gentlemen from this district, (Clay and 
 Caldwell,) that there was nothing in the proposition sub 
 mitted to consideration, which, in the smallest degree, 
 touched another very important and delicate question, which 
 ought to be left as much out of view as possible/ (negro 
 slavery.) .... 
 
 Mr. R. concluded by saying, that he had thought " it 
 necessary to make these remarks, being a slaveholder him 
 self, to show that, so far from being connected with the 
 abolition of slavery, the measure proposed would prove one of 
 the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession 
 his own property." (Speech of John Randolph, of Va., 
 Second Annual Report.) 
 
 The following shows clearly the only basis on which 
 such a movement can rest, and is approved and endorsed 
 officially : 
 
 " An effort for the benefit of the blacks, in which all parts 
 3* 
 
26 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 of the country can unite, of course must not liavc the aboli 
 tion of slavery as its immediate object. Nor may it aim 
 directly at the instruction of the blacks. In either case 
 the prejudices and terrors of the slavekolding states would 
 be excited in a moment, and with reason too, for it is a well- 
 established point that the public safety forbids either the 
 emancipation or general instruction of the slaves 
 
 " It (colonization) is an enterprise in which all parts of 
 the country may unite. The grand objection to every 
 other effort is, that it excites the jealousies and. fears of the 
 south. But here is an effort which the southern people 
 are the first to engage in, and which numbers many of 
 their most distinguished men among its advocates and 
 efficient supporters." (Review of Reports of the Society, 
 by Christian Spectator. Seventh Annual Report.) 
 
 How remarkable indeed that the Colonization Society 
 has overcome that " grand objection to every other effort, 7 
 and does not at all excite "the jealousies and fears of the 
 south " ! ! Verily, it has the wisdom of the serpent, but 
 not the liarmlessness of the dove. 
 
 "The committee, to whom was referred the memo 
 rial of the American Colonization Society, have had the 
 subject under consideration and now report : That upon 
 due consideration of the said memorial, and from all other 
 information which your committee has obtained, touching 
 that subject, they ZXQ fully satisfied that no jealousies ought 
 to exist on the part of this, or any other slaveholding 
 state, respecting the objects of this society, or the effects 
 of its labors." (Report of Committee of Delaware Legis 
 lature, Feb. 8, 1827.) 
 
 " The second objection may be resolved into this : that 
 the society, under the specious pretext of removing a vi 
 cious and noxious population, is secretly undermining the 
 rights of private property. 
 
 " This is the objection expressed in its full force ; and if 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 27 
 
 your memorialists could for a moment believe it true in 
 point of fact, they would never, slaveholders as they are, 
 have associated themselves for the purpose of cooperating 
 
 with the parent society It has always protested, 
 
 and through your memorialists it again protests, that it 
 has no wish to interfere with the delicate but important 
 question of slavery. It has never, in a solitary instance, 
 addressed itself to a slave. It has never sought to invade 
 the tranquillity of the domestic circle, or the peace and 
 safety of society." (Memorial of Auxiliary Col. Soc. of 
 Powhatan to Virginia Legislature. Twelfth Ann. Rep.) 
 
 " This subject, he rejoiced to know, was better understood, 
 and all began to see that it was miser and safer to remove 
 by colonization a great and otherwise insuperable barrier 
 to emancipation, than to act on the subject of emancipation 
 itself." (Speech of Mr. Key. Thirteenth Ann. Report.) 
 
 " Something he must be allowed to say as regarded the 
 object the society was set up to accomplish. This object, 
 if he understood it aright, involved no intrusion upon.prop- 
 erty, OR EVEN UPON PREJUDICE." (Speech of Mr. Archer, 
 of Va. Fifteenth Ann. Report.) 
 
 " That the effort made by the society should be such as 
 to unite all parts of the country, it was necessary to dis 
 claim all attempts for the immediate abolition of slavery, 
 or the instruction of the great body of the blacks. Such 
 attempts would have excited alarm and jealousy, would 
 have been inconsistent with the public safety, and defeated 
 the great purpose of the society." (Speech of HERMANUS 
 BLEECKER at Second Annual Meeting New York Col. 
 Soc., 1831.) 
 
 " A golden mean will be pursued which, at the same time 
 that it consults the wishes and respects the prejudices of the 
 south, will provide for the claims of justice and Christian 
 ity, and avert the storms of a future desolation." (Speech 
 
28 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 of L. Q. E. Elmer, Esq. First Ann. Report New Jersey 
 Col. Society.) , 
 
 " We hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, 
 SACRED." (Speech of James S. Green, on some occasion.) 
 
 What admirable amity and unity of purpose ! The 
 slaveholder and his northern friends should sit down to 
 gether, and sing the hymn 
 
 " Behold how blest a thing it is 
 For brethren to agree" 
 
 Mr. Key rejoices that " the subject is better under 
 stood," and that it is found "safer and wiser to remove a 
 barrier to emancipation by colonization, than to ad on eman 
 cipation itself" and Mr. Bleecker says, it is a " more wise 
 policy to encourage emancipation by colonization ! " Both 
 disclaim abolition. What a delightful balm to the con 
 science of a slaveholder that it is unwise to act, by giving 
 freedom to the poor victims of his cruelty ; but wise and 
 humane to send a few " nuisances " to Africa ! With what 
 persuasive blandness does Mr. Bleecker declare, that " the 
 instruction of the great body of the blacks" would be 
 " inconsistent with public safety, and defeat the great ob 
 ject of the society," and how quietly does Mr. Archer of 
 Virginia remark, the society " involved no intrusion " even 
 on prejudice ! 
 
 How eminently calculated to perpetuate slavery must 
 such a society be, administering such consolation to the 
 slaveholder, and declaring that "All emancipation, to 
 however small an extent, which permits the persons eman 
 cipated to remain in this country, is an evil which would 
 become intolerable if extended to the whole, or even a large 
 part of the black population." (First Annual Report.) 
 
 But we proceed with the testimony of colonizationists. 
 
 "Nothing has contributed more to retard the opera 
 tions of the society than the mistaken notion that it inter- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 29 
 
 feres directly with slavery An enlightened com 
 munity now sec that this society infringes upon no man s 
 rights, that its object is noble and benevolent ; to remedy 
 an evil felt and acknowledged at the north and the south ; 
 to give the free people of color the privileges of freemen." 
 (Tract issued by Massachusetts Col. Society, in 1831, for 
 distribution.) 
 
 " They are themselves chiefly slaveholders, and live 
 with all the ties of life binding them to a slaveholding 
 community The managers could with no propri 
 ety depart from their original and avowed purpose, and 
 make emancipation tfieir object. And they would further 
 say, that if they were not thus restrained by the terms of their 
 association they would still consider any attempts to pro 
 mote the increase of the free colored population by manu 
 mission unnecessary, premature, and dangerous" (Memorial 
 of the Society to the several States. Af. Rep., xi. p. 58.) 
 
 " The rights of masters are to remain sacred in the eyes 
 of the society. The tendency of the scheme, and one of 
 its objects, is, to secure slaveholders and the whole south 
 ern country against certain evil consequences growing out 
 of the threefold mixture of our population." (Address 
 of Rockbridge, Ya., Col. Soc. Af. Rep., iv. 274.) 
 
 " Your rights, as guarantied by the constitution, are held 
 sacred in our eyes ; and we should be among the fore 
 most to resist, as a flagrant usurpation, any encroachment 
 
 upon these rights Do we not all regard this mixed 
 
 and intermediate population of free blacks, as a mighty 
 and growing evil, exerting a dangerous and baneful in 
 fluence on all around them ? " (Address of Cyrus Ed 
 wards, Esq., of 111. Af. Rep., vii. 100.) 
 
 " It condemns no man because he is a slaveholder. . . . , It 
 sends abroad no influence to disturb the peace and endan 
 ger the prosperity or security of any portion of the conn- 
 
30 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 try." (Character and Influence of Col. Soc. Af. Rep., vii. 
 194, 200.) 
 
 What special care on the part of these advocates of 
 colonization to declare that it " seeks to affect no man s 
 property." In our land of professed republicanism are 
 three million and a half of human beings, held as slaves ; 
 the chivalry of the " Old Dominion " receive millions an 
 nually as the price of the bodies and souls of fathers sold 
 from their sons, m,others separated from their daughters, 
 beautiful women consigned to live of agony and infamy 
 in the distant south the crack of the whip, sinking deep 
 into the flesh, and the agonized shrieks of the poor victims 
 of cruelty may be heard almost beneath the walls of many 
 a church wherein the minister tells how " Jehovah has 
 stereotyped domestic slavery with the seal of his approba 
 tion ; " many a Legree crushes the hopes and deadens the 
 feelings of his " chattels " beneath his brutal sway ; and for 
 the system out of which grew all these evils, and many 
 more whose name is Legion, the Colonization Society has 
 no word pregnant with meaning, no voice of rebuke in 
 dignant and earnest. No it can only say, " it condemns 
 no man because he is a slaveholder ; " and its eminent 
 defender only calmly declares, " it seeks to affect no man s 
 property ! " The hearts of strong men swell in agony of 
 despair as they think of liberty God s birthright to all, 
 priceless and inalienable women of queenly beauty and 
 delicate feelings pray with sorrow, too deep for tears, for 
 a lot where all the rich graces of womanhood shall cease 
 to be only pearls cast beneath the feet of beasts in human 
 shape, and trodden out of sight. 
 
 Thousands brave the perils of the forests, the fangs of 
 keen hunger, the attack of wild beasts, the fangs of the 
 bloodhound, the refined cruelties of the slave catcher, and 
 travel on, on, week after week, in the silence of night, 
 toward the north star, weary and worn, leaving their 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 31 
 
 footprints marked in blood at every step, until they find 
 shelter in a foreign land from our national despotism ; 
 the Colonization Society in its official memorial to the 
 states, can only say, " it should consider any attempts to 
 promote the increase of the free colored population by 
 manumission unnecessary, premature and dangerous , " that 
 it \vould willingly transport manumitted slaves to Africa, 
 but that meanwhile, due regard must be had to " the feel 
 ings, the fears, even the prejudices of those (slaveholders) 
 whose cooperation is essential ! ! " 
 
 But it may be said, the Colonization Society has a good 
 object, and cannot depart from that to advocate sentiments 
 on this subject, however good. We answer that if it can 
 constantly turn aside to apologize for slaveholders, to de 
 clare emancipation premature and dangerous, then it can 
 equally turn aside to rebuke the system, and raise its faith 
 ful warning. This it does not do it can turn towards 
 slavery, not towards freedom. This only shows "what 
 manner of spirit it is of/ 7 that slavery and prejudice 
 possess and rule it, and that those who are kind, sincere 
 and benevolent, and support its schemes, are deluded, led 
 to sustain evil. 
 
 " It would be as humane to throw them from the decks in 
 the middle passage, as to set them free in our country." (Af. 
 Rep., iv. 226.) 
 
 " We believe there is not the SLIGHTEST MORAL TURPITUDE 
 in holding slaves under existing circumstances at the south." 
 (Af. Rep., ix. 4.) 
 
 " But I go further : as I understand the Epistle to 
 Timothy, and as it is understood by such commentators as 
 I have consulted, there is an express injunction, applicable 
 to those times and circumstances, not to preach manumis 
 sion" (Address of S. M. Hopkins, President Geneva, N. Y., 
 Col. Soc., published by request of Society.) 
 
 " With these preliminary views we now return to ultra 
 
32 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 abolition as already defined, and to prove that the Bible 
 does recognize property in man, under certain circumstances, 
 we refer to the Old and New Testaments throughout, in which 
 we shall find the following undeniable facts abundantly sus 
 tained : 1st. That slavery in some form which recognized 
 property in man has always existed since the days of the 
 patriarchs. 2d. That God has not only permitted its 
 existence, but legislated for its abolition in some cases, 
 andybr its perpetuity in others. 
 
 " 3d. That the precepts of the Old and New Testaments 
 are addressed both to masters and slaves, and this relation, 
 so far from being disturbed, was fully recognized. 
 
 " 4th. That the rights of the master or owner of slave 
 property are acknowledged by the divine law." (Af. Rep., 
 xii. 375.) 
 
 How quietly it is declared " there is not the slightest 
 moral turpitude " in holding God s children as property ! 
 The defence of slavery on scriptural ground is a charac 
 teristic of the deadliest foes of the slave, those who seek 
 to baptize the- institution that crushes him as of holy 
 origin. 
 
 " In no sense whatever does the genius of this institution 
 interfere with the legal relation of master and servant. 
 
 " It recognizes the constitutionality of that relation, and 
 the providential arrangement by which it subsists, but confines 
 itself wholly to those whom Providence has made free and 
 thus rendered eligible for emigration. Such are among 
 us ; and who does not feel the anomaly of their presence, 
 and desire, for their sakes as well as ours, their removal ? " 
 (Letter of Rev. J. M. Pease to Mobile Daily Advertiser, N. 
 Y. Col. Journal, Sept., 1851.) 
 
 In- the August number of the same Journal, Mr. Pease 
 being about to start on a tour in the interior of New 
 York, is spoken of thus : " We cordially commend him to 
 the sympathy and cooperation of all who approve our opera- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 33 
 
 tions. If the pastors will but open their doors, we can 
 assure them beforehand of the untiring attention of the 
 audience. 77 
 
 " Was popularity his object ? What was to prevent his 
 going to the Tabernacle and there (in an antislavery meet 
 ing) receiving crowns of laurels that he never could win 
 in the despised Colonization Society ? That was the popu 
 lar course, and why did he not take it in conjunction with 
 JAY and TAPPAN ? Because in his conscience he did not 
 agree with it, and he thought the continuation of the slavery 
 of the black man was better than such freedom as they pro 
 posed to give him." (Speech of Rev. Dr. Tyng, Ann. Meet 
 ing N. Y. Col. Soc., 1851.) 
 
 The editor of the Colonization Journal, Rev. J. B. Pinriey, 
 says on this, " While the large majority of the coloniza- 
 tionists of the north highly disapprove of the violence of 
 the means used by ultra antislavery men for the overthrow 
 of slavery, it is not from a belief that even instant eman 
 cipation would be worse for the slave or master than their 
 present relation, but from the belief that this violence is 
 alike unjust and impolitic ; that it retards rather than 
 advances freedom ; and that, if concurred in generally, it 
 would destroy our peace and prosperity as a people, and 
 involve us in a fratricidal war." Mr. Pinncy evidently 
 fears the antislavery fire on one side, and attempts to gloss 
 over Dr. Tyng s statement ; but he fears the proslavery 
 fire on the other, and talks about " fratricidal war." He 
 thinks a majority of northern colonizationists do not 
 believe instant emancipation would leave slave and mas 
 ter any worse off than at present, but the measures of 
 those who dv suppose it would benefit both, must be disas 
 trous, and " if concurred in generally would destroy our 
 peace and prosperity." 
 
 If emancipation on the soil would not " be worse for 
 master or slave," strange that its advocacy should lead to 
 
34 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 such awful consequences ; in steering clear of the Scylla 
 of abolition, Mr. Pinney plunges into the harybdis of 
 slavery. As to his word that abolitionists " retard rather 
 than hasten the day of freedom/ 7 it smacks of the " Old 
 Dominion ; " many a planter has said that, as he sat in his 
 parlor, and called a slave to show his northern visitor 
 his room, where he could dream of Virginia hospitality, 
 and be roused at early dawn by the overseer s horn warn 
 ing the " field hands " out to their daily task. 
 
 "The Colonization Society was formed to assist free 
 colored people, and only such ; and from its beginning dis 
 claimed, as a society, all interference with the question of 
 slavery." (JY*. Y. Col. Soc. Journal, March, 1853, editorial.) 
 
 " The policy of this society is at once simple and safe. 
 It exercises all needed safeguards for the rights and interests 
 of all concerned. It does not interfere with tfie relation of mas* 
 tcr and slave" (Speech of Hon. E. W. Thompson of Indi 
 ana, Annual Meeting, 1849.) 
 
 It was well certainly for Mr. Thompson to talk of the 
 "policy of this society," for principle has been cast to the 
 winds long ago, and compromising expediency taken its 
 place. The assurance that " all needed safeguards " will 
 be exercised is peculiarly significant. 
 
 " The first supply of the population of Africa, dragged 
 from their homes to gratify an unhallowed commercial 
 cupidity by the promptings of avarice, were landed in the 
 colony of Virginia in 1620, the same year in which the 
 Puritan Pilgrims landed at Plymouth. This is a remarka 
 ble coincidence. The first advocates of a free Christiani 
 ty and the first African slaves who touched our coast were 
 landed the same year. 
 
 " In thus bringing together darkness and light, in min 
 gling the lowest forms of Pagan ignorance and depravity 
 with the highest development of Christian intelligence 
 and integrity, it would seem that Divine Providence de- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 35 
 
 signed to demonstrate to the world the capability of a 
 free Christianity to transform the grossest material of hu 
 manity into the most refined, and thus to prove the unity and 
 natural equality of the human race." (Lecture on African 
 Civilization in Hall of Ohio State House, Jan. 19, 1850, 
 by D. Christy, Col. Agent for Ohio.) 
 
 It is evident to all, that this design is not yet fully ac 
 complished, this "gross material" not yet the "most re 
 fined." And shall weak vain man ask that slavery shall 
 cease at once, thus impiously seeking to frustrate the wise 
 aims of Divine Providence ? 
 
 The doings of a colonization convention, held in Wash 
 ington in 1842, were published in the June and July num 
 ber of the Repository. A speech of HON. J. T. MOEEHEAD, 
 U. S. Senator from Ky., has appended, in a note, extracts 
 from the remarks made at the formation of the society in 
 December, 1816, by Henry Clay and John Randolph, al 
 ready quoted. There seems an indorsement anew of these 
 ideas in their selection and publication. 
 
 " Colonel Stone (of the JV. Y. Commercial JJdvertiser) 
 then paid his respects to the abolition societies, of whom, 
 he said, he would not speak harshly, as he ever made it a 
 rule to tread lightly over the ashes of the dead. (Ap 
 plause and laughter.) There had been their annual meet 
 ing held this week in our city, and our brother Abby 
 (Kelly) had been figuring there, with the well-known Gar 
 rison at her apron strings And, on the other 
 
 hand, for I see I am in for a speech after all ! [said 
 Colonel S.J what have the abolitionists in all this ten 
 years of their existence accomplished ? .... To be 
 sure they have aided in stealing here and there a slave or 
 two from their masters, and have got them off to Canada ; 
 and all this they could have done without making such a 
 mighty noise about it 1 " (A laugh.) .... 
 
36 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 This was the closing speech of the meeting, and the 
 report of the proceedings ends as follows : 
 
 " This narration of this illustration of the practical 
 operation of abolitionism was received by the auditory 
 with shouts of laughter and applause, in which the clergy 
 joined heartily. The interesting and amusing speech of 
 Colonel Stone having been brought to a close, the resolu 
 tion, seconded by him, as offered by Mr. Gurley, was 
 unanimously adopted, and the benediction being pronounced 
 by Rev. Dr* Bangs, the meeting was adjourned." 
 
 " We are not so much the better that slavery exists not 
 among us, nor are our southern brethren to be deemed 
 worse because it exists there, for the reason that it has not 
 its present dependence on our choice; he thought the difference 
 between the north and south was providential and circum 
 stantial. It had its origin in prior ages, and therefore he 
 had said the difference was only providential and circum 
 stantial." (Rev. R. R. Gurley, Ann. Meeting N. Y. Col. 
 Society. Af. Rep., July, 1850.) 
 
 An admirable mode of ignoring responsibility. Our 
 brother, the king of Ashantee, is not specially worse be 
 cause he makes slave-catching forays into peaceful vil 
 lages, or piles up pyramids of human skulls around his 
 palace ; these usages had their origin " in prior ages," are 
 deemed peculiarly needful to the order and prosperity of 
 his majesty s realm, have not their " present dependence " 
 on his "choice," are merely "providential and circum 
 stantial." 
 
 It should be noticed that the disclaimers against eman 
 cipation, in the early stages of the colonization movement, 
 were of course directed against gradual emancipation, for 
 it was not until after 1830 that the idea of immediate 
 emancipation was promulgated to any extent. 
 
 "The solution of the problem which these difficulties 
 present is the great question of the day, and the abolition- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. . 37 
 
 ists have made it so. They propose to solve it by eman 
 cipating the slaves wherever held, and changing the hearts 
 and prejudices of the whites, until color ceases to be a 
 mark of caste, and caste ceases to exist. The coloniza- 
 tiouists propose to solve it, leaving hearts and prejudices as 
 they are, by opening an outlet, through which, when the 
 free colored people themselves shall feel the necessity of 
 removal, they may emigrate to a home as free as this." 
 (Address of J. II. B. LATROBE, N. Y. Col. Soc. Meeting, 
 May, 1852.) 
 
 Here we have the testimony of the president of the 
 American Colonization Society, that the abolitionists have 
 made this problem of the rights and conditions of the 
 enslaved race " the great question of the day." Truly an 
 acknowledgment from a high source of the power of the 
 antislavery movement. We are told too by the same high 
 authority, that colonizationists propose to leave hearts and 
 prejudices as they are ! 
 
 " Slavery was not of voluntary adoption In 
 troduced by authority of Great Britain, it was found at 
 the period of our independence a constituent part of the 
 body politic, was subsequently recognized by federal and 
 
 state constitutions It is, therefore, politically 
 
 and socially constitutional ; yet, like all other things 
 human and earthly, has its evils When intro 
 duced, they (our ancestors) sought to mitigate its evils to 
 both races and make the institution if possible a blessing 
 to each. How far this Christian effort has been faithfully 
 and successfully pursued, we are willing our enemies them 
 selves should tell the world, in the facts they are com 
 pelled to record, and out of which ages to come will form 
 their estimate of our character. Let us leave all feverish 
 anxieties on that subject and go boldly forward in the high 
 duty imposed by Providence on us now." (Memorial to 
 Va. Legislature, indorsed by R. W. Bailey, Agent Am. Col. 
 
38. ORTCJN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 Soc. for Va. Thirty-second Ann. Report of Am. Col. Soc. 
 Appendix.) 
 
 Slavery has its evils in the eyes of these Virginia colo- 
 nizationists, but so have "all other things human and 
 earthly," and they speak complacently of the " Christian 
 efforts of the masters of the Old Dominion to mitigate 7 
 these evils, and make the institution, if possible, a blessing." 
 No hostility to slavery there surely, and these views are 
 indorsed officially by the American Colonization Society. 
 
 But let us turn to a later evidence a speech of Henry 
 Clay at Washington, at the annual meeting of the society 
 in 1851, (Thirty-fourth Annual Report.) "I believe, and I 
 have as much confidence in the belief as in my own exist 
 ence, that the day will come, distant, very far distant, 
 perhaps, but that the day will come, when, by voluntary 
 emancipation, and the acts of individuals and the states 
 themselves, without any usurpation of power on the part 
 of the general government, there will be an end of sla 
 very It is to the operation of natural causes to 
 
 which I look for its ultimate extinction But 
 
 it may be asked, what is meant by natural causes. I mean 
 this. . Some twenty years ago I went more at large, than 
 I feel now at liberty to do, into this subject. I went into 
 the modus operandi of these natural causes, by which, in a 
 long time, I am of opinion there will be an extinction of 
 slavery. 
 
 " There will be an extinction of slavery whenever the 
 density of the population of the United States shall be so 
 great, that free labor can be procured by those who want 
 the command of labor at a cheaper rate, and under less 
 onerous conditions, than slave labor can be commanded. 
 . . . . Whenever the time comes, as it will come, that 
 our population shall be three or four times as great as at 
 present, that the prices of labor, the wages of manual labor 
 shall be so reduced that it will be too burdensome on the 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 6\) 
 
 part of the owners of slaves to raise them for tlic sake of 
 the labor they perform, whenever it becomes the interest of 
 the slave states and of the slaveholders to resort to anoth 
 er kind of labor than that which is furnished by slaves, 
 whenever that epoch comes there will be a termination of 
 slavery. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I am not about, 
 as I said before, to specify the time that this is going to 
 happen. I cannot do it ; but I would repress if I could the 
 impatience of those who are unwilling to wait the slow 
 operation of the means and instrumentalities which God 
 and Nature furnish in order to accomplish the great 
 purposes of his wisdom. (Applause.) .... What, 
 in a national point of view, is a century to a nation? 
 Nothing." 
 
 This distinguished colonizatkmist, addressing a largo 
 audience of the leaders in the movement assembled in the 
 Capitol of the Union, says he believes witli as great a con 
 fidence as he has in his own existence, that slavery will 
 be abolished in this country, when it becomes the inter 
 est of the slaveholders that it should cease, and the 
 statement is received with applause ! This is colonization 
 hostility to slavery ! 
 
 Mr. Clay continues : 
 
 " If we are told, in relation to one of the most intimate 
 and important relations of life, (the relation of marriage,) 
 and it is always pronounced on the performance of that 
 ceremony, that whom God hath united let no man dare 
 put asunder, I think I may with equal propriety say, 
 let those whom God has kept asunder by their physical 
 condition, their constitution, their intellects, their natures, 
 by circumstances on which it would not be fitting for me 
 to dwell in this place, not be attempted to be united by 
 any presumptuous human power." (Applause.) 
 
 A stern rebuke of amalgamation ; an old bugbear, much 
 talked about. Some few vears since Mr. Clav said that, in 
 
4-0 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 a century, if slavery existed, " all complexional differences 
 would cease. 77 This, of course, would be the result of 
 herding millions together, like the beasts that perish, and 
 of a licentious amalgamation following the abrogation of 
 all marriage ties. And yet this colonization audience 
 could applaud both his rebuke of amalgamation, and his 
 desire to restrain the impatience of those who could not 
 wait the operation of natural causes for the abolition of 
 a system which was destroying " all complexional differ 
 ences " by this rapid and revolting process ! 
 
 A good specimen of the consistency of those who are 
 ever raising this bugbear cry while apologizing for sla 
 very, which makes a mockery of purity, and one of the 
 results of which is so well described in Mr. Clay s remark 
 on " complexional differences." 
 
 Mr. Clay said too, on the same occasion, " As to law, 
 (for abolition of slavery.) I believe I have had some expe 
 rience on that subject in the state to which I belong. 
 The question was very much agitated there during the 
 year before last, and I am very much reconciled to the deci 
 sion of my state, although it was contrary to my wishes ; 
 in that decision, however, I acquiesce, for I believe that 
 no safe mode of gradual emancipation by law can termi 
 nate, in any one of the states, the existence of slavery 
 much if any sooner than it would be terminated by the op 
 eration of natural causes. 77 There were probably those pres 
 ent who did not agree with this idea of the speaker. No 
 doubt there are colonizationists who would be glad to see 
 laws passed by the states for the abolition of slavery. 
 We quote this to show how proslavery sentiments are 
 uttered on the platform of the society, and how they are 
 received, applauded, or passed by in silence. One single 
 free and faithful declaration, (and such might have been 
 made with no greater departure from the exclusive object 
 of the society than was involved in these sentiments,) that 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 41 
 
 slavery was a giant crime, and that duty demanded its 
 abolition, would have raised a storm in that hall such as 
 never raged there yet. 
 
 . . . . " We of the south cannot see any project 
 contemplating the continued residence of the African pop 
 ulation among us, which we regard as worthy of our at 
 tention. Nor can we see any project of emancipating 
 them which we do not regard as most disastrous to both 
 races. In the providence of God a number of these human 
 beings have been confided to me, and the question has 
 perpetually oppressed my conscience. I have wept and 
 prayed before God, as I asked, what was to be the end of 
 all this ? In those states where there were but a few of 
 these human beings, and where slave labor might be ex 
 pensive, prospective laws were passed for the extinction 
 of the institution. Those laws never will be passed in 
 those states which lie far to the south. That is, their in 
 terest never will pass such laws, because upon the rich 
 lands there slave labor will always be the cheapest and 
 most profitable labor. Moreover, society would be subverted 
 by the manumission of such a vast multitude belonging to 
 another race. Here am I a Christian ; I look to God in 
 this matter, and to God alone. I have ceased from man 
 long ago. If any thing be done it must be prompted by 
 
 a Christian spirit and principle Your society, 
 
 Mr. President, (Henry Clay,) as you remarked, distinctly 
 recognizes the right of property at the south. You said, 
 when you -took the chair which you now fill, and which 
 God grant you may long live to adorn, that it was only 
 on this condition that Mr. Randolph, yourself, and others 
 who have gone, gone away, were members. The rights 
 of the south to the peculiar species of property to which 
 reference is made, must not be touched. A great number 
 of us at the south prefer to hold that species of property. 
 Our rights must be held sacred People may 
 
42 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 differ about the language of the Bible as to slavery, but no 
 one can doubt the language of the Bible as to obedience to 
 the laws. (Applause.) I repeat it, the rights of the south 
 must be respected ; they must be held sacred. I say again, 
 that if any thing be done for slavery, it must be done by 
 the south." (KEY. DR. FULLER, Ann. Meeting, 1851.) 
 
 Dr. Fuller declares, that the south must do whatever is 
 done ; and says, that the states far south never will pass 
 laws for the abolition of slavery, because their interest 
 would be against such a move. He says he is a Christian ; 
 admits, in another part of his address, that " slavery is not 
 a good thing ; " and yet in stating that the people far south 
 will never act against their interest by passing laws to 
 abolish this system, " not good/ 7 wholly forgets the great 
 weapon of the Christian the sword of the Spirit of Truth. 
 Interest is omnipotent. It is said, that as the noble MADAME 
 ROLAND was being led to execution, in the days of the 
 French revolution, looking around on the bleeding and 
 murdered victims of republican vengeance, she exclaimed, 
 " Liberty, what deeds are done in thy holy name ! " As 
 one reads the pious declaration of this distinguished divine, 
 " Here am I a Christian ; I look to God in this matter, 
 and to God alone ; ;; and then his other declaration, " A 
 great number of us at the south prefer to hold that species 
 of property. Our rights must be held sacred ! }J he will 
 think of the sighs and groans daily going up to God from 
 that terrible prison house of slavery, and exclaim, " 
 Christianity, what words of blasphemy are uttered in 
 thy holy name ! " 
 
 It may be said, that Dr. Fuller was not a member of 
 the society, and declares he only spoke as an individual. 
 He said, at the commencement of his address, that he felt 
 their invitation to speak " to be a call from God to enlist 
 his poor efforts at once in the cause of colonization ; " and 
 when he took his seat, the next speaker, J. II. B. LATROBE, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 43 
 
 said, "I have listened with great pleasure to every thing said 
 by the gentleman who preceded me." 
 
 At the thirty-fifth anniversary of the society, Jan., 
 1852, in an address by the Hon. FREDERIC P. STANTON, of 
 Tennessee, is the following passage : 
 
 " The only remedy for this antagonism, which must exist 
 so long as the races remain together, in my humble judg 
 ment, is slavery. Like the alkali, which causes the oil and 
 water to combine, slavery neutralizes the antagonism of the 
 whites and blacks for the mutual interest of both. I do not 
 mean to say that slavery in the abstract is right. I am 
 not one of those who believe that slavery is either des 
 tined to be, or ought to be, perpetual. But I speak 
 of the necessary and inevitable relations between the two 
 races in a condition such as that which exists in the United 
 States. The free black man in this country, deprived of 
 social equality, and generally of political rights, is virtual 
 ly a slave, I believe he assumes a level in society even 
 lower than that of the slave." 
 
 Ingenuity has been taxed repeatedly in our country to 
 give slavery smooth names, significant of any thing but 
 robbery and wrong. The " peculiar institution " is the 
 most common title. A distinguished gentleman, since minis 
 ter at the Court of St. James, in a correspondence with a 
 Virginian years ago, on subjects connected with the pe 
 cuniary and industrial interests of that state, felt com 
 pelled to allude to slavery, and not wishing to use a term 
 that might grate harshly on the ear of the fastidious 
 southerner, called it "unenlightened labor." A large eccle 
 siastical body, nine years since, in a vote relating to the 
 peculiar position of a slaveholding bishop, called it an 
 <: impediment ; " but it was reserved for the fertile genius of 
 a distinguished colonizationist to make this great institu 
 tion all the same as an ALKALI, a soothing medicinal prep: 
 
44 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 aration working for the good of both classes of patients 
 to whom it was, in some sort, administered ! 
 
 Mr. Stanton is, we believe, one of the projectors and 
 advocates of the proposed " Ebony Line " of steamers ; 
 and we would suggest, that if said line should ever go 
 into operation, the great facilities it will give for trans 
 porting colored people to Africa, and the consequent temp 
 tations offered to benevolent masters to manumit slaves for 
 transportation, be under careftd&ndi judicious management, 
 lest ill results might follow from the too sudden diminution 
 of this sovereign " alkali," so essential to neutralize our 
 " antagonisms." 
 
 Is not the proof evident, and abundant, that the Colo 
 nization Society is NOT HOSTILE TO SLAVERY, and carefully 
 disclaims such hostility? only following the evil and 
 inevitable necessity of an association originated under 
 slaveholding influences, perpetuated by those same in 
 fluences, and used as a means of deceit and treachery to 
 the cause of the slave and the best and highest welfare of 
 the nation ? 
 
 We close by an extract from the thirty-fourth annual 
 report of the society. How fair a show the advocates of 
 this scheme can assume, and how it contrasts with the 
 real spirit of the movement, all can easily judge. 
 
 " We come to you, fellow-citizens, with this enterprise 
 the noblest yetdevised by man for the good of his fellow- 
 man, fraught with more precious hopes than any the world 
 has seen since the Mayflower moored on the Rock of 
 Plymouth. We come with it to you at your firesides and 
 in your fields when you bow down, morning and even 
 ing to offer up to heaven your thanksgiving for the rich 
 apd abundant blessings with which He has crowned your 
 lot ; when your wife is at your side, and your children at 
 your feet, your hearthstone bright with joy, and your 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 45 
 
 bosom warm with freedom and hope ; in the midst of your 
 overflowing happiness, we plead with you for the homeless 
 and the exiled. We appeal to you as freemen, to uphold 
 a republic as Christians, to send the light of your holy 
 religion to a heathen continent as men, to contribute 
 something to wipe out the darkest spot that stains the 
 annals of human misery." 
 5 
 
46 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 APOLOGIES FOR SLAVERY. APPEALS TO 
 FEAR AND INTEREST. 
 
 WE have seen that the American Colonization Society, 
 ruled from the commencement by slaveholders and their 
 supporters, a guilty partnership with a class of men who, 
 from the necessity of their position, must and will rule 
 those with whom they associate for any purpose connected 
 with the condition of the people of color in our country, 
 has always and does still disclaim all hostility to slavery. 
 
 One step in the career of compromise opens the way 
 for another, and -of course we must expect to see the society 
 doing more for its slaveholding masters. In this we shall 
 not be disappointed, and shall find that it apologizes for 
 and defends the slaveholder, appeals to his interest and 
 to the guilty fears of a prejudiced people to secure 
 cooperation 
 
 Let us see the evidence on those points : 
 
 " A third point in which the first promoters of this ob 
 ject were united, is that few individual slaveholders can, 
 in the present state of things, emancipate their slaves if 
 they would. The relation is one which, where it exists, 
 grows out of the very structure of society, and for the exist 
 ence of which the master is ordinarily as little accountable as the 
 slave. He (the planter) looks around him and sees that 
 the condition of the great mass of emancipated Africans is 
 one in comparison loith which the condition of his slaves is 
 enviable, and he is convinced that if he withdraws from his 
 slaves his authority, his support, his protection, and leaves 
 them to shift for themselves, he turns them out to be vaga 
 bonds, and paupers, and felons, and to find in the work- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 47 
 
 house and the penitentiary the home which they ought to 
 have retained on his paternal acres." (Address of Man 
 agers of Conn. Col. Soc., Af. Rep., iv. 119, 120.) 
 
 This comes from a northern source, and doubtless it 
 was peculiarly gratifying to the planters to find that their 
 brethren in New England thought them as little accounta 
 ble as the slaves for the existence of slavery, and looked 
 on them as kind guardians, keeping the colored people 
 out of the workhouse by a parental care and authority. 
 No slaveholder could fail to appreciate the fact that he 
 could manage such " managers ;; to his own perfect satis 
 faction. 
 
 " Policy and even the voice of humanity forbade the prog 
 ress of manumission ; and the salutary hand of law came 
 forward to cooperate with our convictions, and to arrest 
 the flow of our feelings and the ardor of our desires." 
 (Af. Rep., iv. 268.) 
 
 " With a writer in the Southern Review we say, The 
 situation of the people of these states was not of their 
 choosing. When they came to the inheritance it was 
 subject to this mighty incumbrance, and it would be 
 criminal in them to ruin or waste the estate to get rid of 
 the burden at once/ With this writer we add also, in 
 the language of Captain Hall, that the slaveholders 
 ought not (immediately) to disentangle themselves from 
 the obligations which have devolved upon them as masters 
 of slaves. We believe that a master may sustain his re 
 lation to the slave with as little criminality as the slave 
 
 sustains his relation to the master Slavery, in 
 
 its mildest form, is an evil of the darkest character. Cruel 
 and unnatural in its origin, no plea can be urged in justifi 
 cation of its continuance but the plea of necessity." (Af. 
 Rep., v. 327, 334.) 
 
 . . " They (abolitionists) confound the misfor 
 tunes of one generation with the crimes of another, and 
 
48 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 would sacrifice both individual and public good to an 
 unsubstantial theory of the rights of man." (Af. Rep., vii. 
 200, 202.) 
 
 " I MAY BE PERMITTED TO DECLARE THAT I WOULD BE A 
 SLAVEHOLDER TO-DAY WITHOUT SCRUPLE." (Fourteenth All- 
 
 nual Report.) 
 
 Suppose the declaration had been, " I would be an ABO 
 LITIONIST to-day without scruple," how would that have 
 been received ? Had it been said with as earnest a pur 
 pose as that which prompted these apologies, its author 
 would have been proscribed, and the cry raised of depart 
 ure from the exclusive object of the society. 
 
 Not only do we find the plea of the tyrant, necessity, 
 used, but the general kindness of masters and the superior 
 ity of the condition of the slave under judicious guardi 
 anship, extolled. The inevitable tendency of the slaveholder s 
 position is, to call his fierce passions into activity ; it is 
 the part of the truest kindness to him that he should see 
 and feel his danger. But colonization advocates " leaving 
 hearts and prejudices as they are," only tell of " the salu 
 tary hand of law," of " being slaveholder without scruple," 
 of the " amiable " condition of the poor bondman as com 
 pared to the free black. 
 
 " The slaves of the south are, comparatively, not only 
 a civilized people, but we doubt if, in the whole history of 
 mankind, a single example can be adduced of a race of 
 men, starting from such a depth of moral degradation and 
 barbarism, and in a century and a half making so vast an 
 advance in civilization. This progress has been owing, as 
 we believe, in no small part to the fact of their being slaves." 
 (North American Review, Oct., 1851.) 
 
 How blind and remiss in duty are the civilized nations 
 of the world, that they do not more faithfully labor to 
 elevate the more degraded by enslaving as large a number 
 as possible ! England has now a clear duty toward Ire- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 49 
 
 land ; she lias but to reach a strong arm across the Chan 
 nel and, enslave all the nation, and Ireland will rapidly 
 become " redeemed and disinthralled " from her degrada 
 tion. But alas ! Russia alone is going nobly forward in 
 the path of duty, and, sad to say, even Czar Nicholas is 
 losing, in some measure, his devotedness to the cause of 
 slavery, and removing some of his serfs from beneath its 
 ennobling influences ! 
 
 The article in the Review quoted from was written 
 with " particular reference" to the colonization question. 
 One more extract : 
 
 " We confess that we fear if one hundred and fifty years 
 ago any large number of native Africans had been landed 
 in New England, and left in their freedom to provide for 
 themselves, that their descendants at this moment, if any 
 existed, would be in a far more debased condition than if 
 their fathers had been trained up from barbarism under 
 the restraints of slavery. But while this is true, and while 
 it qualifies our regret that slavery should have existed, 
 . . . . we have no idea of allowing ourselves to be regard 
 ed as its apologists or defenders We cannot 
 
 doubt that sooner or later it (slavery) will be swept from 
 the land. But whether emancipation will, in any calculable 
 period, result in any decided good to whites or blacks, we 
 think a much more unsettled point." 
 
 " In the first place they (the north) ought seriously to 
 reflect that we of the south are not responsible for the 
 introduction of the Africans into this country. 
 
 " They were introduced here in spite of the protests of 
 many of the colonists. In the next place they ought to 
 
 reflect that the African has been vastly improved 
 
 In point of comfort, I speak from personal observation 
 when I say that with a kind master he is far better cared 
 for, more comfortable, more happy, than most of the Euro- 
 5* 
 
50 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AXD INFLUENCE OF 
 
 pean peasantry." (Rev. Dr. Fuller, of Baltimore, thirty- 
 fourth Ann. Meeting, 1851.) 
 
 But there are certain things, Dr. Fuller grants, which 
 the south should admit. One is, that slavery impoverishes 
 the state ! another that the Scriptures should be taught to 
 the slaves, and that it is a question whether " husbands 
 and wives ought to be separated, whether labor ought to 
 be received without compensation." 
 
 The first question he leaves untouched ; perhaps has 
 not given it that prayerful consideration its importance 
 demands. Of the second he speaks thus : 
 
 " In a conversation with the late Mr. Calhoun, he said 
 to me that he thought we did pay fair wages to our slaves. 
 / do not go into the calculation, I do not go into the dollars 
 and cents ; it is the principle for which I am contending. 
 Above all, to a generous mind perfect dependence is ever an 
 irresistible plea for protection. Hence we will die for a 
 woman. She is dependent upon us, and has a claim which 
 no brave and generous man can resist. 
 
