GIFT or 
 
 JANE K.SATHER 
 
^- j&Ztt^Lj, 
 
*" 
 
 ^Jfc. SN V 
 
LIFE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 
 
 HON. NATHANIEL MACON, 
 
 OF NORTH CAROLINA; 
 IN WHICH THERE IS DISPLAYED 
 
 STRIKING INSTANCES OP VIRTUE, ENTERPRISE, COUR 
 AGE, GENEROSITY AND PATRIOTISM. 
 
 HIS PUBLIC LIFE: 
 
 Illustrating the blessing of political union, the miseries of faction, and the 
 mischiefs of despotic power in any government. 
 
 HIS PRIVATE LIFE: 
 
 Furnishing lessons upon the science of social happiness and religious freedom, 
 
 of greater value perhaps, than are to be found in the biography of any 
 
 other character, either ancient or modern, "having lived 
 
 and died without an enemy." 
 
 BY EDWARD R. GOTTEN, 
 
 OF :Vo>Rf H , C AR LI N A : 
 
 BALTIMORE: 
 Printed by Lucas & Deaver. 
 
 1840. 
 

 
 
 Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1840, by Edward R 
 Gotten, in the Clerk s Office, of the District Court of Maryland. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 AN author, who produces a book, be it good or bad, 
 in some measure exhibits his heart to the world, provi 
 ded this book contains thoughts which, if he has not in 
 vented, (and indeed in our days there is little left for in 
 vention,) he has at least found and made his own. He 
 not only reveals the subjects, that have employed his 
 thoughts at certain periods, the doubts that have oc 
 curred to perplex him in his journey through life, and 
 the solutions, with which he has removed them ; but he 
 reckons upon some minds in unison with his own, be 
 they ever so few, to which these or similar ideas will 
 prove of importance in the labyrinth of life. This is 
 the most estimable merit of authorship, and a man of 
 good heart will feel much less pleasure from what he 
 says, than from what he excites. 
 
 He who reflects, how opportunely this or that book, 
 or merely this or that hint in a book, has sometimes 
 fallen in his way ; what pleasure it has afforded him, 
 to perceive a distant mind, yet actively near him in his 
 own, and how such a hint has often occupied for years, 
 and led him on still farther: will consider an author 
 who converses with him, and imparts to him his inmost 
 
 383633 
 
4 >\ : : *a STHE READER. 
 
 thoughts, not as one who labours for hire, but as a friend 
 who confidentially discloses his yet imperfect ideas, that 
 the more experienced reader, who may think in concert 
 with him, may improve upon them. This invisible com 
 merce of hearts and minds is the one great benefit of 
 printing, without which it would be of as much injury 
 as advantage to a literary nation. 
 
 It was a custom among the ancient Romans, to pre 
 serve, in wax, the figures of those, among their ances 
 tors whose personal merits and rare exploits had procu 
 red them the honors of their country ; that their coun 
 trymen by beholding those likenesses might have enkin 
 dled in their breast so ardent a thirst after virtue as could 
 not be extinguished, till by the glory of their own ac 
 tions they had equalled the illustrious objects of their 
 emulation. 
 
 The good sense of mankind, confirmed by the lapse 
 of ages, have fixed this point, that example is that sort 
 of rhetorick which at the same time convinces and per 
 suades, constraining the assent of the judgment to that 
 fine remark, "could we see virtue in all her charms, she 
 would ravish all our hearts," while vice and ignorance, 
 seen in all their horrid deformities, would dispose us to 
 turn away from them with loathing and abhorrence ; 
 hence the biography of meritorious men, correctly por 
 trayed, must be of universal consequence. Well might 
 Dr. Johnson say, "no species of writing seemed more 
 worthy of cultivation than biography, since none can be 
 more delightful or more useful, nor can more certainly 
 enchain the heart by irresistible interest, or more widely 
 diffuse instruction to every diversity of condition.." 
 
TO THE READER. 5 
 
 The author of the present work considering himself 
 in the circle of those, who actually felt themselves inte 
 rested in the subject on which he wrote, and on which 
 he was desirous of calling forth and participating their 
 better thoughts, in offering to their patronage and the 
 public, the present volume, intended as a tribute to the 
 personal virtues and public services of the distinguished 
 individual who is the subject of it, flatters himself 
 that he performs a service which will obtain their appro 
 bation and support. That his incapacity to do entire 
 justice to such a subject, and that his design and its exe 
 cution have not received that high finish that he wished 
 and of which the subject was susceptible, he readily ac 
 knowledges. Yet he trusts it will be acceptable to the 
 public, from the consideration, that every tribute of this 
 nature, paid to a public benefactor, is a public good. 
 And the severity of their censures and the asperities of 
 their criticisms should be some what mitigated, from the 
 motives of the undertaking. 
 
 That historians generally have written under the im- 
 pulse of a thousand different passions, the author is well 
 aware. That the politician has heretofore represented 
 man, as divided into nobility and commonality, into pa 
 pist and hugurnots, into soldiers and slaves, the mo 
 ralist into avaricious, hypocritical, the debauched the 
 proud, the tragic poet into tyrants, and their victims, 
 the comic into drolls, and buffoons, and the physician 
 into the pituitous, billious and the plegmatic, exhibiting 
 them as subjects of aversions, of hatred, or of con 
 tempt, until man universally dissected by them, no 
 thing now is shewn of him, but the carcase. He is 
 also well aware, that by the perversion of his reason 
 1* 
 
6 TO THE READER* 
 
 in educating him, man too, has also been degraded, 
 being originally born good, society has rendered him 
 wicked, and our mode of education prepares the way 
 for it, by teaching him to deduce false consequen 
 ces, he is also convinced. The regent or president 
 of the college informing him that Jupiter and Appollo 
 are Gods. The parish minister telling him that they are 
 demons. The professor assures his pupil, that Virgil, who 
 who has so nobly supported the doctrine of a providence, 
 is got at least to the Elysian fields, and that he enjoys in 
 this world the esteem of all good men. The curate in 
 forms him that this same Virgil was a pagan and must 
 certainly be damned. The gospel holding a contradic 
 tory language, recommending to the young man to be 
 last ; his college urging him by all means to be first ; 
 virtue commanding him to descend ; education bidding 
 him rise. And what renders the contradiction still more 
 glaring to the poor lad, it frequently proceeds, especially 
 in the country, from one and the same mouth. For the 
 same good ecclesiastic, in many places, teaches the classics 
 in the morning, and the catechism at night. Thus even 
 the master of our creation, like every thing else in na 
 ture, has been degraded by our learning. But the au 
 thor flatters himself that the reader, by an attentive peru 
 sal of the following pages, will discover the perfectability 
 of our nature, and in this true and faithful representa 
 tion of the character which is the subject of them, that 
 man is not that " degraded mass of animated dust" as 
 heretofore represented. The object of this book then, 
 is to instruct the ignorant, to reform the vicious and re 
 lieve the miserable. And to render it more worthy of 
 public approbation, the author when he sat down to 
 
TO THE READER. 7 
 
 write, did not hesitate to express himself fully without 
 a tutor or examiner. For he who sits down to write 
 being apprehensive he should drop a seism, or some 
 thing of corruption, has no advantage over the school boy 
 at school, who has only escaped the ferular, to come 
 under the fiscue of an imprimatur. He who cannot 
 trust himself with his own actions, his drift not being 
 known to be evil, and standing to the hazard of law 
 and penalty, has no great argument to think himself de 
 serving of public favour. 
 
 The author is of an opinion, when a man writes to 
 the world, he should summons up all his reasons and 
 deliberations to assist him ; he should search, meditate 
 and be industrious, and after this he should take himself 
 to be informed in what he writes, as well as those who 
 might assume to instruct him. But if in this, the most 
 consummate act of his fidelity and ripeness, he should still 
 distrust himself, unless he carries all his considerate dili 
 gence, all his midnight watchings and trouble, to the 
 hasty view of some valued friend, perhaps licensed crit 
 ic, much his inferior, perhaps one who never knew the 
 labour of book-writing, and if he be not repulsed or 
 slighted must appear in print, like a puny, as a celebra 
 ted author says with his guardian, and his censor s hand 
 on the back of the title to be his bail and surity, that he 
 is no idiot or seducer, it cannot but be a dishonor and 
 derogation to the author, to the book, to the privilege 
 and dignity of learning. With these views of the du 
 ties of authors generally, the present author has not pre 
 sented the world with a book already examined and 
 corrected by literary hirelings and learned friends, fore 
 going its taste and judgment; and had he been so dis- 
 
8 TO THE READER. 
 
 posed, he had neither money to procure the former, nor 
 means of access to the latter, but assuming to himself 
 that he was sufficiently qualified with a knowledge of 
 the most material facts essential to its accomplishment, 
 he set about it with a confidence with which he believed 
 all authors should possess. 
 
 As to the style in which this book is written, the au 
 thor has nothing to observe. Its merit must be tested in 
 the crucible of a discriminative taste and cultivated intel 
 lect. That wherever he conceived it would be more 
 useful or better fitted in its composition, he has adopted 
 the thoughts and language of others, will be easily dis 
 covered by readers of extensive memory. In doing this, 
 he has copied them verbatim et literatim; nay, punctatim, 
 without disguise, viewing it as a literary compliment 
 to the authors quoted, rather than any disparagement or 
 positive injury. 
 
 Finally, as the present obscurity of the author ren 
 ders it impossible he should have the presumption from 
 this humble production, to aspire to that elevated niche 
 in the temple of fame which some men have been 
 allowed to occupy by universal consent, he here begs 
 leave to tend this address to the reader to supply the 
 formalities of a preface and introduction. 
 
LIFE OF 
 NATHANIEL UIACOUT, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 IT has been said, that there are always some admira 
 ble traits of character that are almost inseparable from 
 the youth of a person, destined hereafter to play an illus 
 trious part upon the theatre of mankind. NATHANIEL 
 MACON, the subject of the following pages, a native 
 of Warren county, North Carolina, whose ancestors em 
 igrated from Virginia, and stood as high in their day as 
 any people in the state, was born in 1757, and man 
 ifested at an early period of his life a curiosity incessant- 
 ly engaged in pursuing enquiries, and accumulating a 
 knowledge, which to common observers might have fre 
 quently appeared to be an obstinate, self-will principle 
 of mind, wasting itself, in unprofitable speculations, and 
 refusing to bring its energies to bear upon a pursuit 
 pointed out to it by another. Owing to this investiga 
 ting and combining quality of mind, this activity and 
 spirit of observation, (the inseparable concomitants of 
 the curious) it may be inferred, he compressed more ex 
 perience in a given period of time, when a youth, than 
 any of his ordinary associates, and each day in his his- 
 
10 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tory, furnishing him with a comment on the last, he 
 would so often have detected his mistakes, so frequently 
 contemned the absurdities of youth, and felt with so 
 much anguish the miscarriages to which early life is 
 subject, that he could scarcely fail, when the first effer 
 vescence of his youth was over, to become diffident, self- 
 suspicious, and, in the best sense of the term, modest. 
 
 Another characteristic of his early life, was sincerity. 
 A generous and intrepid frankness, was found to occupy 
 perhaps the first place in the catalogue of his virtues 
 when a boy. This temper pervaded the whole course 
 of his reflections and his actions. It was acted upon 
 every day by him, and its propriety, confirmed by every 
 night s experience. There was nothing which he thought 
 he ought to reject with more unalterable firmness than 
 an action that by its consequences reduced him to the 
 necessity of duplicity and concealment. No boy was 
 ever more eminently either respectable, or amiable or 
 useful, among his youthful companions than Nathaniel 
 Macon, for which distinction he was indebted mostly for 
 the frankness and candor of his manners. This was the 
 grand fascination also, by which he laid hold of the hearts 
 of all the neighbors of his parents at an early period of 
 his life, and conciliated their attention forever afterwards. 
 His example rendering this virtue an irresistible object 
 of imitation to all who knew him. 
 
 He was never guilty of any of those excesses of con 
 duct and offences against morality so common to the fri 
 volity and inexperience of youth. But even when a 
 pupil, seemed to have chosen his own favorite field of 
 distinction, and would often appear to be callous to al 
 lurements which were to invite him to another. Gross 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 11 
 
 flattery, and still more the spiritless and tedious eulogium 
 of superannuated kindness, or that which is dictated by a 
 left-handed purpose of stratagem and bribery, would tire 
 his impatience or excite his disgust. Though he looked 
 upon the conceit of young persons generally, as a frigid, 
 selfish, unchastened, and unpolished sentiment ; yet he 
 possessed enough of it himself, as he ascended to man 
 hood to give him confidence in all his opinions formed 
 from reflection ; and as it was modified by the better affec 
 tions and charities of his heart, its coldness was so ani 
 mated, and its asperities so subdued, that it was never 
 disagreeable or disgustful, to the company he might be 
 in, to express those opinions, when he thought proper. 
 Of all the characteristics of early life, tameness is the 
 characteristic of the most fatal augury. A young man 
 of spirit just arriving at the age of puberty, will like a 
 high bred, well mettled horse, champ the bit, and spurn 
 the earth, impatient of restraint. And though young 
 Macon, from information, never was known to refuse to 
 submit to or disobey, the commands or dictates of the 
 anxious parent or Cassocked pedant ; yet he was never 
 considered one of those sober, dull, obedient lads that 
 had no will, and no understanding of their own. Where 
 there were no positive enactments, his conduct was gen 
 erally guided by the dictates of the principles of truth 
 and his own good judgment. Free to speak his senti 
 ments impartially whenever called upon, and the occa 
 sion required it, he was frequently the arbiter of the 
 differences arising out of the juvenile sports of his school 
 fellows, whose universal submission to his decisions was 
 the strongest evidence they could give of the high re 
 spect they entertained of his judgment and the un- 
 
12 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 bounded confidence they had in his impartiality. He 
 excelled in most of the athletic exercises himself, but 
 whenever vanquished by an adversary, always yielded 
 without controversy, consequently he had none of those 
 quarrels and broils so common to boys of his age. He 
 was always remarkably diligent in his attention to all the 
 duties of the schools to which he was sent, and was sel 
 dom if ever called upon by his masters without being 
 prepared to recite. 
 
 To conclude: the characteristics of Nathaniel Ma- 
 con s mind and pursuits, when a youth properly investi 
 gated, appear to be totally different from what even his 
 cotemporaries ever conceived them to be. For it seem 
 ed as if nature being more than ordinarily solicitous 
 about the future nurture and discipline of such a mind, 
 that in the plentitude of her dalliance, she bestowed 
 upon it an impress at its birth, that protected and guided 
 it forever afterwards against the danger of being deceiv 
 ed or of deceiving any of his fellow creatures. All in 
 it was order. Every thing in it was subject to the most 
 inflexible laws, regarding things in a state of clearness, 
 discrimination, and arrangement, altogether uncommon 
 ly critical. Cultivating its own powers, and generating 
 its own habits, it conduced to the making him a man 
 superior to ordinary rational beings, and accustomed him 
 to a closeness of deduction, that is not easily made the 
 dupe of ambiguity, and carries on an eternal warfare 
 against prejudice and imposition. Initiated from its in 
 fancy in the practice of close investigation, his opinion 
 was its own standard, which was neither at the mercy of 
 his age, his country, the books he chanced to read, or 
 the company he happened to frequent. It was not a fea- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 13 
 
 ther for every wind that blew ; but instead of floating 
 impotently before the capricious current of fashion and 
 opinion, it had thrown out all anchors and taken a posi 
 tion from which nothing could move it but reason and 
 truth. 
 
 A mind capable of application and perseverance, a 
 project once formed had its associate resolution and pow 
 er, to carry it to its completion ; so it may be affirmed to 
 have consisted in analysis and dissection ; the turning a 
 thing on all sides, and examining it in all its varieties of 
 views. An ordinary man would see an object just as it 
 happened to be presented to him, and see no more; 
 whilst the mind of Nathaniel Macon would take it to 
 pieces, enquire into its cause and effects, remark its in 
 ternal structure, and consider what would have been the 
 result, if its members had been combined in a different 
 way, or subjected to different influences. It was a whole 
 magazine of thought ; where the ordinary man had re 
 ceived only one idea, its powers were multiplied in pro 
 portion to the number of ideas, upon which they were 
 to be employed. Sobriety, an awful and wide spread 
 ing tranquility, that might in one point of view be com 
 pared with that of the grand Southern ocean, were its 
 prominent characteristics, and like the waters of that 
 mighty ocean, it was not ruffled by every puff of air, 
 but held its way with a majestic course. It was self- 
 balance and self-centered ; always great, always poised, 
 it could never be the seat, sometimes of ridiculous, some 
 times dangerous irregularities. In short it was a mind so 
 conscious of its strength, it was never presumptuous, 
 dogmatical, fierce, hard, unkind, tempestuous or unduly 
 severe in its judgment of the character or talents of 
 
14 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 others. Filled to the very brim with charity and phi- 
 lanthrophy it carried along with it the affections and 
 good wishes of all who knew him, even when a youth ; 
 and presaged what has taken place in after life, that he 
 should live and die in such a manner, that it may be 
 said of him, that which cannot be said of any other 
 character either ancient or modern, that he lived and 
 died, without an enemy. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 15 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 HAVING occupied the whole of the first chapter of 
 this book in portraying the principal traits of Nathaniel 
 Macon s mind as well as deportment, during his juve 
 nile years, in which even the severest scrutiny of impar 
 tial justice cannot discover one vicious prognostic, the 
 reader will scarcely fail to acknowledge that he adopted 
 at an early period of his life, a different course for the 
 most part, from those youths of every country and every 
 age, whose habits so often, not only leave an unfavora 
 ble stain upon their reputation, but corrupt their disposi 
 tions and debase their characters, in such a manner that 
 it is often our duty to regret, whilst our charity compels 
 us to forgive. 
 
 It is not every youthful folly that men shake off when 
 they arrive at years of discretion. The wild and incon 
 siderate sallies of the boy will often entail some of the 
 worse features of their character on the man. 
 
 Owing to this, it is, that we frequently meet with that 
 mixed character in the adult over which humanity itself 
 weeps, and we often have occasion to observe the most 
 admirable talents and even the most excellent disposi 
 tion, in men, whose talents and virtues are nevertheless 
 rendered abortive by some habitual indiscretion. These 
 men, a well formed mind cannot fail to love; their 
 very weakness causing a peculiar kind of tenderness to 
 
16 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 mix itself with our love. But they go out of the world, 
 having excited its admiration, not added to the stock of 
 good ; or their usefulness, if useful they have been, falls 
 infinitely short of that which their great qualities would 
 have enabled them to produce. 
 
 Sometimes, however, the ill consequences that remain 
 from the impressions of youthful follies, is much worse 
 than this. The talents remain, but the character be 
 comes debauched. The men excite our admiration, but 
 we view their powers with less of hope, than terror. 
 The ingenuousness, the simplicity of a good heart, are 
 extinguished. They become crafty and deceitful. Pos 
 sessed with an unhallowed spirit of ambition, the purity 
 and fervour of benevolence in them are lost. They are 
 launched perhaps upon the ocean of affairs; they mix 
 with the giddy scene of fashion ; they are initiated in all 
 the degrading arts, by which extravagance is supported 
 and sudden fortune is acquired j and they prey upon the 
 unwary and industrious, unless opportunity and policy 
 should call them to prey upon the vitals of their country. 
 
 The evidences of correct demeanor and examples of 
 prudence, during his progress at the schools to which he 
 had been sent in his native state, together with the influ 
 ence of some of his contemporary associates, induced 
 the parents of young Macon, to give him a collegiate 
 education. All could see and all believed who were 
 acquainted with the character of Nathaniel Macon, even 
 at that time, that with proper opportunities he was bound 
 to be a blessing to his parents, and at some future day 
 an honor to his then oppressed country. Oppressed we 
 may say, because it is conceded by historians of every 
 party, that from the earliest settlements in America, to 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 17 
 
 the period of the revolution, the parent country, so far 
 as her own unsettled state would permit, pursued towards 
 those settlements a course of direct oppression. Besides, 
 in the settlement of the colonies, three forms of govern 
 ment were established. These were severally denomi- 
 natedj charter, proprietary, and royal governments. This 
 difference arose from the different circumstances which 
 attended the settlement of the different colonies, and the 
 diversified views of the early emigrants. The charter 
 governments were confined to New England. The pro 
 prietary government were those of Maryland, Pennsyl 
 vania, the Carolinas, and the Jerseys. The two former 
 remained such, until the American revolution; the two 
 latter became royal governments long before that period. 
 From this then it appears that Nathaniel Macon s native 
 state, North Carolina, was at that time under the royal 
 government of Great Britain, and undergoing a course of 
 arbitrary exactions and lordly oppressions, that render 
 ed it a difficult matter for any private gentleman, without 
 patronage from the government, to accumulate a fortune 
 sufficient to give his sons a college education. The es 
 tate of old Mr. Macon, the father of Nathaniel Macon, 
 was at that time somewhat limited from these circum 
 stances, and having several other sons besides Nathaniel, 
 whom as an impartial parent and as a good man he be 
 lieved to be equally entitled to the same advantages of a 
 liberal education, which his pecuniary situation debarred 
 him from bestowing upon all, it was a task of no ordi 
 nary accomplishment, for the friends of Nathaniel to 
 pursuade the old man to send him to college. At length 
 however the old man yielded, upon the promises of some 
 of his neighbours to assist him, should he have need of 
 2* 
 
IS LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON, 
 
 any, to carry on his education; and Princeton College, 
 New Jersey, was the one fixed upon to which young 
 Nathaniel was to be sent. 
 
 It is something to be remarked, that if one after he 
 has arrived to the age of manhood should give evidences 
 of uncommon talents, it is immediately supposed that 
 he has been through life an extraordinary creature ; that 
 the stamp of divinity was upon him ; that a circle of glor} r , 
 invisible to profaner eyes, surrounded his head, and that 
 every action he breathed contained an indication of his 
 elevated destiny. That a man brings a certain character 
 into the world with him, is a point that must readily be 
 conceded. And the reason why we are so apt to impute 
 the intellectual differences of men to some cause operat 
 ing prior to their birth, is that we are so little acquainted 
 with the history of the early years of men of talents. 
 Slight circumstances at first determined their propensities 
 to this, or that pursuit, and when the early life of a man 
 of talents can be accurately traced, these circumstances 
 generally present themselves to our observation. If we 
 will examine the private memoirs of Gibbon the historian, 
 we will be able to trace with considerable accuracy the 
 progress of his mind. While he was at college, he be 
 came reconciled to the Roman Catholic faith. By this 
 circumstance he incurred his father s displeasure, who 
 banished him to an obscure situation in Switzerland 
 where he was obliged to live upon a scanty provision, 
 and was far removed from all the customary amuse 
 ments of men of birth and fortune. If this train of cir 
 cumstances had not taken place, would he ever have 
 been the historian of the decline and fall of the Roman 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 19 
 
 Empire ? Yet how unusual were his attainments in 
 consequence of these events, in learning, in acuteness 
 of research, and intuition of genius. May it not be said 
 that the unexampled assurance of what would be his 
 progress at college, from his previous conduct and success 
 at the other schools to which he had gone, was the only 
 circumstance which inclined Nathaniel Macon s friends 
 to influence the old man to give him a college education. 
 And that this circumstance alone had the only direct 
 bearing in making Nathaniel Macon that which he after 
 wards became the man of talents, usefulness and patri 
 otism, as was the reconciliation to the Roman Catholic 
 religion, whilst at college, the circumstance, which ban 
 ished Gibbon to an obscure retreat in Switzerland, and 
 caused him to become the historian of the decline and 
 fall of the Roman Empire. 
 
 Every preparation being made the day was fixed upon, 
 for Nathaniel s departure, on which day the friends 
 and relations in his neighbourhood met at his father s to 
 take their leave and witness the separation between him 
 and his parents. For it was not in those days as it is at 
 present so small a matter to take a trip across the conti 
 nent through the conveniences of rail-roads, steam-boats 
 Sec., but a journey from North Carolina to Princeton 
 was really a subject for serious consideration, both as re 
 garded the expences as well as other difficulties attend 
 ing it. Besides there was so little travelling carried on, 
 that when one was about to leave his home to be absent 
 for any length of time, it was part of the fellowship of 
 neighbours and friends to assemble on the occasion to 
 sympathise with the relations and to inquire whether 
 
20 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 any assistance was needed, and to take a pleasure in ren 
 dering it if necessary. A further account of his actual 
 departure being unnecessary, we shall here take our leave 
 of the reader until the next chapter, when we shall find 
 Nathaniel safely arrived at the place of his destination* 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 21 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 IT has been found in the history of seveial eminent 
 men, as we observed in the last chapter, and probably 
 would have been found much oftener, had their juvenile 
 adventures been more accurately recorded ; that the most 
 trivial circumstances has sometimes furnished the origi 
 nal occasion of awakening the ardour of their minds and 
 determining the bent of their studies. 
 
 It was the plan of many of the Grecian Philosophers, 
 and particularly one of them, to show to mankind how 
 very limited was the supply that our necessities required, 
 and how little dependent our real welfare and prosperity 
 were upon the caprice of others. Among innumerable 
 incidents upon record that illustrates this principle, a sin 
 gle one may suffice to suggest to our minds its general 
 spirit. Diogenes had a slave whose name was Menas, 
 and Menas thought proper upon some occasion to elope. 
 "Ha!" said the philosopher, "can Menas live without 
 Diogenes and cannot Diogenes live without Menas." It 
 was with this spirit of fortitude and independence, that 
 young Macon, separated from his parents and friends ; 
 it was with this spirit he was supported on his way to 
 Princeton, in reflecting upon those friendships and plea 
 sures, of his youth, once dear to him as life, but now 
 past and gone, were soon to be forgotten. And it was 
 with this spirit he entered into, and become acquainted 
 
** LIFE OF NATHAiSIEL MACON. 
 
 with all the ceremonials of the college and its inmates 
 on his arrival. To a mind like his, needing but little 
 foreign aid to assist its energies, the lesson conveyed by 
 this separation from all his friends and relations, and 
 placed as we may say amidst a people of new manners, 
 new customs, and in many particulars different laws, 
 must have been truly important, and have taught him at 
 this early period, that, that man is incapable of incon 
 stant and inflexible virtue that does not known himself 
 not to be at the mercy of other men, that does not feel 
 that he is invulnerable to all the vicissitudes of fortune. 
 It must have taught him that he, to whom the rest of his 
 species can reasonably look up with confidence, must be 
 firm, because his mind is filled with the excellence of 
 the object he pursues; and cheerful because he knows 
 that it is out of the power of events to injure him, and 
 that no man can be entitled to our confidence, who trem 
 bles at every wind ; who can endure no adversity, and 
 whose very existence is linked to the artificial character 
 he sustains. 
 
 Nothing can more reasonably excite our contempt, 
 than a man who, if he was once reduced to the genuine 
 and simple condition of man, would be driven to des 
 pair, and find himself incapable of consulting and provid 
 ing for his own subsistence. Fortitude is a habit of mind 
 that grows out of a sense of our own independence. If 
 there be a man, who does not even trust his own imagi 
 nation with the fancied change of his circumstances, he 
 must necessarily be effeminate and irresolute. Till we 
 are acquainted with the meaning of terms and the nature 
 of the objects around us, we cannot understand the pro 
 positions that may be formed concerning them. Till we 
 
LIFE OF NATHAN 7 IEL MACON. 23 
 
 are acquainted with the nature of the objects around us, 
 we cannot compare them with the principles we have 
 formed, and undertake the modes of employing them. 
 There are other ways to be sure of attaining wisdom 
 and abilities, besides the school of adversity, but there is 
 no way of attaining them but through the medium of 
 experience. That is, experience brings in the materials 
 with which intellect works ; for it must be granted that 
 a man of limited experience will often be more capable 
 than he who has gone through the greatest variety of 
 scenes ; or rather perhaps, that one man may collect 
 more experience in a sphere of a few miles square, than 
 another who has sailed round the world. Nathaniel 
 Macon was well acquainted with these principles and 
 had long before this period of his life, intimately exam 
 ined into the very nature of the mind of man; he ob 
 served it for himself, and observed it in its greatest vari 
 ety of situations. He had seen it without disguise, when 
 no exterior situation puts a curb upon its passions, and 
 induces the individual to exhibit a studied, not a sponta 
 neous character. He had seen persons in their unguard 
 ed moments, when the eagerness of temporary resent 
 ment tips their tongue with fire, when they were ani 
 mated and dilated by hope, when they were tortured and 
 anatomised by despair, when the soul pours out its in 
 most self into the bosom of an equal and a friend. Last 
 ly, he had often himself been an actor in the scene, had 
 his own passions brought into play, and known the anx 
 iety of expectation, and the transport of success. With 
 such preliminary preparations of mind, how much better 
 qualified must he have been to receive the education of 
 the true philosopher, the genuine politician, the friend 
 
24 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON* 
 
 and benefactor of human kind, than one of those sons of 
 the nabobs of his country, the first step of whose parents 
 in their education, is the extreme tenderness of their 
 persons. The winds of heaven not being permitted to 
 blow upon them, from their infancy. Dressed and un 
 dressed by lacqueys and valets. Their wants carefully 
 anticipated, their desires without any effort on their part 
 profusely supplied, Their health of too much import 
 ance to permit them to exert any considerable effort 
 either of body or mind. Whose ears never hear the 
 voice of repremand or blame. In all things, the first to 
 be remembered, that he is the son of a gentleman of for 
 tune; that is, some rare and precious creature, far above 
 the rest of his species. And as he is the heir to an es 
 tate more than the most of his fellows, it is never forgot 
 ten by those about him, that considerable importance is 
 to be annexed to his favour or his displeasure. Accord 
 ingly they never express themselves in his presence 
 frankly and naturally, either respecting him or them 
 selves. They play around him altogether under a mask, 
 at the same time anxious to appear generous, disinterest 
 ed and sincere. All his caprices are to be complied with. 
 All his gratifications are to be studied. From his hab 
 its, they find him a depraved and sordid mortal, and the 
 gratifications they recommend serve to sink him deeper 
 in folly and vice. 
 
 What is the result of such an education ? Having 
 never experienced contradiction, such a young man is 
 always arrogant and presumptuous. Having always 
 been accustomed to the slaves of necessity, or the slaves 
 of choice, he does not understand even the meaning of 
 the word freedom. His temper is insolent, and impatient 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 25 
 
 of parley and expostulation. Knowing nothing, he be 
 lieves himself sovereignly informed, and runs head-long 
 into danger, not from firmness and courage, but from the 
 most egregious wilfulness and vanity. Like Pyrrho 
 among the ancient philosophers, if his attendants were 
 at a distance, and he trusted himself alone in the open 
 air. he would perhaps be run over by the next coach or 
 fall down the first precipice. 
 
 His violence and presumption are strikingly contrast 
 ed with the extreme timidity of his disposition. The 
 first opposition terrifies him ; the first difficulty seen and 
 understood, appears insuperable. He trembles at a sha 
 dow, and at the very semblance of adversity is dissolved 
 into tears. Above all, simple and unqualified truth is a 
 stranger to his ear. It either never approaches ; or if so 
 unexpected a guest should once appear, it meets with so 
 cold a reception, as to afford little encouragement to a 
 second visit. The longer he has been accustomed to 
 falsehood and flattery, the more grating will it sound. 
 The longer he has been accustomed to falshood and flat 
 tery, the more terrible will the task appear to him, to 
 change his tastes, and discard his favourites. He will 
 either place a blind confidence in all men, or, having 
 detected the insincerity of those who are most agreeable 
 to him, will conclude that all men are knavish and de 
 signing. As a consequence of this last opinion, he will 
 become indifferent to mankind, callous to their sufferings, 
 and will believe that even the virtuous are knaves under 
 a craftier mask. 
 
 In this picture, are indeed contained all those features 
 which obviously constitute the early education of most 
 of the young men of birth and fortune of our country. 
 3 
 
26 LIFE OF NATHANIEL UACOK* 
 
 In real life it will be variously modified, but the majority 
 of the features, unless in very rare instances, will remain 
 the same. And in no case can the education of a friend 
 and benefactor of human kinds, as sketched in a preced 
 ing page, by any speculative contrivance, be communi 
 cated to them. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 7 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 To obtain honor at court, it is thought neccessary to 
 pay a servile court to the men in power, to bear with 
 unaltered patience, their contumely and scorn, to flatter 
 their vices, and render ourselves useful to their private 
 gratifications. The true courtier must arrive at such a 
 proficiency in his art, as to have neither passions nor 
 attachments of his own. Personal kindness and all con 
 siderations for the merit of others, must be swallowed 
 up in a narrow and sordid ambition, not that generous 
 ambition for the esteem of mankind, which reflect a 
 sort of splendor upon vice itself, but an ambition of sel 
 fish gratification and illiberal intrigue. 
 
 Such is not the process to acquire college honors; by 
 college honors, we do not wish to be understood those 
 A. B. s and M. A. s that may be so highly prized by the 
 fashionable part of the literary world ; No. We look 
 upon these as mere adventitous circumstances, the 
 glittering evidences of things unseen, and in many in 
 stances do not exist, and believe that they are the ap 
 pendages of many who the least deserve them. We 
 have too often detected such impositions ever to be 
 again deceived by them. But the college honors which 
 Nathaniel Macon was now to acquire, was that character 
 which a young man soon attains after his first initiation 
 into any college. The character of attending to his 
 
28 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 studies, be them whatever they may assigned him, and 
 his proficiency in which, always procures him. These 
 duties we may naturally infer from his experience and 
 the previous character we have given him, he dischar 
 ged with so much promptness, fidelity and ability, it not 
 only soon procured him the love, favour and notice of 
 all his tutors, but likewise the friendship, respect, and 
 confidence of all his collegiates. 
 
 It was never Nathaniel Macon s ambition from his boy 
 hood to claim a superiority over any of his associates. He 
 recognized no distinctions in society, but what merit 
 gave. He believed for the most part there was no es 
 sential difference between the child of the lord and 
 the porter; provided he does not come into the world 
 inflicted with any ruinous distemper, the child of the 
 lord if changed in the cradle, would scarcely find any 
 greater difficulty than the other, in learning the trade of 
 his foster father and becoming a carrier of burthens. 
 
 This truth will be brought to our minds with much ad 
 ditional evidence, if we compare in this respect the case 
 of brutes with that of men. Among inferior animals, 
 breed is a circumstance of considerable importance, and 
 a judicious mixture and preservation in this point is 
 found to be attended with the most unequivocal results. 
 But nothing of that kind appears to take place in our 
 own species. A generous blood, a gallant and fearless 
 spirit is by no means propagated from father to son. 
 When a particular appellation is granted, as is usually 
 practised in the existing governments of Europe, to 
 designate the descendants of a magnanimous ancestry, 
 we do not find even with all the arts of modern educa 
 tion to assist, that such descendants are the legitimate 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 representatives of departed heroism. With this re 
 publican principle deeply impressed upon his mind, 
 which he always acted out boldly, it can scarcely be 
 doubted, his deportment was such as to have insured the 
 universal respect of all classes at college as soon as they 
 become acquainted with him. And being above those 
 little meannesses practised sometimes by young men at 
 those institutions for ascendency, none ever associated 
 with him, but felt as if they were in company with their 
 equal, if not their superior. 
 
 Nathaniel Macon was a student at Princeton Col 
 lege in the ever memorable year of 1776, and though 
 it was thought at the commencement of our revolu 
 tion, by numerous individuals, whose talents, wisdom 
 and enterprise were necessary to its success, that they 
 could derive but little if any advantage, that instead 
 of gain they would be subjected to great loss and 
 suffering ; that the comforts of their families would 
 be abridged, that their property w r ould be destroyed ; 
 their farms desolated ; their houses plundered or con 
 sumed ; their sons might fall in the field of battle ; 
 and should the struggle be vain, an ignominious death 
 would be their portion. Yet burning with ardour and 
 fixed with holy enthusiasm in the cause of public liber 
 ty, he abandoned his collegiate studies, and performed 
 a short tour of duty in a company of volunteers. Thus 
 in his youth evincing an attachment to those principles 
 which in after life he supported with so much firmness, 
 ability, and undeviating consistency. 
 
 The history of the world cannot furnish an instance in 
 which there was a nobler exhibition of true patriotism 
 than is presented in the history of the American revolu- 
 3* 
 
30 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tion. The contest respected rights which God had giv 
 en them ; it respected liberty, that dearest and noblest 
 privilege of man ; it respected the happiness of genera 
 tions yet to succeed each other, on this spacious conti 
 nent, to the end of time. Such considerations influenced 
 the patriots of the revolution. Nathaniel Macon with 
 the rest of his countrymen thought comparatively little 
 of himself in this struggle, his views being fixed on the 
 happiness of others, and future glory of his country. 
 At the commencement of the aggression of the British 
 ministry upon the rights of the colonies, he perceived, 
 that the only alternative of the latter would be a resort 
 to arms or absolute slavery. He w r as not of a disposi 
 tion to be as easily roused to adopt strong measures, as 
 some others, still he was not backward to express his 
 abhorrence of the unjust conduct of the mother country, 
 nor to enter upon any well matured system of opposition 
 to her designs. And though at this time, but a youth 
 of eighteen or nineteen years, there were few men in the 
 community, who felt more intensely each succeeding 
 month the magnitude of the subject, and w^ho were 
 more and more convinced of the necessity of an united 
 and firm opposition to the British government. He was 
 particularly disgusted with the stamp-act. Not that he 
 feared pecuniary-loss from its exactions, it was an incon 
 siderable tax ; but trifling as it was, involved a principle 
 of the greatest importance. It gave to the crown a 
 power over the colonies, against the arbitrary exercise of 
 which they had no security. They had, in truth, upon 
 the principles claimed by the British government, little 
 or no control over their own property. It might be 
 taxed in the manner and to the extent, which parliament 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 31 
 
 pleased, and not a single representative from the colonies 
 could raise his voice in their behalf. It was fortunate 
 for the Americans, that they understood their own rights, 
 and had the courage to assert them ; for just as was the 
 cause of the colonies, it was doubtful how the contest 
 would terminate. The chance of eventual success was 
 against them. Less than three millions of people con 
 stituted their population, and these were scattered over 
 a widely extended territory. They were divided into 
 colonies, which had no political character, and no other 
 bond of union than common sufferings, common danger, 
 and common necessities. They had no veteran army, 
 no navy, no arsenal filled with munitions of war, and no 
 fortifications on their extended coast. They had no over 
 flowing treasuries, but in the outset, were to depend up 
 on loans, taxation, and voluntary contributions. 
 
 Thus circumstanced, could success in such a contest 
 be reasonably anticipated? Could they hope to com 
 pete with the parent country, whose strength was con 
 solidated by the lapse of centuries, and to whose wealth 
 and power so many millions contributed ? A country 
 directing in a great measure the destinies of Europe, 
 her influence extended to every quarter of the world, 
 Her armies were trained to the art of war, her navy 
 rode in triumph on every sea, her statesmen subtle and 
 sagacious, her generals skilful and practised. And more 
 than all, her pride was aroused, by the fact, that all Eu 
 rope was a spectator of the scene, and was urging her 
 forward to vindicate the policy she had adopted, and 
 the principles she had advanced. 
 
 But what will not union and firmness, valour and 
 patriotism, accomplish ? What will not faith accomplish ? 
 
32 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 The colonies were indeed aware of the crisis at which 
 they had arrived. They saw the precipice upon which 
 they stood. National existence was at stake. Life and 
 liberty, and peace, were at hazard ; not only those of 
 the generation which then existed, but of the unnum 
 bered millions which were yet to be born. To heaven 
 they could with pious confidence make their solemn ap 
 peal. They trusted in the arm of Him, who had plan 
 ted their fathers in this distant land, and besought Him 
 to guide the men, who in his providence were called to 
 preside over their public councils. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 33 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 NATHANIEL MACON had to leave college before he 
 completed his education; whether from the unsettled and 
 troublesome condition in which the revolution had invol 
 ved the country, or the pecuniary situation of his father, 
 or both, we are not informed. One thing is certain it 
 was not on account of any conduct of his own for on 
 leaving, he sustained a high reputation, not only in res 
 pect to his classical attainments, and knowledge of those 
 sciences, which with his usual industry for improvement 
 were to constitute him an useful man to his country 
 hereafter; but for many virtues which adorned his char 
 acter during his whole residence at Princeton. 
 
 There is no period of a young man s life that is frought 
 with half so many dangers, and for the most part so 
 much determines the character of the future man, as 
 when he first becomes master of his own actions, and 
 chooses his avocations and associates. He will necessa 
 rily become acquainted with many things of which be 
 fore he had very slender notions. At this time the fol 
 lies of the world wear their most alluring face. He can 
 scarcely avoid imagining that he has laboured under 
 some species of delusion. There is, and always will be 
 a numerous class of young men at this period of life, 
 who though rich with brilliant talents and sublime vir- 
 
34 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tues, with affability, superior polish and elegance of man 
 ners, have a secret consciousness, as they imagine, that 
 they possess nothing by which they can so securely as 
 sert their preeminence and keep their inferiors at a dis 
 tance, as the splendour of their equipage, the magnifi 
 cence of their retinue and the sumptuousness of their 
 entertainments. The only chance which remains for 
 this misstep ; is, that after a time, they may be recalled 
 and awakened by some accidental circumstance ; and 
 against this chance, there are the progressive enticements 
 of society ; sensuality, ambition, sordid interest, false 
 ridicule, and the incessant decay of that unblemished 
 purity, which attended them in their outset. The best 
 that can be expected, is, that they should return at last 
 to sobriety and truth, with a mind hackneyed and relax 
 ed by repeated errors, and a moral constitution in which 
 the seeds of debility have been widely and irretrievably 
 sown, and the natural and wholesome complexion of 
 their minds much defaced if not totally destroyed. 
 
 Imperfectly do they judge, who judge of real happi 
 ness or misery from external appearance. They will 
 ever be seduced and deceived by that false glare which 
 prosperity throws around bad men, and will be tempted 
 to imitate their crimes, in order to partake of their im 
 agined felicity. The pageant of grandeur, displayed to 
 public view, they will be convinced too late, is not the 
 ensign of certain happiness. They should recollect 
 hood-winked by pleasure, the strong man himself, never 
 saw any object clearly, after he went to Gaza. For on 
 laying his head in the lap of voluptuousness, his wit 
 evaporated, his wisdom turned babbler, he lost his vigi- 
 lence, his eyes and his life. He could not see the sev* 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 35 
 
 en locks of his head, scattered on the toilet of a woman. 
 The scissors of the gipsey proved sharper than the sword 
 of his enemies ; and the flowing hair of the hero, once 
 covered with laurels, was now tortured into meretricious 
 ringlets or perewigs for some pimp in Delilah s anti- 
 chamber. 
 
 It is greatly to be lamented, genius js invariably con 
 nected with strong passions. When men exquisitely 
 organized, indulge pleasure, it is with that species of 
 fervour, which is never the associate of dullness ; it is 
 with all their hearts, and all their souls, and with all 
 their strength and with all their mind. The insensible 
 lounger, the self-engrossed coxcomb, may sleep upon 
 the knees of a Delilah, and awake again to puny life. 
 But of that opiate of joy, of that golden cup of abomi 
 nation, which the harlot presents, if the man of feeling 
 once sips, he will, "drain the chalice to the lowest and 
 foulest dregs;" though it is to conduct him to some vale 
 of Sorek, beneath whose roses are the serpent and the 
 dagger, that awaits his ruin. 
 
 The frailty of youth often gives way to vicious habits, 
 which extend their influence to the remotest scenes of 
 life. Like characters engraved on the tender bark, 
 which open and appear more plain as the tree grows 
 larger, these habits will have a more palpable and be 
 coming appearance as near approaches are made to the 
 closing scenes of life. It must certainly be the wish of 
 every rational creature to spend the latter part of their 
 days with satisfaction and comfort. This can never be 
 the case unless an attentive regard be paid to the con 
 duct in the first part of the drama ; to see that every 
 thing may be properly carried on ; for a young man of 
 
36 LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 irregularities entails misery on old age, renders it a bur 
 den to itself and to others; and an object of pity and 
 disgust. 
 
 Improvement of the mind, has ever been observed by 
 the judicious to be one of the noblest employments of 
 an intelligent being ; not only because this part consti 
 tutes the true dignity of man ; but because by such 
 pursuits, the rational being receives the most sublime 
 and permanent ideas. To see the fatal effects, arising 
 for the want of rightly improving the mental powers, 
 cast our eyes upon the human race, and take a view of 
 certain societies and individuals, among men. Behold 
 the tawny savage ; to what cause shall we impute his 
 inhuman cruelties and want of sensibility ? Is it not to 
 this? His not cultivating and calling into exercise the 
 softer feelings of the soul. 
 
 View the intemperate and infamous course of the 
 debauchee, which sinks him below the common herd of 
 the plain. And why ! Because his reason sacrificed to 
 his passions, and his passions controled his appetites. 
 
 Why does the griping miser live an hermit, and pine 
 away over his delicious hoard ? Because blinded by ig 
 norance and sordid passion, he views the means of hap 
 piness as the object itself. By the auspicious aid of ed 
 ucation the mind is freed from these baneful effects ; it 
 is the influence of its beams, which nourishes the young 
 and tender plants, and brings them to maturity. To its 
 shrine we may fly for redress of the many ill constructed 
 and effeminate ideas instamped upon our minds from our 
 early infancy, and under its protection improve the ta 
 lents put into our hands, in a manner which shall be 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 37 
 
 most conducive to our own interest and beneficial to 
 the community. 
 
 Education in one sense, is the affair of youth, but in 
 a stricter and more accurate sense, the education of an 
 intellectual being can terminate only with life. Every 
 incident that befalls us is the parent of a sentiment, and 
 either confirms or counteracts the pre-conceptions of the 
 mind. 
 
 Nathaniel Macon, differing from most young men, and 
 thoroughly convinced of the truth of the latter senti 
 ment, on his return home to his native state, immedi 
 ately turned his attention to the acquisition of a store of 
 political knowledge, which with an activity of observa 
 tion, and a certainty of judgment, he was soon to turn 
 to the very best account. He made himself well ac 
 quainted both with the history and constitution of the 
 mother country and his own, and studied with almost 
 professional accuracy the elements of law as a science. 
 
 In his person, at this time, he was above the middle 
 size, and of a florid but fair complexion, and carried in 
 his appearance the indications of a sound frame and an 
 easy mind. No man of more symetry of form, or more 
 activity and strength of his weight. With a keen, sen 
 sible, penetrating blue eye, and a countenance express 
 ing great animation and at the same time deep thought, 
 constituting an intelligent and benevolent aspect, that 
 caused him to be universally admired. 
 
