EDUCATION DEPt. THE COLONIAL ERA THE AMERICAN HISTORY SERIES. Five voUtnies, I2mo, with maps and plans, eacli, $1.25. THE COLONIAL ERA. -By Rev. GEORGE P. FISHEB. D.D., LL.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale University. THE FRENCH WAR AND THE REVOLUTION. By WILLIAM M. SLOANE, Ph.D., Professor of History in Princeton University. THE MAKING OF THE NATION. By Gen. FRANCIS A. WALKER, President of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. FROM THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE IN 1815 TO THE END OF RECONSTRUCTION. (2 vols.) By JOHN W. BURGESS, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of His tory, Political Science, and Constitutional Law in Columbia College. (In preparation.) THE AMERICAN HISTORY SERIES THE COLONIAL ERA BY GEORGE PARK FISHER, D.D., LL.D. PROFESSOR IN YALE UNIVERSITY WITH MAPS NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER S SONS 1895 COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER S SONS EDUCATTM TROW DIRECTORY PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY NEW YORK DEDICATED AS A TOKEN OF AFFECTION TO GEORGE WHARTON PEPPER MG9897 PREFACE THIS work is the first of a series of four, which, although distinct in authorship, and each complete in itself, are de signed to furnish in a brief but readable form a con nected history of the United States from the discovery of the Continent to the present time. The present volume, on the Colonial Period, carries the narrative down to the year 1756, the date of the Declaration of War between England and France. It embraces, therefore, the begin nings of the decisive struggle of the two nations for dominion in America, or of what used to be called the " Old French War." The record of the remainder of the Colonial Period may conveniently find a place in connec tion with the era of the Revolution, of which it was the prelude. Until we reach the point where the narrative in this volume ends, it is expedient, at least in a work of no larger compass than the present, to trace the history of the Colonies one by one. It is true that the Eng lish Colonies from the beginning were moving slowly towards the goal of political unity. In the American Union the federal and national elements are combined in the way so concisely stated in a passage from the pen of Madison in The Federalist, where it is said : " Our sys- Vlll PREFACE tern is neither a national nor a federal system, but a com position of both. In its foundations, federal, not national ; in the sources from which the ordinary powers of govern ment are drawn, partly federal and partly national ; in the operation of these powers, national, not federal ; in the ex tent of them, again, federal, not national ; and finally, in the authoritative mode of introducing amendments, neither wholly federal nor wholly national." Albeit the system was, "in its foundations, federal, not national/ yet from the start, prior to any organic connection of the Colonies, save their common relation to the British Crown, histori cal forces were in action that were destined to create a national factor of not less power than the federal element in shaping our civil polity. But in the space traversed by the present volume the Colonies were predominantly distinct communities, so that with the exception of the group of them comprised in New England they can best be treated separately. Yet the English Revolution of 1G88 is so important a landmark, that it appeared to me advis able to break the narrative into two parts. By this ar rangement the attention is not kept fastened on each Colony by itself through the entire course of the history, while the others are in the main left out of sight. It also seemed a little more conducive to unity of impression to take up the several Colonies in a different order in the second Part, from that adopted in the first. While it has been my aim in the composition of this book to consult brevity, I have not been willing to reduce the narrative to a bare sketch. Political events must nec essarily have a prominent place ; but manners, customs, and phases of intellectual progress are not left unnoticed. PREFACE IX It need not be said that there is often controversy, and sometimes heated controversy, respecting events in the past and the merits of actors who have long ago passed off the stage. In this particular our early American history forms no exception. As to the judgments expressed in the following pages on persons and things that are still the subject of debate, all I can say is that they have not been hastily formed, and that I have given heed to the famil iar, but never trite, injunction to hear both sides "Audi alteram partem." While I have spent much time in the study of the orig inal sources, with special painstaking on doubtful points, I have received aid from many writers who in later times have explored the field of our early history, or particular sections of it. There are three of the comparatively recent works to which I am bound to make special acknowledgments. These are Winsor s "Narrative and Critical History of America," Doyle s "English Colonies in America," and Palfrey s " History of New England." A brief estimate of the character of these works will be found in the Bibliographical Note at the end of the volume. NEW HAVEN, February 26, 1892. CONTENTS PART L FROM THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA TO THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION OF 1688 CHAPTER L PAGE PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY, ....! The Pacific Coast The Atlantic Coast The Appalachian Ranges The Forests. CHAPTER II. THE INDIANS, 6 Their Languages The Peruvians The Mexicans The Red Men The Mound-Builders The Indians Classified Ind ian Traits Their Manners Their Occupations, Food, and Dwellings Tribal Arrangements Their Religion Their Moral Qualities Their Number. CHAPTER III- DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS PRIOR TO THE FIRST PER MANENT ENGLISH COLONY, 12 The Renaissance New Inventions Maritime Enterprise The First Voyage of Columbus "The Indies" Allotted to Spain and Portugal Columbus Discovers the Mainland Xll CONTENTS PAGE Voyages of the Cabots Spanish Voyagers Florida Dis covered The Mississippi Discovered De Soto Spanish Settlers in Florida Rise of New France Champlaiu Founds Quebec English Voyages of Exploration Gilbert and Raleigh Gosuold. CHAPTER IV. VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688, 30 James I. and his Policy Incentives to Colonization The Virginia Company Constitution of its Two Branches The London Company The Settlement of Jamestown John Smith The New Charter Delaware Dale Argall The Third Charter The House of Burgesses Growth of the Colony Annulling of the Charter Spanish Intrigues Harvey Berkeley Under the Commonwealth Naviga tion Laws Arlington and Culpepper Bacon s Rebellion A Royal Provinces-Negro Slavery. CHAPTER V. MARYLAND UNTIL 1688, 62 The First Lord Baltimore Avalon Grant of Maryland The Maryland Charter Religion in Maryland Toleration Clayborne s Settlement The Maryland Colony Conflict with Clayborne Period of the Commonwealth Non-con formists in Maryland Act of Religious Freedom Puritan Ascendency Baltimore Regains His Province Fendall Slavery Dispute withPenn End of Proprietary Govern mentSociety in Maryland. CHAPTER VI. THE CAROLINAS UNTIL 1688, 76 Grant of Carolina by Charles II. The Two Settlements "The Fundamental Constitutions" North Carolina Civil Disturbances Sothel Ludwell South Carolina Slavery Scotch-Irish and Huguenot Immigrants Civil Disturb- CONTENTS Xlll CHAPTER VII. PAGE NEW ENGLAND TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT IN 1636, 82 The Plymouth Company The Popham Colony John Smith in New England The Council of New England Puri tanism in England Religious Parties in Elizabeth s Reign The Independents The Scrooby Congregation The Pil grims in Holland The Voyage of the Mayflower The Settlement at Plymouth The Government at Plymouth Growth and Character of the Colony Towns Mason s Grant of New Hampshire The New Puritan Emigra tion Eudicott at Salem The Charter of the Massachu setts Company The First Congregational Church Alleged " Intolerance" of the Puritans Transfer of the Massachu setts Company to New England John Winthrop The Great Emigration to Massachusetts Sufferings of the Colony Its Form of Government Congregationalism Roger Williams Williams Founds Providence Vane Mrs. Ann Hutchinson Winthrop again Chosen Governor Heroic Spirit of the Colony Council of New England Surrenders its Charter Roger Williams and his Colony Settlement of Rhode Island The Settlements in New Hampshire Gorges Settlement in Maine. CHAPTER VIII. NEW ENGLAND FBOM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT IN 1636 TO 1688, 126 The Early Settlers in Connecticut The Migration to Hart fordThe Government of the Three Towns The Found ing of New Haven Its Government The Fiction of the " Blue Laws * Settlement at Saybrook Saybrook Joined to Connecticut The Pequot War The New England Con federacy Commission for the Management of the Colo nies Samuel Gorton War of the Narragansetts and the Mohegans Acts of the Confederacy The Cambridgs Synod John Clarke Maine and Massachusetts The Quakers in Massachusetts The Navigation Law The Charter of Connecticut Union of New Haven and Con- CONTENTS PAGE necticut Colonies The Royal Commission King Philip s War Annulling of the Massachusetts Charter Royal Gov ernment in New England Aiidros Revolution in Massa chusettsSociety in New England. CHAPTER IX. NEW YORK TO 1688, ........ 177 Hudson s Discovery Block s Exploring Voyage The "New Netherland " Company West India Company Chartered The Dutch at Manhattan and Albany Purchase of Man hattan Island The Patroons Van Twiller Succeeds Minuit The Swedish Settlement Trouble with the Ind iansPeter Stuyvesant Treaty with Connecticut Attack on the Swedes Delaware Purchased Religious Contests Demand for Popular Franchise Relations to Connecticut Holland and England Conquest of New Netherland hy the English The New Government War between Eng land and France Lovelace New Netherland Retaken by the Dutch Restored to the English New York Described by Andros Dongan Charter of Liberties New York a Royal Province The Revolt of Leisler. CHAPTER X. NEW JERSEY TO 1688, ........ 194 Grant to Berkeley and Carteret Settlement at Elizabeth Settlement at Newark East Jersey West Jersey Acquired by Penn and His Associates Sale to Penn of Carteret s Rights Scottish Emigration to East Jersey Effect of the Revolution of 1688. CHAPTER XI. PENNSYLVANIA TO 1688, ...... : .199 Early Life of Penn Grant to Him by James II. Penn s Charter His Constitution The Body of Laws Penn s Treatment of the Indians Emigration to Pennsylvania Religion in the Colony Penn in England Disorder in the Colony Pennsylvania Described. CONTENTS XV PART II. FROM THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION OF 1688 TO 1756 CHAPTER XII. PAGE THE EFFECT ON THE COLONIES OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1688, 207 Result of the Revolution of 1688 King and Parliament The Colonial Governments Spirit of the Colonial Houses of Delegates Navigation Laws French and Indian Wars French Explorations French Claims to Louisiana Movements in the Direction of Colonial Union. CHAPTER XIII. NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756, 216 Board of Trade and Plantations French and Indian At tacks Unsuccessful Attempt on Canada Massachusetts Fails to Regain her Charter The New Charter of Massa chusettsThe Witchcraft Delusion The Government of Phips Bellomont Inroads of French and Indians Separation of New Hampshire from Massachusetts Rhode Island under Bellomont Dudley Queen Anne s War Rhode Island under Dudley Connecticut Shute Ex planatory Charter of Massachusetts New Hampshire and Connecticut The " Great Revival " Belcher Connect icut and Rhode Island Burnet Shirley Renewal of Hostilities with France Capture of Louisburg The Albany Congress Military Expeditions New Hampshire and Connecticut. CHAPTER XIV. NEW YORK FROM 1688 TO 1756, 241 Leisler s Insurrection The Assembly called by Sloughter Fletcher s Ecclesiastical Measures Bellomont Cornbury Trial of Mackemie Hunter The * Palatines "Burnet XVI CONTENTS PAGE Cosby The Liberty of the Press Independent Spirit of the Assembly " The Negro Plot "Clinton s Struggle with the Assembly The Albany Convention Johnson s Victory Paper Money Character of the Middle States Society in New York Education Ruling Families. CHAPTER XV. NEW JERSEY FROM 1688 TO 1756, 255 New Jersey after the Revolution New Jersey a Royal Prov ince Cornbury and the Assembly Hunter Burnet New Jersey Separated from New York The Elizabethtown Claimants The Revival in New Jersey Social Life. CHAPTER XVI. PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE PROM 1688 TO 1756, . . 260 Charges Against Penn Disorder in Pennsylvania "The Counties " George Keith The Proprietary Displaced Perm Regains his Province He Befriends Negroes and Indians New Charter of Privileges The Two Parties- Evans Evans Recalled Gookin The Assembly against Logan Death of Penn Administration of Keith Gor don Anti-Quaker Party Opposition to the Proprietaries Franklin Society in Pennsylvania Physicians Trades men Philadelphia Intellectual Life. CHAPTER XVII. MARYLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756, 272 The Revolution in Maryland Overthrow of the Proprietary Government Intolerance in Maryland Nicholson Pro prietary Government Restored Maryland in 1751, CHAPTER XVIII. VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756, 277 The Revolution in Virginia The Governors and the Bur gessesWilliam and Mary College James Blair Governor CONTENTS XV11 Spotswood His Dispute with the Burgesses His Journey over the Blue Ridge New Immigrants The Churches Slavery The Rich Planters Diuwiddie The Ohio Com pany English and French Claims Dinwiddie and the Burgesses George Washington An Adjutant-General : A Messenger to the French : At Great Meadows : An Aid of Braddock Defeat of Braddock The Retreat Wash ington at Winchester Washington Visits Boston. CHAPTER XIX. THE CAROLINAS FROM 1688 TO 1756, 292 North Carolina Conflict of Parties Indian War Increase of the Colony A Royal Province Immigrants South Carolina Archdale Charleston Indian War War with the Yemassees Hostility to the Proprietaries End of the Proprietary Rule Nicholson The Governor and the As semblyIndian Troubles Revolt of Slaves Trade and Emigration Glen Society in South Carolina. CHAPTER XX. GEORGIA FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 1756, .... 