 " I know no men more generous than our southern planters. 
 They are quick of resentment, and very justly indignant 
 at the gross assaults of the abolitionists, but left to their own 
 free and generous impulses, they are the very men to 
 admire and imitate Antoninus and other Roman emperors, 
 who became guardians to the slaves, and exercised over 
 them a paternal government. 77 
 
 Who can doubt, that after such an earnest appeal, wages 
 at once will be paid to the great majority of those now 
 despoiled of the fruits of their labor ? A few planters of 
 peculiarly high and noble natures may, perhaps, cling to 
 the charm of " perfect dependence," and extend a fostering 
 guardianship over their servants who plead so irresistibly 
 for protection. It is due to Dr. Fuller to say that he is 
 yet one of that number exercising a " paternal govern 
 ment " over servants, enough to assume the appellation of 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 51 
 
 " a large slaveholder," perhaps preparing them for Liberia, 
 although more probably waiting until Congress shall per 
 form what, in another part of his speech, he calls the 
 " sacred duty," not " merely to deport, but to purchase, to 
 redeem, the slaves of those who are willing to engage in 
 an arduous, tedious, but most sublime undertaking." 
 
 " As has been said by the reverend and eloquent gentle 
 man who preceded me, (Rev. Mr. Slaughter of Va.,) Afri 
 can slaves were brought to the shores of this continent 
 almost simultaneously with the first tread of a white man s 
 foot upon this our North America. 
 
 " We see in that, our short-sightedness only sees, the effect 
 of a desire of the white man to appropriate to himself the 
 results of the labor of the black man as an inferior and a 
 slave. Now let us look at it. These negroes and all who 
 have succeeded them, brought hither as captives taken in 
 the wars of their own petty sovereigns, ignorant and bar 
 barous, without the knowledge of God, and with no rea 
 sonable knowledge of their own character and condition, 
 have come here, and here although in an inferior, a sub 
 ordinate, an enslaved condition have learned more, and 
 come to know more of their Creator and of themselves 
 than all whom they have left behind them in their own 
 
 barbarous kingdoms He has the lights of 
 
 knowledge, he has the lights of Christianity, and he goes 
 back (to Africa) infinitely more advanced in all that makes 
 him a respectable human being than his ancestors were 
 when they were brought from the barbarism of Africa to 
 slavery in the United States. (Applause.) Gentlemen, 
 the ways of Providence are dark and intricate. Our im 
 agination traces them in vain." (Speech of HON. DANIEL 
 WEBSTER. Thirty-fifth Ann. Meeting, Washington, 1852.) 
 
 " The original sin of capturing slaves in Africa and 
 bringing them here belongs to England, and there were 
 remonstrances sent to her in vain from these states when 
 
52 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 they were colonies, from the time of Saucy Bess to the 
 impudence of the Stuarts and the dull conformity of the 
 
 Georges In the New Testament there was a 
 
 passage which enjoined slaves under the yoke to be obedK 
 ent to their own masters ; God had never, in the New 
 Testament, ordered the slaveholders to give up their 
 slaves. When Christianity commenced the world was 
 remarkable for two things ; one was idolatry, and the 
 other was slavery. Why was there a difference made ? 
 Idolatry was strictly prohibited ; slavery was not." (Speech 
 of REV. S. H. Cox, D. D. Ann. Meeting, N. Y. Col. So 
 ciety, 1851.) 
 
 In going through this long list of miserable and guilty 
 apologies and defences of a system so fitly described as 
 the " sum of all villanies " by a clergyman of the " olden 
 time," one is constantly and sadly reminded how compro 
 mise with sin darkens and perverts the best and ablest 
 minds. The whole colonization scheme, as conducted by 
 the society and its advocates, is but a miserable game of 
 policy and temporizing expediency ; those who engage in 
 it, if they do so passively, are only used as contributors 
 to give their money and presence and names to further 
 evil designs ; if they work actively, take a leading part, 
 become planners and executors, consistency must be cast 
 aside, fidelity to freedom and right repudiated, oppression 
 in its direst form apologized for, false argument used. 
 
 This endless cant about " the original sin " of England 
 in forcing slaves on us is simply ridiculous. England 
 forced other things on us, a?id we would not keep them; 
 stamp acts were answered by riots, threepenny taxes 
 on tea by the scenes in Boston harbor, and taxation with 
 out representation by the rattling musketry of Bunker 
 Hill, and the roar of cannon from Camden to "Saratoga. 
 Each and all these we repudiated because we did not like 
 them. Slavery was kept because the nation did not choose to 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 53 
 
 repudiate it, and colonizationists seek to delude and deceive 
 themselves and others by casting off an awful responsi 
 bility, which it becomes us to feel and meet with manly 
 courage. 
 
 In the early days of the colonization movements an ob 
 ject indispensable to its very existence was to gain the 
 favor and confidence of the slaveholders. They were, as 
 a body, jealous of any movement which had to do with the 
 colored people, and the most unwearied pains were taken 
 by colonizationists to gain a sure place in their favor, even 
 to the extent of appeals to their interest in the shape of a 
 prospective rise in slave property. A few such are given 
 as specimens. 
 
 " The object of the Colonization Society commends it 
 self to every class of society. The landed proprietor may 
 enhance the value of his property by assisting the enterprise. 
 (Af. Hep. i. 67.) 
 
 "But is it not certain that, should the people of the 
 Southern States refuse to adopt the opinions of the Colo 
 nization Society, (relative to the gradual abolition of sla 
 very,) and continue to consider it both just and politic to 
 leave untouched a system, for the termination of which we 
 think the whole wisdom and energy of the states should be 
 put in requisition, that they will contribute more effectually to 
 the continuance and strength of this system by removing those 
 now free, than by any or all other methods which can pos 
 sibly be devised ? Such has been the opinion expressed by 
 southern gentlemen of the first talent and distinction. 
 Eminent individuals have, we doubt not, lent their aid to 
 this cause in expectation of at once accomplishing a noble 
 and generous work for Africa, and for the objects of their 
 patronage, and guarding that system, the existence of which, 
 though unfortunate, they deem necessary, by separating from 
 it those whose disturbing force augments its inherent vices 
 and darkens all the repulsive attributes of its character. 
 
51 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 Iii the decision of those individuals, as to the effects of 
 the Colonization Society, we perceive no error of judgment: 
 our belief is the same" (Idem, p. 227.) 
 
 The whole amounts to about this. " Gentlemen of the 
 south, we think slavery an evil, to be done away at some 
 future period when it may suit your convenience, and that 
 our society is an excellent aid to that worthy object ; but 
 if you do not agree with us, why, we think our society 
 helps to guard 7 and continue slavery. Take it as a 
 help or a hinderance to abolition, as you will, it -will do 
 either to a charm, and disturb no prejudices. But, gentle 
 men, give us your aid and influence any how ; we are, as 
 you see, very accommodating. 7 (Idem, iv. 274.) 
 
 " There was but one way, (to avert danger,) but that 
 might be made effectual, fortunately. It was to provide and 
 keep open a drain for the excess beyond the occasion of profitable 
 employment." 
 
 Mr. Archer had been stating the case, in the supposition 
 that after the present class of free blacks had been ex 
 hausted by the operation of the plan he was recommend 
 ing, others would be supplied for its action, in the pro 
 portion of the excess of colored population it would be 
 necessary to throw off by the process of voluntary manu 
 mission or sale. " This effect must result inevitably from 
 the depreciating value of the slaves ensuing their dispro 
 portionate multiplication. The depreciation would be 
 relieved and retarded by the process. The two operations 
 would aid reciprocally and sustain each other, and both 
 be in the highest degree beneficial. It was on the ground 
 of interest therefore, the most indisputable pecuniary inter 
 est, that he addressed himself to the people and legisla 
 tures of the slaveholding states." (Speech of Mr. Archer 
 of Va. Fifteenth Ann. Report.) 
 
 This distinguished colonizationist discusses profit and 
 loss as calmly and with as much mathematical accuracy 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 55 
 
 as though it were blood horses, working cattle, or swine, 
 of the " multiplication," " sale," " depreciation," <fec., of 
 which he was writing. And why should he not? Men 
 and women are, perhaps, inventoried on his leger with 
 the beasts he owns and works or raises for market, and 
 he may have a personal interest in the price slaves bear, 
 as well as " other cattle," (for the chivalry of Virginia coin 
 mothers hearts and children s tears into gold,) and we 
 fear much that Virginia colonizationists sometimes deal 
 in their " sacred " property in the way of exchanging sur 
 plus slaves for gold, of which they have no surplus. Other 
 similar appeals might be cited. They have been seldom 
 made of late, as the vigilance of the abolitionists would 
 detect arid turn them to a quick and powerful account. 
 Neither are they needed, for the object is attained, and the 
 Colonization Society stands fairly with the slave owners. 
 They have comprehended its real character, and see that 
 it does them no harm, but that they can rule it, and use it 
 as a means of deceiving the people and perpetuating their 
 sway. 
 
 There may be doubtless a small portion of the slave 
 holders who do not confide in or sympathize with the move 
 ment. That class known as " State Rights Men," " Seces 
 sionists," who were not even satisfied with the " Compro 
 mise Acts of 1850 " and the " Fugitive Slave Law," because 
 they were not sufficiently and entirely- southern to suit 
 their views, may in some cases denounce the scheme. 
 The " Southern Press" established in Washington, to sustain 
 radical views of the " peculiar institution," attacked some 
 of the views of the colonizationists. But that went down 
 lor want of support, and the Colonization Society lives, 
 its four or five newspapers in the slave states are in being, 
 and its agents obtain generous contributions, and are 
 cordially entertained in the houses of the planters. Col 
 onizationists sometimes in their addresses and publications 
 
5f> ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 parade themselves as valorously standing between the 
 fires of " the ultraists at the south and the ultraists at 
 the north," and in great trial and difficulty thereby. Did 
 any one ever hear of a colonization meeting being broken 
 up at the south, or of men being abused personally, or 
 Buffering persecution any where at the hands of slave own 
 ers or negro haters, for being colonizationists ? 
 
 Let the slave owners and their allies suppose for a 
 moment the scheme was inimical to their interests, or that 
 its advocates were in earnest in opposing slavery, and 
 every southern auxiliary society would be swept out of existence. 
 This talk about the strong opposition of southern ul 
 traists is all to deceive a class of men at the north, who 
 love to be drawn into a scheme so in accordance with 
 their prejudices, and which furnishes an easy way of being 
 philanthropic in the public esteem. 
 
 Appeals to the selfish fears, both of slave owners and 
 the people of the north and south alike, are a favorite and 
 powerful means of gaining support and fostering the 
 prejudice on whicli the society lives. 
 
 " What are these objects ? They are, in the first place, 
 to aid ourselves, by relieving us from a species of popula 
 tion pregnant with future danger and present inconven 
 ience." (Seventh Ann. Report.) 
 
 Suppose the constitution of the society had been, " The 
 objects of this society shall be in the first place, ;7 &c., &c., 
 it would have read rather strangely. 
 
 " What is the free black to the slave ? A standing per 
 petual incitement to discontent. Though the condition of 
 the slave be a thousand times the best, supplied, pro 
 tected, instead of destitute and desolate, yet the folly 
 of the condition, held to involuntary labor, finds always 
 allurement in the spectacle of exemption from it, without 
 consideration of the adjuncts of wretchedness and misery. 
 The slave would have then little excitement to discontent, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 57 
 
 were it not for the free black." (Fifteenth Ann. Re 
 port.) 
 
 " To remove these persons (free blacks) from among us 
 will increase the usefulness and improve the moral charac 
 ter of those who remain in servitude, and with whose labor 
 the country is unable to dispense. That instances are to be 
 found of colored free persons upright and industrious is 
 not to be denied. But the greater portion, as is well 
 known, are a source of malignant depravity to the slaves 
 on the one hand and of corrupt habits to many of our 
 white population on the other. .... I am a Vir 
 ginian ; I dread for her the corroding evil of their numer 
 ous caste, and I tremble for the danger of a disaffection spread 
 ing, through their seductions, among our servants." (Af. Rep. 
 iiL 67, 197.) 
 
 " They have all the lofty and immortal powers of 
 man, and the time must arrive when they will fearlessly 
 claim the prerogatives of man. They may do it in the 
 spirit of revenge. They may do it in the spirit of des 
 peration. And the results of such a mustering of their 
 energies who can look at it even in the distant prospecl 
 without horror ? . . . . Who can foretell those 
 scenes of carnage and terror our children may witness 
 unless a seasonable remedy be applied ? The remedy is 
 now within our reach. We can stop their increase, we can 
 diminish their number." (Sermon at Springfield, Mass., 
 by Rev. Baxter Dickinson, 1829.) 
 
 " Those persons of color who have been emancipated, 
 are only nominally free ; and the whole race, so long as they 
 remain among us, must necessarily be kept in a condition 
 full of wretchedness to them and danger to the whites" 
 (X. Y. Col. Soc., Second Annual Report, 34.) 
 
 Colonization has appeals suited to different latitudes 
 warning the slaveholder of " incentives to discontent " in 
 the persons of free blacks ; the northerner of a terrible 
 6 
 
58 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 time to come, when a despised race shall assert their digni 
 ty, with desperate energy, and telling him strange tales of 
 the dangerous position and inevitable wretchedness of the 
 black man. " Love casteth out fear 7; hatred and preju 
 dice intensify it, and guilt magnifies it a thousand fold. 
 
 " For the most conclusive reasons this removal should 
 be to Africa. If it be to the West Indies, to Texas, to 
 Canada, then how strong and various the objections to 
 building up, in the vicinity of our own nation, a mighty 
 empire from a race of men so unlike ourselves ! But if the 
 removal be to Africa, then it is to a happy^ distance from 
 
 us, and in their fatherland Then let us aid 
 
 in removing that population which, under its peculiar rela 
 tion to the whites, and under its degrading social and 
 civil disabilities, is a most fruitful source of national dis 
 honor, demoralization, weakness, and horrid danger" 
 (Memorial N. Y. Col. Society.) 
 
 To force upon the south a free colored population 
 cannot be done ; the north need not expect it. Nor do the 
 Northern States desire the free people of color to become 
 citizens among them. No, my friends, no ! We do not 
 
 want them; we abhor amalgamation We 
 
 desire not our youth to grow up amidst the many tempta 
 tions to vice which such a population affords 
 
 Were thousands and hundreds of thousands of slaves set 
 free, scattered over our land, filling the outskirts of our 
 villages, degraded and degrading others, marked by God 
 as a distinct race, with no adequate human motives for 
 elevation, they would be a prey upon community." (Speech 
 of Hon. H. L. Ellsworth, Colonization Convention, Wash 
 ington, May, 1842.) 
 
 " Nothing could be more unwise than the immediate 
 
 liberation of all the slaves in the state It 
 
 would lead to the most frightful disorders and the most. 
 fearful and fatal consequences" (Letter of H. Clay to R. 
 Piunell on Emancipation in Ky., Af Rep. 1849.) 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 59 
 
 ; Now, this state of things (black labor being displaced 
 by white) exists at a time when there exists a mighty 
 drain upon the Atlantic border for laborers to supply the 
 vast country lying between the crests of the Alleghany 
 and the shores of the Pacilic. 
 
 " But this drain cannot last forever ; and when it ceases, 
 should the two races, which we have shown must forever 
 remain distinct, still occupy the land, there will be a strife 
 for bread, fearful and murderous; a strife to be described 
 in all its horrors by some future Victor Hugo, should talent 
 be perpetuated for the occasion ; a strife in which the fate 
 of the weaker and colored race may easily be imagined ; 
 a strife which would have been furnished with a prototype 
 in 1847 in Ireland had its population been divided into 
 white and black, . . . . entertaining the same feel 
 ings which prevail here, and two men of different color 
 had been required to divide between them the loaf not 
 sufficient to satisfy the craving appetite of one starving 
 wretch." (Reply of J. H. B. Latrobe to Victor Hugo s 
 Letter to Mrs. Chapman.) 
 
 " The time has fully come, when, if we do not grapple 
 boldly the difficulties, and control them, they will control us ; 
 . . . . they can never be raised to an equality. 
 . . . It has been attempted, but when has the experi 
 ment ever succeeded ? 
 
 " Let St. Domingo give the answer, full of solemn warn 
 ing and instruction ! " (Memorial to Va. Legislature, in 
 dorsed by R. W. Bailey, Agent Am. Col. Soc., 1849.) 
 
 " Meanwhile the colored man s prospects of a satisfac 
 tory home in the United States are continually growing 
 
 darker The fierce contests which have been 
 
 waged concerning the rights of the colored man, bond and 
 free, have extensively fastened attention upon them as a 
 
 source of discord and danger In this state of 
 
 feeling there is much that is inexcusably wrong ; still it 
 exists." (Mass. Col. Soc., Tenth Ann. Rep.) 
 
GO ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 "As slavery is abolished in the south, free negroes will 
 crowd the cities on the Atlantic shore. Are our mechanics 
 and laborers ready to receive them ? is a question that 
 admits of but one answer. Abolish slavery in the south, 
 and allow emancipated negroes to settle among us, and in 
 less than twenty years there will be a war of races at the 
 north, unless colonization immediately follows emancipa 
 tion." (N. Y. Globe, 1850, copied in Pamphlet on Coloni 
 zation and Mail Steamers.) 
 
 " Let it suffice to say that we have in our midst, in the 
 free colored people, an evil of enormous magnitude ; that 
 this evil has increased, is increasing, and ought to be dimin 
 ished." (Pamphlet on Colonization, New York, 1850.) 
 
 Not only is it an " evil of enormous magnitude " that 
 the free blacks are among us, but even Hayti, Cuba, or 
 Mexico would be too near for a race " so unlike ourselves," 
 and only when the " Atlantic rolls its impassable barrier 
 between us " and the distant coast of Africa which may 
 almost be called 
 
 " That bourn from whence " no emigrant " returns, 
 To tell the secrets of his "foreign home 
 
 is proposed as a home for the outcast negro, are we whol 
 ly " safe," in the imagination of the colonizationist. 
 
 No word of bold and manly rebuke against a wide 
 spread, wicked prejudice only now and then an apolo 
 getic remonstrance to fall blandly on the ear of those who 
 love virtue made easy, and to be unheeded by the oppressor 
 and his allies. " There is much in this state of things 
 that is inexcusably wrong, but still it exists/ 7 says some 
 good easy northern colonizationist ; and then he turns to 
 a friend and talks fearfully of " discord and danger," arid 
 makes his liberal donation, which goes to aid those who 
 control him, in carrying on a merciless crusade against the 
 colored man, and making hatred and fear grow sterner 
 and darker still. 
 
THE AMERICAN -COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 61 
 
 " We live in a country, whore, let a man but be a white 
 man, and he need not look up to any other human being as 
 his superior by birth. (Applause.) There is no honor, no 
 emolument to which he may not elevate himself. .... 
 All this the free colored man sees and knows. He sees 
 and knows, too, that it is nothing but his color the color 
 given him by God which shuts him out from this noble 
 and ennobling competition. And what must be the con 
 sequence to him ? 
 
 " It is impossible but that the worst passions envy, malice, 
 vindictiveness, if not atheism will rankle in his bosom, 
 making him unhappy to himself and dangerous to the state. 
 Already we have here and there fearful premonitions flash 
 ing up now and then. Let me tell you, nothing but fear 
 represses the utterance, loud arid deep, of passions which 
 will only be the more fearful, because they cannot find 
 any vent." (Rev. Dr. Fuller, Thirty-fourth Ann. Meeting, 
 1851.) 
 
 These are the words and views of leading advocates of 
 the "benevolent colonization scheme 77 spoken not in a 
 corner, but in the most public places of our land. This 
 chapter cannot perhaps be more fitly closed than by giving 
 the first paragraph of the Seventeenth Annual Report 
 (1849) of the New York State Colonization Society, 
 which needs no comment beyond the simple contrast with 
 the quotations already made : 
 
 " Contemplating as it does a recompense of justice and 
 of humanity to Africa and her injured children, by apply 
 ing a remedy for her great social and moral evils, recog 
 nizing in its operation the transcendent value of the 
 Christian religion, not only for individual and eternal sal 
 vation, but as a fountain whence peace, mercy, and every 
 temporal good, perpetually flows, conferring upon the colonists 
 the immediate possession of privileges and rights, social 
 and political, almost inaccessible among us ; awakening 
 (>* 
 
C2 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 in them an apprehension of the capacities of Africa for 
 improvement, and their calling of Providence to attempt 
 it ; obviating difficulties which embarrass and prevent 
 emancipation by presenting a practical mode for its accom 
 plishment, alike beneficial to the white and colored race, 
 to America and Africa ; exhibiting in the most convincing 
 and unanswerable manner the fitness of the African for 
 the highest privileges of freedom and civilization, the 
 Colonization Society stands before the American people 
 fearless of investigation, and confidently demanding 
 support." 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 63 
 
 OPPOSED TO UNCONDITIONAL EMANCIPATION. 
 HOSTILE TO THE ANTISLAVERY MOVEMENT. 
 
 THE Colonization Society and its advocates are especial 
 ly careful to declare HOSTILITY TO IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION 
 as the right of the slave and the duty and highest interest of 
 the master, and DETERMINED OPPOSITION TO THE ANTISLA 
 VERY MOVEMENT ; and certainly no way could be devised 
 to stand better with slaveholders and their allies. It also 
 claims to be the ONLY REMEDY FOR SLAVERY. This passes 
 well at the north. 
 
 Talk to the slaveholder about removing the free blacks 
 from the country, and suggest colonization as a remedy 
 for slavery at some day necessarily distant, saying that 
 of course you do not " condemn " him at all, that his right 
 of property is "sacred/ 7 that any initiative steps in a 
 matter of such a delicate nature should be left to his 
 judgment and interest, and the conversation may help the 
 relish of a glass of choice Madeira, or add to the gusto 
 with which the planter leisurely puffs his fragrant " Ha- 
 bana " after dinner, as he sits in his cool veranda, and 
 looks complacently upon his slaves toiling beneath the 
 fervid sun. To make your election to his favor sure, dis 
 course with some little earnestness about the folly and 
 wickedness of immediate emancipation, and all shall " go 
 merry as a marriage bell." 
 
 Spice the talk with a little choice abuse of abolitionists, 
 a few sneers at the whole antislavery enterprise, and the 
 host will introduce you to his friends as a " Yankee, sen 
 sible enough to be a southerner. 7 You will be used well, 
 because you can be put to good use, made a walking ttpolo- 
 
64 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 gist for slavery. Just such a course the Colonization Soci 
 ety, on a larger scale, pursues ; of course, it is well used 
 and made good use of. 
 
 " It appears indeed the only feasible mode by which we 
 can remove this stigma as well as danger from among us. 
 Their sudden and entire freedom would be a fearful and 
 perhaps dreadful experiment, destructive of all the ends of 
 liberty, for which their condition would unfit them, and 
 which they would doubtless greatly abuse. Even their 
 release, at apparently proper intervals, but uncontrolled 
 as to their future habits and location, would be a very 
 hazardous charity. Their gradual emancipation, there 
 fore, under the advantages of a free government formed 
 in their native land, by their own hands, offering all the 
 rewards usual to industry and economy, and affording the 
 means of enjoying in comfort a reputable and free exist 
 ence, is the only rational mode of relieving them from the 
 bondage of their present condition." (Af. Rep. i. 89.) 
 
 " The condition of a slave suddenly emancipated and 
 thrown upon his own resources is far from improved; and, 
 however laudable the feeling which leads to such emanci 
 pation, its policy and propriety are at least questionable." 
 (Report of Tenn. Col. Soc.) 
 
 " The inhabitants of the south cannot and OUGHT not 
 suddenly to emancipate their slaves, to remain among 
 them free. Such a measure would be no blessing to the 
 slaves, but the very madness of self-destruction to the whites. 
 In the south, the horrid scenes that would too certainly 
 follow the liberation of their slaves, are present to every 
 imagination, to stifle the calls of justice and humanity." 
 (First Annual Report New Jersey Col. Soc.) 
 
 " It would be as humane to throw them from the decks in the 
 middle passage as to set them free in this country." (Af. Rep. 
 iv. 226.) 
 
 " The society having declared, that it is in no wise 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 05 
 
 allied to any abolition society in America, or elsewhere, is 
 ready, when there is need, to pass a censure upon such socie 
 ties in America" (Speech of Mr. Harrison of Ya. Elev 
 enth Annual Report, p. 14.) 
 
 It should be remembered, that the abolition societies up 
 to this date had not adopted the idea of immediate eman 
 cipation, had not come on to the ground that slavery was 
 a sin to be ceased from at once. So we see the Coloniza 
 tion Society ready to censure even societies for gradual 
 abolition, if they granted the slave the right to remain 
 here. 
 
 The darkened mind of the slaveholder, filled with fears 
 and prejudices, can see nothing but bloodshed and devas 
 tation in the path of voluntary emancipation, and the 
 colonizationist fosters these horrid fears, which stand like 
 ugly demons guarding the door of the slave s dungeon, 
 by picturing the "horrid scenes that would too certainly 
 follow the liberation of the slaves," and treating such 
 liberation as " the very madness of self-destruction to the 
 whites. 77 
 
 No drop of blood was ever shed as a consequence of 
 voluntary emancipation, and, as every intelligent reader 
 knows, " the horrors of the St. Domingo tragedy 77 were 
 the results, not of emancipation, but of efforts made by 
 the French, under the orders "of Napoleon, to reduce the 
 emancipated blacks to slavery. Were every slave freed 
 to-day, the evils which have grown up with slavery could 
 not at once be done away ; for long years the taint of this 
 terrible moral leprosy would be felt ; but in the pure air 
 of freedom the disease would at length be cured, while 
 without the healthful influence of such an atmosphere, the 
 foul corruption spreads and strikes deeper. 
 
 But it is no part of the scope of the colonization move 
 ment to show that righteousness and peace are ever ap 
 pointed of God to walk hand in hand. No ; it " leaves 
 
GO ORIGIN, .CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 prejudices as they are," or turns aside from its pretended 
 exclusive object to strike hands with the blinded and guilty 
 oppressor, to utter smooth words in his ear, and cast a 
 darker shadow athwart his dim vision. 
 
 But to our testimony, giving "confirmation strong as 
 Holy Writ," of the character of this detestable scheme. 
 
 " What right, I demand, have the children of Africa to 
 a home in the white mads country?" (Speech of Mr. Custis. 
 Fourteenth Report, p. 24.) 
 
 " Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is the 
 solemn duty of every patriot and philanthropist to dis 
 countenance and oppose the efforts of antislavery societies." 
 (Col. Soc. of Middletown, Conn., March 6, 1834.) 
 
 " Mr. Gurley, Secretary of the Society, gave some 
 very striking facts, to show that sudden and universal 
 emancipation, without colonization, would be a greater 
 CURSE to the slaves than the bondage in which they are 
 now held." (Report of Speech at Col. Meeting, Ports 
 mouth, N. H. Rep. xi. 346.) 
 
 " Resolved, That this meeting rejects the doctrines and 
 measures of modern abolition as fanatical and dangerous 
 in their tendency." (Colonization Meeting at Erie, Pa., 
 Aug. 22, 1835.) 
 
 " When the consequences of the abolition projects to 
 the Federal Union and to the safety of its citizens are 
 considered, can the most ingenious charity find a better 
 excuse for the projector than in bottomless ignorance and 
 unteachable fanaticism ? " (Af. Rep. x. 230.) 
 
 " His (the abolitionist s) invectives might be disregarded, 
 had he not placed himself with blasphemous intrusion be 
 tween the African and his God. He declares, that all 
 men are equal, and, in chase of that POLITICAL FICTION, 
 disregards the actual condition of the human race, their 
 wants and necessities, and their relation to their Maker. 
 He exaggerates the degraded condition of the slave, his 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 67 
 
 scanty food and raiment, his scars and stripes, till he be 
 comes quite insensible to every conception, save that of 
 animal feeling and temporary convenience, and in his ma 
 niac zeal is willing to sacrifice the SOULS OF FIFTY MILLIONS 
 OF AFRICANS, AND TO DELUGE HIS OWN COUNTRY WITH 
 BLOOD." (Speech of R. F. Stockton to Col. Meeting, 
 Trenton, N. J. Af. Rep. xiii. 99.) 
 
 " The line of demarcation is now too strongly drawn 
 between abolition and colonization ever to be crossed. 
 Their principles are diametrically opposed to each other, 
 and their warfare will tend to press each to occupy its 
 appropriate ground and position. The Colonization Soci 
 ety must now maintain that great original principle on which 
 it u-as founded, FRIENDSHIP TO THE SLAVEHOLDER." (Speech 
 of HENRY A. WISE to Virginia Col. Soc., 1839.) 
 
 "Because we consider the measure of all others best 
 calculated to preserve good order and proper discipline 
 among our slaves, therefore we deem the plan of remov 
 ing them (free blacks) from the country the most effectual 
 method of counteracting the abolitionists. It is known that 
 they are the most violent opponents which the scheme of 
 colonization has to encounter. THEIR PENETRATION HAS 
 DISCOVERED ITS TENDENCY, and they denounce it as a 
 scheme of the slaveholders to perpetuate slavery. Nor 
 should it be forgotten that Africa is the natural home of 
 the negro race, and at a safe distance whence they can 
 never return to the injury of our slaves." (Address of 
 Baldwin [Alabama] Col. Society to the Public. Af. Rep. 
 March, 1839.) 
 
 "The movements of the latter (American abolitionists) 
 so far as directed to excite the slaves to insurrection, or 
 in any way to coerce emancipation, are regarded univer 
 sally in America with detestation and horror ; . . . . 
 to represent the people of the Southern States as general 
 ly guilty of rigorous, inhuman conduct toward their slaves 
 
68 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 is an outrage upon truth as well as charity ; . . . . the 
 various compound poisons/ as Coleridge calls them, cal 
 culated to excite discontent in the humbler classes, . . . 
 appear to me to be in great demand among the antisla- 
 very societies, both of England and America. First. Bold, 
 warm, and earnest assertions, it matters not whether sup 
 ported by facts or not Second. Startling par 
 ticular facts which, dissevered from their context, enable a 
 man to convey falsehood while he says truth," &c., &c. 
 (Letter of Rev. R. R. Gurley, 1840, to THOMAS F. Bux- 
 TON and HENRY CLAY, [one Chairman of the Committee 
 of African Civilization Society in England, the other 
 President of the American Colonization Society.] Gur 
 ley s Mission to England, 189, &c.) 
 
 One is tempted to say " Physician heal thyself," in read 
 ing the charge of unsupported assertions. It would be 
 well for Mr. Gurley to bring proof of his own assertion, 
 implied plainly enough, that abolitionists endeavored in 
 this country to excite the slaves to insurrection. 
 
 " This agitation has kept back emancipation fifty years. 
 He had in his hand an extract from a letter of a south 
 ern clergyman, a missionary in the south-west, half of 
 whose time had been spent among colored people, saying, 
 * Northern abolitionists had done more to damage slaves 
 and perpetuate slavery than all the world beside. The 
 people of my state have just been making a new constitu 
 tion, and have declared, by a majority of ninety thousand, 
 that no foreign black man shall ever again set his foot 
 upon the soil of Indiana, and that the colonization scheme 
 is their remedy for the evil of our existing black popula 
 tion." (Speech of Mr. Parker of Indiana, Member of Con 
 gress. N. Y. Col. Journal, December, 1852.) 
 
 " It is a curious fact, that our domestic abolitionists have 
 always opposed the colonization principle. . . . This, 
 however, is easily explained. Every negro who embarks 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY". 69 
 
 for Liberia abstracts from their capital, and reduces their 
 adherents, one less. While these sticklers for negro lib 
 erty, and unrestrained freedom to the whole world and 
 the rest of mankind/ will not associate with a colored 
 man, they are opposed to this most humane and most phil 
 anthropic method of conferring liberty, in the real sense 
 of the term, on the emancipated black of the south. They 
 will allow the negro, whom they helped to steal, to clean 
 their boots and drive their carriages ; but they will not 
 allow them to aspire any higher." (N. Y. Herald, copied 
 in Pamphlet on Colonization and Mail Steamships, N. Y. 
 1851.) 
 
 " He held in his hand some of the leaves of the upas tree, 
 (holding up some speeches of George Thompson and 
 others.) He was one of those men who were denounced 
 for their adherence to the law and the Constitution. 
 There was a great eulightener somewhere on this conti 
 nent, who took the title of "Member of the British Par 
 liament," a man who came from among men elevated in 
 character, and claimed to rank with them. He would 
 now read extracts from the speeches of that gentleman. 
 (Reading.) The reverend gentleman then proceeded to 
 defend the character of the clergy, and asked if the thirty 
 thousand ministers, whom George Thompson described as 
 bread-and-butter parsons and lick-spittle priests, were not 
 as likely to form a correct, dispassionate judgment upon 
 the question now agitating the country, as any other men 
 in this or any other country ?...". There was 
 another man, whose education and associations in life 
 ought to have taught him better, born as he was in the 
 noble Bay State, and brought up on the banks of the Mer- 
 rimack. He was born in the same glorious state, and was 
 very sorry to find a man from such a state ascribing the 
 conduct pursued by the clergy and other conscientious 
 
 men to the magnetic influence of bales of cotton. 
 
70 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 He verily believed, that had those men kept off their 
 hands, one hundred thousand victims of slavery would 
 now be free where they could enjoy their freedom. . . . 
 The emancipation of more than a thousand slaves could 
 be procured to-day, but nothing could be done until the 
 obstacle of the free negroes residing in the free states could 
 be removed." (Speech of REV. DR. TYNG, Ann. Meeting 
 N. Y. Col. Soc., 1851.) 
 
 " The subject of slavery is important. "We cannot be 
 
 ascetics We cannot get rid of slavery. The 
 
 question is, What is best to be done ? There are only 
 two things can t be done. The one is agitation, anti- 
 national, disorganizing, overbearing, carried on by men 
 who seem to believe that the wrath of man worketh the 
 righteousness of God, and that God is only to be found in 
 the whirlwind of human passion. There were some mom- 
 maniacs, who accused him of being on all sides. Those 
 accusations did not trouble him much ; . . . . there 
 were many sides northern, and many sides southern, to the 
 great constitutional question, of slavery, and the man who 
 had looked only at one side was not competent to pass 
 a judgment on the whole The spirit of agi 
 tation, which George Thompson was stimulating, was an 
 awkward exotic ; an anti- American piece of philosophism 
 which had no philosophy in it. 
 
 "Europeans, and especially Englishmen, were in the 
 habit of looking at the constitution of society as like a 
 pyramid ; an idea which an American could not realize. 
 The pyramid of England had for its gilded apex a little 
 Queen, with ten children all around her, and Prince Albert 
 doing the honors. (Roars of laughter.) Then a little lower 
 down were dukes, marquises, carls, barons, baronets, 
 knights, and esquires, down to penniless men, who get them 
 selves elected members of Parliament. (Laughter and 
 cheers.) Then there was the starving people at the base. 
 
THE AMEKIC AX COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 71 
 
 The way to move ilic top of a column is to keep up a 
 noise at the base, and especially by the use of ointment, 
 with flies in it as large and as sweet as dead humming 
 birds. If that kind of piety is good for England it is 
 
 better to keep it at home The Methodist, 
 
 Baptist, and Presbyterian churches were split into north 
 and south by the rabid antislavery agitation. The men 
 who caused this schism were guilty of a similar sin to 
 that of Jeroboam, who created a division in the twelve 
 tribes of Israel, which has never been healed, and ten 
 tribes have been lost, so that Dr. Robertson himself could 
 not find them." (Speech of REV. S. H. Cox, D. D., on 
 same occasion.) 
 
 The question may possibly arise in the mind of the read 
 er, what the "magnetic influence of bales of cotton," or 
 " philosophism without philosophy," has to do with the 
 suppression of the slave trade, (the foreign trade of course, 
 the society has not made any special move against the 
 domestic traffic yet, too near home for its far-seeing philan 
 thropy, probably.) or how the question of church schism 
 or the " ten lost tribes " has any bearing on the " exclusive 
 object " of the colonization movement. Almost the whole 
 of their addresses was of a similar nature to the quota 
 tions given, and according to the report in the JV. Y. Col 
 onization Journal, the large audience responded by cheers 
 and laughter. And this at the annual meeting of a state 
 society, at which those who give tone to the movement 
 were present. 
 
 " The practical effect of modern abolition thus far has 
 been to disturb the glorious harmony of a happy people, 
 threatening to place brother in armed array against broth 
 er, while at the same time all the friendly and affectionate 
 relations between the whites and free blacks have been 
 prematurely destroyed, the bonds of the slave have been 
 tightened and his privileges curtailed, so that the acts of 
 
72 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 pretended friends have, in their results, been a cur so to 
 both of them. Whether this ought to be so ; whether 
 benevolence, because it is ignorant, should be tolerated and 
 respected, when its course is mischievous and its practical 
 workings destructive ; whether the master of the slave 
 should praise and thank him who excited them to rise and 
 break their chains over his head, that is, to murder him 
 and his ; whether were the world letter ordered this should 
 not be so, is what we do not propose to argue. Taking 
 the world as we find it, we rely on the facts that we know, 
 rather than on the speculations of a French poet and 
 novelist, and a great poet and novelist too, even 
 when he raises his voice at the instigation of an American 
 lady, who, we think, might have found advisers who knew 
 more about the subject in her own country, than the gen 
 tleman to whose upliftings 7 we refer." (Review of Vic 
 tor Hugo s Letter to Mrs. Chapman, by J. II. B. LATROBE.) 
 
 Here we have the results of another downward step in 
 the compromising policy of the Colonization Society. 
 We have seen its advocates carefully disclaiming all hos 
 tility to slavery, then "apologizing for it, and now opposing 
 unconditional emancipation, misrepresenting the antisla- 
 very movement, holding up the idea to the slaveholder 
 of the " fearful danger " of doing justice to the wronged 
 bondman, and speaking of liberty as a greater " curse " 
 than slavery. Where is the " exclusive object " of the 
 society ? In its constitution there, and there only. 
 
 In a Colonization Convention, held in Washington in 
 1842, Hon. H. L. Ellsworth, one of the executive com 
 mittee, said, " Slavery has been, is, and ever will be 
 considered a dreadful evil by all. The sage of Monti- 
 cello, with his compatriots, Madison, Marshall, Monroe, 
 and many others, have already spoken. And for this evil 
 what is the remedy ? None has been offered at all ade 
 quate, that does not include colonization, and, without it, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 73 
 
 emancipation, it is believed by many, would prove a curse 
 alike to the slave states themselves, and to those states 
 where entire freedom prevails." 
 
 " The whole income of the antislavery society has been 
 expended in acting on public opinion. Every cent of it 
 has been laid out in turning men s minds against coloni 
 zation : and much more effectually than if opposing the 
 Colonization Society had been the avowed and only ob 
 ject." (Letter from Rev. J. Tracy, on the Cause in Xew 
 England. Af. Rep., January, 1843.) 
 
 The progress of antislavery, in the opinion of Mr. 
 Tracy, is injurious to colonization. A highly significant 
 idea, peculiarly satisfactory to the south, doubtless. 
 
 " It w^as no part of the duty or design of colonizationists 
 to promulgate the doctrine of abolition. They were by 
 no means prepared to go all lengths with a party as much 
 distinguished by being opposed to law, and order, and 
 
 government, as to slavery As well might we 
 
 insist upon prescribing one universal medicine to all dis 
 eases, or clothing all men alike in all weathers, because 
 the human body is prone to illness, and demands a cover 
 ing, as to attempt to make all conditions of society square 
 with a single abstract theory of right or wrong." (R. R. 
 Gurley, N. Y. Col. Soc. Meeting, 1843.) 
 
 " The fury of sectional madness, and the frenzy of re 
 ligious fanaticism, find nothing in the principles of this 
 great movement to excite or nourish those frantic pcLssions 
 which, under so many opposite manifestations, have sought 
 one common and diabolical end, in the division of all the 
 churches, the hostility of the states, the dissolution of the 
 national union, and the overthrow of the constitution." 
 (" The Black Race," R. J. Breckenridge. Af. Rep., May, 
 1851.) 
 
 " Abolitionism has made no great progress here. The 
 calm and patriotic in this region see plainly that coloni- 
 
74 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 zewtion lias afforded them the most effective arguments 
 against its visionary and agitating schemes." (Richard Hen 
 ry Lee, Professor in Washington College, Pa. Twenty- 
 eighth Annual Report.) 
 
 . . . "And, unfortunately, the colonization cause 
 has become so strangely confounded in the popular mind 
 with abolition, its friends were advised to wait until elec 
 tion was over, and I fear the prospect is not much im 
 proved. My own deliberate opinion is, that a wise, elo 
 quent, and judicious agent, who could render palpable to 
 every capacity the broad line of distinction between coloni 
 zation and. abolition, would dispel much of the darkness 
 and prejudice which prevail. 77 (Rev. Philip Lindsley, 
 D. D., Nashville, Tenn.) 
 
 Mr. Lindsley, it seems, finds that political demagogues 
 are making capital by an effort to confound in the popular 
 mind two movements between which his own clear mind 
 can see a " broad line of distinction. 77 
 
 " Abolition excitement became so tumultuous and alarm 
 ing a few years ago, that the friends of colonization cowered 
 before it, and, for the sake of peace, ceased to defend or 
 do any thing to promote the good cause. . . . An 
 other thing which ought to be and must be done to give 
 increased energy to this cause is, to induce pastors to con 
 sent to have it brought back to the pulpit, from which it 
 has been iniquitously exiled, as a mistaken concession and 
 costly peace offering to the fiery and inexorable Moloch of 
 abolition." (Rev. D. S. Carroll, D. D., of New York. Same 
 occasion.) 
 