 His manners remarkably plain and easy, and might be 
 thought by some to border on bluntness, yet they had 
 their charms in an eminent degree upon those who were 
 in his company. They appeared to be the manners of a 
 just man ; of one who knew no disguise, or of a gene- 
 4 
 
38 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON, 
 
 rous spirit that scorned to practice duplicity. He looked 
 as if he could speak to the proudest despot upon earth, 
 with a consciousness that he was speaking to a man, and 
 a determination to yield him no superiority to which his 
 inherent qualifications did not entitle him. Notwith 
 standing all this, his conversation was very agreeable, 
 and had in it a conciliatory attraction, which had fre 
 quently the effect of subduing the prejudices of those 
 with whom he conversed ; and which seldom failed to 
 /ncrease the ardour and inflexibility of steady friends. 
 He took so lively an interest in every thing that con 
 cerned those around him, that each of them believed 
 himself a favourite, whilst he was only the common friend 
 of them all. His observations were often original ; and 
 when otherwise, far from insipid, for as has been said 
 of the late Dr. Rush of Philadelphia, " he had an un 
 common way of expressing common thoughts." His 
 language was simple and always intelligible, and his 
 method so judicious, that a consistent view of the sub 
 ject was always communicated, and the recollection ren 
 dered easy, and generally so full of anecdote and illus 
 tration, that his hearers carried away with them some 
 thing worth recollecting. Disdaining the pride of pow 
 er, dispising hypocrisy, as the lowest and meanest 
 vice, with an honest simplicity, and Roman frankness 
 of manners, he gave to intercourse an ease and freedom 
 which made his society and conversation sought after by 
 all who knew him. Such is a description of Nathaniel 
 Macon s person and manners and general bearing in so 
 ciety, on his arrival home from New Jersey. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE loss of Charleston, in South Carolina, by general 
 Lincoln, on the 4th of May, 1780, excited a considera 
 ble alarm in America about this time ; and their popular 
 writers, particularly the author of the celebrated per 
 formance, entitled Common Sense, in some other pieces, 
 made use of it as a powerful argument to lead them to 
 more vigorous exertions against Great Britain, that they 
 might the more effectually and certainly secure their inde 
 pendence. Whether Nathaniel Macon s participation in 
 this excitement, which was so general among his coun 
 trymen at the time, or his real patriotism, induced him 
 to believe his country stood in actual need of his per 
 sonal services, notwithstanding he was thus engaged in 
 preparing himself for future usefulness, as mentioned in 
 a previous chapter, he immediately joined the militia 
 troops of his native state as a common soldier, and con 
 tinued with them till the provisional articles for peace 
 were signed at Paris, on the 30th of November, 1782. 
 
 Long before this, and whilst he was at college in New 
 Jersey, the royal governor, Martin, of his native state, 
 North Carolina, on a charge of attempting to raise the 
 back settlers, consisting chiefly of Scotch Highlanders, 
 against the colony, had been obliged to leave the pro 
 vince and take refuge on board of a man of war. And 
 though in this situation he did not despair of reducing 
 
40 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 it again to obedience. For this purpose he applied to 
 the regulators, a daring set of banditti, who lived in a 
 kind of independent state; and though considered by 
 government as rebels, yet had never been molested on 
 account of their numbers, and known skill in the use of 
 fire arms. To the chiefs of these people the governor 
 sent commissioners in order to raise some regiments ; 
 and a colonel McDonald was appointed to command 
 them. He erected the king s standard, issued proclama 
 tions, &c., and collected some forces, expecting to be 
 soon joined by a body of regular troops, who were 
 known to be shipped from Britain, to act against the 
 southern colonies. The Americans, sensible of their 
 danger, dispatched immediately what forces they had to 
 act against the royalists ; at the same time they diligent 
 ly exerted themselves to support these with suitable re 
 inforcements. Their present force was commanded by 
 general Moore, whose numbers were inferior to McDon 
 ald s, for which reason the latter summoned him to join 
 the king s standard, under pain of being treated as a re 
 bel. But Moore being well provided with cannon, and 
 conscious that nothing could be attempted against him, 
 returned the compliment, by acquainting colonel McDon 
 ald, that if he and his party would lay down their arms 
 and subscribe on oath of fidelity to Congress, they should 
 be treated as friends ; but if they persisted in an under 
 taking, for which it was evident they had not sufficient 
 strength, they could not but expect the severest treat 
 ment. In a few days general Moore found himself at 
 the head of eight thousand men, by reason of the con 
 tinual supplies which daily arrived from all parts. The 
 royal party amounted to two thousand, and they were des- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 41 
 
 titute of artillery, which prevented them from attacking 
 the enemy while they had the advantage of numbers. 
 They were now therefore obliged to have recourse to a 
 desperate exertion of personal valor j by dint of which 
 they effected a retreat for near eighty miles to Moms 
 creek, within sixteen miles of Wilmington. Could they 
 have gained this place, they expected to have been joined 
 by governor Martin and general Clinton, who had lately 
 arrived with a considerable detachment. But general 
 Moore, with his army, pursued them so close, that they 
 were obliged to attempt the passage of the creek itself, 
 though a considerable body of Americans, under the 
 command of colonel Caswell, with fortifications well 
 planted with cannon, was posted on the other side. On 
 attempting the creek, however, it was found not to be 
 fordable. They were obliged therefore to cross over a 
 wooden bridge, which the provincials had not time to 
 destroy entirely. They had, however, by pulling up 
 part of the planks, and greasing the remainder, in order 
 to render them slippery, made the passage so difficult, 
 that the royalists could not attempt it. In this situation 
 they were attacked by general Moore, with his superior 
 army, and totally defeated, with the loss of their general 
 and most of their leaders, as well as the best and bravest 
 of their men. Thus was the power of the Americans 
 established in North Carolina at a very early period of 
 the revolution, and having secured herself against any 
 attempts from these enemies, they proceeded to regulate 
 their internal concerns in the same manner as the rest of 
 the colonies. Nor were they less successful in the pro 
 vince of Virginia; lord Dunmore having long continued 
 an useless predatory war, was at last driven from every 
 4* 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 creek and road in the province. But South Carolina had 
 a more formidable enemy to deal with. At Cape Fear, 
 a juncture was formed between Sir Henry Clinton and 
 Sir Peter Parker, the latter of whom had sailed with his 
 squadron directly from Europe. They concluded to at 
 tempt the reduction of Charleston as being, of all places 
 within the line of their instructions, the object at which 
 they could strike with the greatest advantage. 
 
 The author thought it necessary to relate this portion 
 of the history of our revolution, to show the relative si^ 
 tuations of North and South Carolina at the time Nathan 
 iel Macon entered into service, and that probably, the 
 importance of the capture of Charleston was the princi 
 pal consideration, that influenced him to sacrifice his 
 ease and security and favorite pursuits, which were much 
 more congenial to his habits and natural disposition, and 
 take up arms as a volunteer. Be that as it may; during 
 this eventful period he gave proofs of that indifference 
 for office and emolument, and that unaffected devoted- 
 ness to his country s good, which his future history so 
 conspicuously illustrated. He served in the ranks as a 
 common soldier, and though command and places of 
 trust and confidence were often tendered him, he inva 
 riably declined them, desiring only to occupy the station 
 and to share the hardships and perils, common to the 
 greatest portion of his fellow soldiers. In those times 
 too, were developed those noble traits of character which 
 attracted to him, the confidence and esteem of his coun 
 trymen. He became generally known throughout the 
 state, and won for himself a popularity, to which his 
 country is indebted for his long and useful and illustrious 
 services in the public councils. He believed that gen- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 43 
 
 tility was neither in birth, manner, nor fashion, but in the 
 mind. A high sense of honor, a determination never to 
 take a mean advantage of another, an adherence to truth, 
 delicacy, and politeness towards those with whom we 
 have dealings were the essential and distinguished char 
 acteristics of a gentleman. And making it a principle 
 during his whole services in the army, to extend the hand 
 of fellowship to every man, who discharged his duty, 
 maintained good order, who manifested an interest in 
 the general welfare and success of their country s inde 
 pendence, whose deportment was upright, and whose 
 mind was intelligent, without stopping to ascertain, 
 whether the use of the hammer or thread procured them 
 their livelihood before they left home, he gained a po 
 pularity that few private soldiers were ever known to ac 
 quire in any army. 
 
 What a field for improvement must have been the life 
 of a soldier to such a man as Nathaniel Macon ; whose 
 ability to extract information for the guidance of his own 
 conduct, from every subject that fell within his notice, 
 we have all along mentioned. 
 
 It is not in diving into metaphysical subtleties, and 
 ranging over the intricacies of strict philosophical dis 
 cussion, that real knowledge is alone to be obtained ; 
 much, and what perhaps is the most valuable and useful 
 for the purposes of life, is to be gathered from those sub 
 jects, which are, or ought to be, interesting to every 
 man. To contemplate man in the abstract, divested of 
 all those appendages of character and taste, which gener 
 ally take their rise from circumstances, through which 
 he is called to pass, may seem to be the task of the phi 
 losopher alone ; but to consider him as he actually is in 
 
44 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 society, to view the dispositions which influences his 
 conduct the diversified habits which he assumes while 
 passing through this stage of existence the manner in 
 which he is liable to be wrought upon by various incen 
 tives, and to mark with attention the different feelings 
 which actuate him, is the business of every one who 
 wishes to regulate his own conduct aright, and to act 
 from rational and consistent motives. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 45 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE regiment in which Nathaniel Macon enlisted, had 
 no actual engagement, whilst he was in service, that we 
 are informed. We have then no splendid instances of 
 personal courage to record of him, more than he truly 
 possessed that boldness and resolution which were com 
 mon to the American character of the times. That he 
 was truly brave there is no doubt. But his was a courage 
 of too noble a quality to be generated by every casual ac 
 cident. It did not only appear in the storm, but during 
 the mildest calm it had an existence also. Men are fre 
 quently found adventurous and daring merely in conse 
 quence of never having calculated the hazard, and are 
 seemingly brave only because they are ignorant. But this 
 was not the character of Mr. Macon. Judgment was the 
 companion of his bravery, and his courage was the more 
 to be admired as it was always directed by wisdom. He 
 was a man who in times of danger and alarm, saw the dif 
 ficulties by which he was surrounded, and rightly appre 
 ciating the strength, he was to contend against ; would 
 bring into the field an equal force, in his own courage 
 and decision ; who would be alarmed by no danger and 
 intimated by no distress ; would meet with firmness what 
 it would be dishonorable to avoid ; resist while strength 
 remained for the contest, and enjoy victory with mode 
 ration, or suffer defeat without disgrace. Although he 
 
46 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 was in very humble circumstances as to property, about 
 the time he left the army, he never would consent to 
 receive one cent for his services. He gave his heart 
 and soul to the cause in which he had embarked. He 
 loved his country, and like a dutiful son, gave her, in time 
 of need; twas all he had, his personal services; and not 
 withstanding that, that country afterwards smiling with 
 prosperity, had with a munificence deserving all praise 
 made a liberal provision for the soldiers of the revolu 
 tion, still did he decline the proffered bounty. Often 
 has he been heard to say (disclaiming all imputation 
 upon others) that no state of fortune could induce him 
 to accept it. Here we may. remark, it does not follow, 
 because we are sometimes inclined to be selfish, that we 
 must never be generous. He that sees nothing in the 
 universe deserving of regard but himself, is a consummate 
 stranger to the dictates of immutable reason. He that 
 is not influenced in his conduct by the real and inherent 
 nature of things, is rational to no purpose. Admitting 
 that it is venial to do some actions immediately benefi 
 cial to our country from a partial retrospect to ourselves, 
 surely there must be other actions in which we ought 
 to forget or endeavour to forget ourselves. This duty is 
 most obligatory in actions most extensive in their conse 
 quences. If a thousand men, or a whole nation, be to 
 be benefitted, we ought to recollect that we are only an 
 atom in the comparison, and to reason accordingly. Such 
 may have been the considerations which influenced Na 
 thaniel Macon in his decision upon the article of boun 
 ties for public services, as regarded himself. Further, if 
 we pay an ample bounty to him who is employed in the 
 public service, how are we sure that he will riot have more 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 47 
 
 regard to the bounty than to the public. If we pay a 
 small bounty, yet the very existence of such a payment 
 will oblige men to compare the work performed as the 
 reward bestowed ; and all the consequence that will re 
 sult will be to drive the best men from the services of their 
 country, a service first degraded by being paid, and then 
 paid with an ill-timed parsimony. Another considera 
 tion of great weight in this instance with Nathaniel 
 Macon might have been, that of the source from which 
 bounties are derived ; from the public revenue, from tax 
 es imposed upon the community; if it is said, they 
 might be paid out of the superfluities of the community, 
 the answer is, there is no practicable mode of collecting 
 the superfluities of a community. Taxation to be strict 
 ly equal, if it demand from the man of an hundred a 
 year, ten pounds, ought to demand from the man of a 
 thousand a year, nine hundred and ten. Taxation will 
 always be unequal and oppressive, wresting the hard 
 earned morsel from the gripe of the peasant, and sparing 
 him most, whose superfluities most defy the limits of jus 
 tice. We will not say that a man of as clear discern 
 ment and as independent mind as Nathaniel Macon, 
 would rather starve than be subsisted at the public cost, 
 but we can venture to say, that it is scarcely possible to 
 devise any expedient for his subsistence, that he would 
 not rather accept. 
 
 Besides the foregoing considerations, Mr. Macon 
 might have been influenced in refusing pay for his ser 
 vices at the time, from the depreciation of the paper 
 currency of the country. For at the time when the 
 colonies were engaged in a war with Great Britain, 
 they had no regular civil governments established among 
 
48 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 them, of sufficient energy to enforce the collection of 
 taxes, or to provide funds for the redemption of such 
 bills of credit as their necessities obliged them to issue. 
 In consequence of this state of things, their bills increas 
 ed in quantity far beyond the sum necessary for the 
 purpose of a circulating medium : and as they wanted 
 at the same time, specified funds to rest on for their re 
 demption, they saw their paper currency daily sink in 
 value. The depreciation continued by a kind of gradu 
 al progression, from the year 1777 to 1780; so that at 
 the latter period, the continental dollars were passed by 
 common consent, in most parts of America, at the rate 
 of thirty-nine forty-sixths below their nominal value. 
 And not only the insurmountable embarassments in as 
 certaining the value of property, or carrying on trade of 
 any kind with any sufficient certainty, those who sel 
 ling, and those who buying, being left without a rule 
 whereon to form a judgment of their profit or their 
 l osgj and every species of commerce or exchange, 
 whether foreign or domestic, being exposed to number 
 less and increasing difficulties, the consequences of the 
 depreciation of the paper currency, were also felt with 
 peculiar severity by such of the Americans as were en 
 gaged in their military services, and greatly augmented 
 their hardships. The requisitions made by the congress 
 to the several colonies for supplies, were also far from 
 being always regularly complied with ; and their troops 
 being not unfrequently in want of the most common 
 necessaries, which naturally occasioned complaints and 
 discontent among them. 
 
 At the age of twenty-four years, whilst he was yet in 
 the army, his countrymen elected Mr. Macon a member 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 49 
 
 of the Legislature of his state, without his solicitation or 
 even his knowledge. And here it is related of him^ 
 that such was his attachment to his comrades in arms, 
 that it was not only with reluctance he separated from 
 them, but it was with great difficulty he was induced 
 to accept the station by the most pressing persuasion of 
 his commanding officers. 
 
 Mr. Macon s early entering with spirit into the con 
 troversy between Great Britain and the colonies, and so 
 warmly espousing the cause of his country, felt the par 
 amount importance of the union among the colonies, and 
 the entire separation of American and British interest. 
 His being no enthusiast, nor one of those feverish spirits, 
 which in their zeal injure rather than benefit any cause 
 they undertake. His not being easily seduced from the 
 paths of duty, by motives of wordly ambition or love of 
 applause. His patriotism being of a singularly elevated 
 character. And the sacrifices which he showed a wil 
 lingness to make, besides what he had done for the good 
 of his country, sufficiently recommended him to the 
 confidence of his fellow citizens. Besides a quick and 
 penetrating mind, and at the same time sound and accu 
 rate judgment, a scrupulous justice marking his deal 
 ings with all men, and exhibiting great fidelity in his 
 engagements, qualified him for any office within the 
 gift of the people of that day. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOSf. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 MR. MACON served several years as a member of the 
 legislature of North Carolina, and acquitted himself in 
 that capacity so much to the satisfaction of his constitu 
 ents, he soon began to be looked upon as one of the 
 most popular men of his age in the congressional district 
 in which he lived. About this time also, he courted and 
 married a. Miss Plummer, of the same county, a young 
 lady of one of the first families in the country. 
 
 It is thought, generally, that men possessed of uncom 
 mon talents, are apt to trust so much to their intrinsic 
 merit, that they acquire the habit of despising, as beneath 
 their regard, those acquirements which is so necessary 
 to render a man agreeable in female society. It seems 
 that most of them consider themselves as gold ; though 
 not always highly polished, will always be valued ; they 
 seem to think they may rest secure upon their sterling 
 merit, as sufficient to procure them the esteem and con 
 sideration of both sexes. Mr. Macon differed very much 
 in this particular from such men ; there was something 
 of a placid dignity in his aspect ; of a politeness, not of 
 form, but of sentiment, in his manner; of a mildness un- 
 debased by flattery; in his conversation, equally pleasing 
 and equally respectable, which always constituted him a 
 great favourite among the ladies; though his attentions 
 and deportment towards them were entirely different 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 51 
 
 from what is generally termed a lady s man. In his in 
 tercourse with them there was none of the airs of that 
 foppishness and ceremony which is thought by many to 
 succeed with them best. He treated them as if they 
 were rational beings, and conversed \vith them as intel 
 lectual creatures, whose difference of sex had created 
 no difference of respect in his mind towards their under 
 standing and worth. He knew there was in the female 
 character a fear of offending, a self diffidence, a delicate 
 sense of propriety, which rendered a woman unhappy 
 when she said or done, or thought she had done or said 
 a thing not perfectly as it ought to have been ; a quick 
 perception and a delicate sensibility, rendering her feel 
 ingly alive to the opinions of those around her; from 
 which proceeded that modest shyness, that bewitching 
 softness, the most attractive charm which heaven has 
 bestowed on woman-kind. He knew, that afraid of in 
 feriority, a woman of sensibility felt a certain degree of 
 uneasiness in the company of men of high ability and 
 profound learning. Diffident of being able to converse 
 with such men on equal terms, she fancies she is con 
 temned by them ; she feels a disagreeable restraint in 
 their presence, from which she is glad to be relieved, 
 and to find herself in a circle where, though she may 
 meet with less genius, less knowledge, and less wit, she 
 is more upon a footing with those around her, and less 
 afraid of betraying any defect in herself. Pefectly aware 
 of these characteristics of the softer sex, he possessed a 
 way which was peculiar to himself alone of removing 
 such restraints and delicacies ; and familiarising in a 
 manner almost all the females with whom he at any time 
 associated. Many of them feeling so easy in his com- 
 
52 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 pany, they could scarcely suppress showing a predilection 
 to it, to the company of those frivolous men of fashion 
 and etiquette to which they are thought by some to be 
 so much more attached, and in which particuk: we 
 hear the sex daily blamed ; their conduct affording mat 
 ter for much severe censure. But were we to admit thai 
 women are apt to prefer the society of men of light and 
 showy parts to that of men of more cultivated minds ; 
 we cannot for our part allow, that they merit all the ob 
 loquy that has been thrown upon them on that account. 
 This injustice of our sex towards the other, often arises 
 from a want of duly considering the different conditions 
 of each. Females are necessarily under the tutelage of 
 circumstances and of situation, governed by the decorum 
 of sex, by the forms of the world. If we picture to our 
 selves a woman divested of that pliability of mind, firm 
 in resolve, unshaken in conduct, unmoved by the deli 
 cacies of situation, by the fashion of the times, by the 
 fear even of common-place obloquy, or of flippant cen 
 sure ; in the delineation of such a character, we imme 
 diately change the idea of the sex, and behold under the 
 form of a woman, the virtues and qualities of a man. 
 It may also be observed, that there is something in the 
 female mind which delights more in the beautiful than 
 the sublime; more in the amiable than the splendid; more 
 in what engages and captivates, than in what awes with 
 its grandeur, or astonishes with its vastness. May not 
 the same softness and delicacy dispose her to prefer those 
 gentle manners and amiable qualities which adorn pri 
 vate and domestic scenes, to the more splendid talents 
 which fit a man to shine in public life; in the senate, in 
 the field ; or which qualify him to instruct and inform 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MA CON. 53 
 
 mankind by philosophical inquiry or deep investigation. 
 Were the regard, the esteem, the confidence of the wo 
 men confined to such alone, (it falling to the lot of a very 
 small portion of the human race, to possess those talents 
 which enable a man "to read his history in a nation s 
 eyes,") the bulk of mankind would be deprived of the 
 best, the purest source of happiness which this world 
 affords, viz : the felicity flowing from a union with a 
 virtuous woman, who pours out her soul into the bosom 
 of him she loves ; who reposes in him with unbounded 
 confidence, and whose great object of ambition it is to 
 soften every care, to alleviate every calamity and to dif 
 fuse happiness on all around her. 
 
 Politeness has been said to be the growth of courts; 
 but Mr. Macon s politeness was not precisely that scheme 
 and system of behavior which can only be learned in the 
 fashionable w r orld. He knew there were many things 
 in the system of the fashionable world, that were prac 
 tised, not to encourage but depress, not to produce hap 
 piness but mortification ; and that these by whatever 
 name they were called, were the reverse of genuine po 
 liteness. His politeness therefore was of a character 
 that cannot conspicuously exist, but in a mind, itself un 
 embarrassed, and at liberty to attend to the feelings of 
 others ; and distinguished by an open ingenuousness of 
 countenance and an easy and flowing manner. By polite 
 ness, many persons understand artificial manners, the very 
 purpose of which is to stand between the feelings of the 
 heart and the external behaviour. The word immediately 
 conjures up to their mind a corrupt and vicious mode of 
 society, and they conceive it to mean a set of rules, 
 founded in no just reason, and ostentatiously practised 
 5* 
 
54 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 by those who are familiar with them, for no purpose 
 more expressly, than to confound and keep at a distance 
 those who, by the accident of their birth or fortune, are 
 ignorant of them. Mr. Macon s politeness was seldom 
 or never at variance with sincerity. In its principle, it 
 was nearer, and in a more direct communication with, 
 the root of virtue and utility, than the artificial manners 
 just described its original purpose being to provide for 
 the cardinal interest of human beings, the great stamina 
 of their happiness, as well as to be the gleaner in the 
 field, and pick up and husband those smaller and scat 
 tered years of happiness, which the pride of stoicism, 
 like the pride of wealth, condescends not to observe. 
 It was owing to this peculiarity in his politeness, that he 
 was so much indebted for his success among the ladies 
 as well as gentlemen of his day. 
 
 It has often been remarked, that men are apt to display 
 more of their real character in circumstances apparently 
 slight arid unimportant, than in the greater and more 
 momentous actions of life. Our behavior, or even the 
 remark we may drop upon some seemingly trifling oc 
 currence, will often strongly denote the real complexion 
 of our mind; and it is upon this account that we admire 
 so much the happy talents of those writers who, by a 
 well chosen circumstance, contrive at once to paint and 
 make us acquainted with the character of the persons 
 whom they wish to describe. 
 
 The great passions which actuate men in the pursuits 
 of life, present little diversity of features to afford any 
 just discrimination of character. Besides, in conducting 
 the pursuits to which these passions incite, men are 
 taught to be upon their guard : they are restrained by the 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 55 
 
 customs and opinions of the world, and, under a kind of 
 disguise, are constantly acting an artificial part. But in 
 the more trifling circumstances of manner and behaviour, 
 and in the more ordinary occurrences of life in private 
 circles, and in which therefore men are less upon their 
 guard, any disguise is forgot to be assumed, and we give 
 way to the natural cast of our mind and disposition. It 
 is there we are apt to betray these peculiar features of 
 character, and those often nice shades of distinction, that 
 discriminate us from one another, and even in what may 
 be deemed very slight circumstances of outward deport 
 ment and manner, can be distinctly traced something of 
 the peculiar character of the man. Such being the case, 
 in many instances; it may not be amiss here in the con 
 clusion of this chapter, by way of exemplification, to in 
 sert an anecdote from one of Mr* Macon s youthful as 
 sociates concerning his courtship with Miss Plummer. 
 
 It appears that Mr. Macon and one of his rivals met 
 at the house in which Miss Hannah Plummer resided, 
 at the same time. Mr. Macon after the ordinary cere 
 monies of the meeting were settled, proposed to his rival 
 in the presence of the object of their mutual admiration, 
 that they should take a game of cards for Hannah ; and 
 that the vanquished should surrender her to the other 
 and never more be in his way told him that he could 
 think of no better way than this and that it was cer 
 tainly the shortest way to decide their controversy. The 
 expedient was agreed to, by the two rivals and the re 
 sult of the game was, that Mr. Macon lost Hannah 
 upon which he raised up his hands, with his eyes fixed 
 upon Hannah, sparkling with beams of affection, exclaim 
 ing, Hannah! "notwithstanding I have lost you fairly, 
 
56 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 love is superior to honesty, I cannot give you up. It 
 is said the manner in which he made this declaration, 
 inclined the scale in his favour ; and that him and Han 
 nah were shortly after married. Mr. Macon seldom in 
 dulged in humour, but when he did, his remarks were 
 always directed with philosophical skill, to the accom 
 plishment of the object which he had in view. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 57 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FROM this period of Mr. Macon s life to its close, the 
 reader will find his biography much more instructing and 
 amusing than in the preceding pages, in which he has 
 only been traced in those minute and ordinary actions, 
 from which, to many minds, no consequences could arise, 
 but to the private circle of his own family and friends ; 
 and in the detail of which, they can see no passion ex 
 cited, no character developed, nothing that should much 
 distinguish them from the common occurrences "which 
 daily took their course and were forgotton." But the 
 author is of an opinion, that in the perusal of the limited 
 pictures which biography generally presents to us, there 
 will be but few readers, who will not take a warm inte 
 rest in every thing that regards a truly deserving char 
 acter ; who will not feel a sensible pleasure in those in 
 stances, where the benevolent purposes of such a person 
 have been attended with success or his virtuous actions 
 followed by reward. 
 
 Shortly after Mr. Macon s union with Miss Plummer, 
 he retired to his residence near Roanoke river, in his 
 native county, (Warren,) where he resided the remain 
 der of his life, only when he was called off in the ser 
 vice of the public councils of the nation. He was now 
 between twenty-five and thirty years of age, and being 
 particularly attached to all the enjoyments of domestic 
 
58 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 life, it may be inferred that few men were ever happier 
 or had brighter prospects of happiness before them. His 
 union with Miss Plummer appeared to be a union of two 
 kindred souls, that were created to make each other hap 
 py. Educated and raised pretty much in the same 
 respectable sphere of life, their tastes, their sentiments 
 and ambition were so nearly the same in every thing, 
 that a failure in affection on the part of either were al 
 most impossible. But it was their lot to enjoy the bles 
 sings of this happy union, but for a few years, it being 
 the will of Heaven to take from him, the most valued of 
 all earthly blessings, a good wife ; leaving behind her, 
 two little daughters to his care and raising, as pledges of 
 her former affection. Amidst this, the severest of all 
 his trials, he ever experienced, he maintained a philo 
 sophical firmness, and a calm resignation to this dispen 
 sation of Providence, which in similar circumstances 
 belong to but a few, and to but one class of men in this 
 world. 
 
 There is a certain speculative philosophy held forth 
 by some in the world, which regards all sensible plea 
 sures as a deduction from the purity and dignity of the 
 mind, and which does not abstain even from invective 
 against intellectual pleasure itself. Teaching men to 
 court persecution and calamity, it delights to plant thorns 
 in the paths of human life, representing sorrow, anguish, 
 and mortification as the ornaments and honour of exis 
 tence. Preaching the vanity and emptiness of all earthly 
 things, and maintaining that it is unworthy of a good and 
 wise man to feel complacency in any of the sensations 
 they can afford. These notions may sufficiently accord 
 with the system of those who are willing to part with all 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 59 
 
 the benefits of the present scene of existence, in ex 
 change for certain speculations upon the chances of a 
 world to come. But they cannot enter into that liberal 
 and enlightened philosophy understood and practised by 
 such men as Mr. Macon ; where a less pleasure is not to 
 be bartered but for a greater, either to ourselves or others, 
 nor a scheme attended with the certainty or probability 
 of considerable pleasure for an air-built speculation. 
 
 To be sure there can be nothing more contemptible, 
 than the man who dedicates all the energies of his mind 
 to indulgences of any kind. But it is more necessary 
 that we should not proscribe them altogether, than that 
 we should make them one of the eminent pursuits of our 
 lives. We ought not only confine them within limits 
 considerably narrow, as to the time they should occupy, 
 but should also be careful they do not confound and ine 
 briate our understanding. This is indeed necessary, in 
 order to the keeping them in due subordination in the 
 respect last mentioned. If they be not held in subjec 
 tion as to their place in our thoughts, they will speedily 
 usurp upon all other subjects, and convert the mind into 
 a scene of tumult and confusion. It is from such dis 
 cipline as this, that such men as Mr. Macon always 
 possesses a certain calmness of temper, superior to the 
 ordinary classes of mankind ; which causes their minds 
 always to rest upon its proper centre, and prepares them 
 to meet some of the greatest calamities of this life with 
 an apparent self-indifference, which many take for want 
 of that absolute sympathy in common with the rest of 
 their fellow creatures. 
 
 The man who is anxious to maintain his contentment 
 of mind, and be always guarded against the misfortunes 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 of this life, ought steadily to bear in mind how few are 
 the wants of a human being. It is by our wants that we 
 are held down, and linked in a thousand ways to human 
 society they render the man who is devoted to them, 
 the slave of every creature that breathes. They make 
 all the difference between the hero and the coward. 
 The man of true courage can cheerfully dispense with 
 any of the blessings of this life, when either duty, public 
 good, or the will of an all-wise Providence demand it. 
 The coward is he, who wedded to such blessings, is not 
 able so much as to think with equanimity of the being 
 deprived of them. Such is the genuine philosophy of 
 such men as Mr. Macon; it teaches them to look upon 
 events, not absolutely with indifference, but at least with 
 tranquility. It instructs them to enjoy the benefits 
 which they possess, and prepares them for what is to 
 follow. It smiles upon them in the midst of poverty, 
 and cheers them in the most adverse circumstances. It 
 enables them to collect and combine comforts, which may 
 be extracted from the most untoward situation, and be 
 content. 
 
 Mr. Macon after the loss of his wife, employed his 
 time mostly in reading, meditation, and attention to his 
 plantation ; being always particularly attached to the lat 
 ter employment. He excelled most men in domestic 
 industry and economy. His great object being to live 
 independent ; the whole of his plans were directed to 
 that particular object. We do not pretend to say that he 
 was any thing like a proficient in agriculture as a science, 
 at this early period of its history in the United States. 
 For the knowledge of agriculture both practical and ac 
 quired at the close of the revolutionary war, were in a 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 61 
 
 state almost de mi-barbarian, with some solitary excep 
 tions. The labours of only three agricultural societies in 
 America, at that epoch, conducted by ardent patriots, by 
 philosophers and gentlemen in the state of New- York, 
 Philadelphia, and Boston, kept alive a spirit of inquiry, 
 often resulting in useful and practical operations : and 
 yet these measures did not reach the doors of practical 
 farmers, to any visible extent. Nor was their plan of 
 organization calculated to infuse a spirit of emulation, 
 which county or state should excel in the honorable 
 strife of competitions in discoveries and improvements, 
 in drawing from the soil the greatest quantum of net 
 profits within a given space ; at the same time keeping 
 the land in an improving condition, in reference to its 
 native vigor. 
 
 The early neglect of agriculture in our country, may 
 be traced to very obvious causes. The first settlements 
 in the country were made along the shores of the sea, or 
 on the banks of navigable rivers. Population was thin 
 and scattered, and the ocean with its tributary waters 
 offered by far the easiest means of subsistence. The 
 fisheries and navigation naturally attracted their active 
 attention, and the cultivation of the earth was limited to 
 the supply of the necessaries of life, and a scanty sur 
 plus to answer the humble demands of colonial com 
 merce. The circumstances of the country, down to 
 the very era of the revolutionary struggle, were such as 
 tended unavoidably to reduce agriculture below its just 
 consequence in the scale of useful employments, and to 
 elevate all the arts connected with navigation, above 
 their proper estimation. Capital was drawn off from the 
 pursuits of agriculture, and devoted to the more lucra- 
 6 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACOtf. 
 
 live pursuits of commerce. When to this is added the 
 unceasing drain upon the agricultural population, by the 
 prospects which the extent of the interior, and the cheap 
 ness of lands, opened to their enterprise, and the conse 
 quent effect upon the demand for labor, there is more 
 cause of surprise that the actual state of cultivation was 
 so good, than of reproach that it did not receive a higher 
 improvement. 
 
 The agriculturist is said to possess more of the means 
 of living within himself, than any other profession. He 
 is not under the disagreeable necessity of fawning for 
 patronage, or stooping to flattery for a livelihood; or bar 
 tering opinion, reputation or confidence for gold. His 
 occupation is therefore such as naturally to produce in 
 dependence of thought, of feeling and action ; and by 
 means of this acknowledged influence, no class of the 
 community are so free from deceitfulness. The main 
 pillars of a republican community, they constitirt^the 
 nerve of war, the stability of peace, and the grand roun- 
 tain head of a country s prosperity. And the proposi 
 tion, that no where can domestic quietness and happiness 
 be discoTered, so pure from an alloy of misery, as amid 
 the rural scenes and bowers of the farmer s home, can 
 not be contradicted. Mr. Macon possessed all the essen 
 tial habits which is said to constitute a good farmer. He 
 never undertook to cultivate more land than he could do 
 thoroughly. He never kept more cattle, horses, sheep 
 or hogs, than he could keep in good order. He never 
 depended on his neighbour, for what he could, by care 
 and good management, produce on his own farm. He 
 never would beg fruit, while he could plant trees ; or 
 borrow tools, while he could make or buy. He never 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACQN, fc# 
 
 was so immersed in political matters, as to forget to sow 
 his grain, gather his crop or manure his land, nor so 
 inattentive to them, as to be ignorant of the great ques 
 tions of national and state policy, that were agitated in 
 
 fiis day. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 INDUSTRY, economy and temperance distinguished the 
 character of Mr. Macon, during every portion of his life, 
 and he was at this time truly exemplary in his neighbour 
 hood in the discharge of every social and domestic duty. 
 His love of justice and truth (as before mentioned) and 
 his integrity of heart, commanded universal confidence, 
 esteem and respect. In his dress, his manners, his hab 
 its and his mode of life, he indulged no fondness for su 
 perfluities, but he never denied himself the use of what 
 was necessary and convenient. The vanity of ostenta 
 tion and the littleness of pride, were alike disgusting to 
 him. The society of his neighborhood embracing an 
 unusually large circle, seemed as it were to constitute 
 but one family, of which he was the head and the guide ; 
 and the rich stores of his mind were common property, 
 His neighbours, even the humblest, visited him without 
 ceremony; and in all their difficulties, applied to him for 
 advice and comfort, which he never failed to afford, in a 
 manner the most acceptable. His hospitality at his own 
 house amounted to almost a superabundance ; yet when 
 applied to for a favour he never failed to consider of the 
 importance it might be to the applicant; and in propor 
 tion to the benefit to be bestowed upon the petitioner, it 
 was either granted or withheld : This rigid adherence 
 to his principles of economy from which he would never 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 65 
 
 depart on any account, might have induced many from 
 want of capacity to understand his motives, to judge 
 hard of his liberality. But it was a favourite maxim with 
 him, that profusion in any thing, (that by an economical 
 application might be a service to mankind,) was a crime, 
 both of such a moral and political character, that he who 
 patronised habits of prodigality and waste, as well as he 
 who practised it, himself was equally responsible to his 
 God and his country. Hence his adoption of the method 
 of "saving the fragments that nothing might be lost." 
 And indeed when we come to consider, which charac 
 ter deserves our preference, the man of economical 
 habits or of profuse ones ? Which of the two conducts 
 himself in the manner most beneficial to society ? Which 
 of the two is actuated by motives the most consonant to 
 justice and virtue. We will find that the arguments in 
 favour of the latter is scarcely worth enumerating. 
 
 Riches and poverty are in some degree necessarily in 
 cidental to the social existence of man. There is no al 
 ternative, but that men must either have their portion of 
 labour assigned them by society at large and the produce 
 collected into a common stock ; or that each man must 
 be left to exert the portion of industry, and cultivate the 
 habits of economy, to which his mind shall prompt him. 
 The first of these modes of existence deserves our fixed 
 disapprobation. It is a state of slavery and imbecility. 
 It reduces the exertions of a human being, to the level 
 of a piece of mechanism, prompted by no personal mo 
 tives, compensated and alleviated by no genuine passions. 
 It puts an end to that independence and individuality, 
 which are the characteristics of an intellectual existence, 
 
Ob LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 and without which nothing* eminently honourable, gen 
 erous or delightful, can in any degree subsist. 
 
 Inequality, therefore, being to a certain extent unavoid 
 able, it is the province of justice and virtue to counter 
 act the practical evils which inequality has a tendency 
 to produce. It is certain that men will differ from each 
 other in their degrees of industry and economy. But it 
 is not less certain, that the wants of one man are similar 
 to the wants of another, and the same things will con 
 duce to the improvement and happiness of each, except 
 so far as either is corrupted by the oppressive and tyran- 
 ical condition of the society in which he is born. The 
 nature of man requires, that each man should be trusted 
 with a discretionary power. The principles of virtue 
 require, that the advantages existing in a community 
 should be equally administered : or that the inequalities 
 which inevitably arise, should be repressed and kept down 
 within narrow limits as possible. Does the conduct of 
 the strict economist, or the man of profusion, best contri 
 bute to this end ? 
 
 That we may try the question in the most impartial 
 manner, we will set out of the view the man who sub 
 jects himself to expences which he is unable to dis 
 charge. We will suppose it is admitted, that the con 
 duct of the man whose proceedings tend to a continual 
 accumulation of debt, is eminently pernicious. It does 
 not contribute to his own happiness. It drives him to 
 the perpetual practice of subtifuges. It obliges him to 
 treat men not according to their wants or their merits, 
 but according to their importunity. It fixes on him an 
 ever gnawing anxiety that poisons all his pleasures. He 
 is altogether a stranger to that genuine lightness of heart, 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 67 
 
 which characterises the man of ease and independence. 
 Care has placed her brand conspicuous on his brow. He 
 is subject to occasional paroxysms of anguish which no 
 luxuries or splendour can compensate. He accuses the 
 system of nature of poisonous infection, but the evil is in 
 his own system of conduct. 
 
 The pains he suffers in himself are the obvious coun 
 terpart of the evils he inflicts upon others. He might 
 have forseen the effects of his own conduct, and that 
 foresight might have taught him to avoid it. But fore 
 sight is in many instances, to such men, impracticable. 
 They suffer not in consequence of their own extrava 
 gance. They cannot take to themselves the miserable 
 consolation, that if now they are distressed, they have 
 at least lavished their money themselves, and had their 
 period of profusion and riot. 
 
 There is no reason to be found in the code of impar 
 tial justice, why one man should work, while another 
 man is idle. The spendthrift is not merely content that 
 other men should labor, while he is idle he has recon 
 ciled himself to that. But he is not satisfied that other 
 men should labor for his gratification ; he obliges them to 
 do this gratuitously ; he trifles with their expectations ; 
 he baffles their hopes ; he subjects them to a long suc 
 cession of tormenting uncertainties. 
 
 Setting, therefore, out of the question, the man who 
 subjects himself to expenses which he is unable to dis 
 charge, it may prove instructive to us to inquire into the 
 propriety of the maxim so currently established in hu 
 man society, that it is the duty of the rich man to live 
 up to his fortune. 
 
OO LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 Industry has been thought a pleasing spectacle. What 
 more delightful than to see our country covered with 
 corn, and our ports crowded with vessels ? What more 
 admirable than the products of human ingenuity? Mag 
 nificent buildings, plentiful markets, immense cities? 
 How innumerable the arts of the less favored members 
 of society, to extract from the wealthy some portion of 
 their riches ? How many paths have been struck out for 
 the acquisition of money ? How various are the channels 
 of our trade? How costly and curious the different classes 
 of our manufactures ? Is not this much better than that 
 a great mass of society should wear out a miserable ex 
 istence in idleness and want ? 
 
 It is thus that superficial observers have reasoned, 
 and these have been termed the elements of political 
 wisdom. It has been inferred, that the most commend 
 able proceeding in a man of wealth, is to encourage the 
 manufacture of his country, and to spend as large a por 
 tion of his propeity as possible in generating this beau 
 tiful spectacle of a multitude of human beings, indus- 
 trously employed, well fed, warmly clothed, cleanly and 
 contented. Another view of the subject which has led 
 to the same conclusion, is, that the wealth any man pos 
 sesses is so much of pleasure and happiness, capable of 
 being enjoyed, partly by himself, partly by another, 
 that it is his duty to scatter the seeds of pleasure and 
 happiness as widely as possible ; and that it is more use 
 ful that he should exchange his superfluity for their la 
 bor, than that he should maintain them in idleness and 
 dependence. These views of the subject are both of 
 them erroneous. Money is the representative and the 
 means of exchange to real commodities ; it is 110 real 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. OU 
 
 commodity itself. The wages of the laborer and the ar 
 tisan have always been small ; and as long as the ex 
 treme inequality of conditions subsists, will always re 
 main so. If the rich man would substantially relieve the 
 burthens of the poor, exclusive of the improvement he 
 may communicate to their understanding, or their tem 
 per, it must be by taking upon himself a part of their 
 labor, and by setting them task. All other relief is par 
 tial and temporary. Three or four hundred years ago in 
 England, there was little of manufacture, and little com 
 paratively, of manual labor. Yet the great proprietors 
 found then, as they find now, that they could not centre 
 the employment of their wealth entirely in themselves. 
 They could not devour to their own share, all the corn 
 and oxen, and sheep, they were pleased to call their 
 property. There were not then commodities, decora 
 tions of their persons, their wives and their houses, suf 
 ficient to consume their superfluity. Those which ex 
 isted were cumbrous aud durable, a legacy handed down 
 from one generation to another; not as now, a perpetual 
 drain for wealth and spur to industry. They generously 
 gave away what they could not expend, that it might not 
 rot upon their hands. It was equitable, however, in their 
 idea, that they should receive some compensation for 
 their benefits. What they required of their beneficia 
 ries, was, that they should wear their liveries, and by 
 their personal attendance contribute to the splendor of 
 their lords. It happened then, as it must always hap 
 pen, that the lower orders of the community could not 
 be entirely starved out of the world. 
 
 The commodities that substantially contribute to the 
 subsistence of the human species, form a very short cat- 
 
70 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 alogue. They demand from us but very slender por 
 tion of industry. If these only were produced, and suf 
 ficiently produced, the species of man would be contin 
 ued. If the labour necessarily required to produce them 
 were equitably divided among the poor, and still more if 
 it was equitably divided among all, each man s share of 
 labor would be light, and his portion of leisure would be 
 ample. There was a time when leisure would have 
 been of small comparative value. It is to be hoped that 
 the time will come, when it will be applied to the most 
 important purposes. Those hours which are not requir 
 ed for the productions of the necessaries of life, may be 
 devoted to the cultivation of the understanding, the en 
 larging our stock of knowledge, the refining our taste, 
 and thus opening to us new and more exquisite sources 
 of enjoyment. It is not necessary that all our hours of 
 leisure should be dedicated to intellectual pursuits ; it is 
 probable that the well being of man would be best pro 
 moted by the production of some superfluities and lux 
 uries, though certainly not such as an ill-imagined and 
 exclusive vanity now teaches us to admire ; but there is 
 no reason in the system of the universe or the nature of 
 man, why any individual should be deprived of the 
 means of intellectual cultivation. 
 
 It was perhaps necessary that a period of monopoly 
 and oppression should subsist, before a period of cultiva 
 ted equality could subsist. Savages perhaps would never 
 have been excited to the discovery of truth and the in 
 vention of art, but by the narrow motives which such a 
 period affords. But surely after the savage state has 
 ceased, and men have set out in the glorious career of 
 discovery and invention, monopoly and oppression can- 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 71 
 
 not be necessary to prevent them from returning to a 
 state of barbarism. Thus much is certain, that a state of 
 cultivated equality, is that state which in speculation and 
 theory, appears most consonant to the nature of man, and 
 most conducive to the extensive diffusion of felicity. 
 
 It is reasonable, therefore, to take this state as a sort of 
 polar star, in our speculation upon the tendency of hu 
 man actions. Without entering into the question, whe 
 ther such can be realised in its utmost extent, we may 
 venture to pronounce that mode of society best, which 
 most nearly approaches this state. It is desirable that 
 there should be, in any rank of society, as little as may 
 be of that luxury, the object of which is to contribute to 
 the spurious gratifications of vanity, that those who are 
 the least favored with the gifts of fortune, should be con 
 demned to the smallest portion of compulsory labor ; 
 and that no man should be obliged to devote his life to 
 the servitude of a galley slave and the ignorance of the 
 brute. 
 
 According to this doctrine, which upon a close philo 
 sophical investigation, will prove illustrative of the ques 
 tion before us, how far does the conduct of the rich man 
 who lives up to his fortune on the one hand, and that of 
 the strict economist on the other, contribute to the placing 
 of human beings in the condition in which they ought 
 to be placed. 
 
 Every man who invents a new luxury, adds so much 
 to the quantity of labor entailed on the lower orders of 
 society. The same may be affirmed of every man who 
 adds a new dish to his table, or who imposes a new tax 
 upon the inhabitants of his country. Mr. Macon was 
 clear of those sins. "It is a gross and ridiculous error," 
 
72 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 said he, on a certain occasion, "to suppose that the rich 
 pay for any thing. There was no wealth in the world, 
 except this, the labour of man. What was mis-named 
 wealth," said he, "was merely a power vested in certain 
 individuals by the institutions of society, to compel others 
 to labour for their benefit. So much labour was requi 
 site to produce the necessaries of life; so much more to 
 produce those superfluities which at present exist in any 
 country. Every new luxury," said he, "was a new 
 weight thrown into the scale. The poor were scarcely 
 ever benefitted by this. It added a certain portion to the 
 mass of their labour, but it added nothing to their con 
 veniences. Their wages were not changed for the bet 
 ter. They are paid no more now for the work of ten 
 hours than before for the work of eight. They support 
 the burthen, but they come in for no share of the fruit." 
 
 If a rich man employ the poor in breaking up land 
 and cultivating its useful productions, he may be their 
 benefactor. But if he employ them in erecting palaces, 
 in sinking canals, in laying out his parks, and modelling 
 his pleasure grounds, he will be found, when rightly con 
 sidered, their enemy. He is adding to the weight of op 
 pression and vast accumulation, by which they are already 
 sunk beneath the level of the brutes. His mistaken 
 munificence spreads its baneful effects, on every side, and 
 he is entailing curses on men he never saw, and posteri 
 ty yet unborn. 
 
 Such is the real tendency of the conduct of that so 
 frequently applauded character, the rich man, who lives 
 up to his fortune. His houses, his gardens, his equip 
 ages, his horses, the luxury of his table, and the number 
 of his servants, arc so many articles that may assume the 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 73 
 
 name of munificence, but that in reality are but added 
 expedients for grinding the poor, and filling up the mea 
 sure of human calamity. 
 