303 Oglethorpe His Career His Plan for a Colony Grant of Territory The Settlement Immigrants from Salzburg The Colony Reinforced State of the Colony Trials John Wesley Charles Wesley Expedition against St. Augustine Spanish Attack Repelled Whitefield in Georgia Surrender of the Charter The New Government Social Condition. CHAPTER XXI. LITERATURE IN THE COLONIES, 313 The Writings of John Smith Sandys Whitaker Early New England Writers Winthrop Mather s " Magnalia" Hubbard Prince The New England Divines Their Ideas of Providence Absorption in Religion and Theology The Bay Psalm-BookAnna Bradstreet " The Day of Doom " Franklin and Edwards Legists. XV111 CONTENTS APPENDIX PAGE I. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 321 II. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE, 325 INDEX, 337 LIST OF MAPS 1. PHYSICAL MAP OF THE UNITED STATES, . . Frontispiece 2. ORIGINAL GRANTS, Page 30 3. THE AMERICAN COLONIES IN 1755, . . Endoftlie wlume PHYSICAL MAP OP Longitude West 100 50 "100 200 300 HE UNITED STATES ALTITUDES. I | Seatevel to 500 feet 500 to 1,000 " 1.000 2,000 " 2,000 6,000 " 6,000 " 10,000 " 10.000 feet and over. 00 500 COO 700 THE COLONIAL ERA PAET I / ; . j "{ ;;* j FROM THE DISCOVERT OF AMERICA TO THE ENO LISH REVOLUTION OF 1688 CHAPTER I. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY The Pacific Coast The Atlantic Coast The Appalachian Ranges The Forests THE Western continent differs from the Eastern in having a length from north to south far greater than its width. The isthmus that forms the connecting link of its two grand divisions reaches down almost to the equator. North America, stretching as it does from the Polar Sea to the region of perpetual summer, includes all varieties of climate. It was on the eastern shore, and within the temperate latitudes, that the colonies were planted which were destined to develop into the thirteen original States of the Federal Union. In America, in con trast with Europe and Asia, the direction of the moun tain ranges is from north to south. The complex moun tain system on the Pacific side of North America the system named the Cordilleras, the continuation of the 2 THE COLONIAL ERA Andes extends so near to the coast as to leave room only for a narrow seaboard. Down the western slopes, so ab- The Pacific rQ P^ ^ s their decline, the rivers flow in a swift coast. an( j tumultuous current into the ocean. More over, the Pacific coast is so little indented south of Puget Sound that it furnishes very few harbors. There is one at San Diego and another at San Francisco. Be- . sides these two havens there are left, within the bounds of the United States, only Puget Sound and the broad estuary, of the Ceiumbia River an estuary which it is impossible to enter without the aid of expert pilots. The signal advantage afforded to San Francisco by its commodious harbor would avail of itself to explain the growth of that flourishing city. Even if the Pacific shore had looked toward Europe instead of Asia, its lack of bays and other inlets, taken in connection with the nearness and height of the adjacent mountains, would have presented great obstacles to colonization. Oa-the The Atlantic Atlantic side the natural features were quite coast. different, and in a high degree favorable. There the distance of the coast from Europe is only half that which parts California from. Asia. The Appa lachian ranges that stretch in broken masses from Maine to Georgia and Alabama are comparatively low. Their slopes are, moreover, much farther from the ocean, thus affording space for a seaboard generally from one hun dred to two hundred miles in width. From these moun tain ranges, and from the numerous plateaus which are formed by them, the rivers find their way to the Atlantic, or, on the south and southwest, to the Gulf of Mexico. North of the thirty-fifth parallel the coast is broken by numerous indentations. Among the inlets are several large bays, as Massachusetts Bay, which is partly encir cled by an arm of Cape Cod, Delaware Bay, into which pours the river of the same name, and the Chesapeake, PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY 3 which receives the waters of the Susquehanna and the Potomac. Along the coast, above the thirty-fifth parallel, there are many harbors where vessels can safely cast anchor or load and discharge their cargoes. Below that line the number of convenient havens is small. " Scarcely any continent," says Professor Shaler, " offers such easy ingress as does this continent to those who come to it from the Atlantic side. The valleys of the St. Lawrence, the Hudson, the Mississippi7~iirar fashion, also, of the Sus quehanna and the James, break through or pass around the low-coast mountains, and afford free ways into the whole of the interior that is attractive to European peo ples." The break made by the Hudson led up through the valley of Champlain to the St. Lawrence, and formed a natural line of communication between New York and Canada. One might pass from the Hudson to the north west, up the valley of the Mohawk and thence into the region of the Mississippi and its tributaries. In the south there was another pathway to the same region through the Cumberland Gap. It was loDg before pio neers of English descent explored beyond the natural barriers of the m ountain ranges. In that vast field of the interior the French were their forerunners. Of the two parallel ranges that form the Appalachian system the eastern may be traced from Eastern Canada to Alabama. The western, or Alleghany range, The Appa]a . begins near Albany and has the same terminus chian ran g es in the south. Between these two ranges, from New Jer sey to Georgia, is a " broad, elevated, somewhat moun tainous " valley, of exceeding fertility. The Hudson cuts through the ranges, and below the Hudson the inter vening valley is reached from the east by crossing the South Mountain of Pennsylvania, the Blue Ridge in Vir ginia, and the Black Mountain of North Carolina. When the English settlers planted themselves on the THE COLONIAL ERA border of the Atlantic coast, the whole territory from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the ocean to the central plains beyond the Appalachians, The fr-rests. r was woodland, except "frere and there a small patch of ground which had been cleared by storm or flood, or by the " girdling " of the trees by Indian hatch ets and the burning of the undergrowth. Wherever the emigrants went, they found themselves enclosed by the sombre, boundless forest. The trees included nearly three hundred species. Even the trees which belonged to genera that had been familiar to the eyes of the set tlers in the Old World were mostly of new species. CHAPTEE n. THE INDIANS Their Languages The Peruvians The Mexicans The Red Men The Mound-Builders The Indians Classified Indian Traits Their Manners Their Occupations, Food, and Dwellings Tribal Arrangements Their Religion Their Moral Qualities Their Number. THE Western continent, at the time of its discovery, was inhabited by a great number of tribes and peoples. Concerning their relationship among themselves we have a limited amount of knowledge. On the question of their affinities with races on the Eastern continent, numerous theories have been broached, but it would be unsafe at present to pronounce a confident judgment. The lan guages of these tribes and peoples in both Their lan . North and South America were generally, &***%** although not exclusively, of one essential type. Their tongues were mostly of the polysynthetic class. That is to say, they formed conglomerate words by a peculiar incorporation of syllables, of such a character that a single word might be made to do the work of a sentence. In fact, the word comprised definitions of the elements that entered into it, and so might be prolonged indefi nitely. Even the tongue of the Eskimos, distinct as they were in their physical characteristics, did not differ in its fundamental structure from the languages The Perurl . of most of the other American peoples. Peru and Mexico were semi - civilized nations. Peru under the sway of the Inoas had a kind of theocratic govern- 6 THE COLONIAL Eli A ment, the ruler being held to be of divine descent, and being possessed of absolute sovereignty. The Peru vians were acquainted with the art of writing. They were cultivators of the soil, of which every individual possessed a portion. They had good roads, with post- houses, were skilful builders, and expert potters and workers in inetals. Their chief divinity was the Sun. Another people, the Mayas of Central America, in their ruined cities left behind striking proofs of architectu- The Mexi- ra ^ taste and skill. The Mexicans had a less cans. despotic form of government than the Peru vians. They had invented a system of picture-writing. Except in those mechanical arts which have been referred to, they were in advance of the Peruvians. Their religion was not destitute of beneficent elements, yet its ritual in cluded human sacrifices. They were fierce in the treat ment of enemies, of whom theTlascalans, their unsubdued neighbors, were the most formidable. The Pueblo race, whose remains are found in New Mexico, in Arizona, and in Southern California, are to be distinguished from the Mexican Aztecs. A portion of the Pueblos built their dwellings on high plateaus that were almost inaccessible ; others built in the cliffs of the canons. Their houses were of stone or sun-dried brick, in size huge, and made to contain hundreds of inmates, who lived in a communal way. The Pueblos made cloth and pottery, but, on the whole, they appear to have been not so far advanced as the Aztecs. The red men have kept the The Red Men. . T n . . . .. . .. name of " Indians, which was given to native Americans under the idea that the newly discovered re gions of the West were a part of India. They are called The Mound- "red" from their bronze or cinnamon color, builders. They were preceded by the prehistoric race of "mound-builders," whose earthworks, which are all that is left of their forts and temples, are found in the THE INDIANS 7 valleys of the Mississippi and of the Ohio. The re mains of mechanical art that have been dug out of these mounds show that their builders, whoever they were, had made considerable progress on the road to civiliza tion. It is quite probable that they were the ancestors of modern aboriginal races, who were their inferiors in taste and skill. The Indians with whom the English settlers of North America were brought into The i^ans contact are classified under several grand di- classified, visions, or families of tribes. The principal of these was the great Algonkin family. It spread from Hudson s Bay and the jb!s"Kinros"~ of Labrador as far south as North Carolina, and from the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Atlantic west to the Mississippi. Their language " was the mother-tongue of those who greeted the colonists of Raleigh at Roanoke, of those who welcomed the Pilgrims to Plymouth." But the territory of the Algonkins en closed, or nearly enclosed, within itself, the lands of an alien group, that of the Iroquois, comprising the Five Nations, which became the >3ix Nations " when their kinsmen, the Tuscaroras, joined them in 1713. They dwelt on the south of Lakes Erie and Ontario and of the St.Jjawrence. To them the name of Iroquois is generally applied ; but the Hi^rona. to the north of them, were a branch of the same ethnical division. SouthjDf the Ten nessee River, and spreading to the Mississippi and to the GuIfTwere the tribes of the Muskogee family, of whom the Cree.ks.were the most powerful. To this group belonged, also, the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Seminoles. We have no knowledge of the Indians prior to their intercourse with the whites. In judging of them we must take into account modifications of char acter and manners which resulted from such intercourse. In general their traits were such as are found usually in savage races of the more vigorous THE COLONIAL ERA type. Among themselves, while their main characteris tics were the same everywhere, there were not wanting marked tribal peculiarities. For example, some tribes were not so resentful and implacable as others, and were less formidable as enemies. The remarks which follow, although in general applicable to all, are especially de scriptive of the tribes with which the Northern Colonies, whose contests with the Indians were the most severe and prolonged, came into contact. In stature the Indians were quite up to the ordinary height, and were well formed. They had high cheek bones ; long, coarse, jet-black hair ; scant beard, and small eyes. They clothed themselves in the skins of wild ani mals. In summer the men w r ent almost naked, wearing only an apron of deer-skin. The feet were protected by moccasins made of the same material, or of the hide of the moose. They tattooed themselves, and were fond of other sorts of barbaric