 Pity it is the friends of so holy a cause should " cower " 
 to abolition, and especially that its clerical friends should 
 make such a " peace offering 77 to this " inexorable Moloch ; " 
 such conduct savors little of the high heroism of those 
 pledged to "fight the good fight 77 against all sin. Xo 
 wonder Dr. Carroll is indignant. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. (5 
 
 " I ask, sir, if you reject the colonization principle, where 
 is the asylum to give them ? What hope for the slave or 
 the emancipated ? Suppose we had it in our power to-day 
 to set every slave free, so that he could go or come where 
 he pleases, are we willing to receive the mighty horde 
 who would rush here? to take them to the bosom of our 
 homes in full participation of our privileges? I do not 
 think so." (Speech of Mr. Miller in Senate of New York. 
 N. Y. Col. Journal, January, 1853.) 
 
 " Abolition has been the black man s curse. Not a slave 
 holder, having no personal interest with slavery, abolition 
 has not done to me or my friends a wrong which I resent. 
 . . . I fancy myself to be the black man s friend : . . . 
 am not a paid official of colonization. Prior to 1830, the 
 relation between whites and blacks, bond and free, in the 
 slaveholding states, especially in the large cities of those 
 states, from Baltimore to New Orleans, cannot be better 
 described than by the single word KINDLY. Modern abo 
 lition changed all this. . . . There was some pallia 
 tion for the slaveholder, who became shy of his people, 
 curtailed their privileges, threw difficulties in the way 
 of their instruction, when he found tracts in circulation 
 among them counselling massacre as the price of freedom. 
 . . . There is the fullest justification for saying, that 
 the account which abolition will have to settle for wrong 
 done will be with him, not with the white man ; . . . 
 this is not all wilfully done ; there may be true and single- 
 minded abolitionists. ... A kindly feeling changed 
 too often to rancorous hate, bonds tightened and privileges 
 curtailed, a present without permanence and a future with 
 out hope, are among the results which abolition may yet 
 have to answer before Him, who, if he permits such evil 
 upon earth, holds nevertheless the agents of it to a dread 
 accountability" (Speech of J. H. B. Latrobe, Ann. Meeting 
 N. Y. Col. Soc., 1852.) 
 
70 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 The revival of these old and ridiculous charges, made 
 and refuted years ago. about incendiary pamphlets, is ab 
 surd. The readers of the "Key to Uncle Tom s Cabin," 
 Weld s " Slavery as it is," and other publications of a sim 
 ilar nature, will be surprised perhaps at the strange folly 
 of this talk about "kindly" relations "between whites 
 and blacks, 7 "bond or free." And yet Mr. Latrobc now 
 occupies the prominent position of President of the Amer 
 ican Colonization Society ! ! 
 
 The Journal of Commerce is quoted in the Repository of 
 May. 1852, as saying, "As for abolitionism it has ceased 
 to be regarded by intelligent men, if it ever was regarded 
 by many such, as an available means of benefiting the 
 colored race, except at a period so remote. that it is not 
 worth while to think of it ; . . . that, in short, aboli 
 tion is a humbug, a vagary of the imagination, a dream, and 
 that " proslavery " men, so called by fanatics because they 
 approach the subject rationally and practically as they 
 would any other, where the consent of both parties was 
 necessary to success, are the only men likely to do any 
 good in the premises." The Journal of Commerce and the 
 Repository seem to be well united in their views of this 
 " vagary." How soon slavery is likely to cease in any 
 way under such influences all can judge, especially when 
 they take into account the fact that the Journal of Com 
 merce gains large support at the south from those devoted 
 to the interests of slavery, and at the north from those 
 ready to sustain and eternize all the infamous " compro 
 mises," who hold the Fugitive Slave Law to be the chosen 
 means for the perpetuity of the Union. 
 
 For two hundred years a great system of robbery and 
 wrong has been growing in our country ; its influences 
 have reached the social life of the people, and set a mark 
 on the colored man to banish him. from society, to debar 
 him from equal participation in religious or educational 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 7l 
 
 privileges, to keep him degraded that he might be the 
 more easily enslaved. The idea that man can hold prop 
 erty in his fellow-man has been guarantied by constitu 
 tions, defended by the arm of law, made sacred by the 
 sanctions of religion. Great statesmen ask us to " conquer 
 our prejudices/ and help catch fugitive slaves ; eminent 
 divines, north and south, teaching that the Bible is an in 
 fallible guide to duty and salvation, God s will revealed 
 to man, find therein divine authority for slavery, and lend 
 their influence 
 
 " To sanction robbery, and crime, and blood, 
 And in oppression s hateful service libel 
 Both man and God." 
 
 The domestic slave trade goes on briskly, dealers in 
 " slaves and other cattle " separate husbands, wives, sons, 
 and daughters, severing all the purest and holiest ties 
 that make life so sweetly pleasant, each year millions 
 of dollars are invested in this infamous traffic, and thou 
 sands of its victims perish in the rice swamps and sugar 
 fields of the far south ; men whose purses are heavy with 
 the gold gained as the price of blood by the sale of their 
 slaves, mingle in the highest social circles north or south, 
 sit in Congress, or at the communion table, or stand in 
 the pulpit, in fellowship with the greater part of our 
 churches. 
 
 The bloody slave whip is ever doing its cruel work, 
 and the red-hot branding iron hissing in the flesh of the 
 wretched victims of cruelty ; sorrow and anguish unut 
 terable dwell in the hearts of millions. Such arc some 
 of the sad and terrible results of a long career of com 
 promise with sin. 
 
 Shall not constitution and law guaranty and protect 
 the rights of all, and especially the poor and weak ? 
 
78 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 Shall not religion inculcate a high and sacred reverence 
 for the rights of man, inalienable, given by God ? 
 
 Must not a pure Christianity " preach deliverance to the 
 captive, and the opening of the prison to those who are in 
 bonds"? 
 
 Shall not this great nation practise the principles of its 
 own glorious declaration of independence, and thus fulfil 
 its mission of preaching to the world the great gospel of 
 human brotherhood? 
 
 Must not the prejudices which find their abiding place in 
 our social life cease ? 
 
 Does not the plainest duty and the truest friendship 
 to the slaveholder demand that we cease all support of 
 his evil deeds, and tell him, with all plainness, with all 
 terrible severity if need be, yet with all faithful kindness. 
 of the great sin he is guilty of? point to his beautiful 
 land, blighted by the tread of the slave, aud show how 
 duty and prosperity go ever side by side as a wise Father 
 has willed ? 
 
 These arc the GREAT QUESTIONS OF OUR DAY. We can 
 not pass them by ; we cannot put them aside ; we cannot 
 silence them ; they must be answered and settled, for they 
 are vital to our highest interests, to our most sacred, most 
 deeply religious duty. To seek to ignore them, or to turn 
 the mind of the people therefrom, were folly, wickedness, 
 impiety. 
 
 What has the American Colonization Society to say on 
 these great questions ? Freedom for all would be a " dan 
 gerous and dreadful experiment," a " greater curse " than 
 slavery. " Deliverance to the captive " would lead to 
 " abominable crimes." The settlement of these questions 
 is a " diabolical end ; " the right of property in man must 
 be held "sacred," says one who "looks to God and to 
 God alone " ! A " dread accountability " before One who 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 79 
 
 leaves no sin unpunished awaits those who simply ask 
 equal justice for the slave ! Such are the sentiments of 
 those who control this "benevolent" association. It up 
 holds the oppressor, crushes the colored man here, sneers 
 at the impartial advocates of liberty, and meanwhile seeks 
 to delude the people by pointing across the water to 
 Liberia, and talking of civilization and Christianity in 
 Africa ! 
 
SO ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 ITS PHILANTHROPY WOULD SEND THE COL 
 ORED PEOPLE TO LIBERIA, BUT DEGRADE 
 THEM HERE. 
 
 THE American Colonization Society claims to "be espe 
 cially the friend of the colored people of our country, 
 while, in fact, it is their DEADLY ENEMY, using all the 
 weight of its influence to keep them debased, ignorant, 
 and crushed beneath a mountain of prejudice. 
 
 There are doubtless members and friends of the Coloni 
 zation Society who support its plans and contribute to its 
 funds from feelings of kindness to an abused and pro 
 scribed people ; of such we can only say their position is 
 wrong, their eyes are blinded. But we must judge, the 
 society by the influence it exerts as a body. It holds out 
 to the colored man, who wishes to go to Liberia, promise 
 of aid ; it represents the colony as a. place where equal 
 rights, abundant living, and educational advantages are 
 at the command of those possessed of a fair share of en 
 ergy and industry ; and for doing this claims to be the 
 philanthropic movement of the age, so far as the colored 
 people are concerned. 
 
 Its highest idea of philanthropy toward the colored 
 man is to send him to Liberia. As for treating him as a 
 man here, that is a different matter, the obligation to do 
 so it repudiates, for slavery has created a stern and cruel 
 prejudice, forbidding such treatment, and the easiest way 
 to keep up this prejudice is to talk about African civiliza 
 tion. The society sanctifies this vile offspring of slavery as , 
 an "ordination of Providence. " grants that neither reason 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 81 
 
 nor religion can destroy it, helps to make the condition of 
 multitudes of the free people of color worse, utters no 
 earnest rebuke against their oppressors, slanders and mis 
 represents them, never demands equal educational or 
 social privileges for them, but denies their right to those 
 privileges while here, allies itself with unjust and oppres 
 sive legislation, such as would disgrace the veriest despot 
 in the world, and then, ADDING INSULT TO INJURY, turns 
 to the victims of the abuse and prejudice it has helped to 
 strengthen and perpetuate, and says, "If you will expa 
 triate yourselves voluntarily, and thus relieve us of a class, 
 the object of low, debasing envy to the slaves, of univer 
 sal distrust and suspicion to ourselves, we will pay your 
 passage, care for you a few months, and render you some 
 small aid in that strange land whither you go, and whence 
 we trust you may not return to vex us with your unwel 
 come presence." And this is the height of colonization 
 philanthropy ! But to the evidence on which these charges 
 are based. 
 
 " Christianity cannot do for them here what it will do 
 for them in Africa. This is not the fault of the colored 
 man or the white man, but an ordination of Providence, and 
 no more to be changed than the laws of nature." (Fif 
 teenth Annual Report, p. 47.) 
 
 . . . " Prejudices which neither refinement, nor argu 
 ment, nor education, nor religion itself can subdue, mark 
 the people of color, bond and free, as the subjects of a 
 degradation inevitable and incurable. (Address of Con 
 necticut Colonization Society.) 
 
 " Something he must yet be allowed to say as regarded 
 the object the society was set up to accomplish. This ob 
 ject, if he understood it aright, involved no intrusion on 
 property OR EVEN UPON PREJUDICE." (Mr. Archer of Ya. 
 Fifteenth Annual Report.) 
 
 . " Disclaim all attempts for the immediate abo- 
 8 
 
82 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 lition of slavery, or the instruction of the great body of the 
 Hacks" (Speech of H. Bleecker, Second Ann. Meeting 
 N. Y. Col. Soc.) 
 
 " It may be safely assumed that there is not an individ 
 ual in the community, who has given a moment s consid 
 eration to the subject, who does not regard the existence 
 of the free people of color in the bosom of the country 
 as an evil of immense magnitude, and of a dangerous and 
 alarming tendency. 7 (Twelfth Annual Report.) 
 
 " The existence, in the very bosom of our country, of an 
 anomalous race of beings, the most debased upon earth, who 
 neither enjoy the blessings of freedom, nor are yet in the 
 bonds of slavery, is a great national evil, which every friend 
 of his country must deeply deplore. . . . Enough, un 
 der favorable circumstances, might be removed for a few 
 successive years, if young females were encouraged to go, 
 to keep the whole colored population in check." (Af. Rep. 
 vii. 230, 246.) 
 
 " It must appear evident to all that every endeavor to 
 divert the attention of the community, or even a portion 
 of the means which the present crisis so imperatively calls 
 for, from the Colonization Society, to measures calculated 
 to bind the colored population to this country, and seeking 
 to raise them (an impossibility) to a level with the whites, 
 whether by founding colleges or in any other way, tends 
 directly, in proportion as it succeeds, to counteract arid 
 thwart the whole plan of colonization. Although none 
 would rejoice more than myself to see this unhappy race 
 elevated to the highest scale of human being, it has al 
 ways seemed to me this country was not the theatre for 
 such a change." (New Haven Religious Intelligencer, 
 July, 1831.) 
 
 It surely indicates no special friendship to disclaim so 
 carefully all attempts even to instruct colored people, and 
 nothing could be devised less calculated to create mutual 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 83 
 
 good feeling and confidence than to speak of their exist 
 ence among us as " an evil of immense magnitude, of dan 
 gerous and alarming tendency." The free colored people 
 must read with peculiar feelings the assertion published 
 in the organ of this society, that they are " an anomalous 
 race of beings, the most debased upon earth/ 7 and the 
 atrocious proposal to remove " young females " (voluntarily 
 of course] will seem a singular evidence of good. will. 
 
 The cool declaration, that all diversion of public atten 
 tion from the scheme of sending them to Africa to the 
 " impossible " effort to elevate and educate them here, may 
 not perhaps tend greatly to increase the self-respect or 
 strengthen the hopes of colored people ; but then -the 
 Colonization Society is a great philanthropic movement, 
 aiming to do great good in Africa. None can object, 
 none do object, to every person in Liberia gaining the 
 most perfect culture, possessing and using all the rights 
 of man, but let the same class gain the same culture, 
 possess and use unmolested, and as equals, the same rights 
 among us, a strange philanthropy that surely which can 
 only find scope in a distant land, among a few thousand 
 persons, and pass by or help to degrade a hundred fold 
 their number at our very doors ! 
 
 Let us see what opinion eminent colonizationists enter 
 tain of those who are to shed the light of Christian civili 
 zation on the dark places of Africa. 
 
 " There is a class, however, more numerous than all 
 these, introduced among us by violence, notoriously igno 
 rant, degraded, and miserable, mentally diseased, broken- 
 spirited, acted upon by no motives to honorable exertion, 
 scarcely reached in their debasement by the heavenly light ; yet 
 where is the sympathy and effort a view of their situation 
 ought to excite ? They wander unsettled and unfriended 
 through our land, or sit indolent, abject, and sorrowful, 
 by the streams which witness their captivity. Their 
 
84 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 freedom is licentiousness, and to many restraint would prove 
 a blessing. To this remark there are exceptions, proving 
 that to change their state would be to elevate their char 
 acter ; that virtue and enterprise are absent only because 
 the causes which create the one and the motives which 
 produce the other are absent." (Af. Rep. i. G8.) 
 
 " The African in this country belongs by birth to the 
 very lowest station in society ; and from that station he 
 can never rise, be his taknts what they may. . . . They 
 constitute a class by themselves, out of which no individual 
 can be elevated, and below which none can be depressed." 
 (Idem, iv. 118.) 
 
 " With us they have been degraded by slavery, and still 
 further degraded by *the mockery of nominal freedom. We 
 have endeavored, but in vain, to restore them either to 
 self-respect or the respect of others. It is not our fault 
 that we have failed ; it is not theirs. It has resulted from 
 causes over which neither they nor we can ever have con 
 trol. Here, therefore, they must be forever debased ; more 
 than this, they must be forever useless ; more than even 
 this, they must be FOREVER A NUISANCE, from which it were 
 a blessing for society to be rid." (Idem, v. 276.) 
 
 , . . . " Those persons of color who have been eman 
 cipated are only nominally free ; and the whole race, so 
 long as they remain among us, whether slaves or free, must 
 necessarily be kept in a condition full of wretchedness to 
 themselves and of danger to the whites. 11 (Second Ann. Rep. 
 N. Y. Col. Soc.) 
 
 In 1849, Rev. Mr. Miller, of Princeton, N. J., travelling 
 in England, and acting as informal agent for the Colo 
 nization Society, by a commission from Henry Clay, was 
 examined before a committee of the House of Lords, and 
 contrasting the condition of the Liberians with that of the 
 colored people of Boston, said that in Liberia there were 
 five hundred and eighty members of temperance societies, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 85 
 
 in Boston -none. In Liberia, the attendance of every child 
 at school was regular; in Boston, the proportion was so 
 small and uncertain as not to be comparable. 
 
 The active members of temperance societies in Boston, 
 among the colored people, may be somewhat surprised at 
 this statement, as also at the idea conveyed of their ig 
 norance by this representative of the society in so distin 
 guished a presence in England. His statements in regard 
 to education in Liberia were also, as we shall see, in 
 correct. 
 
 " Nor was this surprising, when w r e consider the necessity 
 which existed of providing an asylum for that portion of 
 the African race then free or to be emancipated, as it was 
 obvious to every observer that their presence here, in any 
 considerable numbers, was not only injurious to all classes, 
 but experience, if this indeed were wanting, had fully 
 demonstrated that in every part of the country, from the 
 operation of- causes beyond our control, they were destined 
 to be an INCUBUS, a NUISANCE, wherever they might find refuge. 
 . . . Of all the missionary schemes ever devised, none, 
 it is believed, can bear any comparison in the magnitude 
 of the results likely to be produced with African coloniza 
 tion. It may be truly said, every colonist becomes a mis 
 sionary, every settler an instrument of civilization ;7 ! ! 
 (Address by "A Citizen of London," Va., to the People. 
 Af. Rep. xxvi. 182, 183.) 
 
 " They (free colored people) cannot fail to discover the 
 approaching cloud and threatened storm ; and yet many 
 of them wilfully close their eyes to the necessity of seek 
 ing shelter before it bursts upon them. . . . The free 
 states are closing the doors against them, whilst the slave 
 states are preparing to eject them ; and how are they to 
 prevent being crushed, unless they remove to a place of 
 safety ? " (Baltimore Clipper, in Af. Hep. xxvii. 334.) 
 
 " Christianity itself can never break down all those bar 
 s * 
 
86 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 riers which separate the white from the colored race. The 
 shocking and repulsive idea of amalgamation affords the 
 only ray of hope for the negro in this country. Against 
 this alternative every right and noble instinct of the white 
 race must indignantly protest. These same natural in 
 stincts will also, to a great degree, exclude our colored 
 population from a participation in those social, religious, 
 and political privileges which are necessary for prosperity 
 and highest possible advancement. With this constitution 
 of things the friends of colonization wage no war. They are 
 willing to let it remain as God has fixed it." (Buffalo Chris 
 tian Advocate. Af. Rep. xxix.) 
 
 "Every stimulant to virtuous action, every motive to 
 industrious habit, is taken away. He lives, as the moving 
 creature on the face of the earth lives, for mere animal in 
 dulgence ; arid this must forever be the condition of the free 
 blacks here, as long as the white man is the master and 
 giver of law in this country." (Speech of R. G. Scott, of 
 Va. Thirty-third Ann. Meeting.) 
 
 " The negro is a timid being ; he lives by sight more 
 than by faith ; he feels in his soul what the white man 
 boldly avows, that he is an inferior being, and therefore the 
 subject of deception and wrong. Hence it is so few have 
 been found willing to leave even this land of their degra 
 dation for a better home and country in Africa." (Speech 
 of HON. MR. MILLER, of N. J., U. S. Senate, 1853. Af. 
 Rep. xxix. 118.) 
 
 " What has Africa been ? I speak not of that section 
 of Africa that was inhabited by. other races. I cannot go 
 into the romance of speaking of Egypt and its people, its 
 kings, its saints, its philosophers. ... I speak of that 
 portion of Africa inhabited by the black man, the woolly- 
 headed African, (laughter,) and wherever he has these 
 characteristics he is in the deepest degradation. . . . 
 Take that monkey empire (laughter) that has been the 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 87 
 
 world s laughing stock, (Ilayti ;) look at the result of their 
 plans. Faustin I., with his cordon of dukes and nobles 
 around him, so that there can be scarcely a private man 
 left in his dominions." (Laughter.) (Speech of Rev. G. W. 
 Bethime, D. _D., Thirty-third Annual Meeting.) 
 
 " Do you not all know ? I wish with respect to these 
 poor creatures to say nothing to wound their feeling?, 
 nothing which is not warranted by truth and experience, 
 and sad daily observation ; for it is not their fault that 
 they are a debased and degraded set. It is not their fault that 
 they are more addicted to crime, and vice, and dissolute man 
 ners than any other portion of the people of the TJnited States. 
 It is the inevitable result of the law of their condition" (Speech 
 of Henry Clay. Thirty-fourth Annual Report, 1851.) 
 
 Not one word of cheer, not a gleam of hope, for the 
 colored man in this country ; all the " blackness of dark 
 ness ; " the gloom of an utter despair ! Ever to be crushed 
 beneath an inexorable and undying prejudice, scarcely 
 to be "reached in their debasement by the heavenly light," 
 wandering disconsolate and heart-broken, or grovelling 
 in. the "licentiousness" of a deceptive and blighting free 
 dom, the " most corrupt and abandoned " of our popula 
 tion, spurned from one part of the country as " useless 
 and dangerous," and driven from another as a "burden" 
 intolerable and detestable. One only remedy; which 
 shall have the double effect of transforming them into in 
 telligent men and devoted Christian missionaries, making 
 the wilderness blossom like the rose, and bearing in their 
 pure hands the sacred banner of the cross ; and leading 
 those who now traduce them, and fear and hate their very 
 presence, to love them as brethren, to honor them as men. 
 Emigration (voluntary, yes, "only cheerful and voluntary" 
 of course) to Liberia ! " the deceitfulness of unright 
 eousness"! Verily, "the tender mercies of the wicked 
 are cruel " ! 
 
88 OttlOIN, 0!IAHA(TER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 A reason given why colored people should leave for 
 Liberia is their ignorance ; but we find J. II. B. Latrobe, 
 president of the society, in an address in Boston, at the 
 annual meeting of the Massachusetts Colonization Society, 
 in May, 1853, arguing they may be obliged to go because 
 growing intelligent. 
 
 " Jealousy and suspicion characterize to-day the rela 
 tions of the parties. Legislation is invoked. State after 
 state is passing, or threatening to pass, laws against their 
 continued residence." One cause, he says, is " the gradual 
 improvement of the colored people in education and re 
 finement ; . . . the slave is callous, ignorant. But 
 free him, educate him, ... he becomes restless just 
 in proportion as he is enlightened. . . . He finds 
 sympathizers among the whites. . . . His friends fan 
 cy they have a mission. 7 . . . The action soon em 
 braces the slavery question. A crusade commences which 
 makes the colored people the subjects of a family feud. 
 . . . As he who is the subject of a family quarrel finds 
 himself obliged to leave, that peace may be restored," so, 
 he says, this contest threatens to end in the abandonment 
 by the blacks " of the scene of agitation." What a " happy 
 family" we should then be ; our "antagonisms" all "neu 
 tralized " by slavery ; the Union safe ! 
 
 But it may be said, that expressions of regard and pity 
 for the colored man may be found in the publications of 
 this society, and the speeches and writings of its friends. 
 
 We grant that such is sometimes the case, and therefore 
 are they all the more dangerous, because they form the 
 shield behind w r hicli iniquity hides are the means -by 
 which those who should be "the very elect" are deceived. 
 Wherever found they also furnish, when contrasted with 
 other expressions of a far different character, striking evi 
 dences that the society seeks to be " all things to all men " 
 in a sense not quite apostolic. All such expressions of 
 
THK AMERICAN COLONIZATION" SOCIETY. 89 
 
 kindly feeling are coupled with the far-oil and uncertain 
 remedy of a Liberian home, and, by yielding the point of in 
 evitable hatred and abuse while here, help to. strengthen the 
 hands of the- oppressor. By the side of the kind and 
 benevolent friend of the colonization cause stands the 
 slaveholder or the negro hater, willing to listen calmly as 
 he utters earnest expressions of sympathy for the colored 
 man, which move the hearts of those who hear, to smile 
 condescendingly as he points to Liberia as a sure refuge ; 
 and when the touching appeal is closed, the lips of the 
 tyrant open, his arm, is raised, he points across the water, 
 and says, with the air of one t: born to command," ;: The 
 alternative for the people of color is plain ; debasement 
 and sorrow here, or a home in the land of their fathers ; 
 time hastens, leathern not long delay the choice. 77 Blind 
 ed by a prejudice to which both appeal^ multitudes remem 
 ber only the kind voice of the misguided philanthropist, 
 and fail to discern the spell thrown over his susceptible 
 nature by a master spirit. 
 
 The splendid speech of Edward Everett, at the annual 
 meeting at Washington in January last, may be pointed 
 to, and it may be said truly that he spoke eloquently of 
 the capacities of the colored man, and even of what had 
 been accomplished in our country by a few individuals of 
 the persecuted race. We quote the paragraph alluding 
 to a few instances of success here : 
 "But the question (of capacity) seems to me to be put at 
 rest by what we all must have witnessed of what has been 
 achieved by the colored race in this country and on the 
 coast of Africa. Unfavorable as their position has been 
 for any intellectual progress, we still know, all of us, that 
 they are competent for the common arts and business of 
 life, to the ingenious and mechanical arts, to keeping ac 
 counts, to the common branches of academical and profes 
 sional culture. Paul Cuffee s name is familiar to every 
 
90 OIUfilN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 body in my part of the country, and I am sure you must 
 have heard of him. He was a man of uncommon energy 
 and force of character. He navigated to Liverpool his 
 own vessel, manned by a colored crew. " His father was a 
 native African slave ; his mother a member of one of the 
 broken-down Indian tribes, some fragments of which still 
 linger in the corners of Massachusetts. I have already 
 alluded to the extraordinary attainments of that native 
 African prince, Abdhul Rahhaman. If there ever was a 
 native-born gentleman on earth, he was one. lie had the 
 port and air of a prince, the literary culture of a scholar. 
 The learned blacksmith of Alabama, now in Liberia, has 
 attained a celebrity scarcely inferior to his white brother 
 who is known by the same designation. When I lived in 
 Cambridge a few years ago, I used to attend, as one of a 
 Board of Visitors, the examinations of a classical school 
 in which there was a colored boy, the son of a slave in 
 Mississippi, I think. He appeared to me to be of pure 
 African blood. There were at the same time two youths 
 from Georgia and one of my own sons attending the same 
 school. I must say, that this poor negro boy, Beverly 
 Williams, was one of the best scholars at the school, and 
 in the Latin language the best scholar in his class. These 
 are instances that have fallen under my own observa 
 tion. There arc others, I am told, which show still more 
 conclusively the capacity of the colored race for every 
 kind of intellectual culture." 
 
 We give this as the best word ever uttered (so far as we 
 can learn) by a colonizationist in any prominent position, 
 in behalf of the capacity of the colored race for elevation 
 in our country. The tone of the address is an exception 
 to those given on similar occasions, more just to the col 
 ored man, so far as character and capacity are concerned ; 
 but the whole effort goes to point to Liberia as his home, 
 and of course to give character to the colonization scheme 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 91 
 
 which helps to degrade him here. It is noticeable that 
 Mr. Everett s most illustrious instance of talent and ac 
 quirement in a colored American was in the person of one 
 who had gone to Liberia, and that the ablest, most elo 
 quent, and most widely known individuals of the race 
 who remain here were not named. Mention of them 
 would have called to the minds of the audience those who 
 are resolved to remain in their native land, and demon 
 strate, not only by word, but by deed, by daily life, the 
 folly of the colonization scheme ; and lesser names supply 
 their places. 
 
 Mr. Everett s illustration of the moral elevation of the 
 colored race in our country is the story of a slave who 
 went with his master to California, nursed him through a 
 severe sickness in the mines, stood by his death bed and 
 closed his eyes when life was gone, buried him in a decent 
 grave, and went home to the banks of the Red River in 
 Louisiana to lay down the gold they had dug at the feet 
 of the widow. A beautiful instance, indeed, of faithful at 
 tachment, that should put many an Anglo-Saxon to shame. 
 The question came to our mind, in reading the touching 
 story, whether there were not chords tugging at his heart 
 strings, helping to draw him back to the plantation ; wheth 
 er a loving wife and lovely children might not be waiting 
 his return, so that a double joy would thrill his heart as 
 he laid the hard-earned treasure at the feet of a needy 
 widow, and clasped to his bosom those he loved better 
 than life. The incident may have been intended as a 
 praiseworthy illustration of fidelity and dutiful obedience 
 to a master s command. We accept it as a good anti-coloni- 
 zationargument-foY surely it must be the height of folly 
 to colonize to Liberia, or any where else, a race capable 
 of supplying such a noble example of constancy and self- 
 sacrifice. We are not rich enough in moral worth to 
 
92 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 expatriate those in whose natures lie folded germs which 
 may unfold and ripen into such celestial fruit. 
 
 The graceful eloquence of Edward Everett might well 
 have cast its charmed spell over the minds of his hearers, 
 shedding around the colonization enterprise the rich glow 
 of a beautiful philanthropy, and throwing tastefully into 
 the shade the hideous aspects of the movement ; the read 
 ing of that address may answer its purpose of confirming 
 men of kindly feeling in the false idea that the Coloniza 
 tion Society is a chosen means of blessing the colored race 
 and redeeming a continent from darkness and barbarism ; 
 but the representative of the slaveholder stood by his side, and 
 uttered his word in behalf of that INEXORABLE POWER that 
 uses the society AS ITS INSTRUMENT AND SERVANT. REV. 
 CIIAS. H. REED, of Virginia, spoke after Mr. Everett, and 
 instituted an inquiry into the " cardinal principle of public 
 morals by which we are animated in the advocacy and 
 support of this work of African colonization." And to 
 answer that inquiry, states that, according to Rev. Dr. 
 Stiles, human rights may be divided into "the right of 
 existence, the right of happiness, and the right of super 
 vision;" that "God in his providence and creation fre 
 quently places man in a state of dependence, wherein the 
 enjoyment of his natural rights can never be reached 
 without progressive development under competent supervis 
 ion ; this indicates a right of supervision. The infant," 
 he says, " illustrates this right, and it becomes in the par 
 ent a duty" "An incapacity for self-government" creates 
 a similar right on the part of those incompetent ; and to 
 come to the gra?id application of his argument : " Now, it 
 has so happened, in the providence of God, that we have 
 here in the midst of us a large and rapidly augmenting 
 population, whose incompetcncy on account of poverty, igno 
 rance, inferiority of condition by reason of color, and the 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 93 
 
 oppressive influence if you please to so denominate it 
 of caste, has justly awakened a deep and earnest sympathy 
 in their behalf. . . . Here too is a question of policy 
 and safety, which may well engage the combined wisdom 
 and energies of society and of the state. 
 
 " It is utterly impracticable to blend the white and col 
 ored races on this continent, to merge the distinction ; the 
 antagonism is irreconcilable. Between the upper and 
 nether stones of cheap white labor on the one hand, and 
 slave labor on the other, they must be ground to powder. In 
 this situation they must go down, unless the right and duty 
 of supervision shall come to be felt." . . . Here is a 
 car dined principle, " a moral obligation, as well as a political 
 necessity" 
 
 This doctrine of " supervision " would apply admirably 
 abroad as well as at home. Louis Napoleon doubtless is 
 exercising his duty as grand supervisor of a people whose 
 " incompetency" in his opinion, makes it wise and kind to 
 destroy freedom of the press. Joseph of Austria doubt 
 less felt it a duty to exercise his sacred right of " super 
 vision " over Kossuth and other " incompetent " Hun 
 garians. 
 
 In our own country, the Colonization Society is asking 
 aid from the people and the state and general govern 
 ments to supervise into Liberia the free colored people, kind 
 ly telling how they will be " ground to powder " unless 
 they consent to this beneficent supervision ! 
 
 9 
 
94 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 FAVORS EXPULSION OF THE FREE COLORED 
 PEOPLE. 
 
 THE real object of the Colonization Society is the expul 
 sion of the WHOLE FREE COLORED POPULATION from the coun- 
 try; a scheme of wholesale expatriation unparalleled in its 
 atrocity and wickedness, and which, if carried out, would 
 be highly detrimental to the best interest as well as the 
 character and morals of the country. If their own esti 
 mation of the colored people be at all correct, it would be 
 ruinous to Africa ; but of that more in due time. Evi 
 dence on this point is abundant, and as some portions of it 
 are given, the reader will readily see how thin and trans 
 parent is the veil of " voluntary, cheerful " consent, by 
 which the purpose of driving an unoffending people from 
 the land is covered. 
 
 We shall first give proofs of the desire and resolve for 
 expatriation, and then show how the society allies itself 
 with all oppressive legislation tending to crush the colored 
 man, and remove from him the shield of legal protection. 
 
 "I am not complaining of the owners of slaves. It 
 would be as humane to throw them from the decks in the middle 
 passage as to set them free in our country. . . . The Col 
 onization Society presents such a scheme. Slaveholders have 
 given it their approval ; they will approve it, and can approve 
 no other. Any scheme of emancipation without coloniza 
 tion they know, and see, and feel to be productive of 
 nothing but evil ; evil to all whom it affects, to the whites, 
 the slaves, the manumitted themselves. 77 (Af. Rep. iv. 
 226, 300.) . 
 
 "Who, if this promiscuous residence of whites and blacks, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 95 
 
 of freemen and slaves, is forever to continue, can imagine 
 the servile wars, the carnage and the crimes, which will 
 be its probable consequences, without shuddering with 
 horror? . . . Gentlemen of the highest respectability 
 frorn the south assure us that there is among the owners 
 of slaves a very extensive and increasing desire to eman 
 cipate them. Their patriotism, their humanity, nay, their 
 self-interest, prompt to this ; but it is not expedient, it i.-^ 
 not safe, to do it, without being able to remove them. . . 
 HOAV important it is, as it respects our character abroad. 
 
 that We HASTEN TO CLEAR OUR LAND OF OUR BLACK POPU 
 LATION ! . . . What right, I demand, have the children 
 of Africa to a home in the white man s country? Let tho 
 regenerated African rise to empire ; nay, let genius flour 
 ish and philosophy shed its mild beams to enlighten and 
 instruct the posterity of Ham, returning, " redeemed and 
 disinthralled," from their long captivity in the new world. 
 But, sir, be all these benefits enjoyed by the African race 
 under the shade of their native palms. Let the Atlantic 
 billow heave its high and everlasting barrier between their 
 country and ours." (Idem, vi. 23, 110, <fcc.) 
 
 " In a majority of the states the legislation is unfavora 
 ble to them, and is steadily becoming more so ; in none is 
 it changing for the better. White laborers from Europe 
 are coming by hundreds of thousands annually and crowd 
 ing them out of employment. Such discouragements force 
 them to think of Liberia." (Mass. Col. Soc., Eleventh 
 Ann. Rep.) 
 
 " For the future, all appearances indicate a rapid progress; 
 . . . the colored man s prospects of a happy home here are 
 continually growing darker. The unwillingness to have a 
 large free -colored population is steadily increasing in all 
 those states exposed to it. In the slave states it is uni 
 versal, and constitutes one of their strongest objections 
 against immediate emancipation on the soil. . . . Nor 
 
9(> ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 are the bordering states willing to receive them. . . . 
 The fierce contest which has been waged concerning the 
 rights of colored men, bond or free, has extensively fas 
 tened public attention upon them as a source of public dis 
 cord and danger. ... In this state of public feeling 
 there is much that is inexcusably wrong. Still it exists ; 
 it is growing, and is likely to grow, and impede their 
 prosperity here." (Idem, Tenth Ann. Kep.) 
 
 In Massachusetts, such is the strength of antislavery 
 feeling, and so vigilant are the abolitionists, that coloniza- 
 tionists express themselves more guardedly than elsewhere. 
 Some too are doubtless men of real kindness of feeling to 
 wards the colored people. But the Massachusetts Coloni 
 zation Society lends liberal " material aid " to the funds 
 of the parent society, and is ^subject to one in spirit 
 with that wicked association, however fair an aspect it 
 may assume. 
 
 " The sentiment is fast becoming national, that the two 
 races must separate. ... To what is it to be attrib 
 uted ? To what but that mighty immigration, which has 
 built across the Atlantic* the bridge of boats, one abutment 
 of which is in New York, and over which comes with 
 heavy tramp, in the shape of a vast multitude, power ! 
 Power to add to our national strength and raise still 
 higher the fabric of our national renown ; power to con 
 struct our railroads and canals ; power before which the free 
 black man must flee as from the wrath to come" (Speech of 
 J. H. B. Latrobe. N. Y. Col. Soc., May, 1852.) 
 
 " A more barren present, a more hopeless future, than 
 that of the free colored people in the United States, can 
 not exist. America is tJie white man s home : God has so 
 ordered it. . . . When the drain westward ceases, 
 should the two races . . . still occupy the same land, 
 there will be a strife for bread cruel and murderous ; a 
 strife in which the fate of the weaker colored race may be 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 97 
 
 terribly imagined." (Letter of same person in reply to 
 Victor Hugo s Letter to Mrs. Chapman of July 6, 1851.) 
 
 Mr. Latrobe lias long been a leading colonizationist. 
 The reader can see with what malign spirit he stirs the 
 waters of strife between the foreign emigrant and the 
 colored man, and calls on the latter to " flee as from the 
 wrath to come." 
 
 "In no part of the Union do the free blacks enjoy an 
 equality of social and political privileges in all the states ; 
 their presence is neither agreeable to the whiles, nor is their 
 condition advantageous to themselves. . . . The emi 
 gration of this entire population beyond the limits of our 
 country is the only effectual mode of curing these evils, 
 and of removing one cause of dangerous irritation between 
 the different sections of the Union. 77 (Report of Commit 
 tee in Congress in favor of Line of Steamers to Africa. 
 Af. Rep. xxvi. 268.) 
 
 " Hitherto they (free blacks) have been disposed to emi 
 grate as rapidly as the means at the disposal of the various 
 societies made it proper, or the condition of the colonies 
 made it prudent to send them ; and this may continue to 
 be the case. . There are, however, various causes in opera 
 tion which may beget a different result. . . . The pow 
 er of each state is uncontrollable over the subject within 
 its own borders. Jltt the states, and especially the slave 
 states, have interests at stake sufficiently important to de 
 mand a public interposition. This should take place when 
 ever it occurs, in a manner consistent with the character 
 of a great and just commonwealth. . . . If it is our 
 deliberate judgment they ought to be removed, let -us re 
 move them. Let us do it as for the common good of all, 
 not sordidly and wickedly, but with a compassion and 
 conviction as earnest as the force which necessity may oblige 
 us to employ." (Address of R. J. Breckenridge on " The 
 Black Race, 77 to Ky. Col. Soc. Af. Rep., May, 1851.) 
 9* 
 
98 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 The plain English of this is, all the states, and especially 
 the slave states, must colonize the free blacks, voluntarily 
 if they can, forcibly if they must. 
 
 In another part of his address he says, " For myself, I 
 am not only ready to admit, but I earnestly contend, that 
 no question touching the black race in this country shall 
 be allowed for a moment to compromise the far higher 
 and more important interest of the white race and of the 
 country itself. ... I earnestly invoke God s blessing 
 upon every race of men, but above them all I cherish with 
 devotion and hope the advancement of my own." 
 
 Would he build up a favored race by driving away a 
 feebler one ? If so, he has yet to learn that " righteous 
 ness [alone] exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any 
 people." The editor of the African Repository commends 
 this address, saying, "And when viewed in connection 
 with the condition and destiny of that class of the human 
 family, . . . and with the benevolent scheme of coloni 
 zation, ... it cannot fail to prove interesting to 
 every man." 
 
 " The free negroes in the border states and in all the 
 free states afford means of concealment to the fugitive 
 slave, which would, not exist if the free blacks were fewer, 
 or if there were none at all. . . . He is concealed, 
 lost, and hurried away, undistinguished amid the crowds 
 of his own color, whose natural sympathies are enlisted to 
 shield him from pursuit. I say natural sympathies, for I 
 cannot condemn a feeling which springs from the common 
 instinct of human nature, however unfortunate may be its 
 effects as a cause of irritation between two sections. It 
 is this deep instinctive sympathy also which arrays in op 
 position to the execution of the laws those excited crowds 
 of black men, which have sometimes rescued the fugitive 
 slave by open violence. ... I do not believe this 
 would be done bv white men alone. . Here then 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 99 
 
 we have the origin and most powerful incentive of that 
 spirit of resistance to the laws, which has of late been so 
 baleful to the peace and harmony of these states. Is not 
 the remedy plain the obvious remedy of colonization? 
 . . . The contact of the free negro with the white peo 
 ple of the northern states tends to foster and keep alive 
 the spirit of abolition. Without the continual presence 
 of a large portion of the black race, there would be little 
 for this excitement to feed on, and fanaticism, becoming 
 merely theoretical, would be shorn of its greatest danger. 
 . . . If it has been upon this ground to maintain the 
 rights and just powers of the states and the free and un- 
 incumbered workings of the federal government that it 
 (the government) has assumed and exercised the authority 
 to remove various tribes of native Indians, then I cannot 
 conceive on what ground such authority has been main 
 tained. I have been wholly unable to draw the distinc 
 tion between the removal of the Indians and of the free 
 blacks. Nor am I aware that the power to do this has 
 ever been seriously, certainly not successfully, questioned. 
 The Constitution of the United States confers upon the 
 government the power to suppress insurrections. I need 
 not say, that with an increase of this population a dis 
 tinct caste so closely united by the profoundest sympathies 
 the greatest danger of insurrection to be apprehended 
 in our country will come, directly or indirectly, from that 
 quarter. Must the government wait until the torch of 
 civil war has been lighted ? Must it wait until the gut 
 ters of our cities are filled with blood, when it may be 
 too late to extinguish the conflagration, and when the 
 footsteps of lawful power may be insecure upon the streets 
 made slippery by the gore of our citizens ? ;; (Speech of 
 Hon. F. P. Stanton, of Tenn. Thirty-fourth Annual Meet 
 ing, 1851.) 
 