 Mr. Macon recognised that great principle of austere 
 and immutable justice, that the claims of the rich man 
 are no more extensive than those of the poor, to the 
 sumptuousness and pampering of human existence. He 
 watched over his expenditures with unintermitted scru* 
 pulosity; and though enabled to indulge himself in 
 many luxuries, he had the courage to practise a self-denial. 
 
 It may be alleged, that if Mr. Macon did not con 
 sume his wealth upon himself, that it would follow as a 
 natural consequence, that he did not impart it to another, 
 and therefore pertinaciously withheld it from general use 
 contrary to his professed general principles concerning 
 the use of property. But this point may not be rightly 
 understood by the censorious. They do not apply the 
 true development and definition of the nature of wealth, 
 to illustrate it. Wealth consist in this only, the commo 
 dities raised and fostered by human labour. Mr. Ma- 
 con s corn, and meat, oxen and houses, were used and 
 enjoyed by his cotemporaries as truly and to as great an 
 extent, as he believed were conducive to their well-being 
 and happiness. He never hoarded up ,what is called 
 money. He was too profound a philosopher, and too 
 great a friend of mankind, to so wretchedly have deceiv 
 ed himself. 
 
 His conduct was much less pernicious to mankind, 
 and much more nearly conformable to the unalterable 
 principles of justice, than that of the man who disburses 
 his income in what has been termed, a liberal and spirit 
 ed style. 
 7 
 
74 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 It remains to compare their motives, and consider 
 \Aich of them has familiarised himself most truly with 
 the principles of morality. It is to be supposed, when a 
 man, like the person of splendour and magnificence, is 
 found continually offending against the rights and adding 
 to the miseries of mankind ; and when it appears in ad 
 dition to this, that all his expences are directed to the 
 pampering his debauched appetite or the indulging an 
 ostentatious and arrogant temper, that he is actuated by 
 no very virtuous and commendable motives. Whilst on 
 the other hand, the man who like Mr. Macon, regulates 
 his expenditures by the good that may result from them 
 to his fellow creatures, is a pattern of benevolence ; strips 
 the world of its gaudy plumage, and views it in its genu 
 ine colours. He estimates splendid equipages and costly 
 attire, exactly or nearly at their true value. He feels 
 with acute sensibility the folly of wasting the wealth of 
 a province upon a meal. He knows that a man may be 
 as alert, as vigorous, and as happy, whose food is the 
 roots of the earth and whose drink the running stream. 
 His system drives out of the world that luxury, which 
 unnerves and debases the men that practise it, and is the 
 principal source of the oppression, ignorance and guilt, 
 which infests the face of earth. 
 
 After every deduction, it will be found, that a man 
 who lives the life of Mr. Macon, considers himself as a 
 man, entitled to expend upon himself only what the 
 wants of man require. He sees, and truly sees, the fol 
 ly of profusion, and it is this perception of the genuine 
 principles of morality ; it is this consciousness of unassail 
 able truth, that supports him in the system of conduct he 
 has chosen. Were it not for this he could not submit to 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 75 
 
 the uniform practise of self-denial, and the general ob 
 loquy he encounters from a world of which he is com 
 paratively the benefactor. Such appears to be the genu 
 ine result of the comparison between the votary of judi 
 cious economy, and the man of profusion. 
 
 The use of wealth is no doubt a science attended with 
 uncommon difficulties. But it is not less evident that by 
 a master in the science, it may be applied, to cheer the 
 miserable, to relieve the oppressed, to assist the manly 
 adventure, to advance science, and to encourage art. 
 Such was the use, which Mr. Macon manifested in the 
 application of his superfluities. And though the poor 
 imagine they can very easily tell in what manner, a rich 
 man ought to dispose of his wealth, yet the poor in Mr. 
 Macon s neighbourhood never could impute to him, if he 
 did not act towards them in this respect as they would 
 have him, the want of will to perform his duty or know 
 ledge as to what that duty prescribed. 
 
 A rich man guided by the genuine principles of vir 
 tue, would be munificent, though not with that spuri 
 ous munificence, that have so often usurped the nam* 
 It may however be doubted whether the conduct of tl 
 miser, who wholly abstains from the use of riches, be r 
 more advantageous to mankind, than the conduct of tiic 
 man who, with honorable intentions is continually mis 
 applying his wealth to what he calls public benefits and 
 charitable uses. It deserves to be remarked, that the 
 prejudice and folly of the world has frequently bestowed 
 the epithet of miser upon a man merely for the parsi 
 mony and simplicity of his living ; who has been found 
 whenever a real and unquestionable occasion occurred, 
 
76 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 to be actuated by the best charities and the most liberal 
 spirit in his treatment of others. Such a man might 
 answer his columniators in the words of Lewis the twelfth 
 of France, "I had rather my countrymen should laugh 
 at my parsimony, than weep for my oppression and in 
 justice," 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 77 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 POSSESSING those expansive affections that open the 
 human soul, and cause one man to identify himself with 
 the pleasures and pains of his fellows, Mr. Macon s 
 treatment to his slaves was an example to the whole sur 
 rounding country. Never had slaves a kinder master. 
 In every thing connected with their health and comfort, 
 he made ample provision ; in food, in raiment, in bed 
 ding, and dwellings. In their sickness, his attentions to 
 them were those of a kind and tender friend; nor did he 
 neglect their moral instruction and discipline. He es 
 tablished, at an early period, regular rules by which they 
 were to be managed and governed, of which rules they 
 were well informed and from which he never departed. 
 
 To a man w r ho had studied philosophy in the school of 
 science arid retirement, who had drawn his lessons from 
 this store-house of reason, and was unacquainted with the 
 practices of mankind, the plantations of the rich in our 
 country would afford an impressive spectacle. Inhabited 
 by two classes of beings, or more accurately speaking, 
 by two sets of men drawn from two distant stages of bar 
 barism and refinement. He would see the rich man 
 with the members of his family, persons accomplished 
 with all the elegance, taste and the variety of useful and 
 agreeable information, whilst his servants, destitute of 
 all these blessings, disturbed not the tranquility of their 
 7* 
 
78 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 master who pass them with as little consciousness of true 
 benevolence, and as little sense of unrestrained sympa 
 thy, as the mandarins upon his chimney-pieces. His 
 fortune to be expended between two different classes of 
 beings dwelling upon the same premises: The first class 
 consisting of the members of his own family; the second, 
 of the servants. The individuals of the first class have 
 each a purse well furnished. There is scarcely a luxury 
 in which they are not at liberty to indulge. There is 
 scarcely a caprice which crosses their fancy, that they 
 cannot gratify. They are attired with every thing that 
 fashion or taste can prescribe, and all in its finest texture 
 and its newest gloss. They are incensed with the most 
 costly perfumes. They are enabled to call into play 
 every expedient that can contribute to health, the fresh 
 ness of their complexions, and the sleekness of their 
 skin. They are masters of their time, can pass from one 
 voluntary labour to another, and resort as their fancy 
 prompts them to every splendid and costly amusement. 
 The wealth of each servant perhaps not often amounting 
 to ten dollars. He can scarcely obtain for himself an 
 occasional amusement ; or if he were smitten with the 
 desire of knowledge, the means of instruction are beyond 
 his reach or daring. But bound to be content with his 
 sordid meal, the purchase of which for a whole week, 
 would not furnish out the most insignificant dish for his 
 master s table. 
 
 This monstrous association, and union of wealth and 
 poverty, of want and plenty together, is one of the most 
 astonishing exhibitions that the human imagination can 
 figure to itself. It is voluntary, however, at least, on the 
 part of the master. If it were compulsorily imposed 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 79 
 
 upon him, there is no cheerfulness and gaiety of mind, 
 that could stand up against the melancholy scene. It 
 would be a revival of the barbarity of Mezetius, the link 
 ing a living body and a dead one together. It would 
 cure the most obdurate heart of its partiality for the dis 
 tinction of ranks in society. But, as it is, and as the hu 
 man mind is constituted, there is nothing however mon 
 strous, however intolerable to sober and impartial reason, 
 to which custom does not render us callous. 
 
 There is another circumstance, the object of the sen 
 ses, characteristic of this distinction of classes living on 
 the same premises, which though inferior to the preced 
 ing, deserves to be mentioned. We amuse ourselves, 
 suppose, with viewing the mansion of a man of wealth 
 and rank in our country. We admire the splendour of 
 the apartments, and the costliness of their decorations. 
 We pass from room to room, and find them all spacious, 
 lofty and magnificent. From their appearance, our minds 
 catch a sensation of tranquil grandeur. They are so 
 carefully polished, so airy, so perfectly light, that we feel 
 as it were impossible to be melancholy in them. We 
 are even fatigued with their variety. 
 
 We will imagine that after having surveyed the whole 
 of this mansion and its appurtenances, the fancy strikes 
 us of vie\ving the servants offices, dwellings and modes 
 of living. We will pass at a small distance perhaps to 
 the entrance of some little dirty, smoky hovel, scarcely 
 deserving the name of a dwelling, and in creeping along 
 some dark passages, will go from room to room ; where 
 nothing presents itself but gloom and despondency. The 
 light of day never having fully entered the apartments. 
 Where the breath of heaven could not freely play among 
 
80 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOX. 
 
 them. Where there would be in the very air something 
 that felt musty and stagnant to our senses. The furni 
 ture frugal, unexceptionable in itself, but strangely con 
 trasted with the splendour of the master s mansion, and 
 a general air of slovenliness and negligence, that amply 
 represents to us the depression and humiliated state of 
 mind of its tenant. 
 
 No such pictures as these, which are almost sufficient 
 to drive the truly benevolent to the depths of groves and 
 the bosom of nature, to weep over the madness of arti 
 ficial society, could be drawn from a visit to Mr. Macon s 
 plantation. There we should have found instead of the 
 lofty and magnificent mansion of splendid apartments 
 and costly decorations, a neat little single-storied framed 
 house, sixteen feet square, with an up-stairs and cellar, 
 furnished in the plainest and least costly style, for his 
 own dwelling, with a sufficient number of out-houses to 
 accommodate visitors comfortably. And on examining 
 the dwellings of his slaves, instead of the smoky hovel 
 of dirt and gloom and discontent, we have described 
 above, \ve should there have found, snug, well-built 
 log houses about the same size, furnish d with all the 
 common necessaries of convenient living, much better 
 by far than many of the poor classes of the whites, who 
 live in many parts of our country. Mr. Macon was as 
 compunctious in his duty to his slaves, as he was inflex 
 ible in enforcing the discharge of theirs to himself. 
 
 The rule of placing ourselves in the several situations 
 of the persons concerned, and enquiring what we should 
 expect, is of excellent use for directing, enforcing and 
 restraining our actions, and for producing in us a steady, 
 constant sense of what is fit and equitable. This rule of 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 81 
 
 duty, comprehends every rule of justice without excep 
 tion. It comprehends all the relative duties, arising 
 from the more permanent relations of parent and child, 
 of master and servant, of magistrate and subject, of hus 
 band and wife, or from the more transient relations of 
 rich and poor, of buyer and seller, of debtor and credi 
 tor, of benefactor and beneficiary, of friend and enemy. 
 It comprehends every duty of charity and humanity and 
 even of courtesy and good manners. Mr. Macon whose 
 intention was invariably to be guided by this rule, never 
 deviated from the principle of his duty in any of these 
 relations, unless from an error in his judgment which 
 seldom happened. 
 
 The evil of slavery itself is incurable at the present 
 day and all the fanaticism of the North cannot apply 
 its remedy. Those persons are to be commended who 
 like Mr. Macon endeavour to diminish its sting. But 
 others will excite in an enlightened observer a smile of 
 pity for their simplicity, when they pretend they can 
 totally extract the evil. It is a radical defect, originating 
 in the political institutions of our British ancestors. En 
 gland had been actively engaged in the slave trade near 
 ly fifty years, when the first settlements were effected 
 in Virginia. Slavery was early introduced into the 
 American colonies. The first, about twenty in number, 
 were brought to Virginia, in 1619. The importation of 
 them gradually increased, and although principally 
 bought by the southern planters, slaves were soon found 
 in great numbers, in all the colonies. A disgust towards 
 this traffic appeared very early in the colonies ; but it 
 was countenanced and patronized by the English gov 
 ernment, and thus introduced into and fastened upon the 
 
82 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 country without the power on the part of the colonies to 
 arrest it. These are facts for foreigners, particularly the 
 English, who are always canting and pratling (to use one 
 of their common-place phrases) upon the unnatural 
 and unaccountable custom of enslaving mankind." 
 
 Then, so far as a comparison between Europe and 
 America is concerned, a moment s reflection and exami 
 nation will shew the exceedingly negative merit of the 
 former. Is it not a fact, that the policy of all America 
 was for more than a century controlled by Europe, and 
 was not this scourge introduced under that policy? Has 
 this policy, in Europe, been yet abondoned ? Does En 
 gland or France, for instance, at this moment, own a foot 
 of land on earth, where black slaves can be profitable, 
 and where they do not use them? It is absurd for 
 France or for England to say, we have no slaves in our 
 respective kingdoms, properly so called, when every 
 body knows that the one is at this moment filled with 
 white beggars, and the other with paupers who are sup 
 ported by the public purse, and both for the simple rea 
 son that they are overflowing with population. It is 
 true, that two centuries ago, when they had more room, 
 they did not import negroes from Guiania ; but it is also, 
 just as true, that they sent their ships to convey them to 
 colonies which are situated in climates where they might 
 repay them for their trouble. It is puerile as it is unjust, 
 therefore, for these two countries (most others might be 
 included) to pretend to any exclusive exemption from 
 the sin or shame of slavery. 
 
 Slavery has existed from the foundation of society, 
 and will ever continue to exist in all countries if not ab 
 solute, in some shape or other. And as to making it an 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 83 
 
 abstract question at this late period, is out of season and 
 shows a great want of reflection and sound sense. Its 
 existence as a state institution is acknowledged by the 
 federal constitution of our country, and the laws by 
 which we are governed. In the spirit of conciliation 
 and fraternal feeling, which actuated our fathers in the 
 establishment of our confederacy, the rights of the south 
 ern states, in their slaves, were guaranteed and secured. 
 A federal union could have been formed on no other ba 
 sis. Those people of the North, therefore, who, regard 
 less of these considerations, and of their obligations as 
 parties to the federal compact, engaged as they say in 
 this great controversy between freedom and slavery, 
 should recollect that they are not answerable, morally, 
 legally, or constitutionally, for slavery in the Southern 
 states. They have less right to interfere with it here, 
 than with slavery in a foreign land, because they are 
 not only under the obligations of the law of nations, but 
 under the constitutional obligations of a compact of non 
 interference, irreversibly interwoven with the most glo 
 rious result of the American revolution. The people of 
 the Southern states have granted them no jurisdiction 
 over the subject within their limits. They had jurisdic 
 tion over it within their own limits, and by a gradual 
 and slow process, they abolish d it. Beyond that they 
 are not answerable. But if, rashly, madly, in violation 
 of their constitutional obligations, they undertake to in 
 terfere with what is not rightfully under their control, 
 they are answerable for the consequences, and the res 
 ponsibility will be such as no man, in full view of them 
 when fully developed, will in his calmer moments of 
 sober reflection, be willing to lie under. The efforts 
 
84 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 which they are engaged in, could they be successful, 
 would subvert the domestic institutions of their South 
 ern neighbours. They are certainly under the influence 
 of a misdirected philanthropy. This disregard of every 
 consideration due from one portion of the union to anoth 
 er, must be lamented by every friend of his country, no 
 matter in what portion of it he may live. It tends to 
 disturb the relations created by the federal compact, and 
 is at war with its spirit and design. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 85 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 WE have mentioned in a previous chapter that Mr. 
 Macon began to be looked upon as the most popular man 
 of his age in the congressional district in which he lived. 
 His popularity continued to increase, until he became a 
 candidate, and was elected to congress in 1791. This 
 was the second congress held under the constitution of 
 the United States ; and many of the difficulties neces* 
 sarily incident to the first arrangements of a new govern 
 ment, for an extensive country, had been happily termi 
 nated by the zealous and judicious exertions of his pre 
 decessors. Congress met on the 24th of October, Mr. 
 Macon took his seat on the 28th ; and his early respecta 
 bility in the house of representatives is manifest from his 
 being appointed on the 15th of November, together with 
 Mr. Page and Mr. Murray, the former from Maryland, 
 and the latter from Virginia, to prepare and bring in a 
 bill, pursuant to a resolution fixing the number of rep 
 resentatives in proportion of one representative for every 
 thirty thousand inhabitants. We mention this circum 
 stance to show that he appeared to have attracted atten 
 tion and made an impression almost on his first arrival. 
 
 Mr. Macon s unchequered consistency, the frank and 
 
 manly avowal of his opinions on all proper occasions, 
 
 the prominent and distinguished part it was his duty to 
 
 take in support of every republican principle, whilst 
 
 8 
 
86 tIFE OF NATHANIEL 
 
 serving as a member in the legislature of his own state, 
 sufficiently proclaimed his political creed at that day* 
 His political principles were deep rooted. He became 
 attached to them from early examination, and was con 
 firmed in their correctness from mature reason and seri 
 ous reflection. They were the principles of genuine 
 republicanism ; and to them through life he gave a hearty, 
 consistent, and available support. With them he never 
 compromised; and the greater the pressure the more 
 pertinaciously he stood by them. Adopting, to the 
 fullest extent, the doctrines which allowed to man the 
 capacity and the right to self-government, he never 
 would consent, however strongly the law of circumstan 
 ces might demand it, to exercise any of the doubtful 
 powers of the constitution of the United States. Jeal 
 ous of federal authority, his most vigilant efforts were 
 directed towards restraining it within due limits. A 
 democrat by nature, as well as education, he was per 
 suaded that on the popular part of every government 
 depends its real force, its welfare, its securities, its per 
 manence, and its adaptation to the happiness of the 
 people. 
 
 The character of the federal constitution, and the ori 
 gin of the two political parties which then divided and 
 will probably forever divide the American people, may 
 be learnt from the following concise history of its for 
 mation. 
 
 A portion of the members of the convention which 
 formed the federal constitution, from a strong partiality for 
 the British form of government, desired to approximate 
 as near that system as public opinion in America would 
 allow. From them came propositions for a president 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 87 
 
 and senate for life, elections for long terms, and other 
 fundamental arrangements, which should remove the 
 government as far as possible from popular control. 
 Another portion of its members, having more confidence 
 in the intelligence and virtue of the people, advocated 
 the principle of making the executive and legislative 
 branches elected for short terms. After the constitution 
 was formed, those two parties differed widely in the 
 views they took of the tendency of the government ; 
 the one believing that it was towards consolidation, arid 
 the other to disunion ; and the one accordingly believing 
 that the danger was despotism in the head, and the other 
 anarchy in the members. Hence the radical differences 
 of opinions, and the different light in which the two par 
 ties viewed the character of the system. The republi 
 can party held it to be federative in its character, and 
 formed by the states in their sovereign capacity, and adop 
 ted for their mutual security and happiness, while 
 many of their adversaries regarded it as a great national 
 republic formed by the American people in the aggre- 
 gate, to promote the interest of the majority, instead of 
 the several states composing it. 
 
 When the government was put in operation under the 
 new constitution, each party adopted rules of construc 
 tion calculated to secure their peculiar objects, and ad*> 
 vance their cherished principles, in its practical opera 
 tion. Unfortunately the execution of certain vital parts 
 of the system was entrusted to men who had no faith 
 in its stability, without essential changes, removing it 
 further from the influence of the people and the states ; 
 and they immediately set themselves to work to accom 
 plish, by a broad construction, that which was jn 
 
88 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 opinion, essential to the continued existence of the gov 
 ernment; but was unattainable through a direct appeal 
 to the states and people for amendments to the constitu 
 tion. The other party maintaining their faith in the 
 constitution as it is, insisted that the constitution should 
 be construed strictly according to its honest meaning as 
 adopted by the states ; and that changes in the system 
 when found necessary, should be sought through appli 
 cations for amendments, rather than through new, vague, 
 and latitudinous constructions which, in effect would 
 accumulate unlimited powers in a government notori 
 ously limited by those who had created it. Mr. Macon 
 was of the latter party, which finally gained the entire 
 ascendency, and have maintained it ever since, with 
 some few deviations. He was opposed to yielding to 
 the general government any powers except those ex 
 pressly granted by the constitution. He believed in a 
 definition and limitation by law, as far as practicable 
 of the duties of public functionaries ; a strict system of 
 accountability in all public servants, and a rigid system 
 of economy in all public expenditures, that they should 
 be confined to the absolute wants of the government. 
 This policy Mr. Macon believed was indispensible to 
 keep the government within the limits necessary to se 
 cure and perpetuate liberty to the people. He believed 
 that there is nothing that can so much endanger the free 
 institutions of a country, and the freedom of its citizens, 
 as a rich and powerful government. If the people be 
 rich and happy, the government must be poor. If the 
 government be rich and powerful, the people will be 
 poor and weak ; for the simple reasons that all rich gov 
 ernments are made so by the wealth of the people, and 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 whatever is taken from them to enrich the government, 
 must make them proportionately poor ; and in proportion 
 to the wealth of the government, so will it be powerful ; 
 and in proportion to its power, so will the people be weak. 
 If the government is the master, the people will be slaves ; 
 for both cannot be rich ; both cannot be powerful ; nor 
 can both be masters. 
 
 Mr. Macon was thirty two years of age when he was 
 elected to the house of representatives, and served in 
 that capacity uninterruptedly under successive elections, 
 from 1791 till the winter of 1815; when he was chosen 
 by the legislature of his state, a senator in congress, 
 without his solicitation, and in one sense against his w r ish, 
 for his maxim was "frequent elections and accountability 
 at short intervals." He resigned his seat as a member 
 of the house of representatives whilst he was at Wash 
 ington, and assumed his new station as senator in Janu 
 ary, in 1816. On that occasion he declined and rejected 
 double pay for travelling, although abundant precedents 
 entitled him to it. The legislature continued to him 
 this honourable distinction and high trust, till November, 
 1828, when he was induced by a sense of duty, spring 
 ing out of his advanced age and infirmities, to resign, 
 resigning also at the same time his offices of justices of the 
 peace, and trustee of the university of North Carolina, 
 both of which he filled for many years. During his 
 congressional career he was chosen, 1801, at the first 
 session of the 7th congress, speaker of the house of rep 
 resentatives, and continued to preside over the delibera 
 tions of that body till the tenth congress. The duties of 
 the chair were discharged by him w r ith distinguished 
 abilities, and an impartiality w r hich secured the esteem 
 8* 
 
90 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 and affection of his political friends, and won the confi 
 dence and admiration of his political adversaries. Not 
 being able, from severe indisposition, to attend at the 
 commencement of the tenth congress, a new incumbent 
 was elected to the chair. He was several times elected 
 president pro. tern, of the senate ; and the last time chosen 
 to that station, he declined its acceptance. The office 
 of post master general was twice offered him ; but 
 office, however high, or emolument however great, had 
 no charm for him. In 1835 his fellow citizens again 
 called him from his cherished retirement, by electing 
 him a member of the convention, charged with the im 
 portant duty of revising and reforming the constitution 
 of his native state, of which body he was chosen presi 
 dent by an unanimous vote. In 1836, he was chosen 
 an elector of the president and vice president, on the 
 republican ticket; this was the last of his public services. 
 In this catalogue of the important public duties, all of 
 which were so faithfully discharged by him, it is some 
 thing very remarkable, that he never sought any of them 
 himself. He was never known to use any intrigue, 
 management or flattery, or to adopt any of the common 
 means of procuring any man s support during his whole 
 career of matchless popularity. Conscious of possess 
 ing the virtues that deserved their favours, he was not 
 so meanly ambitious of public trust, or so intent on per 
 sonal distinction, as to forget the ends for which it was 
 worth possessing. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 91 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 DURING the twenty-five years which Mr. Macon serv 
 ed in the house of representatives, we find him constant 
 ly supporting the true and genuine principles of demo 
 cracy supporting the constitution, as derived from the 
 people, directly expressed by their free suffrages ; where 
 the principal executive functionaries, and those of the 
 legislature, were removed by short periods ; where un 
 der the character of jurors, they exercise in person, the 
 greatest portion of the judiciary powers ; where the 
 laws are constantly so formed and administered as to 
 bear with equal weight and favor on all, restraining no 
 man in the pursuit of honest industry, and securing to 
 every one the property which that acquires. 
 
 Mr. Macon was never, what is called at the present 
 day, a thorough-going party man. He was of a different 
 order of politicians. In political associations, he knew the 
 object of each man was to identify his creed with that 
 of his neighbor. 
 
 To learn the cant of a party, we dare not leave our 
 mind at large in the field of inquiry, lest we should ar 
 rive at some tenet distasted by our party. We have no 
 temptation to inquire. Party has a more powerful ten 
 dency, than perhaps any other circumstance in human 
 affairs, to render the mind quiescent and stationary. In 
 stead of making each man an individual, which the in- 
 
9 2 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 terest of the whole requires, it resolves all understand 
 ing into one common mass, and subtracts from each the 
 varieties that could alone distinguish him from a brute 
 machine. Having learned the creed of our party, we 
 have no longer any employment for those faculties, which 
 might lead us to detect its errors. We have arrived, in 
 our own opinion, at the last page of the volume of truth; 
 and all that remains, is by some means to effect the 
 adoption of our sentiments, as the standard of right to 
 the whole race of mankind. The indefatigable votary 
 of justice and truth, will adopt a mode of proceeding, 
 the opposite of this. He will mix at large among his 
 species ; he will converse with men of all orders and 
 parties ; he will fear to attach himself in his intercourse 
 to any particular set of men, lest his thoughts should 
 become insensibly warped, and he should make to him 
 self a world of petty dimensions, instead of that liberal 
 and various scene in which nature has permitted him to 
 expatiate. In every numerous association of men there 
 will be some portion of rivalship and ambition. Those 
 persons who stand forward in the assembly, will be anx 
 ious to increase the numbers of their favours and adher 
 ents. This anxiety will necessarily engender some de 
 gree of art. It is unavoidable, that in thinking much of 
 the public, they should not be led by this propensity to 
 think much also of themselves. In the propositions they 
 bring forward ; in the subjects they discuss ; in the side 
 they espouse of these subjects, they will inevitably be 
 biased by the reflection, what will be most acceptable 
 to their partizans, and popular with their hearers. There 
 is a sort of partiality to particular men that is commend 
 able. We ought to honor usefulness and adhere to 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 93 
 
 worth. But the partiality which is disingenuously culti 
 vated by weakness on both sides, is not commendable. 
 The partiality, which grows out of a mutual surrender of 
 the understanding, where the leader first resigns the in 
 tegrity of his judgment, that he may cherish and take 
 advantage of the defects of his followers, bears an un 
 favourable aspect upon the common welfare. In this 
 scene, truth cannot gain; on the contrary, it is forgotten, 
 that error, a more accommodating principle, may be ex 
 hibited to advantage, and serve the personal ends of its 
 professors. 
 
 In the assembly of a set of people for the purpose of 
 establishing and propagating party principles, conten 
 tions, disputes, and long consultations about matters of 
 the most trivial importance, are the prominent features 
 attendant on such associations. Every human being 
 abounds, and ought to abound, in his own sense. The 
 business upon such occasions, is to twist and distort the 
 sense of each, so that, though they were all different at 
 first, they may in the end be all alike. Is any proposi 
 tion, letter, or declaration, to be drawn up in the name of 
 the whole, perhaps it is confided to one man at first, but 
 it is amended, altered and metamorphosed according to 
 the fancy of many ; till at last, what once perhaps was 
 reasonable, comes out the most inextricable jargon. 
 
 The appetite perpetually vexing the mind of political 
 associators, is that of doing something that their associa 
 tion may not fall into insignificance. Affairs must wait 
 upon them, and not they wait upon affairs. They are 
 not content to act, only when some public emergence 
 seems to require their interference, and point out to 
 them a just method of proceeding; they must make the 
 
94 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 emergence to satisfy the recklessness of their disposition. 
 Thus they are ever at hand to mar the tranquil ity of 
 science, and the free but unobserved progress of truth. 
 They terrify the rest of the community from boldness of 
 opinion, and chain them down to their prejudices, by 
 the alarm which is excited by their turbulence of char 
 acter. 
 
 Could an adequate example of the advantages of po 
 litical discussion, undebauched by political enmity and 
 vehemence, be set by the wise men of any nation, the 
 beauty of the spectacle would soon render it contagious. 
 Every man would commune with his neighbor. Every 
 man would be eager to tell and hear what the interest of 
 all require them to know. The bolts and fortifications of 
 the temple of truth would be removed. The craggy 
 steep of science, which it was before difficult to ascend, 
 would be levelled. Knowledge would be accessible to 
 all. Wisdom would be the inheritance of man, and 
 none would be excluded from it but by their own heed- 
 lessness and prodigality. Truth, and above all, political 
 truth, is not hard of acquisition, but from the supercil- 
 Housness of its possessors. It has been slow and tedious 
 of improvement, because the study of it has been rele 
 gated to doctors and civilians. It has produced little ef 
 fect upon the practice of mankind, because it has not 
 been allowed a plain and direct appeal to their under 
 standings. Remove these obstacles; render it the com* 
 mon property ; bring it into daily use ; and we may rea 
 sonably promise ourselves consequences of the most in 
 estimable character. 
 
 The indiscriminate adhesion to party, and uniform sup 
 port of party arrangements, encourage the leaders to pro- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 95 
 
 ceed to extremities, and to adopt violent and pernicious 
 measures which the good sense of their followers may re 
 probate, but from which they have not fortitude enough 
 to withhold their support. This has been, in all countries, 
 the most frightful of the consequences of the unholy and 
 deleterious spirit of faction. Men originally of the purest 
 hearts and best intention, are by this ignis fatuus gra 
 dually corrupted, and led, step by step, to unite in acts, 
 at which they would, at the commencement of their ca 
 reer, have recoiled with horror and affright. It is a sound 
 political maxim, that a thorough going party man never 
 was a perfectly honest politician ; for there, perhaps, 
 never yet was a party free from errors and crimes, more 
 or less gross, in exact proportion to the folly or the wick 
 edness of its leaders. 
 
 This blind and uncompromising adherence to party has 
 always been looked upon by such men as Mr. Macon, 
 as one of the worse features in the situation of our 
 country. 
 
 United, we are able to protect ourselves without 
 any foreign aid, against all attacks from abroad. But 
 agitated by factious opposition to our government, which 
 is our only rallying point against danger, and weakened 
 by internal dissentions, we invite the invasion of for 
 eign powers ; expose ourselves to fall an easy prey, 
 or to form unequal alliances for our safety. Let us 
 seriously ask ourselves who is it that do most to 
 wards increasing our expenses and our taxes ; invit 
 ing the invasion of foreign powers; weakening our 
 means of defence, and driving us to form European al 
 liances? Whether they who are active to promote union, 
 to support government, to prepare to repel hostility ; or 
 
96 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 those who busily engender divisions ; revile our own go 
 vernment, indiscriminately censure, and (as far as they 
 dare) oppose all its acts, and endeavor to paralize all its 
 efforts. 
 
 The nation, previous to the operation of the fed 
 eral government, was in a prostrate and abject state. 
 Arts, trade and commerce languished. Industry had 
 little or no encouragement. Tender laws, and other 
 measures, impolitic and unjust, had banished confi 
 dence between man and man. An unfavorable bal 
 ance of trade had exhausted the country of its metallic 
 medium. The states were hostile to and jealous of each 
 other. In a word, the prospects of the nation, for want 
 of a general controlling government, had been so ex 
 tremely gloomy, that good men began to doubt whether 
 in its consequences the revolution would deserve to be 
 styled a blessing. But the establishment of our most no 
 ble and most excellent form of government worked a ra 
 pid and incredible change. Confidence was completely 
 restored. Arts, trade and commerce revived. State jea 
 lously was disarmed of all its powers to retard or destroy 
 public prosperity. And would it not now be an attempt 
 worse than political suicide, to seek a dissolution of 
 this happy union, or to endanger the destruction of the 
 government by a blind and indiscriminate adherence to 
 party prejudices. Violent partizans have in all ages be 
 lieved the monstrous doctrine, that the end sanctifies the 
 means;, a doctrine, the fruitful parent of numberless 
 crimes. This frequently leads parties to adopt measures 
 at which each individual would have shuddered. They 
 should use their utmost energy to oppose all impolitic, in 
 jurious, or unjust measures, but let them yield a cordial 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 97 
 
 and hearty support to every one calculated to promote 
 the public good. This is what would constitute a noble 
 and dignified political party. Let them, if they choose, 
 if they be out of power, use all their efforts to regain the 
 power they have lost, by fair and honorable means. Let 
 them charitably regard their political adversaries as in* 
 tending to promote the public good, even when they be 
 lieve them in error. Let them make allowance for hu 
 man imperfection, from which they are no more exempt 
 than their antagonists. 
 
 The position which each of the states occupies as mem 
 bers of this union, should never be lost sight of by any par 
 ty. For whilst, as to all the purposes not delegated to the 
 general government, each is an independent sovereign 
 ty, yet, as to all granted to the confederation or union, 
 each must exercise her authorities in subordination to 
 the general government, evincing a proper regard for, 
 and subordination to that government in all things prop 
 erly pertaining it. The government of the states should 
 ever exercise a careful vigilance for the preservation of 
 their own rights, that the object of the confederation 
 may be fairly effected, and the harmony of a system of 
 government without parallel in modern times be preser 
 ved in all its beauty and symetry. "It is not sufficient 
 that there should be a cold compliance in terms with 
 the letter of our constitution;" there should be a proper 
 national feeling of brotherhood kept up. We should 
 exhibit in all our conduct that we are members of a great 
 and powerful union of free states, who have made cer 
 tain terms and conditions by way of mutual concession 
 and compromise in order to promote the general good of 
 the whole. The old articles of confederation, as well 
 9 
 
98 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 as the present constitution of the United States, were 
 the results of these feelings and these concessions and 
 compromises, and a due regard to that good faith which 
 ahould ever characterize the conduct of a republican^ 
 would seem to require that a contract or compact of 
 union thus formed, should be kept not only inviolate in 
 terms, but in spirit also. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 99 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 IN our last chapter, we mentioned that Mr. Macon 
 was never what might be called a thorough-going party 
 man. We attempted to give our ideas of what consti 
 tuted that character, to enable the reader to discover the 
 difference between him and those politicians who so fre 
 quently suffer their ambition and prejudices to lead them 
 to such extravagant, unnecessary, and dangerous results. 
 In the whole history of Mr. Macon s political career, 
 he never has been charged with any inconsistency, or 
 the smallest departure from the true republican doctrine 
 but on one occasion. He was charged by some, since 
 the close of our last war with Great Britian, with having 1 
 voted for the war, but voted against appropriations to 
 carry it on. This is the only political inconsistency we 
 have ever heard of his being accused ; and had it been 
 true, was certainly of a character that placed him, as a 
 politician, in a very ridiculous point of view. But upon 
 an examination of the journals of congress, it will be 
 found an accusation without any foundation. 
 
 Matthew Carey in his first edition of the Olive Branch, 
 enumerated, among the errors of Mr. Madison s admin 
 istration, the neglect to make due preparations for the 
 war "previous to the commencement of hostilities." But 
 says, in his second edition, that he deeply regrets to have 
 cast such a superficial glance at the subject ; to have al* 
 
100 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 lowed himself to be so grossly deceived, and to have 
 contributed to lead his readers estray. There were am 
 ple preparations made, he afterwards says, as might be 
 seen in a list of acts inserted in his book, passed during 
 the session of congress, towards the close of which war 
 was declared. He further says, like an honest man (as 
 we believe he was) that he should not easily forgive 
 himself the very extraordinary error of which he ac 
 knowledges himself guilty on the subject. He stated 
 he should regard it as a monition as long as he lived 
 against precipitate decision. And took the liberty of 
 hinting to his readers, whoever they might be, that they 
 might derive a useful lesson from the fact? If, with the 
 attention he had been in the habit of paying to public 
 affairs, reading two or three news-papers every day, 
 and perfectly convinced of the justice of war, he had 
 nevertheless fallen into such a palpable, such a mon 
 strous error, on so plain a point if he had brought so 
 unjust an accusation against the congress which declared 
 war, how difficult must it be for persons remote from 
 opportunities of judging correctly, and liable to be mis 
 lead by interested or factious men, to form accurate 
 opinions. And here we would remark, if those persons 
 had taken the trouble to have examined, who accused 
 Mr. Macon of voting against appropriations to carry on 
 the war, they probably would have found themselves 
 in Matthew Carey s predicament ; and we are in hopes 
 would have been equally penitent, and cautious of falling 
 into similar errors in future, as they discovered how 
 utterly fallacious and unfounded was the allegation. 
 
 This accusation against Mr. Macon originated, from 
 his adherence to a rule which he had prescribed for 
 
LIFE OF NAT;HANXEI MACON-. JO I 
 
 himself, " that of voting for the expenditure of no 
 money other than was required by public necessity." 
 From this rule he was never known to depart ; it was 
 the epitome of all his political principles the grand 
 centre point from which all the rays of his political worth 
 eminated and his adherence to it, he looked upon as a 
 moral engagement he was always under to his constitu 
 ents, that he was determined to fulfil to the letter. No 
 lure could have tempted him to lay it down there was 
 no passion he would gratify at the expense of this duty. 
 He always sought with great earnestness and untiring 
 industry, the path that led to it ; and when discovered, 
 fearlessly pursued it obliging no one from favour or 
 affection, and yielding nothing to the suggestions of re 
 sentment or enmity. This tenacity to principle, then, 
 must have disqualified him from filling the character as 
 we have before stated of that thorough-going party-man 
 to whom sometimes may be attributed so many evil con 
 sequences. 
 
 It appears that the whole of Mr. Macon s votes in 
 congress preparatory to and during the progress of hos 
 tilities with Great Britian, were governed (as they should 
 have been) by the principles of defensive war. The 
 principles of defensive war in his opinion were so sim 
 ple as to procure an almost infallible success. Fortifi 
 cations, therefore, according to these principles are con 
 sidered, a very equivocal species of protection, and will 
 oftener be of advantage to the enemy, by being first 
 taken, and then converted into magazines for his armies. 
 Whilst a moving force on the contrary, if it only ho 
 vered about his march and avoided general action, would 
 always preserve the real superiority. The great engine 
 9* 
 
102 LIFE ;OF NATHANIEL MACON* 
 
 of military success or miscarriage, is the article of pro 
 visions ; and the farther the enemy advanced into our 
 countiy, the more easy would it be to cut off his supply ; 
 at the same time, that so long as we avoided general ac 
 tion, any decisive success on his part would be impossi 
 ble. These principles, if rigidly practised, would soon 
 be so well understood, that the entering in a hostile 
 manner the country of a neighbouring nation would 
 come to be regarded as the infallible destruction of the 
 invading army. Perhaps no people were ever conquer 
 ed at their own doors, unless they were first betrayed, 
 either by divisions among themselves, or by the abject 
 degeneracy of their characters. Not less inevitable, 
 from these principles, is that the operations of vj^ar should 
 be limited as accurately as possible to the generating no 
 farther evils than defence inevitably requires. Calamity 
 should as entirely as possible be prevented to every in 
 dividual who is not actually in arms, and whose fate has 
 no immediate reference to the event of the war. This 
 principle condemns the levying military contributions, 
 and the capture of mercantile vessels. Each of these 
 atrocities would be in another way precluded by the 
 doctrine of simple defence. We should scarcely think 
 of levying such contributions, if we never attempted to- 
 pass the limits of our territory; and every species of 
 naval war would perhaps be proscribed. 
 
 In the examination of Mr. Macon s votes on the va 
 rious measures preparatory to the declaration of war in 
 1812, it appears he considered a navy adequate to the 
 protection of our own coast, sufficient, until farther exi 
 gences required its increase, and when that time arrived, 
 we might be better prepared to make appropriations for 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 103 
 
 that purpose. The resolutions, as reported by the com 
 mittee of the whole house on the state of the union, the 
 6th December 1811, and his votes thereon clearly up 
 hold this inference. There were six of these resolutions 
 which we feel it our duty to lay before the reader at full 
 length that he have a fair opportunity of being in posses 
 sion of all the facts out of which arose the accusation of 
 inconsistent voting against the subject of these pages. 
 
 1st. Resolved, that the military establishment, as au 
 thorised by existing laws, ought to be immediately com 
 pleted, by filling up the ranks, and prolonging the en 
 listments of troops ; and that to encourage the enlist 
 ments, a bounty in lands ought to be given, in addition 
 to the pay and bounty now allowed by law. 
 
 2nd. Resolved, that an additional force of regular 
 tro6*ps ought to be immediately raised to serve for three 
 years ; and that a bounty in lands ought to be given to 
 encourage enlistments. 
 
 3rd. Resolved, that it is expedient to authorise the 
 president, under proper regulations, to accept the service 
 of any number of volunteers, not exceeding fifty thou 
 sand, to be organized, trained and held in readiness to 
 act on such service as the exigences of the government 
 may require. 
 
 4th. Resolved, that the president be authorised to 
 order out, from time to time, such detachments of the 
 militia, as, in his opinion the public service may require. 
 
 5th. Resolved, that all the vessels, not now in service, 
 belonging to the navy, and worthy of repair, be imme 
 diately fitted up and put in commission. 
 
 6th. Resolved, that it is expedient to permit our mer 
 chant vessels, owned exclusively by resident citizens, and 
 
104 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 commanded and navigated solely by citizens, to arm, un 
 der proper regulations to be prescribed by law, in self- 
 defence against all unlawful proceeding. 
 
 Mr. Macon voted for the four first of these resolutions 
 and against the two latter, carrying out his opinion as 
 we before stated, that he considered the navy as it then 
 stood amply sufficient to the protection of our coast and 
 for defensive war ; and until further exigencies required 
 it, he was in favor of its remaining as it was ; looking 
 upon appropriations for its increase at that time as unneces 
 sary expenditures. He voted, in a large majority, on the 
 20th December, 1811, on the bill from the senate "for 
 completing the military establishment." He voted a- 
 gainst (in minority of 34, 94) raising an additional 
 force ; which vote was no doubt given by Mr. Macon, 
 on account of the amendments, to the bill from the Sen 
 ate by Mr. Bibb of Georgia and John Smilie, the pur 
 port of which amendments were to make the president 
 judge, whether the appointment of any officers to those 
 regiments were necessary or not ; and if any, what num 
 ber should be appointed. 
 
 He voted against the bill entitled an act concerning 
 the naval establishment, 29th January 1812. 
 
 He voted for the bill supplementary to an act making 
 provision for arming and equipping the whole body of 
 the militia of the United States. 
 
 He voted for the embargo, 1st of April, 1812. 
 
 This is the history of Mr. Macon s course in congress, 
 preparatory to the war. We will next examine his votes, 
 from its declaration to its close on the 24th December^ 
 when peace was made at Ghent. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 105 
 
 Mr. Macon voted for the act declaring war between 
 Great Britian and her dependences and the United States, 
 and their territories, on the 4th of June 1812, and was 
 appointed in conjunction with Mr. Finley of Pennsylva 
 nia, as a committee to carry the bill to the senate to re 
 quest their concurrence. And to show his manner of 
 informing his constituents, after it was sanctioned by the 
 senate on the 17th, he wrote to the different post mas 
 ters in his district, as follows : 
 
 WASHINGTON, 18th June, 1812. 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 War was declared against Great Britain yesterday. 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 Mr. Macon voted for the {( act to lay and collect a di 
 rect tax within the United States," 8th January, 1813, 
 and no people, with a local and transitory exception 
 never to be wholly avoided, were more able than the 
 people of the United State to spare for the public wants 
 a portion of their private means ; whether regard had 
 been had to the ordinary profits of industry, or the ordi 
 nary prices of subsistence in our country at the time, 
 compared with those of any other. And in no case 
 could stronger reasons be felt for yielding the requisite 
 contributions. These contributions rendered the public 
 resources certain, and commensurate to the public emer 
 gencies, the constituted authorities able to prosecute the 
 war more rapidly to its proper issue, whilst every hos 
 tile hope of the political party opposing the war, founded 
 on a calculated failure of our resources, was cut off, by 
 
106 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 adding to the evidence of bravery and skill, in combats 
 on the ocean and on land, an alacrity in supplying treas 
 ure necessary to give them their fullest effect ; and thus 
 demonstrating to the world, the public energy which our 
 political institutions, combined with personal liberty, dis 
 tinguishes them, to be the best security against future 
 enterprises on the rights or the peace of the nation. 
 
 Mr. Macon was on the committee for public expendi 
 tures the 26th February, 1814 5th of March, 1814, 
 Mr. Macon voted for the bill from the senate, "in ad 
 dition to an act entitled an act allowing a bounty to the 
 owners, officers, and crews, of the private armed vessels 
 of the United States." On the same day voted for a 
 bill making appropriations for the support of the navy of 
 United States, for the year 1814. And voted on the 
 same day again, for a bill making appropriations for the 
 support of the military establishment of the United 
 States, for the same year. 
 
 Here we have a plain and simple history of all the 
 foundation of that inconsistency with which he has been 
 so unjustly charged, and which must have first had its birth 
 in misrepresentations, and its propogation afterwards sus 
 tained only by ignorance and misguided prejudice. And 
 though the author is well aware that its perusal will be 
 rather tedious, perhaps insiped, to some of his readers, 
 yet for those who may take an interest in political sub 
 jects -he felt it his duty as his biographer not to over 
 look so important a matter in so great a man s life. In 
 deed, when we come to give his conduct in congress at 
 this period, a full investigation, we are bound to come to 
 the conclusion, that any other course but the one pur- 
 
LIF E OF NATHANIEL MACON. 107 
 
 sued, would have been a departure from the political 
 principles he prescribed for himself, and his strict com 
 pliance with which on all occasons as well as the one 
 just under review, procured him the character of being 
 one of the standards of republicanism in the nation, and 
 a never-failing criterion of the true democratic faith * 
 
108 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOJT, 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 WHEN a statue had been erected by his fellow citizens 
 of Theses to Theagenes, a celebrated victor in the pub 
 lic games of Greece, we are told, that it excited so 
 strongly the envious hatred of one of his rivals, that he 
 went to it every night, and endeavoured to throw it down 
 by repeated blows ; till at last, unfortunately successful, he 
 was able to move its pedestal, and was crushed to death 
 beneath it on its fall. This, if we consider the self-con 
 suming misery of envy, might have happened to those 
 accusers of Mr. Macon of the political inconsistency of 
 which we treated in our last chapter, had they been 
 successful. 
 