decoration, taking special delight in feathers and gay colors. They were alert, swift of foot, and capable of energetic action, which w 7 as followed, however, by lassitude. They showed no aptitude for per severing industry, and wilted down under any employ- Their man- men t that required long-continued exertion, nere. They were reserved, indisposed to smile or to weep, and bore pEysical suffering, however intense and protracted, with stoical indifference. In negotiations of importance they exhibited a certain grave courtesy. But among JtonsGlves their sedate manner often gave place to a lo_w_joJlity. They entered into their festivities with glee. Dancing was a favorite pastime. Among their Their occn- cus ^omary sports were various games, espe- pations. food, cially foot-ball and quoits. They were adepts and dwell- J , J f ings. m whatever pertains to wood-craft. In making their light canoes, their bows, their hatchets of stone, and their pipes, and in dressing skins for their clothing, they THE INDIANS 9 evinced no small degree of skill. They were good marks men. They had no flocks or herds, and no domestic ani mals except a dog of a wolfish breed which sometimes attended them. The women tilled the soil, while the men were engaged in war, or in hunting and fishing. They raised nothing but maize, which they knew well how to cultivate, and a few other vegetables. Fish, where fish could be obtained, were a great article of food among them. Their relish for oysters is proved by the deep beds of oyster-shells which were found by the white set tlers on the southern shores of Connecticut. The money of the Indians was wampum pieces of sea-shell, labori ously shaped in a particular form and strung on a thread. Their habitations, or wigwams, were circular or oblong in shape. They were constructed of branches of trees stuck in the ground, and bending toward the centre, a hole being left at the top for the smoke to escape. They were sometimes lined with mats and covered with the barks of trees, or daubed with mud. The Indians gener ally had but one wife, but this was the effect of no law, and there was no restraint if they chose to discard their wives. Touching examples are on record of strong pa rental and filial affection among them ; but this cannot be said to have been a pervading characteris- Tribal ar _ tic. The Indians dwelt in villages. Each rangements. tribe had its chiefT^whose^office descended, but by no means invariably, in his family. Within the tribe or confederacy there existed that sort of clanship which is found so frequently among savage races, and bears the name of totemism. Each clan had its own totem the wolf, the tortoise, or whatever it might be, and was dis tinguished by a corresponding symbol. The chief of the tribe, or sachem, might not of necessity be the leader in war. Subordinate sachems, or " sagamores," were con sulted in grave emergencies. But the organization of the 10 THE COLONIAL ERA natives was loose. Except on urgent occasions, or under the inspiration of some remarkable warrior, it was hard for them to combine in large n umbel s. In popular as semblies any who were respected or gifted in speech might declare their counsel. The Indian harangues were highly ornate, being stored with metaphors drawn from natural objects. The Indian tongues lack words to de note the things of the spirit. The figurative style of their speakers, which is occasionally somewhat impressive, part ly accounts for the exaggerated ideas of the intellectual capacity of the red men which have been diffused by poets Their reiig- an ^ romance-writers. Their religious notions were like those of many savage peoples in other parts of the world. They clothed the various objects and activities of nature with a distinct personal life. "They had their fetiches and incantations. But it is quite doubtful whether, independently of all instruction, they arrived at any clear conception of one " Great ^Spirit." Their " medicine-men " were conjurers. A religious signif icance was attached to their dances. But the Indians had no temples, no rites of worship, no priesthood. The vices Their moral ^ na ^ are mos ^ often laid to the charge of the qualities. Indians are treachery and cruelty. In com mon with uncivilized peoples generally, it was one of their "ruling ideas" that the wrongs done by an individ ual were to be .avenged on the clan or racer~~There is no doubt that the Indians were sly, suspicious, stealthy in their ways of compassing their ends, and adepts in dis simulation. These tendencies were naturally called into activity in their dealings with the whites. There are not wanting among them in our early history striking in stances of fidelity to promises, and steadfast Io}-alt3 r in friendship. Their worst trait was the spirit^ of revenge, and the merciless cruelty which made them delight in in discriminate slaughter, and in inflicting tortures on their THE INDIANS 11 enemies and captives. To count up as many scalps as possible was the ambition of the Indian youth. This kind of success was the highest title to honor. There has been an exaggerated impression of the num ber of savages at the time when our country began to be settled. How many there were it is im- Their^num- possible to estimate with any approach to ex actness. Bancroft judges that the total number on the whole area east of the Mississippi, now covered by the United States, was not far from one hundred and eighty thousand. CHAPTER m. DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS PRIOR TO THE FIRST PERMANENT ENGLISH COLONY The Renaissance New Inventions Maritime Enterprise The First Voyage of Columbus " The Indies " Allotted to Spain and Por tugal Columbus Discovers the Mainland Voyages of the Cabots Spanish Voyagers Florida Discovered The Missis sippi Discovered De Soto Spanish Settlers in Florida Rise of New France Chaniplain Founds Quebec English Voyages of Exploration Gilbert and Raleigh Gosnold. THE fifteenth century was the age of the Renaissance, the reawakening of learning ami art from a long slum ber. The media) val era in its distinctive character was giving place to a new order of things. Compact monar chies were growing up on the ruins of feudalism. Eu rope was astir with a fresh intellectual life. New inven- New inven- ^ ons were appearing to accelerate the advance tions. of civilization. In the middle of the fifteenth century, gunpo \yder was brought into use. Fire-arms were now to displace, to a large extent, the old weapons of war. About the same time, printing by movable typesrwas first devised, an art that spread witH^aarvenbus rapidity. The mariner s compass, which in China had long served the purpose of guiding land-carriages, began to be used by Europeans on the sea. Vessels were no more obliged to cling to the coast, but could venture out into the mid-ocean. These inventions were conspicuous signs and effects of that spontaneous outburst of intelligence and energy which made this epoch a turning-point in DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS 13 history. A great stimulus was given to maritime explo ration by Prince Henry of Portugal Henry the Navi gator, as he was styled. At the outset of his ^ ^ Career he was a gallant soldier, but he turned Navigator. from brilliant deeds of arms to the eager study of astronomy and geography. He was bent on finding a path by the sea to Arabia and the regions of the farther east. The discoveries made under his auspices on the western coast of Africa increased the interest that was felt in maritime enterprises. In 1466, the Azores were occupied by Portugal. The Canaries were acquired and subdued by Spain. The strongest desire was roused to discover an ocean path to the countries of Eastern Asia. This was the goal which ambitious seamen set before them. It was while in pursuit of this object that Chris topher Columbus made his great discovery. The Norse The Norse sagas relate that centuries before his time, as early as the year^lOOO, Scandinavian explor ers, who had previously occupied places on the western shore of Greenland, planted a colony in "Vinland," which has beeir ^supposed by many to be near the coast of New England. But the fact of the existence of such a settlement for any considerable time lacks verification. Where it was precisely is uncertain, and it soon came to naught. That different landings on the American shore were made by hardy seamen from Greenland is very probable. The opinion that the earth is round had been held by Plato, Aristotle, and other ancient writers. It was revived in the middle ages by Averroes, a Spanish- Arabian philosopher, was adopted in the time of Co lumbus by inquisitive men of science, and was em braced by Columbus himself. He felt sure Columbna that the eastern coasts of Asia could be reached by sailing westward. Ten years, full of struggle and disappointment, elapsed before he embarked from Palos 14 THE COLONIAL ERA in the three little ships, two of which were only half- decked, that were furnished him largely by the bounty of Isabella, the Queen of Castile. Guided by a sea-chart which Toscanelli, a Florentine astronomer, had sent to him, he passed the Canaries and would have reached the coast of Florida or Virginia had he not been persuaded by one of his companions, Piuzon, to turn to the southwest, the direction which a flock of pigeons was observed to take. Just as a mutinous spirit was ready to break out among his discouraged sailors, he reached the island He discovers ^ Guanahani, in the Bahamas. But for the San Salvador. cnan g e i n fog C ourse,the descendants of Spanish Roman Catholics, instead of English Protestants, might now possess our Atlantic seaboard. When Columbus car ried home the report of his discoveries, it seemed likely that difficulties would spring up between Spain and Portu gal. It was considered that to the popes belonged the right to dispose of all lands inhabited by the heathen. About a half century before, Nicholas V. had granted 1432-1454. ,1-0 j/u to the Portuguese their conquests on the west coast of Africa, but in terms so broad and general that they were inclined to dispute the claim of the Spanish sovereigns to any portion of what was called " the Indies." To make the latter secure in their possessions, and to pre vent a conflict between the two rival pioneers on the sea, Bulls of Alex- Pope Alexander VI., on May 3-4, 1493, issued ander vi. ^ wo fo^is to determine their respective rights. The second denned in particular what was bestowed in the first. It gave to Ferdinand and Isabella, their heirs and successors, all lands that might be discovered west and south of a line drawn from the North to the South Pole, at the" distance of one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verd Islands. This gift was made as a reward of their Christian zeal, which, it was said, had been lately manifested in the conquest of Granada. In DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS 15 June, 1494, by a convention at Tordesillas, it was settled that the imaginary line should run three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verd Islands. This gave the most of Brazil to the Portuguese. The intent was that Portugal should prosecute her voyages of dis covery by the eastward path, and Spain by the westward. In 1498 a Portuguese navigator, Vasco da Da Gama Gama, succeeded in finding a way to India by cap^of Good sea. He doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and Hope. on May 20th sailed into the harbor of Calicut. By this achievement the course of European commerce with the East was changed. The routes overland and through the Mediterranean to Venice and other cities were grad ually forsaken. It was still left, however, to explore for other ways, perhaps shorter, to the same regions. In the same year that the Portuguese made their mem orable discovery, Columbus, on his third voyage, entered the mouth of the "Orinoco, and on August Coltimbu8 1st saw the mainland oF the southern divis- discovers the ion of the Western continent. He died, how- south Amer- ever, as he had lived, in the unquestioning belief that the territories which he had found per tained to the land that was called by the ancients India. A designation given to Brazil, owing to its ... , ; T , . P Vespuccius. discovery by Americu^-\espuccius in 1501, resulted in the attaching of his name to the Continent. More than a year before Columbus beheld the South American coast the mainland of North America was seen by the leader of an English exploring expedi- V oyape of the tion. England had no disposition to acquiesce Caboto. in the bestowal of all territories west of the Atlantic upon Spain. Without interfering with Spanish discoveries, there was room for seeking a passage to India on the northwest. In 1496 Henry Vn._granted to John Cabot, a Venetian, resident in "Bristol, and to EfiTIJiree sons, a 16 THE COLONIAL ERA patent, by which they were authorized to seek out, sub due, and occupy, as vassals of the king, any regions which had been hitherto " unknown to all Christians." John Cabot, with one small vessel, set sail in 1497, and reached the coast of Labrador, if not a] so Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. There is some reason for the opinion that his son, Sebastian, accompanied him in this voyage. A second patent was granted to John Cabot on February 3, 1498, but he did not accompany his son in the fleet of six vessels which left Bristol in the following May. This is the last that we hear of the senior Cabot. He probably died about the time that the expedition started. He be lieved that by sailing southward from the places which he had discovered he could find the land of jewels and spices. But the expedition of the younger Cabot attempted to reach Cathay by the northwest passage. Being