 Whv should not the free black be removed ? Surely 
 
100 ORKJTX. CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 reasons arc plenty as fallen leaves in autumn against his 
 remaining here. Does he not rescue fugitives, at the peril 
 of breaking that blessed hope of our glorious Union, the 
 Fugitive Slave Law ? Does not his presence keep alive 
 this pestilent spirit of abolition, and thereby lead men not 
 merely to keep their principles on parchment, to be read 
 on the fourth of July, but to practise them daily, and seek 
 to lead church and state to do likewise? Have we not 
 driven away the red man ? Who shall say nay, when we 
 say to the black man, " You are not wanted " ? "An .ounce 
 of preventive is worth a pound of cure ; " these pestilent 
 negroes may rebel some day ; let us be wise, and send them 
 away in time. Good colonization argument from a prime 
 mover of the " Ebony Line " scheme, addressing the assem 
 bled leaders of the society at Washington ! 
 
 It is just to Mr. Stanton to say, that the resolution to 
 which he spoke commenced thus : " That the harmony of 
 the states of this Union would be promoted by the volun 
 tary emigration of the free blacks," &c. That word " vol 
 untary " the speaker, in the fervor of his zeal, probably 
 forgot : the awful picture of rapine and bloodshed quite 
 drove it from his mind. Small matters are often forgot 
 ten in discussing weighty interests, and sagacious minds 
 cast in a large mould cannot be always hampered by petty 
 details. 
 
 "How long will it be after the resources of Liberia arc 
 fully developed, and it is shown to be a safe and comfort 
 able home for colored people, before they will begin to go 
 there spontaneously ? And who can tell how long it will 
 be before they will go there because they cannot help it? 
 (The italics are not ours.) The inducements there and 
 reasons here for their emigration will be overpowering." 
 (Speech of Rev. Joel Parker, D. D. Thirtieth Annual 
 Meeting, 1847.) 
 
 "To the slaveholding states this is a question of the 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONISATION SOCIETY,. 101 
 
 most vital importance. I have long bocn of opinion, that 
 their welfare and safety imperiously demanded the removal 
 of all free colored persons from their borders ; and this 
 policy, I have reason to believe, would have been adopted, 
 but for the difficulty of providing a cheap and comfortable 
 removal and a comfortable home. Your plan obviates 
 these objections. Most of the difficulties which have arisen 
 in slaveholcling countries have been planned and encour 
 aged by free colored persons. . . . The slaves cannot 
 b e removed, but the free colored people can be, and the 
 security of both master and servant promoted." (Letter 
 of Hox. T. BUTLER KING, of Alabama, to F. P. Stanton, on 
 Mail Steamers to Africa. Washington, 1850.) 
 
 Mr. King, it will be noticed, is careful to say, ii the 
 slaves cannot be removed," - - meaning, of course, without 
 the consent of their masters, but the free colored peo 
 ple can, and should be, (voluntarily, of course?) to make slave 
 property more secure. 
 
 It is needless to multiply these quotations. Those who 
 gain access to colonization publications will find such rev 
 elations of the real spirit and purpose of the movement as 
 call to mind the dark and narrow bigotry and relentless 
 cruelty of the days when every Moor was driven from his 
 home in Spain, for the glory of the " true church," and the 
 " happiness of the realm of their most Catholic majesties." 
 
 The pen of the historian has associated forever the 
 names of those prominent in that merciless crusade with 
 the memory of one of the most terrible dramas of the 
 " dark and bloody past ; " but if the colonization project 
 of wholesale expatriation of an unoffending and much in 
 jured race should succeed, the future historian, in that glad 
 day when " the guilty fantasy, that man can hold property 
 in his fellow man," shall be repudiated, writing in the full 
 light of a world s liberty, shall associate the American 
 
102 OUKUN, CIIAllAcrER, AXD INFLUENCE OF 
 
 Society and its leading advocates with the 
 record of deeds (if cruel and relentless barbarity, which, 
 taking the greater light of the age into account, will be, 
 in the eyes of every reader, worse than those perpetrated 
 by the fierce Spaniard. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 103 
 
 FAVORS PROSCRIPTIVE LEGISLATION. ASKS 
 GOVERNMENTAL AID. 
 
 IN the last chapter are evidences of a fixed and relent 
 less purpose, on the part of those who control the coloniza 
 tion movement, to expel the colored people from the coun 
 try. Let us now look at the means employed to further 
 that end, by enlisting the aid of general and state govern 
 ment, and fostering or conniving at oppressive legislation." 
 These two subjects are so closely connected, they can be 
 examined briefly together. 
 
 Hatred of the colored man has shown itself in laws 
 depriving him of the right of suffrage, of his testimony in 
 court, of his right of residence unless bonds were given 
 for his support in case of poverty, of his right to make 
 contracts for labor, &c. These enactments have been 
 stringent in several of the free states, in all the slave 
 states, and would probably make it easier in some cases to 
 gain a " voluntary, cheerful " consent to go to Liberia. 
 
 We shall find the Colonization Society and its hading 
 advocates raising no earnest and constant voice against 
 this state of things uttering a word, it may be, in some 
 few instances, in disapproval of some of the worst and 
 most revolting enactments as though fearful of the 
 fiends they had helped call into existence ; but iio free 
 and indignant rebuke in its official documents, such as 
 might tell on the guilty legislators ; no stirring bursts of 
 eloquence in behalf of a race robbed even of legal protec 
 tion in the able addresses of its chosen orators. 
 
 On the contrary, we shall see its agents busily at work, 
 where the worst of these efforts to frame iniquity into a 
 
104 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 law " are going on, its journals ready and careful to pub 
 lish every act of oppressive legislation as a new evidence 
 of the invincibility of that prejudice which, they hold, 
 "religion itself " cannot subdue; sometimes making com 
 ments, sometimes giving simple facts, with no word of as 
 sent or dissent ; sometimes copying a vile article from some 
 negro-hating, proslavery newspaper, to serve the double 
 purpose of saying what they care not to say themselves, 
 and giving proof that the fate of the negro must be to 
 " wither beneath the shadow of the Saxon ; " pursuing such 
 course, in short, as a crafty and skilful policy may deem 
 best. 
 
 In regard to governmental aid, the advocates of coloni 
 zation are urging their claims with ceaseless industry, 
 enlisting every compromising politician, who may think he 
 can help " save the Union," without any special detriment 
 to his own good standing, calling for responses from the 
 press which are in many cases readily given. It is mainly 
 the movements of the last five years we wish to expose, 
 but a few revelations of the past will show -that there has 
 been no change of spirit or purpose. Twenty years ago, 
 the New York colonizationists said, in a memorial to the 
 legislature, 
 
 " We do not wish that the provisions of our constitution 
 and statute book should be so modified as to relieve or exalt 
 the condition of the colored people while they remain 
 among us. Let those provisions stand in all their rigor, to 
 work out the ultimate and unbounded good of this people." 
 
 The oppressive provisions of the statute book only 
 " working out the ultimate and unbounded good " of those 
 they aimed to crush ! That " good " was probably to be 
 sought in Africa, under the benevolent auspices of this 
 band of philanthropists ; and the " rigor " of the provisions 
 would tend to gain voluntary consent to embark in the 
 perilous search, and thus remove to a " safe distance " from 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 105 
 
 southern slaveholders and northern men seized with color- 
 phobia. 
 
 In 1831, the legislature of Maryland resolved, that the 
 evils " growing* out of the connection " of her " increasing 
 free colored population with the slaves," and their depriv 
 ing laboring whites of "a large portion of employment," 
 were grave evils ; that, " as philanthropists and lovers of 
 freedom," they " deplored the existence of slavery among 
 them," but considered "unrestricted manumission" as of 
 " more dangerous tendency than slavery : " that colonizing 
 to Africa free people of color would " diminish these evils ; " 
 and chose a committee to bring in a bill " on these princi 
 ples." At the next session, a report was made that all 
 the free blacks might be removed in a generation, and 
 that the slaves, being property, should only be taken by 
 consent of masters ; and an Appropriation Act was passed, 
 placing two hundred thousand dollars, in yearly instal 
 ments, in the hands of the Maryland Colonization Society, 
 and forbidding manumission unless the slaves were sent 
 beyond the state. Another act, passed two days after, pro 
 vided that no free colored man could leave the state on 
 any condition for more than a month, without being sold 
 on his return, unless certain difficult legal formalities were 
 complied with, beyond the ability of most to execute cor 
 rectly ; that no colored man should come into the state 
 without paying ffty dollars a week while remaining, or, in 
 default, being sold by the sheriff for a time long enough to 
 satisfy the demand. Colored persons were prohibited 
 from attending religious meetings, except when conducted 
 by whites, and whites were forbidden to buy " corn, pork, 
 tobacco, &c., <fec.," from free negroes, unless they could 
 show certificates they came honestly by the articles ; and 
 when convicted of any crime not capital, the free negro or 
 mulatto, at the pleasure of the court, could receive ,the 
 usual legal punishment, be banished from the state, or 
 10 
 
106 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 transported to some foreign country. These barbarous 
 enactments need no comment, and in view of them the 
 American Colonization Society passed the following re 
 solve, (Annual Meeting, 1833 : ) 
 
 " That tliis society views with the highest gratification 
 the continued efforts of Maryland to accomplish her pa 
 triotic and benevolent system in regard to her colored popu 
 lation ; and that the late appropriation by the state, of two 
 hundred thousand dollars, in aid of African colonization, 
 is haikd by the friends of the system as a bright example to 
 the other states. 7 
 
 It will be noticed that the Maryland Colonization Soci 
 ety proposes to be a remedy for slavery. The following 
 resolve was passed at one of its meetings : 
 
 " Resolved, That this society believe, and act upon the 
 belief, that colonization tends to promote emancipation, by 
 affording the emancipated slave a home where he can be 
 happier than in this country, and so inducing masters to 
 manumit who would not do so unconditionally." (Af. 
 Rep. iii. 5.) 
 
 And the managers declared their belief that, " at a time 
 not remote," slavery would cease in the state by the " full 
 consent" of those interested. The laws of the state, as 
 we have seen, prohibited emancipation, with freedom to 
 remain on the soil ; all due care was taken to gain the 
 " voluntary " consent of the free colored people to go to 
 Africa by most oppressive laws ; a donation of two hun 
 dred thousand dollars was made by the state to the socie 
 ty. this sum increased, of course, by individual contribu 
 tions, and what is the result ? The Maryland society 
 has always carried on its operations independently : has 
 had its own colony at Cape Falmas, some two hundred 
 and twenty-five miles south-east of Monrovia ; and by a 
 statement made in 1852, in the Thirty-fifth Annual Report 
 of the American Colonization Society, had settled in that 
 
THK AM KR 1C AX COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 107 
 
 colony about eight hundred persons ! A mighty evidence 
 of the wish of the Maryland slaveholders to abolish sla 
 very ! A striking proof of that alleged wish was also 
 furnished in the .Maryland House of Delegates, when, in 
 1834, a member (Mr. Mann) moved an inquiry into the 
 expediency of abolishing slavery after a certain period, 
 which produced such a storm that the mover withdrew his 
 proposal, and the minute iuas expunged from the journal of 
 the house. 
 
 A simple fact reveals the real character and influence 
 of the scheme which the leading members of the American 
 Colonization Society viewed as so " benevolent," and 
 spoke of with the "highest gratification." The Maryland 
 Temperance Journal, of May 3, 1835, says, 
 
 " The time is not far distant, as every reflecting man 
 must be convinced, when the safety of the country will 
 require the expulsion of the blacks. The state has already 
 adopted this plan, (colonization.) . . . The African 
 coast will be strewn with cities, and then, when some fear 
 ful convulsion makes it necessary to BANISH THE WHOLE 
 MULTITUDE AT ONCE, a home and refuge shall be provided 
 in the land of their fathers." 
 
 But let us turn to a later period. In 1850, (March 11,) 
 an act was passed by the Virginia legislature, appropriat 
 ing thirty thousand dollars per year, for five years, to aid 
 the American Colonization Society in removing colored 
 persons, free and residents of the state at the date of its pas 
 sage, allowing only twenty-five dollars for each adult, and 
 fifteen dollars for children under ten years of age. The 
 act also levies a tax of one dollar annually on every free 
 black male between the ages of twenty-one and fifty-five, 
 which is to be added to the thirty thousand dollars, and 
 will amount to about fifteen thousand dollars. It will be 
 noticed that this act only allows the removal of residents 
 free at the date of its passage ; and as the laws of the state 
 
108 ORIGIN. CHARACTER. ANT) INFLUENCE OF 
 
 forbid emancipation with liberty to remain in its border?, 
 of course it does not at all encourage manumission. But the 
 colonizationists rejoice at this infamous act, even while 
 it compels its victims to help pay the price of transporting 
 their dearest friends to Africa, who shall be induced to go 
 voluntarily, perhaps, by persuasive floggings at midnight, 
 once alluded to by a Virginian, as administered in svuh 
 cases. They say, 
 
 " The Virginia legislature has made a noble beginning in 
 the work. ... It will be productive of great good, 
 and ultimately lead to the adoption of whatever measures 
 are necessary to meet the demands of the enterprise, so for 
 as Virginia is concerned. . . . The time has arrived 
 when something effectual must be done. . . . Several 
 schemes are now before the convention of that state. An 
 intelligent correspondent thinks they will not act hastily 
 or rashly, but with prudence, combined with firmness." 
 (Thirty-fourth Annual Report American Col. Soc.) 
 
 This act they also dignify as " a great moral demonstra 
 tion of the propriety and necessity of state action " ! Pub 
 lished with the Thirty-third Annual Report is an Address 
 to the Legislature and People of Virginia, by Rev. Mr. 
 Slaughter, (Agent Va. Col. Soc.,) in which the free colored 
 people are spoken of as "an evil of enormous magnitude." 
 With the Thirty-second Report is a Memorial to the Vir 
 ginia Legislature, the first paragraph of which closes by 
 saying, " The time has come when, if we do not boldly grap 
 ple the difficulties and control them, they will control us ; " 
 and the memorialists, after talking of " the St. Domingo 
 tragedy," have a smooth word about the elevation of Af 
 rica and the suppression of the slave trade, conclude the 
 work " ought to be done now ; " and Mr. Bailey (Agent 
 of Am. Col. Soc.) specially commends the memorial. Two 
 years afterward the " difficulties," so strongly alluded to, 
 were, partially at least, " grappled," and the Coloniza- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 109 
 
 lion Society, in its official report, rejoices with joy ex 
 ceeding ! 
 
 Let us turn to similar movements in the west. In the 
 Annual Report and Proceedings of the Society for 1849, 
 we find a Memorial to the Senate and Representatives of 
 Ohio, by DAVID CHRISTY, (Agent Am. Col. Soc. for Ohio.) 
 A document peculiarly calculated, and doubtless intended, 
 to stir up strange fears, and help on the evil work of keep 
 ing alive jealousy and bitter prejudice in that and the 
 neighboring states. He states that, 
 
 " Previous to 1800, the New England States had an in 
 creasing colored population, but that from 1800 to 1840 
 that population remained nearly stationary in numbers. 
 Meanwhile New York and Pennsylvania had an increase, 
 showing that emigration must have been southward, until, 
 from 1830 to 1840, these states began to repel this class 
 of people, and the increase was only one per cent, yearly ; 
 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, 
 and Georgia, during the same time, repelled half their 
 natural increase ; " and he concludes that a stream of col 
 ored emigration from ffteen states had " been concentrat 
 ing with almost equal rapidity in the Ohio valley." Ohio, 
 Indiana, and Illinois, in 1800, had only five hundred col 
 ored population ; in 1830, it had increased to fourteen 
 thousand eight hundred and thirty-four ; in 1840, to twen 
 ty-eight thousand and fifteen ; and is estimated in 1850 
 at fifty thousand, of which Ohio has about thirty thousand. 
 His conclusion is, that " the Ohio valley is the focus toward 
 which nearly the entire free colored population of the 
 country is concentrating ; ... no ordinary precau 
 tion can check this movement. We cannot, by any legis 
 lation, reach the causes which compel them to leave other 
 states. We cannot change the climate of the north-east, 
 . nor roll back the mighty tide of foreign emigra 
 tion, which supplies the east with a surplus of cheap labor, 
 10* 
 
110 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 and drives the man of color west to seek bread. . . . 
 It is still more impracticable to induce the slave states to 
 give up the prejudices which drive the colored man from 
 among them ; . . . the Ohio valley is, therefore, to 
 become the asylum for the victims of slave oppression, 
 and has been selected by the colored man as the theatre upon 
 which the great battle for the achievement of his rights is to 
 be fought: 
 
 . He fails to mention the fact, that, during the past fifty 
 years, the white population of that same region has swelled 
 from about fifty thousand to three millions and a half. 
 When we remember, too, that the whole free colored pop 
 ulation of the country is only some six hundred thousand, 
 (their natural increase being, according to Mr. Christy, 
 two per cent, yearly,) how many of the growing millions 
 in the older sections of our country are, and will be, turn 
 ing westward, what a vast stream of foreign emigration 
 is pouring into that region, it must at once be seen that, 
 even supposing, what is beyond probability, that forty 
 years hence half the free colored population shall be in 
 the Ohio valley, their number would be very small com 
 pared to the millions of whites who will then be residents 
 there ; and the broad territory and great fertility of soil 
 would afford room enough, support abundant, for all. The 
 far west, stretching away to the distant Pacific, is open, 
 too, for the white man or the black man. 
 
 So the phantoms conjured up by the evil imagination of 
 this colonization agent vanish into " airy nothings, 77 when 
 looked at with cool and undistorted vision. How absurd, 
 too, the idea of a people dwelling in so wide and rich a 
 land, who are constantly saying to the millions of Europe, 
 " There s room enough for all," being alarmed lest a few 
 colored people may seek a home among them ! how basely 
 wicked the thought that there is no room in the beautiful 
 valley of the Ohio for the colored man ! But the coloni- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. Ill 
 
 zationist is not content even to "leave prejudices as they 
 are ; " they might die out, and then the society would die 
 with them, when it were sad indeed to think of poor be 
 nighted Africa, whither no more " nuisances " might go as 
 missionaries under its benevolent auspices ! Mr. Christy 
 is in earnest in this matter ; feels -deeply his responsibility, 
 doubtless. He thinks the colored man has selected his 
 place, whereon to turn, like the desperate stag at bay, 
 and fight his "great battle for the achievement of his 
 rights ; " this is his last refuge ; " forewarned, forearmed," 
 should be the motto ; that all may be ready to make the 
 last grand onslaught upon this abused race a successful one, 
 and send them (of course, only with cheerful, voluntary, con 
 sent] to Liberia. 1 Men of Ohio, of the north-west, what 
 say you ? Will you join in this crusade ? It would seem 
 (so devout colonizationists say) that Providence has pre 
 pared this race to evangelize Africa. Can you, will you, 
 allow them long to remain here, and thus seek to defeat 
 such wise designs ? 
 
 The memorial states that the framers of the constitu 
 tion " never intended to Africanize the state/ 7 and that 
 there is a " fixedness of purpose " on the part of the great 
 majority of the whites never to allow the colored man 
 " equal social or political privileges." ..." This de 
 cision is not based upon hostility to th.e black man, but 
 upon the conviction that the true interests of both recog 
 nize a distinct political organization." The advantages 
 of Liberia are duly set forth ; mention is made of a pro 
 posed purchase of a territory north of Liberia, to be called 
 Ohio in Africa ; and an appropriation is asked for in aid 
 of colonization. The appropriation has not, we believe, 
 been granted. In the Society s Report for 1851, it is said 
 that, in Ohio, " the scheme of colonization is one, not mere 
 ly of humanity and sound policy, but of great and overpou> 
 ering necessity " 
 
11 "2 <>ni<;iX. CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 111 1850, we find Mr. Christy giving lectures to the 
 members of the Legislature and State Constitutional Con 
 vention, (of course, it was all-important that a new consti 
 tution they were framing should be as well calculated as 
 possible to work out the "ultimate and unbounded good" 
 of the colored people.) In one of these lectures the ad 
 vantages to the slaves of having lived in this land of " free 
 Christianity " are enlarged upon, the condition of the 
 slave here contrasted with his condition in other coun 
 tries, and the conclusion reached that our shivery is the 
 most elevating in the world; "that only in the United 
 States can the white man obtain possession and free exer 
 cise of all the elements of civilization and progress ; " that 
 it is only here that " the colored man has had the opportu 
 nity (for which he should praise God and "thank the slave 
 traders and owners) of enjoying any part of these bless 
 ings, and witnessing any portion of the whole ; " and that 
 only the United States " possesses the necessary agents, in 
 the persons of intelligent and industrious colored men," 
 (" nuisances," " the most abandoned in our land " ?) " to re 
 cover Africa from barbarism, and bestow upon that be 
 nighted land, as we are now doing in Liberia, all the 
 elements " of civilization, &c. 
 
 In another lecture a scheme is shadowed forth dimly to 
 purchase and transport to Africa all the slaves, and by 
 their labor there seek to substitute tropical products pro 
 duced by free labor, in place of those produced by slave 
 labor, which now supply the markets and employ the com 
 merce of the world. A scheme admirably calculated to 
 create a complacent feeling of benevolence in the minds 
 of his hearers, as they dreamily thought of its execution 
 in the distant future, of course, eminently practicable. It 
 may be, ere long, one of the results of the growing strength 
 of the antislavery movement, that slaveholders, seeing they 
 cannot long retain their "human chattels," may propose 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. lliJ 
 
 the compromise of a wholesale purchase. Colonizationists 
 are keen to follow the instincts of slavery. 
 
 In. the session of the legislature of Ohio, in 1852-3, a 
 bill was introduced into the Senate, commonly known as 
 " CUSHING S BILL," from its author s name. Its infamous 
 provisions were, that after January 1, 1854, no black or 
 mulatto, not a resident of the state, should be allowed to 
 settle therein ; that every resident shall register his or her 
 name, and pay a fee for the registration ; all not regis 
 tered to be treated as non-residents ; non-residents not to 
 hold real estate, and any devised to them to be forfeit to 
 the state ; those violating the act to be imprisoned riot 
 less than six months ; assessors and recorders to make and 
 compare lists of colored persons, and return to the pros 
 ecuting attorney any names found not registered, who shall 
 arrest and prosecute such persons, arid shall also institute 
 suits for estates to be forfeited. Assessors, recorders, and 
 prosecuting attorneys failing to do these duties, to be fined 
 fifty dollars and made incapable of holding any office of 
 trust or profit in the state. The bill was defeated, and 
 Ohio saved from the disgrace of its passage. In the Afri 
 can Repository of April, 1853, we find an abstract of this 
 bill, under the heading, " Negro Exclusion," published 
 without a word of comment. 
 
 Let us now turn to Indiana. In 1850, the Indiana State 
 Sentinel said, " Two years ago the friends of Liberia in this 
 state commenced a system of petition and correspondence, 
 inviting the attention of the statesmen of the nation to 
 the subject of a national plan of colonization. . . . 
 The nation is fully ripe for the movement ; and what we 
 rejoice in is, that our own state has nobly taken the lead 
 and kept it ; the joint resolutions 7 of our General Assem 
 bly on the subject have been published, with expressions 
 of much favor, in the leading journals of our own country, 
 and have found their way to Europe and Africa." This is 
 
114 ORNHN, CHARACTER. AND IXFl.l EXCK OF 
 
 copied in a pamphlet on " Colonization by a Line of Mail 
 Steamers." The next year the governor of that state, in 
 his annual message to the legislature, highly commends 
 colonization, and says, " In the great struggle for the sepa 
 ration of the black man from the white, let Indiana take 
 her stand ; put her agent into the field; her citizens are 
 ready." 
 
 This we find in an extract from his message in the A:K 
 iiual Report of the American Colonization Society for 
 1851, and in the same report it is stated that "a large 
 majority of the citizens of Indiana are warmly in favor of 
 some state action ; feel keenly the evils arising 
 
 from the existence of two distinct races on the same soil." 
 The iniquitous provisions of the new constitution of Indi 
 ana, framed in 1850-51, are given, by which negroes and 
 nudattoes are excluded hereafter from settling in their 
 limits ; all contracts made with them declared void ; any 
 one employing them, or encouraging them to remain in 
 the state, liable to a line from ten to one hundred dollars, 
 and all such fines to be appropriated to the colonization 
 of free colored people in the state! All the comment 
 made on these atrocious provisions is, " This article is 
 to be submitted to a separate vote of the people. There 
 is scarcely a doubt it will be adopted; yet it is taking- 
 ground ahead of any other state. It was thought very cruel 
 in Illinois, a short time ago, to adopt a policy to prevent 
 any more free colored persons from coming into the state. 
 But this action of Indiana goes far ahead of that, and 
 looks to their ultimate and entire removal from the 
 state ! " 
 
 In notes are appended an extract from the Cincinnati 
 Daily Commercial telling of the "pestiferous class of free 
 blacks," of the " growing impudence " of the Ohio negro 
 population, and commending the Indiana provisions ; also 
 part of a speech by Mr. Morrison, of Indiana, in the con- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 115 
 
 stitutional convention, giving his reasons for excluding the 
 negroes, and divesting them hereafter of the right of hold 
 ing property he would " increase their disabilities/ 7 
 hoping " the results may be most advantageous to them 
 selves, 1 by leading them to go elsewhere ; and an apologetic 
 article from tlie Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, which "can 
 not sympathize with the spirit which prompts the intro 
 duction of such sweepingly prescriptive provisions into 
 the constitution of a free state " still sees in them only an 
 evidence of a feeling every where existing, and thinks, is 
 sanguine, that the " colonizing the colored population " of 
 the country can be accomplished, " with proper govern 
 mental aid ; " but the free blacks must be " recovered from 
 the malign influence of their worst enemies, the ultra 
 abolitionists, before much can be accomplished." 
 
 In April, 1852, an act passed the Indiana legislature. 
 .appropriating five thousand dollars, and also the fines 
 collected for violation of the constitution by colored per 
 sons in the provisions touching them, and such voluntary 
 contributions as might be made, as a fund for colonization, 
 to be placed at the disposal of a state board, composed of 
 the governor, secretary, and auditor of the state. This 
 board met in March, 1853, at Indianapolis, placed one 
 thousand dollars at the disposal of the secretary of the 
 Colonization Society, and arranged to place other funds in 
 his hands, to colonize emigrants sent by them to Liberia ; 
 they also chose REV. JAS. MITCHELL agent and secretary, 
 authorized him to spend a portion of his time in the states 
 of Illinois, Michigan, and Iowa, and directed the governor 
 to correspond with the governors of those states, to obtain 
 their cooperation in the work. 
 
 The African Repository for May, 1853, publishes the act 
 and proceedings, merely speaking of it as "showing what 
 had been done by the authorities of Indiana " to aid those 
 " who may desire assistance to enable them to emigrate ; " 
 
116 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 and commends Mr. Mitchell as also a " regularly commis 
 sioned agent " of the parent society, saying, u We are 
 pleased to see that the friends of colonization in Indiana 
 have resolved to sustain him in his work." 
 
 What kindly cooperation ! After these legislators have 
 done all that law-making could do to drive the colored 
 people from the state, by framing a constitution unequalled 
 for its grinding oppression so far as they are concerned, 
 and a legislature sworn to support its provisions have 
 passed an act appropriating the fines inhumanly wrung from 
 colored men by the action of that terrible " bond," to aid 
 in their expatriation to Liberia, the agent of the American 
 Colonization Society sustaining also the relation to this 
 Indiana board of agent can do the work of both, and 
 find that work as it were one, since the moneys raised in 
 the west pass into the office at Washington. This is the 
 testimony this benevolent association, so full of solicitude 
 for the colored man in Africa, bears in regard to his 
 oppression here ! 
 
 The Thirty-second Annual Report, already quoted from 
 in the next paragraph, after its comments on the Indiana 
 constitution, says, 
 
 " Not far behind the convention of Indiana comes on 
 the legislature of IOWA, that young and vigorous state " 
 and then says they have introduced a bill for the removal 
 of all colored persons emancipated in other states, and 
 hereafter settling in that, and disqualifying those already 
 there from holding any more real estate. 
 
 What noble emulation ! In the eye of these official colo 
 nization authorities Iowa, young but vigorous, is " not far 
 behind " Indiana in these movements ! 
 
 ILLINOIS passed " An Act to prevent the Emigration of 
 Free Negroes into this State," which went into operation 
 early in the present year. It prohibits any person from 
 bringing any negro or mulatto, bond or free, into the state, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 117 
 
 to remain, under penalty of from one hundred to five hun 
 dred dollars, and imprisonment for a year; colored persons 
 or slaves can pass through the state ; prohibits any negro 
 or mulatto, bond or free, from staying in the state ten days 
 with intent to remain, under a penalty of fifty dollars, to 
 be adjudged by jury trials ; if the fine be not paid, the 
 offender, after ten days notice, is to be sold by the sJieriff, at 
 auction, to the person who will pay such fine for the short 
 est term of the culprit s servitude, to clothe and lodge 
 their servant comfortably while working out the fine ; a 
 repetition is fined fifty dollars half the fine goes to the 
 complainant, half to the poor ; slave claimants can take 
 their " property " when under arrest for breach of this 
 law by paying costs, and, on clue proof, justices of the 
 peace refusing to issue writs shall be deemed guilty of non- 
 feasance , where the jury find the negro or mulatto not 
 guilty, they shall render judgment against the complainant 
 or prosecuting witness, who can have the right of appeal ; 
 one fourth negro blood shall be deemed a mulatto. 
 
 An abstract of this act is published in the Repository for 
 April, with a few comments from the Journal of Commerce. 
 We look in vain through the official organ for one word 
 of manly protest against its nefarious provisions. The 
 editor of the New York Colonization Journal speaks of it 
 as a " retrograde movement, altogether adverse to the ten 
 dencies of this age and country ; " says that " the possibility 
 of introducing a species of slavery in a free state is 
 astonishing. ... So far as the Colonization Society 
 is concerned, it cannot sympathize with any harsh or oppres 
 sive treatment of the free colored population. Its mem 
 bers, as far as we know them at the north, and chiefly at 
 the south, mourn over the continuance of slavery in our 
 country as a great evil to white and black alike," and 
 have looked earnestly for its abolition by act of legisla 
 ture. &c. He thinks that, " as an act of self-respect, tho 
 11 
 
118 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 next legislature will repeal the act." "We give his word, 
 that such credit as may be due be awarded. Well may 
 Mr. Pinney be astonished at this result of a spirit fostered 
 by the movement of which he has been long a laborious 
 and earnest advocate ; doubtless other colonizationists at 
 the north share this astonishment. Let such remember 
 that the labors of colonization agents, and the speeches of 
 colonization orators, have helped to kindle this fire, that 
 has left its black and disgraceful stain on the statute books 
 of a state which should be pure from such pollution ; let 
 them think of the efforts made to awaken the jealous fears 
 of the dwellers in the Ohio valley. As to the society not 
 sympathizing with oppressive treatment, all can judge how 
 that has been, from the facts presented : this mourning 
 over slavery is an old process ; many a slave driver does 
 that. If a few leading colonizationists would even send 
 their slaves to Liberia, it might be some small evidence of 
 their sorrow. 
 
 In the Thirty-fourth Annual Report, the appropriation 
 of Virginia about forty -five thousand dollars for five 
 years is hailed as a noble beginning. In the thirty-sixth 
 report, it is stated that New Jersey has taken the lead 
 among free states, with one thousand yearly for two years. 
 Pennsylvania has granted two thousand, and Indiana five 
 thousand, (no mention of the fines ;) and these grants, 
 gained by much importunity, are hailed only as small be 
 ginnings of a great work. 
 
 Resolves are also published in favor of colonization by 
 the legislatures of Louisiana, Alabama, and Connecticut ; 
 and Governor Hunt, of New York, receives due meed of 
 praise for his appeal to the legislature for an appropria 
 tion ; the subject, they are assured, " will not be allowed 
 to sleep " in that quarter. Thus we see with what craft, 
 and skill, and ceaseless perseverance the society moves 
 along in its evil work. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 119 
 
 Iii 1840, in the Appendix of the Annual Report, is an 
 article on appropriations by general and state govern 
 ments, urging that the time has now come for " more en 
 larged operations." They say that "if the presence of 
 the Indian tribes in our midst was a great evil, requiring 
 their removal, surely the existence of the colored race is 
 a great political evil, and their removal an immense na- 
 tional blessing," and government has the " power to act. 77 
 If their presence has been a good to us, but an evil to 
 them, then certainly we are bound in duty to remove them ; 
 there is a " moral irtness " in the work. The memorials to 
 Ohio and Virginia, asking for appropriations, are given, it 
 is stated, together, as they present the reasons why the two 
 great sections of the union should act. It will be remem 
 bered that the main reason offered to Virginia was the 
 dangerous presence of free blacks among a slave popula 
 tion ; to Ohio, the dread of a negro population. So, be 
 tween these upper and nether millstones, the colored race 
 is to be ground to powder unless they go to Liberia, where 
 sure death awaits a large proportion, as past Liberian 
 experience shows ! 
 
 The petition of Judge Bryam, of Alabama, and others, 
 for a line of mail steamers to carry mails and emigrants 
 to Liberia, and touch at various ports in Europe, and the 
 report to Congress of HON. F. P. STANTON, of Tennessee, 
 from the committee to whom it was referred in July, 1850, 
 were used as means of calling forth a multitude of ex 
 pressions in favor of colonization, from the press and from 
 prominent public men all over the country. The plan 
 was for government to build three steamers, of four thou 
 sand tons burden, to cost about nine hundred thousand 
 dollars each, and fco be used by the nation in case of war ; 
 to receive forty thousand dollars a trip for carrying the 
 mails to Liberia, Lisbon, London, &c., and to transport 
 
120 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 some two thousand five hundred emigrants each voyage, 
 for the Colonization Society, at a charge of ten dollars for 
 adults, and five dollars for children, making twelve voyages 
 a year. Two pamphlets were published in New York, 
 and extensively circulated, advocating the scheme ; every 
 colonization journal was constant in its praise, and every 
 effort was made to make capital for the movement : the 
 project failed ; the title of Ebony Line Scheme" was 
 given to it. (Of course, all the thirty thousand emigrants 
 those steamers could transport would go voluntarily.) The 
 Maryland constitutional convention, the Virginia legisla 
 ture and convention, the Ohio convention, two thirds 
 of its members, memorialized Congress in favor of the 
 " Ebony Line." 
 
 At a later date, we have the last great move of the col- 
 onizationists, known as " Stanley s Bill," introduced in 
 Congress June 4, 1852, by HON. EDWARD STANLEY, M. C., 
 of North Carolina, for depositing the fourth instalment of 
 the public money with the states, in the ratio of their pop 
 ulation and representation, the interest to be appropriated 
 to African colonization ; and when the work was done, 
 the free blacks all transported to Liberia or elsewhere, 
 the fund to be used for the education of the poor, or inter 
 nal improvements. 
 
 The amount of the instalment was nine million three 
 hundred and sixty-seven thousand two hundred and four 
 teen dollars and ninety-eight cents, and the yearly interest 
 four hundred and sixty-eight thousand three hundred and 
 sixty dollars and ninety-eight cents, sufficient to transport 
 to Liberia, at a cost of fifty dollars each, nine thousand 
 five hundred and sixty-six emigrants, who, of course, would 
 at once choose to go. The passage of this bill was probably 
 hardly expected at the time, but was warmly urged by the 
 Repository and other colonization papers, the Journal, of 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 121 
 
 New York, being specially earnest in the work. But the 
 scheme may be renewed, for fear and hatred know no rest, 
 ever stung to activity, by " the worm that dieth not." 
 
 Other facts of a similar character might be given, but 
 enough has been done to prove abundantly the real aim 
 of this movement the wholesale expatriation of the free 
 colored population, and keeping the slaves in chains until 
 they may be freed and expatriated, if their masters choose 
 so to do. Where is the " exclusive object " of colonizing, 
 " with their own consent," free people of color ? Cast aside, 
 trampled under foot, by slaveholders and their allies. 
 Some colonizationists, doubtless, may abhor the sentiments 
 and plans we have exhibited ; but that avails little ; the 
 inexorable law of rule or ruin is above them, and the 
 slaveholder or his ally controls the movement which they 
 countenance and aid. 
 
 This chapter may appropriately close by a paragraph 
 from an address of HON. R. W. THOMPSON, of Indiana, at 
 the annual meeting of the*society in 1849 : 
 
 " It does not offer any oppression or injustice to the free. It 
 proposes to colonize, with their own consent, those who 
 are free, and it appeals to the humane and philanthropic ; 
 it summons the highest motives of patriotism, and, in the 
 name of all that is noble and great, it calls for aid to carry 
 out its designs of mercy ! " 
 
122 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 SLAVERY A PROA 7 IDENTIAL DISPENSATION! 
 
 EMINENT colonizationists, especially the religious advo 
 cates of the society, are mucn given to presenting slavery 
 as a providential dispensation for the elevation of the 
 enslaved and the regeneration of Africa a most effectual 
 mode of quieting the consciences of those who may be 
 troubled by the, presence of this overshadowing iniquity. 
 
 The voice of God speaking in every heart, the words of 
 olden prophets, the beautiful precepts of Jesus, the in 
 stincts of our common humanity, all would lead us to 
 recognize slavery as a crime, to demand that all men have 
 restored to them the birthright of freedom of which they 
 had been robbed. 
 
 But there are those who would seek to penetrate into 
 the mysteries of Infinity, and talk with impious familiar 
 ity of the " designs of an all-wise Providence," to divert 
 us from plain duties that lie within our reach. 
 
 Let fetters be forged for us let our wives and daugh 
 ters, our mothers and sisters, be sold on the auction block 
 to lives of toil and infamy let the lash be plied over 
 our bleeding persons and then, should we see men stand 
 ing with our oppressors, talking of the " sacred right " of 
 property, and discoursing with solemn wisdom of provi 
 dential designs for our elevation and the regeneration of 
 some distant land whence our fathers came centuries ago, 
 what would be our feelings ? Should we not look upon 
 those men as either basely wicked, or deluded themselves 
 and deluding others "blind leading the blind"? 
 
 Let us see some of these specimens of a self-complacent 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 123 
 
 but wicked and delusive philanthropy, so unlike that " ro 
 bust and manly virtue " which John Milton extolled in his 
 day, and which we so much need in ours. 
 
 " I am thoroughly convinced there is a better thing than 
 the mere doing away of slavery. . . . The elevation 
 of the colored race is that better work ! . . . There 
 seems to me, in connection with this subject, a beautiful 
 illustration of what HALL calls a fetch in divine Prov 
 idence. 7 God had a design in bringing these people to 
 this country. . . . "We cannot probably see the whole 
 of it. ... There are now in this country more than 
 three hundred thousand Africans who can read and write, 
 who could not have done it if it had not been for the 
 slave trade ! . . . How came these people by all this 
 knowledge ? ... It has been done by slavery. . . . 
 And now we send them back to Africa with a preparation 
 for doing a great work there, which we never could have 
 imparted to them in any other way. ... In this 
 view of the subject, we may perceive, at least, one good 
 which slavery has done for Africa ; and the question may 
 with propriety be asked, whether it has not done for 
 Africa more good than harm. It is not for me to say 
 what might have been done for the welfare of Africa if 
 the slave trade had not existed. . . . But we have 
 nothing to do with the ifs and ands of the case ; we have 
 taken the broad ground that slavery has done Africa and the 
 African race a good, a great good, and we believe that 
 all must admit the facts!" (REV. JOEL PARKER, D. D., 
 Annual Meeting Am. Col. Soc. 1847.) 
 
 . . . " It is true, in some sense, that every native- 
 born colored man may claim this as his country. So 
 might the Israelites, while in captivity in Egypt, have 
 claimed that as their "country. But still, in the contem 
 plation of that all-wise Being who directed the progress 
 of that remarkable people, Egypt was not their country. 
 
124 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 It was Canaan, the land of promise ; and thither they were 
 taken as to their home. Who can doubt that Africa is 
 the real home of the black man, though, by a casual event, 
 he may have had his birth on these shores ? Here . . . 
 he cannot live on equality with those about him ; and it 
 does seem to me one of the disposals of an all-wise Prov 
 idence to permit him to have been brought here, with an 
 ultimate view to the further accomplishment by him of in 
 scrutable but wise and merciful designs. The separation 
 of the races is a measure recommended not only by the 
 good of both, but by the prospect that Africa . . . 
 may thus be brought to the light and blessings of Chris 
 tianity." (Hon. Henry Clay, Annual Meeting, 1848.) 
 
 The colonizationists, probably, have had another MOSES 
 to tell them where the Canaan of the colored race is, and 
 how it is to be reached ; without some new revelation 
 on the matter, surely they would not speak with such 
 certainty. 
 
 " And now, looking upon this subject in a religious light, 
 there are some things which our brethren of the north 
 ought seriously to ponder. . . The African here is 
 a superior animal to the African on his native continent. 
 . . . But it is the religious blessings the African has 
 enjoyed in this country which are his greatest advantages. 
 . . . In all our missionary churches, there are fifty-six 
 thousand converts. In the Methodist, Baptist, and Pres 
 byterian churches of the south, there are two hundred and 
 fifty-six thousand professed African believers in Jesus. If 
 these Africans had not come to this country, probably not 
 one of them would have ever heard the gospel," (Rev. 
 Dr. Fuller, Annual Meeting, 1851.) 
 