 There are minds of which the chief wishes of evil 
 are not to those whom it is virtuous to view with disap 
 probation, but to those whom it is vice not to view with 
 emotions of esteem and veneration. Eager for distinc 
 tion in that great theatre of human life, in the wide and 
 tumultuous, and ever varying spectacles of which they 
 are at once actors and spectators ; and when the distinc 
 tion for which they hoped, is occupied or about to be 
 occupied by another of greater merit, their own defect 
 of merit seems to them not so much a defect in them 
 selves, as a crime in him who had previously occupied 
 the seat to which they aspired. The feeling of their 
 inferiority is thus forced upon them, and they who have 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 109 
 
 forced it upon them by their superior merit, they look 
 upon as having done them an injury to the extent of the 
 uneasiness which they have occasioned; and an injury, 
 perhaps, they do not feel more, as it has affected them in 
 the estimation of others, than they feel it in the mode 
 in which it has affected them in their own estimate of 
 themselves. An injury is then done to them in their 
 own estimation; and the feeling which heaven has plac 
 ed within their breasts, as necessary for repelling inju 
 ry, arise on this instant feeling of evil which they have 
 been made to suffer. But what were necessary for re 
 pelling intentional injury,, arise where no injury was in 
 tended. And though the minds in which they thus arise 
 must be minds that are in the highest degree selfish, and 
 incapable of feeling that noble love of what is noble, 
 which endears to the virtuous, the excellence that trans 
 cends them. There still are minds, and many minds so 
 selfish, and so incapable of delighting in excellence that 
 is not their own. Upon this principle, the conduct of 
 the Athenian who ostracised the just man of his country, 
 may be accounted for. 
 
 Mr. Macon occupied a seat in the hearts of his coun* 
 try-men, surrounded by so many virtues, that entirely 
 protected him, from the puny attacks of such minds as 
 we have just described; and was so far above the reach 
 of the arrows used by them on this occasion, that they 
 fell harmless at the feet of those who aimed them. There 
 are situations in life in which it is necessary to submit 
 even to the dispraise of men for imputed vices, from 
 which we know that we are free, rather than by the sa 
 crifice of our duty, to appear more virtuous by being less 
 worthy of that glorious name. This was Mr. Macon s 
 10 
 
110 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOS". 
 
 situation at this period. For it was a favourite maxim 
 with him in our republic, "if the people were let alone, 
 they would always do right." The purport of which 
 maxim was, that upon all questions coming before them 
 where they were not interfered with by the intermed 
 dling demagogue, a majority would generally decide in 
 favour of justice. It was therefore a condescension that 
 his conscious rectitude and sterling worth would not 
 bend to, to notice such imputations, and he never was 
 known, that we are informed, ever to have made the 
 least public effort to acquit himself of them, notwith 
 standing they inflicted but little if any injury upon his 
 popularity at tbe time of their propagation. Mr. Macon 
 never sought office, either of profit or honor. His popu 
 larity was not a thing that he had to chase down by dint 
 of indefatigable pursuit, which at some unwary mo 
 ment was to elude his grasp for the hands of another 
 lucky hunter. But it was a popularity that was founded 
 upon good and virtuous conduct, upon principles, to 
 the purity of which the bestowers graciously gave it as 
 its due. His tenure, therefore, to the donation, was of 
 too much strength to be broken by ordinary human ef 
 forts. 
 
 There is a power capable of being coveted by minds 
 which are incapable of feeling and appreciating moral 
 and intellectual excellence, also, which he never sought 
 or wanted. This is the power which high station con 
 fers. The power of forcing obedience even upon the 
 reluctant, and in many cases of winning obedience, from 
 that blind respect which the multitude are always suffi 
 ciently disposed to feel for the follies, as for the virtues, 
 of those above them. Much of the pleasure attached 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. Ill 
 
 to the conception of this power, like that which attends 
 every other species of power, arise, it must be admitted, 
 from the glory which is supposed to attend official digni 
 ties; but the desire of power itself would be one of 
 the strongest of the passions of men, though this mere 
 power were all which station conferred. To know that 
 there are a number of beings, endowed with many en 
 ergies, which nature seemed to have made absolutely 
 independent of us, who are constantly ready to do what 
 ever we may order them to do, in obedience to our very 
 caprice, is to us very nearly the same thing, as if some 
 extension of our faculties had been given to us, by the 
 addition of all their powers to our physicial constitution. 
 If these instruments of power were mere machines, 
 which subserviency to us could not in any degree de 
 base, and which could be kept in order without any 
 great anxiety on our part, and without occupying that 
 room which the living instruments occupy, we should all 
 probably, feel the desire of possessing these subsidiary 
 faculties; since not to wish for them, at least, would be 
 like indifference whether we had two arms or only one, 
 distinct or indistinct vision, a good or bad memory. For 
 none of us are like that marvellous runner in the fairy 
 tale, with respect to any of our faculties, who was so 
 very nimble as to be obliged to tie his legs that he might 
 not run too fast. Our powers, bodily or mental, never 
 seem to us to require any such voluntary retardation ; 
 and however well fitted they may be for the circum 
 stances in which we are placed, we are yet desirous of 
 being able to do more than, as individuals, we are capa 
 ble of doing; and would gladly, therefore, avail ourselves 
 of the supplemental machinery, or of such parts, as would 
 
112 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON, 
 
 suit best our particular wishes and purposes. But the 
 parts of the machinery of power of which we are speak 
 ing, are living beings like ourselves, and fond as we 
 are, of the purposes which we may be desirous of exe 
 cuting by means of them. There are men like Mr. Ma- 
 con, who have moral affections that preclude the wish ; 
 and it was on this account he constituted (in the eyes 
 of all those who were capable of analysing his character) 
 the substantial republican, for which he had so much 
 credit. He did not covet so much the pride of him who 
 sees a whole multitude busy only in furthering his frivo 
 lous and ever-changing desires, as the serenity of him 
 whom the world counts far humbler; who sees around 
 him a multitude happy in their own occupations, feeling 
 for him only that friendship which the heart spontane 
 ous^ offers, and assisting him only with those social ser 
 vices which it is delightful to give ; and which as given 
 with delight, it is delightful also to receive. He felt 
 within himself the talents which were to render his ex 
 altation eminently useful to mankind, and that there 
 might be more virtue and more happiness in the world, 
 than if he had not been elevated ; therefore, he would 
 have been guilty of criminal self-indulgence, if he had 
 resigned himself to the enjoyments of private life, and 
 neglected the honorable means of rising to a station 
 which his virtues and talents would render truly honour 
 able. To his mind, however, ambition presented no 
 anxieties ; because, though there might not be the hap 
 piness of attaining a more useful station, there was still 
 the happiness of being useful in the station already pos 
 sessed ; and it presented no disgrace, even in failure, 
 because the disgrace which the heart feels, is only for 
 
UFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 11 
 
 those who have failed in dishonourable wishes, or who 
 have sought what is honourable in itself, by the use of 
 dishonourable means. 
 
 Of the multitude of the ambitious, how few are there 
 of this noble class ; how infinitely more numerous they 
 who seek in power only what the virtuous man does not 
 wish so much, as consent to bear in it for the greater 
 good which may attend it! How many, who labour, per 
 haps, through a long life of ignominy, to be a little more 
 guilty than it js possible for them to be with the narrow 
 means of guilt which they possess, and w T ho die at last 
 without attaining that wretched object for which they 
 have crawled and prostrated themselves, and been every 
 thing which a good man would not be, even for a single 
 moment, for all which kings, or the favourites of kings, 
 could offer! If they fail in their ignoble ambition, it is 
 easy to see what misery they have earned ; and if even 
 they succeed at last, what is it which they gain ? There 
 is no pleasure in what they possess, while it is inferior 
 to something which they wish, with a still more ardent 
 appetite to acquire. " The passion which torments them 
 is like a flame which burns with more violence the more 
 fuel there may have previously been added to the con 
 flagration." 
 
 The happiness enjoyed by one who has risen to power 
 by ignoble means, is perhaps less than that of the most 
 abject of those who depend on him, and the dignity 
 which he has attained, and knows not how to enjoy, 
 however splendid it may be as a mark of distinction, a 
 mark of nothing so much as of the unworthiness of him 
 who possesses it; a memorial of crimes or follies, which 
 in another situation would have been unnoticed t>r for- 
 10* 
 
114 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 gotten, but which are now forced on the continued 
 execration or contempt of mankind ; and in the consci 
 ousness or dread of this general feeling, are forced, too, 
 more frequently than they would otherwise have arisen, 
 on the shame and remorse of him who feels, that in 
 purchasing with them every thing else, he has not pur 
 chased with them happiness. 
 
 In the great scale of power, which ascends from the 
 lowest of the people to the sovereign ; to whom all are 
 submitted; in which the inferior, at every stage, is pay 
 ing court to his superior, and receiving it in his turn, 
 from those who are inferior to himself, it is not easy to 
 say at what point of the scale the pleasure of the ho 
 mage is most sincerely felt. There is much truth in one 
 of Fielding s lively pictures of this sort of homage, in 
 which he reduces the difference of power to the diffe 
 rent hours of the day, at which we are great men. "With 
 regard to time, it may not be unpleasant," he says, to 
 survey the picture of dependence like a kind of ladder. 
 As, for instance, early in the morning arises the postillion, 
 or some other boy, which great families, no more than 
 great ships, are without, and falls to brushing the clothes, 
 and cleaning the shoes of John the footman, who being 
 dressed himself, applies his hands to the same labours 
 for Mr. second-hand, the squire s gentleman the gen 
 tlemen in the like manner, a little later in the day, at 
 tends the squire ; the squire is no sooner equipt, than he 
 attends the levee of my lord; which is no sooner over, 
 than my lord himself is seen at the levee of the favour 
 ite, who, after the hour of homage is at end, appears 
 himself to pay homage to the levee of the sovereign. 
 Nor is there, perhaps, in this whole ladder of depend- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 115 
 
 ence, any one step at a greater distance from the other, 
 than the first from the second ; so that to a philosophical 
 mind, the question might only seem whether you would 
 ehoose to be a great man at six in the morning^ or at two 
 in the afternoon. 
 
 That there is more true happiness in the enjoyments 
 of private life, than in the pursuits of ambition, is one of 
 those common places of morality, which the experience 
 of every day confirms. Yet the poor man s son, says 
 Dr. Smith, whom heaven, in its anger, has visited with 
 ambition, when he begins to look around him, admires 
 the condition of the rich. He finds the cottage of his 
 father too small for his accommodation, and fancies he 
 should be lodged more at his ease in a palace. He is 
 displeased with being obliged to walk a-foot, or to endure 
 the fatigue of riding on horse-back. He sees his supe 
 riors carried about in machines, and imagines that in one 
 of these he could travel with much less inconveniency. 
 He feels himself naturally indolent, and willing to serve 
 himself with his own hands as little as possible ; and 
 judges that a numerous retinue of servants would save 
 him from a great deal of trouble. He thinks if he had 
 attained all these, he would sit still contentedly, and be 
 quiet, enjoying himself in the thought of the happiness 
 and tranquility of his situation. He is enchanted with 
 the distant idea of this felicity. It appears, in his fancy, 
 like the life of some superior rank of beings; and in 
 order to arrive at it, he devotes himself for ever to the 
 pursuit of wealth and greatness. To obtain the conve 
 niences which these afford, he submits, in the first year, 
 nay, in the first month of his application, to more fatigue 
 of body, and more uneasiness of mind, than he could 
 
116 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 have suffered through the whole of his life from the 
 want of them. He studies to distinguish himself in 
 some laborious profession. With the most unrelenting 
 industry he labours night and day, to acquire talents 
 superior to all his competitors. He endeavours next to 
 bring those talents into public view ; and, with equal 
 assiduity, solicits every opportunity of employment. For 
 this purpose, he makes his court to all mankind ; he serves 
 those whom he hates, and is obsequious to those whom 
 he despises. Through the whole of his life, he pursues 
 the idea of a certain artificial and elegant repose, which 
 he may never arrive at ; for which he sacrifices a real 
 tranquility, that is at all times in his pow y er, and which, 
 if in the extremity of old age, he should at last attain 
 to it, he will find to be in no respect preferable to that 
 humble security and contentment which he had aban 
 doned for it. It is then, in the last dregs of life, his body 
 wasted with toil and diseases, his mind galled and ruffled 
 by the memory of a thousand injuries and disappoint 
 ments, which he imagines he has met with from the in 
 justice of his enemies, or from the perfidy and ingrati 
 tude of his friends, that he begins at last to find, that 
 wealth and greatness are mere trinkets of frivolous utility, 
 no more adapted for procuring ease of body or tranquility 
 of mind, than the tweeser-cases of the lover of toys ; 
 and like them too, more troublesome to the person who 
 carries them about with him, than all the advantages 
 they can afford him are commodious. To one who was 
 to live alone in a desolate island, it might be a matter of 
 doubt, perhaps, whither a palace, or a collection of such 
 small conveniences as are commonly contained in a 
 tweezer-case, would contribute most to his happiness and 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 117 
 
 enjoyment. If he is to live in society, indeed, there 
 can be no comparison ; because in this, as in all other 
 cases, we constantly pay more regard to the sentiments 
 of the spectator, than to those of the person principally 
 concerned; and consider rather how his situation will 
 appear to other people, than how it will appear to him 
 self. But in the languor of disease, and weariness of 
 old age, the pleasures of the vain and empty distinctions 
 of greatness disappear. To one in this situation, they 
 are no longer capable of recommending those toilsome 
 pursuits in which they had formally engaged him. In 
 his heart he curses ambition, and vainly regrets the ease 
 and the indolence of youth, pleasures which are fled 
 forever, and which he has foolishly sacrificed, for what, 
 when he has got it, can afford him no real satisfaction. 
 From this picture, well may power and riches appear to 
 such minds as Mr. Macon s, to be what they really are, 
 enormous and operose machines, contrived to produce 
 a few trifling conveniences to the body, consisting of 
 springs the most nice and delicate, which must be kept 
 in order with the most anxious attention, and which, in 
 spite of all our care, are ready every moment to burst 
 into pieces, and crush in their ruins their unfortunate 
 possessor. Immense fabrics, which it requires the labour 
 of a life to raise, which threatens every moment to over 
 whelm the person that dwells in them; and which, while 
 they stand, though they may save him from some small 
 er inconveniencies, can protect him from none of the 
 severer inclemencies of the season. They keep off the 
 summer shower, not the winter storm, but leave him 
 always as much, and sometimes more exposed, than be- 
 
118 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 fore, to anxiety, to fear, and to sorrow, to diseases, to 
 dangers, and to death. 
 
 It has been as truly, as eloquently said, that "when 
 providence divided the earth among a few lordly masters, 
 it neither forgot nor abandoned, those who seemed to be 
 left out in the partition." These last too, enjoy their 
 share of all that it produces. In what constitutes the 
 real happiness of human life, they are in no respect in 
 ferior to those, who would seem so much above them. 
 In ease of body and peace of mind, all the different 
 ranks of life are nearly upon a level ; and the beggar, 
 who suns himself by the side of the high- way, possesses 
 that security which kings are fighting for. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 119 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 IN the account which Swift gives of his Academy of 
 Projectors in Ladago, he mentions one project for ma 
 king things supply the place of language, and he speaks 
 only of the difficulty of carrying about all the things ne 
 cessary for discourse. "There was a scheme," he says, 
 "for entirely abolishing all words whatsoever," and this 
 was urged as a great advantage in point of health as well 
 as brevity. 
 
 We cannot but think, that to a genius like that of Dean 
 Swift, a finer subject of philosophical ridicule, than the 
 mere difficulty which his sages felt in carrying a suffi 
 cient stock of things about with them, and their awk 
 ward attempts to make these things supply the place of 
 abstract language, might have been found in some satir 
 ical demonstration of the doctrine of a certain other class 
 of great men, w r ho appear to have thought from ages 
 past, that the greater number of words used on any oc 
 casion, whether in the senate chamber or the pulpit, the 
 nearer approaches they were making to the enviable 
 character of an accomplished orator. Much speaking ap 
 pears to be the reigning vice of the present age, and the 
 consequences deducible from it, as of old, will as readily 
 apply to many of those who are guilty of it. And in 
 the great field for political irony, for example, how ma 
 ny subjects of satire might we find more deserving of 
 
120 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOJf. 
 
 the shafts of our ridicule, on this account, than in the 
 emblems, to which the patriots and courtiers of this Aca 
 demy of Projectors, in their most zealous professions of 
 public devotion, might have been obliged to have re 
 course, viz : the painful awkwardness of the political ex 
 pectant of places and dignities, who was outwardly to 
 have no wish, but for the welfare of his country, yet 
 could find nothing but mitres, and maces, and seals, and 
 pieces of stamped metal, with which to express the pu 
 rity of his disinterested patriotism; and the hurrying 
 eagerness of the statesman, likewise, to change instantly 
 the whole upholstery of language in his house, for mere 
 political furniture, in consequence of the mere accident 
 of his removal from office. 
 
 The highest knowledge can be nothing more than the 
 shortest and clearest road to truth ; all the rest is pre- 
 tention, not performance; mere verbiage, and grandilo 
 quence, from which we can learn nothing, but that it is 
 the external sign of an internal deficiency. Mr. Macon, 
 who frequently took part in the debates of congress, was 
 celebrated for his faculty of conveying many ideas in a 
 few words. He was not of that order of orators, who 
 could rouse a senate, too apt, perhaps, to think of the 
 privileges of a few, or of the interest, or supposed inter 
 est, of one people, to the consideration of the great rights 
 of mankind of every color and country, forcing, as it 
 were, upon their eyes, atrocities which they had, per 
 haps, at a distance, long sanctioned or permitted; and ab 
 solving, or at least finishing, by the virtuous triumph of a 
 single hour, the guilt of many centuries. Orators upon 
 whom it appears, the happiness and misery, virtue and 
 vice, the glory and infamy of nations are depending on 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 121 
 
 their voice, before whom every heart that does not 
 gladly yield to their influence, shrinks, as from some 
 thing dreadful and irresistible ; that sweeps away all sub 
 terfuges of hypocricy, and leaves nothing behind but 
 conviction and joy and dismay. But he was the patriot 
 and the philosopher, with a clear head and distinct voice, 
 whom the corrupt might well tremble to see arise, and 
 whom though he "possessed neither wit, nor words, nor 
 speech, to steal men s hearts," was a plain, blunt man, 
 that spoke right on, and told them things that they them 
 selves did know." And whenever employed in speak 
 ing upon the freedom, and peace, and prosperity of his 
 own land, alluded also to the happiness which the land 
 that was dearest to him, could diffuse to every nation that 
 was within the sphere of its influence or example. His 
 laconic manner of doing this, being an evidence to the 
 world, that truth always lies in a small compass ; and if 
 a well has been assigned her, for a habitation, it is as ap 
 propriate from its narrowness, as its depth. 
 
 No sciences have exercised so many quills, as those 
 that have no certainty ; hence it happens that those that 
 are capable of being demonstrated, are never voluminous; 
 for clearness is intimately connected with conciseness, 
 as the lightning which is the brightest thing, is also the 
 most brief; but in proportion as certainty vanishes, ver 
 bosity abounds. To foretell an eclypse, a man must un 
 derstand astronomy ; or to find out an unknown quantity 
 by a known, he must have a knowledge of calculation; 
 and yet the rudiments that enable us to effect these im 
 portant things are to be found in a very narrow compass. 
 But when w r e survey the ponderous folios of the school 
 men and the metaphysicians, we are inclined to ask a 
 11 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 very simple question. What have either of these plod 
 ders done, that has not been better done by those that 
 were neither? A similar reasoning may be drawn in re 
 flecting upon the difference of the public speakers of the 
 United States; and as it may be gratifying to the curios 
 ity of some of our readers, we will here subjoin Mr. Ma- 
 con s acknowledgement to the house of representatives 
 on the appointment of speaker of that body being an 
 nounced to him, the third time he was elected. We do 
 this the more readily on account of comparing its short, 
 comprehensive and philosophical sufficiency, to the ver 
 bose and pedantic fulsomness of some other great men 
 of the nation on similar occasions. 
 
 We have before stated in a preceding chapter, that 
 Mr. Macon was elected speaker of the house of repre 
 sentatives in the year 1801, in the first session of the se 
 venth congress, held under the constitution of the go 
 vernment of the United States he was elected speaker 
 also in 1803, first session of the eighth congress ; and 
 likewise in 1805, first session of the ninth congress, un 
 der the administration of Thomas Jefferson. It was on 
 this last occasion he made the acknowledgments, of 
 which the following is a copy : 
 
 "Gentlemen: 
 
 Accept my sincere thanks for the honor you have con 
 ferred on me. Permit me to assure you that my utmost 
 endeavors will be exerted to discharge the duties of the 
 chair with fidelity, impartiality and industry; and that I 
 shall rely with confidence on the liberal and candid sup 
 port of the house." 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 123 
 
 We have selected his third address on account of its 
 being somewhat longer than the other two, made to the 
 house in 1801, and 1803. 
 
 The following is an acknowledgment made by a gen 
 tleman several years afterwards, on his appointment to 
 the same office, which I here introduce for the purpose 
 of the contrast above mentioned : 
 
 "Gentlemen: 
 
 In returning to the station in which am replaced by a 
 continuance of your favor, whilst I am sensible of the 
 honor which I have received, I am sensible also of my 
 inability to fulfil the expectations justly raised by so 
 elevated a distinction ; but gentlemen, the experience I 
 have had, limited as it is, has satisfied me that in the 
 malntainance of the order of the house, less depends 
 upon the presiding officer than upon a sense of the ne 
 cessity of decorum being generally diffused throughout 
 the body. Then only will a deliberative assembly be 
 well governed, and its business agreeably transacted ; 
 when each member, identifying the reputation of the 
 body to which he belongs in his own, shall make the pre 
 servation of its order an affair of personal and individual 
 concern, and shall render to the chair a candid, liberal 
 and unbiased support. Under the hope and persuasion 
 that you participate with me in these sentiments, I shall 
 proceed to administer the duties you have been pleased 
 to assign me," 
 
 This address, made by one of the most celebrated men 
 for talents in the nation, has been here presented to the 
 reader, to show that Mr. Macon, on precisely a similar 
 occasion, made his acknowledgments to the house in an 
 
124 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 hundred and thirty- five words less, employing only fifty- 
 two words, (whilst the other used one hundred and eighty - 
 seven) equally intelligible and expressive, and conveying 
 the same number of ideas. 
 
 Now, suppose the calculation was to be made of the 
 difference in the cost to a nation, both of time and mo 
 ney, when A, a statesman would consume four whole 
 days in giving his sentiments upon the various subjects 
 that might come before a legislative body during a ses 
 sion ; and B, a statesman consuming only one-fourth of 
 that time for the same purpose, and furnishing as much 
 information and argument upon the same subjects. The 
 advantages to the nation in favour of the latter statesman, 
 would almost be incredible. 
 
 Many public speakers are in the constant habit of say 
 ing too much, no matter what may be the subject or oc 
 casion upon which they speak. But it is a truth worthy 
 of notice and imitation, that Franklin, Washington, and 
 a number of other truly great men, were remarkably la 
 conic in their public speeches, keeping close to the ques 
 tion under debate. They sought to inform, not to dazzle- 
 their audience. They were more anxious to despatch 
 the business of their constituents than to outshine each 
 other in the galaxy of eloquence. If all our public 
 speakers would follow in the same path, they would se 
 cure the same they so much desire, much sooner, and 
 the people s business would be more promptly and better 
 done, and at much less expense, than it has been for 
 years past. The legislator or the advocate, who without 
 circumlocution or parade, comes to the subject matter at 
 once ; who seizes upon the strong points of argument, 
 presents them clearly, impartially and honestly ; 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 125 
 
 who says all that is proper to say, and nothing more ; 
 whose sentences are charged with the arrows of convic 
 tion, calculated to reach the heart and inform the mind ; 
 and who leaves off when he has just said enough, will 
 exercise an influence, and be listened to with an atten 
 tion unknown to those whose whole aim and ambition 
 appears to be to show their talents by flights of oratory, 
 plucking flowers from the regions of fancy, instead of 
 gathering the more substantial fruits of sound logic and 
 common sense. 
 
 But notwithstanding all this, it is one of the fashion 
 able errors of the present age, in forming our opinions of 
 the abilities of public men, to fix upon those who make 
 the most noise in our public councils, and this error 
 has grown to such a pitch that unless some pains are 
 taken to correct the public mind upon this subject, there 
 is no knowing where it will end, the number of their 
 words being the standard by which we measure their 
 talents and usefulness. 
 
 It is well known to those who have any acquaintance 
 with the philosophy of mind, that in the minds of some 
 persons, thoughts and circumstances crowd upon each 
 other by the slightest connexions, which is ascribed to 
 the bluntness in the discerning faculty ; for a person who 
 cannot accurately distinguish between a slight connexion 
 and one that is more intimate, is equally affected by 
 each ; such a person must necessarily have a great flow 
 of ideas, because they are introduced by any relation in 
 differently ; and the slighter relations without number, 
 furnish ideas without end. The most ignorant of the 
 vulgar, in describing a single event, pour out a number 
 of suggestions of contiguity, which may astonish us in- 
 11* 
 
126 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 deed, though they are proofs not that they remember 
 more, but only that their prevailing suggestions take place 
 according to one almost exclusive relation. It is impos 
 sible to listen to a narrative of the most simple event, by 
 one of them, who are accustomed to pay much attention 
 to events, but as they occur together, without being 
 struck with a readiness of suggestion of memory, if we 
 did not take into account the comparatively small num 
 ber of their suggestions of a different class. They do 
 not truly remember more than others, but their memory 
 is different in quality from the memory of others. Sug 
 gestions arise in their minds, which do not arise in other 
 minds ; but there is at least an equal number of sugges 
 tions that arise in the minds of others, of which their 
 minds in the same circumstances would be wholly un 
 susceptible. Yet still, as to common observers, their 
 memory will appear quick and retentive in a peculiar 
 and far surpassing degree. A man of accurate judg 
 ment therefore, cannot have a great flow of ideas, be 
 cause the slighter relation making no figure in his mind, 
 have no power to introduce ideas. And hence it is that 
 accurate judgment is not friendly to declamation or co 
 pious eloquence. 
 
 It is not from a defect of memory, that fewer of the 
 ideas which prevail in common conversation arise to a 
 mind of accurate judgment, but because the prevailing 
 tendency to suggestion in such a mind, are of a species 
 that have little relation to the dates, &c., of the occur 
 rences that are the ordinary topics of familiar discourse. 
 The memory differs in quality not in quantity, or at least 
 the defect of those ordinary topics is not itself a proof 
 that the general power of suggestion is less vigorous. la 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 127 
 
 the case of extemporary eloquence indeed, the flow of 
 more words may be more copious in him who is not ac 
 customed to dwell on the permanent relations of objects, 
 but on the slighter circumstances of perception and local 
 connexion. Yet this is far from proving that the memo 
 ry of such a person, which implies much more than the 
 recurrence of verbal signs, is less comprehensive. On 
 the contrary, there is every reason to suppose, that un 
 less, probably, in a few very extraordinary cases, which 
 are as little to be taken into account, in a general esti 
 mate of this kind, as the form and functions of monsters 
 in a physological enquiry. The whole series of sugges 
 tions, of which a profound and discriminating mind is 
 capable, is greater, upon the whole, than the number of 
 those, which rise so readily to the mind of a superficial 
 thinker. The great difference is, that the wealth of the 
 one is composed merely of those smaller pieces, which 
 are in continual request, and therefore brought more fre 
 quently to view. While the abundance of such minds 
 as Benjamin Franklin, George Washington and Nathan 
 iel Macon, consist chiefly in those more precious coins, 
 which are rather deposited than carried about for current 
 use, but which when brought forward, exhibit a magni 
 ficence of wealth to which the petty counters of the mul 
 titude are comparatively insignificant. 
 
 Perhaps in this attempt of convincing the reader that 
 Mr. Macon was a man of extraordinary talents, and that 
 he displayed as much wisdom in his short, comprehen 
 sive speeches on all occasions, as he did in the display 
 of his judgment in all other things when it was exercis 
 ed, we may succeed better by giving the opinion of 
 others, than ourselves. 
 
128 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 The honorable John Tyler, of Virginia, in an address 
 delivered by him, before the two literary societies of Ran 
 dolph, Macon College, June 19, 183S, in speaking of Mr. 
 Macon, he says : " Of Nathaniel Macon, I cannot well 
 speak too highly. There was a beautiful consistency in 
 his course, from the moment of his entering public life, to 
 the moment of his quitting it. Nothing sordid ever en 
 tered into his imagination. He was the devoted patriot, 
 whose whole heart and every corner of it, was filled with 
 love of country. He was a moralist, who set forth his 
 precepts, not in ponderous volumes, but in daily actions. 
 Not remarkable for the brilliancy of his intellect, he was 
 most distinguished by the solidity of his judgment. Call 
 ed by the state of North Carolina to a high political sta 
 tion, he presented in his person and conduct a true type 
 of the state and people he represented ; nothing gaudy ; 
 nothing glaring ; no fret-work or curiously wrought mo 
 saic ; but all about the building betokened strength and 
 enduring strength. He united in his person the meek 
 ness and humility of the Christian, with the calm and un 
 pretending dignity of the philosopher. In the house of 
 representatives he was the firm and unflinching republi 
 can; and in the senate chamber, the venerable patriarch ; 
 cotemporary, in fact, of Washington and Franklin, and 
 most worthy to have lived in the same century with them. 
 He had no regard for those forms and ceremonies which 
 constitute the pageantry of what is called high life. They 
 appeared to him an unreal mockery, a mere show of 
 friendship, the shadow of social intercourse. And the 
 plain republican who had been reared amid the realities 
 of the revolution, dispised them heartily. And yet I 
 doubt whether there ever lived a man who possessed or 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL -MACON". 
 
 practised more of the genuine hospitalities of life, or 
 whose heart was more entirely filled with the Christian 
 charities or the Christian virtues." Mr. Tyler said in the 
 same address, "that if the minds of John Randolph, of 
 Roanoke, and Nathaniel Macon had been properly blend 
 ed together, they would have almost been a model of ab 
 solute perfection ; wit, genius and fancy would have been 
 placed in close connexion with a judgment so inflexible 
 and so erect as rarely ever to have been shaken. The first 
 adorns and beautifies, the last shelters from the storm and 
 protects from the blast. The first spreads over the earth 
 a carpet enamelled with the brightest and sweetest flow 
 ers, people seach star, and fills earth and heaven with 
 harmonious and dulcet sounds. The last sees in each 
 floweret, and every blade of grass, as well as in the glo 
 rious heavens, evidences of a power unseen, infinite in 
 wisdom, and boundless in benevolence. The one creates, 
 the other preserves. The one embellishes and adorns 
 the judgment seat with the gayest and brightest garlands, 
 the other holds the scales with an untrembling hand, and 
 weighs out the decrees of good and evil to mankind. 
 The one, if I may so speak, is the capital to the pillar, 
 the other the pillar itself, which upholds the edifice." 
 
 , Mr. Macon was always a great favourite of the cele 
 brated John Randolph of Roanoke, and though they 
 differed in politics, yet their intercourse all their lives 
 were of the most intimate and friendly character. They 
 resided about sixty miles apart, but frequently visited 
 each other, and when in company with each other ap 
 peared to manifest all the feelings of the nearest rela 
 tions. An anecdote concerning them whilst in congress 
 in 1812, suffice to give the reader some idea of the in- 
 
Or XATHAJflEL MAC r^. 
 
 ." ; . - - : _ _ i : ; . : r : n f ".rr i r n * r T 
 ^r 111 !! nf im^\mt, MI! tonds its dose of HH 
 Mr. RjackMi becaaw naive* u aa *-&**** ixmfxo- 
 
 f May, CM of Mr. 
 
 - : i- :ij -..; T _:::.:":-. :. :L : . : :.--: r : i if 
 
 :._:._ i :: - LJ 7ii :-,:.- rfiL-: in: :: - 
 
 Ti . .i-_r-:r^- ..- 
 : ;.::. i: ::JT .1 : : .ii-r : r iii: ~ ::: ir m i: - : 
 r.ci^r -Jii: if n: i -::::: ~iki ::.T~T- :*: i ?T-TT:- 
 paa the idbji Li rf irfa^M wfth Great Britom aad 
 Jaehai Bt|iiirn ill il fa; bciiie he wai olkd 
 
 --II . r r Z~ - - 1 "..1 1 1 II T J r 1 : I" _ 1 1 . I "I I r I I T-: 
 
 ":,i.-: :-- :-: LT.r :: ,i-:i - V;. 
 
 L:-.- :-V.:rr :.=:,:;. V- ?.,:.- 
 
 ::;--,: :i :n: IT . ^r..ir. i: --.: 
 ::.- LI: - ^L: :--:-.- -;-- ;j 
 litj to ic^j. A 
 
 ~:.^ ::^^^: :ITL :r- 
 
 i.:- i-- :.- 
 a be ia tended to make. Tbe 
 
 -:-ii-> :, 
 
 Mr. 
 k, tiiat il if mot espedica^ at ttii fie f 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 131 
 
 to resort to a war with Great Britain." And after much 
 courteous-retort and counter-check quarrelsome," be 
 tween Mr. Randolph and the Speaker, all to Mr. Ran 
 dolph s prejudice, Mr. Randolph said, then I am com 
 pelled to submit my motion in writing ; and under that 
 compulsion I offer it. Another controversy ensued be 
 tween them with much stormy debate, and Mr. Randolph 
 could only be influenced to withdraw his appeal, merely 
 at the suggestion of his friend Mr. Macon. This shews 
 the high, respectable, and influential standing of this 
 venerable man, with the political Ajax of the house of 
 representatives, as he has been called by some, who was 
 certainly superior to all law or argument, courtesy or 
 rule, when heated in debate. But even in the height of 
 his fury, a suggestion from Mr. Macon had more weight 
 in calming him down to reason, than all these considera 
 tions. Mr. Randolph has been frequently heard to ob 
 serve, "that if wisdom consisted in properly exercising 
 our judgment upon the value of things desirable, Mr. 
 Macon was certainly the wisest man he ever saw." 
 
 And here permit us to remark, in the conclusion of 
 this chapter, that the friendly and respectful feelings felt 
 and extended towards each other, by these two great 
 men, is one of the strongest evidences that can be ad 
 duced ; that a difference of opinion may be entertained 
 between friends without hostility. They knew that the 
 mind was not so constituted as to ensure unanimity of 
 opinion upon any subject; and that it was no more to 
 be expected that men should think alike, than that they 
 should look or act alike. While therefore, each was 
 tenacious of his own entire freedom of thought and 
 opinion, they permitted that freedom to be enjoyed by 
 
132 LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 each other, with all the charitableness towards one anoth 
 er, which a sense of justice, and an enlightened tolera 
 tion, would seem to require. 
 
 This spirit of charitableness and courtesy, it appears 
 to us, is in no wise incompatible with the most ardent 
 attachment to one s principles and party. Uniting then, 
 with such feelings, though on many points with antago 
 nist principles, may we not oftener find a common ground 
 upon which we can cheerfully and successfully co-ope 
 rate in the promotion of public good. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 133 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 BEING apprehensive that we may weary some of our 
 readers with too many of Mr. Macon s speeches, before 
 we get through the whole of his public life, we have 
 thought to omit saying any thing more concerning him 
 whilst he was a member of the house of representatives ; 
 and in the few examples which we shall give during 
 his services in the senate, have selected the first that 
 came to hand in the register of debates, of the second 
 session of the eighteenth congress. 
 
 On the 21st December, 1824, a bill for making pro 
 vision for general Lafayette, (by way of gratitude to 
 him, for his assistance in our revolution, who was then 
 the nation s guest,) was taken up: and no amendment 
 being opposed thereto, the question was about to be put 
 on ordering the bill to be read the third time, Avhen Mr. 
 Macon rose and said : 
 
 "It was with painful reluctance," he said, "that he felt 
 himself obliged to oppose his voice to the passage of 
 this bill. He admitted, to the full extent claimed for 
 them, the great and meritorious services of general La 
 fayette ; and he did not object to the precise sum which 
 this bill proposed to award him; but he objected to the 
 bill on this ground: he considered general Lafayette, to 
 all intents and purposes, as having been, during our re 
 volution, a son, adopted into the family; taken into the 
 
134 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 household, and placed in every respect, on the same foot 
 ing with the other sons of "the same family. To treat 
 him as others were treated, was all in this view of his 
 relation to us, that could be required, and this had been 
 done. That general Lafayette made great sacrifices and 
 spent much of his money in the service of this country, 
 (said Mr. Macon) I as firmly believe as I do any thing 
 under the sun ; I have no doubt that every faculty of 
 his mind and body were exerted in the revolutionary 
 war, in defence of this country; but this was equally 
 the case with all the sons of the family. Many native 
 Americans spent their all, made great sacrifices, and de 
 voted their lives in the same cause. This was the ground 
 of his objection to this bill, which he repeated, it was 
 as disagreeable to him to state, as it could be to the sen 
 ate to hear. He did not mean to take up the time of 
 the senate in debate upon the principle of the bill, or to 
 move any amendment to it. He admitted that, when 
 such things were done, they should be done with a free 
 hand. It was to the principle of the bill, therefore, and 
 not to the sum proposed to be given by it, that he objec 
 ted. With regard to the details of the bill, however, he 
 was rather of the opinion that it would have been better 
 to have given so much money, which we have in the 
 treasury, than to have given stock to the amount." 
 
 The passage of the bill was defended very eloquently 
 by several orators. Stating that by inviting and bringing 
 Lafayette to the United States, we placed him in a new 
 and extraordinary situation in society. We had con 
 nected him with our history. We had made him a 
 spectacle for the world to gaze on. He could not go 
 back to France and become the private citizen he was 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 135 
 
 when he left it. We had, by the universal homage of 
 our hearts and tongues, made his house a shrine, to which 
 every pilgrim of liberty, from every quarter of the world, 
 would repair. They asked at least, let him not, after this, 
 want the means of giving welcome to the Americans, 
 who whenever they visit the shores of France, would 
 repair in crowds to his hospitable mansion to testify their 
 veneration to the illustrious compatriot of their fathers. 
 They said Lafayette would be a connecting link between 
 the old world and the new. By our voluntary act, we had 
 placed him in this extraordinary situation ; and if, after 
 all that has been done and said, we permitted him to 
 return home, without passing the bill which was then on 
 the table, we must suffer a loss of reputation at home 
 and abroad which time could not repair. It was said, 
 that national character was national wealth; it gave a 
 tone to the public sentiment and feeling, which added 
 strength and energy to the country. It was said, what 
 would be thought of us in Europe, if after all that had 
 passed, we should fail to make a generous and liberal 
 provision for our venerable guest? It was repeated, 
 that, we had under circumstances calculated to give to 
 the event great eclat, invited him to our shores. We 
 had received him with the utmost enthusiasm. The 
 people had every where greeted him in the warmest 
 terms of gratitude and affection. The attention of the 
 civilized world had been drawn to the event, as one 
 even of national importance. It was said also, that it 
 was unfortunately too well known that the object of our 
 affectionate attachment had spent his fortune in the ser 
 vice of mankind, and that we ourselves had received 
 a large portion of the wealth which he had never hesi- 
 
136 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tated freely to surrender in the holy cause of freedom. 
 It was again asked, now what will be thought of us in 
 Europe ; and what is much more important, how will we 
 deserve to be thought of, if we send back our venerable 
 guest, without any more substantial proof of gratitude, 
 than vague expressions of regard. 
 
 Notwithstanding this powerful appeal ; dwelling upon 
 the magnimity, the refinement of feeling, the noble deli 
 cacy of sentiment, which prompted general Lafayette, 
 wholly regardless of his interest, during our revolution, 
 to look only to the interest of our country, and this too, 
 made in the most impressive and touching manner, Mr. 
 Macon rose the second time ; and after disclaiming the 
 belief that general Lafayette had ever furnished any 
 document, or made to any person any intimation what 
 ever, on the subject of the measure now before the sen 
 ate, said: "As for himself, he wished it to be under 
 stood that, in opposing this bill, he discharged what was 
 to him a painful duty. His objection was not to the de 
 tails, but to the principle of the bill, and the arguments 
 of the gentlemen had not satisfied him that the objection 
 was not well founded. Not that he had any doubt of 
 the truth of the statements which had been made by the 
 gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Hayne.J With 
 respect to Europe, Mr. Macon said, that he had no doubt 
 that all the respect which had been shown to general 
 Lafayette here, was unpleasant to the rulers of that coun 
 try. On this side of the water, all were glad to see him; 
 even the tories who were yet living would be glad to 
 see him. Among a nation of strangers to his person, 
 general Lafayette could go no where in this country 
 without meeting with friends. No hand, in any part of 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 137 
 
 this country, touches his, but he may feel the heart s 
 blood beat in its fingers. Mr. Macon said he should re 
 gret it if the South, when he goes there, should be be 
 hind any other part of the union in their demonstrations 
 of regard for this distinguished man. He did not believe 
 they would be. Wherever he moves, among the moun 
 tains, or on the plains, he receives a heartfelt welcome. 
 This, Mr. Macon said, would sufficiently satisfy Europe, 
 if any doubt remained on the point, what is the opinion 
 which this country entertains of the services of Lafa 
 yette." 
 
 Here was the Roman virtue completely displayed in 
 Mr. Macon s character, which induced Mr. Jefferson to 
 observe, that when he died, it would be the last of the 
 Romans in our government. Here he manifested, in 
 these two short speeches, that no consideration whatever 
 could force him to depart from the principle of equal 
 rights, and what he would not give to the poorest 
 American soldier, he would not give to a king upon his 
 throne, should he ask it of him. 
 
 The next example we shall present to the reader, is 
 his remarks in the senate, on December 30th, on the bill 
 for the relief of the Columbian college. The foundation 
 of this bill appears to be, that the incorporated company 
 for the purpose of establishing this institution, had be 
 come indebted to the government, by contract, for the 
 purchase of two houses on Greanleaf s point, in the Dis 
 trict of Columbia, the amount $25,000 dollars ; the 
 relief sought, was simply to release this debt. Stating, 
 that they had nothing to answer this claim, but the two 
 houses for which the debt was contracted ; representing 
 
 12* 
 
138 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 that the college had not as yet received the least advan 
 tage from this property. 
 
 When their application for a charter came before the se 
 nate, all intention of asking pecuniary aid from congress 
 was disavowed. They came forward, and prayed, that an 
 act of congress might pass for their incorporation, for the 
 better management of the funds that had been raised by 
 individual subscription in the different parts of the union, 
 for erecting a college in that district. This made it purely 
 an eleemosynary institution; and government had no 
 control over it except the power to modify or change, or 
 if necessary, repeal their charter. It possessed no visi- 
 torial power, or any control over the funds. They select 
 ed the spot themselves for its erection in the District of 
 Columbia, and their locating it in that district, by their 
 own will, no more entitled them to aid from government, 
 than if they had located it in Illinois or Maryland. Not 
 withstanding these considerations, the release had been 
 very ably supported ; when Mr. Macon rose and obser 
 ved : "That claims on congress were something like wine 
 and spirits ; they improved by age. He agreed to every 
 word the honorable gentleman from Kentucky had said 
 on the subject of education, and the freedom with which 
 students of all religious persuasions were admitted in 
 this college. But that had nothing to do with the ques 
 tion. It appeared to him that by some bargain or other, 
 the college was indebted to the United states. This 
 bargain was made between the secretary of the treasury, 
 and the trustees of the college, and was like all other 
 bargains. They thought they had made a profitable one, 
 but they were mistaken. Congress might lay a tax on 
 the district for the purposes of education. In all the 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 139 
 
 states there were taxes laid for the purpose of education ; 
 and there was not a college ki the union but received 
 students of every denomination of religion. They never 
 asked what was his creed; but, if he was moral and 
 studious, he was admitted. Although this district had 
 no representative, Mr. Macon said, it was in a better 
 situation than any other part of the union, from the 
 quantity of public money expended in it ; and the peo 
 ple of it were as able to pay for the education of their 
 own children, as any state in the union. Their advan 
 tages were immense. This bill did not go so far as it 
 did last session; it asked now only for $25,000; but, if it 
 were for only 25 cents, his objections to it would be the 
 same." 
 
 Mr. Macon, on the 17th January, 1825, made the fol 
 lowing remarks on the engrossed bill to abolish imprison 
 ment for debt, saying: "That he should oppose any bill 
 that deprived any man in the United States of a right ; 
 but did not understand how this bill would have that ef 
 fect. This bill would be well understood, and would be 
 taken into consideration in all contracts made after the 
 4th July next ; therefore, he could not understand that 
 any right was touched by the bill. The law gave notice, 
 and all persons making contracts after the time fixed by 
 the law, would do so with their eyes open. They would 
 know the remedy they must apply ; and, therefore, on this 
 point, no difficulty could possibly occur. Every body 
 was agreed upon the abstract principle, that an honest 
 man should not be imprisoned for debt, but objections 
 were made to the details of this bill for its accomplish 
 ment. The real question, Mr. Macon said, was, whether 
 this bill was better than the existing system ? The gen- 
 
140 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tleman (alluding to Mr. Vandyke, of Delaware,) said 
 that there were not many persecuting creditors ; but if 
 there were only ten in the nation, who thought they had 
 a right to persecute, not to prosecute, he would endea 
 vour to deprive them of that power. Creditors, some-how 
 or other, generally contrived to find out the condition of 
 debtors. There would be no more difficulty after this 
 bill was passed, in ascertaining their condition, than there 
 is now. No difficulty could in his opinion possibly arise. 
 Mr. Macon concluded by saying, that he did not know 
 what those, who were not professional men, w r ere to do 
 on this occasion, when the gentlemen of the bar differed 
 in opinion on the subject of the details of the bill. For 
 his part, approving of the principles of the bill, he should 
 vote with those who were in its favour." 
 