forced by the blocks of ice and the cold to turn his prows in a southerly direction, he sailed along the coast as far as the Chesapeake, landing at different places, always, however, in quest of a way by water to the Indies. In 1501 Gaspar Cortereal, a seaman in the service of Manouel, King of Portugal, explored the coast of North America for six or seven hundred miles south- Gaspar ge coi- ward from the mouth of the St. Lawrence. His ships carried back to Portugal more than fifty Indians, who were sold into slavery. The spirit of chivalnr, zeal for the propagation of the Catholic religion, and greed of gold conspired to prompt the Spanish to embark in schemes of conquest and set tlement in the New World. In :T5I3 an old soldier, Ponce do Leon, left Porto Rico with three ships and discovered the coast of Florida. He failed afterwards in an attempt tcTcolo- Leon n dlpcov- nize the territory which he had obtained a lta> commission to govern. DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS 17 On September 25, 1513, Balboa, a daring discoverer, at the head of an expedititm--which had left Darien, from the summit of the range of mountains on the isthmus, looked down on the Pacific. Descending to the shore, he took formal pos- session of the ocean in the name of his sovereign. In 1521 an expedition sent out by Yasquez de A.yllon from St. Domingo, landed on the coast of South Carolina, which was called Chicora. The captain sailed y asquez at off treacherously with a throng of natives Chicora. whom he had enticed on board his ships. It was in 1519 that Cortez departed from Cuba on his memorable expedition, and within two years he conquered Mexico. In 1526, Vasquez came in person wtttraTcommission to subdue and govern Chi cora ; but after having wasted his fortune, besides losing many of his men, he failed in his attempt. Gomez was sent out by Charles V., 1524, to search for a northern passage to Cathay. Having touched at different points along the coast as far north as Newfoundland, he went bask to Spain with a cargo of furs and of Indians for the slave-market. In 1519, Pineda, commanding four ships, with pilots on board, explored the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico to a point beyond the Rio Grande. The outlet of the Mississippi was marked by the pilots on the maps which they drew. Another effort to colonize Florida was made in 1528 by Pamfilo de Narvaez. His followers were from the higher class, and some of them the sons of "\arvuez nobles. He landed at Tampa Bay, and took possession anew of Florida in the name of his sovereign. Eager, like so many others, to find the precious metals, and deceived by the natives, who were glad to be freed from his presence, he led his companions into the in- 2 18 THE COLONIAL ERA terior, where they travelled up and down, undergoing infinite labor and suffering, struggling through miry swamps and thick forests, until they were forced to turn back to the coast. There, as they had parted from their vessels, they had to construct boats, on which they man aged to reach the mouth of the Mississippi. Four sur- Cabeza de vivors, one of whom was Cabeza de Vaca, the Vaca. treasurer, who was next in command to Nar- vaez, at last landed somewhere on the coast of Texas. All that they had suffered up to this time was but the beginning of their hardships. Directing their course inland, they wandered for eight long years. They lived much with the Indians, but worked their way across Texas and through an extensive region which cannot now with certainty be identified, to Culiacan, on the Gulf of California, where they arrived in May, 1536. There they found countrymen, and were escorted with honor to the city of Mexico. For a long time reports were rife among the Span ish conquerors of Mexico that far to the north lay cities The search abounding in wealth. The natives related that for ciboia. a f ew nun d. re( j miles north of the capital there were seven such great and wealthy cities. A succession of attempts were made to find Ciboia, the name attached to the place where the untold riches lay. In 1539, a messenger despatched by Coronado, Governor of New Galicia, came back with the story that he had seen Ciboia, and found it a more splendid city than Mexico. Coronado organized an expedition, consisting of three hundred Spaniards, some of them mounted, and all of them well equipped. He penetrated to the seven cities, but discovered them to be the stone-built towers of the Pueblo Indians. The tales of their wealth turned out to be fabulous. But Coronado, moving toward the north east, prosecuted his explorations for three years longer. DISCOVERIES AXD SETTLEMENTS 19 He found no opulent cities, but he " portrayed the coun try north of Sonora, from what is now Kansas on the one side, to the chasm of the Colorado on the other." In 1542, he returned to Mexico. Ferdinand De Soto was a Spaniard, poor, but of good birth, who rendered: much effective aid to Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and carried a fortune back De Soto with him to Spain. Appointed by Charles V. Governor of Florida, a name attached by the Spaniards to the whole region between the Atlantic and the Missis sippi, he landed, in May, 1539, with his enthusiastic band of six hundred men, at Espiritu Santo Bay. It was the strongest and- best furnished of all the exploring expedi tions that Spain had sent out. It shared, however, the coTSffirm fate. ~ After long and miserable wanderings in the regions north of the Gulf, in quest of another Peru, or of mineral treasures which their deceitful Indian guides constantly promised that they should find, early in 1541 they reached the Mississippi. Ascending that river on the west side, they at length bent their course toward the northwest. Soto displayed the greatest for titude and perseverance, but he treated the natives with atrocious cruelty. Baffled and nearly worn out, the par ty followed the Washita down to its junction with the great river. Here, on May 21, 1542, Soto died and was buried beneath its waters. His men, resolved to make their way to Mexico, first attempted to do so by land, but had to come back to the Mississippi and slowly to construct frail barks, in which the survivors of the party descended to its mouth, and proceeded along the coast until they reached Panuco. Up to this time the Spaniards had gained no perma nent foothold in America north of the Gulf and beyond the limits of their conquests in Mexico. They had shown an astonishing bravery and endurance, and had wasted 20 THE COLONIAL ERA many lives. But the ruling motive in their expeditions had been the passion for gold and plunder. Even at the close of the next century the only Spanish settlement within the bounds designated above was St. Augustine. The French very early made themselves acquainted with the fisheries of Newfoundland. It was their fisher- Verrazano s men an( ^ sailors who gave its name to Cape voyage. Breton. Iii 1524, John Verrazano, who was a Florentine by birth, but, in the service of Francis I., distinguished himself by capturing treasure-ships of Spain, made a voyage to America to look for a way to Cathay. He sailed up the coast, stopping at different points, from Cape Fear, in North Carolina, to Newfound land. In 1534, Jacques Cartier, a Breton sailor, left the port of St. Malo for the coast of Lab rador. He entered the Bay of Chaleurs, and also the estuary of the St. Lawrence, without being aware of its relation to the river. He did not give up the search for a way to the Indies. In 1535, he returned to the same coast, and ascended the St. Lawrence as far as Hochelaga, the site of Montreal, stopping on his way at the island afterward named Orleans. It is a mistake to suppose that he was the first to give to the whole region the name of New France. Subsequently Francis I. associated with Cartier a nobleman, the Lord of Roberval, whom he made Governor of New France, Cartier being Captain-General, subordinate to him. Cartier was the first to sail. He left France in May, 1541. He built a fort not far from Quebec, and visited Hochelaga. About the time that Roberval arrived with reinforcements, Cartier left for France, carrying wdth him quartz crystals, which he mis took for diamonds. The two leaders failed to act in concert, and nothing substantial was accomplished. Roberval s effort to plant a colony on the St. Lawrence failed. DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS 21 Among the French the Huguenots were the first to attempt to found colonies within the present limits of the United States. Under the patronage of the Ribaut in famous Protestant leader, Coligni, Jean Kibaut Carolina, crossed the ocean with two ships. He discovered the St. John s River, in Florida, which he called the May, and sail ing northward he entered, in 1562, an inlet which he named Port Royal There, on an island, he built Fort Carolina, so named for Charles IX., the king of France. The territory adjacent subsequently received the same de signation. The few colonists whom he left abandoned the place, and when on their way home in a bark which they had themselves built, were picked up by an English ship. Two years later Laudonniere, who had Laudonn^re been a companion of Ribaut, brought over inFlonda - another colony to the May River, where a fort was built which was also named Carolina. When their store of food was consumed, the colonists were relieved by Sir John Hawkins, an English captain, explorer, and slave- trader. Just then, as they were about to return to France, Ribaut arrived with a reinforcement of colonists and supplies for the settlement. The Spaniards were not disposed to tolerate the intrusion into Florida of a com pany of French heretics. Philip H. committed the work of extirpating them to a fit instrument, Melendez de Aviles. On September 1, 1564, Melendez entered a harbor which he named St. Augustine. Having discovered the situation of the French fort, he attacked it by land and put the whole garrison to the sword, " not." he said, " as Frenchmen, but as Lutherans." Two years after, Dominic de Gourges, a French soldier, De Gourges - anxious to avenge this barbarous act, with three ships sailed to Florida, captured two of the Spanish forts which had been constructed by the followers of Melendez, and not being able to take home his prisoners, hanged them 22 THE COLONIAL ERA upon trees, doing it, he said in the inscription over them, " not as unto Spaniards or mariners, but as unto trait- spain ho .ds ors > robbers, and murderers." St. Augustine, st. Augustine, the oldest town in the United States, east of the Mississippi, was left in the hands of Spain. France would have taken a much more active part in colonization had it not been for the turmoil of the civil wars that lasted from about 1560 until near the close of the century. In 1594, the terrible struggle ended in the accession of Henry IV., and, in 1598, the edict of Nantes secured freedom of worship for his Protestant subjects. There was a revival of commerce, and the fur-trade, which had gradually sprung up, created an increasing interest in the northern parts of America. In 1598, the Marquis The rise of ^ e * a Roche, a nobleman of Brittany, received a New France, commission to conquer Canada. But the forty men whom he left on the Isle of Sable, near Nova Scotia, were convicts taken from the jails. For a long time it was imagined, not in France alone, but generally in Europe, that people who were good for nothing else were fit to become colonists. Criminals, idlers, and vaga bonds were despatched to the American coast to found social communities. All but twelve of de la Roche s men perished in their miserable abode. These twelve had the good fortune to get back to France. In 1603, DeMonts. JL ,, , . . , , . , De Monts, a Calvmist, a man of high character, was appointed Governor of Acadia, with authority over all inhabitants as far south as the latitude of Philadelphia. After cruising along the coast as far as Cape Cod, he finally placed his colony at Port Royal afterwards named by the English Annapolis where there were already some French settlers. After two years De Monts lost his monopoly of the fur-trade, and his colonists returned to France. The settlement was renewed by Poutrincourt. It was almost, but not wholly, extinguished by Argall, the DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS 23 leader of two expeditions from Virginia to break up the French colonies. In 1611, Jesuit priests from France ascended the Kennebec and made friends with the tribes between that river and the Penobscot. When the mo nopoly granted to De Monts was revoked, a company of French merchants was found to carry on the fur -trade. They executed their plans through the agency of Samuel de Champlain, the most eminent of all the leaders in French colonization in America. Champlain was a man of talents, education, and wide experience. In 1608, he founded Quebec, and led an invading party c^mpi^ against the hostile Iroquois. He visited the founds Que- lake which bears his name. The religious orders, especially the Jesuit Society, sent out their mis sionaries in an increasing number. The history of the Jesuit missionaries in the " New Land " is a record of almost unexampled devotion and fortitude. France was laying the foundations for what bade fair to be a wide spread and lasting dominion. After the voyages of the Cabots, Henry VH. was desir ous of avoiding a conflict with the pretensions of Spain. When Edward VI. ascended the throne Sebas tian Cabot was an old man. He was made gov- voyajfes 8 of ernor of a company of merchants who were to exp 01 seek for the coast of China by the northeastern route. An expedition was sent out under Sir Hugh Willoughby. One of the vessels reached the harbor of