 " In the mean time, the black man had been trained in 
 the habits of civilized life been made acquainted with 
 the Christian religion, and been gradually rising. . . . 
 For many years previous. Christian men Jia.d been anx- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 125 
 
 iously pondering the problem of the conversion of Africa 
 to Christianity. . . . The experiment was tried for 
 more than two hundred years, and the result was an abso 
 lute failure ; and the bones of a noble army of martyrs 
 bleached on the burning sands of that benighted land. 
 When the heart of Christendom had again sunk down 
 into apathy, and black despair seemed to settle over the 
 prospect in that direction, then it was that the happy 
 thought occurred to many Christian minds who had been 
 long pondering the problem presented by the presence of 
 the free colored people in this country, and also the un 
 happy condition of Africa, of taking these very persons, 
 whose presence was not desired here, . . . and sending 
 them back to the land of their fathers, bearing with them 
 the ark of God and all the institutions of a Christian 
 civilization. 
 
 " Here is one of those remarkable instances in which 
 divine Providence acts far out of the sight of man. In 
 allowing these persons to be kept here for two hundred 
 years in contact with the institutions of a Christian civili 
 zation, daily rising in the scale of intellectual and moral 
 improvement, having become acquainted with the princi 
 ples, and in many instances imbued with the spirit, of the 
 religion of Jesus Christ, God, as it has been beautifully 
 and eloquently said, had been long elaborating in the 
 depths of his own unfathomable counsel, just as he elabo 
 rates the diamond in the mine, that gem of Christian civ 
 ilization which now blazes on the sable brow of Africa. 7 
 (Rev. Philip Slaughter, of Va. Annual Meeting, 1852.) 
 
 u Degradation has made slaves, not slavery degradation. 
 Reduce this assembly to slavery, you would not degrade a 
 person present. Put slaves into good Christian families 
 from a state of degradation, and you elevate -them. For 
 example : slaves in the older and more refined parts of 
 Virginia are very polite, well-mannered, and talk good 
 
120 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 cornfield grammar. . . . But 1 make no apology for 
 slavery. We should bless God that he can make the 
 wrath of man to praise him. But to come back to this 
 degradation. Think of such as in their descent have been 
 degraded as slaves, for a thousand years it may be, 
 brought out of this degradation into nominally, really 
 Christian families, under Christian masters. They arc to 
 be raised from degradation. They are your brethren and 
 fellow-men. Though sunken in degradation, they are to 
 be elevated to a high estate, to the very society of Christ 
 and his saints in his kingdom that is to come. Now, the 
 best we can do for the elevation of this race is, to send 
 them to Africa." (REV. JOEL PARKER, D. I)., at Utica, N. Y.) 
 
 Strange talk this ; slavery has made no degradation ! 
 These poor degraded beings are to be raised to the socie 
 ty of saints in heaven. We fear such as arc so anxious to 
 send the colored man to Liberia will be obliged to " con 
 quer their prejudices " before such a heaven would be at 
 all agreeable ; they would want to form a colonization 
 society, and have some Liberia in the abodes of the blessed 
 for the negro, that they might love him at a distance. 
 
 " When he looked upon the colored man in this country, 
 he said he felt ready to stretch out his hand to him with 
 a degree of sympathy he felt for no other class. He re 
 garded them as the civilized instruments for redeeming 
 Africa from her bondage. . . . God in his wisdom 
 had permitted a portion of this race to be taken away 
 from their own shores, and planted in the lap of American 
 civilization, and around the altars of American Christiani 
 ty. Those here to-night are descendants of one of the 
 worst races in the world, and when brought to this coun 
 try were placed in a situation better adapted, perhaps, 
 than any other to fit them for their work. . . . The 
 Africans in this country are infinitely better off than any 
 other portion of the African race, except the colonies the 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 127 
 
 Society has planted. God s design in introducing Africans 
 into this country ; . . . the great object to be effected 
 by it, is the civilization and salvation of that portion of 
 the race placed there, (in Africa.) . . . America had 
 clone for the negroes what no other nation in the world 
 has done ; and he believed God designed to make this 
 country a school for the African race. In twenty-four 
 states of the Union he had visited the negro population ; 
 he had found no portion of them so happy, so industrious, 
 so pious, as in the Southern States, and particularly in 
 Mississippi and Alabama. He had often lifted his hands in 
 gratitude to God to find that, of all the men who had de 
 voted themselves to the welfare of the blacks, the best and 
 most self-sacrificing had been among the masters of the 
 south. 7 (REV. J. M. PEASE, Col. Agent, at meeting in 
 church of Rev. Dr. Spring, New York, on sailing of brig 
 Zeno, for Liberia, with thirty-seven emigrants. N. Y. Col. 
 Journal, September, 1851.) 
 
 A great mistake, it would seem, has ever been commit 
 ted by our missionary societies ; they should revive the 
 slave trade, bring a good number of Burmese, Hindoos, 
 Sandwich Islanders, c., to our country, plant them " around 
 the altars of American Christianity/ 7 and, in due time, 
 colonize their descendants, prepared for a great work of 
 elevating and evangelizing their benighted countrymen. 
 
 At the entrance of the Gallinas River, on the African 
 coast, some sixty miles north of Monrovia, a Spanish slave 
 dealer, of great wealth and influence, for many years car 
 ried on his traffic. The name of PEDRO BLANCO was wide 
 ly known, and it was no uncommon thing for ten thousand 
 slaves to pass through his hands yearly. He was a finely- 
 educated man, of gentlemanly manners, and in his style of 
 living mingled the state of a Spanish Don and the grandeur 
 of a native prince. Near the mouth of the river, on an 
 island, was his place of business, where captains of slavers 
 
128 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 and others visited him.; along the shores were lookouts, 
 at intervals raised on trees one hundred feet high, or on 
 poles, where men could sit, sheltered from the sun and rain, 
 and sweep the horizon with their powerful spyglasses to 
 know at a distance the character of approaching vessels, 
 and convey tidings. On an island more retired was his 
 harem of native women, and his home and retreats for 
 lounging, smoking, <fec. On another island was a house 
 for his sister, who spent some time with him. On as many 
 more islands were some ten or twelve barracoons, capable 
 of holding from one hundred to one thousand slaves each, 
 where -the chattels were kept under the care of experienced 
 and careful overseers ; great numbers of large canoes were 
 moored at hand, ready to transport one thousand slaves 
 on board a ship in four hours, in case of need. He was 
 said to be as kind to his slaves as possible under circum 
 stances. He justified himself in his business, by declaring 
 that the condition of the natives is greatly improved by 
 removal to Christian countries ; and that he was effecting 
 more good than all the missionaries in Africa, inasmuch 
 as they convert comparatively few, while he yearly sends 
 thousands where the influence of Christian institutions 
 could mould their character and affect their hearts." 
 ("New Republic," p. 192.) He would have been quite re 
 freshed by listening to the discourses of some pious colo- 
 nizationists on the providential aspects of slavery ; indeed, 
 it would seem that he must have read some stray leaves 
 of their productions. 
 
 " We entirely agree with Commodore Stockton, in his 
 recent letter (to Daniel Webster) on the subject of slavery 
 and colonization. . . . We think that slavery in 
 America is but the herald of civilization and liberty in Africa. 
 The first mention of the sale of a human being is that of 
 Joseph to the Midianite merchantmen. He says himself 
 of his slavery, (Gen. 1. 20,) But God meant it unto good, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 129 
 
 to save much people alive. A great dispensation of Prov 
 idence was wrought out of the bondage of Joseph. So, 
 also, it seems to us, the slavery of the African in the Unit 
 ed States is designed, by the inscrutable wisdom of Prov 
 idence, for the future benefit of Africa." (N. Y. Globe; 
 copied in pamphlet on Colonization and Mail Steamers.) 
 
 " It will then (when Liberia shall be great and prosper 
 ous) be seen, doubtless, that a wise Providence suffered 
 this race to pass through a long season of oppression, in 
 order that ultimately they might be elevated. They were 
 under a curse for sin. The trial was a very sore one. But 
 the seeds were sown in their hearts, as American bondmen, 
 which, when transplanted, spring up in great glory and 
 fruitfulness." (Speech of HON. I\. W. THOMPSON, Annual 
 Meeting, 1849.) 
 
 Extenuating guilt by this wretched cant about the ways 
 of Providence is basely wicked, deceptive, dangerous. 
 Granting that, to our imperfect vision, good may follow 
 from evil, shall that diminish our deep sense of the guilt 
 of the wrong doer, or check for a moment our effort to 
 destroy the wrong ? Scarcely a deed of darkness can be 
 found on the pages of history but that a providential view 
 might be taken of its bearings, highly pleasing to the ty 
 rant or the villain who committed it. At the south are 
 children born of slave mothers, in whose veins, from the 
 fathers side, flows the best blood of the Old Dominion. 
 They inherit too the talents of those fathers ; but who dare 
 point to their elevation in this respect, and speak of the 
 passions which gave them birth, as dispensations of an all- 
 wise Providence for the elevation of those in bonds, and 
 thus extenuate the guilt of the slaveholder ? Yet the 
 abrogation of marriage, and the awful licentiousness con 
 sequent, is but a part of the slave system the less in 
 cluded in the greater sin. 
 
 These few extracts must suffice ; the same views and 
 12 
 
130 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 expressions quoted often occur when colonizationists dwell 
 upon the religious aspect of their cause. They must be 
 peculiarly soothing to the slaveholder or his apologist : 
 whoever would " remember those in bonds as bound with 
 them/ must be moved at their perusal by mingled feelings 
 of pity and righteous indignation. But we are assured, 
 (Thirty-sixth Annual Report,) " The aggregate of what the 
 Colonization Society has done in all past time stamps upon 
 it the character of the broadest benevolence, 
 capable of reversing the dark destinies of a continent, and 
 stretching its results over all future time " ! 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 131 
 
 SAVED THE UNION! 
 
 AMONG the priceless benefits the Colonization Society 
 has conferred upon the country in its career of " noiseless 
 beneficence," it may not be generally known that it has 
 helped to save the Union ; and its leading advocates have 
 demonstrated that a successful prosecution of its great ob 
 jects would make our country safe be} T ond a peradventurc. 
 
 We record some of the facts bearing on this point, that 
 full justice be done to the Society in this important par 
 ticular. 
 
 It is well known for politicians and statesmen of 
 great experience and ability, and the most self-sacrificing 
 patriotism, have informed us of the fact that the Union, 
 in imminent danger from " sectional difficulties " and " high 
 er law doctrines/ was barely saved by the passage of the 
 Compromise Acts of 1850, and especially of that impor 
 tant enactment, the Fugitive Slave Law. Upon the per 
 petuity of that law, and the fidelity with which it is obeyed, 
 it is said the very existence of the Union depends ; and it 
 is well known, that for the past three years, whenever a 
 certain class of politicians and clergymen talk of obedi 
 ence to the laws and the preservation of the Union, the 
 terms are synonymous with maintaining the compromises 
 of 1850, and standing ready to catch fugitive slaves, in 
 obedience to the law for such cases " made and provided." 
 The meaning of these synonymes will be duly borne in 
 mind as we place on record a few extracts from addresses 
 of leading colonizationists, chosen spokesmen at the meet 
 ings of this Society. 
 
 At the annual meeting in Washington, in the hall of 
 
132 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 the House of Representatives, in January, 1849, eminent 
 men, foreseeing the awful danger, raised a voice of faith 
 ful warning. 
 
 " How shall we get clear of the influences which almost 
 daily agitate this hall, and cause excitement and agitation 
 which almost threaten the dissolution of this glorious 
 Union ? This Union I speak, I am sure, the sentiments 
 of every heart here this Union must not be dissolved. 
 . . . Is there no common ground on which we can 
 meet and harmoniously stand ? There is ! This Society 
 is that blessed spot. ... I see enrolled in its past 
 and present advocacy a long list of worthies from the 
 north, the south, the east, the west. . . . And here 
 with safety and success may meet and mingle all religious 
 denominations, all patriots and philanthropists, all judges 
 and legislators, and pour in this wide channel the swell 
 ing stream of their patriotism and benevolence ! Is not 
 this common ground ? On it let us gather ; and the 
 world shall acknowledge the deed ! " (Address of HON. 
 R. W. THOMPSON, of Ind.) 
 
 On the same occasion, HON. R. J. WALKER, of Miss., 
 Secretary of the Treasury, introduced a resolve commend 
 ing the Society, among other reasons, especially as furnish 
 ing ground on which all could unite, " and at the same 
 time accomplish the glorious purpose of preserving the 
 harmony and perpetuating the Union of the States." 
 
 The Hon. R. M. McLANE, of Maryland, also said, " Ev 
 ery man of whatever color owes this Union a responsibility 
 great beyond whatever he has conceived of ! By uphold 
 ing and aiding the Society in its great and benevolent 
 work, he may exert an influence for the perpetuity of the 
 Union not possible in any other way" 
 
 The work of the Society is to send the free negroes to 
 Africa, and we can see no so effectual way in which the 
 colored man can serve it as to go there forthwith, and thus 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 133 
 
 discharge his great responsibility. It is evident at once 
 that, if aid to colonization assists more than is " possible 
 in any other way" to the perpetuity of the Union, the 
 presence of the free colored people endangers it. They 
 should feel this, go to -Liberia en masse, and when there, 
 repeat proudly to each other those lines the famed come 
 dian Garrick proposed as the commencement of an address 
 for the opening of a theatre at Botany Bay : 
 
 " True patriots we ; for, be it understood, 
 We left our country for our country s good." 
 
 The Society s Annual Report of January, 1851, compris 
 ing that year in which the Union was saved in so remark 
 able a manner, says, " The permanency and glory of our 
 Union, intimately blended with the success of our cause, 
 appeals to our statesmen ... to advocate every meas 
 ure calculated to secure so desirable a result." 
 
 REV. DR. FULLER, in his address at the same time, said, 
 " People may differ about the language of the Bible as to 
 slavery, but no one can doubt the language of the Bible 
 as to obedience to the laws." 
 
 He proposed that Congress should purchase tfie slaves, and 
 transport them to Africa, and continues : 
 
 " Sir, such a scheme and our country is safe. Not " esto 
 perpetua" it may be perpetual ; but " erit perpetua," it shall 
 be perpetual, would be written upon that column which is 
 rearing itself on yonder common.* (Applause.) But if 
 something effectual be not done, vainly do we cry peace, 
 peace, when there is no peace ... in daily contact 
 with northern and southern feeling. I utter my most sol 
 emn conviction to-night may God avert the prophecy 
 that the elements of mischief, the ignes suppositi, the con 
 cealed fires of a volcano, are gathering under our feet. li 
 
 * The "Washington Monument. 
 
 12* 
 
134 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 something cannot be done, nothing will save this country 
 from the agitation of this slavery question and from evil 
 conflict. Your venerable head, Mr. President, (H. Clay,) 
 for your days, I fear, are almost numbered, and the place 
 which you fill you will soon see no more ; may God pre 
 pare for you a better place in heaven, your venerable 
 head will be resting in the tomb, and the shouts and dis 
 cord of a fratricidal war will not disturb your sleep. But 
 some of us may be young enough to see that dismal day. 
 Unless something be done, I utter my solemn conviction, 
 when I say that yonder column will rear itself to the skies 
 only to have written upon it the epitaph of this Union ; or 
 rather it had better be not completed at all ; it had better 
 be left like those unfinished pillars we sec in our church 
 yards, which tell of a life broken off suddenly in its midst ; 
 its hopes, its promises, its pride, its prospects all blasted at 
 a single stroke." 
 
 Dr. Fuller is a large slaveholder, and, strange as it may 
 seem after this burst of mournful eloquence, we cannot 
 learn that he has as yet either sent his slaves to Africa, or 
 offered them to the Colonization Society for voluntary 
 transportation! Surely he should do what is in his power 
 to remove some small portion of this element of danger, 
 that others might do likewise. 
 
 At the same time, HON. F. P. STANTON, of Tenn., advo 
 cated the removal of the free blacks, not only because they 
 aided slaves to escape, but because they herded together 
 to " rescue the fugitive slave by open violence, trampling 
 alike upon the rights of the owner and the laws and 
 constitution of the land. 7 His remarks are quoted in 
 another chapter, and it is needless to repeat them. 
 
 At the annual meeting in 1852, Rev. PHILIP SLAUGHTER, 
 of Va., said : 
 
 " Need I suggest what is the cause which has come more 
 nearly than any other to overwhelm this proud fabric of 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 135 
 
 free government, to which tens of thousands of refugees 
 from the worn-out governments of Europe are flocking ev 
 ery day as doves to their windows? It is this very ques 
 tion of the black race. ... Is it not clear that, if this 
 Society proceeds, ... it will abstract . . . some 
 of the causes of this political agitation, in entire harmony 
 with the rights of individuals, of property, of the states, 
 and all our obligations to the Union and to God ? . . . 
 Is there an American citizen who will not do all that in 
 him lies, in the providence of God, to hand down to his 
 posterity this noble structure, under whose shadow such 
 multitudes of the oppressed from every nation in the earth 
 are now taking shelter-?" 
 
 How coolly Mr. Slaughter talks of the rights of individ 
 uals, and of the " oppressed from every land," while seek 
 ing to drive the colored man to Africa ! 
 
 About the commencement of 1851, the Presbyterian 
 Synod of Pittsburg, Pa., (0. S.,) in reply to a memorial 
 on the subject, passed resolves concerning the Fugitive 
 Slave Law, declaring it " inexpedient " to give any opinion, 
 and " leaving every man to act in his capacity as a citizen, 
 in conformity with his obligations as a citizen and Chris 
 tian," and earnestly recommending their churches and peo 
 ple to pray for their rulers and those in authority. The 
 editor of the JV. Y. Colonization Journal " rejoices at the 
 calmness and patriotism of the action taken," and says, 
 " We were prepared to expect patriotism and conservatism 
 in opposition to the wild excesses of churches and individ 
 uals of another sort." 
 
 In the same number (Feb., 1851) we find a notice of a 
 Union meeting held in New Haven, at which REV. DR. 
 TAYLOR, of Yale College, spoke as follows : 
 
 " Have I not shown you that it is lawful to deliver up, 
 in compliance with their laws, fugitive slaves, for the 
 great, the high, the momentous interests of these states? 
 
tf() ORNJIX. CHARACTER, AXD TXFUTKXCK OF 
 
 And if it was lawful to do it, is it not in accordance with 
 the constitution to make a law providing for that.result ? 
 Is there any law of God against this ? ... I do not 
 so understand it" This the editor calls " sound doctrine," 
 and says the address " cannot fail to be productive of 
 good." 
 
 At the annual meeting of the N. Y. Colonization Socie 
 ty, in May, 1851, Rev. Dr. Tyng said,- 
 
 " In this Society there are no disorganizes to shatter 
 the fair vessel of public order, and dash to pieces the 
 crystal vase of domestic peace. . . . His father 
 taught him a higher law ; but there was nothing more ex 
 plicitly enjoined by that higher law than submission to the 
 laws of our country. . . . He regarded the Fugitive 
 Slave Law " as indispensable to the existence of slavery. 
 He hated the law, yet was bound to obey it, and to incul 
 cate obedience to it, while on the statute book, as a law 
 binding on the individual conscience and the nation." 
 
 At the opening of the meeting of the same Society, in 
 May, 1852, Rev. Gardner Spring, D. D., vice president, 
 praised it as consulting " the peace and harmony of those 
 dissensions and agitations which have taken place in our 
 land." 
 
 Thus we see, in part, how the Union has been saved by 
 colonization influences how those who lead in the Socie 
 ty have given aid in this patriotic work by words. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 137 
 
 PLANS CRUEL AND IMPRACTICABLE. IN 
 FLUENCE ON FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR 
 EVIL; ON VIEWS OF DUTY DECEPTIVE. 
 
 CAN it be expected, is it in the nature of things possible, 
 that the Colonization Society will carry on useful and hon 
 orable plans, or exert any but a deceptive and evil influence, 
 in regard to the great questions which come within the 
 sphere of its influence ? 
 
 Such is its compromising spirit, such its past course, so 
 complete its alliance with a blinding and perverting preju 
 dice, so intimate its fellowship with those who are daily 
 upholding a system full of treachery and deceit as well 
 as cruelty, and so readily has it ever yielded to their rule, 
 that we are prepared to find its plans dishonest and cruel 
 as well as impracticable, its influence on the free colored 
 people such, that it has been, is, and will be, an insidious 
 and deadly foe to their prosperity and elevation, its effects 
 upon slavery, and the popular estimate thereof, evil and 
 deceptive. It would be surprising to find it otherwise. It 
 would be like looking for the evil tree to bear good fruit. 
 
 Let us look more at length at its scheme for colonizing 
 the people of color, its influence on the free colored people 
 in our country, and its influence on the popular idea of 
 slavery, slaveholding, and our duty and relation thereto. 
 Our view shall be mainly as this country is concerned ; 
 though what will deceive and injure one country will do 
 little to bless another. In the next chapter we will look 
 toward Liberia and Africa. 
 
 The colonization plan is to transport professedly with 
 
138 ouictx, THAI; Arm?, ANI INFLUENCE OF 
 
 their own consent, really with or against it, as the case may 
 be the free colored people of this country to Liberia. 
 Its constitution says, " Its attention is to be exclusively di 
 rected to promote and execute a plan for colonizing (with 
 their consent) the free people of color residing in our 
 country in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall 
 deem most expedient." 
 
 Congress has had little to do in the matter as yet, and 
 Liberia is now the place proposed as the future home of 
 the colored American ; a pleasant country, it is said, at a 
 " safe distance" from us. The south, as we have seen, are 
 enlisted by appealing to their fears from the presence of 
 these " incentives to discontent " among their slaves ; the 
 north by strange pictures of danger, growing out of the 
 existence of these " miserable beings " there ; the west by 
 warnings lest they be overrun by a hated and vicious peo 
 ple, driven from other sections of the country, and seeking 
 a last shelter in their beautiful valley. Strange motives 
 these ! Not the highest or noblest ; but they answer well, and 
 are therefore used. But to the benevolent, smooth words 
 are uttered of the colored man s capacity to rise in Africa; 
 and they are told mournfully of the sad fact, that here he 
 can be only an outcast, toward whom even " religion it 
 self" must be an Ishmael, raising its holy hand against 
 him ; and that kindness dictates he should be assisted to a 
 better country. This language answers well ; tJierefore it is 
 used. Gifted imaginations call splendid visions into exist 
 ence to entertain such easy philanthropists. The Thirty, 
 fourth Annual Eeport says, 
 
 " He (the colored man) is awake. He has found the 
 place of his rest, the spot where he can erect an altar to 
 his God unmolested and unafraid. An unseen hand is 
 felt strongly leading him hither. Thousands have made 
 it their home already. Larger thousands will soon follow. 
 It is the land of the sun, the region of tropical bloom and 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 139 
 
 beauty, of fragrant flowers and delicious fruits. All that 
 is beautiful in nature, as well as all that is noble and sub 
 lime in their moral elevation, invites them thither. . . . 
 If they wish to elevale themselves individually, or to ele 
 vate their race with a power and grandeur unsurpassed, 
 Liberia is the place for them. . . . Clouds and dark 
 ness may now be around their views ; but the time is 
 coming when their hearts shall be energized, and brought, 
 as it were, in contact with the great heart of Liberia, and 
 feel its quick and life-giving pulsations. Then will they 
 up and hie themselves away." 
 
 Of course, this transportation scheme is deemed practi 
 cable, although the time set for its accomplishment varies 
 very widely. When slaveholders arc addressed, " a century 
 is nothing," if the distant work of sending the slave away 
 be talked of ; then we hear from some other quarter of a 
 "rapid work. 7 The Thirty-second Report speaks as 
 follows, in confident terms : "In what bold relief now 
 stand out the practical wisdom of our enterprise, the far- 
 reaching sagacity and benevolence of its founders ! Now 
 it is that hostility to African colonization is seen to be 
 hostility to the colored race." 
 
 There are over six hundred thousand free colored per 
 sons now in this country ; their annual increase at only two 
 per cent, is over twelve thousand. At forty dollars each 
 for transportation and needed aid, it would cost four hun 
 dred and eighty thousand yearly, not to abate the " nui 
 sance," but simply to check it. But suppose the work to 
 be prosecuted more vigorously, and six immense steamers, 
 of four thousand tons burden each, be built, costing in all 
 five million four hundred thousand dollars, (estimate for 
 " Ebony Line,") and making in all twenty-four trips yearly, 
 with two thousand passengers each ; and in fifteen years, at 
 an estimate of only thirty dollars each, the work would 
 be done, at an expense of over twenty-two million dollars, 
 
140 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 and we should be the laughing stock of the world for 
 urging multitudes to come hither from abroad, and at 
 great cost carrying other multitudes away. All this, sup 
 posing the colored people went freely ; if they were driven 
 away, a world s indignant rebuke would burst upon us. 
 Paying rather dear for our " prejudices," this ; better " con 
 quer " them, and save the money and the ridicule or re 
 buke. But colonizationists say they are very ignorant, 
 very idle, very incompetent to act for themselves, and they 
 will not aid to educate or elevate them here ; nay, con 
 stantly say they cannot be elevated ; although they will at 
 once turn about and talk piously of the providence of God 
 raising this race from degradation by bringing them 
 among us. If so, herd such a people together in a land 
 of heathen barbarians, and what will be the result ? One 
 would suppose they would deteriorate in deeper degrada 
 tion, of course. But there is a magic in Liberian air, that 
 at once develops and enlarges all noble qualities works 
 a wondrous change. The beings so depraved here become 
 intelligent, sagacious, pure, noble ; so we are led to sup 
 pose by colonizationists. Let those believe who will. 
 The immense transported population would need not 
 only shelter, but schools, colleges, churches, &c. Who 
 shall build the ten thousand dwellings needed every year 
 for these fifteen years ? White men cannot, for we are 
 told they die in that climate. The colored population 
 there is not adequate to the work. The schools and col 
 leges who shall be teachers therein for the multitudes of 
 pupils yearly flocking to their doors ? -White men would 
 die ; colored men are to be kept ignorant in this country. 
 There are not teachers enough for the work there ; of 
 course, the people could not be taught. Sickness would 
 come ; the great majority must go through the acclimating 
 fever : suppose, for these fifteen years, twenty thousand 
 yearly are subject to it. White physicians would see the 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 141 
 
 wing of the Death-angel in every mist that crept up from 
 the water s edge at evening twilight ; there are no colored 
 physicians in numbers sufficient. Shall there be none 
 skilled to allay the burning rage of this disease, to stand 
 by the bedside of these sable sufferers, and put the cooling 
 draught to their lips ? 
 
 The white man dies in that climate so pestilential to 
 him but the negro thrives, so we are told. Now, it hap 
 pens that the majority of our free colored population are 
 of mixed blood, many nearer white than black ; some " col 
 ored, 7 it is true, but their color more the mingling hues of 
 the lily and the rose than that of the majority of Anglo- 
 Americans. If that climate be so deadly to the white 
 man, place in Liberia, in each of fifteen successive seasons, 
 nearly fifty thousand who never before breathed the air of 
 the tropics, half or more of whom are partially of An 
 glo-American or other European descent, many of whom 
 have far more of white than colored blood in their veins, 
 and how fever, pestilence, and death must rage and revel 
 among these new victims! Granting it practicable to 
 send yearly a few hundred or a thousand or two to Libe 
 ria, and furnish the means of shelter, of education, of med 
 ical care, and the comforts which mere ordinary humanity 
 demands ; it becomes impracticable and cruel to send the 
 multitudes there which must go to carry out even the 
 scheme of transportation of the present free colored 
 population. 
 
 The president of the Society, J. II. B. Latrobe, Esq., has 
 illustrated these views ably in referring to the past ; his 
 illustrations will apply still more forcibly to the present 
 and future. In an address before the New York Coloni 
 zation Society, in May, 1852, he says, that, although not of 
 course by any good intent on the part of the abolitionists, 
 yet, in reality, Colonization is indebted to Abolition in dif 
 ferent and important particulars : one of these has to do 
 13 
 
142 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 with our .subject. After stating that some twenty years 
 since there were a great many applicants for passage to 
 Liberia, and the colony was standing fairly with the col 
 ored people, (not true, by the way ; they never, with few 
 exceptions, cared for, or confided in it,) he proceeds, 
 
 "This was a critical time for Colonization. Had the 
 supply of emigrants continued, they would have been 
 shipped, and great mischief would have been done. The 
 colonies were not yet ready for the numbers that would 
 have gone forward. . . . They had not yet served a 
 long enough apprenticeship to qualify their people to act 
 as their own rulers. . . . They were, in fact, in the 
 transition state. To have crowded them at that time with 
 such emigrants as would have been procured compara 
 tively ignorant and inexperienced might have postponed 
 for a long time their independence, if not perilled the 
 whole scheme. And yet the impatience of Colonization 
 would have permitted the crowd to sail. But, thanks to 
 Abolition, the supply of emigrants was suddenly cut off, 
 and the gristle of the colonies had time given it to harden 
 into the bones and sinews of manhood. The agents of 
 Abolition filled the mind of the ignorant of the colored 
 people, and they were the mass, with a dread of Africa. 
 . . . This is the first of our obligations to Abolition." 
 
 Now, if we should crowd fifteen, thirty, or fifty thou 
 sand persons inexperienced, many of them ignorant 
 into Liberia, yearly, " the bone and sinew of manhood " 
 might vanish ; want of education, lack of shelter, disease, 
 and other depressing influences would tend to create not 
 only suffering but depravity, and the little band of colo 
 nists now there would be powerless amidst such numbers 
 and against such embarrassments. 
 
 But another question arises, Would the colored peo 
 ple consent to go ? The New York Colonization Journal of 
 February, 1852, says, "They have, for many years past, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.. 143 
 
 almost unanimously refused to emigrate " in that state ; -in 
 other sections a similar feeling exists : from its commence 
 ment the great mass of colored people have seen the real 
 spirit of this movement, and looked upon it with disgust. 
 What, then, is to be done ? Their consent may be extorted 
 by long years of abuse, such as we have seen the society 
 aid in preparing for them. Of this course and its conse 
 quences w e can best gain some little idea by quoting the 
 language of MR. BRODNAX in the Virginia House of Dele 
 gates, in 1832, in a debate on compelling the colored peo 
 pie to emigrate. He was in favor of a compulsory law 
 and to those opposed to it, but willing to so oppress the 
 colored man as to compel his consent without any express 
 provision to that effect, he said, 
 
 " But what sort of a consent ? a consent extorted by a 
 species of oppression calculated to make their situation 
 here insupportable ! Many of those already sent went 
 with their avowed consent, but under the influence of a 
 more decided compulsion than any this bill holds out. I 
 will not express in its fullest extent the idea I entertain 
 of what has been done, or what enormities will be perpetrat 
 ed to induce this class of persons to leave the state." 
 
 These, or kindred "enormities," must extend over the 
 whole land persecution, abuse, barbarity, at which the 
 mind revolts, to induce" the consent of these people to 
 go to Liberia. Good colonizationists, who will begin in 
 this noble work ? You must spurn the negro like a dog, 
 as the bigot of old did the Jew ; spit upon him as the 
 Turk did upon the Christian ; join the vilest negro haters, 
 the very Legrees of the south, and let your works be like 
 theirs, but far more abundant. 
 
 But you may say, We do not wish to expel the negro. If 
 so, repudiate at once and forever the American Coloniza 
 tion Society ; for it does, as we have shown, and has long 
 ago trampled its constitution under foot to accomplish its 
 
144 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 wicked purpose: repudiate its auxiliaries, for they are 
 only members of the same corrupt body : and although the 
 use of some may be less vile than of others, they all min 
 ister to its growth and power. 
 
 But at last, if all other resorts fail, it must come to 
 open force, the chain gang, and the lash emigrants must 
 be driven aboard ship at the bayonet s point. At the 
 south, where, as we know, they at times resort to some lit 
 tle severities, (made necessary, of course, by their peculiar 
 situation,) it would appear that coercion has been used as 
 a persuasive argument toward " voluntary " emigration. 
 How often this has been done we know not, for southern 
 colonizationists are not especially communicative on this 
 point, but two instances have come to our knowledge. 
 Mr. Brodnax, in the address just quoted from, speaks of 
 free negroes being visited at night, ; dragged from bed 
 and family/ 7 and " the gentle admonition of a severe fla 
 gellation to induce them to go away ?? being given, and the 
 operation repeated until the desired effect was produced ; 
 says, "that all the large cargo of emigrants recently 
 transported from Southampton county to Liberia, all of 
 whom professed to be willing to go, were rendered so by 
 some such ministrations." 
 
 The Boston Commonwealth of July 17th, 1851, after men 
 tioning that the Rev. J. M. Pease, a colonization agent, 
 was at the Revere House in that city, says, " We are told 
 that upwards of one hundred colored people left Savan 
 nah, Ga., a few weeks since, in the bark Baltimore, un 
 der charge of the American Colonization Society, and 
 that some sixty, who had arrived in town the day pre 
 vious from up country, were marched in pairs from the 
 jail (the same in which the fugitive slave Thomas Sims 
 was confined when taken back from Boston to the south) 
 to the ship." 
 
 The south are ever in the advance : but as colonization 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 145 
 
 flourishes, shall we see the Boston court house again in 
 chains, and good New England colonizationists guarding 
 its doors, and marching at midnight down to the wharf 
 with fixed bayonets and closed files around a gang of 
 emigrants about to embark for Liberia ? The Union 
 servers of New York may scour the country round about, 
 and drive in a herd, fresh caught among the hills, to fill 
 out the cargo : the democracy of the west may forward 
 to the seaboard, in charge of trusty armed guards, cofiles 
 of colored people, all rejoicing in being bound for that 
 happy land, far away, whither they go so freely and 
 cheerily ! 
 
 Is it not evident that this project of transporting even 
 the free colored people is impracticable, without the most 
 revolting cruelty and the most fatal and disastrous re 
 sults ? The flimsy pretence of "voluntary consent" is 
 well exposed as false by the simple fact, that of the eight 
 thousand five hundred persons sent to Liberia by the so 
 ciety, up to the present year, four thousand and ninety- 
 three are slaves "emancipated in view of emigrating/ 
 and of course their consent u-as never asked; it was only 
 slavery or expatriation ; and one thousand and forty-four 
 were Africans, recaptured from slave ships by government 
 cruisers. So that only the minority of three thousand 
 three hundred and sixty-five ever had any kind of free 
 choice ; and when we remember that nearly half of that 
 number were from Virginia, and call to mind Mr. Brod- 
 nax s description of the kind of consent given there, 
 we may judge of the boldness of assertion which leads 
 colonizationists to talk of wanting only free voluntary 
 consent. 
 
 But the Colonization Society claims to be a remedy for 
 
 slavery by sending to Liberia the slaves when emancipated 
 
 for that purpose. This is still more preposterous ; keep 
 
 twelve steamers, making their forty-eight trips yearly, and 
 
 13* 
 
140 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 each transporting their two thousand emigrants, and, at 
 an annual cost of three millions of dollars, we should 
 hardly more than stop the increase. Keep a fleet of 
 thirty-six steamers, costing thirty-two millions four hun 
 dred thousand dollars, constantly ploughing the ocean 
 from our shores to Liberia, and at an annual outlay of 
 nine millions of dollars, in some twenty years, at the cost 
 of two hundred millions of dollars, most of the millions 
 now in bondage might be left on the coast of that distant 
 continent in a state of destitution of the means of educa 
 tion, of livelihood, of medical attendance, and of all the 
 common comforts of life terrible to think of. When we 
 remember, too, that, by the operation of the wholesale and 
 unbridled licentiousness inherent in this horrible slave sys 
 tem, a million, at a low estimate, of the slaves have a 
 mingling of white blood in their veins, and a large num 
 ber approach nearly to our own race in. color ; if we but 
 reflect on the deadly influence of that climate on that 
 large portion of these unhappy people, the mind turns 
 with horror from the thought of myriads smitten by 
 disease, and their unburied bodies filling the air with the 
 pestilence which shall lay other myriads beside them. 
 Never was such a scheme of barbarity proposed by man ; 
 nothing but the influence of slavery and prejudice could, 
 for a moment, lead even pirates and assassins, much less 
 men of Christian professions and decent reputation, to look 
 upon it with favor. 
 
 Colonizationists, indeed, are beginning to acknowledge 
 its incompetency, but resolved still to accomplish their 
 evil object in some way, and to delude the people longer, 
 if possible are SHAPING NEW . DEVICES TO THAT END. 
 Let us see them, and be warned in season. 
 
 At the annual meeting in Washington, in 1851, J. II. B. 
 LATROBE, addressing the leaders in this movement and a 
 large audience, said, 
 
. THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 147 
 
 " Colonization is as utterly incompetent to transport the 
 whole colored population of the United States to Africa, 
 as it would be impossible to ladle out one of our northern 
 lakes with a kitchen utensil. All that Congress can give 
 will be insufficient for the purpose ; all that the states can 
 give will be insufficient ; all that individuals can give will 
 be insufficient. ... To what, then, is colonization 
 competent ? It is competent to the building up of colonies 
 on the coast of Africa, offering the same attraction to the 
 colored man in this country that this country offers to the 
 European ; . . . when that shall be the result of our 
 labors, we shall see an emigration from America to Africa 
 like that we now see from Europe to America. (Applause.) 
 That will be the result of colonization, its fruition. It has, 
 done wonders already. . . . The entire annual in 
 crease of the colored population is less than fifty-five 
 thousand. What is the immigration from Europe ? There 
 will cross the Atlantic this year a half million. What 
 brings them to our shores ? Colonization societies or 
 means from their home governments ? Not at all. They 
 come to better their condition. . . . They come from 
 a class inferior in point of means, inferior in point of opportu 
 nities, to the class which is to leave our shores. Where the 
 white man has one motive to lead him to leave Europe to 
 come to this country, the black man has ten motives to 
 leave this country. Is this lesson now making itself felt 
 by this race ? Ay, truly it is. ... What becomes 
 of the black man ? He is being driven gradually to the 
 wall, and this pressure is increasing ; and if it had not 
 been for colonization, which provided for some of them a 
 home in Africa, which now invites them, the alternative 
 would soon be presented to us of extirpation or emigration." 
 
 This view is taken by some other colonizationists of note ; 
 and it will be remembered how Mr. Latrobe, in other 
 speeches we have quoted, speaks of the black man being 
 
148 
 
 obliged to flee " as from the wrath to come," as the for 
 eigner presses upon him along with the native American ; 
 how Mr. Christy, in appealing to the legislators and peo 
 ple of Ohio, talks in a similar strain, to create a hatred of 
 the colored man in the foreigners who come to onr shores 
 untainted by our American prejudice. This argument of 
 Mr. Latrobe s, this new device to deceive and mislead and 
 keep up the colonization scheme, to what does it amount ? 
 Simply to this ; we cannot transport this hated race, but 
 let us go on and build up our Liberian colony, and add 
 others to it, if possible ; continue to make it appear that- 
 real kindness to the colored man would lead us to urge 
 him thither ; keep up as heretofore our religious and phil 
 anthropic aspect j get up some commercial intercourse 
 with the African coast to make the voyage familiar ; in- 
 vito the foreign emigrant to our shores ; outrage and 
 oppress the colored man, and he will be compelled in due 
 time to flee from our oppression, as these foreigners are 
 fleeing from the oppression of the old world. 
 
 Mr. Latrobe, doubtless, would talk indignantly in regard 
 to the wrongs of Ireland, and tell the liberty-loving Ger 
 man that we had no petty princes here, swarming like 
 locusts all over the land to devour the best of every good 
 thing. Yet he says, where these men have one motive 
 to leave Europe, the colored man has ten to leave America. 
 Our oppression toward the colored man, then, is ten times 
 worse than that of Europe s kings and aristocracies toward 
 her poor. Yerily are we a nation of tyrants by this colo 
 nization argument. But still we are not cruel and oppres 
 sive enough yet to answer the purpose ; the colored man 
 must leave the country, that is settled ; he is not ready to 
 go yet ; he stays, he thrives, he increases, even beneath all 
 the abuse heaped upon him. The colonies must be kept 
 up in Africa as centres of attraction and means of decep 
 tion, and he must be still worse oppressed. We must be so 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 149 
 
 much more cruel than heretofore as to be like the Israel- 
 itish king, of whom it was said, "his little finger was 
 thicker than his father s loins ; " then, if we steel our hearts 
 and keep strong in the evil purpose, we shall at last 
 accomplish it, and stand before the world unparalleled in 
 iron-hearted cruelty. 
 
 This is, perhaps, the lafest aspect of the "benevolent 
 scheme of colonization ! ; Who can doubt that it " con 
 templates a recompense of justice jmd humanity to Africa 
 and her injured children ? " (N. t\ Ann. Rep. 1849.) 
 
 The slaveholding leaders of the society have been care 
 ful to hold their own chattels secure. Its first president, 
 as we have seen, sold more than fifty slaves to go to the 
 rice swamps and sugar fields of the far south. Its second 
 president, MR. CARROLL, held through life, and left at his 
 death, one thousand slaves. MR. MADISON, another presi 
 dent, said, 
 
 " Many circumstances at the present moment seem to 
 concur in brightening the prospects of the society, and 
 cherishing the hope that the time will come when the 
 dreadful calamity, which has so long afHicted our country, 
 and filled so many with despair, will be gradually removed, 
 by means consistent with justice, peace, and general satis 
 faction ; thus giving to our country the full enjoyment of 
 the blessings of liberty, and to the world the full benefit 
 of a great example." (Letter to Mr. Gurley. Af. Rep. 
 xii. 89.) 
 
 The " example " Mr. Madison gave was that of sending 
 no slaves to Liberia, and leaving a hundred to his heirs. 
 
 Mr. Clay, at an early date, declared it would be doing 
 slaves an injury to free them with liberty to remain here ; 
 in a late speech, was willing to leave slavery to be abol 
 ished by " natural causes " in a century or more, and 
 thought this preferable even to laws for gradual emanci 
 pation ; at his death left his slaves to be separated, a part 
 
150 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFU KNCE OF 
 
 placed in each of two states, and kept in bondage twenty- 
 Jive years, and at the expiration of that time those still 
 living to go to Liberia. And how are the feelings of the 
 slave owners to be changed ? Colonizationists leave 
 " hearts and prejudices as they are ; 7? make no effort to 
 rouse* the slave owner to a sense of the guilt and blighting 
 influences of the system ; only talk now and then in a 
 strain of mournful sentimentality about it, and then turn 
 to apologize, and tell of his " sacred right " of property 
 in man ! 
 