 On the Jst of February, 1825, the senate proceeded 
 to the consideration of the bill for the suppression of pi 
 racy in the West Indies. The motion to strike out the 
 third section, (which authorised a blockade of the ports 
 of Cuba, under certain circumstances) being still pend 
 ing, it was stated by some of the members, at the time, 
 that the documents on the table disclosed the facts, that 
 the island of Cuba was occupied by pirates ; that from 
 their secure asylums on shore, they issued forth, and at 
 tacked the merchantmen, murdering the crew, and con 
 verting the property to their own use ; that these depre 
 dations were committed by men known to the Spanish 
 authorities in Cuba, and suffered with impunity to live 
 in their cities, and openly to sell their plunder, afford 
 ing, beyond contradiction, all the protection that was in 
 their power to these plunderers. This information in 
 fluenced some of the members to be in favour of adopt- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 141 
 
 ing the measure of blockade as being the best method of 
 their extermination, which was thought to be indispensi* 
 ble on account of the importance of trade with that isl 
 and. Mr. Macon was one of those who thought differ 
 ently giving his reasons, as follows, he said: "That there 
 was something in this business which he could not un 
 derstand. Insurance from New York to New Orleans, 
 the senate was informed, was but one to one and a half 
 per cent. How insurance could be so low, whilst so 
 many piracies were committed, was more than he could 
 comprehend. During the wars between France and En 
 gland, when a great many captures were made, insur 
 ance was not so low as five per cent." Mr. Macon then 
 said, "he thought that no necessity could justify a breach 
 of the public law. We had endeavored, and successfully, 
 to preserve that law; and he knew but one instance of its 
 violation, that one he always thought very doubtful. We 
 had constantly maintained, to the broadest extent, neu 
 tral rights with every nation with whom we had come in 
 contact. This blockade, to say the least of it, was of 
 doubtful character, and he therefore did not like it. It 
 had struck him as a curious question, what would be the 
 condition of a French or English vessel if taken break 
 ing this blockade ; would she be a prize, or what ? He 
 was not willing to consent to any act which would jeop 
 ardise the character of the country. National charac 
 ter was like individual character ; it ought never to be 
 doubtful; it ought ever to be so pure as to command re 
 spect. It was to his mind as clear as the light of day, 
 that the president had the power of suppressing piracy. 
 Mr. Randall had proved, that, as long as vessels of war 
 were there, no piracies had occurred ; and he was afraid 
 
142 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 that carrying money had produced all these evils. As 
 long as the vessels of war were there, the pirates were 
 invisible ; but as soon as they were gone, they came out. 
 This following the pirates on shore, was a much more 
 difficult matter than gentlemen had represented it to be. 
 How were the pirates to be known when they got on 
 shore ? They might change their clothes, or any thing else. 
 The true way was to catch them on the water, by sending 
 a sufficient force to Cuba, and to hang all that were 
 caught ; and when they found that catching and hang 
 ing were the same thing, there would soon be an end to 
 piracy." Mr. Macon then asked, "why would gentle 
 men wish to go farther than was necessary? What could 
 be better than possessing the power of doing all they 
 wanted ? It seemed to him to be a race, which should go 
 farthest in his particular way. What more was necessa 
 ry than to order the vessels to be taken and the men to 
 be hanged?" 
 
 On the subject of arming merchantmen, Mr. Macon 
 "did not think the comparison of the assassin a just one ; 
 in individual rencounters the consequences fell on them 
 selves alone ; but here, the consequences would be much 
 more serious if the power were abused. He did not sup 
 pose that merchantmen generally, would seek to abuse 
 it, but they were no better than any other class of men, 
 nor did he believe them worse. As to the effect these 
 measures would produce on Spain, they were not worth 
 thinking of. He considered Spain out of the question. 
 What was Spain ? No human being could tell there 
 were people there, and a sort of government but the 
 French were there to keep their own people down." 
 With respect to the people of Cuba, Mr. Macon, said "he 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 143 
 
 knew little or nothing. He always had understood that 
 the trade to that island was a most profitable one to the 
 United States. It appeared quite impossible to him that 
 such a state of society could subsist as was described in 
 Cuba; he should hope to find there as many pure as 
 would have saved Sodom and Gomorrah." Mr. Macon 
 said, "if he were to liken this blockade to any thing, it 
 would be to the attack on Copenhagen by the British. 
 Britain was afraid of the navel power of her rival and 
 enemy, and said as Rome did, Carthage must be put 
 down ! It was ludicrous to talk of arming a whole na 
 tion against four or five hundred bandits, after the late 
 contest with the British. He saw no necessity for arm 
 ing the merchantmen. If the navy could not protect the 
 merchantmen, particularly in the American seas, we 
 ought to have neither navy or merchantmen. He recol 
 lected Preble had put an end to the Tripolitan war, and 
 Decatur soon ended the Algerine war. Both of these 
 people were pirates by trade, by education, and he had 
 almost said, by religion. Our vessels went there at once ; 
 and cannot our vessels catch these Cuba bandits, without 
 our attempting to make an interpolation in the law of na 
 tions ? It was, he thought, a most difficult thing to alter 
 public law. During the American war, all the powers 
 of Europe assembled to do it Great Britain withstood 
 it, and the public law is now as Great Britain then said 
 it should be. It appeared to him, from Mr. Randall s 
 report, that nothing but ships were wanting. He had no 
 opinion of stuffing an administration. If they obtained 
 what they wanted, they ought to be held responsible for 
 the success of the means employed. They did not want 
 either armed merchant vessels, or a blockade. Of the 
 
144 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 latter, the president speaks with great delicacy ; and 
 from the former, the secretary of the navy thinks mis 
 chief may arise. Therefore, he thought it would be wise 
 to give the administration what they wanted, but not 
 more ; and that he was willing to do now. He did not 
 wish to make any profession of his wish to see the rob 
 bers exterminated; for we were to be judged, not by our 
 words, but by our deeds. There was not a civilised man 
 in the world, but would wish it ; and he could not call 
 that inhabitant of Cuba, a civilised man, that encouraged 
 piracy. They waged war against the whole human race ; 
 a war of the most disastrous kind. They could be gov 
 erned by no rule towards them, but that of extermina 
 tion ; and as they could be repressed most efficiently 
 without either blockading them, or arming the merchant 
 men, he was opposed to both measures." 
 
 On the llth of February, 1825, the senate, on motion 
 of Mr. Smith, took up the bill making appropriations for 
 the military service for the year 1825. 
 
 The committee of finance of the senate, to which this 
 bill had been referred, reported it with a proposition to 
 amend it by striking out the following clause: "For 
 making surveys, and carrying on the operations of the 
 board of engineers, in relation to internal improve 
 ments, and in addition to an unexpended balance on 
 hand, $25,567." On this occasion, Mr. Macon begged 
 leave to offer a few remarks : 
 
 " In the begining of this government," he said, "no 
 body believed congress had any thing to do with in 
 ternal improvements. Now every body almost was for 
 it. The history of the Cumberland road proved this. 
 When that road was commenced, the states were to 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 145 
 
 give their consent, and nothing could be done without 
 it. Now, when the road is proposed to be carried through 
 the states beyond the river Ohio, and through Ohio, no 
 consent is deemed necessary : and it seemed now, that 
 congress could survey states, and make roads, and there 
 was nothing but what they could do. These roads were 
 to be, too, for the transportation of the mail, and for the 
 purposes of war and commerce ; but they managed to 
 effect all these objects without the exercise of this pow 
 er. If this government, said Mr. Macon, is to begin this 
 road system, it ought not to be accomplished indirectly, 
 by small appropriations, but should be done at once. By 
 granting appropriation for surveys, they did not pledge 
 themselves to do any thing more, after these surveys 
 should be accomplished ; but notwithstanding, they were 
 going on, step by step, just like the building of this cap 
 ital, he no more knew what was to be accomplished 
 in this great plan, than he did when he saw the first 
 foundation of this capitol. He was opposed to the whole 
 system, and let congress vote as much as they pleased 
 in its favour, he should always vote against it as often as 
 it came up. He did not pretend to lay down his opin 
 ion as a rule for others, but he should continue to follow 
 it till he found it was wrong. Mr. Macon said he regarded 
 this system of internal improvement, as one of the most 
 dangerous that had been established in the United States. 
 The states should not, he thought, come to the general 
 government, for their internal improvement. Every state 
 had been going on with internal improvements, and he 
 was of opinion that the general government should 
 leave them to go on in their own way, without intermed 
 dling at all." 
 13 
 
146 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 It was stated in opposition to these sentiments of Mrv 
 Macon, that internal improvements were the grandest 
 objects that could engage the attention of this country ; 
 and they were so felt by all who engaged in so praisewor 
 thy a pursuit. That last session, this subject was fully dis 
 cussed. The subject of internal improvement had been- 
 sanctioned by both houses of congress, and an appropri 
 ation had been made for the purpose of procuring sur 
 veys : the present appropriation was for a similar pur 
 pose, and they should not stop in full career. Congress- 
 would not exhibit the strange inconsistency of adopting 
 an important proposition one session, and throwing it 
 aside the next it would not, it was said, be compatible 
 with the dignity of that assembly, thus to stop short. If 
 they really wished to attain the object proposed by pas 
 sing the act of last session, how could they now arrest its 
 progress by refusing the small appropriation of $28,000, 
 It was thought to be acting very disrespectfully towards 
 the president to refuse this appropriation, which was to 
 enable him to complete the surveys, which he had com 
 menced, or contemplated, in obedience to their law. As 
 to the constitutionality of the subject, it was insisted, 
 that that had been most fully discussed at the last ses 
 sion, but on the present occasion, gentlemen had asser 
 ted that congress did not possess the power. It was sta 
 ted, that a majority of both houses stood committed on 
 this subject; they owed it to the nation to make this 
 small appropriation, because they had expressed their 
 opinion in the most solemn and deliberate form ; and they 
 had made an appropriation for the purpose, by law. And 
 even those gentlemen who now hesitated, and those 
 who originally hesitated, ought to join with them and 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 147 
 
 vote in its favour. All this, had no effect upon Mr. Ma- 
 con s opinion ; he rose and expressed his opinion : 
 
 " That whatever conversation had been held with any 
 department, could not be delivered to the senate, unless 
 it came officially from that department. He certainly 
 did not understand the constitution as some gentlemen 
 seemed to do, that because a thing was once done, it 
 must become constitutional -that was not his under 
 standing of it. He did not recollect, in the United States, 
 that a single law had been adjudged unconstitutional. 
 If this were the fact, that the passing of any law made 
 that subject constitutional, then they would be like Great 
 Britain, where the parliament was omnipotent, and its 
 acts were the constitution of the country. One remark 
 able case had been judged one way, and the constitu 
 tional authority was all the other way. This case had 
 never been settled in any other way, and the decision 
 of the people seemed to have given a character to the 
 constitution in that particular. Mr. Macon enquired of 
 what use these surveys would be, if congress were not 
 prepared to go the fuil length. Every state was endea 
 voring to do something for itself, and if the plans propo 
 sed by the general government did not accord with the 
 views of the states, the states would never do any thing 
 in it, amd all the surveys made concerning roads would 
 be useless. It had been urged that if this law were not 
 passed, an act of congress would be repealed by the re 
 fusal. Mr. Macon said, that the sum appropriated, would 
 be expended under the law ; but one congress could not 
 bind the hands of another, to make any appropriation ; 
 they were at all times free and independent to do, or not 
 to do. as they thought proper. If the doctrines he had 
 
148 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 heard this day were true, there was no one thing the 
 government could not do they were making roads and 
 canals, and before long he should not be surprised if they 
 made a canal for the benefit of the navy. They man 
 aged to accomplish all these things under some clause or 
 other of the constitution, and by and by they would be 
 mixed all up together into a kind of a pot-pie. Let any 
 man examine the federalist, or the debates of the Vir 
 ginia convention, and they would find that no such ex 
 tension was given to any article of the constitution. How 
 are we progressing? said Mr. Macon. We get power 
 faster than the people get money. It appears tome, that 
 the whole of this thing bears a most extraordinary char 
 acter the country is involved, the people are not able 
 to pay their debts ; and I do maintain, that this country 
 is not in a condition to go on with expensive projects. 
 The appropriation now asked for, is only $30,000, say 
 gentlemen; but to me whose dealings at home are in 
 the small way, this appears a very large sum. There is 
 not one man in an hundred ; no, nor in a thousand, 
 throughout the union, who is worth that sum, unincum- 
 bered with debt he is a rich man in the interior of the 
 country who is worth so much." 
 
 Referring to the subject of estimates, Mr. Macon said : 
 "The chairman of the committee on finance, with all his 
 sagacity and acknowledged abilities, could not tell him 
 without counting them, how many the committee had re 
 ceived, or whom they were from. Every thing was chan 
 ging in this government, and they were in his opinion, 
 doing all business in a very loose manner." 
 
 "Mr. Macon said, he had another objection; these en 
 gineers were designed for army purposes. They had 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 149 
 
 no right to divert them from their legitimate duties, by 
 making them civil engineers ; that formed no part of the 
 contract of the government with them; it would be like 
 enlisting soldiers to fight, and then to force them to make 
 roads. Could they suppose their high-minded officers 
 would like to be going about the country carrying the 
 chain, and taking levels? No. They were raised for 
 fighting, if fighting were necessary ; not for making roads. 
 It was argued, that it was necessary to enter into detail. 
 Mr. Macon said they fixed on the places for light houses 
 and buoys, and they established post routes ; they acted 
 from the best information they could get, and in that 
 way they did legislate in detail. He was for less dis 
 cussion and more legislation, and yet he thought they 
 now legislated ten times as much as they ought to do. 
 He had advised them to legislate concerning West Point; 
 to fix the number that should be there, and apportion 
 them amongst the states. They said it was useless, and 
 he acquiesced, because he knew he had no chance of 
 standing against that committee." 
 
 "Mr. Macon said he would fix every thing he could 
 by law, and leave nothing to discretion. The natural 
 end of all discretion, in his opinion, was favouritism. 
 He should like to see these details published. If the 
 sovereignty were in the people, as was often boasted in 
 that house, why not let them see every thing, if it was 
 only a bargain of 75 cents a day. In his part of the 
 country, a man could be hired for 25 cents a day, and 
 work hard too all day long. Let the people see how their 
 money went. The more we legislate in detail, said Mr. 
 Macon, the better it will be for the people and for the 
 executive. Nothing could, in his opinion, embarrass the 
 13* 
 
150 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 executive more, than leaving too much to his discretion. 
 If he had law for his guide, he would be sure to be safe; 
 but if things were left to his discretion, that might not 
 probably agree with the discretion of other people, 
 which might produce some trouble and inconvenience." 
 
 "Mr. Macon considered this question as one of the 
 utmost importance to this nation; and he should consider 
 it his duty to stop it, under the full belief that the soon 
 er it was stopt, the better. He had stated some time 
 ago, that he had relinquished all hopes of seeing the 
 taxes lessened on the people. Every thing appeared as 
 if they were going to be increased a certain sum must 
 be kept for the sinking fund; that only kept up the credit 
 of the public debt, or it would not otherwise sell ; and he 
 began to think now, that the debt would never be paid." 
 
 "Mr. Macon concluded by saying, that he wished to 
 see that day come when this government would follow 
 the examples set by Britain, (and he did not often go 
 there for example,) who, during the last few years, had 
 taken off taxes to the amount of eight and a half millions 
 sterling." 
 
 The senate next took up the bill authorising a sub 
 scription on behalf of the United States, of fifteen hun 
 dred shares of the capital stock of the Delaware and 
 Chesapeake Canal. Upon which Mr. Macon, said : "He 
 rose with a full heart, to take his last farewell of an old 
 friend that he had always admired and loved ; he meant 
 the constitution of the United States. On this occasion, 
 he said, he had experienced a difficulty in expressing his 
 feelings. Perhaps old people thought more of what took 
 place when they were young, than of the occurrences of 
 after times ; but in times of old, whenever any question 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL 
 
 touching the constitution was brought forward, it was dis^ 
 cussed day after day; that time was now passed. Gen 
 tlemen say it is not necessary now to enter into the con 
 stitutional question in this measure. The first time he had 
 ever known them refuse to discuss the constitutional ques 
 tion, involved by a proposition, was, when the act was 
 passed incorporating the present bank of thirty-five mil 
 lions ; from that time the constitution had been asleep. 
 " Every scheme that was proposed, was with a view of 
 tying the people together. The late Bank of the United 
 States was to give them a currency alike throughout all the 
 states. It was said at the time that this was impossible ; 
 the friends of the bank insisted they could do it ; but 
 had they done it ? Then they got into a system of ma 
 nufacturing, and every body was to get rich by it. The 
 next thing was the system of a great navy arid fortifica 
 tions, which was to make them one people from the At 
 lantic to the Rocky Mountains ; from the bay of Passa- 
 maquoddy to Florida; but had it done so ? And now the 
 people were to be tied together by roads and canals. He 
 thought the plan of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. 
 Smith) was as wise a one as ever was devised to add 
 power to the government. Do a little now, and a little 
 then, and, by and by they would render this government 
 as powerful and unlimited as the British government was. 
 We go on deciding on these things without looking at 
 the constitution; and I suppose we will, in a few years, 
 do as was done in England we shall appoint a commit 
 tee to hunt for precedents. My heart is full when I think 
 of all this ; and what is to become of us I cannot say. 
 This government was intended to be a limited one ; its 
 great objects were war and peace, and now we are en- 
 
152 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 deavoring to prove that these measures are necessary, 
 both as war and peace measures. Mr. Macon said he 
 would beg leave to call the attention of the senate to a 
 celebrated report, made in Virginia in 1799, for a true ex 
 position of the constitutional powers of this government. 
 If there was reason to be alarmed at the growing power 
 of the general government, how much more has taken 
 place since? Congress now stopped at nothing, which it 
 deemed expedient, and the constitution was construed to 
 give power for any grand scheme. This change was 
 brought about, little by little ; so much had never been at 
 tempted at one time, as would agitate the people. Com 
 pare these things with those which had, in old times, 
 been done under the constitution, and the change would 
 be most astonishing. The end of them all would be in 
 the vulgar tongue, taxation, He had before expressed 
 his belief that the public debt would never be paid off. 
 They were following Great Britain, step by step, and the 
 final result would be, they would cease to look to the 
 debt itself, but think only of the interest. The history 
 of the British government would prove that every war 
 had increased the public debt and added to the burthens 
 of the people; and what was the result in America ? At 
 the time of the revolution, the war produced eighty-four 
 millions of funded debt ; this was now increased to ninety 
 millions, and instead of paying it, they were following 
 the example of Great Britain, and turning it into four 
 and an half per cent, stock, which like the three per cent, 
 stock, no one would buy at par. 
 
 " Mr. Macon said he was against this government 
 connecting itself with any company. He would have it 
 get clear of the Bank of the United States, Let it ap- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 153 
 
 point no officer; and if it cannot dispose of its stock on 
 good terms, let it get rid of it at any rate. His idea of 
 internal improvement in this country, was, to take from 
 the people all unnecessary burthens. Let them have 
 plenty of wholesome food and good clothing, and he 
 doubted not they would continue to raise boys and girls 
 who would become men and women. These were the 
 sorts of internal improvements he desired to see. It 
 was in vain to talk of any other internal improvements 
 strengthening the country, when there was ninety mil 
 lions of public debt, and above a hundred of private debt, 
 owing. Much of the latter, indeed, was called accommo 
 dation paper, but he knew it was false. These schemes, 
 he thought, were monstrous strides, considering the char 
 acter of the government. The gentleman from Mary 
 land, (Mr. Smith) was for laying the constitution aside 
 on this bill, but that was nothing new in that gentleman, 
 for he had constantly pursued that plan ever since he 
 had known him. Mr. Macon was afraid they were going 
 to follow the system recommended by a member of a cer 
 tain foreign legislature. When he was asked what mea 
 sures he would adopt to make the people peaceable and 
 submissive, he replied, tax them heavily, and collect it 
 rigidly ; give them enough to do, and they would never 
 plague the government. This was the practice in Europe, 
 and it had succeeded very well. As to the meaning of 
 the constitution, Mr. Macon said, those who composed 
 the convention that formed it, certainly must have known 
 what they intended, and all the writers of the day refer 
 red to no powers of this kind ; but it seemed the people 
 of the present day understood what the framers of the 
 constitution intended better than they did themselves. 
 
154 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 He could give no other names to his feelings than fears. 
 It was true he had no fears for his personal liberty, but 
 he feared his descendants would be taxed up to the nose, 
 so that if they got breath, it would be as much as they 
 could do. The country now was not in a sitation to pay 
 direct taxes. In time of war, there was fifteen per cent, 
 difference in the taxes of the different states ; but the 
 same thing would not be suffered now. He was certain 
 the government could neither lay them nor collect them 
 at this time. His fears might be groundless ; they might 
 be nothing but the suggestions of a worn out old man, 
 but they were sincere, and he was alarmed for the safety 
 of this government." 
 
 On the 20th December, 1825, the resolution submit 
 ted by Mr. Woodbury, relating to bounty lands, being 
 taken up : 
 
 "Resolved, That the committee on the public lands be 
 instructed to inquire into the expediency of requesting 
 the president of the United States to cause to be pub 
 lished a detailed statement of the names, rank and line, 
 in the continental army, of such persons as have not ap 
 plied for the revolutionary land warrants issued, and re 
 maining for them in the bounty land office, and of such 
 other persons as appear on the records of said office, now 
 entitled to have revolutionary land warrants issued to 
 them." 
 
 Mr. Macon said, "he had his doubts as to the benefi 
 cial effects proposed to be derived from the resolution. 
 It appeared to him, that instead of preventing specula 
 tion, it would encourage speculators to ride over the 
 country, buying up these claims. In early life, in con 
 gress, Mr, Macon said, he remembered there was one 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 155 
 
 question that bordered on this ; it was to get the statute 
 of limitation suspended for revolutionary services. Spe 
 culators went out and administered all over the union, 
 on the property of persons having claims, and in one 
 case, two administrators came forward upon the same 
 estate, and the man himself, the original claimant, upon 
 whose estate they pretended to have administered came 
 afterwards. He was thought by some to be an impos 
 tor but his captain happened to be in Philadelphia, to 
 prove his right, and the man received his claim. Pub 
 lishing these names, Mr. Macon said, would be to set 
 all the speculators abroad throughout the nation. If the 
 law had expired, allowing these people time to obtain 
 their warrants, he would submit whether it would not 
 be better to revive it, that they might get their warrants, 
 without any speculation on the subject." 
 
 February 14th, 18-26, the senate took up the bill for 
 the survey of a route for a canal, between the Atlantic 
 and the gulph of Mexico. 
 
 "Mr. Macon said, the opinion had been expressed, 
 that, while the territories remain as such, it was compe 
 tent for the government to make improvements in them ; 
 but, suppose improvements begun, and before they are 
 finished, the territory becomes a state, what is to be 
 the consequence? The momenta territory becomes a 
 state, the general government must cease to act; and if 
 it cannot go on, all the money and labor expended may 
 be thrown away. In the work now proposed, Mr. Ma 
 con said, they ought to have proceeded as in all other 
 similar objects they ought to have estimates of the cost, 
 before they begin the work. As for himself, he did not 
 now, and never did like these territorial governments; 
 
156 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 and by this course of making improvements in them, it 
 only retards their becoming states : for when they re 
 quire the requisite population, they will still put it off, 
 until all the improvements they desire are made. One 
 wants a canal, another a road ; and when they get all they 
 want, they come into the union flourishing states, with 
 nothing more to ask. Mr. Macon thought gentlemen 
 in an error, when they spoke of ten per cent, being char 
 ged for insurance to Cuba; he was under the impression 
 it was never so high as that ; and now, he understood, it 
 was from one to one and half per cent., and this includes 
 the dangers of the coast, particularly the two capes of 
 North Carolina, &c. Mr. Macon did not agree with Mr. 
 Homes, about sinking this territory in the gulph of Mex 
 ico ; he had rather have the land than so much more 
 water. This territory of Florida was, by the way, a 
 strange country ; sometimes it is very good no country 
 like it then again, it is not worth having, and to be sunk 
 in the sea. Mr. Macon said, he did not like to go on in 
 this way the government was constantly gaining pow 
 er by little bits. A waggon road was made under a 
 treaty with an Indian tribe, twenty odd years ago ; and 
 now it becomes a great national object, to be kept up by 
 large appropriations. We thus go on by degrees, step 
 by step, until we get almost unlimited. Little things 
 were often of great importance in their consequences. 
 The revolution in this country was produced by a tri 
 fling tax on tea. There were five or six different w T ays 
 found out of getting power, by construction, by treaty, 
 by implication, and so forth. He was not willing to take 
 any of them. He was willing to execute the constitu 
 tion just as it was understood by those who made it, and 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 157 
 
 no other. Mr. Macon concluded by saying, there were 
 constant applications before congress, for these objects ; 
 yet nothing was more clear to him, than that, if they 
 could be executed with profit, they would be done by 
 private enterprise ; and that it was only when the case was 
 different, that congress was appealed to." 
 
 Here several gentlemen took the floor, and some of 
 them having dropt a remark concerning liberal voting, 
 Mr. Macon rose and said, "That, whether he voted libe 
 rally or not liberally, he would willingly leave it to his 
 constituents to decide on his votes. The fact was in re 
 gard to the anticipated augmentation of the value of 
 lands, in consequence of making the canal in the terri 
 tory, that the highest lands ever sold by the government 
 were sold where there was no improvement; not even a 
 road, he meant (so he was understood) Madison coun 
 ty, in Alabama. As to voting the public money liberally, 
 Mr. Macon said, he wished to see every thing saved that 
 could be saved, to meet those 16,000,000 of the public 
 debt which fell due this year, the secretary of the 
 treasury had said we must borrow to meet. Mr. Macon 
 thought it best to husband our resources, and pay off as 
 much as we could, and satisfy every body that there is 
 a prospect of paying the debt off. He repeated, he did 
 not think it was necessary to expend money in the terri 
 tory in this way, to advance the value of the lands. He 
 had no doubt the land would sell as fast as the Indian 
 title was extinguished. It was the country where sugar 
 and other valuable articles would be produced, and 
 the bounty on sugar would make the lands sell fast 
 
 enough. 
 
 14 
 
158 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 Here his colleague, Mr. Branch, said: "He had ever 
 yielded to the force of the arguments of his worthy 
 colleague (Mr. Macon,) and to his long tried experi 
 ence; and he should examine well the ground on which 
 he stood, before he ventured to differ from him. He 
 took it a little unkind in Mr. Macon. to put the construc 
 tion he had done on the remarks he had made to the 
 senate. He should have considered the different grounds 
 on which they stood; a patriotic devotion of thirty years 
 had placed him (Mr. Macon,) firmly in the confidence 
 of his friends at home. His friend, in the course of his 
 remarks he had made to the senate, had alluded to the 
 vote given yesterday in relation to authorizing the open 
 ing a road from Tennessee to Mississippi; and he did 
 vote for that appropriation." 
 
 "Mr. Macon protested that he meant no improper 
 reference to his colleague, in the few remarks he had 
 made. He never entertained a thought that any one 
 was to be influenced by the opinion of another. He 
 was very sorry that his colleague had misunderstood 
 him." 
 
 We have here given all the speeches Mr. Macon made 
 in the senate, which we had in our possession, and 
 given them precisely as they came to hand in our exam 
 ination of the register of debates of 1824, 5 and 6. 
 
 In these speeches, the reader not only will discover 
 that pride of truth, which knew no extremes, and pre 
 serves, in every latitude of life, the right-angled charac 
 ter of man but he will see also, that Mr. Macon was 
 made to be himself, to think his own thoughts and speak 
 them; and not that flitting, following things, that is but 
 the shadow of what others say and do. And that when- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 159 
 
 ever any subject came before the senate in which the 
 principles of his government was involved, he always 
 boldly expressed his opinion upon it, in the spirit and 
 language of the philosopher, as pure as Aristides, and as 
 patriotic as Regulus, paying but little attention, to a 
 learned style or the beauty of words, which he looked 
 upon, as the money of fools, the machine and material 
 which the lawyer, the priest, the doctor, the charlatan, 
 of every sort and kind, pick the pocket and put the fet 
 ters upon the planters of this country and who in their 
 attempts frequently to talk and write finely, only betray 
 their poverty, like the fine ladies in the vicar of Wake- 
 field, by their outrageous attempts to be very genteel. 
 
 It is evident from the political principles advanced by 
 Mr. Macon in these speeches, in so plain, simple and 
 unvarnished a manner, that they rriust be intelligible 
 even to the humblest capacity that the safety of our 
 government depends upon keeping up a proper jealousy 
 of state rights, and state sovereignties, and distinctly 
 tracicg and preserving the lines of demarcation between 
 federal and state powers and every step towards con 
 solidation is a step towards monarchy, and evey step to 
 wards monarchy is a step towards consolidation. They 
 will be found to be mutually the cause and effect of each 
 other. 
 
 It is not strange, that about fifty years ago, the ap 
 proach of an elective and limited monarchy should have 
 been looked upon with less dread, than it was fifteen or 
 twenty years afterwards, when we had experienced the 
 advantages and tested the strength of our present sys 
 tem. Nor is it strange, that, as our heads are turned 
 with the magnificence of our general government ; when 
 
160 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 we are contemplating the making of canals and roads 
 through every part of the continent, and driving tun 
 nels through the Allegany mountains, by the strong arm 
 of the union. Considering these things, it is not strange 
 we say, that many in this government may look with 
 some degree of complacency upon the disappearance of 
 the jealous cautions and calculating principles of demo 
 cracy, which have a direct tendency to check such mag 
 nificence. Neither is it strange that they view without 
 apprehension, the progress of measures calculated to in 
 crease the federal government in its incipient, insidious 
 steps towards monarchy. 
 
 The history of our government, traced to its origin, 
 will show, that, when the colonies dissolved their con 
 nexion with Great Britian, the sovereign power devolved 
 upon the people of this country. The people of each 
 state formed or adopted a constitution, with more or less 
 power. Some states invested their government with 
 entire sovereignty; others with limited powers. During 
 the war of the revolution, the states took a part of the 
 powers, of a general nature, from their state constitutions, 
 and, with them, formed a confederate government for the 
 thirteen states, to enable congress to carry on the war, 
 and to form treaties with other nations; the states re 
 tained the power over commerce and taxation ; congress 
 supplied the public treasury by quotas on the states. 
 
 This mode of supplying the treasuiy proved ineffi 
 cient, and led to the formation of the present constitu 
 tion on the basis of the confederation. The only essen 
 tial powers that were added, were those over commerce 
 and taxation ; the government of territories ; the dispo- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 161 
 
 sition of the public land, and national judiciary ; and the 
 government was made to have a national operation. 
 
 Why did the people of the several states divide the 
 powers of sovereignty between the two governments? 
 The history of the times shows that it was done from a 
 conviction that a single national government was unsafe, 
 and would prove hostile to liberty ; that a single govern 
 ment, for a country of such extent and diversity of in 
 terest, must be invested with so much energy, as would 
 lead to despotism. 
 
 The people of the several states divided those powers 
 which they thought fit to delegate, between the two 
 governments, in such a manner as to adapt them to the 
 respective ends for which they were designed. 
 
 The state governments were intended to protect the 
 rights of their members, within their respective limits, 
 from injuries, without force. The general government 
 was intended to protect the rights of the citizens of all 
 the states from internal and external force, and upon the 
 ocean. The people of each state, in relation to the state 
 government, are to be considered in a seperate federal 
 or political capacity, as citizens of that particular state of 
 which they are members ; and in relation to the general 
 government, they are to be considered in an aggregate 
 or national capacity, as citizens of the United States. 
 The rights and interest of the people, in one capacity, 
 are not opposed to their rights and interests in their other 
 capacity, but are in perfect harmony. What is ne 
 cessary for the security of their liberties, in one capacity, 
 is necessary in the other. The safety of the people, in 
 both capacities, depends on the preservation of each 
 government within its proper limits. The only opposi- 
 14* 
 
162 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tion in the case, is, between those who wish to deprive 
 the states of a portion of their power, and those who 
 wish to prevent it ; between those who wish to disturb 
 the present adjustment of powers between the two gov 
 ernments, and those who are opposed to it ; between 
 those who wish to transfer a part of the power of the 
 states to the general government, and those who wish to 
 retain it. The framers of the general government seem 
 to have anticipated that the possession of the sword and 
 purse w r ith the patronage it must command, would give 
 that government a preponderating influence, which might 
 become dangerous to the states; and they endeavored to 
 provide means to counteract this tendency to enlarge 
 ment, which they foresaw, by giving the states the ap 
 pointment of a portion of the officers who were to ad 
 minister it; by limiting its powers to a few enumerated 
 objects ; and by a prudent distribution of its powers. 
 
 The preservation of the public liberty of this country 
 requires that the boundaries of the two governments 
 should be observed. The objects of the general govern 
 ment, and the nature of its powers, are calculated to give 
 it a preponderating influence over those of the states. It 
 is our shield in war ; its offices have more attractions for 
 talent and ambition than those of the states, and its pub 
 lic expenditures embrace a wider range, and are more 
 diffusive in their benefits. The beneficent character of 
 the public expenditure facilitates the transition from le 
 gitimate objects to such as are of a more doubtful char 
 acter ; it adds to the means of citizens ; it relieves their 
 burthens ; it multiplies their accommodations ; it facili 
 tates their means of intercourse; it stimulates their in 
 dustry and enterprise, and enhances the value of their 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 163 
 
 property. Its influence is seductive ; its benificent char 
 acter silences inquiry ; paralyzes resistance, and oblite 
 rates the memory of state rights and state obligations. 
 Every appropriation for internal improvement is a cornu 
 copia to the surrounding country ; it is the medicated 
 cake of Jason, by the soporific influence of which he elu 
 ded the vigilance of the watchful sentinel that guarded 
 the golden fleece. Roads, bridges and canals are the 
 subjects of internal improvement. Their use is to facil 
 itate intercourse and transportation from one place to 
 another. If any subjects, whatever, require municipal 
 regulation more than others, these are those subjects. 
 Roads and bridges and canals are altogether of a local 
 nature ; they require local taxation, local superinten 
 dence, and local protection. Internal improvement was 
 not among the purposes for which the general govern 
 ment was instituted, nor is it the object of any one of its 
 enumerated powers. If the general government has any 
 power over the subject, what are its limits ? How is it 
 to be carried into effect, without interfering with the le 
 gislative and judicial authority of the states? 
 
 Then it appears that Mr. Macon upon this subject, was 
 always right, and that the general subject clearly belong 
 to the states ; and that the cases, if there should be any, 
 in which it may possibly become necessary to the exe 
 cution of the enumerated powers of the general govern 
 ment, are exceptions to the rule, and a confirmation of it. 
 
 If we will trace the history of the present government 
 of England to its origin, we shall see there developed 
 also, this plan of accumulating power by little and little, 
 to use one of Mr. Macon s phrases ; but there it was on 
 the side of liberty, instead of monarchy. 
 
164 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 Liberty was established in England by the Saxons, 
 before the feudal system was introduced, by William the 
 Norman. The spirit of liberty and feudalism have been 
 in perpetual conflict, from that period to the present 
 time, and every revolution in that country has termina 
 ted in favor of public liberty. It was the spirit of Saxon 
 liberty which produced the representation of the people 
 in parliament, and procured the great charter, trial by 
 jury, the habeas corpus act, a free press, and all the lim 
 itations on the royal prerogative. The same spirit has 
 made great inroads on the feudal system of landed pro 
 perty ; has contrived means to unfetter inheritances, and 
 remove the restraints against alienations. 
 
 These innovations in the laws of real property in En 
 gland, with the immense accumulation of personal pro 
 perty, created by the exertions of an industrious people, 
 vigorously employed in agriculture, commerce and ma 
 nufactures, countervail, in a great degree, the influence 
 of the feudal organization of society ; and the power of 
 the representatives of the people over the public sup 
 plies, forms a balance to the hereditary principles of the 
 constitution, and renders the English people, compared 
 with other countries, where the feudel system prevails, a 
 free people. 
 
 An equality of rank and property, the virtue and in 
 telligence of the people, and the freedom of their con 
 stitutions, make the United States the freest nation on 
 earth. The first settlers brought with them the free 
 principles of the English constitution. The war of the 
 revolution was undertaken in defence of the doctrine, 
 that taxation and representation were inseperable ; and 
 that, where there was no representation, there could be 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 165 
 
 no taxation. The constitutions of the several states are 
 predicated upon the principle, that the will of the ma 
 jority must rule. They recognise an equality of political 
 rights ; the freedom of opinion in religion ; the trial by 
 jury; the habeas corpus act, and a free press. They im 
 prove the doctrine of representation, by apportioning it 
 to the number of people in different districts ; and secure 
 the influence of responsibility, by periodical elections of 
 all public officers. 
 
 To prevent the possibility of danger, from the accu 
 mulation of property in a few hands, the several states 
 very early abolished entails, and provided for equal di 
 vision of estates among all the children in cases of in 
 testacy ; and the courts of law, in accordance with the 
 same principle, refuse to sustain any disposition of pro 
 perty that would lead to a perpetuity. 
 
 The people of the several states framed the confede 
 ration to manage the affairs of peace and war, and to re 
 gulate their intercourse with other nations. In framing 
 the present constitution of the general government, to 
 the powers of peace and war, they added the power 
 over commerce and taxation, and gave it a national opera 
 tion. They rely upon the state governments for the pro 
 tection of their rights against injuries without force, and 
 upon the general government for protection from exter 
 nal and internal violence. Then the security of our li 
 berties depends on the concurrent operation of the two 
 governments in their respective limits. The tendency of 
 things is to give a preponderance to the general govern 
 ment. The invasion of the powers of the states by the 
 general government, and the corruption of manners, are 
 the principal sources of danger to the public liberty. An 
 
166 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 ambitious spirit for national aggrandisement and national 
 glory, leads to the first evil, and faction to the second. 
 
 What is the vital principal of a republic, without which 
 it cannot exist? Submission to the will of the majority, 
 constitutionally expressed. This is the vital principle of 
 a free government, and as necessary to its existence as 
 the heart of man in the animal economy, to his existence. 
 This is in perfect accordance with the doctrine of Mon 
 tesquieu, when he alleges that virtue is the principle of 
 a popular government; his meaning is, that no people 
 can endure a free government, or -are capable of self 
 government, who have not virtue and intelligence enough 
 to submit to the will of a majority. History proves that 
 no free people ever lost their liberties while they were 
 able to submit to the will of a majority, or ever retained 
 them after that period. 
 
 The want of the prevalence of these principles is the 
 very souce from which it springs, it is the fountain head 
 of faction, and a careful inquiry would probably prove 
 that the violence of faction, which has forever been the 
 bone of free States, has generally been in proportion to 
 the deficiency of the people in these qualifications. It 
 has been called the disease of republics ; it arose from 
 a diseased state of the moral constitution of society, and 
 like all other diseases, tends to the dissolution of the 
 body it affects. 
 
 What is its history in all ages ? The people are divid 
 ed in opinion between the candidates for office ; the con 
 test is settled by the election, and acquiescence becomes 
 the duty of the minority ; and this would ordinarily be 
 the case, were it not for those who keep alive divisions, 
 in order to make them subservient to the purposes of 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 167 
 
 their ambition. The acquisition of power, however it 
 may be disguised, is forever the ultimate object of fac 
 tion. To effect its purposes, combinations are formed, 
 all the ignoble passions are enlisted and inflamed, and 
 measures and motives are misrepresented or discoloured, 
 in order to create distrust, and to weaken the confidence 
 of the people in the integrity and patriotism of those in 
 power. The publication of the proceedings of govern 
 ment, and a free discussion of public measures in the 
 public papers and in private circles, are at all times de 
 sirable ; they are necessary to keep the people informed 
 of the state of public affairs, and to enable them to judge 
 of the character and fidelity of their public agents. 
 
 These means of public information differ as much from 
 the operations of faction, contrived to control the public 
 mind, and enlist the public passions, as wholesome food 
 from poison. The operations of faction have a most per 
 nicious influence on the moral character of society. By 
 a law of our nature, all passive impressions impair our 
 moral sensibility. Familiarity with misery renders us 
 callous to its impressions; a constant view of vice lessens 
 its deformity, the frequent recital of vicious acts has a 
 corresponding effect. The constant calumny of the mo 
 tives of public men, not only lessens the veneration for 
 them in the minds of the people, but by the principle of 
 association, lessens their general estimate of character; 
 lessens their own self-respect, and thus removes one of 
 the strongest guards of virtue, and lowers the standard of 
 the public morals. 
 
 It is this trait in the moral constitution of man that 
 gives to education its power in forming the moral char 
 acter of youth ; and an intelligent writer contends that, 
 
168 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 by a wise improvement of this faculty, it is in the power 
 of the public rulers of a state to improve the moral char 
 acter of the nation; that the public policy may be so 
 modified, in relation to our moral feelings, as to render a 
 people humane or cruel, brave or timid, high-minded or 
 mean-spirited, virtuous or vicious. 
 
 It can hardly be doubted that the influence of an or 
 ganized faction, for a given period, would be more inju 
 rious to the moral character of the nation, than a war of 
 the same duration. War often brings great virtues into 
 exercise, to compensate for the evils it inflicts. The ob 
 ject, the means, and the effects of faction, are alike de 
 void of any honorable trait of distinction. 
 
 Faction is at war with the vital principle of freedom. 
 It destroys independence of sentiment, and the freedom 
 of election ; it subjects the understanding of the people 
 to the influence of their passions ; its tendency is to ren 
 der them venal, to accustom them to leaders, and to pre 
 pare them for a master. It accelerates the corruption of 
 manners, leads to civil broils, to political changes and re 
 volutions ; and in its progress, tends as directly to des 
 potism as gravity to the centre. 
 
 A recurrence to the history of faction in Athens and 
 Rome, will furnish a proof of the correctness of this 
 representation. The Greeks enjoyed an equality of rank 
 and property, and, in the early period of their history, 
 were virtuous and intelligent ; but they were ignorant of 
 the advantages of a representative government, and their 
 constitutions were extremely defective in their organiza 
 tion. The contest between those among whom the diffe 
 rent powers of government were allotted, generated fac 
 tions. These made the people venal and licentious, and 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 169 
 
 rendered them incapable of self-government, and the 
 admission of Philip of Macedon to a seat in the amphio 
 tyonic council, put a period to their independence. 
 
 The Romans were divided into ranks. The people in 
 the early stages of the republic, were virtuous, but the 
 government was badly organized. Although the people 
 had a share in the choice of their magistrates and public 
 officers, and in making their laws, yet they never under 
 stood the true principles of representation, nor did they ap 
 ply them to the case of legislation . After the expulsion of 
 the kings, the principal power was lodged in the senate, 
 which was composed of the patricians, and became an iron- 
 handed aristocracy. The rigorous measures of that body 
 forced the people to retire from the city to the sacred 
 mount, and the establishment of the tribunitial authority 
 was the condition of their return. The tribunes had a neg 
 ative upon the acts of the senate ; the boundary between 
 the powers of the two bodies was indefinite, and the con 
 test between them for power generated factions, and 
 corrupted the people. The armies, by being suffered to 
 plunder the provinces, became licentious, and the repub 
 lic became the spoil of ambition, and a victim of fac 
 tion. Ceasar did not aspire for the empire until the 
 people of Rome had become incapable of self-govern 
 ment, and were prepared for a master. In England, 
 when the will of the people has, through the represen 
 tative principle, been employed as the governing force, 
 it has, though incumbered with rotton boroughs and 
 with royalty, achieved wonders. It has secured to the 
 people as much happiness and liberty, as were compati 
 ble with their condition and form of government. 
 
 15 
 
170 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 In Rome, in Greece, and wherever else the people 
 have been free, they have been happy and powerful 
 while their freedom continued. But in those places, and 
 wherever else, in all time past, freedom has been found ? 
 it has been found, in the possession of a people occupy- 
 ing a comparatively small territory. 
 
 While, therefore, the states can maintain the free and 
 unfettered exercise of their own will, in the manage 
 ment of their own interior concerns, while the federal 
 government will be content to exercise the powers con 
 ceded to it by the states, in the constitution of the Uni 
 ted States, and leave to the states, respectively, the ex 
 ercise of their will as sovereigns in the regulation of 
 their internal policy, the people of the states will be free 
 and happy ; and the states will be strong in the vindica 
 tion of the rights of the union, in proportion to the free 
 dom and happiness of their citizens. Their strength 
 upon an emergency, will be the strength of giants re 
 freshed by sleep. And permit us here, to ask, if it is not 
 more in accordance with the nature of our complex gov 
 ernment, that the union should depend upon the states 
 for its vigor, than that the states should look to the union 
 for their strength? Does not the theory of our govern 
 ment enjoin that we should look rather to the good of 
 the whole by taking special care of the parts, than that 
 we should look to the good of the parts, by taking spe 
 cial care of the whole. Can we hesitate upon this ques 
 tion, when we consider that the liberty and prosperity 
 of every citizen is in the exclusive keeping of his state, 
 and not of the Union? That the citizens owe their 
 happiness to their respective states, and derive their liber 
 ty from them. That it is in the states that patriotism, to 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 171 
 
 whatever extent it may exist, must be found ? It is in 
 the states, and under their protection alone, that the fami 
 ly altars are reared, and the family firesides consecrated 
 by family endearments ; and that it is under the protec 
 ting toleration of the states that temples are erected to 
 the living God, and public and social devotion conduc 
 ted. 
 
 In all free governments, there always have been, and 
 there always will be, some under the cover of patriotism, 
 forming schemes for overturning the liberties of the 
 people, and establishing themselves in arbitrary power. 
 Such men are generally at first the idols of the people, 
 and before their latent designs come to be discovered, 
 they prevail with the people to enter into such measures, 
 or to make such regulations, as may contribute to the 
 success of their schemes. But, if the people of the 
 states will be wise enough, and sufficiently jealous of 
 their liberties, they will never fail to discover these de 
 signs upon our government before they are ripe for exe 
 cution. And in case a Ceasar should ever obtain the 
 executive chair, and should attempt to remove the ob 
 structions which the states government would interpose 
 to his ambition, the states, by the bare refusal to act, 
 may, within four years, arrest his course, and reduce him 
 to a private station. 
 
172 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 WE have before mentioned that Mr. Macon resigned 
 his seat in the senate of the United States congress in 
 November, 1828, induced from a sense of duty spring 
 ing out of his advanced age and infirmities. 
 
 Soon after this he returned to his residence on Ronoake, 
 where absolved from. all the troubles attendant on public 
 life, he remained, until 1835; when his fellow citizens 
 again called him from his cherished retirement, by elect 
 ing him a member of the convention charged with the 
 important duty of revising and reforming the constitution 
 of his native state. Mr. Macon was at this time about 
 seventy-five years of age; and when this convention as 
 sembled, of which he was a member, on the 4th of June, 
 he was appointed president, unanimously; and being con 
 ducted to the chair, briefly addressed the meeting in 
 terms as follows : 
 
 "My friends and countrymen : 
 
 "My powers are weak, and I fear I shall not be able 
 to fulfil the arduous duties of presiding over this impor 
 tant deliberative body, either satisfactorily to myself or 
 acceptably to you. It being some time since I retired 
 from public life, I am sensible that I shall be found rusty 
 in the rules of the proceedings ; and will therefore in ad 
 vance, invite correction from my friends in the conven- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 173 
 
 tion, which I shall always thankfully receive. I would 
 respectfully, though earnestly press upon the attention of 
 every member of the convention, the necessity of mu 
 tual forbearance and good temper in the prosecution of 
 the business committed to this body by our constituents, 
 who have selected us to act not only on their behalf, but 
 for the benefit of posterity ; and I pray that each of us, 
 with an eye single to the welfare of our common coun 
 try, may cordially unite in such measures as will redound 
 to the glory and happiness of North Carolina." 
 
 As is customary in the proceedings of deliberative bo 
 dies, a committee was appointed by the convention, on 
 the 8th of June, to consider and report the manner in 
 which it would be expedient to take up the business of the 
 convention. The plan of operation was drawn up and 
 presented by Mr. Gaston, which amounted to nineteen re 
 solutions. The third resolution being under consideration 
 on the 10th; it being whether to abolish borough repre 
 sentation in whole or in part, some member moved to strike 
 out the whole of the resolution after the word resolved, and 
 insert, it is expedient to abolish borough representation en 
 tirely. The question being called for on this amend 
 ment, the debate was carried on to some length by sun 
 dry gentlemen, when some gentleman moved to accept 
 the towns of Newbern, Wilmington and Fayetteville, 
 from the above motion. Another gentleman moved to 
 strike out Fayetteville, and add Edenton to the amend 
 ment proposed. The president immediately declared 
 the motion out of order. Upon which a debate was car 
 ried on by several gentlemen upon the second motion 
 excepting the above towns, when a gentleman from Bun 
 combe appeared to take enlarged views of the subject ; 
 15* 
 
174 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 remarking "that the basis of representation which he de 
 sired to see established, was that, and that only, which 
 would secure the largest share of intelligence and liber 
 ality to the legislative councils in the state recurring to 
 the catalogue of the illustrious dead and the illustrious 
 living, that have, throughout the whole period of our po 
 litical existence, constituted the borough representation ; 
 and if they would reflect upon this, they would find, said 
 he, little reason to disfranchise them." 
 