Archangel. The only result of the enterprise was the opening of commer cial communication with Russia. As long as Henry VIH. acknowledged the papacy, he had felt bound to respect the Pope s grant to Spain. When he threw off the papal authority, and broke with Charles V. on account of the discarding of Queen Catharine, the Emperor s aunt, he was more free from restraint. There was still faith in the possibility of finding a northwestern passage to the 24 THE COLONIAL ERA land of spices, and the fisheries of Newfoundland grew more and more attractive. On the accession of Eliza beth, the antagonism of England to Spain became in tense. The spirit of maritime adventure and exploration grew into a passion. Even when the nations were nom inally at peace, English sea rovers lost no opportunity to intercept and capture the Spanish vessels, laden with treasure, which they met with, or hunted for, on the ocean. Elizabeth connived at these breaches of public law, which were prompted to a considerable extent by patriotic feeling, in retaliation for wrongs inflicted on English subjects who fell into the hands of the Inquisi tion. They were agreeable to her as bringing gold and silver into her coffers. Repeated voyages of Martin Frobisher to the northern coast of America Frobisher. , -~r"~~. I~7~ n ... _ . ., , led to geographical discoveries of value, not withstanding the partial diversion of these expeditions from their design by the fancied discovery of gold and the consequent transportation to England of cargoes of worthless soil. Sir Francis Drake, in the course of his memorable voyage around the world, was one of those who explored the northw r est coast. There sprung up a class of zealous students of geography and active promoters of discovery and coloni zation. Richard Hakluyt is a typical example Hakluyt. J ,, of this class. From early youth, fascinated by geographical studies and accounts of voyages, he gave all his time at the university to these researches, and accepted the post of chaplain to the English ambassador at Paris for the express purpose of informing himself respecting the discoveries and colonial enterprises of the French and Spanish. Afterwards, in addition to his per sonal connection with such undertakings, he published copious historical accounts of enterprises, especially Eng lish enterprises, of this character. DISCO VEHIES AND SETTLEMENTS 25 Two names which are conspicuous at this period in maritime undertakings are Humphrey Gilbert and Wal ter Raleigh. Gilbert was the half-brother of Gilbert aud Raleigh, and was thirteen years older. Gil- Raleigh. bert s untimely death prevented him from doing what he might have done, but he lived long enough to merit the high place which he holds in the catalogue of ex plorers. Raleigh was one of the ablest men of that day, and as versatile as he was able. He was a soldier, taking his first lessons in war from the Huguenots in France, to join whose army he left his studies at Ox ford when he was only seventeen, and in whose bat tles he fought during the next seven years. He be came, likewise, the foremost English seaman, as skilful and daring in naval encounters as he was in contests on the land. He was an orator, also, and a leader in the House of Commons ; a courtier too, displacing rivals and winning in a remarkable degree the personal regard of Elizabeth, who showered on him estates and monopolies, the usual rewards bestowed on her favorites. Lastly, he was a literary man, a friend of Sidney and of Spenser. He beguiled his prison hours at last in the composition of a history of the world. If Raleigh had great faults, he had great merits. They were the charac teristic merits and faults of his time and country. One thread runs through all his career. He cherished an un dying antipathy to Spain and Spanish rule. He fought Spain in the Low Countries ; in Ireland, where he took part in the conflict and massacre at Smerwick ; in the harbor of Cadiz, where he was in the van in the attack on the Spanish fleet ; and wherever on the seas a Span ish ship could be assailed. He had large plans for wrest ing from Spain all her American possessions, and, even if that could not be done, for building up a rival Eng lish dominion in the New World. With broad schemes 26 THE COLONIAL ERA of this nature he no doubt had an eye, also, to the ad vancement of his own private fortunes. In 1578 Gilbert, who had been knighted for services in Ireland, parted with his patrimony and sold his estates Gilbert s first ^ e ^ the means t ^ ou ^ a great expedi- expeditkra. tion. Letters-patent were given him to con quer and possess any heathen lands not already in the hands of Christians. The selfishness and folly of some of his associates reduced his force of men and vessels. He sailed, however, on November 18, 1578, with seven ships, one of which was commanded by Raleigh. The destina tion of the fleet was not revealed, and now is not known ; but it was apparently intended for an attack on the Span iards somewhere. It returned the next summer, after an encounter in which one of the ships was lost. Not dis heartened by this experience, Gilbert, in June, 1583, embarked on a second voyage with five ships. He landed on the coast of New foundland, and took possession of that island in the name of the Queen. He explored the coast southward for a certain distance, but at last had to turn his course homeward, with only two ships, the remnant of his fleet. On the return voyage, the frigate in which Gilbert sailed was wrecked, and the brave commander perished. In 1584, Ealeigh obtained a charter from Eliza- s c ifd s l (f\\ t beth, and fitted out at his own cost two ves- two vessels. ge ^ un( j er the command of Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow, the latter of whom wrote the history of the voyage. They sailed southward along the shores of Caro lina. Barlow s narrative, which contained a glowing de scription of the newly found region, was presented by Raleigh to the Queen. About this time he received the honor of knighthood. To the regions which his captains had visited, the Virgin Queen gave the name of Virginia. It shows what profit Raleigh gained from his monopoly in DISCOVEKIKS AND SETTLEMENTS 27 the sale of wines, and from other benefits conferred by his royal mistress, that he was able to fit out another fleet of seven vessels, at the same time that he aided . , Tit Ralei g h s Davis, one of his friends, to undertake a voyage colony at Ro to the northwestern coast. Raleigh s vessels, which carried out one hundred and eight colonists, had for their naval commander a brave seaman, Sir Richard Grenville, and carried, as governor of the prospective colony, a soldier of repute, Ralph Lane. They reached Roanoke, where they established themselves. They ex amined, however, the neighboring coast southward to the Sscotan, and northward as far as the Chesapeake, and pushed for some distance into the interior. They were charmed with the scenery and with the products of the country. They quickly turned to their use three of the indigenous products of America tobacco, maize, and po tatoes. Through the agency of these colonists of Ra leigh, tobacco was introduced into England. By his personal example he did much to make the use of it com mon. The potato he was the first to cultivate, planting the tubers on his Irish lands near Cork. Lane shows his enthusiasm in a letter to Elizabeth s Secretary of State, Walsingham : " All the kingdomes and states of Chrysten- dom theyere comodytyes joyeyned in one together, doo not yealde ether more good or more plentyfulle whatsoever for publyck use ys needeful or pleasinge for delyghte." Nevertheless provisions began to fail. The colonists were homesick, and when Sir Francis Drake touched at Roanoke on his way home, and when the bark and the boats which he proposed to leave for their use were swept away in a sudden storm, they were glad to be transported by him from this earthly paradise to England, leaving fif teen persons behind to hold the place and wait for new comers. Time had been wasted in journeys in quest of gold and pearls, and the Indians had been offended by THE COLONIAL ERA harsh treatment. In 1587, Raleigh s last colony was sent oat, comprising in it wives and families, and instructed Raleigh s last to settle on the Chesapeake. The fifteen men cofony. wh o ^d been left at R oano k e } iac j perished. There John White, the leader of the new company, was obliged to stay as he alleged, on account of the refusal of the pilot to explore the coast. The settlers suffered from the hostility of a tribe of Indians. Other troubles existed, so that White went back to England in the returning ves sel to seek for reinforcements and supplies. But Eng land was now completely absorbed in the preparations to beat back the Spanish Armada. There was no room for thought of anything else. Yet in the spring of 1588, Ealeigh sent White with two vessels containing supplies for the colonists at Roanoke. Both ships, owing to an encounter with French men-of-war, put back to England. Raleigh had now spent 40,000 in his efforts to colonize Virginia. To secure the prosecution of the work, still retaining his charter, he made a company of adventurers and merchants sharers in the benefits of the patent which he had granted to the Roanoke settlers. In Roanoke *et- 1590, White returned to Roanoke, but found no traces of the colonists. They had either per ished or been incorporated among the Hatteras Indians. Evidence of some weight has been gathered in support of the latter theory. Among the lost was White s daughter, Eleanor Dare, and his grandchild, the first child born of English parents within the limits of the United States. In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold, without authority from Raleigh, set out from Falmouth in a small bark for Gosnoid s *^ e New World. Instead of taking the com- voyajre. mon route by the way of the Canaries and the West Indies, he sailed directly across the Atlantic by the course which had been taken by Verrazano, from whose letter he may have derived the suggestion. He visited DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS 29 the coast of Maine, sailed southward, rounded Cape Cod, and on one of the Elizabeth islands his men built a house roofed with rushes. But they fell into a dispute among themselves, and abandoned the island if indeed they had ever proposed to remain there and went back to England with a freight of sassafras and cedar. This voyage led to other expeditions. In 1603, Martin Pring came over to the coast of New England, entered Massachusetts Bay, and the harbor where Plymouth is situated. His two vessels remained long enough for an acquaintance to be made with the Indians, and also for gathering cargoes of sassafras, which was the object that Pring had in view. In 1605, George Wevmouth was the leader in an expedi- , . , ,, , i TI i a . i Weymouth. tion which was sent out by the Earl 01 ooutn- ampton and Lord Aruudel. Weymouth had previously explored the coast of Labrador. He now sailed north ward from Cape Cod to the mouth of the Kennebec and up that river. Weymouth s reports directed the atten tion of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the advantages of the Maine coast, which so abounds in good harbors. The co-operation of Popham, the Lord Chief-Justice of Eng land, was secured by Gorges. The result was that the harbors and rivers of that coast were more carefully ex amined by a vessel that Pcpham sent out. When the seventeenth century dawned, England had planted no permanent settlement in the New World. Spain and Portugal, which had been the pioneers in the work of discovery and conquest, had acquired extensive possessions over which they ruled. The Spanish mon archy had begun to decline in vigor, but was still strong and formidable. The time had now come when England was to succeed in laying the foundation of permanent colonies on the American continent. The circumstances were somewhat, if not altogether, propitious. CHAPTER IV. VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 James I. and his Policy Incentives to Colonization The Virginia Company Constitution of its Two Branches The London Company The Settlement of Jamestown John Smith The New Charter Delaware Dale Argall The Third Charter The House of Burgesses Growth of the Colony Annulling of the Charter Spanish Intrigues Harvey Berkeley Under the Commonwealth Navigation Laws Arlington and Culpep- per Bacon s Rebellion A Royal Province Negro Slavery. IN 1603, James I. succeeded to the English throne, thus uniting the crowns of England and of Scotland. The James i. and * on g an( ^ splendid reign of the last of the Tu- fcs policy, dors was followed by the ignoble rule of the Stuarts. The proud spirit of independence and self- reliance which had characterized both Elizabeth and her people gave way to a truckling polic} in the dealings of the government with Spain, which was prompted by a desire to avoid war. There was nothing sinful in such a desire. Elizabeth had been driven to contend with a conspiracy against her throne and her life. The son of Mary Stuart was differently situated. He might natur ally feel that he was not called upon to take up the con test which had been forced upon his predecessor in con sequence of the denial of her title to the crown. James may be pardoned for indulging the hope that peace could be restored with the Catholic powers, and even with the Pope, and that a way might be found for a cessation of the conflict of the European nations, one with another. ORIGIN. Longitude 100 The grants of 1606 extended 100 miles inward from the coast ; the grants of 1609. 