 Let colonization have its perfect work, and distant in 
 deed will be the day of the slave s deliverance. During 
 the thirty-six years of the society s existence, only four 
 thousand and ninety-three slaves emancipated to go to 
 Liberia ; not a month s increase of the millions in bond 
 age ! 
 
 Suppose all the free colored people gone, slaves, of 
 course, more secure and valuable as we are told, sup 
 pose a few slaves taken up here and there and sent to 
 Liberia, the right of property still " inviolable," no 
 "hearts and prejudices " changed. What is the result? 
 Slaves grow more valuable, more in demand ; more labor, 
 less human machines to perform it. Thus the scheme de 
 feats itself. 
 
 Colonization advocates talk much of the good of Africa, 
 the abolition of the slave trade ; this answers well to keep 
 up the benevolent appearance so needed for success, but is 
 no part of ihe professed original object of the society ; and 
 this talk about blessing Africa and abolishing the foreign 
 slave trade, from those who are holding slaves and keep 
 ing up the domestic slave trade, is simply absurd, as well as 
 deceptive ; yet many a northern man makes himself a mere 
 echo for their words, and behold, colonization is to re 
 generate a continent and end the horrors of the middle 
 passage " ! 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 151 
 
 But it needs not to bring more evidence ; facts and ar 
 guments will crowd into the mind of every thoughtful 
 reader, proving more clearly still the utter impracticabili 
 ty, the cold and heartless wickedness of the whole plan. 
 
 It needs but few words to show what the influence of 
 this society has done for the colored man. Our position 
 toward him as a nation has ever been that of the oppress 
 or ; two centuries ago the cupidity of slave traders opened 
 a vile traffic ; love of gain, of ease, of power, fostered the 
 trade and perpetuated the system ; we all know the re 
 sult millions are now in bondage a free colored popu 
 lation of over half a million has grown up among us 
 bond and free alike are. subjects of a deep and almost uni 
 versal prejudice, a part of our education and every-day 
 habits. It need only be asserted that this is the result 
 of slavery, for it exists only where slavery is. Go to Eng 
 land, it is not there, in France you find it not, all over 
 Europe it is unknown. This dislike of those enslaved or 
 identified with the enslaved has always existed to a great 
 er or less degree ; the Spartan spurned the Helot, the Xor- 
 man hated the Saxon. The instincts of slavery lead to it, 
 for it ever helps to brutalize those in bondage. In our 
 country, doubtless, the mark of a peculiar color may 
 strengthen this feeling by making readily known its ob 
 jects ; but still it is far less malignant in other countries 
 where colored men are in bondage. In Brazil there are two 
 millions of slaves, descendants of Africans, and of mingled 
 blood like those in the south, many of them indeed native 
 Africans brought yearly from the slave coasts. Prejudice 
 there is far less severe than here. In the West India isl 
 ands it was less severe, prior to emancipation in some of 
 them ; is now in others where emancipation has not taken 
 place. Why is this? We may talk of differences of posi 
 tion, the severity of our slavery, national characteristics 
 on the part of masters, and give these tilings their due 
 
152 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 estimate ; but there is another reason THERE ARE NO COLO 
 NIZATION SOCIETIES IN THOSE COUNTRIES. 
 
 In the United States, this society has taken unwearied 
 pains to spread the idea that the colored man has no right 
 here ; that this is " the white man s country." It has ad 
 dressed itself to the religious, and talked of the design of 
 a wise Providence in allowing the African to remain here 
 for a season, that he may be carried back to his native 
 land. To be sure, this is all absurd and preposterous 
 the Indian might say that we had no right in the red 
 man s country, and demand that we leave the land wrest 
 ed by force and fraud from his fathers ; but still it has its 
 effect, because it reaches a weak point, which prejudice 
 has made vulnerable to such sophistry. Colonizationists 
 have labored long and skilfully to show that the best good 
 of both races demands the expulsion of the colored man ; 
 i- voluntary emigration," they call it, a softer name. What 
 is the result ? Our social life is, with few exceptions, rigid 
 ly prescriptive ; no thought of encouraging or elevating 
 these outcasts from its enlivening influences, by asking 
 them to share therein. Only ridicule and hatred in many 
 instances ; and if even those more richly gifted with kind 
 ly feeling know colored people who are pure in life and 
 agreeable in manner, the remark is made, " How much 
 good they could do in Liberia ! " and they are left by them 
 selves, the mark for the baser sort to sneer at only colo 
 nized out of social life, caged up in the Liberia of their own 
 narrow circles or their own homes, whose threshold the 
 white man will rarely stoop to cross. 
 
 We boast of our schools and colleges ; it is the pride of 
 our country that the people can gain a high culture ; uni 
 versal intelligence is deemed the great safeguard of the 
 nation. None can find fault with this, and were that cul 
 ture higher and nobler still, were those precious privileges 
 impartially given, far greater would be that security. Are 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 153 
 
 schools to be established in our cities or towns ; there must 
 be a separate school for colored children, of course. The 
 race are mere sojourners here providentially, and the best 
 good of all demands these distinctions. So an educational 
 Liberia is provided, and the little emigrants wend their 
 weary way thither, day by day, over miles of brick side 
 walks, through crowded streets, where white-faced juve 
 nile vagabonds are privileged to make them the marks of 
 their vile abuse. 
 
 Does the colored man deem it a sacred privilege to 
 meet in some church consecrated for religious worship ; a 
 "colored church" must be built. Rich and complacent 
 white men will dole out some small aid from their abun 
 dance, some popular clergyman will go inside its walls for 
 once to preach a dedication sermon, and, as he turns away 
 to enter his own pulpit, feel a relief that those mute ebony 
 figures, that have so long sat before him, week by week, in 
 the negro pew, are gone possibly think it all in accord 
 ance with God s providence that these children of Ham 
 should be a people by themselves. Here we have a reli 
 gious Liberia, and weekly crowds emigrate thereto volun 
 tarily, of course, they have no desire whatever how could 
 they have ? to be seated as equals, as fellow-Christians, in 
 that splendid church, to hear the rich tones of that organ 
 rolling grandly up to its lofty roof, or stealing sweetly to 
 the listening ear. What should they care to have that 
 clergyman utter his eloquent appeals to them, as fellow- 
 laborers in the Lord s vineyard ? What satisfaction could 
 it possibly be, should he tell them that, in the eye of the 
 Omniscient, all distinctions of race are insignificant, that 
 all walls of separation man had built up against his 
 brother must be broken down ? 
 
 Let a colored man step on board a steamboat, and quiet 
 ly take his seat in the cabin, and he is soon ordered on 
 deck, and must be content, in that floating palace, to keep 
 14 
 
154 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 within the bounds of his forward-deck Liberia. All this, 
 and much more that need not be told, has colonization 
 done for the colored man in our country ; making itself 
 literally a cleaving curse, following him wherever he goes, 
 and seeking to crush him to the earth, or expel him from 
 the land. It may be said that multitudes never heard a 
 colonization address, or read a colonization journal ; 
 this is true, but these false ideas have gone far and wide, 
 have been sent abroad by the press, and spread as swiftly 
 as the thousand tongues of Rumor could bear the evil tid 
 ings, through social circles, all over this broad land. 
 
 The influence of this nefarious colonization scheme has 
 been a potent one in making the prejudice against the 
 colored man in this country the most bitter and oppres 
 sive tliat* exists in the world. But it may be said that 
 there are schools, colleges, churches, social circles, open to 
 the colored man this we admit, and of course only 
 speak in general terms. What we say is true in the great 
 majority of cases, and the exceptions only prove the rule. 
 These exceptions are slowly growing more numerous, but 
 no thanks to the malign influence of colonization for that. 
 As these increase, it must decrease ; and when the false 
 ideas it has so assiduously planted in the popular mind are 
 eradicated, the society will die, and the colored man 
 
 " Shall feel the hope within his bosom dying 
 
 Revive again." 
 
 The society apologizes for the slaveholder, charges 
 him with no heavy guilt, holds up its delusive and cruel 
 schemes as the only remedy for slavery, does great harm by 
 spreading the idea that it would be ruinous and dangerous to 
 give freedom to the slave with liberty to remain in the country. 
 
 These are all " refuges of lies," its influence on our idea 
 of slavery and of our duty and relation thereto deceptive 
 so long as it upholds them. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 LIBERIA. THE SLAVE TRADE. IMPRACTI 
 CABLE REMEDY. " THE MISSIONARY COL 
 ONY." INFLUENCE ON NATIVES. -- EDU 
 CATION, &c. 
 
 THE Colonization Society claims to hold out a remedy 
 for the slave trade on the coast of Africa. This was no 
 part of its original constitutional object, but answers well 
 the purpose of obtaining aid from the kindly disposed, as 
 well as from those engaged in the domestic traffic, who 
 are ever ready to 
 
 " Compound for sins they are inclined to, 
 By damning those they have no mind to." 
 
 The Rev. David Christy, in his colonization address in 
 Ohio, already referred to, says, " The planting and building 
 up of Christian colonies on the African coast is the only prac 
 tical remedy for the slave trade" The same idea is often ad 
 vanced, and coupled with it plans for opening a peaceful 
 commerce with Africa, as a substitute for the revolting 
 trade in human beings. Let us look at this project of the 
 society ; see how far its statements can be relied on as to 
 what Liberia has done to suppress the slave trade ; and 
 what its effect must be on African commerce. 
 
 All the experience of the past shows the idea of stop 
 ping the slave trade by efforts on the coast of Africa 
 futile, so long as the demand exists for slaves ; stop the de 
 mand, and the trade will cease ; let the demand exist, and 
 the trade will go on, its enormous profits enabling slavers to 
 coin money, even if half their ships are lost. Liberia, it is 
 
151*) ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 claimed, has banished the traffic from five hundred miles of 
 coast ; Sierra Leone from about an equal extent. Eng 
 land has expended on her squadron and colony over one 
 hundred millions of dollars ; other nations have lent their 
 aid, and the slave trade, has constantly increased. 
 
 In 1840, by the statistics of Mr. Buxton and parliament 
 ary documents, sixty-four thousand one hundred and four 
 teen slaves were sent from Africa to America ; in 1841, 
 some forty-three thousand ; in 1846, we find seventy-six 
 thousand one hundred and seventeen ; in 1847, eighty-four 
 thousand three hundred and fifty-six ; and, in the latter 
 year, the British and Foreign Antislavery Society de 
 clared the traffic was more systematically pursued than 
 for many years, and its horrors and loss of life increased. 
 All this while Brazil and Cuba had been calling for 
 slaves ; the traffic had been going on to some extent, as we 
 shall see, even on the coast of Liberia and Sierra Leone, 
 and had shifted its place to the south, in the Bights of 
 Benin and Biafra, and the coast south of the equator, 
 where, indeed, the Portuguese had always found large 
 supplies. When from any commercial cause, or from any 
 action of governments on this side of the water, the de 
 mand is less, the trade is dull. Let the demand open, and 
 we have ever found the supply ready. But colonization- 
 ists say, squadrons on the coast cannot do the work, but 
 the colonies can. This bold claim of Mr. Clay, (speech 
 at Washington, 1851,) has been that of others. In 1851, 
 it was proposed to withdraw the British squadron from 
 the coast, and Rev. J. L. Wilson, an American missionary 
 at the Gaboon, wrote a letter to a friend in Bristol, (Eng 
 land,) which was printed and sent to Lord Palmerston ; 
 and it was said its statements had much influence in de 
 ciding the British authorities to keep up their African 
 squadron. He says, " While it is true important aid has 
 been derived from these settlements in breaking up slave 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 157 
 
 factories, it is equally tnw they could have rendered no such 
 aid had it not been for the support of English and other 
 men-of-war on the coast, and for the simple reason that 
 all together they have not sufficient naval force to contend with 
 one armed slaver ;" as to destroying barracoons, they could 
 not, were not the natives intimidated by the vicinity of 
 armed vessels. Only a year since, the Liberians could not 
 break up the slave factory of New Sesters without aid 
 from French and English vessels ; and the expedition, cost 
 ing less than eight thousand dollars, seriously impaired 
 their finances. Almost her entire naval armament is a 
 small schooner given by the British government to the 
 Republic ; the land force is small. What is this even with 
 the best intentions, to guard five hundred miles of coast ? 
 A child can see the absurdity. 
 
 In view of the futility of these schemes, seeing the slave 
 trade shift to new fields and break out anew, well may 
 we exclaim to the colonizationists in the words of one of 
 our good old hymns, slightly altered, 
 
 " Tis but a poor relief you gain 
 
 To change the place and keep the pain" 
 
 So long as the eight thousand miles of African coast 
 stretches its wide extent, and slavery calls for its victims 
 therefrom, this foolish scheme of stopping the slave trade 
 by colonies is like stopping up a few holes in a large 
 sieve ; and if we wait until the whole coast shall be lined 
 with colonies, the world will have grown old enough for 
 new geological strata to have formed over the surface 
 rocks of our day. 
 
 Who rule the Colonization Society ? Slaveholders and 
 their supporters men who deal in slaves themselves, or 
 defend others in doing so, who would seek to raise a civil 
 war if the domestic traffic were broken up. Our foreign 
 trade is abolished ; the home trade in human chattels 
 14* 
 
158 ORTfiTN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 pays better. The New Orleans Courier, in 1839, declared 
 that, although the prohibition of the foreign slave trade 
 " put millions annually into the pockets of people living 
 between the Roanoke and Mason and Dixon s line, it 
 would need some casuistry to show the slave trade from 
 that quarter a whit better than the African." A writer 
 in the New Orleans Argus, in 1830, estimated the loss of 
 life by acclimation at twenty-five per cent, ; and in 1837, a 
 committee reported to a meeting in Mobile, that, since 
 1833, slaves had been annually brought to Alabama from 
 other states, to the value of ten millions of dollars. 
 
 What flag has floated over the decks of the greater part 
 of the slavers engaged in the immense traffic of Brazil for 
 the past few years, and given shelter, surer than any other, 
 to slavers on the coast of Africa ? Under what colors did 
 fifty- three slavers sail from Havana, in 1838-9 ? THE 
 AMERICAN. In -what city did even the Journal of Com 
 merce, in 1836, offer to prove that slave ships had been fit 
 ted out in that year ? Where did Elliot Cresson state a 
 business firm had received two hundred and fifty thousand 
 dollars, as profits of Cuban slave trade? Where did the 
 New York Mirror lately intimate that merchants ostensi 
 bly rich by sugar trade from Havana, were really so by 
 slave trade? NEW YORK. In what city did a sailor 
 make known to a gentleman the names of those who had 
 paid him large sums, as hush money, to keep secret their 
 interest in the slave trade, names, so respectable that the 
 gentleman dared not repeat them to Mr. Cresson in 1838 ? 
 BOSTON. 
 
 Baltimore clippers are the best slavers ; our southern 
 steamers transport slaves ; southern cities are slave marts ; 
 our squadron on the African coast is a mere farce, only 
 now and then stumbling on a slaver that they cannot well 
 avoid, in the vicinity of vigilant British cruisers. And 
 the Colonization Society, crushing the colored man here, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 159 
 
 and controlled by proslavery influences, is full of concern 
 for the slave trade in .Africa. 
 
 The Libcrians are colored Americans, and by no means 
 free from the faults of our national education. In Africa. 
 all the slaves sold are captured by those of their own 
 color ; and while we believe the Libcrians have done better 
 in this matter, perhaps, than a colony of whites would have 
 done, yet it is not to be supposed their virtue is so far 
 above that of the white American as to be always proof 
 against the temptations which he cannot withstand. We 
 must create a letter feeling at home, before we can expect to 
 send out men of any race to Africa who shall be incor 
 ruptible. 
 
 xV few statements of colonizationists, and a few facts, 
 will show how little dependence can be placed on their 
 testimony, and how Liberians have stood in this matter. 
 
 " No slaver dares come within one hundred miles of the 
 settlement." (Rev. "Dr. Hawkes, New York Colonization 
 Meeting, 1833.) 
 
 "The slave trade has been utterly destroyed along its 
 entire coast, formerly the most frequented mart, 7 (Report 
 Philadelphia Colonization Society, 1835.) 
 
 " From an extent of coast of three hundred miles, this 
 trade has been nearly extirpated." (Twentieth Report, 
 1836.) 
 
 The following facts perplex one strangely : 
 
 " Four or five years back, there was not a slave factory 
 from Sierra Leone to Cape Mount, one hundred miles, and 
 from Cape Mount to Trade Town, one hundred and twenty 
 miles, the whole coast of Liberia ; more recently, a factory 
 has been established at Cape Mount, forty-five miles from 
 Monrovia, where the trade is carried on briskly." (Fif 
 teenth Report, Appendix, 1832.) 
 
 The colonial agent, in 1834, states that recently " the Dey 
 people seized and abducted several of the Liberian loys, 
 
160 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 (for slaves.) The captives were finally liberated." (Af. 
 Rep. xii. 25.) 
 
 The Liberia Herald mentions the capture of tlirco Spanish 
 slavers by a British brig, while lying in Monrovia Harbor, 
 " ivkere slavers frequently come to wood and water." (Af. Rep. 
 1836.) 
 
 The Herald, of 1835, speaks of a schooner hovering 
 about the harbor, which was " reported to have bought 
 twenty or thirty slaves in the neighborhood." 
 
 " Boats have been sent from Spanish slavers up St. Paul s 
 River, and slaves bought in that river." (Letter of Gov 
 ernor, Af. Rep. 1836.) 
 
 This river penetrates the heart of the colony, and then 
 had settlements on its banks. 
 
 " The slave trade has seriously injured the colony with 
 in the last three years. . . . Within a year,ybwr slave, 
 factories have been established almost in sight of the col 
 ony." (Report of Captain Nicholson to Secretary of Na 
 vy. Af. Rep. 1837.) 
 
 " To-morrow the schooner sails for New Sesters, to take 
 on board a cargo of slaves. ... I HAVE BEEN 
 
 OBLIGED TO HAVE ONE HUNDRED SETS OF SHACKLES MADE 
 
 AT CAPE MESURADO," (Monrovia.) (Intercepted letter of 
 slave captain to owners in Havana, published Iffy British 
 Parliament, dated Little Bassa, between Monrovia and 
 Cape Palmas September 28, 1838.) 
 
 In 1848, Dr. Bacon, of New York, editor of the Day 
 Book, a daily paper ably conducted by him, made some 
 severe charges against leading Liberians in regard to the 
 slave trade. Dr. Bacon is a brother of Rev. Leonard Ba 
 con, of New Haven, is not an abolitionist, and sa} T s that, 
 previous to going to Africa, he had been a zealous coloni- 
 zationist. His charges were openly made, and every 
 facility offered for reply through his own columns, which 
 never were accepted. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 161 
 
 In 1830, lie was colonial physician at Monrovia for some 
 months, then spent a year in other parts of Liberia, and 
 more than a year in other sections of the west coast of 
 Africa. 
 
 His first article in the Day Book was mainly in regard 
 to alleged false statements of REV. J. B. PINNEY, and to his 
 course. Mr. Pinney replied through the Commercial Ad 
 vertiser, and speaks of Doctor Bacon s course while 
 there," (in the colony,) and intimacy with slave traders 
 " subsequently," closing with " of this more, if necessary." 
 
 Dr. Bacon, in reply, says his course as physician was 
 obstructed by want of proper food for himself and pa 
 tients ; that he was followed on leaving, to the boat, by 
 those who begged him to take them to America. As to 
 his " course while there," nothing is said specific, and he 
 challenges any one to say aught against his moral or offi 
 cial character. All his intimacy with slave traders was 
 through the agency of colonists. In 1837, John N. Lewis 
 was storekeeper in Monrovia for PEDRO BLANCO, a large 
 slave dealer at the Gallinas, and received large sums from 
 him for services connected with the traffic. While the 
 brig Ivanhoe, of Boston, was leaving a cargo of tobacco 
 belonging to Blanco, (at Monrovia, which was a depot for 
 slave traders,) an agent or factor of Blanco s, boarding at 
 Lewis s house, named T. Rodriguez Buron, an accomplished 
 Spaniard, was introduced to him by Lewis, with no request 
 from him, (Bacon.) That Buron called on him ; he never 
 returned the calls, but always was glad to see him. That 
 other gentlemen of that popular class (slave traders) were 
 introduced, whom he tneatcd with courtesy, as they did 
 him. He w r as introduced, by Dr. Hall, (governor of Cape 
 Palmas, now, we believe, editor of the Maryland Coloniza 
 tion Journal,) to Theodore Canot, an agent of Blanco s, and 
 had a short interview ; that, " subsequently," he was resi 
 dent at Cape Palmas, at mission of the American Board ; 
 
162 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 made three voyages along the coast ; the vessel stopped at 
 Gallinas and New Sesters to trade with slave owners ; and 
 he landed and saw slave trade in operation ; went also to 
 Gambia, and three other places where it was carried on, 
 and is about publishing a book on the subject ; " this is 
 all " the intimacy with slave traders ; and as to " of this 
 more, if necessary," more is necessary ; out with it. 
 
 Mr. Pinney admitted " that Mr. Lewis, SECRETARY OF THE 
 COLOXY, (first chosen by society, then by Liberians,) was in 
 Blanco s employ in the slave trade in 1837 ; his warehouse 
 in Monrovia wmBlanco s depot for slave trade goods ; that 
 Blanco s factor did board at Lewis s house ; and that sla 
 vers came to Monrovia that year to get goods for the trade." 
 Mr. Lewis was a regular attendant at the Baptist church, 
 son-in-law of its first pastor, paying money to its support. 
 
 Dr. Bacon charged another colonist, Mr. Payne, with 
 being at New Sesters, and admitted a mistake growing out 
 of ignorance of initials : said it was a younger brother ; 
 that the house of Mrs. Payne, the mother, was the board 
 ing-place of slave traders and factors, and her principal 
 support derived from them. That their uncle, Rev. C. 
 Teague, Baptist minister, had a storehouse also used as a 
 depot by Blanco ; " dozens of Liberian Christians were 
 actively and joyfully engaged in the slave trade. . . . 
 He was strongly urged by respectable religious Liberians 
 to buy two slaves for his household." 
 
 He also implicated Governor Roberts, who wrote a note 
 denying the charge, in reply to which Dr. Bacon said that, 
 in 1837, J. J. Roberts went to Sierra Leone with John N. 
 Lewis, and bought a large schooner condemned and sold 
 as a slaver. The schooner was brought to Monrovia, 
 named the Monrovia, and for some weeks lay in the harbor 
 useless, as the seeming owner had no use for such a vessel. 
 About July 1, Blanco s agent, T. R. Buron, came to Lewis s 
 house, from Gallinas, and soon took the schooner, and sent 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 163 
 
 her to Gallinas, whence she went to Havana, crowded with 
 slaves, and that Buron told him " he owned her." 
 
 In the Day Book of July 20, Dr. Bacon says, " The col 
 onists make no reply to the charges brought against them, 
 but say they have something yet withheld against the 
 character of the person making them. What it is, nobody 
 can conjecture ; it has been hinted under the all-meaning 
 expression, "more of this, if wanted." Now, more is wanted 
 the editor wants it, the public want it, and he renews 
 his challenge to the officers and friends of the society to 
 make their charges public through the press" If no other 
 paper will publish, he offered to do so ; and this offer was 
 never accepted. 
 
 We know nothing of Dr. Bacon s course since that time ; 
 but the frank boldness with which these grave charges 
 were made, and his readiness for reply and investigation, 
 showed a consciousness of their truth. Governor Roberts, 
 Mr. Payne, and some other Liberians were in New York 
 at the time, and it was manly to make the charges when 
 they could seek to refute them. Dr. Bacon also chal 
 lenged a prosecution for libel. 
 
 We find in the following a collaboration of one or more 
 of his charges : 
 
 " February 15, 1838, arrived at this port, under American 
 colors, the MONROVIA, last from Liberia, and with bill sale 
 and list of crew from collector of that colony. Has neither 
 register nor sea letter. I have ascertained, without doubt, 
 that she belongs to Pedro Blanco ; has put in here, direct 
 ed by his agent, for a fitout, and that a cargo of slaves 
 is ready for her. Blanco s agent in Liberia is J. JV. Leviis, 
 commission merchant." (Letter of February 23, 1838, 
 from the British consul at Cape do Verd Islands, to Lord 
 Palmerston.) 
 
 It should be remembered, that, during the very time these 
 events occurred in Liberia, 
 
1()4 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 here from good people to help build up the colony and abolish 
 tJte slave trade. 
 
 Rev. A. Constantino, a returned Baptist missionary, in 
 a letter to Rev. Mr. Grosvenor, dated Pittsfield, Yt., July 
 10, 1849, in regard to some discussions in a Baptist" con 
 vention on the course of missionaries touching slavery, 
 said, " In Africa, women are bought and sold as wives. 
 The head men own a great many, . . . and sell them 
 again. They are bought when young." The missionaries 
 in Liberia, owing to this practice, found their female schol 
 ars liable at any time to be taken from school and sold to 
 heathen husbands, and talked of buying them to make them 
 free and obviate this difficulty. It is difficult to learn 
 what was the exact nature of this slavery, but the state 
 ment would seem to indicate that the natives in some part 
 of the territory still retained their old habits and views 
 as to the holding human beings in a species of bondage. 
 
 Lieut. Forbes, an English officer of high character, and 
 fellow-traveller with the African explorer, Duncan, in his 
 embassy for the suppression of the slave trade, in a work 
 published in London, called Dahomey and the Dahomans, 
 said, that domestic slavery existed in Liberia, and that the 
 slave trade was countenanced there. 
 
 In reply to a letter written him by Elliot Cresson and 
 Dr. Hodgkin, (of London,) he says he did not visit Mon 
 rovia, but was for six months AVI thin twenty-five miles, and 
 at Cape Mount met many Liberian citizens. " I know per 
 sonally two Liberian citizens, sojourners at Cape Mount, 
 who owned several slaves, in the general use of the term, 
 but not its legal sense, as these were what are termed 
 pawns, and not intended for foreign slavery. These pawns, 
 as I have stated and believe, are as much slaves as their 
 sable prototypes in the parent states of America, and my 
 informants said almost all the labor in Liberia was de 
 rived from a svstem of domestic slaverv. Of domestic 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. H>5 
 
 slavery in Liberia there are two classes ; the one common 
 to all Africa, and practised by the aboriginal inhabitants 
 for the most part ; the other not to be complained of if 
 not extended ; of taking servants, apprentices, or pawns, 
 (choose the expression,) obliging them to labor, clothing, 
 feeding, and instructing them ; . . . a citizen of Libe 
 ria applied to me as commander of one of her majesty s 
 ships, to procure for him pawns to the value of goods of 
 which he had been despoiled during the civil war at Cape 
 Mount." 
 
 Pawns, he says, are also held indirectly by some Eng 
 lishmen on the coast. An English merchant will take a 
 femnie du pays to manage his establishment, and never in 
 quire how she hires his servants ; she taking them to pay 
 for debts for goods sold the natives. One merchant has 
 in this way forty pawns, who do his household work, " and 
 are, in all but name, slaves." Other British officers, who 
 have visited the coast and been in Liberia, have said they 
 believed no slavery existed among the colonists. 
 
 We have a few months since in our newspapers the 
 statement of Rev. J. Rankin, of Ohio, a clergyman of 
 high character, that a lady, returned from Liberia, said 
 that slavery existed there. From these assertions, coming 
 from persons of character and veracity, it would appear 
 probable that slavery has not been abolished among all 
 the natives, even in the Liberian territory. Indeed, it 
 would be strange if a few thousand colonists could extir 
 pate it wholly from a territory so extensive (live hundred 
 miles by forty) among one hundred and fifty thousand 
 natives. A system of domestic service exists among 
 the colonists, which must tend to create a caste, and is 
 unfavorable to the highest idea of freedom. Slavery in 
 an unqualified form we do not suppose exists among them, 
 although the slave trade may be connived at. as it is 
 with us. 
 
 15 
 
166 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 The various Liberian constitutions since 1825, we are 
 told, have prohibited slavery and the trade ; with what 
 effect, we have seen. An article in the Appendix to the 
 Tenth Report of the Massachusetts Colonization Society, 
 seeking to explain Capt. Forbcs s statement, says, " Possi 
 bly he heard some one mention the Pons people, (a recap 
 tured slaver,) and that they were apprentices ; and not 
 knowing that Pons was the name of the ship from which 
 they were rescued, might have mistaken it for pawns, such 
 as he had known on the Gold Coast." Very satisfactory ! 
 
 In the JV. Y. Colonization Journal of October, 1852, we 
 find that " two steamers with one thousand slaves had got 
 away from the Gallinas. A large armed slaver with ten 
 guns and Spanish colors is reported cruising off the shore. 
 Her majesty s brig Crane was in pursuit ; . . . a boat 
 seen in the Sherbro belonged to a slaver which passed the 
 Crane in the night, with four hundred slaves." 
 
 In 1850, the Gallinas was purchased by Liberia, the 
 slave barracoons having been destroyed by the British, and 
 much joy was expressed that this old slave mart was 
 broken up. 
 
 These facts show what reliance can be placed on the 
 assertions of colonizationists in regard to the slave trade, 
 and that the Liberians have been true to their American 
 origin in this matter. The constitution of the republic 
 now prohibits slavery or the slave trade, and there is, no 
 doubt, much less of the traffic there than formerly ; we do 
 not deny it has decreased, but only show that the state 
 ments in regard to it are contradictory, and of course col 
 onization assertions should be taken only when proved beyond 
 a doubt. The foreign slave trade is piracy in our country ; 
 but we know, partially, how extensively it is aided by 
 American capital and skill. It is for the interest of col 
 onizationists to diminish this trade in Liberia. Some 
 earnestly desire to do it for humanity s sake others, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 167 
 
 and these the real leaders, to make capital of virtue, to 
 shield their home traffic. As we have shown, its abolition 
 from Liberia does no good so long as the demand exists ; 
 the whole colonization theory is false and deceptive on 
 this subject. The Society helps to make slavery reputable, 
 to sustain it ; therefore, to sustain the slave trade. 
 
 Colonizationists talk much of developing the resources 
 of Africa, creating a trade in palm oil, ivory, <fec., which 
 shall lead the natives to engage in peaceful occupations 
 safer and more profitable than the wasting trade in human 
 beings, a noble object truly, but yet the influence of 
 the society tends to defeat it, although the colony has 
 doubtless, to some extent, created such a change. Our 
 commerce with Ilayti is constantly embarrassed, and is 
 much less lucrative than it might be, simply because our 
 American prejudice restricts the intercourse. England is 
 even now engrossing a large share of Liberian commerce, 
 for the same reason. The Colonization Society helps to 
 keep up slavery and prejudice ; so long as they exist, bar 
 riers must and will be thrown between us and African 
 commerce ; thus this deceptive scheme defeats its own 
 projects. 
 
 It may be said, that the towns in the republic are, and 
 ever have been, supplied with churches, and protect many 
 missionary establishments. We can only say, there is 
 much difference between the nominal and the real of Chris 
 tianity ; and we would judge Liberia by its works, not by 
 the number of its churches. As for missions, we know the 
 idea is made quite prominent, in a work entitled " Coloni 
 zation and Missions," published by the Massachusetts Col 
 onization Society, of protection extended to them. But 
 there are missions existing on the coast hundreds of miles 
 from the colony. The work seems gotten up for effect, 
 and was published, in fact, soon after serious troubles, 
 
108 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 which ended at the time in the withdrawal of some mis 
 sionaries from the colony. 
 
 Appeals are made to the religious community to sustain 
 the Colonization Society as a means of evangelizing Africa, 
 and glowing rhapsodies i are uttered as to the influence of 
 the Liberian colony in this direction. Again : we are told 
 that too much must not be expected from it, as it is mainly 
 a commercial and political establishment ; but the mis 
 sionary aspect is ever a prominent one, helping to impart 
 a pious aspect to the movement, and raise the character 
 of the whole scheme. We shall find the colonists have 
 done much as might be expected, from the influences under 
 which they were educated here, and those by which they 
 have been controlled there. 
 
 Bargaining shrewdly, fighting hard, ruling the natives 
 by fear, treating them as an inferior caste, much as we 
 do Indians or Mexicans, all these may pass current after 
 our Anglo-American model, but hardly accord with "a 
 great missionary enterprise." 
 
 In 1817, Messrs. Mills and Burgess, both clergymen and 
 agents of the society, sought an interview with two native 
 kings. They refused the " palaver " unless rum was had, 
 a jar for each, < this was a case of conscience, but 
 compromising expediency is good colonization morality. The 
 rum was furnished, and the first effort to obtain a tract of 
 land on which to found a missionary colony was made by 
 bewildering the minds and stimulating the passions of the 
 poor natives by the accursed " fire water." The interpret 
 er gave assurance that "these people come quiet no 
 war, no fight if our people do bad, no musket fired, but 
 regular palaver." How these promises were kept, we 
 shall see. The interview proved fruitless, and, in 1822, 
 Dr. Ayres, in company with Capt. Stockton, (then com 
 manding a United States vessel of war, and ordered to co 
 operate with the society s agents,) making a voyage along 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 169 
 
 the coast, selected Cape Mesurado as a fit place for a 
 colony. 
 
 They sought, and with some difficulty obtained, an in 
 terview with King Peter, who owned the location desired, 
 and went alone to his capital, three miles in the interior. 
 He was little disposed to a bargain, and at last a storm 
 broke out ; some of the natives said they were the people 
 who quarrelled at Sherbro, and accused Capt. Stockton of 
 breaking up the slave trade. A " horrid yell broke from 
 the multitude ; every one sprang to his feet, scowling ven 
 geance upon- the agents. Capt. Stockton, fully aware of 
 their extreme peril, instantly rose, and, drawing out his 
 pistol, pointed it at the king s head ; raising his other hand, 
 he solemnly appealed to the God of heaven for protection. 
 King Peter flinched at the calm courage of the white man, 
 and the barbarians fell on their faces at the apparent dan 
 ger of their king." 
 
 The result of this potent argument was a successful " pa 
 laver," and the mutual signing* of a contract for a tract of 
 land, in which the chiefs -say, they " are fully satisfied of 
 the pacific and just views of said citizens." (Stockton & 
 Ayres.) 
 
 Prominent among the articles to be paid for the land 
 were " eighteen guns, two hogsheads of tobacco, three bar 
 rels and one cask of powder, fifty knives." How the na 
 tives were convinced of the just and pacific views of these 
 gentlemen, or how the fear in regard to the slave trade 
 was quieted, we are not informed ; but " palavers " con 
 ducted over jars of rum, arguments enforced by loaded 
 pistols, with muzzle close to the brain, and bargains made 
 attractive by powder, muskets, and spirits, were certainly 
 very unlikely methods to insure continued peace, or gain 
 the cordial confidence of the natives hardly apostolic, with 
 al, after the olden model. Behold how a place was gained 
 on which the "little band of missionaries" could find a 
 15* 
 
170 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 home ! The facts we gain from the " New Republic/ a 
 little work published by the Massachusetts Sabbath School 
 Society in 1850. 
 
 In 1826, we find Mr. Ashmun narrating the fact, that a 
 chief was induced to consent to a contract, giving firm 
 foothold at Cape Mesurado, " by the compliment of six gal 
 lons of rum and an equal value of tobacco," a somewhat 
 singular compliment from a band of missionaries. In 1829, 
 J. B. Russworm, editor of the Liberia Herald, said, " Tobacco, 
 rum, pipes, cloth, iron pots, powder and shot, are the curren 
 cy of the colony. Nothing can be done without rum in 
 trade with the natives." In 1831, R. R. Gurley said, "In 
 the judgment of the most worthy colonists, native traders 
 would abandon the colony were spirits excluded from 
 commerce ; and if prohibited, it would be offered by slave 
 traders within a few leagues" (Af. Rep. January, 1831.) 
 
 In the Liberia Herald of 1832, the cargoes of two schoon 
 ers are advertised for sale, principally rum and powder, in 
 part as follows : " Five hundred kegs powder, five hundred 
 muskets, one hundred and fifty cutlasses, ten bags of shot, 
 twelve puncheons of rum and brandy, thirty casks of ale, 
 sixty dozen of spear-point knives, four hundred and sixty- 
 eight pounds of beads, eleven hundred and ninety : seven 
 gallons of rum, three hundred and fifty kegs of powder, 
 two hundred and forty muskets." Thus much in regard 
 to the traffic with the natives in the first ten years of this 
 missionary enterprise. 
 
 These matters are said to be somewhat mended since, 
 and we hear of temperance efforts in the colony.* 
 
 But we find by statements in the N. Y. Colonization 
 Journal, that, from 1827 to 1841, the British exports to the 
 
 * This brings to mind the fact, that, in 1851, a temperance convention of col 
 ored people met in Hudson, N. Y., equal in number to about the whole emi 
 grant population of Liberia. Why did not colonization journals rejwt their 
 sayings and doings ? 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 171 
 
 west coast of Africa were, of arms and ammunition, six mil 
 lions six hundred and ninety thousand dollars ; spirits and 
 ale, nine hundred thousand dollars ; and that, from 1844 
 to 1849 inclusive, the American exports to the same re 
 gion, of powder, spirits, and tobacco, were one million eight 
 hundred and seventy-two thousand eight hundred and 
 seventy-four dollars in value. These amounts are over a 
 fourth of the whole exports to that region ; and of the Brit 
 ish commerce nearly a third, of the American probably as 
 large, or a larger proportion, was with the section between 
 Sierra Leone and Cape Mesurado. This would indicate a 
 heavy demand, at a later period, for these notable auxilia 
 ries in civilizing and Christianizing Africa. 
 
 Thus was the work begun, of which we learn, 
 
 "It would illuminate a CONTINENT. It would publish 
 the name of Christ on the dark mountains of Africa and 
 the burning sands of the desert. It would kindle up holi 
 ness and hope among uncounted tribes." (Af. Rep. i. 164, 
 editorial.) 
 
 The results have been, not peace, but war ; not good will, 
 but fear ; not brotherhood, but looking down on the na 
 tives as an inferior caste by the colonists. 
 
 In the Repository (ii. 179) is an account by Rev. Mr. 
 Ashmun, one of the prominent founders of the colony, of a 
 battle with the natives, in which he took a leading part. 
 
 " In about twenty minutes after the settlers had taken 
 their stand, the enemy began to recoil. . . . The 
 Americans perceived -their advantage, regained the west 
 ern post, and brought the long nine to rake the whole line 
 of the enemy. 
 
 " Imagination can hardly figure to itself a throng of hu 
 man beings in a more capital state of exposure to the de 
 structive power of the machinery of modern warfare. 
 Eight hundred men were pressed shoulder to shoulder in 
 so compact a form that a child might easily have walked 
 
172 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 on their heads from one end to the other, presenting a 
 breadth about equal to twenty or thirty men, and all ex 
 posed to a gun of great power, raised on a platform at 
 twenty or thirty yards distance. Every shot literally spent 
 its force in a mass of living human flesh ! Their fire sud 
 denly ceased. A strange yell was raised, which filled the 
 forest with a momentary horror ; it died away, and the 
 whole host disappeared. . . . A large canoe, ventur 
 ing within range of the long gun, was struck by a shot 
 and several killed." 
 
 A few weeks after a second battle was fought, (Dec. 22, 
 1822,) of which we learn, from the same source, that the 
 natives "loss, although from the quantities of blood v:iih 
 which the ground was drenched considerable, was much 
 less than in the former attack/ 7 
 
 This second battle is still celebrated by the colonists 
 with military parade, as the day on which they won a firm 
 foothold on African soil ; a terrible baptism of blood with 
 which to consecrate a continent to Christian peace and 
 love ! 
 
 In 1835, war was declared against King Joe Harris, 
 and one hundred and twenty men fought a severe battle, 
 and demolished his towns and strongholds. Soon after, 
 in a letter home from the colonial agent, "powder, lead, 
 cartridges, and field pieces " are asked for to bring this 
 adversary to terms. We cannot often gain knowledge as 
 to the real cause of these contests ; the plea of suppressing 
 the slave trade is ever ready, doubtless sometimes true ; 
 but in this case, a conversation held in New York, in 1836, 
 between J. B. Pinney and William Goodell, noted down 
 at the time, and published in the " Friend of Man," gives 
 some light on the subject. 
 
 "W. G. Is the war with Joe Harris terminated? 
 
 "/. B. P. Yes. He was glad to make peace on any 
 terms (after a pause) the war was a piece of boy s play 
 on, the part of the colonists. - . 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 173 
 
 " W. G. In what respect do you mean ? 
 
 " J. B. P. I mean the war was provoked on the part 
 of the colonists. 
 
 " W. G. In what manner ? 
 
 " J. B. P. Burning the native villages was the imme 
 diate cause. 
 
 " W. G. I have heard of that, but supposed it would be 
 said by the colonists that this was in retaliation of some 
 injury by the natives. 
 
 " J. B. P. In the previous controversy, the blame, I sup 
 pose, was about equal. It was a mere question about a 
 little property ; a piece of boy s play ; five dollars would 
 have settled the whole matter." 
 
 Mr. Pinney s testimony may be taken as within truth, as 
 both his feelings and interest would be against criminat 
 ing the society or colonists needlessly. 
 