 To which remarks, it appears from the register of de 
 bates, that Mr. Macon answered : "He should go hand 
 in hand with the gentleman from Buncombe, as regarded 
 education, but he differed with him in his notions about 
 internal improvement. He doubted the capacity of North 
 Carolina to become a great commercial state. She had 
 no good port, and the lower part of it was sickly. For 
 the same reasons, New Orleans never could rival New 
 York. But we could diffuse the blessing of education, 
 and become a virtuous, if not a great people. He ex 
 pressed a wish that the university of the state was loca 
 ted at Raleigh, for he did not believe in that kind of edu 
 cation that was obtained in cloisters. The manners of 
 boys should be attended to as well as their minds. He re 
 ferred to the city of Williamsburg in Virginia, which was 
 said to have been the most polished in America, and 
 whose college had turned out more celebrated men than 
 any other institution within his knowledge. He was op 
 posed, he said, to the amendment. If the people had not 
 virtue to select their most talented men, this provision 
 would not insure it. Before the revolution, our legisla 
 tive halls were graced with distinguished men, as well 
 from counties as from towns. He instanced governor 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 175 
 
 Caswell, from the small county of Lenoir; who, he said, 
 was certainly one of the most powerful men that ever 
 lived in this or any other country." 
 
 The next resolution on which Mr. Macon made any 
 remarks, was resolution fourth, relating to the abrogation 
 or restriction of the righf of free negroes or mulattoes to 
 vote for members of the house of commons ; resolving, 
 that to entitle any free person of color to vote for mem 
 bers in the house of commons, he shall be possessed of 
 a freehold estate of the value of $250, free from all in- 
 cumbrances. This resolution was debated at considera 
 ble length, by gentlemen of talents, when Mr. Macon 
 rose, and said, "Perhaps he went further in his opinions 
 in relation to this subject than other gentlemen. He 
 would say, that free persons of color never were consi 
 dered as citizens, and no one had a right to vote but a 
 citizen. The revolution in this country was made by 
 British subjects. The crown cannot make subjects; it 
 makes what are called denizens. No one can say that a 
 colored man was ever naturalized, or called upon to take 
 the oath of allegiance. They have been employed to 
 fight, but were never made citizens. They made no part 
 of the political family ; the negroes were originally im 
 ported in the way of trade, like other merchandise. 
 
 " Mr. Macon said, as he did not approve of the land 
 qualification for voters. Suppose two respectable neigh 
 bors had each a son ; that one of them had fifty acres of 
 land, perhaps not worth more than twenty-five cents an 
 acre, and the other had no land, but was a good black 
 smith or shoemaker, and his standing in society irre 
 proachable ; why will you allow one to vote, and not the 
 other ? If any qualification is necessary he would pre- 
 
176 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 fer age ; it is age that makes the man. He would rather 
 take age than property. He know respectable families 
 of free negroes who had no property ; but he believed 
 that none of them had any right to vote." 
 
 " The opinion of New York had been mentioned, said 
 he ; if the clause which had been referred to, were to be 
 again considered in that state, it would now be rejected. 
 We are in a very different situation from that they have 
 but few persons of this description we have large num 
 bers. What, said he, can we do with these people ? 
 T.hey are amongst us we have no Moses to undertake 
 their cause. He supposed they must remain with us. 
 It is doubtful whether our southern country can ever be 
 cultivated by white men, or that the vast quantity of our 
 swamp lands can ever be drained, or other internal im 
 provements be made without them. It is proper that 
 these colored people, whether free or in bondage, should 
 be well treated ; but he was opposed to any of them be 
 ing allowed the right of suffrage." 
 
 On Monday, June 15th, in the register of debates, we 
 find the next remarks of Mr. Macon. When the con 
 vention resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 
 Mr. Shober in the chair, on the resolutions reported by 
 the general committee, in relation to the number of mem 
 bers to compose each house. During the debate upon 
 these resolutions, some member moved and supported 
 his motion "to reduce the senate from 50 to 34 if 48 
 was sufficiently large for the senate of the United States, 
 he thought 34 would do very well for the senate of North 
 Carolina." The question was put on the motion to strike 
 out from the resolution, fixing the number of which the 
 senate was proposed to consist, the word fifty, and nega* 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 177 
 
 lived, without a division. The question then came be 
 fore the committee for striking out the words one hun 
 dred and twenty from the resolution prescribing" the num 
 ber of the house of commons. 
 
 Upon this question, Mr. Macon rose and delivered his 
 sentiments pretty much at large on the subject ; but from 
 his distance from the reporter, and owing to the low tone 
 of his voice in which he spoke, he was very imperfectly 
 heard. In referring to the compromise, which it is un 
 derstood was made by members from the eastern and 
 western parts of the state, at the session of the legisla 
 ture, which passed the act calling the convention, "he 
 expressed his disapprobation of all compromises and 
 concealments. He disapproved of any plan of inter 
 nal improvement in which government was to take 
 any part. All improvements of this kind, he said, ought 
 to be the work of individuals, as they could always have 
 it done at a cheaper rate than the government. In noti 
 cing a remark which had fallen from some member, de 
 rogatory to the character of this state, he said, for his part, 
 he had never seen a state in which he had rather live 
 than in North Carolina ; nor any, where the people were 
 in general more happy. There might not be so many 
 two and four horse carriages amongst them, but there 
 were plenty of good horses. Nor so many splendid 
 houses ; but the people generally had comfortable dwel 
 lings and good plantations. The term farmer, he said, 
 was seldom heard in North Carolina, and he was glad of 
 it, as it always indicated to him a state of tenantry ; he 
 preferred the term planter, which conveyed to his mind 
 more of independency and plenty." Mr. Macon did not 
 approve of the proposed plan of amending the constitu- 
 
ITS LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tion, and read a resolution which he said he wrote at 
 home, on the subject, but in so low a tone that the re 
 porter could not distinctly hear it. We believe it pro 
 posed to refer the whole subject to committees, to be ap 
 pointed in each county, by the next general assembly. 
 We presume he was opposed to biennial sessions of the 
 legislature, as he quoted the following maxim from Mr. 
 Jefferson, "where annual elections end, tyranny be 
 gins." In the course of his remards, Mr. Macon observ 
 ed, that he believed all changes of government were 
 from better to worse. 
 
 On Saturday, June 20th, we find others of Mr. Ma- 
 con s remarks; on a resolution introduced by Mr. Dan 
 iel, (the convention being in a committee of the whole) 
 "That it is expedient that their be annual sessions of 
 the general assembly." After several speeches had been 
 made by different gentlemen, some for and others against 
 this resolution, 
 
 Mr. Macon rose and said, "Democracy was dead in 
 North Carolina. He understood a Democracy to be a 
 government of the people. Public opinion runs in that 
 current. It runs from the principles of the revolution. 
 He did not believe that there was one of the thirteen 
 original states in the legislature, that did not meet annu 
 ally. That his memory was gone, the gentleman from 
 Craven, Mr. Gaston, had convinced him by the statement 
 of certain facts, whose existence he had forgotten. If 
 you can put off the meeting of the legislature for two 
 years, you may extend the time to four, six, or ten years. 
 Mr. Jefferson said, he preferred the tempest of liberty to 
 the calm of despotism. On the subject of long sessions, 
 every one knew his opinion. But if you say the legis- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 179 
 
 lature shall not pass private laws, you destroy the right 
 of petition. He had listened to the gentleman from 
 Craven, on his theory of government, and had expected 
 him to come out on the other side, but was disappointed. 
 He seemed to have some doubts which side he should 
 take. Complaint is frequently made that many of the 
 difficulties arise from our not being better acquainted 
 with each other. The best opportunity afforded for for 
 ming this acquaintance, is the annual meetings of the 
 legislature. As to the expense of the civil list, he never 
 considered that as any thing. It was jobs that swallow 
 ed the public money. It was complained that legislators 
 debate too much. He believed no man spoke on any 
 subject who did not tell you something you did not know 
 before. This he said, is a talking government. The 
 gentleman from Iredell had complained of quarrels and 
 suits growing out of annual elections. He had never 
 found this a greviance in his part of the state. When 
 he first went to the general assembly, that man was 
 counted the best speaker who said the most in the few 
 est words. This merit was now lost sight of. The most 
 thrifty planters would not employ overseers for too long 
 a time; and he thought the conduct of the legislature 
 should be passed upon annually. If they had done well, 
 they should be re-elected. He thought an annual elec 
 tion was as good a tenure as any other. He did not 
 believe that men were either as good or as bad as they 
 are generally represented. He knew most of the men 
 that formed the constitution at Halifax in 1776, and they 
 would have been an ornament to any age. They had a 
 different task to perform. They were not only surroun 
 ded by a foreign foe, but they had a domestic enemy to 
 
180 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 contend with, which composed about one third of the 
 whole population. These patriots formed this venerated 
 constitution, and we ought to approach it with awe. It 
 was the great work of our fathers ; but we are about to 
 treat it as many of the thoughtless young are about to 
 treat their parental estates. It is perhaps the nature of 
 man to cling to long established opinions, gentlemen 
 seem yet to cling to British notions. The parliament of 
 Britian has much power; the sword has also great pow 
 er. Their magna charta has been called a grant of pow 
 er, but he denied that part it was power won by the 
 sword. There are different ties in all governments. 
 What power will you trust? He thought the best part 
 of government, is the legislature. He hoped this conven 
 tion would not feel force and forget right. He had 
 hoped, that after amending the constitution, every mem 
 ber would have gone home satisfied, and recommended 
 its adoption to the people ; but he began to despair of 
 doing so." 
 
 On Monday, June the 22d, after some preliminaries, 
 some member moved the following resolution. "That 
 it is expedient so to amend the constitution of this state, 
 that in all elections of officers, the members of the gen 
 eral assembly vote viva voce." 
 
 Upon which Mr. Macon made the following remarks: 
 "He said, there was but little difference between voting 
 by ballot and viva voce. He preferred the latter. He 
 thought men were better than they are generally repre 
 sented. If a man had the misfortune to have his house 
 burnt, you will always find his neighbours ready to help 
 him to re-build it. And he did not think our government 
 was so vicious as it is represented, or we should not have 
 

 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 181 
 
 kept it so long. If all were honest, we should want no 
 government. Living under a good constitution, he felt 
 unwilling to change it, but when the people determined 
 to change, the change must be made. With respect to 
 voting, he thought no man should be unwilling to tell 
 how he voted, on any occasion. Voting by ballot, a 
 man might call on a neighbour to vouch for him ; but he 
 would appeal to the gentleman from Craven, if the re 
 cord was not the best evidence. He therefore was in fa 
 vour of voting viva voce. He believed the vote by bal 
 lot was introduced, when voters were kept from voting 
 publicly for fear of the merchants books, for they were 
 in debt. But we had nothing to fear on that ground. 
 And as to a difference of opinion on politics, destroying 
 long existing friendships, he did not believe it. He had 
 differed in opinion with some of his best friends, and it 
 made no breach in their friendship. Every agent should 
 be responsible to his principal ; and he thought the best 
 evidences in such cases was the record." 
 
 Concerning modes of election, in support of Mr. Ma- 
 con s opinion, we believe it is scarcely possible to con 
 ceive of a political institution that includes a more direct 
 and implicit patronage of vice, than that which carries 
 on its elections by ballot. It has been said, " that ballot 
 may in certain cases be necessary to enable a man of a 
 feeble character to act with ease and independence, and 
 to prevent bribery, corrupt influence and faction." Vice 
 is an ill remedy to apply to the diminution of vice. A 
 feeble and irresolute character might before be acciden 
 tal; ballot is a contrivance to render it permanent, and 
 to scatter its seeds over a wider surface. The true cure 
 for a want of constancy and public spirit, is to inspire 
 16 
 
182 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 firmness, not to inspire timidity. Truth, if communica 
 ted to the mind with perspicuity, is a sufficient basis for 
 virtue. To tell men that it is necessary they should 
 form their decisions by ballot, is to tell them that it is- 
 necessary they should be vicious. Ballot teaches us to 
 draw a veil of concealment over the performance of our 
 duty. It points to us a method of acting unobserved. 
 It incites us to make a mystery of our sentiments. If 
 it did this in the most trivial article, it would not be easy 
 to bring the mischief it would produce within the limits 
 of calculation. But it dictates this conduct in our most 
 important concerns. It calls upon us to discharge our 
 duty to the public, with the most virtuous constancy ; 
 but at the same time directs us to hide our discharge of 
 it. One of the most admirable principles in the struc 
 ture of the material universe, is its tendency to prevent 
 us from withdrawing ourselves from the consequences of 
 our own actions. Political institutions that should at 
 tempt to counteract this principle, would be only true 
 impiety. How can a man have the love of the public 
 in his heart, without the dictates of that love, flowing to 
 his lips ? When we direct men to act with secrecy, we 
 direct them to act with frigidity. Virtue will always be 
 an unusual spectacle among men, till they shall have 
 learned to be at all times ready to avow their actions and 
 assign the reasons upon which they are founded. 
 
 If, then, voting by ballot be an institution pregnant 
 with vice, it follows, that all social decisions should be 
 made by open vote ; that wherever we have a function 
 to discharge, we should reflect on the mode in which it 
 ought to be discharged ; and that whatever conduct we 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 183 
 
 are persuaded to adopt, especially in affairs of general 
 concern, should be adopted in the face of the world. 
 
 On Friday, June 26th, Mr. Edwards of Warren, moved 
 that the convention go into a committee of the whole, 
 on the resolution in relation to the 3*2d article of the 
 constitution; which "prohibited all but those of the Pro 
 testant religion, from serving as members of the legisla 
 ture." This article in the old constitution of North Caro 
 lina, created more excitement than had been before in 
 the convention, or was likely to be during its sitting; 
 and to say the truth, it was a singular article in the con 
 stitution of any republic. Truth is the only fair antago 
 nist of error; and the latter "may be safely tolerated, 
 while the former is left free to combat it." This article 
 in their constitution, proclaimed that a particular faith 
 should be the price of office that all who did not con 
 form to it should be punished by an exclusion from the 
 honors, emoluments and distinctions, which the humblest 
 should be permitted to aspire. The province of political 
 assemblages have always been thought by the wise, was 
 to regulate the intercourse between man and man, and 
 not between man and his maker. But it appears that 
 the framers of this constitution, forgetting this sublime 
 truth, introduced into our organic law, interdictions on 
 account of religious opinions, and such interdictions 
 being introduced, what is more natural than to suppose, 
 they should, be fenced round in order to prevent them 
 from violation, that obedience should be coerced by pains 
 and penalties, and consequently a resort then must be 
 had to legislative enactments ; and they in time, may 
 render ecclesiastical or spiritual courts indispensible ; 
 for who can be so well qualified to sit in judgment, as 
 
184 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 those who teach the favoured faith. Much debate took 
 place in the convention upon this article, by some of 
 the ablest men in the state, and it was not before the 
 second day of the debate, June 27th, that Mr. Macon 
 rose for the purpose of giving his opinion upon this sub 
 ject. Much attention was paid to him as he took his 
 attitude to make his remarks. 
 
 Mr. Macon said: "That he should take the broad 
 ground that man was alone responsible to his creator for 
 his religious faith, and that no human power had any 
 right to interpose in the matter or to prescribe any par 
 ticular opinions as a test of fitness for office. If a Hin 
 doo was to come amongst us, said he, and was fully quali 
 fied to discharge the duties of any office to which he 
 might aspire, his religious belief would not constitute an 
 objection, in his opinion, why he should be debarred. 
 Who made man a judge, that he should presume to in 
 terfere in the sacred rights of conscience ? He had al 
 ways thought that a mixture of politics and religion was 
 the very essence of hypocrisy. Mr. Macon said, some 
 gentlemen had expressed the opinion that this article, as 
 it now stood, could do no harm. Who can tell to what 
 the spirit of proscription, on which it is based, may lead. 
 A spark may fire the world. Events push each other 
 along, and one passion but serves to enkindle another. 
 So far as he was individually concerned, it mattered not 
 what provisions were incorporated in the constitution. 
 His time had most come. But this article was the only 
 feature in the old constitution which he had ever heard 
 objected to, out of the state ; and the objection was coup 
 led with an expression of surprise that it could have got 
 foot-hold in a state where the principles of liberty was 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 185 
 
 so well understood. These were times, when a man, if 
 a true patriot, must stake himself for the good of his 
 country. The present was a crisis of that kind. When 
 our country was in distress, said Mr. Macon in our revo 
 lutionary struggle, we applied to Catholics for assistance, 
 and it was generously extended. Without foreign assis 
 tance, we never should have acheived our independence. 
 Mr. Macon said, a part of the article referred to Atheists. 
 He did not believe there ever was an Atheist, whatever 
 his nation or color, It was impossible for any man to 
 look at himself, at the water, at the animal and veg 
 etable kingdom, at the sun, moon or stars, without ac 
 knowledging the existence of a great first cause." 
 
 " What gave rise to the first settlement in North Caro 
 lina? The persecutions in New England and Virginia. 
 New England, to use the language of a great man, was 
 settled by Puritans of the Puritans Virginia was settled 
 by Episcopalians. These two states never had any in 
 tercourse until the revolution. This goodly land, we 
 inhabit, was discovered by Catholics. Should not this 
 occur to us, when we talk about disfranchising them." 
 
 "To him, it appeared too plain a question to argue, 
 that every man may worship God according to the dic 
 tates of his own conscience. But it is a practical denial 
 of its truth, to debar a man from office, because he may 
 entertain certain religious opinions. There was one mem 
 ber of this convention, whose father had been inhuman 
 ly murdered by the tories in our revolutionary struggle; 
 he begged pardon for the allusion, but it was history ; 
 and shall it be said, his son, baptised, as it were, in the 
 blood of his father, is unworthy to be in the legislature 
 of our country ? No sir, no gentleman would say this. 
 16* 
 
186 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 The Christian religion was founded on good will and 
 peace to man. Examine the redeemer s sermon on the 
 mount. Is there any persecution there ? And who made 
 us greater than he, that we should proscribe our brethe- 
 ren for opinion s sake ? You might as well attempt to 
 bind the air we breathe, as a man s conscience. It is 
 free liberty of thought is his unalienable birth-right. 
 He never heard this great outcry against religious free 
 dom, but what he was forcibly reminded of the Pharisee 
 and Publican. He said he was too tired to repeat it ; 
 but every body remembered it." 
 
 " Roger Williams, of Rhode Island, Mr. Macon said, 
 was the first man to establish toleration in North Ameri 
 ca he was a puritan. Charles Carroll of Carrolton, the 
 man who staked more by signing the declaration of inde 
 pendence than any other individual, was a Catholic. 
 As he stepped up to sign, some person remarked, " There 
 goes two millions with a dash of a pen." Another freind 
 remarked, "Oh, Carroll, you will get off, there are so 
 many Charles Carrolls." He stepped back and added 
 "of Carrollton." Mr. Macon alluded also to the char 
 acter of Bishop Carroll, a man so pure, that even sec 
 tarian bigotry could find nothing to allege against him. 
 It was not, therefore, the particular religious notions, 
 which a man entertained, that made him a good citizen 
 or a good man." 
 
 Air. Macon said: " Fears seemed to be entertained by 
 some gentlemen that the Roman Catholics would over 
 run the country. They might do it, but he did not think 
 it was half as probable as that a mouse would kill a 
 buffaloe. Let them come when they will, Mr. Macon 
 said, he would lay a wager that the Protestants convert- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 187 
 
 ed two to the Catholics one. As for himself he was in 
 clined to the Baptist church, and he did not care who 
 knew it ; but he was far from believing in all their doc 
 trines. Neither did he believe it essential, that a man 
 should attach himself to any particular church. If he 
 faithfully discharged all his duties on earth, and obeyed 
 the precepts of the gospel, he would not be asked, when 
 he reached heaven, to what sect he belonged. Mr. Ma- 
 con said, in conclusion, he would not have troubled the 
 committee, but he did not wish any one to believe that 
 he was disposed to skulk from responsibility. He was 
 not vain enough to believe his opinions would have any 
 weight in that body, but he must be allowed to say, that 
 he considered the decision of this question, as involving 
 the future character of North Carolina." 
 
 The reader will perceive that this speech of Mr. Ma- 
 con s was made upon one of the most important subjects 
 that ever came before any deliberative body upon the 
 subject of religious toleration. And that the sentiments 
 here expressed by him on account of their liberality, 
 will be an honor to his memory in every country and in 
 every age hereafter, wherever liberty of conscience 
 have, any share in political institutions. 
 
 These sentiments go to prove, that the interference 
 of organised society for the purpose of influencing opin 
 ion and manners, is not only useless, but pernicious. 
 
 This property, in political regulations, is so far from 
 being doubtful, that to it alone we are to ascribe all the 
 calamities that government has inflicted on mankind. 
 When a regulation coincides with the habits and propen 
 sities of mankind at the time it is introduced, it will be 
 found sufficiently capable of maintaining those habits 
 
188 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 and propensities, in the greater part, unaltered for centu 
 ries. In this view, it is doubly pernicious. 
 
 To understand this more accurately, let us apply it to 
 the case of rewards, which has always been a favourite 
 topic with the advocates of an improved legislature. 
 How often have we been told, " that talents and virtues 
 would spring up spontaneously in a country, one of the 
 objects of whose constitution should be to secure to them 
 an adequate reward?" Now, to judge of the propriety 
 of this aphorism, we should begin with recollecting, that 
 the discerning of merit, is an individual, and not a social 
 capacity. What can be more reasonable, than that each 
 man for himself should estimate the merits of his neigh 
 bour? To endeavour to institute a general judgment in 
 the name of the whole, and to melt down the different 
 opinion, appears at first sight so monstrous an attempt, 
 that it is impossible to augur well of its consequences. 
 Will this judgment be wise, reasonable or just? Wher 
 ever each man is accustomed to decide for himself, and 
 the appeal of merit is immediately to the opinion of its 
 contemporaries, if there were not for the false bias of 
 some positive institution, we expect a genuine ardour in 
 him, who aspired to excellence, creating and receiving 
 impressions in the presence of an impartial audience. 
 We might expect the judgment of the auditors, to ripen by 
 perpetual exercise, and the mind, ever curious and awake, 
 continually to approach nearer to the standard of truth. 
 What do we gain in compensation for this, by setting up 
 authority as the general oracle, from which the active 
 mind is to inform itself what of excellence it should 
 seek to inquire; and the public at large, what judgment 
 they should pronounce upon their contemporaries ? What 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 189 
 
 should we think of an act of congress appointing some 
 particular individual president of the court of criticism, 
 and judge in the last resort of the literary merit of dra 
 matic compositions ? Is there any solid reason why we 
 should expect better things, from authority usurping the 
 examination of moral or political excellence? Nothing 
 can be more unreasonable than the attempt to retain men 
 in one common opinion by the dictate of authority. The 
 opinion thus obtruded upon the minds of the public, is 
 not their real opinion ; it is only a project by which they 
 are rendered incapable of forming an opinion. When 
 ever government assumes to deliver us from the trouble 
 of thinking for ourselves, the only consequences it pro 
 duces, are torpor and imbecility. Wherever truth stands 
 in the mind unaccompanied by the evidence upon which 
 it depends, it cannot properly be said to be apprehended 
 at all. Mind in this case robbed of its essential charac 
 ter and genuine employment, and along with them must 
 be expected to lose all that which is capable of rende 
 ring its operations salutary and admirable. Either man 
 kind will resist the assumptions of authority undertaking 
 to superintend their opinions, and then these assumptions 
 will produce no more than an ineffectual struggle ; or 
 they will submit, and then the effects will be injurious. 
 He that in any degree consigns to another the task of 
 dictating his opinions and his conduct, will cease to in 
 quire for himself, or his inquiries will be languid and in 
 animate. 
 
 Further regulations, will originally be instituted in 
 favour of falsehood or truth. In the first case, no ration 
 al inquirer will pretend to alledge any thing in their de 
 fence, but even should truth be their object, yet such is 
 
190 
 
 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 their nature, that they infallibly defeat the very purpose, 
 they were intended to serve. Truth when originally 
 presented to the mind, is powerful and invigorating; but 
 when attempted to be perpetual by political institutions, 
 becomes flaccid and lifeless. Truth, in its unpatronised 
 state, strengthens and improves the understanding ; be 
 cause in that state it is embraced only so far as it is per 
 ceived to be truth. But truth when recommended by 
 authority, is weakly and irresolutely embraced. The 
 opinions we entertain are no longer properly our own ; 
 we respect them as a lesson appropriated by rote, but we 
 do not, strictly speaking, understand them, and we are 
 not able to assign the evidence upon which they rest. 
 Instead of the firmness of independence, we are taught 
 to bow to authority, we know not why. Persons thus 
 trammelled, are not strictly speaking, capable of a single 
 virtue. The first duty of man is to take none of the 
 principles of conduct upon trust; to do nothing without a 
 clear and individual conviction that it is right to be done. 
 He that resigns his understanding upon one particular 
 topic, will not exercise it vigorously upon others. If 
 he be right in any instance, it will be inadvertently and 
 by chance. The consciousness of the degradation to 
 which he is subjected, will perpetually haunt him; or at 
 least, he will want the consciousness that accrues from 
 independent considerations ; and therefore will equally 
 want that inteprid perseverance, that calm self approba 
 tion that grows out of independence. Such beings, are 
 the mere damps and mockery of men ; their efforts com 
 paratively pusillanimous, and the vigor, with which they 
 should execute their purposes, superficial and hallow. 
 Strangers to conviction, they will never be able to dis- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 191 
 
 linguish between prejudice and reason. Nor is this the 
 worse. Even when the glimpses of inquiry suggest 
 themselves, they will not dare to yield to the temptation. 
 To what purpose inquire, when the law has told us what 
 to believe, and what must be the termination of our in 
 quiries ? Even when opinion, properly so called, suggest 
 itself, we are compelled, if it differ in any degree from 
 the established system, to shut our eyes and loudly pro 
 fess our adherence, where we doubt the most. This 
 compulsion may exist in many different degrees. But 
 supposing it to amount to no more than a very slight 
 temptation to be insincere, what judgment must we form 
 of such a regulation, either in a moral or intellectual 
 view ? Of a regulation inviting men to the profession of 
 certain opinions by the proffer of a reward, and deterring 
 them from a severe examination of their justice, by pen 
 alties and disabilities. 
 
 A system like this, does not content itself with habitu 
 ally unnerving the mind of the great mass of mankind 
 through all ranks, but provides for its own continuance 
 by debauching or terrifying the few individuals, who, in 
 the midst of the general emasculation, might retain their 
 curiosity and love of enterprise. We may judge how 
 pernicious it is in its operation in this respect, by the 
 long reign of papal usurpation in the dark ages, and the 
 many attacks upon it that were suppressed, previously to 
 the successful one of Luther. Even yet, how few are 
 there that venture to examine into the foundation of ma- 
 homitism and Christianity ; or the effects of monarchy and 
 aristocracy, in countries where those systems are estab 
 lished by law. Supposing men were free from persecu 
 tion for their hostilities in this respect, yet the investiga- 
 
192 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tion could never be impartial, while so many allurements 
 are held out, inviting men to a decision in one particular 
 way. To these considerations may be added, that what 
 is right under certain circumstances to-day, may by an 
 alteration in those circumstances become wrong to-mor 
 row. Right and wrong are the results of certain rela 
 tions, and those relations are founded in the respective 
 qualities of the beings to whom they belong. Change 
 those qualities, and the relations become altogether dif 
 ferent. The treatment we are bound to bestow upon 
 any one depends upon our capacity and their circum 
 stances. Increase the first, or vary the second, and we 
 are bound to a different treatment. We are bound at 
 present to subject an individual to forcible restraint, be 
 cause we are not wise enough by reason alone to change 
 his vicious propensities. The moment we can render 
 ourselves wise enough, we ought to confine ourselves to 
 the latter mode. Universally, it is a fundamental princi 
 pal in sound political science, that a nation is best fitted 
 for the amendment of its civil government by being made 
 to understand and desire the advantages of that amend 
 ment; and the moment it is so understood and desired, it 
 ought to be introduced. But if their be any truth in 
 these views; nothing can be more adverse to reason or 
 inconsistent with the nature of man, than positive regu 
 lations tending to continue a certain mode of proceeding 
 when its utility is gone. 
 
 If we would be more completely convinced of these 
 truths, we ought in the last place explicitly to contrast 
 the nature of mind and the nature of government. 
 
 It is one of the most unquestionable properties of mind 
 to be susceptible of perpetual improvement. It is the 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 193 
 
 inalienable tendency of a positive regulation, to retain 
 that with which it is conversant, for ever in the same 
 state. Is then the perfectability of the understanding 
 an attribute of trivial importance? Is it to be believed, 
 that if the interference of positive institutions were out 
 of the question, the progress of mind in past ages would 
 have been so slow, as to have struck the majority of in 
 genious observers with despair ? The science of Greece 
 and Rome upon the subject of political justice, was in 
 many respects extremely imperfect ; yet could our an 
 cestors have been so long in appropriating their discove 
 ries, had not the allurements of reward, and the menace 
 of persecution, united to induce them not to trust to the 
 first and fair verdict of their own understandings. 
 
 One of the most striking instances of the injurious 
 effects of the political patronage of opinion, as it at pre 
 sent exists in the world, is to be found in this system of 
 religious conformity. Let us take our example from the 
 church of England, by the constitution of which sub 
 scription is required from its clergy to thirty-nine articles 
 of precise and dogmatical assertion upon almost every 
 subject of moral and metaphysicial inquiry. Here then 
 we have to consider the whole honors and revenues of 
 the church, from the archbishop who takes precedence 
 next after the princes of blood royal, to the meanest curate 
 in the nation, as employed in support of a system of 
 blind submission and abject hypocrisy. Is there one 
 man through this numerous hierarchy that is at liberty to 
 think for himself? Is there one man among them that 
 can lay his hand upon his heart, and declare, upon his 
 honor and conscience, that his emoluments have no effect 
 in influencing his judgment ? The declaration is literally 
 17 
 
194 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 impossible. The most that an honest man under such 
 circumstances can say, is, "I hope not; I endeavor to be 
 impartial." 
 
 This system of religious conformity is a system of 
 blind submission ; in every country possessing a reli 
 gious establishment, the state, from a benevolent care, it 
 may be, for the manners and opinions of its subjects, pub 
 licly encourage a numerous class of men to the study of 
 morality and virtue. What institution, we might obvious 
 ly be led to inquire, can be more favorable to public hap 
 piness? Morality and virtue are the most interesting 
 topics of human speculation ; and the best effects might 
 be expected to result from the circumstance of many 
 persons perpetually receiving the most liberal education, 
 and setting themselves apart for the express cultivation 
 of these topics. But unfortunately, these very men are 
 fettered in the outset, by having a code of propositions 
 put into their hands in a conformity to which all their 
 inquiries must terminate. The direct tendency of sci 
 ence is to increase, from age to age, and proceed from 
 the slenderest beginnings to the most admirable conclu 
 sions. But care is taken in the present case to antici 
 pate these conclusions, and to blind men by promises 
 and penalties, not to improve upon the wisdom of their 
 ancestors. The plan is to guard against degeneracy, and 
 decline, but never to advance. It is founded in the most 
 sovereign ignorance of the nature of mind, which 
 never fails to do the one or the other. Ignorance is not 
 necessary to render men virtuous. If it were, we might 
 reasonably conclude that virtue was an imposture, and 
 it was our duty to free ourselves from its shackles. The 
 cultivation of the understanding has no tendency to cor- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 195 
 
 rupt the heart. A man who should possess all the sci 
 ence of Newton, and all the genius of Shakspeare, 
 would not, on that account, be a bad man. From this 
 course of reasoning, we may be assisted in detecting the 
 error of the elder Cato, and of other persons who have 
 been the zealous but mistaken advocates of virtue. It 
 is like the taking to pieces an imperfect machine, in order, 
 by reconstructing it, to enhance its value. An uninfor 
 med and timid spectator would be alarmed at the temeri 
 ty of the artist, at the confused heap of pins and wheels 
 that were laid aside at random, and would take it for 
 granted, that nothing but destruction would be the con 
 sequence. But he would be disappointed. It is thus 
 that the extravagant sallies of mind are the prelude of 
 the highest wisdom, and that the dreams of Ptolemy 
 were destined to precede the discoveries of Newton. 
 
 As long as inquiry is suffered to proceed, and science 
 to improve, our knowledge is perpetually increased. Shall 
 we know every thing else and nothing of ourselves? 
 Shall we become clear sighted and penetrating in all 
 other subjects, without increasing our penetration upon 
 the subject of man? Is vice most truly allied to wisdom 
 or to folly? Can mankind perpetually increase in wis 
 dom, without increasing in the knowledge of what is 
 wise for them to do? Can a man have a clear discern 
 ment, unclouded wUh the remains of any former mis 
 take, that this is the action he ought to perform, most 
 conducive to his own interest and the general good ; 
 most agreeable to reason, justice and the nature of things, 
 and refrain from performing it? Every system which 
 has been constructed relative to the nature of superior 
 beings and gods, amidst all other errors, has reasoned tru- 
 
195 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 ly upon these topics, and taught that the accession of 
 wisdom and knowledge, led not to malignity and tyran 
 ny, but to benevolence and justice. 
 
 It is a mistake to suppose that speculative differences 
 of opinion, threaten materially to disturb the peace of 
 society. It is only when they are enabled to arm them 
 selves with the authority of government, to form parties 
 in the state, and to struggle for that political ascendency 
 which is too frequently exerted in support of or in oppo 
 sition to some particular creed, they become dangerous. 
 Whenever government is wise enough to maintain an 
 inflexible neutrality, these jarring sects are always found 
 to live together with sufficient harmony. The very 
 means that have been employed for the preservation of 
 order, have been the only means that have led to its dis 
 turbance. The moment government resolves to admit 
 of no regulation, oppressive to either party, controversy 
 finds its level, and appeals to argument and reason, in 
 stead of appealing to the sword or the stake. The mo 
 ment government descends to wear the badge of a sect, 
 religious war is commenced, the world is degraced with 
 inextricable broils, and deluged with blood. 
 
 What is the language, that in strictness of interpreta 
 tion belongs to the act of a legislature, imposing religious 
 test which is to qualify a man to receive all the privileges 
 and immunities of the society in which he should live r 
 To one party it says, " we know that you are our friends ; 
 the test as it relates to you, we acknowledge to be alto 
 gether superfluous, nevertheless you must undergo it, as 
 a cover to our indirect purposes in imposing it upon per 
 sons whose views are less unequivocal than yours." To 
 the other party it says, "it is vehemently suspected that 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 197 
 
 you are inimical to the cause in which we are engaged : 
 this suspicion is either true or false ; if false, we ought 
 not to suspect you, and much less ought we to put you 
 to this corrupting and nugatory purgation; if true, you 
 will either candidly confess your difference, or dishonest 
 ly prevaricate; be candid, and we will indignantly ban 
 ish you ; be dishonest, and we will receive you as our 
 bosom friends." Duty and common sense oblige us to 
 watch the man we suspect, even though he should swear 
 he is innocent. Would not the same precautions w r hich 
 we are still obliged to employ to secure us against his 
 duplicity, have sufficiently answered our purpose without 
 putting him to his purgation ? Are there no method by 
 which we can find out whether a man be the proper sub 
 ject in whom to repose an important trust, without putting 
 the question to himself? Will not he who is so dange 
 rous an enemy that we cannot trust him, discover his 
 enmity by his conduct, without reducing us to the pain 
 ful necessity of tempting him to an act of prevarication? 
 If he be so subtle a hypocrite that our vigilance cannot 
 detect him, will he scruple to add to his other crimes, 
 the crime of perjury ? 
 
 It is impossible to construct a test in such a manner as 
 to suit the various opinions of those upon whom it is im 
 posed, and not to be liable to reasonable objections. 
 
 When the law was repealed imposing upon the dissen 
 ting clergy of England, a subscription with certain reserva 
 tions, to the articles of the established church, an attempt 
 was made to invent an unexceptionable test that might be 
 substituted in its room. This test simply affimed " that 
 the books of the old and new testament, in the opinion of 
 the person who took it, contained a revelation from God," 
 17* 
 
198 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 and it was supposed that no Christian could scruple such 
 declaration. But is it impossible that a man should be a 
 Christian, and yet doubt of the canonical authority of the 
 amatory eclogues of Solomon, of certain other books con 
 tained in a selection that was originally made in very ar 
 bitrary manner? Still however he may take the test, with 
 the persuasion, that the old and new testament contain a 
 revelation from God and something more. In the same 
 sense, he might take it, even if the Alcoran, the Talmud, 
 and the sacred books of the Hindoos were added to the 
 list. What sort of influence will be produced upon the 
 mind that is accustomed to this looseness of construction 
 in its most solemn engagements ? 
 
 To conclude upon this subject of political restraint on 
 account of religious tenets. Can there be any solid 
 ground of distinction except what is founded in personal 
 merit ? Are not men really and strictly considered, equal, 
 except so far as what is personal and inalienable makes 
 them differ ? To these questions there can be but one 
 reply, "such is the order of reason and absolute truth ; 
 but artificial distinctions are necessary for the happiness 
 of mankind. Without deception and prejudice, the tur 
 bulence of human passions cannot be restrained." Let 
 us then examine the merits of his theory ; and these will 
 be best illustrated by an instance. 
 
 It has been held by some politicians, that the doctrine 
 which teaches that men will be externally tormented in 
 another world, for their errors and misconduct in this, is 
 "in our nature unreasonable and absurd, but that it is 
 nevertheless necessary to keep mankind in awe. Do 
 we not see, say they, "that notwithstanding this terrible 
 denunciation* the world is overrun with vice? What 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 199 
 
 then would be the case if the irregular passions of man 
 kind were set free from their present restraint, and they 
 had not the fear of this retribution before their eyes ?" 
 
 This argument seems to be founded in a singular inat 
 tention to the dictates of history and experience, as well 
 as those of reason. The ancient Greeks and Romans 
 had nothing of this dreadful apparatus of fire and brim 
 stone; and a torment, "the smoke of which ascends for 
 ever and ever." Their religion was less personal than 
 political. They confided in the gods as protectors of 
 the state ; and this inspired them with invincible courage. 
 In periods of public calamity, they found a ready conso 
 lation in expiatory sacrifices to appease the anger of their 
 gods. The attention of these beings was conceived to 
 be principally directed to the ceremonials of religion, 
 and very little to the moral excellence and defects of 
 their votaries, which were supposed to be sufficiently 
 provided for by the inevitable tendency of moral excel 
 lence or defect, to increase or diminish individual hap 
 piness. If their system, included the doctrine of future 
 existence, little attention was paid by them to the con 
 necting the moral deserts of individuals in this life with 
 their comparative situation in another. The same omis 
 sion ran through the systems of the Persians, the Egyp 
 tians, the Celts, the Phenicians, the Jews, and indeed 
 every system which has not been, in some manner or 
 other, the offspring of the Christian. If we were to form 
 our judgment of these nations by the above argument, 
 we should expect to find every individual among them 
 cutting their neighbour s throat, and hackneyed in the 
 commission of every enormity without measure, and 
 without remorse. But they were in reality as suscepti- 
 
200 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 ble of the regulations of government and the order of 
 society, as those whose imaginations have been most 
 artfully terrified by the threats of future retribution ; and 
 some of them much more generous, determined and at 
 tached to the public weal. 
 
 We do not intend, by the foregoing remarks, to in 
 cense the feelings of intolerants, but to reason with them 
 upon the subject, and produce the conviction in their 
 minds, that any and every thing savouring of dictation 
 or restriction in matters that concern liberty of con 
 science, is diametrically at war with republican institu 
 tions ; and when a true republican, such a one as Mr. 
 Macon was, reads that provision in the old constitution 
 of North Carolina, which proclaimed " that no person 
 who should deny the being of Godj or the truth of the 
 Protestant religion, or the divine authority either of the 
 old and new testament, or who should hold religious 
 principles incompatible with the freedom and safety of 
 the state, should be capable of holding any office, or 
 place of trust, or profit, in the civil department within 
 this state." He must pronounce an anathema apoliti 
 cal excommunication, far more terrible and grating to 
 the ears of a freeman, than were "the thunders of the 
 Vatican," formally, to the blind and ignorant devotee at 
 the shrine of papal power and supremacy. 
 
 Persecution never did effect the object for which it 
 was intended; it seldom fails to create a strong and pow 
 erful sympathy in favour of its victim ; and instead of 
 crushing its unhappy subject in its infuriated pangs, it 
 gives additional life, power and activity to its progress. 
 If this spirit is permitted to prevail, probably Mr. Macon 
 was not so far wrong when he declared in this convene 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 20 
 
 tion, that he did not believe the revolution of 1688, had 
 done any essential good, for, from that, had sprung the 
 bigotted intolerance, which every one must acknowledge 
 has descended to the present generation, and was too 
 plainly manifested in that body. If the Catholic was 
 excluded from the offices of honor and emolument, is 
 there any justice or honesty in subjecting him to the 
 taxes and drudgery of the Government? To our mind 
 the exclusion from the one, and the exaction of the other, 
 was a violation of his rights ; and if he be this poor de 
 luded being, occupying this nondescript position in the 
 community, the Protestant zeal might have been mani 
 fested in more strict conformity to the charity of his 
 gospel, by sending to him the missionary heralds of the 
 cross, to call him back from the errors of his ways ; to 
 lead him to pure fountains of living water, and beseech 
 him to abjure the heresies of his mother church ! Com 
 mon charity would induce us to believe this would have 
 been their course, but it is much to be feared, that a bit 
 ter spirit of malignant jealousy and sectarian rivalry, has 
 rather prompted and engendered this uncharitable and 
 senseless persecution. Why do we think so? Because 
 such a course of conduct, was in conflict with the religi 
 ous doctrines of the Protestant faith, does not accord 
 with the charitable disposition and tender commiseration 
 which they evince even for the heathen and those who 
 deny the existence of God, and is an implied admission 
 of the weakness, fallibility and want of truth of their 
 own faith. The first settlements of this country were 
 produced, and the broad foundations of this republic were 
 laid by this same spirit of religious persecution towards 
 our forefathers, which the bigoted zealots of the present 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 day here evince against the Roman Catholic. It was a 
 boasted birthright, to be born in a land of civil and religi 
 ous freedom. The persecuted of all climes were invi 
 ted to the asylum of the oppressed, where each man 
 might "sit down under his own vine and fig tree," and 
 worship Almighty God according to the dictates of his own 
 conscience. Restraints upon conscience, and civil dis 
 qualifications in consequence thereof, were denounced 
 as violations of the great fundamental rights of man ; 
 taxation, without the enjoyment of its con-comitant, 
 civil rights, was pronounced odious and oppressive ; our 
 pulpits, legislative halls and popular assemblies, rang with 
 denunciations against this violent invasion upon our civil 
 and religious rights, until this noble and indignant spirit, 
 no longer controlled by the fear of such oppressive pow 
 er, produced our great and mighty revolution. Then 
 we felt our own weakness and inability to breast the 
 storm, and thought it then no heresy to seek the aid of a 
 Catholic king the current of popular good will and af 
 fection ran strong in favor of our Catholic brethren of 
 France, and the dominant political party of our country, 
 even after the attainment of independence, was openly 
 and loudly charged with being under French influence. 
 It was not even whispered then, that our Catholic friends 
 and allies entertained religious principles incompatible 
 with the freedom and safety of the country ; and the 
 charge then, would have been deemed base and treason 
 able ingratitude. Who periled his life, his fortune and 
 his all, in the establishment of civil and religious free 
 dom on this side of the Atlantic? Need we mention 
 the name of Lafayette, and with him, his associates in 
 deeds of noble daring, in behalf of that sacred cause. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 203 
 
 Rochambeau, Pulaski, De Kalb and others, the Catholic 
 defenders and supporters of civil and religious liberty, 
 whose gallant exertions in our revolutionary struggle, to 
 maintain these inalienable rights of man, give the lie to 
 the assertion that their religion is dangerous to the cause 
 of freedom ? Our country cannot too often remember 
 and too highly appreciate these important services, and 
 let us not slander the memory of the illustrious dead, by 
 imputing to their religion, a motive so utterly variant 
 from the cause which they so nobly and manfully espou 
 sed. 
 
 In England, there is an union of church and state, 
 and the king is recognized by law, as the supreme head 
 of both ; and the Catholics acknowledge the pope as the 
 supreme head of their church. Here is an obvious conflict 
 for supremacy, which is repudiated as belonging either to 
 the king or the pope, by subjects of the same realm, ac 
 cording to their different religious persuasions or predi 
 lections. The Protestant Episcopalian claiming it for the 
 king, and the Catholic for the pope. So intimate is this 
 connection in England, between the Protestant Episco 
 palian church and the state, that the king, upon his coro 
 nation, when asked by the archbishop or bishop "will 
 you, to the utmost of your power, maintain the laws of 
 God, the true profession of the gospel, and the Protestant 
 reformed religion, established by law? And will you 
 preserve to the bishops and clergy of this realm, and to 
 the churches committed to their charge, all such rights 
 and privileges as by law, do and shall appertain unto 
 them, or any of them ?" is bound to answer on oath ; 
 "all this I promise to do." And moreover, he is com 
 pelled to repeat and subscribe the declaration against 
 
204 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 popery, according to the statute of Charles. And this is 
 not all the Catholic, before he is permitted to enjoy 
 office, was required to pass through the fiery ordeal of 
 the corporation and test acts ; which may safely be pro 
 nounced as amounting to an odious and tyrannical pro 
 scription. They demanded of him a violation of the 
 rights of conscience, and a repudiation of some of the 
 favourite and long cherished doctrines of his church ; 
 they required him to receive the sacrament of the Lord s 
 supper, according to the rites of the church of England; 
 and they enjoined upon him the absolute necessity of 
 taking the oath of allegiance and supremacy, and of ma 
 king the declaration against transubstantiation. Here 
 then is the test of his allegiance in accepting office, he 
 must acknowledge the king as the head of the church, 
 and thereby repudiate the pope ; he must receive the 
 holy eucharist from the hands of those whom his con 
 science taught him to believe " had no authority," and in 
 a manner totally repugnant to his long cherished notions 
 of that sacred rite ; and to close the scene of this war 
 fare upon conscience, he must deny the doctrine of tran 
 substantiation. The Catholic in England does deny this 
 supremacy of the king, and therefore may be said to re 
 fuse to acknowledge an unqualified allegiance ; but in 
 this free and happy country, where no connexion be 
 tween church and state exist, and there is no religion es 
 tablished by law, the charge becomes a slander upon his 
 religious character, and is unfounded in truth and fact. 
 If the Protestants would turn their attention to their own 
 denominations, they would find more to regret in them, 
 and less to criminate in the Catholic church, than their 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 205 
 
 over-wrought and phrensied zeal will permit them to be 
 lieve. 
 