1020, 1629, and 1665, from "Sea to Sea. , GRANTS from JO Greenwich SCALE OF MILES 100 , 00 300 iOO 500 600 700 800 900 1000 i I VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 31 His fault lay in the conceit and presumption which led to his being outwitted by Spain, and still more in his consenting to the humiliation of England for advantages that were trifling in comparison with the price that was paid for them. The result of his policy was that Eng land sunk in the estimation of foreign powers, while the lukewarm Protestantism, of the king, and his contempt for popular rights, were building up within the kingdom the great Puritan party, and planting the seeds of civil war, to bear their harvest in the next reign. On the accession of James there were fresh incentives incentives to to colonization. All through the sixteenth cen- co]onization - tury there had been a complaint in England of a redun dancy of population. Such were the relations of classes and the state of industry that the peasant class had to endure much poverty and distress, and the conviction spread that some relief must be found. Crimes multi plied to a fearful extent, and were not checked by the cruel character of the penal laws. Under Elizabeth, in the protracted conflict with Spain, and in the wars in the Netherlands, there had been an outlet for surplus energy, employment for the restless and adventurous. Now, with various other sorts of idlers, there were not a few disbanded soldiers from the Low Countries; for James, in his first year, suspended hostilities with Spain, and in the year following signed a peace with that coun try. The day for the exploits of heroes like Drake and Raleigh was over. After the period of discovery, and of voyages prompted largely by dreams of sudden conquests and dazzling riches, the time had come for more sober and better contrived plans of emigration. Imagination was still alive, for the New World was yet to a great ex tent a mystery. But plentiful experiences of disaster and failure had not been wholly in vain. The proceed ings of Gosnold, of Gorges, and of Popham indicated an 32 THE COLONIAL ERA altered spirit in connection with such enterprises. They were felt to be too large and expensive for single indi viduals to undertake. It was organized companies on whom was to devolve the difficult task of establishing permanent settlements on the Atlantic coast, and of thus laying the foundations of great commonwealths. The organization of the East India Company, in 1599, had afforded an example of corporate societies of this gen eral character, although that company was established simply for purposes of trade. On April 10, 1C06, King James granted to Sir Thomas charter of Gates, Richard Hakluyt, Edward Wingfield, the Virginia George Popham, and others, the first charter of Virginia. It provided for the establishment of a company, or of one company in two branches. The southern, or London Company or " Colony " as it was called was to have the authority to occupy lands be tween the thirty-fourth and forty-first degrees of north latitude. The second, or Plymouth Colony, having its head-quarters at that place, was to occupy the lands be tween the thirty-eighth and forty-fifth degrees. The two grants overlapped each other, but each company was prohibited from placing a settlement within a hundred miles of a previous settlement planted by the other. Each company was to have a hundred miles of sea-coast, half to the north and half to the south of its colony, with the islands for a hundred miles eastward, and the terri tory to the same distance westward. The extent of America westward was then quite unknown. In the let ters of the time Virginia is often spoken of as an island. Constitn- Each company was to have a resident council two comp h a e - f thirteen members, to be appointed and re- nies. moved as the king should direct. There was to be a superintending Council of Virginia, consisting of fourteen persons, and appointed by the king, with full VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 33 authority to manage and govern, subject, of course, to his direction. The two subordinate councils were au thorized to coin money, and to mine for the metals, it being stipulated that one-fifth of the gold and silver obtained should be paid to the sovereign. The patentees were empowered to exact duties, the rate of which was fixed, on goods imported by Englishmen and by foreign ers. Lands assigned by the resident councils w T ere to be held " in free and common socage " that is, by the same tenure as lands in England. The colony has been styled " a vast joint-stock farm, or collection of farms." Each colonist was to be supported from the common earnings, and to have a certain share in the profits. The colonists and their children were to have "all liberties, franchises, and immunities," " to all intents and pur poses," of native-born subjects of the king a guarantee to which in subsequent times there was frequently occa sion to appeal. If any attacked or robbed the vessels of other nations with which England was at peace, and, when proclamation of the wrong had been made in any of the ports of the realm, should refuse to make just rep aration, the offenders were to be deprived of protection and left to the vengeance of princes and others whom they had injured. This ordinance, which was to prevent piracy, no doubt sprung especially from the desire to avoid occasions of quarrel with Spain. About six months later the superior council was nomi nated by the king. Sir John Popham, the Chief-Justice, was one of the members, Sir Ferdinando Gor- The Roval ges, who became very prominent in connection t onncfl. with American affairs, was another. The council was soon enlarged by the addition of eleven new names, one of the additions being Sir Edwin Sandys, whose influence, after a time, became predominant in the London Company. For this company, which was to send out the first col- 3 34 THE COLONIAL ERA ony, a set of instructions to serve as a constitution was framed, and was issued by the authority of the king. The council in England was to nominate the resident council, whose president was to be a layman chosen by itself. The Church of England was to be maintained. It was enjoined to treat the natives kindly, and "to use all proper means to draw them to the true knowl edge and love of God." Persons accused of heinous offences, which were specified, were to be tried by jury. Minor offences were to be punished by the council at their discretion. The council might pass laws provis ionally, but in order to continue in force they must be ratified either by the colonial Council in England, or by royal authority. But such enactments must not affect life or limb. The local council was to appoint a Treas urer or Cape Merchant, to regulate trade. The products of the labor of the colony were to be gathered into maga zines prepared for the purpose, from which supplies were to be given out to the settlers. The Constitution of Virginia put all power into the hands of the crown. It made the king, in relation to the colony, an absolute sovereign. It was fortunate for liberty in America that it did not remain the permanent system of government. The fleet which the London merchants provided for transporting the emigrants one hundred and five in number was placed under the command of a competent The Virginia and tried seaman, Christopher Newport. It colony. gailed Qn p ec e m ber 19, 1606. Into the hands of Newport, and of two others, Gosnold and John Eat- cliffe, who were associated with him in command, there was given a sealed paper, to be opened on their ar rival in Virginia, containing the names of the resident council. In another paper minute directions were given as to the selection of a site, the exploring of the region, VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 35 the treatment of the natives, and other topics. The num ber of colonists who were to accompany Newport in his journeys of exploration was fixed. His main objects were to be the search for the precious metals and for a way to the South Seas. Among the colonists who sailed with Newport were Gosnold, whose previous voyage has already been mentioned ; Wingfield, who was a merchant ; Hunt, who went out as chaplain ; and the renowned John Smith, who had had abundant experience in differ ent countries as a soldier and adventurer, and was led through his acquaintance with Gosnold to join the ex pedition to a land where his courage and capacity were to prove of essential value. Not much less than one-half of the colonists were " gentlemen," with no experience in manual labor ; there were not many laborers ; there were a few mechanics ; but most of the emigrants were sol diers and servants. Before the fleet reached Virginia there was dissension on board, and for some unknown reason John Smith was placed under arrest. On opening the sealed paper his name was found to be on the list of the council. This body chose Wingfield for its president. On May 13, 1607, contrary to Gosn old s judgment, Jamestown was pitched upon as the place of settlement the name being given to the place in honor of the king. It was on the north of the James River, thirty-two miles from its mouth. The site chosen for the settlement was then a low peninsula. On May 21st Captain Newport, with a party of twenty- three companions, started up the river in the shallop on an exploring tour. From a " gentleman " of the party we have a detailed account of what exploring they did and saw. They went as far as the party site of Richmond. They were hospitably treated and faithfully guided by the Indians. Among them was a chieftain who was a namesake and perhaps a son of a 30 THE COLOXIAL ERA more powerful potentate, Powhatan. The garden of the subordinate chief was on the bank of the river. There, the "Diary" informs us, "he sowed his wheate, beane, peaze, tobacco, pompions, gourds, hempe, flaxe, etc." " Were any art," it is added, " used to the natural! state of this place, it would be a goodly habitatyon." On the return of the party, on May 27th, they learned that the settlers had been obliged to repel a formidable attack by two hundred savages. Newport completed the palisade about the fort, gave the colonists the best advice, insisting on the importance of harmony and good con duct, and, on June 22d, sailed for England. The chron icler quoted above has this record : " 21, Sondaye. We had a comunyon. Capt. Newport dyned ashore with our dyet, and invyted many of us to supper as a farewell." The sacrament was administered according to the forms of the English Church, under the shelter of a sail stretched from one tree to another. Newport s good counsels did Divisions BO * ava ^ to secure peace. As soon as he had and chutes. g On6} disputes broke out. Gosnold, the most influential man, died. Wingfield was unpopular, fell out with several of his associates in the council, and was de posed from the office of Governor. Batcliffe took his place, but succeeded no better. He exchanged blows with one Reed, and Reed for his offence w r as sentenced to die. He charged one Kendal with plotting a mutiny, and Kendal was hanged in Reed s place. Half of the colonists died during the summer. Au tumn came and brought supplies of wild-fowl and of maize. John smith Early in December, Smith went with a party a captive. U p ^ e Chickahominy to explore the river and to trade for corn. Ascending as far as he could in his barge, he left his company, and with two Indian guides and two Englishmen, proceeded farther up the stream. He landed, leaving his two companions in the canoe. VIRGINIA UNTIE 1688 37 They were attacked and slain by hostile savages, and Smith himself, who had only one Indian guide with him, was captured. He amused his captors by showing them a pocket compass. He was conveyed by them from vil lage to village, and was at last brought to the great Pow- hatan, whom he calls the "Emperor," by whom he was kindly received and sent to Jamestown in peace and safety. Such, in substance, is the account which Smith gives in his "True Eelation of Virginia," which was written at the time and printed in 1608. In a subse quent work, which he edited, the "General! Historic," which was published in 1624, he relates the familiar story of his salvation from imminent death by the inter cession of the chieftain s daughter, Pocahontas. Not only is this tale inconsistent with the " True Relation " of 1608 ; it is not found in a later publication, the tract of 1612, the appendix to which was written by Smith s com panions ; and it is wholly wanting in the " Discourse of Virginia " by Wingfield, who was then at Jamestown, and tells us the story of Smith s capture and release. In his publication, issued sixteen years after the event, Smith amplified the original account by this addition, possibly to please the readers to whom Pocahontas, then the wife of an Englishman, John Rolfe, had become a ro mantic personage. The preface and other parts of the " General History " may seem to indicate that he had a taste for this sort of adornment. Pocahontas was a child twelve years old when Smith s marvellous deliver ance is said to have occurred. On the return of Smith he encountered the hostility of Ratcliffe, who proved to be a foolish and incapable governor. Ratcliffe preferred against him groundless ac cusations. He was delivered from danger by the timely arrival of Newport with fresh supplies. Disorder arose in the colony in consequence of the fancied discovery 38 THE COLONIAL ERA of a gold mine. For seven weeks, Smith was engaged in exploring the shores of the bay and the Potomac River. The confusion which he found to exist comes prest- on his return was quieted by the removal of Katcliffe from office. About this time there was a fire at Jamestown which consumed a part of the provisions. Smith was now made president. He de parted again to continue his