 In the JV*. Y. Colonization Journal is a letter from a 
 colonist, B. V. R. James, dated Monrovia, July 27, 1852, 
 narrating the events of a late expedition against Grando, 
 a native chief, who had a few days previously attacked 
 some settlements and killed several of the inhabitants. 
 A force of one thousand men, colonists and native allies, 
 spent some weeks in a forray, marched through a swamp, 
 and were " attacked by the fellows, who fired manfully ; " 
 but Grando s-town was taken and burned, and the natives 
 " fled in every direction, burning their towns as they went : 
 . . . some forty towns were burned to ashes. 7 At 
 length Boyer s town (an ally of Grando) was reached, and 
 a battle fought with his " fifteen hundred soldiers, sharp, 
 regular fighters," having " four or five field pieces, which 
 they used like civilized men" But the town was taken, 
 the largest the writer "had seen in Africa, containing 
 many spacious houses," and burned to the ground. The 
 native allies, meanwhile, " made good use of their time," 
 plundering the towns destroyed ; and the narrator closes 
 
174 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 by saying, " Surely God gave us the victory ! . . . 
 During the evening our chaplain, Rev. A. T. Russell, read 
 the fifteenth chapter of Exodus, and offered a most fervent 
 prayer, in which all hearts devoutly joined." 
 
 This is, perhaps, the latest missionary effort of impor 
 tance made by the colonists. These contests have been 
 of frequent occurrence, and the spirit in which they are 
 narrated, the evil influences and iniquitous traffic of which 
 they are only the natural results, show the career of the 
 colony to be an evidence that it favors more the views of 
 the church militant, whose members " trust in God, but keep 
 their powder dry" than those of the followers of the Prince 
 of Peace. 
 
 We do not in this matter, take the ground that all war 
 is wrong, or that a colony may not act defensively or of 
 fensively, but simply bring these facts to show how Libe 
 ria has fulfilled its mission as a means of " evangelizing a 
 continent ; " and surely its position is a strange one for a 
 "band of missionaries" to assume. 
 
 It may be said that, after all, the colonists have stopped, 
 to a great extent, the wars among the natives growing out 
 of the slave trade, &c. We reply, They have but transferred 
 them, with that trade, to some other quarter. 
 
 We are now, perhaps, prepared for the following rhap 
 sody : 
 
 " In the providence of God, this society was called into 
 being. Like an angel from heaven, a divinely-chosen mes 
 senger of mercy, it carried toward Africa the balm of the 
 gospel. ... It told her of the joys of the blessed. 
 To give peace to her conscience and purity to her heart, it 
 pointed to Calvary. Surely, if there be on earth a spec 
 tacle which those bright and holy beings who stand in the 
 presence of the Most High and rejoice over repentant 
 sinners can delight to look on, it must be THIS." (Rev. Mr. 
 Skinner, at Am. Col. Soc. Meeting. Af. Rep. 1838.) 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 175 
 
 Or, for the assertion of HENRY CLAY at the annual 
 meeting of the society in Washington, in 1848 : 
 
 " At this moment, there are between four and five thou 
 sand colonists ; and I will venture to say that they will 
 accomplish, as missionaries of the Christian religion, more 
 to disseminate its blessings than all the rest of the mis 
 sionaries throughout the globe." 
 
 The JV*. Y. Express , in September, 1852, mentions a 
 sale of a large quantity of old-fashioned cannon and how 
 itzers at Washington, and the purchase of a part by Rev. 
 Mr. McLain, secretary of the Colonization Society. Keep 
 ing in mind this last addition to the missionary armament, 
 the late foray in which fire and sword did their work so 
 efficiently, and the field drenched in blood of an earlier day, 
 how astounding the boldness of the following assertion ! 
 
 " Its great object, the relief of two continents from 
 slavery and barbarism ; its grand result, civil and reli 
 gious liberty for a whole race. But what is still more 
 remarkable, all these great results have been accomplished 
 legally, justly, and peacefully, without aggression or wrong ; 
 interfering with no man s rights, intervening upon no 
 nation s prerogatives, and in its quiet and lawful progress 
 exciting neither the passion nor prejudices of any. Libe 
 ria is the first republic ever established without revolu 
 tion, W.AR, OR BLOODSHED." (Speech of HON. Mil. MlLLER, 
 
 of New Jersey, United States Senate, on " Ebony Line." 
 Af. Rep. April, 1853.) 
 
 In what regard the natives are held, what has been 
 the influence of the colony on them, is matter of interest. 
 In- 1825, Mr. Ashmun said, (see Gurley s Life of Ashmun, 
 Appendix,) "Every month s experience proves that our 
 neighbors are corrupted by the influence of bad example, 
 and derive no benefit from the good set them in this colo 
 ny. . . . It is not known to every one how little dif 
 ference can be perceived between an illiterate rustic from 
 
171) ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 the United States and a sprightly native ; . . . the 
 advantage is qftenest on the side of the latter." Of course, 
 he says they have a powerful influence, and, while in the 
 United States, the negro has the good example of respect 
 able whites ; in Africa, he has the bad example of the 
 natives. 
 
 In 1836, a letter from R. McDowall, in Monrovia, says, 
 " As to the surrounding tribes, little has been done as yet 
 toward teaching or enlightening them." (Af. Rep. xii. 42.) 
 
 The same year, Dr. Skinner, formerly governor of the 
 colony, in Report to Board of Managers, said, 
 
 " But few of the natives have been civilized. I know of 
 but Jive instances, two of them professors of religion." 
 
 We learn that the " little community is made up of se 
 lected individuals. 7 (Idem, 1828.) Yet the same year 
 Mr. Ashmun says, " A more discriminating selection of set 
 tlers must be made than ever has been. 
 
 In 1828, we are told, "No village in our land, perhaps, 
 exhibits less that is offensive, and more that is gratifying 
 to the eye of the Christian, than Monrovia. Crimes 
 are almost unknown, and the universal respect for the 
 institutions and duties of Christianity has struck the 
 natives with surprise, and excited the admiration of for 
 eigners." But letters from G. M. Erskine and A. D. 
 Williams say, " There must be a great moral revolution 
 before the colony can exert a salutary moral influence on 
 the natives. . . . We stand in need of a workhouse 
 to confine licentious females and disorderly persons." 
 (Af. Rep.) 
 
 In 1834, J. B. Pinney stated that "nothing had hereto 
 fore been done for the natives, except to educate a few, 
 who are in families, in the capacity of servants." But the 
 year previous, Rev. R. R. Gurley declared in a colonization 
 meeting, in New York, that " ten thousand natives had 
 placed themselves under the protection of the colony, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 177 
 
 receiving from it instruction and civilization." Strangely 
 contradictory statements these ! 
 
 The Liberia Herald, of June, 1835, holds the following 
 language : " Such is the dastardly, unprincipled disposition 
 of these half cannibals, (natives,) that nothing but a knowl 
 edge of the superiority in physical force on the part of 
 foreigners will keep them to the terms of any contract." 
 Bargains are constantly made with a people of which it 
 is asserted only resistless power, ready to overawe or 
 crush, can compel fulfilment. Of course a display of force 
 must ever be made, and strife and jealousy be the result. 
 This idea of overawing a race shows a conscious superior 
 ity, and resolve to maintain it by a course like that this 
 nation has pursued toward the Indian and the negro. The 
 use of the term " fellows " applied to the natives by a col 
 onist in the description of the Grando war, just quoted, 
 shows a similar feeling. 
 
 We have sought in vain for mention of marriages be 
 tween colonists and natives : if such alliances occur, they 
 must be rare. This shows, either that the natives are yet 
 barbarous. in manner and habit, or that prejudice raises a 
 barrier between them. 
 
 Mr. Pinney s statement in regard to natives educated 
 and employed as servants will be remembered. In the 
 Repository, in 1849, is a letter from John Lewis, an emi 
 grant, writing from Monrovia to friends in Philadelphia, 
 of which the editor remarks, " It has a frankness about it 
 which must commend it to all our readers. 7 
 
 The writer, in his easy and natural description of Libe- 
 rian life, says, " Every family has a number of native ser 
 vants, the boys with just a handkerchief about the loins." No 
 special fastidiousness, it would seem, as to the livery of 
 these servants ; they are only natives. 
 
 In 1850, we learn, of " five hundred natives civilized 
 and admitted to citizenship, ten thousand to a partial right 
 16 
 
1^8 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 of protection, and about one hundred and fifty thousand 
 on lands politically subject to the colony." (Facts and 
 Figures.) 
 
 All can judge of the character, as well as extent, of the 
 civilization ; it is evident the idea of civilizing the natives 
 is quite subordinate, that little has been effected in that 
 direction, and that a feeling of caste exists, which tends to 
 render the advantages they may derive from the colony 
 even less than those derived in some respects by uncivil 
 ized people, from intercourse with mere commercial 
 colonies. 
 
 Colonization reports and addresses say much of the ed 
 ucational advantages of Liberia. The Report for 1851-2 
 of the " Trustees for Education in Liberia/ 7 an association 
 of gentlemen, principally in Massachusetts, for endowing 
 a college in the colony, states that there are some twelve 
 hundred scholars in the Liberian day schools ; this we find 
 copied in other publications. In their report for 1852, it 
 is said that " the number of schools and scholars is about the 
 same as previously stated, but the general standard of 
 education lower ; and that those few persons educated in 
 those schools, whose acquirements have done themselves 
 and their country so much credit, must have been persons 
 of peculiar force of character, who would procure respect 
 able education in very inadequate schools." 
 
 In a pamphlet published by the society in 1852, as a sort 
 of guide to emigrants and inducement to turn toward 
 Africa, entitled " Information about going to Liberia," &c., 
 it is said, " Good free schools have been established in near 
 ly all the settlements, so that all parents can avail them 
 selves of the facilities thus afforded them. . . . The 
 privilege of having their children properly educated, and 
 prepared for future usefulness and happiness, is one worthy 
 the consideration of the free people of color in the United 
 States." The Eleventh Report of the Massachusetts Colo- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 179 
 
 nizalion Society states that " common schools are sufii- 
 ciently numerous for the emigrant population." 
 
 In 1849, Rev. Mr. Miller, of Princeton, N. J., travel 
 ling in England, was examined before a special committee 
 of the House of Lords by the Bishop of Oxford, mainly to 
 gain facts in regard to Liberia, and stated that, " by a law 
 of the state, every parent must educate his children ; " and 
 that " every child of sufficient age, in the families of the colo 
 nists, was regular at school" leaving the impression, of course, 
 of fair educational privileges. Many similar statements 
 might easily be found ; but let us turn to one of a charac 
 ter quite different. In the JV. F. Colonization Journal, of 
 July, 1852, is a letter from a colored Liberia n teacher, B. 
 Y. lv. James, in reply to one from J. B. Pinney, asking in 
 formation. It is dated Monrovia, March 29, 1852 ; we 
 extract as follows : 
 
 " Does this government support any public schools ? 
 
 " I do not know of any now supported by government ; 
 they did for a while support a teacher at Sinou. This 
 government has the disposition, but not the means at its com 
 mand, to do all in its power for common education. The 
 revenue is not sufficient to pay the current expenses of the 
 government, especially when is added to our ordinary ex 
 penses, every year or two, the cost of a war excited either 
 by slavers or unprincipled English traders. 
 
 "How many schools have the Presbyterian mis 
 sions ? " &c. 
 
 Then follows a statement of schools connected with the 
 different missions, sixteen in all, the largest his own, of some 
 sixty scholars, most of them ranging from twelve to 
 twenty pupils, and, at a liberal estimate, numbering in all 
 under four hundred ! Not capable, with forty scholars 
 each, of educating over six hundred and fifty. Mr. James 
 says, " These are about all the schools I know of in exist 
 ence in the limits of this republic, and most of them quite 
 
180 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 inferior, and quite inadequate to the wants of the commu 
 nity. Good teachers are needed, also school books. 
 There are some parents able to purchase school books, if 
 they were here to purchase" This letter, so sad in its tone, 
 apparently so simple, candid, and truthful, and coming 
 from such a source, gives a mournful picture of destitution 
 of the most ordinary means of popular education. In an 
 emigrant population of some seven thousand, beside the 
 great number of natives, (whose elevation we are con 
 stantly told is rapidly going on, and constitutes an impor 
 tant part of the mission of the colony,) only some four hun 
 dred children and youth in schools, " most of them quite 
 inferior " ! We would cast no reflections upon the colo 
 nists in this connection ; their desires may be- right so far 
 as their knowledge extends, and there are men among 
 them able to appreciate the importance of education. But 
 means are wanting ; the care of their extensive territory 
 and troubles with the natives absorb time and money. 
 
 But what estimate must we form of those who circulate 
 pamphlets here to induce emigrants to go to Liberia, which 
 speak of educational privileges there so "worthy of con 
 sideration "? What of the many statements so sadly con 
 tradicted by this letter? Granting ignorance as an excuse, 
 how culpable the ignorance of those highly intelligent on 
 most subjects, which helps to mislead a class of abused 
 people and deceive a nation ! 
 
 We find the number of emigrants sent to Liberia, (in 
 cluding Cape Palmas,) up to 1853, to be about nine thou 
 sand. These, with an increase of one per cent, yearly, as 
 a low average, would now number eleven thousand eight 
 hundred. The actual number is not over seven thousand ; 
 allowing one thousand to have fallen in wars, and we still 
 have nearly four thousand smitten by death beyond the 
 ordinary mortality ; a terrible loss in so small a popula 
 tion. But it may be said, with care this mortality would 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 181 
 
 decrease much ; doubtless, but care and prudence are 
 found with intelligence, self-control with a higher culture. 
 Colonization benevolence would keep the colored people 
 ignorant here, incapable of exercising those self-preserv 
 ing traits of character, and then herd them on to the Afri 
 can coast to die of pestilence ! 
 
 This enterprise has cost about one million five hundred 
 thousand dollars ; had the same sum been expended in 
 elevating the colored people in our country, and spreading 
 juster views of their condition and our duty, vastly great 
 er would have been the result, even granting all the Libe- 
 rians to be prosperous and happy. 
 
 The highest prosperity and culture claimed for Liberia, 
 by the most imaginative colonizationist, does not at all 
 affect our- view of the colonization scheme ; for it is the 
 policy of the society to make that colony appear as fairly 
 as possible, the better to keep up its cruel plans and oppress an 
 abused people here j to help the few, the better to crush the 
 many. 
 
 Fortunately for Liberia, the society has been able to 
 send out but few emigrants. Let only the annual increase 
 of the free colored population some ten thousand be 
 transported thither for twenty years, in the midst of the 
 natives, where there are no capitalists to give them labor 
 and pay them in return, no means of education, a sickly 
 climate and other troubles, where would be Liberian 
 culture and improvement ? 
 
 Thus far the purchase of land and transportation of 
 emigrants have cost, at a liberal estimate, six hundred and 
 fifty thousand dollars ; more than half the amount raised 
 has been expended in home operations, agents, publica 
 tions, &c. We can see what their influence has been ; let 
 those support them who will, after knowing the real char 
 acter of this wicked scheme, the false ideas they promul 
 gate ; either designedly or blindly, each must judge which. 
 
182 ORTOTX, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 Liberia is now a republic, its constitution prohibiting 
 slavery and the slave trade ; that is well, if enforced 
 strictly, as we hope it may be. 
 
 The colony has always been strongly under colonization 
 influences, which have been injurious. It should be remem 
 bered, that now half the territory is held in trust for the socie 
 ty, to be granted to emigrants, as it may direct. This makes 
 its independence, ice fear, rather nominal than real in many 
 respects. 
 
 Its constitution prohibits white men from holding office. 
 This seems a stroke of colonization policy, to keep up its 
 grand idea of the separation of the races. Surely the 
 colonists need have no fear that any number of whites will 
 brave climate and conquer prejudice to monopolize their 
 few offices. The exclusion is wrong, for it repudiates 
 equal rights. The American, as he helps frame infamous 
 " negro laws " at home, can point to Liberia, and say to 
 the victims of his hatred, " Go there, and you can govern 
 yourselves ; why need you stay here among us ? " 
 
 (A similar exclusion exists, we believe, in Hayti, the 
 fruit of a hatred of the whites, caused by their perfidy 
 and oppression.) 
 
 The independence of Liberia has been promptly recog 
 nized by England and several European powers, and its 
 agents treated with due courtesy. A similar recognition 
 is sought for here in a manner which reflects little credit 
 on the manly dignity of the Liberians, and shows the craft 
 of the colonizationists. The New York Commercial Ad 
 vertiser says, (see Appendix Ann. Rep. for 1851,) " There 
 is an unwillingness to admit a colored man to the station 
 and intercourse (of ministers, &c.) / . . But, as we 
 understand the matter, the nature of the application on 
 the part of Liberia and this ought to operate largely in 
 her favor, for it shows practical good sense, as well as sin 
 cere good will obviates entirely this objection. She desires to 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION FOfJETY. 183 
 
 avoid this difficulty, and proposes to conf.de . . . the con 
 duct of affairs between the two governments to one of our own 
 citizens" 
 
 Mr. Mercer, of Ta., and Hon. Mr. Miller, of N. J.. both 
 allude in public addresses to the necessity of prudence in 
 this delicate affair. probably it has been discussed more 
 in private than public, for it is of so agitating a charac 
 ter that it might jeopardize the safety of the Union ! - 
 and very delicate withal. 
 
 If the people of Liberia show a proper self-respect, they 
 will cease to ask for so humiliating a favor, and cultivate 
 the good will of other countries who can use them in a 
 more decent manner. Colonization policy has, doubtless, 
 led to this cringing request ; it is the voice of slavery 
 echoing from the distant shores of Africa. 
 
 So far as Liberian independence has made less intimate 
 the relations with the Colonization Society, it is right 
 well ; and if the republic could cut off all connection with 
 the colonizationists, the results could not but be beneficial 
 a greater prosperity, a higher self-respect, a nobler 
 character. 
 
 Let the republic be independent, and all wish it well, we 
 trust, its position before the world is a matter of interest 
 from its partial independence, would be of still greater in 
 terest were that independence entire, and its connection 
 with the colonization scheme at an end. The good wishes 
 of the community would be with it, colored men would be 
 free to go there, free to remain here as men, and could then 
 emigrate without helping a scheme which ?> crushing their 
 brethren and deceiving the nation. We would not detract 
 from the credit due the colonists for what they may have 
 done of good ; justice to those in Liberia, as well as in 
 America; but we must protest against the false state 
 ments of colonizationists in regard to the colony, and 
 show the evil influence it exerts by its connection with 
 the Colonization Society. 
 
184 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AXD INFLUENCE OF 
 
 It should bo remembered that most of our information 
 in regard to Liberia is such as colonizationists choose to 
 give us. Such letters from colonists and statements from 
 other sources as they choose to publish, an interested party 
 selecting its own testimony. 
 
 We have before us a pamphlet, entitled " Liberia ; the 
 Condition and Prospects of the Republic a Report to 
 a Colored Baptist Association, in Madison county, Illi 
 nois, of a visit made by the author, Elder S. S. Ball, a 
 colored clergyman, to Liberia. He was sent out by a vote 
 of the association to gain information, and Governor 
 French, of Illinois, certifies, under the seal of the state, to 
 his character for integrity, <fec. 
 
 The pamphlet was published at Alton, Illinois. 
 
 His plan was to " remain eight months, but, by advice 
 of Dr. Hall and Rev. Mr. McLain, he sailed in the Liberia 
 packet from Baltimore, April 11, 1848 ; being informed 
 that the vessel would remain long enough at all the colo 
 nies for him to visit the settlements back ; and by sleep 
 ing on board the vessel at night, he should avoid the Afri 
 can fever." The fever is spoken of as not dangerous with 
 proper attendance, lodging, food, &c., but without them, 
 as "most malignant," and it is " regarded as dangerous for 
 any one to walk out without an umbrella" some seven 
 hours at midday. He states, " There are no horses, asses, 
 mules, or oxen at work there. All farming operations 
 are carried on with the hoe. ... I saw but one 
 horse in the republic a mere skeleton;" beef, mutton, 
 &c., are good for eating, and soil generally productive. 
 
 In regard to the colonists, those who have houses built, 
 lands cleared, and have passed through the acclimation, 
 " seemed contented," but many of those who had not been 
 acclimated, and had no improvements made, " were in a dis 
 tressed condition," and emigrants, on arriving there, draw 
 their rations for six months, principally salt provisions, 
 
T1IH AMEKK AX COLOXTZATIOX. SOCIETY. 185 
 
 which they cannot relish while going- through the- fever. 
 They are, while acclimating, directed by the physician not 
 to expose themselves to sun or rain ; consequently cannot 
 clear land, build, <fcc. At the end of six months no more 
 aid is given, and of course their condition often a -trying 
 one, needing much energy of body and mind to meet. 
 
 The wealthy colonists live in line style, houses of brick 
 or frame ; " seldom you set down to dine with a gentle 
 man that his table is not furnished with the best of wine 
 and English or German ale/ They have "just as many 
 servants as they wish" and as much ; distinction between 
 the rich and poor as in this country. 7 
 
 The poor often live in houses of bamboo made in the 
 African style. The natives work very cheap, (two dollars 
 per month.) and it is difficult to compete with them and 
 in case of sickness especially, distress prevails. 
 
 He deems the country an excellent one for those to go 
 to who have means such of course can be of the Libc- 
 rian aristocracy to use his own words, "Engage in a 
 most lucrative trade, and live in luxury and ease ; but, he 
 says, " as to going without means, I consider it one of the 
 worst countries to go to : " between the poor here and there 
 " there is no comparison/ 7 
 
 As to religious matters, he quotes a letter to himself 
 from E.cv. Mr. Tcague, a Baptist Libcrian clergyman, who 
 says, Truth compels me to say, the churches arc doing 
 nothing for the spread of the gospel. . . . Tain show, 
 elegance of dress, leave nothing for the members to give 
 to a minister who deals out the bread of life to them. 7 
 
 The morals of the people " seemed to be good. 77 
 
 As for the natives, they generally adhere to their coun 
 try customs, having from two to twenty wives. 77 Many 
 live with the colonists. " bound to them for a term of 
 years under what is called the apprentice system. 77 . 
 I asked if they were bound to educate them. They told 
 
ORIGIN. CHARACTER. A XI) INFLUENCE OF 
 
 me they were not, unless they chose to, but "generally 
 sent them to a native school, if one was convenient." 
 They (the Colonists) said natives could not be admitted 
 into schools with the American children : . . . they 
 were heathen, and not thought worthy. You could not get 
 a native into a colonial school in Monrovia. Nearly all 
 the wealthy people about Monrovia have from ten to fif 
 teen bound natives about their premises. They wear, with 
 few exceptions, nothing but a rombold (a piece of cloth 
 about a yard square) during the week ; but on the Sab 
 bath, a flimsy suit of cotton clothes. . . . At church 
 they sit together in the rear of the congregation, and in 
 no instance did I see a native take a seat by the side of a 
 colonist. ... I was quite disgusted on my first arri 
 val to find so many naked persons ; . . but what do 
 you suppose must have been my feelings when I saw them 
 in civilized and Christian families, even in those of minis 
 ters and some missionaries ? . . . How sadly was I 
 disappointed when I saw the condition of these poor na 
 tives among the colonists ; looked down upon as their in 
 feriors. A friend said to him, if they were better treated 
 they " would be insolent and saucy, and rise and cut the 
 throats" of the colonists. Such is the prejudice, that 
 there had never been, he was told, more than two or three 
 intermarriages between natives and colonists. Mission 
 schools for natives are spoken of where a hundred or two 
 were taught ; some were good readers, and a few had be 
 come preachers, &c., of some learning and character. He 
 visited one school of twenty-five, where all were clothed 
 except the boys under twelve, who " wore their country 
 clothes" 
 
 Transportation is by water, or on the heads of natives 
 by land ; they are used to pack every thing horses carry 
 with us. 
 
 He says, " I saw a few buggies, designed to work natives 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 187 
 
 in. They are constructed a little different from ours, hav 
 ing shafts before and behind ; with one seat, to be drawn 
 by two natives. But I learn from the journal of an Afri 
 can cruiser, written by Lieut. Bridge, of the United States 
 navy, that he saw a buggy there, belonging to a mission 
 ary, Avho worked eight natives in it. This mode of travel 
 ling is by no means common among the colonists, but they 
 are confined to the missionaries ; although these vehicles 
 have not, I presume, been as much used by the missionaries 
 as the rocking chair, as they are called the missionaries 
 horse." 
 
 The conclusion Mr. Ball arrives at, after his apparently 
 candid statements, is, " The only way in which he should 
 be willing to go to Liberia, would be in a company pro 
 vided with some means of living in such manner as they 
 might choose ; and in this way a reasonable degree of com 
 fort could be secured to each family, and in no other way." 
 
 It will be remembered he speaks of the great need of 
 good lodging, c., in the acclimating season. In the last 
 Annual Report of the New York State Colonization Soci 
 ety, it is admitted, that of one hundred emigrants sent out 
 in the Ralph Cross to Bassa county, sixty have died ; it 
 is said, because the houses being prepared for them were 
 destroyed by hostile natives, and they suffered severely in 
 acclimating. 
 
 In the JV*. Y. Colonization Journal, for June, is a letter 
 from an emigrant just settled in Grand Bassa, named 
 George Anderson, to the editor. lie is resolved to stay, 
 and speaks well of the natural capacities of the country, 
 but speaks of inconveniences met with, as follows : 
 "When you have land, there being no animal labor, you 
 arc forced to plough with a hoe ; there is a scarcity of 
 provisions, so that, if a man is willing to do an honest 
 days work, he is not able ; he is too weak ; the natives 
 generally do not want to work, and will not. . . . You 
 
188 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 must provide a driver for them, or they will not earn a 
 bar (twenty-five cents) a day. American labor is scarce,, 
 and from seventy-five cents to a dollar a day. 
 We want more population, more intelligence, and men of 
 energy and perseverance ; for many come here not very 
 stable-minded ; soon get discouraged. ... I take the 
 liberty to think the great fault is in the present popula 
 tion." His statements in regard to animal labor and food 
 are corroborated by a returned emigrant, (see " Frederic 
 Douglass s paper," July,) who says, most provisions colo 
 nists can healthily use are imported, and consequently at 
 times scarce. 
 
 These facts need no comment ; the condition of the col 
 onists, as a whole, we find much as might be expected, tak 
 ing into account the difficulties b} r which they have been 
 surrounded, and the strong colonization influence among 
 them. 
 
 As for the colonization plea of nationality for the col- . 
 ored people, we ask foreigners to become Americans, and 
 make the interests of the country their own ; but the col 
 ored man must be an alien, and seek in Africa what they 
 are to find here. On the same principle, we should urge 
 the German back to his " vaterland," the Norwegian to 
 his rocky Northland, the Irish to the green isle of Erin, 
 the Anglo-Saxon to England there would be no Ameri 
 cans but the Indians. 
 
 This plea is the offspring of prejudice and hatred, is of 
 ten assented to without thought, but full of evil, fraught 
 with woe to the colored people, should be repudiated by 
 all, as it has been so nobly by them. We must learn td 
 labor earnestly, and wait with invincible patience for the 
 truth of God to break down the walls of separation man 
 has built against his brother. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 189 
 
 CONCLUSION. BOTH SIDES. 
 
 WE have presented some charges and complaints against 
 the measures and plans of the American Colonization Soci 
 ety, and the sentiments and ideas of its prominent and lead 
 ing supporters. The facts and arguments brought forward 
 we must leave to the thoughtful and candid attention of 
 every reader. 
 
 Although we have endeavored to give a correct view of 
 the spirit and purposes of the society, it may possibly be 
 objected, that sentiments of a different character, from 
 many of those we have quoted, may be found in the writ 
 ings and addresses of colonizationists. We therefore 
 present, in parallel columns, a few specimens of the two 
 sides of this subject ; and if any colonizationist desires to 
 do the society and its advocates ampler justice by an en 
 largement of these varied aspects, and publish the result, 
 the field is of course open to do so. 
 
 The task would, we fear, be an unwelcome one, since ev 
 ery page of such a work would be a condemnation, and at 
 the same time a striking proof of the duplicity of this as 
 sociation, and furnish the clearest and strongest evidence 
 possible, either that compromising expediency Had usurped 
 the place of principle in the minds of its leading advo 
 cates, or that their moral vision had become so darkened 
 that they might well be termed "blind leaders of the 
 blind." " 
 
 17 
 
190 
 
 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 "To found in Africa an 
 empire of Christians and re 
 publicans; . . . RAPIDLY but 
 legally, silently, gradually, 
 to drain them off." (Af. 
 Kep. ii. 375.) 
 
 " At ?io very distant period 
 we should see all the free 
 colored people transferred 
 to their own dountry ; . . . 
 returning them improved in 
 knowledge and civilization, 
 we repay the debt long due 
 them." (Idem, i. 65, 176.) 
 
 " Rev. Robert Findlay, 
 said, * Could they be sent to 
 Africa, . . . we should be 
 cleared of them. We should 
 send a population partly civ 
 ilized and Christianized for 
 its benefit/ " (Same speech 
 of Mr. Morehead.) 
 
 " The undertaking of Af 
 rican colonization is em 
 phatically a missionary un 
 dertaking." (Rev. Mr. Bui- 
 finch, same meeting.) 
 
 " As a class notoriously ig 
 norant, . . . scarcely reached 
 in their debasement by the 
 heavenly light." (Af. Rep. 
 i. 68.) 
 
 "Admitting that the scheme 
 contemplates the ultimate 
 abolition of slavery, yet that 
 result could only be pro 
 duced by the slow and gradu 
 al operation of centuries." 
 
 (Idem, i. 217.) 
 
 * 
 
 " To disclaim all attempts 
 for ... the instruction of 
 the great body of the blacks." 
 (Speech of H. Bleeker, N. Y. 
 Col. Soc. 1831.) 
 
 " Here, in the midst of us, 
 exists . . . a people inferior 
 and degraded, . . . the de 
 scendants of an ancestry as 
 ignorant as themselves, (the 
 slaves.) . . . But closely 
 connected is another class, 
 less numerous, but equally de 
 graded, the colored freemen. 
 . . . The proposal is to civ 
 ilize Africa by colonizing 
 them" (Speech of Mr. More- 
 head, of Ky. Col. Meeting, 
 Washington, I). C., 1842.) 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 191 
 
 " Who will decide this 
 question in favor of the per 
 petual, hopeless slavery of 
 these suppliants ? . . . Mas 
 ter and slave both ask our 
 aid ; our duty is the same as 
 if we heard the masters of 
 fer freedom, and saw the 
 falling tear of the supplicat 
 ing slave." (Mass. Col. Soc. 
 Report, 1848.) 
 
 " It proposes to colonize, 
 with their awn consent, those 
 who are free, and it appeals 
 to the humane and philan 
 thropic ... in the name of 
 all that is noble and great." 
 (H. R. W. Thompson. Ap 
 pendix Ann. Rep. 1849.) 
 
 " Except as a matter of 
 humanity, the white popula 
 tion of the north have no 
 direct interest in coloni 
 zation. The blacks are 
 not sufficiently numerous to 
 make their influence felt." 
 (N. Am. Review on Slavery, 
 &c., 1851.) 
 
 " In restoring them to the 
 land of their fathers, it is 
 not with arms in their hands 
 
 "We have nothing to do 
 with the if 9* or ands of the 
 case. We take the broad 
 ground that slavery has done 
 Africa and the African race 
 a good, a great good." (Rev. 
 Joel Parker, D. D., Annual 
 Meeting, Washington, 1847.) 
 
 " It only remains then that 
 they be removed from the 
 state ; . . . this maybe done, 
 ought to be done, and done 
 now : ... it is now desira 
 ble, and will soon be abso 
 lutely necessary." (Memorial 
 to Ya. Legislature. Indorsed 
 by Am. Col. Soc: 1849.) 
 
 " The Ohio valley has been 
 selected by the black man as 
 the theatre upon which the 
 great battle for his rights is 
 to be fought. . . . The fra- 
 mers of your constitution 
 never designed to Africanize 
 the state. Its white citizens 
 will yet oppose . . . equal 
 privileges." (Memorial to 
 Ohio Legislature by Col. 
 Agent, 1850.) 
 
 " Every shot spent its force 
 in a mass of living human 
 flesh : " . . . " the quantity of 
 
192 
 
 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 to subdue or expel. . . . 
 The only warfare to be anti 
 cipated is that of mind with 
 mind. ... It is the reality 
 of the fable of Valentine 
 and Orson, in which the for 
 mer had only to use the 
 stratagem dictated by fra 
 ternal love, and his blood 
 less conquest is sure. The 
 weapons are those of civili 
 zation and Christianity." 
 (Baltimore Sun, in pamphlet 
 on colonization and mail 
 steamers.) 
 
 " Every conceivable inter 
 est will be promoted ; civil 
 ization, commerce, religion, 
 will all be promoted by the 
 transfer of the free people 
 of color with their own con 
 sent from the United States 
 to Africa. And what inter 
 est or what population will 
 be injured by such transpor 
 tation? None, none what 
 ever." (Speech of H. CLAY, 
 U. S. Senate, Jan. 15, 1851.) 
 
 blood with which the field 
 was drenched." ..." We 
 need muskets, blank car 
 tridges, field pieces, &c." . . . 
 " Forty native towns were 
 burned to ashes ; " . . . and 
 other extracts from accounts 
 of dealings with natives of 
 a similar character. 
 
 " I wish, with respect to 
 these poor creatures, to say 
 nothing to wound their feel 
 ings which is not warranted 
 by truth and experience, and 
 sad daily observation. It is 
 not their fault that they are 
 a debased and degraded set, 
 . . . more addicted to vice 
 and crime and dissolute man 
 ners than any other portion 
 of the people of the United 
 States." (H. CLAY, Annual 
 Meeting at Washington, 
 1851.) 
 
 We have the wolf in sheep s clothing on one side ; on the 
 other, the bold front of the fiend, wearing no disguise. In 
 whatever Protean shape this iniquity may clothe itself, let 
 all beware of it. It is not too much to say, that no 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 193 
 
 society, professedly philanthropic, exists in the world so 
 hypocritically deceptive and evil in its influence, so far as 
 its power extends, as the American Colonization Society ; 
 and should any deem this too severe condemnation, let 
 them read the following chapters, and find other opinions, 
 worthy of high regard, which coincide in many respects 
 with our own. Surely a voice of warning and rebuke 
 should go forth from pulpit and press against such an 
 association. 
 
 17* 
 
194 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 OPINIONS OF FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR. 
 
 THE Colonization Society claims to be especially 
 friendly to the free people of color. Its advocates say 
 that its plans are for their peculiar benefit, and that their 
 concurrence in those plans would result in their highest 
 good. 
 
 Yet it is a significant fact, that the great majority of the 
 colored people of our country are, and always have been, 
 opposed to it. 
 
 It is said by some, that the influence of the abolitionists 
 has filled their minds with unjust prejudices. It is a suf 
 ficient reply to say, that in 1817, so soon as the society 
 was formed, years before the commencement of the anti- 
 slavery movement, this opposition commenced. From the 
 very beginning of its operations, the colored people saw 
 clearly its spirit and purpose, and recorded their repeated 
 testimony against it in clear and decided language. 
 
 The first public meeting of colored people in opposition 
 to the scheme of colonization was held in Richmond, 
 Ya., in 1817, and its proceedings were printed for dis 
 tribution. 
 
 Soon followed a similar meeting in Philadelphia ; and 
 from that time to the present, scarcely a large gathering 
 of colored people has taken place for the discussion of 
 topics connected with their general interests without re 
 solves and addresses against the Colonization Society 
 being approved and published. We give the resolves 
 passed in the Philadelphia meeting, held in Bethel Church, 
 January, 1817. 
 
 Resolves, reports, and addresses from New York, Bos- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 195 
 
 ton, Baltimore, Hartford, New Haven, Nan tucket, Pitts- 
 burg, Rochester, Providence, <fcc., at different times, might 
 be given ; but from the Philadelphia meeting, as an early 
 verdict of those whom the society especially claims to 
 benefit, we must pass to some of the similar expressions 
 within the past two years, to show that the present ver 
 dict after thirty-five years knowledge of its movements 
 and spirit is the same. 
 
 " Whereas, our ancestors (not of choice) were the first 
 successful cultivators of the wilds of America, we, their 
 descendants, feel ourselves entitled to participate in the 
 blessings of her luxuriant soil, which their blood and sweat 
 enriched ; and that any measure or system of measures, 
 having a tendency to banish us from her bosom, would not 
 only be cruel, but in direct violation of those principles 
 which have been the boast of this republic. 
 
 " Resolved, That we view with deep abhorrence the un 
 merited stigma attempted to be cast upon the reputation 
 of the free people of color by the promoters of this meas 
 ure, that they are a dangerous and useless part of the 
 community/ when, in the state of disfranchisement in 
 which they live, in the hour of danger they ceased to re 
 member their wrongs, and rallied around the standard of 
 their country. 
 
 " Resolved, That we never will separate ourselves volun 
 tarily from the slave population of this country ; they are 
 our brethren by the ties of consanguinity, suffering, and 
 wrong ; and we feel there is more virtue in suffering pri- 
 yations with them, than fancied advantages for a season. 
 
 "Resolved, That without arts, without science, or a proper 
 knowledge of government, to cast into the savage wilds 
 of Africa the free people of color, seems to us the cir 
 cuitous route by which they mus u return to perpetual 
 bondage. 
 
 " Resolved, That, having the strongest confidence in the 
 
196 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 justice of God and the philanthropy of the free states, we 
 cheerfully submit our destinies to the guidance of Him 
 who suffers not a sparrow to fall without his special prov 
 idence. JAS. FORTEN, Chairman. 
 RUSSELL PARROTT, Secretary." 
 
 A few only among many expressions of a later date can 
 be given. Their sentiments are worthy the most serious 
 attention and consideration. 
 
 At a meeting in the Belknap Street Association Booms, 
 Boston, Mass., June 22, 1847, the following among other 
 resolves were unanimously passed : 
 
 " Whereas, the late efforts put forth by Rev. Heman 
 Humphrey, in behalf of the American Colonization Socie 
 ty, in this city, demand notice of this meeting, composed 
 of those for whose special benefit this expatriating institu 
 tion was ostensibly organized : 
 
 " Resolved, That we do now as we have since its ori 
 gin protest against the operations of that society and 
 its auxiliaries, as in direct opposition to our best hopes, 
 prospects, and rights, and at variance with the dictates of 
 Christianity and republicanism. 
 
 " Resolved, That we are Americans by birth, and firmly 
 pledged never to leave this land until the last shackle shall 
 fall from the limbs of the last American slave. 
 
 H. WEEDEN, Chairman. 
 
 E. B. LAWTON, Secretary" 
 
 In August, 1852, the American Baptist Missionary Con 
 vention (colored ministers and delegates) met in Belknap 
 Street Church, Boston. 
 
 " Resolved, That this convention view with deep abhor 
 rence the unmerited stigma cast upon the reputation of 
 the free people of color by the promoters of the American 
 Colonization Society. That we reject its inhuman aud 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 197 
 
 barbarous position of driving us from the land of our birth 
 to one of sickness, devastation, and death, Avhen they are 
 unwilling to give us a Christian education while among 
 them. 
 
 " Resolved, That the principles and objects of the Ameri 
 can Colonization Society are at war with the Scripture in 
 junction, Do unto others as ye would that others should 
 do unto you ; cruel, subtle, iniquitous, and devilish and 
 they elicit, as heretofore, our irreconcilable repugnance." 
 
 Mr. W. J. W ATKINS said, " If we will go three thousand 
 miles from them, they will love us with a vengeance ; but 
 if we resolve like men to maintain our rights in the land 
 of our birth, rights guarantied by the Declaration of In 
 dependence, we call forth their intensified hate." REV. 
 DR. VAUGHN, president, said, " These sentiments and re 
 solves should be proclaimed on the house tops." 
 
 A State Convention of the colored people of New York 
 was held in the Capitol at Albany, through three days of 
 July, 1851 ; the attendance was large and respectable, and 
 topics bearing upon the interests of those assembled were 
 discussed. 
 
 Resolves against the Colonization Society were passed, 
 and a committee brought in a report on the subject, adopt 
 ed unanimously, after interesting and able discussions. 
 We extract as follows : 
 
 " And to tell us that we cannot rise to a standard of 
 high moral, social, and intellectual elevation with the 
 white man of this country, throws no damper of timidity 
 over our exertions and resolute perseverance to pursue 
 the attainment of these objects with the indomitable spirit 
 of Americans struggling for American rights." 
 
 Were these noble sentiments uttered by oppressed Mag 
 yars, what a high respect would be expressed ! what a thrill 
 of deep feeling would run through every heart! They 
 continue : 
 
198 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 " Have we not many things to entourage us ? Have we 
 not, even amid all deprivations and dangers, slowly, yet 
 steadily, made advances in the improvement of our moral 
 condition and mental acquirements ? The darkness of the 
 past, the dawning light and development of the present, 
 and the bright, hopeful future, all inspire us with confi 
 dence to go onward, aiming upward, trusting in the will 
 of Providence, and the growing moral sentiment of the 
 American people, that the withheld rights of a portion of 
 that people will, sooner or later, be bestowed upon them. 
 . . We must express our happy pleasure at the fail 
 ure of the Colonization Society of this state to obtain, at 
 the recent session of the legislature, an appropriation of 
 ten thousand dollars a year, for two years." 
 
 Alluding to the "bold scheme ".of African mail steam 
 ers proposed in Congress, 
 
 "Nothing said, of course, about- bringing them (emi 
 grants) bade, should they dislike the country or find the 
 hot climate injurious to health and life ; for, once there, they 
 must remain. Let it not be said none desire to return. 
 We have proof to the contrary. The object is to get you. 
 out of the country by suasion and possibility, if it can be 
 done ; but not to bring you back under any circumstances 
 whatever. . . . Fellow-citizens, let no fascinating in 
 ducements no eloquent rhetoric no eulogistic encomi 
 ums of Liberia draw you into the snares of your dear, phil 
 anthropic, expatriating friends ; but by every means in 
 your power, while you do nothing intentionally detriment 
 al to the development and evangelization of Africa, by 
 opposing any men or body of men who choose to emigrate 
 there or elsewhere, under other influences than the Coloni 
 zation Society, battle against this subtle scheme and cor 
 ruption, at all times, and under all circumstances." 
 