 We would not have it understood, that because we 
 advocate the unrestricted rights of conscience, and the 
 abrogation of all civil disqualifications on account of re 
 ligious opinions, that we entertain any unfriendly feeling, 
 or could be guilty of the slightest disrespect to any Pro 
 testant denomination. But is the persecution of the Cath 
 olic for conscience sake, required of them in the bible, 
 or by their faith ? Or, are they not, like the Pharisee, 
 conscious of their own self-righteousness, and glad that 
 they are not, like that sinful and perverse denomination? 
 Whence arises the diversity in their faith, the dissention 
 in their religious opinions, the great variety of other 
 sects, and the want of conformity among themselves to 
 any uniform standard of orthodoxy ? May it not be 
 found in the uncontrolled exercise and freedom of con* 
 science and opinion, in the untrammelled adoption of a 
 reasonable and popular construction of the bible, and in 
 the want of unity, in adhering to that excellent Catholic 
 rule of referring all disputed and doubtful points of faith 
 and interpretation, to a council of the great, the learned 
 and pious ? And yet, they who have no common and 
 uniform standard of faith, require of the Roman Catholic, 
 before he can be permitted to enjoy office, that he must 
 not deny the truth of the Protestant religion. "This ty 
 ranny, and depotism of opinion, may well have flourish 
 ed during the existence of the dark ages, but in all future 
 time, it will hardly be credited, that in the enlightened 
 period of the nineteenth century, there could have been 
 found bigotry, fanaticism, and prejudice enough, to have 
 cherished and supported so intolerant a doctrine* There 
 18 
 
206 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 can scarcely be an intelligent and high-minded inhabi* 
 tant of the state of North Carolina, entirely free from 
 this spirit, but what must blush, for the honor of his na 
 tive state, when he reflects that with the sole exception 
 of New Jersey, her constitution is the only one of these 
 United States, that contained so illiberal, intolerant and 
 prescriptive a gag law upon the consciences of men. 
 And when he reflects that there are one hundred and 
 sixteen millions of Catholics in the world, and only fifty 
 four millions of Protestants, and these split up into as 
 many sects and denominations as "construction, contor 
 tion and distortion" can give to the disputed points of 
 faith, and having as little charity for each other, as some 
 of them have for the Catholics, he cannot but regard this 
 puny effort to put down the Roman Catholic religion, as 
 truly characteristic of the spirit that conceived it, and 
 every way unworthy of a great and high-minded state." 
 
 The question is, ought there to be any religious test in 
 the constitution ? Shall any man be debarred from office, 
 merely because of his opinions on matters of religion- ? 
 To us it seems, if there can be any certainty in moral or 
 political science, the answer must be in the negative. 
 Yet, notwithstading all the efforts that could be made by 
 the most talented members in that convention, the only 
 change that could be effected in this abominable article, 
 was to substitute the word Christian for that of Protestant. 
 
 This changing one word for another, has not in the 
 least affected the political principles upon which the 
 great objections to the article rested. It has made 
 the matter worse, for there is nothing perhaps that has 
 contributed more to the introduction and perpetuating of 
 bigotry in the world, than some of the doctrines of the 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 207 
 
 Christian religion. A religion which enters into no com 
 promise with other systems ; which represents itself as 
 the only religion now in the world, having God for its 
 author; and in his name, and by the hope of his mercy, 
 and the terrors of his frown, it commands the obedience 
 of faith to all people to whom it may be published. 
 Throwing every other religion that pretends to offer hope 
 to man, into utter insignificance. It first caused the 
 spirit of intolerance to strike deep root. And it has en 
 tailed that spirit upon many who have shaken off the di 
 rect influence of its tenets. It is the characteristic of 
 this religion, to lay the utmost stress upon faith. Its cen 
 tral doctrine is contained in this.maxim: he thatbeliev- 
 eth, shall be saved, and he that believeth not, shall be 
 damned. What it is the belief of, which is saving, the 
 records of the religion have left open to controversy ; 
 but the fundamental nature of faith, is one of its most 
 unquestionable lessons. Faith is not only necessary to 
 preserve us from the pains of hell ; it is also requisite as 
 a qualification for temporal blessings. When any one 
 applied to Jesus, to be cured of any disease, he was first 
 of all questioned respecting the implicitness of his faith. 
 In Gallilee, and other places, Christ wrought not many 
 miracles, because of their unbelief. 
 
 In those governments which undertake to prescribe a 
 religious faith to their subjects, and command its profes 
 sion as a part of civil duty, there is at least a congruity 
 in visiting disobedience, by appropriate penalties. Inca- 
 pacitation for office is there a punishment for disloyalty ; 
 and if it be supposed not adequate to its end, it is follow 
 ed up by imprisonment, fine, confiscation, exile, torture 
 and death. The principle is the same in all these grades 
 
209 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 of punishment. It is a visitation of the vengeance of 
 the state upon those who offend against its institutions. 
 But where a state is avowedly based on religious free 
 dom, where it proclaims that every man has from nature 
 a right, which he cannot surrender, and which none may 
 take away, a "natural and unalienable right" to worship 
 Almighty God according to the dictates of his own con 
 science, a right, of the correct exercise of which, his 
 conscience is the sole judge, how can that state without 
 a violation of first principles, punish him by degradation, 
 because of the exercise of that very right ? Civil rights 
 have no dependance on our religious opinions, more than 
 our opinions in physics oc geometry ; therefore, the pro 
 scribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence, 
 by laying upon him an incapacity of being called to the 
 offices of trust and emolument, unless he profess or re 
 nounce this or that religious opinion, is depriving him 
 injuriously of those privileges and advantages to which, 
 in common with his fellow citizens, he has a natural 
 right: it tends also to corrupt the principles of that very 
 religion it is meant to encourage, by bribing, with a mo 
 nopoly of worldy honors and emoluments, those who 
 will externally profess and conform to it and though, in 
 deed, those are criminal who do not withstand such temp 
 tations, yet neither are those innocent, who lay the bait 
 in their way. 
 
 "The bestowal of an office by the community on one 
 of several competitors for distinction in this government, 
 ought not to be felt as a wrong by those who have been 
 disappointed, because their claims have been fairly pre 
 sented to, and fairly passed upon by that community ; 
 yet an interdict to become a candidate and present his 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 209 
 
 claims for distinction, would be felt by every man of 
 sensibility, as an act of arbitrary power. What is pun 
 ishment, but pain or inconvenience inflicted, because of 
 something done or intended? Is there no punishment 
 but that which causes corporeal sufferings ? Are there 
 not pangs " sharper than what the body knows ?" Is an 
 incapacity to be called to an office of public trust or 
 emolument, no penalty ? Is it not a putting down of 
 those, declared incapable, below the rest of their fellow 
 citizens ? And is reproach, is loss of rank in society, no 
 privation, no injury? The oppressors scorn and the 
 proud man s contumely, are classed by him, who of all 
 mere mortals, seems to have best understood human na 
 ture, and to have most thoroughly read the human heart, 
 as among the sorest ills which flesh is heir to. Insult is, 
 of all injuries, the hardest to be borne. And what can 
 be a more direct insult to any man, than a deliberate 
 declaration that he is utterly unworthy of confidence ? 
 Why, the miserable wretch who is whipped for larceny, 
 writhes less under this torture, than under the disabilities 
 which the conviction produces. It is no punishment to 
 any individual not to be called on to give testimony ; but 
 to be declared infamous and incapable of giving testimo 
 ny, is more than he can bear." 
 
 Reason is the proper umpire of opinion, and argument 
 and discussion its only fit advocates. To denounce opin 
 ions by law, is as silly, and unfortunately much more ty 
 rannical, as it would be, to punish crime by logic. Laws 
 call out the force of the community to compel obedience 
 to its mandates. To enforce an opinion by law, is to en 
 slave the intellect, and oppress the soul, to reverse the 
 order of nature, and make reason subservient to force. 
 19* 
 
210 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 But of all the attempts to arrogate unjust dominion, none 
 is so pernicious as the efforts of tyrannical men, to rule 
 over the human conscience. Religion is exclusively an 
 affair between God and man. If there be any subject 
 upon which the interference of human power is more 
 forbidden than all others, it is religion. 
 
 No sentiment is more prevalent than that which leads 
 men to ascribe the variations of opinion which subsist 
 in the world, to dishonesty and perverseness. It is thus 
 that a papist judges of a Protestant, and a Protestant of 
 a papist; such was the decision of the Hanovarian upon 
 the Jacobite, and the Jacobite upon the Hanovarian; 
 such the notion formed by the friend of monarchy con 
 cerning the republican, and by the republican concern 
 ing the friend of monarchy. The chain of evidence by 
 which every one of these parties is determined, appears 
 to the adherent of that party, so clear and satisfactory, 
 that he hesitates not to pronounce that perverseness of 
 will only could resist it. 
 
 No character is more rare than that of a man who can 
 do justice to his antagonist s argument; and till this is 
 done, it must be equally difficult to do justice to an an 
 tagonist s integrity. Ask a man, who has been the audi 
 tor of an argument, or who has recently read a book 
 adverse to his own habits of thinking, to re-state the rea 
 soning of the adversary. You will find him betraying 
 the cause he undertakes to explain in every point. He 
 exhibits nothing but a miserable deformity, in which the 
 most vigilant adversary could scarcely recognize his 
 image. Nor is there any dishonesty in this. He tells 
 as much as he understood. Since, therefore, he under 
 stands nothing of the adversary but his opposition, it is 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 no wonder that he is virulent in his invective against 
 him. This sort of uncharitableness is to be expected 
 under the present condition of human intellect. 
 
 The ordinary strain of partisans, both in politics and 
 religion, are like the two knights, of whom we are told 
 that in coming in opposite directions to a head fixed on 
 a pole in a cross-way, of which one side was gold and 
 the other silver, they immediately fell to tilting; the 
 right champion stoutly maintained that the head was 
 gold, and the other indignantly rejoining that it was sil 
 ver. Not one disputant in ten ever gives himself the 
 trouble to pass over to his adversary s position ; of those 
 that do, many take so short and timid a glance, and with 
 an organ so clouded with prejudice, that for any benefit 
 they receive, they might as well have remained eternally 
 upon the same spot. 
 
 There is scarcely a question in the world that does not 
 admit of two plausible statements. There is scarcely a 
 story that can be told, of which one side is not good till 
 the other is related. When both sides have been heard, 
 the ordinary result to a careful and strict observer, is 
 much contention of evidence, much obscurity, and much 
 scepticism. He that is smitten with so ardent a love of 
 truth, as continually to fear less error should pass upon 
 him under some specious disguise, will find himself ulti 
 mately reduced to a nice weighing of evidence, and a 
 subtle observation as to which scale preponderates upon 
 almost every important question. Such a man will ex 
 press neither astonishment nor unbelief, when he is told 
 that another person of uncommon purity of motives, has 
 been led to draw a different conclusion. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 It would be difficult to confer a greater benefit upon 
 mankind, than would be conferred by him who should 
 persuade them to a discarding of mutual bigotry, and 
 induce them to give credit to each other for their com 
 mon differences of opinion. Such persuasion would 
 effect an almost universal rout of the angry passions. 
 Persecution and prosecution for opinion would rarely 
 exist in the world. Much of family dissention, much of 
 that which generates alienation in the kindest bosoms, 
 much even of the wars which has hitherto desolated 
 mankind, would be swept away for ever from the face 
 of the earth. There is nothing about which men quar 
 rel more obstinately and irreconcilably, than difference 
 of opinion. There is nothing that engenders a pro- 
 founder and more inveterate hate. 
 
 If this subject was once understood, we should then 
 look only to the consequences of opinions. We should 
 no more think of hating a man for being an atheist or a 
 monarchist, though these opinions were exactly opposite 
 to our own, than for having the plague. We should 
 pity him, and regret the necessity, if necessity there 
 were, for taking precautions against him. In the mean 
 time there is this difference between a man holding er 
 roneous opinions, and a man infected with a contagious 
 distemper. Mistaken opinions are never a source of 
 tumult and disorder unless the persons who hold them 
 are persecuted, or placed under circumstances of iniqui 
 tous oppression. The remedy, therefore, in this case is 
 to remove unjustifiable restraints, and then leave the 
 question to be fairly decided in the lists of argument and 
 reason, 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 213 
 
 We are rarely in the right in allowing ourselves to 
 suspect the sincerity of others in the cause to which they 
 profess adherence ; for nothing can be more various than 
 the habits of different minds, or more diversified than 
 their modes of contemplating the same subject. We 
 can never, then, have a just view of the sincerity of 
 men in opinion, we deem to be absurd till we have 
 learned to put ourselves in their place, and to become the 
 temporary advocates of the sentiment we reject. 
 
 On Thursday, July the 2nd, a resolution was before 
 the convention to settle how the governor should be 
 elected; whether by the legislature, as in the old consti 
 tution, or changed by giving his election to the people. 
 
 Mr. Macon in making his remarks upon this subject, 
 " did not think it made much difference or was of much 
 importance, whether the governor is elected by the legis 
 lature or the people. He had but little power. If he 
 had a negative power over the laws he passed, as the 
 governors of many of the states have, he should say he 
 ought to be elected by the people. Where the governor 
 has next to nothing to do, it is of little consequence who 
 elects him. He thought he might as well be elected in 
 the old way, by the general assembly. It is impossible 
 in any government to get clear of caucusing ; they will 
 be held either publicly or privately. In all public bodies 
 every one tries to get his friends elected. He had heard 
 a good deal said about consistency of conduct. We are, 
 said he, none of us consistent. Consistency is perfec 
 tion, and we are none of us perfect. It is the man that 
 dignifies the office, and not the office the man. Dick 
 Henderson, who died a judge and filled the office with 
 dignity, dignified the office of a constable, when he first 
 
214 
 
 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 entered into public life. Give a sycophant an office and 
 he will still be a sycophant, and give an honest man an 
 office and he will be an honest man still. He believed 
 the officers in this government did their duty as well as 
 those in any of our neighbouring states. An officer 
 here must act much out of the way, if he be not re- 
 elected when his term is out." 
 
 "Saturday, July Ilth, was the close of the conven 
 tion, and Mr. Gaston of Craven, said, that before the con 
 vention performed the last act which it had to do, he 
 would call up the resolution that he yesterday laid on 
 the table. He said, I am about to offer to the conven 
 tion a resolution on which I know I shall meet with per 
 fect unanimity. However, said he, we may have been 
 divided on other subjects, in returning our acknowledg 
 ments to our venerable president, for the able manner 
 in which he has presided over this body, there will be 
 no difference of opinion. The following resolution was 
 then read :" 
 
 "Resolved, unanimously, that the thanks of this conven 
 tion are due, and are hereby respectfully and affection 
 ately tendered to the hon. Nathaniel Macon, their vene 
 rable president, for the distinguished ability, dignity and 
 impartiality, with which he has discharged the duties of 
 his station." 
 
 The resolution being read, Mr. Carson instantly rose 
 and expressed a hope, that this mark of well-deserved 
 respect to their venerable friend, for probably the last 
 public act of his life, would be testified by the members 
 of the convention standing. The word was no sooner 
 spoken, than every member in the convention was on 
 his feet. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 215 
 
 The president who had resumed his chair, addressed 
 the members as follows: (Mr. Swain being temporarily 
 in the chair just before.) 
 
 11 Gentlemen : 
 
 "The merits which you have ascribed to me, in the per 
 formance of my duty in the chair, belong to you. I 
 have been for a long time engaged in public business ; 
 and though no one will charge me with being a flatterer, 
 I must say that I have never witnessed so much good or 
 der, and decorum of conduct, in any public body with 
 which I have been connected. When I entered upon 
 the important duties to which the convention in their 
 kindness called me, I was fearful that I should not have 
 been able to discharge them with any satisfaction to my 
 self or to the convention ; nor should I, without attention, 
 aid, and assistance. To you, therefore, my thanks are due 
 for all your kindness." 
 
 "This, continued Mr. Macon, I expect, will be the 
 last scene of my public life. We are about to separate; 
 and it is my fervent prayer, that you may, each of you, 
 reach home in safety, and have a happy meeting with 
 your families and friends, and that your days may be 
 long, honorable and happy." 
 
 "While my life is spared, if any of you should pass 
 through the country in which I live, I should be glad to 
 see you." 
 
 This valedictory address of Mr. Macon s was the last 
 he ever made. In it, all must acknowledge, that phi 
 lanthropy, benevolence, and good feeling, which can 
 only eminate from ihe heart of a good man. For its 
 simplicity, perspicuity and modesty, it has seldom, if 
 
216 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 ever, been excelled. The effect it produced at the time, 
 was scarcely ever witnessed. Here in this short address, 
 he has displayed all those qualities, both of mind and 
 heart, which we have in previous chapters so feebly at 
 tempted to ascribe to him. And though he looked upon 
 this as the last of his public services, yet in 1836, the 
 year following, he was chosen an elector of president, 
 and vice president, on the republican ticket, and at the 
 proper time, repaired to the seat of government and per 
 formed the duty required of him. This was the closing 
 act of Mr. Macon s public life. And we must be per 
 mitted to remark, if the public estimation of a man be 
 a just criterion by which to judge of, Mr. Macon was 
 excelled by none of his contemporaries, since; from the 
 time almost that he was eligible, he was honoured with 
 offices of trust and responsibility by his fellow citizens, 
 until nearly the close of his life. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 MR. MACON in his life time, had been frequently ap* 
 plied to, to have his likeness taken; his objection al 
 ways was, that it should not be taken by his consent, 
 because in after time, it might so happen, it might be 
 sold to the highest bidder; and he had no idea that any 
 thing that should be said to represent him, should ever 
 be so jeopardized, if he could prevent it. Whilst he 
 was a member of the convention of North Carolina, in 
 1835, an application was made to him for this purpose, 
 and upon his peremptory refusal, the portrait painter asked 
 him, if he might not take it, whilst he was sitting in the 
 chair as speaker of that body, provided, he, Mr. Macon, 
 did not know it ? His answer was, no sir ; and if you 
 do, I will prosecute you for a libel. A similar disposition 
 was manifested, whenever he was consulted upon the 
 subject of his life s being written. Posthumous fame 
 said he, never done a man any good, and he who wor 
 shipped it in anticipation in his life time, would always 
 be deceived after his exit; for if he was a good man, his 
 rewards in futurity would so far out weigh the breath of 
 common fame in this world, that it should never be taken 
 into consideration. If he desired, any thing of posthu 
 mous honour, it was, that he might be regarded with af* 
 fection and esteem by all those who know him ; beyond 
 that, said he, he had no ambition. 
 19 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 Moral fame, said he, was subject to a great variety of 
 disadvantages, which are not incident to the fame of li 
 terature. In the latter instance, posterity has the whole 
 subject fairly before them. We may dispute about the 
 merits of Homer and Shakspeare, but they have at least 
 this benefit, that the entire evidence is in court. Who 
 ever will, may read their works ; and needs only a firm, 
 unbiased and cultivated judgment, to decide upon their 
 excellences. A story of sir Walter Raleigh has often 
 been repeated by him on these occasions, and its pecu 
 liar aptness to the illustration of the present subject, will 
 excuse its being mentioned here. When sir Walter Ra 
 leigh wrote his history of the world, he was a prisoner 
 in the tower of London. One morning, he heard the 
 noise of a vehement contention under his window, but 
 he could neither see the combatants, nor distinguish ex 
 actly what was said. One person after another came into 
 his apartment, and he enquired of them, the nature of 
 the affray ; but their accounts were so inconsistent, that 
 he found himself wholly unable, to arrive at the truth of 
 the story. Sir Walter s reflections on this, was obvious, 
 yet acute. What, said he, can I not make myself mas 
 ter of an incident that happened an hour ago under my 
 window ; and shall I imagine, I can truly understand the 
 history of Hannibal and Caesar. 
 
 History in reality is a tissue of fables ; and there is 
 no reason to believe, that any one page in any one his 
 tory extant, exhibits the unmixed truth. The story is 
 disfigured by the vanity of the actors, the interested 
 misrepresentations of spectators, and the fictions, proba 
 ble or improbable, with which every historian is instiga 
 ted to piece out his imperfect tale. Human affairs are 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 219 
 
 so entangled ; motives are so subtle and variously com 
 pounded, that the truth cannot be told. What reasona 
 ble man then can consign his reputation to the Proteus- 
 like uncertainty of historical record with any sanguine- 
 ness of expectation. 
 
 Suppose we are told, time will clear up the obscurity 
 of evidence, and posterity judge truly of our merits and 
 demerits. Suppose we are bid to look forward, patiently, 
 to the time when party and prejudice shall be stripped 
 of their influence. There is no such time. The feuds 
 and animosities of party contention are eternal. The 
 vulgar, indeed, cease to interest themselves in a question, 
 when it ceases to be generally discussed. But, of those 
 who curiously inquire into its merits, there is not one in 
 a thousand that escape the contagion. He finds, by un 
 observed degrees, insinuated into him, all the exclusive 
 attachments, sometimes all the polemical fierceness that 
 ever fell to the lot of contemporaries and actors. 
 
 A few years before the commencement of the Chris 
 tian era, Cicero and Caesar entered into a paper war, 
 respecting the real worth of the character of Cato. Is 
 this controversy yet decided? Do there not still exist 
 on the one hand, men who look upon Cato with all the 
 enthusiastic veneration expressed by Cicero, and on the 
 other, men, who, like Caesar, treat him as a hypocritical 
 enarler; and affirm, that he was only indulging his pride 
 and ill humor, when he pretended to be indulging his 
 love of virtue. 
 
 Perhaps there never was a man that loved fame so 
 much as Cicero himself. When he found himself ill 
 treated by the asperity of Cato and impatience of Bru 
 tus, when assailed with a torrent of abuse by the par- 
 
220 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tizans of Anthony, he also comforted himself that this 
 was a transitory injustice. While he stretched out his 
 neck to the sword of the assassin, he said within himself, 
 in a little time the purity of my motives will be univer 
 sally understood. Do we not hear, at this hour, the cha 
 racter of this illustrious ornament of the human race, 
 defamed by every upstart school-boy ? When is there a 
 day that passes over our heads (when his name is men 
 tioned,) without a repetition of the tale of his vain glo- 
 riousness, his cowardice, the imbecility of his temper, 
 and the hollowness of his patriotism ? 
 
 There is another curious controversy strikingly illus 
 trative of the present subject. What sort of men were 
 the ancient Romans ? It was not to be wondered at, that, 
 amidst the dregs of monarchical government, great pains 
 should be taken to dishonour them, and to bring them 
 down to the miserable level of men of modern times. 
 Qjo.e would have thought that no man could have perused 
 the history of Rome, and the history of England, without 
 seeing that in the one was presented the substance of 
 men, and in the other the shadow. But no, the received 
 maxim now is, men in all ages are the same. And there 
 are many, even among the professed republicans of our 
 own country, that join the cry, and affirm that the sup 
 posed elevation of the Roman character is mere delu 
 sion. This is so extensively the case, that a man diffi 
 dent in his opinions, and sceptical in his inquiries, dares 
 scarcely pronounce how the controversy may terminate, 
 if indeed it shall have any termination. This uncer 
 tainty, it is illiberal and unjust to impute to the mere 
 perverseness of the human mind. It is owing, however 
 paradoxical that may seem, to the want of facts. De* 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 cisive evidence could not fail to produce a decisive 
 effect. We should have lived first with the ancient Ro 
 mans, and then with the men of the present day, to be 
 able to institute a demonstrative comparison between 
 them. This want of facts is a misfortune much more 
 general than is ordinarily imagined. A man may live 
 for years next door to a person of the most generous 
 and admirable temper, and may, by the force of preju 
 dice, transform him into a monster. A given portion of 
 familiar intercourse would render this mistake impossible. 
 The evil, however, does not stop here. It has been 
 found, for example, that two persons of opposite sexes 
 may be lovers for half their lives ; and afterwards, a 
 month of unrestrained domestic and matrimonial inter 
 course, shall bring qualities to light in each, that neither 
 previously suspected. No one man ever completely 
 understood the character of any other man. Our most 
 familiar friends exaggerate, perhaps, some virtues in us. 
 But there are others which we know we possess, to 
 which they are totally blind. For this reason, it should 
 be laid down as a maxim, never to take the report of a 
 man s zealous and undoubted advocate, against him. Let 
 every thing be examined, as far as circumstances will 
 possibly admit, before it is assumed for true. All these 
 considerations, however, tend to check the ardour of 
 such a man as Mr. Macon, for fame, which is built upon 
 so uncertain a tenure. 
 
 There is another circumstance of considerable moment 
 in this subject, and that is the fickleness of reputation 
 and popularity. We hear one man praise another to 
 day ; what security does that afford for his opinion a 
 twelve-month hence? Often the changes are sudden. 
 19* 
 
222 LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACOIf* 
 
 and abrupt; and he has scarcely put a period to the 
 exuberance of his eulogium, before he passes to the bit 
 terness of invective. Consistency is one of the virtues 
 most applauded in society, and as to his reputation for 
 which every man is most anxious, yet no quality is more 
 rare ; nor ought it to be frequent. There is scarcely any 
 proposition, as to which a man of an active and reflec 
 tive mind, may not recollect to have changed his senti 
 ments at least once in his life. But though inconsis 
 tency is no serious imputation, levity undoubtly is. If 
 we are right in changing our opinion, at least we were 
 wrong in the hasty manner in which we formally adopted 
 it. Particularly in the case of reputation, no man can, 
 without pain, realize as to himself, the facility with which 
 partialities are discarded, friendships dissolved ; and the 
 man who was your warmest advocate, subsides into in 
 difference or worse. 
 
 Before we take our leave of this subject, it may be 
 amusing, perhaps instructive, to some, to add a few more 
 instances to those already cited, of the doubtfulness and 
 obscurity of historical fame. There is scarcely any con 
 troversy that has been agitated within the last half cen 
 tury, which has been distinguished by more fierceness 
 of assertion, than that respecting Mary. Queen of Scots, 
 and the English Elizabeth. If we ask the two first in 
 quisitive persons we meet, (who appears to be acquainted 
 with this subject,) what has became of this controversy ? 
 they will each of them tell us that the question is com 
 pletely decided ; but one will affirm that the issue is in 
 favour of Mary, and the other of Elizabeth. How shall 
 we determine between their opposite assertions ? A few 
 incidental points have been cleared up, but the main 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 question is where it was. Was Mary accessory to the 
 murder of her husband ? After his death, is she to be 
 regarded as a chaste and noble-minded woman in the 
 hands of an audacious free-booter, (Bothwel,) or must 
 she be considered as an abandoned slave to the grossest 
 passions, and classed with the Missalinas and Julias? 
 Was Elizabeth incited to consent to her death, from low 
 motives of rivalship, and jealousy, or because she con 
 ceived the public safety would allow no longer delay ? 
 (Was her reluctance to consent, real, or only a well con 
 certed fiction ?) Was she a party to the execrable in 
 trigue of which Davidson was a tool ; and were her 
 subsequent indignation and grief merely a scene that 
 she played, to impose upon the understandings of man 
 kind ? All these are questions that never can be deter 
 mined by posterity. While some are influenced in their 
 judgment by the talents of Elizabeth, by the prosperity 
 and happiness of her reign, and by certain instances of 
 the moderation and rectitude of her domestic counsels, 
 others find themselves unable to devise terms of abhor 
 rence and infamy to express their aversion against her. 
 Such a thing is fame ! There are even some, ridiculous 
 as it may appear, that are bribed by Mary s personal 
 charms, which more than two centuries ago were con 
 signed to putrefaction and dust : and would feel it an 
 imputation on their gallantry if they could side with a 
 woman so little attractive as Elizabeth, against the most 
 accomplished beauty of her age. 
 
 The character of Charles the first is in like manner 
 a subject of eternal contention ; and he is treated as a 
 model of intellectual grace and integrity ; or, as frigid, 
 
224 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 austere and perfidious, according as his judges shall hap 
 pen to be tories or whigs, monarchical or republican. 
 
 Henry lord Bolingbroke was one of the greatest orna 
 ments of the beginning of the century before the last. 
 He has been admired as a statesman, an orator, a man 
 of letters and a philosopher. Pope the poet, in the 
 eagerness of his reverence and devotion, foresaw the 
 time when his merits would be universally acknowledged, 
 and assured the world that the "sons" of his personal 
 adversaries would "blush" for the malignity and injus 
 tice of "their fathers." But Pope, though a poet, was 
 no prophet. We every day hear Bolingbroke spoken of 
 by one man or another, with as much contempt as could 
 have been expressed by the most rancorous of his poli 
 tical rivals. Doctor Johnson is a memorable instance in 
 support of our position. Never have so many volumes 
 been filled with the anecdotes of any individual. If the 
 character of any man be decided by a record of facts, 
 certainly his ought to be decided. But the case is other 
 wise. Each man has an opinion of his own respecting 
 it; but if the subject be started in conversation, it would 
 be totally impossible to predict whether the favourers or 
 the enemies would prove the greater number, were it 
 not that the mass of mankind are generally ready to 
 combine against excellence, because we cannot ade 
 quately understand that of which we have no experience 
 in ourselves. Nor will it be any presumption to foretel, 
 that unless the improvement of the human species shall 
 prove rapid beyond all former example, the same dis 
 pute about the character of Johnson will remain a cen 
 tury hence ; and posterity will be still unborn that are 
 to pass an unanimous verdict upon his merits. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 225 
 
 Mr. M aeon was too great a historian not to have been 
 acquainted with ail these examples ; and whenever his 
 mind led him to reflect upon this subject, not to have 
 known that the distribution of personal reputation was 
 determined by principles, nine times in ten, altogether 
 capricious and absurd. And those who undertook to be 
 the benefactors of mankind from views of this sort, were 
 too often made in the close of their career to devour all 
 the bitterness of disappointment, and are ready to ex 
 claim, as Brutus is represented to have done, " Oh vir* 
 tue, I followed thee as a substantial good, but I find thee 
 to be no more than a delusive shadow." He knew also 
 that it was common, however, for persons overwhelmed 
 with this sort of disappointment, to console themselves 
 with an appeal to posterity ; and to observe that future 
 generations when the venom of party is subdued, when 
 their friendship and animosities are forgotten, when mis 
 representations shall no longer disfigure their actions, 
 will not fail to do them justice. To posterity he ap 
 plied what Montaigne has remarked of antiquity, "It 
 is an object of a peculiar sort; distance magnifies it." 
 And if we are to judge from experience, it does not ap 
 pear that that posterity upon which the great men of for 
 mer ages rested their hopes, have displayed all that vir 
 tue, that inflexible soundness of judgment and marvellous 
 perspicuity of discernment, which were prognosticated 
 of them, before they came into existence. 
 
 He was too well acquainted with the tangled skein of 
 human affairs and sentiments, both ancient and modern, 
 not to have known that he who would gain, in any valu 
 able sense, the suffrage of the world, must shew himself 
 in a certain degree, superior to this suffrage. He knew 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 that the world was imbued with a secret persuasion that 
 its opinions is too little discerning to be worth the court 
 ing, and that an habitual regard to this opinion, is a mo 
 tive that degrades the men that submit to it, to have suf 
 fered his conduct to have been influenced in any essen 
 tial particular, by a consideration of it. His erect and 
 dignified virtue, therefore, led him to consider chiefly the 
 intrinsic and direct nature of all his actions, and to pay 
 a very subordinate attention to the accidents that might 
 attend them. His elevated temper induced him to act 
 from his own reflections, and not from the judgment of 
 others. He knew that he that suffered himself to be 
 governed by public opinion, substituted the unsteadiness 
 of the weathercock, instead of the firmness of wisdom 
 snd justice. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 227 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 HAVING gotten through Mr. Macon s public life, we 
 will now turn the attention of the reader to his domestic 
 habits, or rather the life which a man leads at home, 
 from which we can generally form a better idea of his 
 real character, than when he appears abroad at levees, 
 courts, and other public places ; where it is no more ex 
 pected he should show his real character, than it is the 
 contents of his purse. 
 
 We have before stated, Mr. Macon was particularly 
 attached to agricultural pursuits. He was always an 
 early riser at home ; arid if company did not prevent, 
 would generally attend to seeing all his stock fed, and 
 his people at their respective employments for the day, 
 before he eat his breakfast. He supervised the business 
 of his plantation himself, when at home, until age and 
 infirmity disqualified him. He carried on every thing 
 by system ; and his main object appeared to be to live by 
 rule, altogether. He said there was a rule for every 
 thing, and the great object of life was to find out what 
 these rules were, and when discovered never to depart 
 from them. One of his rules were that nothing on his 
 plantation was to suffer for any thing to eat his sym 
 pathy for an hungry dog and an hungry horse being the 
 same ; for it was not on account of the value of a thing 
 that it should be well or indifferently treated ; every thing 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 was valuable after its kind. Hence he appeared more 
 anxious to live plentifully than to accumulate property. 
 He was very remarkable for his exercise of body; 
 believing our complexly organized bodies, with all their 
 senses and limbs, have been bestowed on us for use ; for 
 exercise. Without this, our fluids stagnate ; our organs 
 become languid ; and the body, a living corpse, dies long 
 before its decease ; it perishes by a slow, miserable, un 
 natural death. If nature, therefore, would secure us 
 the first indispensable foundation of happines, health, 
 she must bestow on us exercise, toil, and labour, and 
 rather compel man thereby to a state of well-being, than 
 leave him to dispense with it. Hence, as the Greeks 
 say, the gods sold every thing to mortals as the price of 
 labor, not out of envy, but from kindness; for the 
 greatest enjoyment of existence, the sensation of active, 
 striving powers, lies in this very struggle, in this striv 
 ing after the comforts of ease. Human nature languishes 
 only in those climates, or conditions, in which enervat 
 ing idleness, in which voluptuous indolence entombs 
 the body alive, and renders it a pallid carcase, or a bur 
 den to itself; whilst in other countries, in other modes 
 of life, even in the most severe, the most energetic 
 growth, the healthiest and most beautiful symmetry of 
 the limbs, prevail. Nations, to whom we are inclined to 
 think nature has played the step-mother, are, perhaps, her 
 most favoured children ; for if she has prepared them no 
 idle feast of pleasing poisons, she has presented to them 
 from the hard hand of labor the cup of health, and an 
 internal invigorating vital warmth. Children of the rosy 
 morn, they bloom to the last; a frequently careless 
 serenity, an internal sensation of well-being, is to them 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 229 
 
 happiness, is to them the end and enjoyment of life ; 
 could any other, could happiness more sweet and dur 
 able be conferred upon them ? 
 
 Hence, the truths of which every heart must feel, a 
 ew lines may be drawn, which determine at least many 
 doubts and mistakes concerning the destination of the 
 human species. How, for instance, can it be, that man, 
 as we know him here, should have been formed for an 
 infinite improvement of his mental faculties, a progres 
 sive extension of his perceptions and actions ? Nay, 
 that he should have been made for the state, as the end 
 of his species, and all preceding generations, properly, 
 for the last alone, which is to be enthroned on the ruined 
 scaffolding of the happiness of the rest ? The sight of 
 our fellow-creatures, nay even the experience of every 
 individual life, contradicts this plan attributed to creative 
 providence. Neither our head nor our heart is formed 
 for an infinitely increasing store of thoughts and feelings ; 
 our hand is not made, our life is not calculated for it. 
 Do not our finest mental powers decay, as well as 
 flourish? Do they not even fluctuate with years and 
 circumstances, and relieve one another in friendly con 
 test, or rather in a circular dance ? And who has not 
 found that an unlimited extension of his feelings en 
 feebles, and annihilates them, while it gives to the air 
 in loose flocks what should have formed the cord of love, 
 or clouds the eyes of others with its ashes ? As it is 
 impossible that we can love others more than ourselves, 
 or in a different way ; for we love them only as part of 
 ourselves, or rather ourselves in them ; that mind is 
 happy which, like a superior spirit, embraces much 
 
 20 
 
230 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 with the sphere of its activity, and in restless activity 
 deems it a part of itself; but miserable is that, the feel 
 ings of which, drowned in words and thoughts, are use 
 ful neither to itself rior others. The savage, who loves 
 himself, his wife and child with quiet joy, and glows 
 with limited activity for his tribe, as for his own life, is 
 a more real being than that cultivated shadow, who is 
 enraptured with the love of the shades of his whole 
 species, that is of a name. The savage has room in his 
 poor hut for every stranger, whom he receives as his 
 brother, with calm benevolence, and asks not once^ 
 whence he comes ; whilst the deluged heart of the 
 idle cosmopolite is a hut for no one. See we not, then, 
 that nature has done all she could, not to diffuse, but to 
 circumscribe us, and accustom us to the sphere of our 
 lives ? Our senses and our powers have their measure. 
 The hours of our days and lives take hands only in rota 
 tion, while those that come relieve those that depart. It 
 is a trick of the fancy, when the old man still dreams 
 that he is a youth. Is that concupiscence of the mind, 
 which, forerunning even desire, is momentarily chang* 
 hig to disgust, the pleasure of paradise ? Is it not rather 
 the hell of Tantulus, the bottomless buckets of the 
 vainly labouring Daniads ? The sole art below of man, 
 is moderation. Joy, the child of Heaven, for who he 
 pants, is around him, is in him; the daughter of tempe 
 rance and calm enjoyment, the sister of content and 
 satisfaction, with his being in life and death. 
 
 No where upon earth does the rose of happiness blos 
 som, without thorns. Yet every where the happiness of 
 life consists not in a tumultuous crowd of thought and 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 231 
 
 feeling, but in their relation to the actual internal enjoy 
 ment of our existence, and what we reckon as part of 
 our existence. We should not think, therefore, that a 
 premature disproportionate refinement or cultivation is 
 happiness ; that the dead nomenclature of all the scien 
 ces, the holiday use of all the arts, can secure to a living 
 being the science of life. The feeling of happiness is 
 not acquired from words learned by rote, or a knowledge 
 of the arts. A head stuffed with knowledge, even of 
 golden knowledge, oppresses the body, straitens the 
 breast, dims the eye, and is a morbid burden to the life 
 of him who bears it. The more we divide our mental 
 powers by refinement, the more the inactive powers de 
 cay ; stretched on the scaffold of art, our limbs and 
 faculties wither while displayed, with ostentation. The 
 blessing of health arises only from the use of the whole 
 mind, and of its active powers in particular. Expe 
 rience teaches us, that every refinement does not pro 
 mote happiness ; as many instruments become unfit for 
 use, by their very delicacy. Contemplation, for instance, 
 can form the pleasure only of a few idle men ; and to 
 them, like opinion to the asiatics, it is frequently an ener 
 vating, consuming, stupifying, visionary pleasure. The 
 waking, healthy use of the senses, an understanding em 
 ployed about the real concerns of life, vigilant attention, 
 accompanied with active recollection, quick determina 
 tion, and happy effect, alone constitute what we call 
 presence of mind, real mental vigour, which repays it 
 self with the consciousness of a present active power, 
 with happiness and joy. 
 
 It was this healthy use of the senses and employment 
 of the understanding about the real concerns of life, 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 which constituted Mr. Macon, whilst at home, one of 
 the happiest of mortals. Seeking to acquire and main 
 tain health of body, and soundness of mind, the happi 
 ness of his house, and his heart, by his own industry 
 and attention to his business, there was but few intervals 
 for the intrusions of those wild vagaries and useless 
 speculations, which so frequently disturb the repose of 
 the indolent and contemplative. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MAOON. 233 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 IT is an erroneous system of morality which would 
 teach us, that "we judge not, lest we should be judged, 
 and that we speak evil of no man." Falsehood is vice, 
 whether it be uttered to a man s commendation or cen 
 sure ; and to suppress that which is true, is to be regard 
 ed as a species of falsehood. We ought not to desire 
 for ourselves not to be judged, but that we may not be 
 judged unjustly; and the like equal measure we ought 
 to deal to others. We feel no exultation in that man s 
 appplause who is not endowed with a republican bold 
 ness to censure. Frankness is, perhaps, the first of vir 
 tues ; or, at least, is that, without which, virtue of a man 
 ly and liberal dimension, cannot exist. To give our 
 thoughts their genuine and appropriate language, is one 
 of the most wholesome exercises in which we can be en 
 gaged. Without this exercise, it is scarcely possible that 
 we should learn to think with precision and correctness. 
 It teaches us to review our thoughts ; to blush for their 
 obsurdity, their groundless singularities, and their exag 
 geration. It ripens, what at first was merely opinion, 
 into sj stem and science. The fault for the most part, 
 when we speak of the merits of our neighbor, is not that 
 we say what we think, but for want of practice and 
 skill, we do not say what we think ; we do not suit our 
 words to the measure of our sentiments ; we do not call 
 20* 
 
234 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOK. 
 
 our minds into operation to compare our opinions with 
 the grounds of our opinions, and our phrases with both. 
 We communicate to our hearers sentiments that we do 
 not entertain. We debauch even our own judgments, 
 while we speak ; and instead of analysing, arranging and 
 fashioning our conclusions as we ought, become impas 
 sioned by listening to the sound of our own voice, sub 
 ject our matter to our words, and not the words to the 
 matter, and talk ourselves into extravagances, which we 
 did not think of in the outset, but which we have not 
 afterwards the courage and candor to retract either to 
 others or to ourselves. Mr. Macon s philosophical mind 
 guarded him against all such absurdities. He conceived 
 his duty obliged him to a certain conduct respecting his 
 admonitions and advice towards his neighbors ; and re 
 proached himself as being guilty of an omission on this 
 point, if he failed to employ every means in his power 
 for the amendment of their errors; and would have re 
 course for that purpose, as often as occasion would jus 
 tify, to the most unreserved animadversion upon their 
 propensities and conduct. He believed that a man was 
 bound to form the best judgment he was able, respect 
 ing every circumstance that fell under his observation. 
 What he thought, he was bound to declare to others, if 
 the occasion required it ; and if to others, certainly not 
 less to the parties concerned. The worst consequences, 
 through every rank and department of life, have arisen 
 from men s supposing their functions, in any case, to be 
 so sacred, that every one, except the actual principal, was 
 bound to be wholly blind and dumb in relation to them. 
 Mr. Macon s advice was always administered with sim 
 plicity, disinterestedness, kindness and moderation. He 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 235 
 
 would advise moderately, without pertinaciousness, but 
 he would not dictate. He would censure freely without 
 reserve, but recommend to the person censured, to act 
 by his own deliberations, and not his. In short he em 
 phatically exercised a republican boldness in judging, 
 but he would not be peremptory and imperious in pre 
 scribing. He advised that all men should consult their 
 own reason, draw their own conclusions, and conscien 
 tiously conform themselves to their own ideas of proprie 
 ty ; without this, they could be neither active nor con 
 siderate, nor resolute, nor generous. 
 
 The duty which leads us to seek the reformation of 
 our friend or neighbor, whenever we perceive an imper 
 fection that requires to be removed, is the highest duty 
 of friendship, because it is a duty that has for its object 
 the highest good which it is in our power to confer ; and 
 he who refrains from the necessary endeavor, because 
 he fears to give pain to one whom he loves, is guilty of 
 the same weakness which, in a case of bodily accident 
 or disease, would withhold the salutary potion, because it 
 is nauseous ; or the surgical operation which is to preserve 
 life, and preserve it with comfort, because the use of the 
 instrument, which is to be attended with relief and hap 
 piness, implies a little momentary addition of suffering. 
 To abstain, therefore, from every effort of this sort, on 
 account of a mere fear of offending, is from the selfish 
 ness of the motive, a still greater breach of duty, and al 
 most, too, a still greater weakness. He, whom we truly 
 offend, by such admonitions as friendship dictates; admo 
 nitions of which the chief authority is sought in the very 
 excellence of him whom we wish to make still more ex 
 cellent, is not worthy of the friendship which we have 
 
236 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 wasted on him ; and if we thus lose his friendship, we are 
 delivered from one who could not be sincere in his past 
 professions of regard, and whose treachery, therefore, we 
 might afterwards have had reason to lament. If he be 
 worthy of us, he will not love us less, but love us more ; 
 he will feel that we have done that which it was our 
 duty to do; and we shall have the double gratification of 
 witnessing the amendment which we desired, and of 
 knowing that we have contributed to an effect, which 
 was almost like the removal of a vice, from ourselves, or 
 a virtue added to our own character. 
 
 Mr. Macon s manner, in administering advice to his 
 neighbor or friend, was not that, if a man conducted him 
 self in a manner he disapproved, instantly to express his 
 contempt towards him, personally, and in the most un- 
 quallified terms. For then the question might be asked, 
 said he, who made us a judge over him ? From what 
 source did we derive our patent of infallibility ? Tole 
 ration, and freedom of opinion, said he, is scarcely worth 
 accepting, if, when our neighbour differs from us, we do 
 not indeed burn him, but we take every occasion to in 
 sult him. There could be no freedom of opinion, if 
 every one conducted himself thus. Toleration in its 
 full import, requires, not only that there shall be no laws 
 to restrain opinion, but that forbearance and liberality 
 shall be moulded in the manners of the community. 
 Correcting our neighbour or friend as often as we see 
 them going astray, Mr. Macon believed to be one of our 
 chief duties in life ; and every effort which it is in our 
 power to use for this emendation, he employed sedu 
 lously, anxiously, urgently, but with all the tenderness 
 which such efforts admit. Therefore, if we perceive 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 237 
 
 our neighbour mistaking in some important-question, we 
 may pity him ; a madman only would be filled with the 
 bitterness of personal resentment. To reclaim him, it 
 must be done with kindness and love, without having 
 recourse to measures of insolence and contumely. Loud 
 censure, and the "slow moving finger of scorn," drive 
 many men to despair, who might have been amended, 
 perhaps rendered the ornaments of their species. Why 
 is admonition so frequently unpalatable ? Not so much, 
 because few people know how to take advice, as because 
 still fewer know how to give it. The monitor usually 
 assumes the tone of a master. At this usurpation, hu 
 man independence reasonably spurns. The countenance 
 composed to unusual gravity, and a peculiar solemnity 
 of voice fitted to the occasion, cannot fail to alarm and 
 revolt every man of an ingenious temper. Why this 
 parade, this triumphal entry, as if into a conquered pro 
 vince ? Why treat a moral or practical truth, in a way 
 so different from truths of any other kind ? There is a 
 difference of opinion between us and the person whose 
 conduct we apprehend to be imprudent or erroneous. 
 Why not discuss this difference upon equal terms ? 
 Why not suppose that we may be ignorant of a part of 
 the question ? Why not, as is reasonable, offer what oc 
 curs to us, rather as a hint for inquiry, than as a decision 
 emanating from an oracle of truth! Why not trust ra 
 ther to the reason of the case, than to the arts or the 
 passion with which we may enforce it. 
 