exploration of the bay ; but his narrative of what he undoubtedly accomplished is decorated with more apocryphal incidents. In Septem ber a band of new-comers was brought over by New port. In this period it was to the energy and tact of Smith that the salvation of the colony was due. He was active in all directions. He taught the "gentlemen" to use tools and to till the ground. It was encouraging that two women and eight Polish and German mechanics were among those who came with Newport. But at the moment the prospects of the colony were dark. The company complained to Smith of the small- ness of their profits. He showed them in a of te p com- temperate letter that their complaint was un reasonable. Their spirit is seen in their in structions to Newport to find either a lump of gold, a way to the South Seas, or news of Raleigh s lost colo nists. Wingfield and others who had returned to Eng land spread reports of the misfortunes and contentions of the colonists. The new settlement began to provoke ridicule. The fact was overlooked that " the air of Vir ginia could work no charm to turn idle spendthrifts into hard-working settlers." But the condition of the colony had the effect to arouse in England a new zeal in behalf of the enterprise. Pamphlets were written on the im portance of it. Unhappily, one of the considerations urged was the need of a place abroad for idlers and scapegraces. The pulpit added its exhortations. On VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 39 May 23, 1609, a new charter was issued to the company, which was now greatly enlarged, and received all the privileges of a corporation. At the head of A new char . the long list of persons who were to be the ter - nucleus of the company is Eobert Cecil, the Earl of Salisbury, whose name is followed by six earls besides, and by an imposing array of other representatives of the nobility, and members of the various professions and trades. Among these is the name of Francis Bacon. The Treasurer was to be the chief executive officer. There was to be a council in England, the vacancies in which were to be filled by the company, by whom the Treasurer, also, was to be chosen. This council was to appoint a local governor, to supersede the local council, which had heretofore ruled the colony, and to govern with unchecked authority. All legislative power was vested in the council. It was to be exempt from paying duties, except the five per cent, customs, for twenty-one years ; but it might exact duties on exports and imports, the rate of which was fixed. The territory of the company was to extend two hundred miles to the north and two hundred miles to the south of Point Comfort, and over "all that space and circuit of land," from "sea to sea, west and northwest." This last term in the definition of boundaries founded the claim of Virginia to the territory northwest of the Ohio. For seven years the company was to be a "joint-stock farm, or collection of farms," and at the end of that time each shareholder was to receive a due allotment of land. An emigrant entering into the service of the company was to own one share. Whether the pri vate ownership of farms to any extent, or private trade, up to that limit of time, was to exist, is left doubtful. It would seem as if the system of management ordained for a period was to be much like that of a penal settle ment. 40 THE COLONIAL ERA Lord Delaware, a man of worth and of eminent qualifi cations for the post, was appointed Governor. Unfor tunately he did not come out at once. A body of emigrants, five hundred in number, was sent before him, but the vessel in which the three leaders embarked was cast on the Bermudas, so that most of them arrived at Jamestown in advance of their chiefs. The new emigrants appear to have brought no strength or advantage to the settlement. Smith describes them as " unruly gallants," sent out by their friends to save them from "ill destinies." Smith himself soon after was hurt by an accident, and returned to England. Some "misdemeanors" \vere laid to his charge, which cannot have been of a serious nature. He thought, however, that his services were not duly appreciated, and he did not re turn afterward to Virginia. After he left, there was noth ing but anarchy and distress in the colony. Some of the settlers were killed by the Indians, and many died of dis ease. In the spring of 1610, Lord Delaware arrived, just in season to prevent the miserable remnant of the people from sailing away for Newfoundland in the pinnaces, in which they had already set out. The arrival of Lord Delaware brought in cheerfulness and order. The local council was organized, a roof was placed on the church, and new forts were erected. One hundred and fifty set tlers accompanied Delaware, and some effort had been made to secure persons of good character. He ruled well, although with considerable pomp and show. In less than a year, in consequence of failing health, he re turned to England. He was succeeded in authority by Dale: harsh Sir Thomas Dale, in the character of "High code" of law. Marshal," Delaware being still Governor-Gen eral. Dale proceeded with vigor in the administration of the government. He brought with him a system of martial law which had been framed in the Netherlands. VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 41 The enactments were of astonishing severity. Non-at tendance upon Sunday services was made a capital of fence. One guilty of blasphemy for the second time was to " have a bodkin thrust through his tongue." Other of fences not connected with religion were to be punished with equal rigor. In August, 1611, Sir Thomas Gates arrived, with three hundred fresh emigrants, together with a hundred cows and other cattle. On him the government now devolved. A new settlement was formed at Henrico, and another at Bermuda. Alexander Whitaker, a godly clergyman and missionary, ministered at these places. He had come over with Gates. 1612 is the date of the beginning of the systematic cultivation of tobacco, which is attributed to John Rolfe. The cultivation of this plant was so lucrative as to be come the predominant and all-controlling oc- , . . TT- . . T , i xi The culti- cupition of Virginia. It was not only the vation of to- principal form of agriculture ; it kept out manufacturing. " Its influence," says IBrock, a recent Virginia writer, " permeated the entire social sphere of the colony, directed its laws, was an element in all its po litical and religious disturbances, and became the direct instigation of the curse of African slavery." Whitaker labored to convert the Indians. At Henrico, a college was planted for the education of the natives. But the rights of the Indians were sometimes disregarded. The capture of Pocahontas enabled the English to conclude a peace with Powhatan, which became permanent in 1614, on the marriage of the young princess to Kolfe. The Chicka- hominies agreed to be the subjects of King James. In 1613, Captain Samuel Argall, an unscrupulous man, was sent by Dale on a voyage north ward to destroy the settlements of the French, which were considered an invasion of the territorial rights of 42 THE COLONIAL ERA Virginia. He expelled a Jesuit colony from Mount Desert Island. The next year he again left Jamestown and burned the deserted houses at Port Royal. In 1612, a third charter was granted to the Virginia Company, which gave to it the islands for a distance of A third char- three hundred leagues from the coast. Thus it ter> acquired the Bermudas, which, how r ever, were soon disposed of to a separate corporation formed by a portion of its own members. The new charter author ized lotteries in England for the benefit of the company, by which a large sum was procured. Gates, returning to England, urged that " honest laborers " might be sent out. A more wise policy was introduced respecting the possession of land. Liberal bounties in land were offered to new emigrants. In 1615, every freeman be came the owner of fifty acres in his own right. These changes, with the gains from the culture of tobacco, tended to inspirit the settlers. When Argall, in 1617, was sent out as Deputy Governor, through the influence of the faction in the company which was subservient to the Court, he found the streets and "all other spare places " in Jamestown planted with tobacco. After two years, the arrogance, cruelty, and greed of Argall became unbearable and he was driven out of the colony. When he fled, its condition, notwithstanding all that had been done for it, was far from being prosperous. There were only three ordained ministers within its limits. But a new era now began. Yeardleysucceeded Ar- gall, and at his coming there were Tntroclucedthe most important alterations in the method of gov ernment. The laws ofJEnglandJ&ok the place of Joule s iron code. The first representative bo3} r of leg islators that ever existed in America was now constituted. Its first meeting was held on July 30, 1619, in the chan cel of the church at Jamestown. It consisted of twenty- VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 43 two burgesses, who were elected by the eleven towns, plantations, and hundreds this last term designating, as in England, a political division. The burgesses A House of sat with the council, and they formed, together, Burgesses. one legislative body. It was clothed with judicial as well as legislative authority. The provision in the char ter for the security of the equal rights and immunities of the colonists was referred to in a petition to the company that the stipulation might not be violated. The authority of the Church of England in the colony was confirmed. Attendance on church twice on Sunday w r as required. Measures were passed looking toward the founding of a college. Each settlement was directed to see to the education and religious instruction of the natives. In accordance with the political ideas of that period, laws were enacted to prevent extravagance in dress ; also, the price at which tobacco should be sold was prescribed. Tobacco was made the legal currency. It became the custom to fix the amount of taxes, fines, stipends of every sort, at so many pounds of tobacco. In this very year, when the earliest popular Assembly was convened, and within a month after it met, the first negro Negro s!avea slaves were introduced by a Dutch man-of- introduced, war. In this year, along with twelve hundred settlers, there were sent one hundred convicts to become ser vants. An apprentice system was introduced. Boys and girls who were picked up in the streets of London were shipped to Virginia to be bound during their minority to the planters. It is more agreeable to record that gener ous gifts were made in England of money and land to the college at Henrico. In July, 1620, the population of the colony was esti mated at four thousand. The quantity of tobacco ex ported increased rapidly from year to j ear. But, in 1621, England set up a monopoly in trade with the col- 44 THE COLONIAL ERA onies. Tobacco could no longer be exported directly to the Netherlands. The trade with the Dutch was cut Growth of the off - Two leaders in the Virginia Company, colony. gi r Edwin Sandys and Nicholas Ferrar, were especially active in promoting emigration. The liber ation of the planters from their service to the company, and the ownership of the land by them, increased greatly the happiness and thrift of the colony. More than a thousand persons annually joined it. The discovery was at last made that only on the basis of family life could a stable and prosperous community be founded. Ninety young women of good repute were shipped to Virginia at the expense of the company, and they were followed later by another band, sixty in number. The advent of Sir Francis Wyatt, as Governor, in 1621, is memorable for the reason tnaf he brought with him a Wyatt: a wr ^en constitution of government. It was station c n ~ ^ rame ^ on * ne model of the English system. The Governor and the Council were to be ap pointed by the company. For the acts of the Assembly the sanction of the company was required ; the orders of the company, in turn, required the concurrence of the Assembly. The Assembly was to meet annually. The right of veto upon its enactments was given to the Gov ernor. The right of trial by jury was confirmed. We have here, in its main outlines, the form of government that was to be established in the American colonies gen erally. The new political life gave a fresh impulse to agricul ture. A beginning was even made in manufactures. The great interests of education and religion attracted more attention. Fear of the natives was passing away. The settlers commonly dwelt not in hamlets, but in dwel lings apart from one another. The large farms extended along the banks of the rivers, where the soil was adapted VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 45 to the growth of the tobacco plant. Powhatan, the friend of the English, was now dead. While the colonists were growing careless and unsuspicious, the natives were be coming jealous and inimical. Occasions of quarrel were not wanting. At noon on March 22, 1622, the Indians, who were banded together in a secret conspiracy, fell upon the whites and slew three hundred and j n( jj an mas . forty-seven persons of both sexes and of ev ery age. There were all the circumstances of barbar ity that commonly attend an Indian massacre. The re sult was that many of the plantations were abandoned. Some of the colonists returned to England. Where there had been four thousand inhabitants only twenty-five hun dred were left. This crushing blow was followed in about two years by what appeared to be a dire calamity, the annulling of the charter. This catastrophe was in a great Annulling degree the result of the intrigues of