 The report also condemns the readiness of the Liberi- 
 ans to be represented by a white American at Washing- 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 199 
 
 ton, if their independence can be recognized by the gov 
 ernment, as " an inglorious negotiation." WM. H. TOPP, 
 of Albany, president of the Convention, A. G. Beeman, of 
 New Haven, Wm. Rich, of Troy, J. M. Williams, of Alba 
 ny, vice presidents. 
 
 On the 14th of January, 1852, a State Convention of the 
 colored people of Ohio met in the Union Baptist Church 
 in Cincinnati, continuing its sessions for five days. The 
 attendance was large, the discussions earnest and able. 
 Letters were received from Hon. Horace Mann. Cassius 
 M. Clay, Hon. Charles Durkee, of Wis., Hon. N. S. Towns- 
 hend, of 0., and others. Various topics were discussed, 
 but those of far greatest interest were African coloniza 
 tion, and a proposal in favor of emigration en masse to 
 some part of this continent. The discussions continued 
 through an entire day on these subjects; and when the 
 vote was taken on the colonization question, only two 
 voted in favor of the society ; and on emigration, the vote 
 stood four to one against the scheme. The large church 
 was constantly crowded, and a deep interest manifested. 
 The resolves on colonization and emigration were as fol 
 lows : 
 
 " Resolved, That we believe the primary, secondary, and 
 ultimate object of the American Colonization Society is 
 the exportation of the free people of color from the Unit 
 ed States, and thereby to render slave property more se 
 cure and valuable. We do therefore condemn uncondi 
 tionally the society and its advocates." (Adopted.) 
 
 " Resolved, That, in the voluntary emigration of the col 
 ored people of the United States, we see the only relief 
 from the oppressions of the American people, and we be 
 lieve the concentration of the colored race at sonic point 
 on the continent will react favorably upon the institution 
 of slavery." (Rejected.) 
 
 JOHN M. LANGSTON, of Lorain, president ; H. Head, of 
 
200 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 Mercer, T. H. Clark, W. M. Nelson, of Hamilton, secre 
 taries. 
 
 At a meeting in Rochester, N. Y.,in Ford Street Baptist 
 Church, August 9, 1852, 
 
 " Resolved, That the scheme of the Colonization Society 
 was concocted for expatriating the free colored people, 
 thereby tending to perpetuate slavery, and involving in 
 itself every thing inimical to their interests ; and, as such, 
 it cannot be too strongly deprecated or too vehemently 
 opposed. 
 
 " Resolved, That it is the right and duty of every colored 
 man to remain in this country, and use every possible 
 effort for the overthrow of slavery. 
 
 W. MOORE, Chairman. 
 
 WM. C. NELL, Secretary." 
 
 In New Bedford, Mass., at a meeting in Third Christian 
 Church, October 11, 1852,- 
 
 " Resolved, That we reiterate our oft-expressed and un 
 changed opinion against that iniquitous handmaid of sla 
 very, the American Colonization Society, whether it appears 
 under the auspices of its hypocritical and anti- Christian 
 supporters, or receives the countenance and advocacy of 
 professed friends. In our judgment, the principles of the 
 society are one and inseparable ; and, believing they are 
 based upon a prejudice against our color, as such we hold 
 them in utter detestation. 
 
 TV. H. WOODS, President. 
 
 R. C. JOHNSON, Secretary" 
 
 In July, 1852, a meeting was held in Baltimore, of dele 
 gates from the city and different sections of the state, in 
 which, after warm discussion and much excitement, re 
 solves were passed for examination of the different foreign 
 localities for emigration, giving preference to Liberia, and 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 201 
 
 also in favor of efforts for elevation at home. The excite 
 ment, it would seem, grew out of the alleged fact that the 
 meeting was called in such manner as not to be known to 
 the colored people of the city ; and a few days after they 
 held a large meeting, and issued an address, unanimously 
 declaring that the late convention, " claiming, as it did, to 
 be composed of delegates from city and country, so far as 
 the city was concerned, nine tenths of them knew nothing 
 what was being done in their name ; that it was gotten 
 up by a few individuals ; the proceedings known to but 
 few of our people ; hence the excitement among them when 
 they became generally known." They say they are not 
 opposed to voluntary emigration, "but did not at any time 
 elect delegates to the so called Colored Colonization Con 
 vention ; and declare that we gave said delegates no au 
 thority whatever to represent the views and feelings of our 
 people. PHILIP SCOTT, President. 
 
 JAS. GRAY, Secretary." 
 
 In 1850, a few colored people in New York formed a 
 society, called the " New York and Liberia Agricultural 
 and Emigration Society," to cooperate with the Coloniza 
 tion Society. Colonization journals reported this society 
 far and wide as an evidence of growing readiness of col 
 ored people to go to Liberia. At a meeting held in Abyssin 
 ian Baptist Church, New York, January 13, 1851, Rev. J. 
 F. Raymond, president, a resolve, passing " unqualified con 
 demnation" upon the association, was passed. At the 
 same meeting, letters were read from two colored men, 
 chosen vice president and treasurer of the association, say 
 ing such choice was without their knowledge, and they 
 should not act, one declaring himself an enemy to it. In 
 a few months, the colonizationists themselves were obliged 
 to advertise its president as dishonest. Considerable 
 money was collected by various devices ; one colored man 
 18 
 
202 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 and family went to Liberia ; no other person, we believe, 
 or possibly one ; and the whole affair proved a misera 
 ble failure. The colored people condemned it also in Al 
 bany, at a convention, and thus set the seal of their repro 
 bation upon a wretched abortive project to draw them 
 into a connection with the Colonization Society. 
 
 Occasionally a colored man is in favor of the plans 
 of the society, and in a few instances meetings of col 
 ored people have expressed similar opinions ; but such 
 instances have been rare, and tire meetings not com 
 posed of the more intelligent and clear-sighted part of 
 the colored people ; not gatherings, the discussions in 
 which showed that earnest feeling, that eloquence and 
 ability, found in the many large assemblies in which the 
 whole scheme has been exposed and condemned. The 
 colonization journals, full of professed regard to the col 
 ored man, give no full and accurate accounts of these 
 meetings ; merely a passing allusion, often not even that. 
 The meeting in Baltimore alluded to, in which resolves 
 favoring Liberia were passed, was fully reported in the 
 JV". Y. Colonization Journal j the meeting held soon after, 
 repudiating their doings, not reported at all, so far as a dil- 
 ligent search enables us to find. Why cannot journals 
 professing regard for the colored people fairly report 
 their views on this subject, arid reasons for those views ? 
 We forget, probably, that they attend only to the exclusive 
 object of the society, and cannot, of course, run into these 
 topics. 
 
 At a meeting in Albany, January 20 and 21, 1852, Rev. J. 
 W. C. PENNINGTON, chairman, an address to the people of 
 the United States, by DR. J. McCuNE SMITH, was adopted 
 an able refutation of Governor Hunt s statements and 
 views in favor of an appropriation to the Colonization So 
 ciety, by the state legislature, in his message of 1851-2. 
 The address says, 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 203 
 
 "We feel and know these animadversions misrepresent 
 our condition and prospects, and are unwilling they should 
 mould the public opinion in regard to us. ... While 
 we yield to none in respect for his office, that very respect 
 will not allow us to silently permit his exercise of it to be 
 used for our detriment. . . . We are not debarred 
 from all participation in public employment ; in propor 
 tion to our attainment, and efforts to secure the same, we 
 obtain and hold public employment. . . . Colored 
 men hold office in the gift of the people in Essex county, 
 in this state, and have refused office in Oneida ; have been 
 nominated, and received a fair share of votes for high 
 offices ; and if they have failed of being elected, it may, 
 perhaps, be attributed less to their demerits than to the 
 peculiar avidity and denial of self with which our white 
 fellow-citizens seek such encumbrances. ... If we 
 are rejected from most of the institutions of learning and 
 religion, it is from influences apart from our complexion, 
 and/rom icithout the state. In 1837, 1839, and 1843, when 
 colored youth, duly qualified, were rejected fro m equal 
 privileges in the Protestant Episcopal Theological Semi 
 nary in this state, . . . the bishop gave as a reason 
 for such rejection, the fear of a commotion in the church 
 at the south. In 1846, when a colored student, duly qual 
 ified, was presented for admission to the College of Physi 
 cians and Surgeons of New York city, he was denied ad 
 mission, on account of anticipated opposition of students 
 from the slave states. In the autumn of 1851, when a 
 colored student had been promised admission into the med 
 ical school at Albany, he was rejected, on account of the 
 opposition of a medical student from the south. In all 
 these instances, the professors of these institutions expressed 
 with -profound regret that their pecuniary dependence 
 upon southern students was the sole reason for making a 
 
204 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 rejection repugnant to their own feelings and local opin 
 ions. Hence it appears, that southern young men, arro 
 gating to themselves the title of gentlemen, who in infancy 
 had drawn nutriment from the breasts of black mothers, 
 (as nurses,) the cost of whose bringing up, nay, the very 
 clothes upon whose backs, are paid for by the unrequited 
 labor of black men and women, have come into the free 
 State of New York, and succeeded in closing those seats 
 of learning to colored men, in order to make capital for 
 slavery out of the ignorance of free people of color. And 
 so far from these exclusions being arguments against that 
 portion of freedom w r hich has been vouchsafed to us, they 
 are palpable proofs of the chains which the south has 
 forced upon men of science and sanctity in this state. 
 . . . Churches are breaking away slowly ; Catholics 
 have no colored churches ; the Presbyterian Union Theo 
 logical Seminary is open ; the Baptists are more lib 
 eral. . . . The governor says, We are governed by 
 laws we have no share in framing ; J . now four 
 
 fifths of us can vote. . . . We had labored under the 
 impression that the governor occupied a position not un 
 important in relation to the framing of laws ; and we would 
 respectfully submit, touching the present incumbent, wheth 
 er the fact that he was elected to that office by the vote 
 of colored men in King s county, cast for him in belief of 
 a liberality of sentiment on his part touching the Fugitive 
 Slave Law, should not have left a more lively, if not a 
 more grateful, impression upon his memory. (Governor 
 H. s majority was only two hundred and fifty.) . . . 
 Colored men through the state are farmers, blacksmiths, 
 engineers, shoemakers, carpenters, merchant tailors, clergy 
 men, teachers, editors, physicians, &c. . . . New York, 
 W^illiamsburg, and Brooklyn have a third of the colored 
 population of the state ; and in those cities they have, at 
 
THE AMEPJCAX COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 205 
 
 low estimates, invested in business carried on by themselves 
 eight hundred and thirty-nine thousand dollars, and own 
 in real estate, deducting encumbrances, one million one hun 
 dred and sixty thousand dollars. Twenty years ago they 
 held in the same cities, in real and personal property and 
 business investments, eight hundred and sixty-one thousand 
 dollars, and have since increased in population twenty -five 
 per cent., and in wealth one hundred per cent., while the 
 proportion of deaths in 1821 was one in twenty-two ; in 
 1845, one in forty-one. . . . Proportion of scholars 
 in schools about the same as the whites.* 
 
 " The only statistics the governor gives are a decrease, as 
 per census from 1840 to 1850, of two thousand and ninety. 
 The census is quite inaccurate ; one of the marshals made 
 no separate account of the many colored people in Wil- 
 liamsburg ; but, granting it correct, the census of Mont 
 gomery county showed a decrease in ten years of three 
 thousand nine hundred and five. Why does he not recom 
 mend their colonization in view of this decrease ? . . . 
 We protest against such appropriations, because the Colo 
 nization Society is a gigantic fraud, professing to love, 
 while it systematically encourages hate ; . . . profess 
 ing to liberate the slave, while it binds more firmly the 
 fetters of the in thralled." 
 
 Soon after a visit of Rev. J. B. PINNEY to Syracuse, 
 N. Y., and the formation of a County Colonization Socie 
 ty there, a meeting of the colored people was held, (March 
 18, 1853,) and resolves passed unanimously, after interest 
 ing addresses by Messrs. Yashon, Keene, Loguen, and 
 others. 
 
 * Contrast with these statistics the assertion of Hox. R. McL.VNE, at the 
 annual meeting in 1849, at Washington. " In the free states we shall find the 
 free blacks going down lower and lower. In New York, who can deny that the 
 race has gone down each year socially, politically, and in numbers ? where such 
 beautiful evidences of civilization smile upon us, and so many spires point to 
 heaven." 
 
 18* 
 
20(> ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 " Resolved, That our abhorrence of the scheme of African 
 colonization is not in the slightest degree abated ; that we 
 recognize in it the most intense hatred of the colored race, 
 clad iTi the garb of pretended philanthropy ; and that we 
 regard the revival of colonization societies in various 
 sections of the Union, and the expulsion of colored citizens 
 from Delaware, Indiana, and Iowa, and more recently from 
 Illinois, as kindred manifestations of a passion fit only for 
 demons to indulge in. 
 
 " Resolved, That we have heard with the deepest regret 
 of the formation of a colonization society in our own 
 county of Onondaga ; but that, even in view of this sad 
 event, we have reason to congratulate ourselves on the 
 fact, that the great majority of its members are of a char 
 acter so generally and definitely known as to raise doubts 
 with reference to the real benevolence of an association 
 thus constituted." 
 
 At a meeting in Providence, R. I., April 27, 1853, it 
 was 
 
 " Resolved, That the colonization scheme, ever false and 
 unjust, because existing and persisting in error and injus 
 tice, is no less entitled to our uncompromising condemna 
 tion and contempt, because it makes prominent the false 
 plea that it is the Christianizing and civilizing of Africa 
 that impels them to effort." 
 
 In Ohio, the colored people held meetings repeatedly, 
 to express their feelings against the action of Mr. Christy, 
 the colonization agent, whose memorials, &c., we have 
 alluded to. 
 
 In Columbus, Jan. 29, 1849, a large meeting in one of 
 the churches declared the object of the society to be the 
 removal of free* colored persons, that slaves might be more 
 secure ; that they viewed the memorial of Mr. Christy to 
 the legislature as against their interests, and its author as 
 their "inveterate enemy. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 207 
 
 At an enthusiastic meeting , held in^thc same church, 
 (Second Baptist,) Feb. 3, 1851, to "take into consideration 
 a memorial recently presented to the legislature by the 
 Ohio c.ommittce of correspondence of the American Colo 
 nization Society," the statement of said memorial, that 
 some of the colored people of Ohio were prepared to go to 
 Liberia, and many were investigating the subject, was de 
 clared unfounded in fact ; " . . . " prejudicial to their 
 peaceably enjoying their homes and social and religious 
 privileges here ; " and it was 
 
 " Resolved, That such men as N. L. Rice, David Christy, 
 and their coadjutors, are avowed friends of slavery and 
 slaveholders, . . . ready to obey the mandates of 
 slavery in the social circle, at the ballot box, in the pulpit, 
 and therefore seek the expulsion of the free colored peo 
 ple, to make slave property more secure and valuable. 
 
 JOHN BOOKER, Chairman. 
 
 J. POINDEXTER, Secretary" 
 
 At a State Convention, January 19, 1853, the following 
 strong and clear expression of opinion was adopted : 
 
 "Resolved, That we regard the American Colonization 
 Society as one of our worst enemies in that, while it 
 professes philanthropy, in one breath it says to the north, 
 It tends to rid us gradually of slavery/ to the south, 
 Into our account the question of emancipation does not 
 enter at all/ to the east, Every emigrant is a missiona 
 ry/ <fcc., and to the west, The free blacks are a nui 
 sance, scarcely reached in their debasement by the heaven 
 ly light. We feel that to encourage such a society, how 
 ever Christian its professions, would be unchristian ; or to 
 countenance any bill in the state or national legislature, 
 appropriating money to forward its objects, would be not 
 only unconstitutional, but self-degrading. 
 
 A. J. GORDON, President. 11 
 
208 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 A resolve was also "passed against " Cushing s Bill." 
 At a meeting in the Union Baptist Church, Cincinnati, 
 Feb. 4, 1853,- 
 
 " Resolved, That we are opposed to the whole scheme of 
 colonization, as presented by the society, and to coloniza 
 tion itself, so far as it applies to the removal of the free 
 people of color to Liberia or any portion of Africa. . . . 
 
 " Resolved, That we believe there is no real conflict of 
 interest between the white and colored races of this coun- 
 try." 
 
 A national convention of the free people of color was 
 held in Corinthian Hall, in Rochester, N. Y., the 6th, 7th, 
 and 8th of July, 1853 ; delegates from different states 
 were present, the discussions were conducted with much 
 ability and interest, and the large and beautiful hall (capa 
 ble of containing eighteen hundred persons) was filled in 
 the evening sessions. We give some of the expressions 
 touching the colonization movement. Other subjects con 
 nected with the welfare of the colored people and of our 
 country were also discussed. 
 
 The address to the colored people of the United States, 
 prepared by FREDERIC DOUGLASS, chairman of the com 
 mittee chosen for that purpose, says, 
 
 " We ask that no appropriations whatever, state or na 
 tional, be granted to the colonization scheme. We would 
 have our right to leave or remain in the United States 
 placed above legislative interference." 
 
 The following is one of the resolves on the subject : 
 
 " Resolved, That, as for the Colonization Society, we have 
 no sympathy with it ; we have long since made up our 
 minds to plant our trees on American soil, and repose be 
 neath their shade." 
 
 Extracts from Report of Committee on Colonization, 
 Rev. J. W. C. Pennington, chairman : 
 
 ; Your committee cannot report any change in the poli- 
 
THE AMERICAN" COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 209 
 
 cy and spirit of the American Colonization Party. That 
 party is still our traducer ; there are honorable exceptions, 
 but what we have said is true of the party. . . . 
 None of that party are abolitionists, and although some of 
 them profess to be antislavery, yet they never utter a word 
 of rebuke to the slaveholders. . . . We do not be 
 lieve the party has increased numerically. It has appeared 
 to increase ; that is a part of its policy. . . . We de 
 mur to the claims of bonafide independence on the part of 
 Liberia, because the colonization party in this country, 
 several of the slave states, and proslavery individuals, 
 still exert a controlling influence over its territory." 
 
 Dr. Pennington said, " He felt degraded, scandalized, 
 that President Roberts, of Liberia, should come over here 
 to be made a tool of by the Colonization Society ; that 
 he should come to a government for aid known as an 
 enemy of the colored race." This was said in allusion to 
 a visit to this country, by President Roberts, a few years 
 since. 
 
 It is worthy of remark, that REV. R. R. GURLEY, a well- 
 known colonizationist, was present at some of the sessions 
 of this meeting, and was alluded to by name ; but although 
 amidst those whom the society to which he is attached pro 
 fesses especially to benefit, such was the feeling manifested, 
 that at a meeting called by him at the City Hall, during 
 one of the evenings of the convention, only some twenty-Jive 
 persons were present, and the meeting adjourned some 
 of that number going to Corinthian Hall, to report to the 
 large and intelligent audience of citizens and delegates 
 with which it was filled. 
 
 Similar resolves, passed at Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Chi 
 cago, and other places, might be given, but these must 
 suffice. Did the limits or purpose of this work allow, it 
 would be matter of extreme interest to give proofs of the 
 improvement of the colored people in our country, and of 
 
210 ORIGIN, CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 instances of marked ability and character among them, 
 quite contradictory to the ideas of their condition given 
 by leading colonizationists, as well as evidences that the 
 prejudice is yielding to the power of truth although, 
 of course, this is a gradual process, as must be every 
 change in old opinions. 
 
 These earnest and intelligent testimonials, repeatedly 
 given, are striking evidences of the real character of this 
 professed " benevolent scheme." 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 211 
 
 OPINIONS OF CLARKSON, WILBERFORCE, AND 
 OTHERS. 
 
 THE names appended to the protest which follows are 
 well known as those of some of the eminent philanthro 
 pists of England men whose character stands high, and 
 whose good deeds are known of all. 
 
 So frequent is the intercourse becoming between one 
 nation and the other, that a free interchange of opinidn in 
 regard to great questions vital to the happiness of two 
 great nations, an unrestricted exchange of kind and faith 
 ful warning and rebuke, cannot but be beneficial to both. 
 
 A word in regard to the circumstances which led to the 
 protest, and also how the excellent letter of that great 
 and good man, THOMAS CLARKSON, was written. In 1830, 
 ELLIOT CRESSON, of Philadelphia, a distinguished coloniza- 
 tionist, visited England, and for nearly three years, while 
 there, sought to enlist leading philanthropists and the 
 popular feeling in behalf of the American Colonization 
 Society, by representing its great object to be the aboli 
 tion of slavery. In 1833, WM. LLOYD GARRISON also vis 
 ited England, and repeatedly invitad Mr. Cresson to dis 
 cuss the merits of the Colonization Society, which he al 
 ways refused to do. At a meeting held in Rev. Mr. Prince s 
 chapel, Devonshire Square, London, by Mr. Garrison, Mr. 
 Cresson, who was present, refused to hold a discussion in 
 the chapel, which was freely offered for the purpose, but 
 offered to lecture there. After repeated efforts, he formed 
 a colonization society, at a meeting in London, of only 
 about one hundred and twenty persons, to which such men 
 as T. F. Buxton. James Cropper, Mr. Macaulay, and Mr. 
 
212 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 O Connell. the real friends of African civilization, were 
 not invited. Soon after, a member of Parliament sent Mr. 
 Garrison duplicate copies of the protest, which, coming 
 from such men, destroyed the influence of the society, 
 which never had from that time more than a " name to 
 live." 
 
 Many other able and interesting testimonials against 
 the society from England could be given, did space allow. 
 
 While in England, in 1833, Mr. Garrison had an inter 
 view with Mr. Clarkson, who was then much in favor of 
 the American Colonization Society, through Mr. Cresson s 
 representations. The interview had no effect at the time 
 in changing his mind ; but, in 1840, this letter was sent, 
 and is especially of interest, as being the result of his own 
 reflections and examinations, with little personal inter 
 course with any American on the subject. 
 
 The opinions and sentiments of these documents, inde 
 pendent of the sources from whence they came, are worthy 
 the most serious consideration. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 213 
 
 PROTEST. 
 
 WE the undersigned, observing with regret that the 
 American Colonization Society appears to be gaining 
 some adherents in this country, are desirous to express 
 our opinions respecting it. 
 
 Our motive and excuse for thus coming forward are the 
 claims which the society has put forth to antislavery sup 
 port. The opinions are, in our opinion, wholly ground 
 less ; and we feel bound to affirm that our deliberate judg 
 ment and conviction are, that the professions ma.de by the 
 Colonization Society, of promoting the abolition of sla 
 very, are altogether delusive. 
 
 As far as the mere colony of Liberia is concerned, it 
 has, no doubt, the advantages of other trading establish 
 ments. In this sense, it is beneficial both to Africa and 
 America ; and we cordially wish it well. We cannot, 
 \owcver, refrain from expressing our strong opinion, that 
 it is a settlement of which the United States ought to bear 
 the whole cost. We never required of that country to as 
 sist us in Sierra Leone : we are enormously burdened by 
 our own connection with slavery; and we do maintain that 
 we ought not to be called on to contribute to the expenses 
 of a colony, which, though no doubt comprising some ad 
 vantages, was formed chiefly to indulge the prejudices of 
 American slaveholders, and which is regarded with aver 
 sion by the colored population of the United States. 
 
 With regard to the extinction of the slave trade, we ap 
 prehend that Liberia, however good the intentions of its 
 supporters, will do little or nothing toward it, except on 
 the extent of its own territory. The only effectual death 
 19 
 
214 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OP 
 
 blow to the accursed traffic will be a destruction of sla 
 very throughout the world. To the destruction of slavey 
 throughout the world, we are compelled to say, that we 
 believe the Colonization Society to be an obstruction. 
 
 Our objections to it are therefore briefly these while 
 we believe its pretexts to be delusive, we are convinced 
 that its real effects are of the most dangerous nature. It 
 takes its root from a cruel prejudice and alienation in the 
 whites of America against the colored people, slave or 
 free. This being its source, the effects are what might be 
 expected ; that it fosters and increases the spirit of caste, 
 already so unhappily predominant ; that it widens the 
 breach between the two races ; exposes the colored peo 
 ple to great practical persecution, in order to force them 
 to emigrate ; and, finally, is calculated to swallow up and 
 divert that feeling which America, as a Christian and a 
 free country, cannot but entertain, that slavery is alike in 
 compatible with the law of God and with the well being 
 of man, whether the enslaved or the enslaver. 
 
 On these grounds, therefore, and while we acknowledge 
 the colony of Liberia, or any other colony on the coast of 
 Africa, to be in itself a good thing, we must be understood 
 utterly to repudiate the principles of the American Colo 
 nization Society. That society is, in our estimation, not 
 deserving the countenance of the British public. 
 
 WM. WlLBERFORCE, SUFFIELD, 
 
 WM. SMITH, S. LUSHINGTON, M. P., 
 
 ZACHART MACAULAY, THOS. FOWELL BUXTON, 
 
 WM. EVANS, M. P., JAMES CROPPER, 
 
 SAMUEL GURNET, WILLIAM ALLEN, 
 
 GEORGE STEPHEN, DANIEL O CONNELL, M. P. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 215 
 
 LETTER FROM THOMAS CLARKSON TO WIL 
 LIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 
 
 DEAR SIR : 
 
 When you was in England on a former occasion, you 
 did me the favor to call upon me at Playford Hall, to take 
 a part against the " Colonization Society." Long before 
 this visit, my friend Mr. Elliot Cresson had engaged me 
 in its favor, so that I fear that I did not show you the atten 
 tion and respect (while you was at my house) due to so 
 faithful an apostle of liberty. You have lately been in 
 England again ; but your numerous engagements prevented 
 you from seeing me, though it was your intention to have 
 done so, and to have conversed with me on the same sub 
 ject. I understand from your friends in London, who sent 
 me a message to that effect, that you wished to know the 
 particular reasons why I changed my mind with respect to 
 that society. I have no objection to give you a short ac 
 count of the reasons which induced me to- enter into it, 
 and finally to abandon it. 
 
 My attention was first drawn to this subject by Mr. El 
 liot Cresson, who said that there was at that moment an 
 almost universal desire in the people of the United States 
 to abolish slavery and the slave trade, and that he and they 
 had a plan for this purpose. The plan was, to emancipate 
 all those then in bondage there, and to send them to 
 Africa, the land of their fathers, where they were to buy 
 land and form colonies on the principle of civilizing the 
 natives there, of leaching them Christianity, and of prevent 
 ing the slave trade in their immediate neighborhood, as 
 well as of trying to put an end to it in other parts, wher- 
 
216 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 ever their influence might reach. This desire or disposi 
 tion in the American people to accomplish so glorious a 
 work was, he said, almost universal. It was not confined 
 to the clergy, or persons of superior intellect or high 
 moral character, but it extended through the various 
 classes of society, even to the planters themselves, who were 
 then deeply convinced of the sin of holding their fellow- 
 creatures as slaves, so that slaves for transportation might 
 be bought for l 10s. each, (the sum calculated to pay 
 their passage.) Many masters were so convinced of the 
 sin of slavery, that they would emancipate, and were then 
 emancipating, their slaves for nothing ; that is, without any 
 pecuniary consideration, or on the condition only that they 
 should be sent to Africa, and comfortably provided for 
 there. Upon this universally prevalent disposition, the Colo 
 nization Society was founded, and a district, to be called 
 Liberia, on the western coast of Africa, was fixed upon for 
 the purpose. This was the account given me by my friend 
 Mr. Cresson ; and I own that I was overcome with joy, and 
 carried away by it. I thought it was one of the sublimest 
 plans ever devised. Here the two great evils of slavery 
 and the slave trade were to be done away at one and the 
 same time in the United States. But that circumstance 
 which astonished me the most was, that there should have 
 broken out all at once, and over the whole land, such a sun 
 shine of benevolent feeling ; that men should suddenly, 
 and all at once, have given up long-established customs 
 and the rooted prejudices of ages ; and that the hardened 
 hearts of planters should have been all at once melted and 
 softened, and their consciences so smitten as to have ac 
 knowledged slaveholding to be a sin, for which they were 
 anxious to make reparation at a great sacrifice, namely, the 
 free emancipation of their slaves. These feelings, on the 
 part of the American people, were not to be accounted for 
 upon any ordinary principle. I thought that nothing but 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 217 
 
 the Spirit of God could have worked such a miracle, and 
 that, if it was his will that the blessing of freedom should 
 come to American slaves through the means of the Colo 
 nization Society, we were "bound most thankfully to accept 
 the boon. My astonishment was so great at this miracu 
 lous change of things, that I questioned my friend Mr. 
 Cresson, over and over again, if his account was not exag 
 gerated. He replied, always, that it was strictly true. 
 And these were the reasons why I patronized the society 
 in the very beginning of its formation. 
 
 I began now to think very seriously on what had been, 
 at different times, related to me on this subject ; and, first, 
 how such an immense work was to be accomplished. 
 Nearly two millions and a half of slaves were stated to 
 be then in the United States, and all these were to be 
 transported to Africa. It struck me that no private funds 
 could be collected by Mr. Cresson, either in England or 
 in America, sufficient for this purpose ; that it was, in fact, 
 and ought to be, a government work ; and I told him my 
 fears that he would never accomplish his object. He told 
 me, in reply, that, besides subscriptions by individuals, the 
 different states in the Union would each give its quota of 
 money towards it, sufficient to transport all the slaves 
 within its own district or boundaries. He then showed 
 me one or two American newspapers, in which it appeared 
 that one of the states Virginia, I think had already 
 promised a very large sum, some, thousands of dollars, to the 
 work ; and he believed that the rest of the states would 
 follow the example. Thus my fears were quieted, as they 
 related to this part of the subject. I do not know whether 
 Virginia has to this day fulfilled her promise. 
 
 On going more deeply into this subject, new ideas rose 
 
 up to my mind. I began to think, that if the slaves- in the 
 
 United States amounted to the immense number reported, 
 
 with the population every day increasing by birth, no man 
 
 19* 
 
218 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 then living might see this good work brought to an end ; 
 and that, during all this time, that is, during their transpor 
 tation, all the horrors of slavery would be going on 
 among those who were left behind. I determined, there 
 fore, to satisfy myself on this point ; and therefore, when 
 I saw my friend Mr. Cresson next, I inquired what was 
 the then state of Liberia : how many emancipated persons 
 had been already imported into it, and what was the num 
 ber annually expected to be brought into it. I gathered 
 from him, as far as I can now recollect, that between two 
 and three thousand had already come into it, and that 
 more were on their way thither ; but that, if I waited a 
 little time longer, he could give me a better- answer. I 
 accordingly waited for some months, when I found that 
 the recruits began to come in much more slowly than before, 
 and that, judging by the last importations, or the number 
 then imported in a given time, I could not expect that 
 more than one thousand, or fifteen hundred, or at the most 
 two thousand emancipated slaves could be then counted 
 upon to be sent annually into Liberia. This alarmed me, and 
 I began to think that some difficulties had occurred in the 
 way of the emigration ; either that the funds were then not 
 equal to the transportation of more, or that more could not 
 be procured. Not more than two thousand, at most, could be 
 expected to be brought into the colony in a year ; whereas 
 not less than one thousand per day should have been sent 
 to that and other parts of the continent of Africa, to get 
 rid of a population of between two and three millions in 
 any reasonable time. No person, if Mr. Cresson s plan 
 were followed up in such a slow and lingering manner, could 
 hope to see the extinction of slavery in the United States 
 in less than five hundred years, if at all. Nor could they 
 take off, by such a slow process, even the rising generation 
 as they were born. Nor, if the American government 
 were to take the plan into their own hands, could they, in 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 219 
 
 any reasonable time, accomplish the work, were they even 
 to give to the project every shitting of their surplus revenue 
 in their treasury, and employ their whole navy in the transpor 
 tation of those people, taking in the rising generations, and 
 all the difficulties which would occur. Even they, the 
 American government, could not accomplish it in less than 
 fifty years. I considered, therefore, Mr. Cresson s plan, 
 so far as related to the removal of these unhappy people, 
 as impracticable within the lifetime of any man then living, 
 and I told him so repeatedly ; but I could never get a sat 
 isfactory answer from him, nor can any satisfactory answer 
 ever be given to show that the scheme is practicable ; and 
 this ought to weigh with those who, if this society still 
 exists, have a desire to enter into it. Let such persons, more 
 over, consider that this society has already existed, I be 
 lieve, for eight or nine years, and that there is not a slave 
 less in the United States now than when they began their work. 
 Indeed, notwithstanding all their efforts, during all this time, 
 there are many hundreds of thousands more, in consequence 
 of the increase of population, than when the plan was first 
 proposed ; the slave population, according to the best ac 
 counts, amounting now to nearly three millions. And I may 
 say further, that if this sqciety still exists, it is criminal ; 
 for to hold out that their scheme would produce the entire 
 extinction of slavery in America, (and this was held out, with 
 an inconceivable obstinacy,) what was it, or what is it, 
 but to delude the public as well as themselves, and to 
 teach people to rely upon this one measure ? whereas, if 
 their scheme had never been proposed, they would have 
 been looking out for some other remedy or cure. 
 
 But I began to have other fears, as I looked into the 
 subject further, from a very different view of it. I began 
 to question, whether the persons to be sent out were the 
 proper persons to found a new colony in an uncivilized part of 
 the world, and whether they would not do more harm than 
 
220 ORIOIN ? CHARACTER. AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 good. The natives of Africa, besides being called upon to 
 abolish the slave trade in their own territory, were to be 
 improved in their morals, to be civilized, to be Christianized ; 
 but were slaves newly emancipated fat persons to carry on such 
 a work ? And yet, by the scheme, such, and such alone, 
 except the officers, were to be employed in it. The scheme 
 had reference only to those who were then slaves, and who 
 were to be made free on the occasion; that is, just before the 
 sailing of the vessels which were to convey them to their 
 new homes. Now, it is obvious that, if these people were 
 to be sent to Liberia and other parts of the same continent, 
 they would go there with all the vices of slavery upon their 
 heads. Theft, lying, prevarication, and trickery of every 
 kind arc the characteristics of a slave, brought on inevi 
 tably by the vicious system under which he had been 
 obliged to live. To this are to be added the brutal and 
 superstitious notions which such people must have ; their 
 wants of education and of any knowledge of civilized 
 life ; but, above all, their want of any moral principle to 
 guide them, and their total ignorance of God and religion. 
 Now, I did not think that people of this description were 
 fit to be sent to Africa, to form a pattern colony for the im 
 itation of the natives there ; for they were not persons- of a 
 pattern conduct themselves. These were my thoughts upon 
 this part of my subject, and I mentioned them several 
 times to Mr. Cresson. He said that hitherto he had taken 
 all the care he could to make a selection, but admitted 
 that one hundred and twenty of this description had come 
 into Liberia amongst the last importations. He candidly 
 confessed that he did not see how he could help himself on 
 a future occasion. Indeed, he spoke only the truth ; for 
 the scheme related only to those who were then in bondage, and 
 who, as 50071 as ever they were emancipated, (however unfit 
 they might be,) were to be the component parts of the new 
 colonies in Africa. 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 221 
 
 You will see in this narrative my reasons for patron 
 izing at First the American Colonization Society, and my 
 reasons, also, for having afterwards deserted it. I left it, 
 first, because it was entirely impracticable. This is a suffi 
 cient reason of itself; for no man in his senses would pur 
 sue a plan which he thought could never be accomplished. 
 I left it, secondly, because I thought that newly -emancipated 
 slaves were not qualified to become colonists in Africa to 
 any good purpose. How could persons be sent with any 
 propriety to civilize others who wanted civilizing themselves? 
 Besides, the advocates for the Colonization Society in 
 America had no right to send the scum of their population 
 to Africa, to breed a moral pestilence there. As far, how 
 ever, as the abolition of the slave trade concurred in the plan, 
 it must be allowed that Liberia has done a great deal of 
 good. But then, this was tJie first colony planted, and the 
 people sent there, as Mr. Cresson assured me, were more 
 select. Many of these had been emancipated a considera 
 ble time before, and had got their own living, knowing 
 something of the habits of civilized life. My argument 
 relates only to newly-emancipated slaves, who, according to 
 the scheme, were to be hurried off from the plantations as 
 soon as their liberty was given them. If the society did 
 not take these people, then the prospectus offered to the 
 public had no meaning in it, and slavery could never, ac 
 cording to its promises, be extinguished in the United 
 States. 
 
 Since writing the above, 1 have learned from an Ameri 
 can paper that a skirmish has taken place between the colo 
 nists of Liberia and the people of Gaytoombah s town. 
 I know nothing of the causes of this apparently little war. 
 but am grieved to learn, when the skirmish was over, that 
 a most wanton, deliberate, cool-blooded act of butchery 
 was practised by the missionaries themselves ; who boasted 
 that, while the people of Gaytoombah s town were gather- 
 
222 ORIGIN, CHARACTER, AND INFLUENCE OF 
 
 ing up their dead, they had the " best chance of any to fire 
 into tJieir groups, and, when they had turned their backs, to 
 pepper their hams with luck shot." This was too bad, and 
 contrary to the usages of war among civilized nations ; 
 but to rejoice in, to boast of, to make a joke of such a mur 
 derous deed, belonged only to savages ; and yet these men 
 were, we repeat, missionaries, disciples of the Prince of Peace, 
 and perhaps leading men in the colony. What effect such 
 barbarous conduct will have upon the natives, to prevent 
 future colonies from being settled on their coast, we may 
 perhaps live to see. The news of this massacre will cer 
 tainly be spread by the Kroomen all over the African 
 coast, and the Colonization Society may be deprived of the 
 power of making further purchases in Africa, except in 
 their own immediate vicinity, where they may have done 
 some good. If this should ever be the case, they may bid 
 farewell to their future hopes. Where, then, will they 
 provide land on this continent for three millions of eman 
 cipated slaves ? 
 
 But I have not done with the subject yet. Mr. Cresson 
 had scarcely left England the last time when new informa 
 tion was given me on this same subject by two American 
 gentlemen of the very highest moral reputation, by which 
 I was led to suppose two things either that I had mis 
 taken Mr. Cresson in his numerous conversations with me, 
 or that he had allowed me to entertain erroneous impres 
 sions without correcting them. It was true, as my two 
 friends informed me, that there had actually been a great 
 stir or agitation in the United States on this subject, and 
 quite as extensive and general as Mr. Cresson had repre 
 sented it to be ; tut that the cause of it was not a religious 
 feeling, as I had been led to imagine, by which the plant 
 ers had been convinced of the sin of slavery, but a base feel 
 ing of fear, which seemed to pervade all of them, and 
 which urged them to get rid of the free people of color by 
 
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. - 22E 
 
 sending them to Africa. These people ^cru more 
 ing, intelligent, and dill livaled. than the slaves, and, it w 
 believed, were likely to join them, and be very useful to 
 them in the case of an insurrection ; so that, if these were 
 once fairly sent out of the country, they, the planters, 
 might the more safely rule their then slaves with a rod of 
 iron. This information was accompanied by an account, 
 by way of proof, taken from American newspapers, of dif 
 ferent meetings held by the friends of the Colonization 
 Society in different states of the Union, and of the 
 speeches made there. It appeared from these speeches 
 that the most violent supporters of this society were plant 
 ers themselves j and that the speakers did not hesitate to 
 hold out the monstrous and hateful proposition, that the 
 negroes were not men and women, but that they belonged 
 to the brute creation. It was impossible to read these 
 speeches, which were so many public documents, and not 
 perceive that the persons then assembled were no friends, 
 but bitter enemies, to the whole African race, and that 
 nothing in the way of good intentions towards the negro 
 could be expected from them. It is unnecessary for me to 
 attempt to describe what my feelings were upon this occa 
 sion. I will only say that I saw the scheme shall I say 
 the diabolical scheme ? with new eyes, and that the new 
 light thus thrown upon it, added to the two arguments be 
 fore mentioned, determined me to wash my hands clean for 
 ever of the undertaking. 
 
 With respect to my dear and revered friend Mr. Wil- 
 berforce, I will tell you what was his opinion on the sub 
 ject. He saw Mr. Cresson through my introduction, and 
 having heard patiently all that Mr. Cresson had to say in 
 favor of his scheme, put this important question to him*: 
 " Why, when the government of the United States have 
 millions of acres of land, whole states, indeed, at their 
 disposal, why do you send them to Africa for a new 
 
THE AMERICAN" COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 
 
 home, when you can locate them in the country in 
 which they were born, and to which they have n claim 
 by birthright, and on account of services to the com 
 munity ?" ;? Mr. Cresson never answered this question 
 so as to satisfy Mr. Wilberforce, and Mr. Wilberforce 
 would not stir a step till it was answered. His opinion 
 was, that, if Congress were composed of just and honest 
 men, they would locate these slaves in a territory neigh 
 boring to their own, and make a separate state of them, 
 and have them represented on the floor of Congress ; or 
 that they would send them to a great distance, making an 
 allied state of them there, and sending proper officers and 
 magistrates with them, to live among them, and to put 
 them in the way of governing themselves. But he gave the 
 preference to the former measure. lie always thought 
 that there was something hidden in Mr. Cresson s plan, 
 which was purposely concealed. 
 
 I have now given you my reasons for having once pat 
 ronized the Colonization Society and then deserted it, and 
 hope you will consider them satisfactory. 
 I am, dear sir, with great esteem, 
 
 Very truly and cordially yours, 
 
 THOMAS CLARKSON, 
 
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