 Many inconveniences arise from the prevailing prac 
 tice of insincerity in speaking of a man s character, when 
 he is absent and present, in the same terms. Yet every 
 man seems to have a just right to know what his neigh- 
 
238 
 
 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 hours think, or to use a more appropriate phrase, how 
 they feel respecting him. The knowledge of this opin 
 ion is of high importance, both for correction and confi 
 dence. Ignorance in this respect, corrupts the very 
 vitals of human intercourse. Mr. Macon, as all wise 
 men should do, would speak of the qualities of his 
 neighbour as he found them ; " nothing extenuate, nor 
 set down aught in malice." He would not, even in his 
 neighbour s absence, indulge in sarcastic remarks at his 
 expense ; he would not exaggerate his errors ; he would 
 not speak of them with anger and invective. His neigh 
 bours all knowing this to be his character, would bear to 
 be told of their errors by him, in plain terms, without 
 softening or circumlocution. So that the language he 
 used, when he spoke to them, if present; or of them, if 
 t^ was reduced to one common standard. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 WE have mentioned, elsewhere, the courtship and 
 marriage of Mr. Macon with Miss Plummer. The duties 
 involved in conjugal obligations, the complication of 
 which it is less easy for the ethical inquirer to state and 
 define, than for the heart which feels affection, to exer 
 cise them all with instant readiness, we have mentioned 
 also were faithfully discharged by him, during the life 
 time of his consort. He who loves sincerely the object 
 of any one of those relations, which bind us together in 
 amity, and who is wise enough to discern the difference 
 of conferring a momentary gratification, which may pro 
 duce more misery than happiness, and of conferring that 
 which is not merely present happiness, but a source of 
 future enjoyment, needs no rule of duty, as far at least 
 as relates to that single individual, for the direction of a 
 conduct of which love itself, unaided by any other 
 guidance, will be a quick and vigilant director. 
 
 The relation between man and wife, was a subject up 
 on which Mr. Macon frequently conversed freely and 
 unreservedly. He believed that the husband should al 
 ways have, as his great object and rule of conduct, the 
 happiness of his wife. Of that happiness, the confidence 
 in his affection is the chief element ; and the proofs of 
 this affection on his part, therefore, constitute his chief 
 duty, an affection that is not lavish of caresses only, as 
 
240 LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 if these were the only demonstrations of love, but of 
 that respect which distinguishes love as a principle, from 
 that brief passion which assumes, and only assumes the 
 name, a respect which consults the judgment, as well 
 as the wishes of the object beloved, who considers her, 
 who is worthy of being taken to the heart, as worthy of 
 being admitted to all the counsels of the heart. There 
 fore, if there be any delights, of which the husband feels 
 the value as essential to his own happiness; for instance, 
 if he considers the improvement of his own understand 
 ing, and the cultivation of his own taste, as a duty, and 
 one of the most delightful duties of an intellectual being, 
 he will not consider it as a duty or a delight that belong 
 only to man, but will feel it more delightful, as there is 
 now another soul that may share with him all the plea 
 sure of the progress. In the general circumstances of 
 conjugal life, there should be absolute equality, because 
 where love should be equal, there should be that equal 
 desire of conferring happiness, which is implied in 
 equality of love ; and he, who, from the mere wish of 
 gratifying his feeling of superiority, can wilfully thwart 
 a wish of her, whose wishes, where they do not lead to 
 any moral or prudential impropriety, should be to him 
 like his own, or even dearer than his own, if they did 
 not truly become his wishes, when known to be hers, 
 would deserve no slight punishment, as the violator of 
 one of the principal obligations of an husband. 
 
 Mr. Macon has been frequently heard to observe, that 
 the great evil in matrimonial life, is the cessation of those 
 cares, which were regarded as necessary for obtaining 
 love, but which are unfortunately conceived to be less 
 necessary, when love is once obtained. There can be 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 241 
 
 nothing truer than this remark. The carelessness of a 
 husband are not less severely felt, however, because 
 they are the neglects of one whose attentions are 
 more valuable, as he who offers them is more valued ; 
 and frequent inattentions, by producing frequent displea 
 sure, may at last, though they do not destroy love, wholly, 
 destroy the best happiness of love. No advice can be 
 more salutary for happiness, than that which recommends 
 an equal attention to please, and an anxiety not to offend, 
 after twenty years of wedlock, as when it was the ob 
 ject of the lover to awake the passion, on which he con 
 ceived every enjoyment of his life to depend. For it 
 is said as much can be gained in preserving a heart, as 
 in conquering one. 
 
 The cessation of these cares would be, of itself, no 
 slight evil, even though love had originally been less 
 profuse of them than it usually is, in the extravagance 
 of an unreflecting passion. She who has been worship 
 ped as a goddess, must feel doubly the insult of the ne* 
 gleet, which afterwards disdains to bestow on her the 
 common honour that is paid to woman; and with the 
 ordinary passions of a human being, it will be diificult 
 for her to retain, I will not say love, for that is abandon* 
 ed, but the decorous and dignified semblance of love, 
 for him who has cared little for the reality of it. It is 
 not easy to say by how insensible a transition, in many 
 cases, this conjugal resentment, or forced indifference, 
 passes into conjugal infidelity ; though it is easy in such 
 a case, to determine to whom the greater portion of the 
 guilt is to be ascribed. 
 
 There are duties of marriage, it is said, which begin 
 before the marriage itself, in the provision that is mads 
 21 
 
242 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 for matrimonial virtue and happiness ; and he who ne 
 glects the means of virtuous love, in a state of which, 
 virtuous love is to be the principal charm, is far more in 
 considerate, and far more guilty, than the heedless pro 
 ducer of misery, who forms a matrimonial connexion, 
 without the prospect of any means of subsistence, for 
 one who is to exist with him, only to suffer with him in 
 indigence, and for the little sufferers who are afterwards 
 to make indigence still more painfully felt. 
 
 If, however, it be necessary for man to be careful to 
 whom he engages himself by a vow so solemn, it is 
 surely not less necessary for the gentler tenderness of 
 woman. She, too, has duties to fulfil, that depend on 
 love, or at least that can be sweetened only by love, and 
 when she engages to perform them where love is not 
 felt, she is little aware of the precariousness of such a 
 pledge, and of the perils to which she is exposing her 
 self. It is truly painful, then, to see, in the intercourse 
 of the world, how seldom affection is considered as a ne 
 cessary matrimonial preliminary at least, in one of the 
 parties, and in the one to whom it is more necessary ; 
 and how much quicker the judgment of fathers, mothers, 
 friends, is to estimate the wealth or the worldly dignity, 
 than the wisdom or the virtue, which they present as a 
 fit offering to her, whom wealth and worldly dignity may 
 render only weaker and more miserable, but whom wis 
 dom might counsel, and virtue cherish. It is painful to 
 see one who has in other respects, perhaps, many moral 
 excellences, consent as an accomplice in this fraud, to 
 forego the moral delicacy which condemns the apparent 
 sale of affection, that is not to be sold, rejoice in the 
 splendid sacrifice which is thus made for her peace, 
 consign her person to one whom she despises, with the 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 243 
 
 same indifference as she consigns her hand; a prostitute 
 for gold, not less truly, because the prostitution is to be 
 for life ; and not less criminally a prostitute, because to 
 the guilt of a mockery of tenderness, that wishes to de 
 ceive man, and the still greater guilt of a perjury, that 
 in vows which the heart belies, would wish to deceive 
 God, on whom it calls to sanction the deceit. 
 
 When marriages are thus formed, it is not for the suf 
 ferer to complain, if she find that she has acquired a few 
 more trappings of wealth, but not a husband. She has 
 her house, her carriage, and the living machines, that 
 are paid to wait around her and obey her; she takes 
 rank in public spectacles, and presides in her own man 
 sion, in spectacles as magnificent; she has obtained all 
 she wished to obtain. And the affection and happiness, 
 which she scorned, she must leave to those who sought 
 them. 
 
 "There is a place on the earth," it is said by St. 
 Lambert, " where pure joys are unknown from which 
 politeness is banished, and has given place, to selfishness, 
 contradiction, and half-veiled insults. Remorse and in 
 quietude, like furies, that are never weary of assailing, 
 torment the inhabitants. This place is the house of a 
 wedded pair, who have no mutual love, nor even es 
 teem ! And to conclude this chapter, if there was a 
 place upon earth, to which vice had no entrance, where 
 the gloomy passions had no empire, where pleasure and 
 innocence lived constantly together, where cares and 
 labours were delightful, where every pain was forgotten 
 iia reciprocal tenderness, where there was an equal en 
 joyment of the past, the present and the future, it was 
 in the house of Mr. Macon, during the life-time of his 
 wife. 
 
244 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACQN. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 AFTER the death of his wife, the raising and educa 
 tion of his two little daughters, of which we have also 
 spoken, appeared to engross Mr. Macon s principal at 
 tention and care. The duties of the parent, in all their 
 relations to the beings to whom he has given existence, 
 and the nature of the primary obligation, of which the 
 children are the objects as soon as they begin to breathe, 
 and which death only can dissolve, was fully consider 
 ed by him. The duty of exercising with kindness the 
 parental power; of imposing no restraint which has not 
 for its object some good, greater than the temporary evil 
 of the restraint himself; of making the necessary obe 
 dience of the children in this way, not so much a duty 
 as a delight, and of thus preparing them, in other years, 
 the grateful and tender friends of a parent whose author 
 ity, even in its most rigid exactions, they have felt only 
 as the watchful tenderness of a friendship, that was rigid 
 in withholding only what it would have been dangerous 
 to grant, was also well understood and practised by him. 
 Mr. Macon, in the discharge of these parental duties, 
 was not the father who had no voice but that of stern 
 command, the tyrant to all the extent of his power, who 
 excited only such feelings as tyrants excite; a ready 
 obedience, perhaps, but an obedience that is the trimb- 
 ling part of a slave ; not the still quicker fondness of an 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 245 
 
 ever ready love ; and that will be withheld in the very 
 instant in which the terror has lost its dominion. He 
 knew that it was impossible to have, in a single indivi 
 dual, both a slave and a dutiful child ; and he who 
 chooses rather to have a slave must not expect that filial 
 fondness, which is no part of the moral nature of a bond 
 man. He knew that such a one in thinking he increases 
 his authority, he truly diminishes it ; for more than half 
 the authority of the parent is in the love which he ex 
 cites ; in that zeal to obey, which is scarcely felt as obe 
 dience, when a wish is expressed, and in that ready im 
 itation of the virtues that are loved, which does not re 
 quire even the expression of a wish } but without a com 
 mand, becomes all which a virtuous parent could have 
 commanded. With these views of the duties of a parent, 
 Mr. Macon entered upon the rearing and educating of 
 his two daughters, after the loss of their mother. And 
 it can scarcely be doubted but what they received that 
 kind of nurture and education which was best suited to 
 their condition in life, and the society in which they 
 were to move when they arrived to years of maturity. 
 
 That such an education is to be given in every case, 
 as is suitable to the pecuniary circumstances of the pa 
 rents, and to the rank which the child may be expected 
 afterwards to fill, there is probably no one who would 
 deny, however much individuals may differ as to the 
 meaning of the term education. In the lowest ranks of 
 life ; at least in far the greater part even of the civilised 
 world, it means nothing more than the training of the 
 hands to a certain species of motion, which forms one 
 of the sub-divisions of mechanical industry. In the 
 higher ranks, it implies, in like manner, a certain train^ 
 21* 
 
246 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 ing of the limbs to series of motions, which are, how 
 ever, not motions of mere utility, like those of the arti 
 san, but of grace, and in addition to those bodily move 
 ments, a training of the mind to a due command of cer 
 tain graceful forms of expression to which, in a few 
 happier cases, is added the knowledge, more or less ex 
 tensive and accurate, of the most striking truths of 
 science. When all this is performed, education is 
 thought to be complete. To express this completion, by 
 the strongest possible word, the individual is said to be 
 accomplished; and if graceful motions of the limbs, and 
 motions of the tongue, in well-turned phrases of courte 
 ous elegance, and a knowledge of some of the bril 
 liant expressions of poets, and wits, and orators of dif 
 ferent countries, of a certain number of the qualities 
 of the masses or atoms which surround him, were suffi 
 cient to render man what God intended him to be, the 
 parent who had taken every necessary care for adorning 
 his child with the bodily and mental graces, might truly 
 exult in the consciousness, that he had done his part to 
 the generation which was to succeed by accomplishing, 
 at least one individual, for the noble duties which he 
 had to perform in it. But if the duties which man 
 has to perform, whatever ornament they may receive 
 from the corporeal and intellectual graces that may flow 
 around them, imply the operation of principles of ac 
 tion of a different kind if it is in the heart that we are 
 to seek the source of the feelings, which are our noblest 
 distinction, with which, we are what even God may 
 almost approve, and without which we are worthy of the 
 condemnation even of beings frail and guilty as ourselves ; 
 and if the heart require to be protected from vice, with 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 247 
 
 far more care than the understanding itself, fallible as it 
 is, to be protected from error, can he, indeed, lay claim 
 to the praise of having discharged the parental office of 
 education, who has left the heart to its own passions, 
 while he has contented himself with furnishing to those 
 passions, the means of being more extensively baneful to 
 the world, than with less accomplished selfishness, they 
 could have been. 
 
 How many parents do we see, who, after teaching 
 their children, by example, every thing which is licen 
 tious in manners, and lavishing on them the means 
 of similar licentiousness, are rigid only in one point, in 
 the strictness of that intellectual discipline, which may 
 prepare them for the worldly stations, to which the pa 
 rental ambition has been unceasingly looking for them, 
 before the filial ambition was rendered sufficiently in 
 tent of itself! How many who allow to the vices of the 
 day, full liberty, if the lesson of the day be duly medi 
 tated ; and who are content that those whose education 
 they direct, should be knaves and sensualists, if they 
 only be fitted, by intellectual culture, to be the leaders 
 of other knaves, and the acquirers of wealth, that may 
 render sensuality more delicately luxurious ! To such 
 persons, the mind of the little creature, whom they are 
 training to worldly stations, for worldly purposes, is an 
 object of interest only as that without which it would 
 be impossible to arrive at the dignities expected. It is 
 a necessary instrument for becoming rich and powerful ; 
 and if he could become powerful and rich, and envied 
 without a soul, exhibit the same spectacle of magnifi 
 cent luxury, and be capable of adding to the means of 
 present pomp, what might furnish out a luxury still more 
 
248 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 magnificent, they would scarcely feel that he was a 
 being less noble than now. In what they term education, 
 they have never once thought, that the virtues were to 
 be included as objects ; and they would truly feel some 
 thing very like astonishment, if they were told, that the 
 first and most essential part of the process of educating 
 the moral being, whom heaven had consigned to their 
 charge, was yet to be begun, in the abandonment of 
 their own vices, and the purification of their own hearts, 
 by better feeling than those which had corrupted it, 
 without which primary self-amendment, the very autho 
 rity that is implied in the noble office which they were 
 to exercise, might be a source, not of good, but of evil, 
 to him who was unfortunately born to be its subject. 
 
 Happy were the daughters of Nathaniel Macon, 
 that they had a parent so different in quality and un 
 derstanding from the pictures here drawn! Happy 
 were they, that they were taught by this parent, at 
 an early period of their lives, not only by education, 
 but by example also; the value of truth, and the im 
 portance of sincerity, " all the qualities of the heart, 
 as well as the qualities of the head." So that when 
 they became grown, those who visited Mr. Macon s, 
 found two interesting, sensible, unassuming young ladies, 
 well qualified to converse upon any subject becoming 
 their sex modest, though not ashamed, proud, but not 
 arrogant full of life, without levity, sufficiently talka 
 tive, without loquacity. And, in short, who had been 
 brought up and educated in such a plain republican 
 manner, that rendered them conscious that they had no 
 superior, whilst at the same time claiming no superiority 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 249 
 
 over others. Thus accomplished, (if this word is not de 
 rogatory to their character,) to make any gentleman 
 suitable companions for life, it is no wonder that they 
 were sought after as uncommon acquisitions, by many of 
 the young gentlemen of the surrounding country, al 
 most at the very birth of their maturity. The eldest 
 marrying Mr. William Martin of Granville, the younger 
 Mr. William Eaton of Warren, both gentlemen of un 
 exceptionable characters and family ; the former of mo 
 derate fortune, the latter very wealthy. Upon the mar 
 riage of Mr. Macon s eldest daughter with Mr. Martin 
 it is said, in order to do exact justice to both of his daugh 
 ters and himself likewise, he divided his estate into 
 three equal parcels or shares, alloting to each daughter 
 their respective shares, telling them at the same time, 
 he felt then as if he had done equal justice towards 
 them and himself, and that the share or parcel which he 
 held, he should consider as his own, to dispose of as he 
 might hereafter think proper. 
 
 This singular act of justice of Mr. Macon s, is cer 
 tainly deserving of imitation by all parents. The wants 
 of the children are obviously equal in all ; and if the 
 merits of all be equal, the affection of the parent should 
 be the same, and his duty equal to all, who, with equal 
 wants and equal merits, are consigned to his equal love. 
 It is vain, now, to look for a justification of breaches of 
 this equal duty, to periods of violence, in which it was 
 necessary for the happiness of all, that inequality of dis 
 tribution should take place, that there might be one suf 
 ficiently powerful, to protect the scantier pittance of 
 the many. The father of many virtuous children, may 
 
250 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 safely be to all, what he is to one ; and if he lay aside 
 this equal character, and, sheltering himself in the for 
 ced manners of barbarous and tumultuous ages, make 
 many poor, that he may make one rich, he is guilty of a 
 gross violation of his duties as a parent, and the more 
 guilty, in exact proportion to the value which he attaches 
 to the possession of the wealth so unequally distributed. 
 Nor is it only to those whom he directly wills to impo 
 verish, that he is guilty of a breach of duty ; he is equal 
 ly guilty of it, in many cases, to the single individual 
 whom he exclusively enriches, if in estimating what 
 he confers, we consider the virtue and happiness, or 
 vice and misery, that may arise from it, and not the 
 mere wealth, which, in itself, is nothing. The supe 
 riority which is thus bestowed on a single individual, is 
 a superiority that may, indeed, like every possession of 
 power, lead to the exercise of corresponding virtues ; to 
 the generous mind it may present, as it has often pre 
 sented, only wider occasions of generosity ; yet beauti 
 ful as such examples may be, it is not what the general 
 circumstances of our nature authorise us to expect ; and 
 the power of being thus generous, when, without that 
 dubious generosity, those who have been made depen 
 dent on it, may suffer, what perhaps it was not intended 
 that they should suffer, is a power of too great peril to 
 human virtue, to be rashly imposed upon human weak 
 ness. Therefore the duty of affording to the child such 
 a provision of the means of worldly comfort and useful 
 ness, as is suitable to the circumstances of the parent, 
 and of affording this provision to the different members 
 of a family, not in a manner which may seem best 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 251 
 
 fitted to gratify the personal vanity of the provider, but 
 in the manner that is best fitted to contribute to the hap 
 piness of all who, with a relationship that is precisely 
 the same, if their merits and wants be equal, have a 
 moral claim to equal regard, in the distribution that is to 
 provide for those wants. 
 
252 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 AFTER the marriage of his two daughters, Mr. Macon 
 continued, as before, in his public services in congress, in 
 the winter and spring, and on his return, in his at 
 tention to his plantation in summer and autumn. 
 
 Of his public life, we have sufficiently spoken, it is 
 of his habits at home, that we are now acquainting the 
 reader. We have stated that he generally attended to 
 his plantation when he was at home himself, until he 
 was disqualified by age, but he always employed some 
 of his neighbours on whom he could depend, to supply 
 his place when absent. His rule was, on the eve of his 
 departure to Washington, to deliver to the person thus 
 employed, a memorandum of instructions what he was 
 to do, during his absence ; and it was always understood 
 between them, that he was to be guided entirely by this 
 bill of instructions, and not to depart from it on any ac 
 count. A good story is told concerning the rigid fidelity 
 of one of these proxies. He being an old gentleman, a 
 near neighbour of Mr. Macon s, and one who on account 
 of his honesty and strict adherence to truth, had been em 
 ployed by Mr. Macon for many years, to the supervision 
 of his business in his absence. The story goes, that on 
 a certain occasion, Mr. Macon directed that his flock of 
 sheep should be put in a certain enclosed pasture, and 
 there remain until he returned from congress, the ensu- 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 253 
 
 ing spring, it so happened that during this time, Mr. 
 Eaton, who married Mr. Macon s younger daughter, pas 
 sed by, and discovered that the sheep were dying for 
 the want, as he thought, of better pasturage, and directed 
 the old man to turn them in the woods the old gen* 
 tleman replied, he should do no such thing, that Mr. 
 Macon had directed when he left home, that the sheep 
 should remain in that place, until he returned from 
 Washington, and they should remain there, if every one 
 of them died, before he would disobey his instructions. 
 Never was a man better pleased, it is said, than Mr. Ma- 
 con, when this story was first told to him, by Mr. Eaton, 
 at a dinner table, on his return home from congress; 
 saying, on this occasion, that he would much rather have 
 lost the whole flock of sheep, than his confidence in the 
 fidelity of his old friend, Lewis Shearin ; for that he had 
 tried Lewis, in a variety of instances, for many years, 
 and that he had never known him, in one solitary in* 
 stance, to betray his trust, to act the least dishonestly, 
 or to be guilty of a falsehood. 
 
 This anecdote is here introduced, to show to the rea 
 der the great value Mr. Macon always placed upon men 
 of such traits of character, as those ascribed to his old 
 friend Shearin ; and no matter in what grade of society 
 he met with them, he always felt it his duty to extend 
 to them the hands of patronage. 
 
 Of all the principles of justice, there is none so mate 
 rial to the moral rectitude of mankind as this, that no 
 man should be distinguished, but by his personal merit. 
 It was Mr. Macon s endeavour, always, to reduce to prac 
 tice, this simple and sublime lesson. He was always in 
 favour, therefore, when a man had proved himself wor- 
 
254 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACOJf. 
 
 thy of notice by certain qualities which he possessed in 
 an eminent degree, or when he had by laudable perse 
 verance cultivated talents, which needed only encour 
 agement to bring them to maturity, to let that man b^ 
 honoured. 
 
 Let us, for a moment, give the reins to reflection, and 
 endeavour accurately to conceive, the state of mankind 
 where such justice as this, should form the public and 
 general principle. In that case, our moral feelings would 
 assume a firm and wholesome tone, for they would not 
 be perpetually counteracted by examples that weakened 
 their energy, and confounded their clearness. Men 
 would be fearless, because they w r ould know that there 
 were no legal snares lying in wait for their lives. They 
 would be courageous, because no man would be pressed 
 to the earth, that another might enjoy immoderate luxu 
 ry ; because every one would be secure of the just reward 
 of his industry, and prize of his exertions. Jealousy 
 and hatred would cease, for they are the offspring of in 
 justice. Every man would speak truth with his neigh 
 bour, for there would be no temptation to falsehood and 
 deceit. Mind w r ould find its level, for there would be 
 every thing to encourage and to animate. Science 
 would be unspeakably improved, for understanding would 
 convert into a real power, no longer an ignis fatuus, 
 shining and expiring by turns, and leading us into sloughs 
 of sophistry, false science, and specious mistake. All 
 men would be disposed to avow their dispositions and 
 actions: none would endeavour to suppress the just eu- 
 logium of his neighbour, for, so long as there were 
 tongues to record, the suppression would be impossible ; 
 none fear to detect the misconduct of his neighbour, for 
 
LITE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 355 
 
 there would be no laws converting the sincere expres 
 sion of our convictions into a libel. Let us consider, for 
 a moment, what is the amount of injustice included in 
 the institutions of that aristocracy, which have brought 
 about a different order of things in the world, as it now 
 stands^- You are born, suppose, a Polish prince, with an 
 income of 300,000 per annum. Another is born a 
 manerial serf or a Creolian negro, attached to the soil, 
 and transferable by barter or otherwise, to twenty succes 
 sive lords. In vain shall be his most generous and his 
 unwearied industry, to free himself from the intolerable 
 yoke. Doomed by the law of his birth, to wait at the 
 gates of the palace, he must never enter, to sleep under 
 a ruined weather-beaten roof, while his master sleeps 
 unjier canopies of state, to feed on putrified offals, while 
 the world is ransacked for delicacies for his master s ta 
 ble ; to labour without moderation or limit under a parch 
 ing sun, while his master basks in perpetual sloth, and 
 to be rewarded at last with contempt, reprimand, stripes 
 and mutilation. In fact, the case is worse than this. 
 He could endure all that injustice or caprice could inflict, 
 provided, he possessed in the resource of a firm mind, 
 the power of looking down with pity on his tyrant, and 
 of knowing that he had within, that sacred character of 
 truth, virtue and fortitude, which all the injustice of his 
 tyrant could not reach. But a slave and a serf are con 
 demned to stupidity and vice, as well as to calamity. 
 And let it be recollected, that for this distinction there is 
 not the smallest foundation in the nature of things, there 
 is no particular mould for the constructions of lords, and 
 that they are born neither better nor worse, than the 
 poorest of their dependents. It is this structure of aris- 
 
256 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 tocracy, in all its sanctuaries and fragments, against which 
 such republicans as Mr. Macon have ever declared war. 
 It is alike unjust, whether we consider it in the east of 
 India, villanage of the feudal system, or the despotism 
 of the patricians of ancient Rome, dragging their debtors 
 into personal servitude, to expiate loans they could not 
 repay. Mankind will never be in an eminent degree 
 virtuous and happy, till each man shall possess that por 
 tion of distinction, and no more, to which he is entitled, 
 by his personal merits. 
 
 Another anecdote concerning Mr. Macon, may not 
 be amiss in this chapter, in order to give the reader an 
 idea of his intercourse with his neighbours. It appears 
 that one of his neighbours had borrowed of Mr. Macon, 
 his cart and oxen, that of his own accord, he had pro 
 mised Mr. Macon to return them at a certain specified 
 time, but that it so happened he failed to do so, until 
 several days after the time specified when he returned 
 them, nothing was said by Mr. Macon concerning this 
 blunder in his calculation. But on a subsequent occa 
 sion, when he had a use for the oxen and cart again, 
 upon application for them, he was told by Mr. Macon, 
 that he could not have them, that he could have his 
 waggon and horses, if they would answer his purpose ; 
 but as to the cart and oxen, he could never borrow them 
 again ; for that he had voluntarily told him one falsehood 
 concerning the return of them, and he should never have 
 it in his power to repeat it. 
 
 This story has been frequently told by the gentleman 
 himself, who is the subject of it, and who always added, 
 he preferred going to Mr. Macon for a favour, to any man 
 he ever saw ; for it was either granted or refused without 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 257 
 
 any hesitation ; and leaving it to the borrower, if granted, 
 to discharge his duty without any troublesome prescrip 
 tions. 
 
 Mr. Macon s refusal on this second application for the 
 cart and oxen, was evidently to make the impression 
 upon his neighbour, that he considered a man to be mor 
 ally bound to perform the engagements which he has 
 undertaken to fulfil; whether there be, or be not, in 
 the individual with whom the engagement was made, 
 any power of enforcing the fulfilment. And though in 
 an obligation, where it has been voluntarily made, there 
 are truly no limits, but the physicial power, and the inde 
 pendent morality of that which is undertaken to be per 
 formed, but when that which we have engaged to do, is 
 truly within our power ; when it is undertaken volunta 
 rily, and when the performance involves no violation of 
 our moral duty, it would be a violation of our duty not 
 to perform it, or though, perhaps, with more verbal ex 
 actness, to perform it less fully, than we know to have 
 been understood and intended, in the original spirit of 
 the undertaking. 
 
 Mr. Macon seldom let an opportunity pass, without 
 endeavouring to instil into those minds where it was 
 most needed, such lessons as the above ; until many years 
 before his death, it could scarcely be said, that there was 
 a neighbourhood in the state, where there was more mo 
 ral rectitude, than in the one in which he lived. 
 
258 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 MR. MACON was remarkably fond of the company of 
 young people, and many who were acquainted with him 
 in the county in which he lived, took a delight in visit 
 ing him at least once a year. It was really a spectacle, 
 that was worth a day s ride, to witness the cordiality with 
 which he would receive, and the genuine hospitality 
 with which he would entertain a company of the sons 
 of his relations and friends on these occasions. His 
 manners being so plain and easy, they all felt at home 
 as soon as they entered his door, nothing he had was 
 too good for them ; and being one of the very best pro 
 viders, he always had every thing that was good. It 
 was not less amusing than interesting, on these occasions 
 also, to witness how easy it was for him to produce a 
 lively conversation among them, by his inquiries con 
 cerning their habits and favourite pursuits in life, their 
 partialities and prejudices to particular men and things, 
 amusements at home, &c. : and as soon as he happened 
 to hit upon one who appeared to have more intelligence 
 tfyan his fellows, to enter in conversation with him upon 
 subjects of more import. The writer of these pages 
 was present on one of these occasions, when the subject 
 of conversation, after dinner, between Mr. Macon and 
 one of his young visitors, happened to turn upon a com 
 parison between the moderns and ancients. The young 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 259 
 
 man was one of extraordinary talents and first led to 
 this conversation by a re mark -upon- the improvement 
 that was daily going on in the world in every thing 
 in architecture, in the fine arts, in literature, &c. at the 
 same time comparing the present generation to the an 
 cients, much to the disparagement of the latter, and con 
 cluded by ridiculing their ignorance and stupidity in a 
 way well calculated to rouse a man of Mr. Macon s uni 
 versal benevolence, to espouse their cause. Mr. Macon 
 observed, that it was strange, and he had frequently re 
 flected upon it, what different views young people and 
 old ones took of the same subject. That for his part, he 
 could never discover this monstrous disparagement to the 
 ancients by a just comparison with the moderns, in any 
 thing. For instance, he said, in architecture; let us 
 look at the temple of Solomon, the ancient cities, Tyre, 
 Ninevah, Babylon. Are there any thing in modern, 
 times to be compared to them. Can we find, from the 
 creation of the world to the present day, any thing to 
 be compared to that sacred edifice, said he, which was 
 reared on Mount Moriah, surrounded by spacious courts, 
 making a square of half a mile in circumference which 
 was entered through nine gates, which on every side 
 was thickly coated with gold and silver ; the gate with 
 out the holy house being of Corinthian brass, the most 
 precious metal in ancient times, and which far surpas 
 sed the others in beauty. This gate, he said, is describ 
 ed to be much larger than the rest, its height being fifty 
 cubits. Josephus, he said, represented the royal portico 
 of this temple as the noblest work beneath the sun, be 
 ing elevated to such a prodigious height, that no one 
 could look down from its flat roof to the valley below. 
 
260 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 without being seized with dizziness ; the sight not reach 
 ing to such immeasurable depth. Josephus, Mr. Macon 
 said, says that the city of Tyre was built about two hun 
 dred and forty years before the temple of Solomon. As 
 commercial cities, some historian says, said Mr. Macon, 
 that ancient Alexandria and London may be considered 
 as approaching the nearest to Tyre. But he went on to 
 shew that neither of them could, by any possible stretch 
 of the imagination, be compared to Tyre in point of 
 commerce. For Alexandria, he said, during the whole 
 of her prosperous days, was subject to foreign rule; and 
 London, great as her commerce and her wealth, and 
 possessing as she does, almost a monopoly, of what has 
 in all ages been the most enviable, and most lucrative 
 branch of trade, that with the east, does not centre in 
 herself as Tyre did, without a rival and without compe 
 tition, the trade of all nations, and hold an absolute 
 monopoly, not of one but of every branch of commerce. 
 For a long period of a thousand years, not a single pro 
 duction of the east passed to the west, or of the west to 
 the east, but by the merchants of Tyre. Her merchants, 
 it is said, said Mr. Macon, were princes, and that lived 
 in a style of magnificence unknown in any other coun 
 try. This city too, it is said, said Mr. Macon, possessed 
 scarcely any territory beyond their own walls, maintain 
 ed a seige of thirteen years against the whole power of 
 Babylon, and another of seven months against Alexan 
 der, whose successes had afforded no instance of similar 
 delay. Mr. Macon proceeded likewise to describe, as 
 well as his memory served him, the splendour and mag 
 nificence of Ninevah and Babylon he said that some 
 historians represented Ninevah to be forty-eight miles ia 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 261 
 
 circumference, and its walls to be an hundred feet high, 
 and so broad that three chariots could drive on them 
 abreast ; and on the walls were fifteen hundred towers, 
 and each two hundred feet high. Its population, histo 
 rians say, said Mr. Macon, was more than six score 
 thousand persons that could not discover between their 
 right hand and their left. Reckoning the persons to 
 have been two years old and under, and these were a 
 fifth part of the whole, the population would amount to 
 six hundred thousand. When Mr. Macon came to the 
 description of Babylon, I do not recollect that I ever saw 
 him look half so interesting. Is there any thing, said 
 he, rising from his seat, that can be compared to the 
 magnificence of the city of Babylon, under the reign of 
 Nebuchadnezzer, which at that time rendered it the 
 wonder of the world and posterity. He described its 
 circumference, its shape, the number of its squares. 
 He described the terminating of its streets at each end 
 by gates of brass, of prodigious size and strength, its 
 walls, their height and breadth, the materials out of 
 which they were made ; the banks of the river which 
 run through the city being lined with the same materials. 
 And in short, almost every thing connected with it, with 
 so much exactness and correctness, that one would have 
 thought he had studied it as a geographical lesson the 
 day previous. He asked the young gentleman if Homer 
 was ever excelled in poetry, Demosthenes, in oratory, 
 Sampson in strength, or Solomon in wisdom. Extend 
 ing his remarks to a much more considerable length in 
 favour of the ancients, than my recollection at this time 
 will serve me in relating correctly. But from what is 
 here related of this conversation, the reader can judge 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 how useful and entertaining the conversation of such a 
 man must have been to young men who were disposed 
 to improve by it. Mr. Macon was seldom, if ever, the 
 orator of the company he was in, for he seemed only to 
 consider himself entitled to a share in common of the 
 conversation, and preferred, generally, to be entertained 
 by others, to entertaining them himself. 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 263 
 
 "CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 IN several of the last foregoing chapters, we have been 
 engaged in giving the reader examples of Mr. Macon s 
 domestic qualities, as a neighbour, a friend, a husband 
 and a parent. We could have adduced many more of 
 similar character but the limits we prescribed for our 
 selves, prevented such indulgence. 
 
 Mr. Macon, after he had last served the public in 1836, 
 in the capacity of elector, seldom .ever left his residence, 
 unless to visit his immediate neighbours, which was 
 done generally on the sabbath, and returned home at 
 night* During the week his time was employed, (ex 
 cept when company prevented,) in riding over and exa* 
 mining his plantation ; in giving directions and carrying 
 on that economical system of agriculture, to which, from 
 an early period of his life, he had been so remarkable 
 for his attachment. This was nearly the general cha 
 racter of his life, at this period, until about three or four 
 weeks before his death, he was attacked with a spasmo 
 dic affection of the chest and stomach ; but it was not 
 so severe as to interrupt his usual exercise and employ 
 ment. About four days before his death, he was par 
 tially confined to the house, enjoying, however, with his 
 usual flow of spirits, the society and conversation of his 
 numerous friends, who visited him daily, and watched 
 with anxious solicitude, every symptom which threaten.- 
 
264 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 ed to snatch from them their dearest and best friend and 
 benefactor. He retained his intellectual faculties to the 
 last; his conversation was cheerful, his mind tranquil and 
 composed, until the scenes of life closed upon him on 
 the 29th of June, 1837, in the 79th year of his age. 
 The morning of his exit, he rose at his usual hou^ 
 shaved and changed his clothes, entertained his company 
 as usual, until about ten o clock, when he was suddenly 
 attacked, (whilst sitting in his chair,) with spasms, in 
 his chest and stomach, and on being assisted to his bed, 
 expired without a struggle. A few days before his 
 death, he inquired of his physicians what were their 
 prospects of giving him assistance, who honestly inform 
 ed him that his case was beyond the reach of medicine. 
 He immediately asked them for the amount of their 
 bills, observing at the same time, that as he wished to 
 die without leaving his estate incumbered, it was best he 
 should know all the charges against it in his life-time, 
 that he might so provide for them, that his executor 
 might be at as little trouble as possible. He appointed 
 the Hon. Weldon Edwards, of the same county, execu 
 tor to his will. Precluding his legatees in the codicil 
 from any recourse either in the courts of law or equity, 
 upon any of the acts of his executor in the management 
 or distribution of his estate, believing, as he stated, from 
 long acquaintance with Mr. Edwards, he possessed both 
 the capacity and honesty to do justice, it was his wish 
 he should not be inteifered with in any thing he should 
 think proper to do, as his executor. 
 
 He directed, that on the day of his funeral, prepara 
 tions should be made both for the eating and drinking, 
 for as many of his friends as might think proper to attend. 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 265 
 
 He selected two of his neighbours to make his coffin, 
 directing how it should be made, in the very plainest 
 manner, and that they should be paid for it before his 
 interment. He had selected his place to be buried, some 
 distance from his residence, in the woods, on the way 
 side, many years before, a spot of land, from the po 
 verty of its soil, least likely ever to be cultivated. He 
 directed, after his interment in the usual way, that a par 
 cel of rock should be brought from a certain one of his 
 fields, and piled upon the grave in such a manner as to 
 prevent the molestation of cattle or other intruders. All 
 of which instructions were strictly attended to after his 
 death. On the day of his funeral, which was preached 
 by the reverend Mr. Hudgings of the Baptist order, to 
 whom he had spoken in his life-time for that purpose, 
 there were between twelve and fifteen hundred people 
 collected on the occasion. And after the funeral cere 
 monies were over, a plenty of every thing was furnished 
 for their accommodation, as was directed. Thus lived 
 and died, and was buried, Nathaniel Macon ; and if so 
 ciality, friendship and an active participation in the pains 
 and pleasures of others, be the principal end for which 
 we are created, being one of the finest flowers of human 
 life, he must certainly attain that vivifying form, that, 
 overshadowing height, for which all our hearts thirst in 
 vain, in every earthly situation. 
 
 The cast of mind which appeared to be most natural 
 to Mr. Macon, made him look forward into futurity, and 
 consider what would be his condition, millions of ages 
 hence, as well as what it was at present. He knew that 
 the misery or happiness which was reserved for him in 
 another world, loses nothing of its reality by being placed 
 23 
 
266 LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 at a great distance from him. Objects did not appear 
 little to him, because they were remote. He considered 
 those pleasures and pains which lay hid in eternity, ap 
 proached nearer to him every moment, and would be 
 present with him in their full weight and measure, as 
 much as those pains and pleasures which he felt at any 
 one instant of his life. For this reason, he was careful 
 to secure to himself that which was the proper happi 
 ness of his nature, and the ultimate design of his being. 
 He carried his thoughts to the end of every action, and 
 considered the most distant, as well as the most imme 
 diate effects of it. He superseded every little prospect 
 of gain and advantage, which offered itself here, if he 
 did not find it consistent with his views of an hereafter. 
 In a word, his hopes must have been full of immortality ; 
 his schemes were large and glorious, and his conduct 
 suitable to one who knew his own interest, and how to 
 pursue it by proper methods. 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 267 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 COULD we draw aside the veil which conceals the mo 
 tives of action, were we able to pull off the mask from 
 that numerous order of men who have pretended at least 
 to be the benefactors of their fellow-beings, which hides 
 from our notice, those springs of conduct by which they 
 are actuated, and prevents our inspection of that source 
 from whence their actions originated ; we should find that, 
 in the great majority of instances, those who have most 
 seemed to be friends of human kind, have in reality most 
 wanted the essential ingredients of friendship, and exhibit 
 ed the most powerful regard to their own aggrandizement. 
 It is not by those only who have been the most capacitated 
 for improving the condition of the species, but who have 
 been too perversely inclined to attempt such a task, that 
 the evil has been wrought, which has so often desolated 
 the world ; but it has been by those, who, covering the 
 natural deformity of their character by a fair disguise, 
 have proclaimed themselves the friends of virtue and 
 freedom. Such characters assuming to themselves qual 
 ities utterly incompatible with their natures, have made 
 those qualities the means of raising them in the opinion 
 of others, and have then employed their elevation to 
 trample upon the victims of their fraud ; and claiming 
 kindred and alliance with those illustrious devotees of 
 liberty, with whom thay have not one thing in common, 
 
268 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 save the semblance of goodness; have cajoled mankind 
 into the belief that they too were the worshippers of 
 liberty, and have made that belief the instrument of 
 treading under foot, every thing which has been esteem 
 ed sacred and venerable. 
 
 It is not the less true, because it has been often times 
 remarked, that the characters who have the most benefit- 
 ted mankind, and improved the condition of the species, 
 have been, not those who have blazoned their names by 
 conquest, and who, to spread abroad the lustre of their 
 achievements, have not scrupled to violate all the duties 
 of humanity, and to burst asunder all those ties which 
 have been imposed upon the race, for the purpose of 
 linking them together in one common brotherhood, but 
 it has been those, who like Mr. Macon, have exerted all 
 their talents to tame down that nature which so often 
 arise, in order to assert the dominion of vice. Those 
 who forsaking the pursuits of ambition, and the paths of 
 that which is falsely termed glory, have employed their 
 talents towards improving the moral and political condi 
 tion of their fellow-beings, and towards dispelling those 
 thick clouds of error and prejudice, which so much ob 
 struct their mental vision. Those who were qualified by 
 their abilities to lead their country-men forward in the 
 race of improvement, in that race, by the means of 
 which, those blessings which are truly valuable are alone 
 to be obtained ; in teaching them to elevate themselves 
 above the minor objects, which too much engross the at 
 tention of the greater portion of their fellow-men; in 
 showing them that liberty of thought and liberty of con 
 duct, which can alone arise from a consciousness of their 
 importance on the scale of being, are the objects which 
 
LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 269 
 
 are, above all others, worthy of their pursuit; and that 
 setting themselves free from superstitious reverence, and 
 enslaving notions, they should be bent upon the attain 
 ment of something above those debasing objects which 
 keep the spirit bound, and the mind fettered. Those 
 who, according to the original constitution of their na 
 ture, appear as though they were really fated to trample 
 under foot, all those systems which have in any way, 
 tended to keep men chained by the iron bands of despot 
 ism, and by the still more enduring fetters of perfidy and 
 fraud, which have been but too often the instruments 
 which tyrants have used to enslave them. And if it be 
 lawful to bend the knee to any thing human, it surely 
 arises in that case, where we see such men attempting 
 to mitigate the evils attendant upon this life, and trying 
 to counteract the baneful and pernicious effects of vice, 
 by the more salutary influence of virtuous example ; 
 elevated above that regard to the opinions of the world, 
 which are but too often the source whence spring many 
 of the actions, which are looked upon as honourable and 
 useful, and the means by which they have made wis 
 dom their choice, can abstract themselves from all asso 
 ciation with those more grovelling pursuits which char 
 acterize the many ; and looking abroad upon the face of 
 things, can "follow the even tenor of their way," re 
 gardless of every thing which might tend to interrupt 
 their progress, to shut out from their sight the scene of 
 beauty and loveliness, which their fancys may have 
 lighted up, and by seeking an alliance with which they 
 might in any way have their prospects obscured, or their 
 vision darkened. And if mankind would be careful to 
 trace the mental history of such mighty ones of the 
 
370 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 earth ; if they would but mark the gradual unfolding of 
 the principles, the powers and the passions, of those great 
 master spirits, that give form and pressure to the age in 
 which they live, each generation would be furnished 
 with an amount of moral power, by which, it might ele 
 vate itself into a nobler sphere of being, and leave be 
 hind it, a long train of glory for the illumination of 
 posterity. That Nathaniel Macon, was one of those, 
 one whose moral and mental history should be regarded 
 as a portion of the common riches of the human race, 
 one of those noble minded existences, from whom the 
 world s happiness and glory are yet to spring, there can 
 be no doubt ; and there is more profit in scanning the 
 mind of such a being, in marking the origin, the com 
 bination, and the development of its powerful elements, 
 than in contemplating the successes of all the military 
 conquerors, from Alexander to Napoleon. "By the 
 side of such a man, Alexander is degraded to a selfish 
 destroyer of his race; Csesar becomes the dazzled vo 
 tary of power; and Bonaparte, a baffled aspirant to uni 
 versal dominion." Had he lived in old Grecian times, 
 he would have been qualified to have been a Solon, for 
 the Athenians ; and a Lycurgus, for the Spartans. He 
 would have taught them, like those great men, that lib 
 erty, valour, patriotism, industry, economy, and even 
 frugality, were the greatest virtues of a nation. His 
 life, was the perfection of man s moral nature. He pos 
 sessed an integrity, which, however tempting, or how 
 ever secure against detection, no selfishness nor resent 
 ment, nor lust of power, place, favour, profit or pleasure, 
 could cause to swerve from the strict rule of right. In 
 tegrity was the pervading principle of his soul ; it regu- 
 
LIFE OP NATHANIEL MACON. 271 
 
 lated, guided, controlled, and vivified every impulse, 
 desire and action, of his existence. 
 
 Then, in looking back upon his past life, it will be 
 found, that there was something more animating to cheer 
 him through the scenes of this life, than are to be ob 
 tained from the idle applause of the world ; something 
 more inspiring, than that admiration which may be ob 
 tained, by a successful course of enterprise and ambi 
 tion ; something, in fact, more satisfactory and soothing 
 to the mind, than any thing which can be gathered from 
 the short-lived pleasures, which in this state, so much 
 engage the attention. That he cherished that virtue, 
 which always shrinks from the gaze of vulgar eyes ; 
 that he took lessons of wisdom, which are here, only, 
 valuable; that he pushed forward, the career of doing 
 good to his fellow beings, to the end of his days, inat 
 tentive to the giddy and illusive objects, which surroun 
 ded him ; and with a brighter satisfaction in the contem 
 plation of the misfortunes of this life, than a conscious 
 ness of being the mere subject of wonder and admira 
 tion, could possibly afford ; he carried about with him, 
 a principle which served at all times to soften every per 
 turbation, and alleviate every painful feeling. That he 
 could tame down prejudices, overcome that spirit of 
 domination and rule, which all are so prone to exert, in 
 questions concerning the rights of conscience ; that he 
 could master those feelings in the breast, which so often 
 incline one man to assume the perogative of judging, as 
 if he was infallible in matters which properly can alone 
 interest him, for whom he is desirious of exercising his 
 judgment, may be seen also, from the history of his 
 whole life. And notwithstanding, envy ha? been cast 
 
272 LIFE OF NATHANIEL MACON. 
 
 as a shade upon the glories of the most illustrious heroes 
 of past ages, and that there has been a thousand excep 
 tions to characters, which have made the nearest approach 
 to perfection, yet, having best accomplished the end for 
 which he was called into existence, envy herself, in 
 contemplating his character, became disrobed of her 
 malicious nature, and was struck with admiration. So 
 it may be said, in the end of the last chapter of his life, 
 as we have said in the end of the first, that he has lived 
 and died, without an enemy. Go thou, reader, and do 
 likewise. 
 
 FINIS, 
 
. 
 
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