Spain. These began much earlier than 1612, the date that has been assigned for their beginning. The ar chives of Simancas reveal the fact that from the in ception of the Virginia Colony the eyes of the Spanish Government were upon it, and its efforts directed to the prevention of the movement and the destruction of the infant settlement. The Spanish ambassador in Eng land, Zuniga, obeyed his instructions to watch the en terprise and to use all exertions to move the king ac tively to discountenance it. On January 24, 1607, Zufriga wrote to Philip HI. informing him of the projected settle* ment in Virginia. He judged that the design of it was piracy. It was intended to provide the means of captur ing his Christian Majesty s merchant ships. This in ference was excusable, considering what an amount of this sort of privateering there had been in the past, and in view of the circumstance that the colony was to be 46 THE COLONIAL ERA composed of men only. On October 8th he wrote again, that, as he had been directed, he had seen James, who said that he "had not particularly known what was go ing on." He did not like explicitly to prohibit the plant ing of the settlement, as it would be taken as a recogni tion of the Spanish king as lord of all the Indies, which he was not prepared to go so far as to concede. James was conciliatory, but not very definite. If anything wrong were done by English emigrants, Spain might punish them, and they would not be protected. On October 16th Zuiiiga wrote : " It will be serving God and Y. M. [Your Majesty] to drive these villains out from there, hanging them in time which is short enough for the pur pose." The colonists had landed at Jamestown on May 13th. The ambassador constantly prods his master, urging the expediency of immediately destroying the new settlement. Thus, on April 12, 1609, he writes : " I hope you will give orders to have these insolent people quickly annihilated." Spain sent spies to Virginia, but when they were arrested there, demanded and procured from the English Government their release, falsely as serting that they were innocent of the charge made against them. But no open attack was made on the col ony. This was not deemed to be politic. The Spanish Government thought that it was likely to perish of itself. At a later time, when it was James s ambition to marry Prince Charles to a Spanish princess, Gondomar, then the ambassador of Spain, found that his intrigues against the Virginia Company found favor in the English Court. Besides the desire to please Spain, James did not relish the resistance that was offered to his attempts to control the action of the company, especially in their not ap pointing as officers the persons whom he took it into his hands to nominate. His displeasure was heightened when Sir Edwin Sandys, who belonged to the Parliamentary op- VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 47 position, was elected as their treasurer, and when the Earl of Southampton, who was equally obnoxious, was made his successor, at the expiration of Sandys s term. There was a controversy with the king hostility e \ o occasioned by the rapidly increasing importa tion of tobacco. James demanded more than the five per cent, to which he was entitled. The prohibition of the sale of this product to the Dutch was an incident in this dispute. There came to be two parties in the p ar t: e sinthe company, the Court party and their antagon- company. ists. The meetings grew to be scenes of angry debate. Whatever was unfortunate and unpromising in the condi tion of the colony was made to serve as an argument for abrogating the charter. Especially the lack of mission ary labor for the conversion and education of the In dians which was partly due to the ill-success of iron works in the colony, the proceeds of which were to be applied to that purpose was made a ground of reproach and accusation. Commissioners were sent to Virginia to hunt up materials of attack. The company fought steadily against the endeavor of the Court to wrest from it the charter, and availed itself of whatever legal weap ons it could lay hold of. But the judges were sub servient to the Crown, and, on June 16, 1624, the charter was annulled by a judicial decree. Virginia passed under the immediate, absolute control of the king. The com pany was reduced to a powerless trading corporation. Southampton took the precaution to have the records copied, and these authentic monuments of its honorable history are now in the Library of Congress. The process by which the Virginia Company was robbed of its charter was marked by the sort of knavery that characterized James s method of government, and which was styled king-craft. Iniquitous as the act was, and seemingly disastrous, it really operated to strengthen 48 THE COLONIAL ERA rather than to hinder the development of popular gov ernment in the colony. Probably it was left more to Effect of manage its own affairs than it would have lily ofTh e been had ii; remained subject to an English charter. corporation. In 1625, Charles I. issued a proclamation by which two Councils were constituted, one in England and one in Virginia. The Governor and the Councils were to be appointed by the king. Arbitrary as the new form of government was in theory, there was in fact not much interference with the local Assembly. There was a rapid increase in prosperity. In 1629, the popu lation rose to the number of five thousand. In 1630, Sir John Harvey was appointed Governor. He had been one of the commissioners sent out to the colony, and on that account was unpopu lar. A dispute concerning boundaries arose, in conse quence of the claim by the founder of Maryland to the territory on which were the trading posts established by William Claiborne. Harvey gave great offence by taking sides with Maryland. Such w r as the resentment of the people that the Council took away from him his office, and sent him to England to answer the charges against him. The king decided in his favor, and after an ab sence of a year and a half he resumed his station He Wyatt : Ber- was superseded, in 1639, by Sir Francis Wyatt. keiey. Wyatt was succeeded in 1642 by Sir William Berkeley. Berkeley was instructed to keep out innova tions in religion. By a law passed in 1623, absence from church was punished by a fine of a hogshead of tobacco. But the people themselves were generally opposed to dis sent from the established faith and order. In 1642, in compliance with an earnest request, signed by seventy- one persons belonging to several parishes, three Congre gational ministers were sent to Virginia from Boston. VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 49 They reported a considerable measure of success, but an act of the Assembly expelled them from the colony. The use of the Prayer Book was required in Non . con f rm- every church. Opposition to the established "tacxpeLed. religion was put down by imprisoning and banishing all Non-conformists. They found refuge in Maryland. After the execution of Charles I. loyal messages were sent to Charles II. in Holland. Acts were passed at taching penalties to all expressions of disrespect to the late king, or disputing the right of his son to inherit the Crown. Parliament sent commissioners in a fleet to bring the refractory colony to terms. The com missioners had no difficulty in coming to an Virginia agreement with the Governor and Council and KcSmnaS the House of Burgesses. There was to be no wealth - punishment inflicted for loyalty to the fallen house in the past, no abridgment of territorial rights, no restric- sion of commercial rights which was not likewise im- possd on English-born subjects. The Burgesses, it was further agreed, should elect the Governor and Council, although it was allowed to the commissioners to nomin ate a Governor and Secretary their act, however, not to serve as a precedent. Richard Bennet was chosen Governor, and Clayborne Secretary. There was no mani fest ition of ill-will or excitement on either side. After the abdication of Richard Cromwell, Berkeley was re-elected Governor by the Assembly, but under such conditions as preserved its prerogatives. This body was now, to all intents and purposes, clothed with sovereignty. On the restoration of Charles H. a royal commission was transmitted to Berkeley. Humble petitions were sent to the king to R ecog:n ition pardon the submission which, under cornpul- of Charles 11. sion, had been yielded to the Comrdonwealth. It was or dained that the anniversary of his father s death should 4 60 THE COLONIAL ERA be observed with prayer and fasting. The local rulers in the interval between Berkeley s retirement and his re-elec tion had been men of Puritan proclivities. The enact ments against dissent from the Church of England were now sharpened. A tax was levied on every one for its support. The control in ecclesiastical matters was put in the hands of twelve vestrymen in each parish, who were to fill their own vacancies. Non-conformists were forbidden to teach. The form set forth in the Prayer Book must be used at every marriage. Even Quakers were subjected to a fine for not attending the Established Church. Heavy fines were imposed on shipmasters who should bring Quakers into the colony, and on all persons who should "entertain them" in or near their houses "to teach or preach." In 1661 the English Navigation Law was made more re strictive. Laws limiting foreign trade had been passed English Navi- as eai ly as the reign of Eichard II. It was gationLaws. ordained at that time that no merchandise should be shipped out of the realm, except in English ves sels, on pain of forfeiture. There were enactments of a like character under Henry VH. and Elizabeth. It was maintained by Virginia that her charter authorized her to trade freely with foreign nations. The Navigation Act, the passage of which marks an epoch in American colonial history, was passed in 1651, under Cromwell. In the time of James I., when the English naval strength fell to the lowest point, the Dutch developed their power on the sea, and not only inflicted there heavy blows on Spain, but absorbed the carrying trade which, under other circumstances, would have been enjoyed by Eng land. When Cromwell became the head of the govern ment, the old ambition which the heroes of Elizabeth s time had cherished, of making England the mistress of a great naval dominion, revived. The law of 1651 prohib- VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 51 ited the carrying of the products of England to the colo nies except in English or colonial vessels, which, more over, must have an English captain and crew. This new policy brought on war between the English and their Dutch neighbors. The issue of the struggle was that Cromwell dictated the terms of peace. In 1660, the first Pcirliament of Charles II. passed an act which added two new clauses to the law of 1651. Enumerated articles su gar, tobacco, indigo, and others were to be shipped to no country but England. No alien was allowed to es tablish himself as a merchant or factor in the colonies. Finally, in 1663, it was enacted that European products should not be received in the colonies from foreign ves sels. The complete monopoly of commerce with the col onies was thus given over to English merchants. The effect was almost to destroy the trade of Virginia. In 1671, Berkeley made answer to a series of inquiries which had been sent to him respecting the condition of the colony by the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations. In this document he describes tion of vir- the condition of Virginia as it was in 1670. The population was forty thousand. There were two thousand negro slaves and six thousand white servants. The free men were drilled in military exercises once a month, in their respective counties, and were thought to be " near eight thousand horse." There had never been an engi neer in the country, and the five forts on the rivers were ill-constructed. Every man, according to his ability, taught his own children. There were forty-eight parishes, and the ministers were well paid. "The clergy," adds the Governor, " by my consent, would be better if they would pray oftener and preach less. But of all other commodi ties, so of this, the worst are sent us. ... But, I thank God, there are no free schools nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these hundred years." Learn- 52 THE COLONIAL ERA ing and printing Berkeley pronounces the patrons and promoters of heresies and sects, and of libels on govern ment. As late as 1682, one Buckner, who ventured to print the laws of 1G80, was put under bonds " not to print anything thereafter until His Majesty s pleasure should be known." In the first year of the reign of Charles II., as titular king, he showed his good-nature and lack of conscience Grant to * n a characteristic way by making a grant of a and 1 cuipep- P or ti n of Virginia, amounting to one-third of P er - its territory, to certain of his followers. Their attempt to take possession of the territory was, for va rious reasons which are not fully known, given up, and the grant was restored to the king. But he proceeded, in 1673, to give all Virginia, for the term of thirty-one years, to two unworthy favorites Lord Arlington and Lord Culpepper. The patentees were empowered to make grants of land, with the reservation of quit-rents. Land-surveyers and sheriffs were to be appointed by them. All the Church patronage was placed under their control. By the terms of this reckless grant all the ex isting titles to land were rendered insecure. The colo nists resisted, and a compromise w r as made, in which it was conceded that their titles should stand. They sent a deputation, composed of three persons, to England, to look after their imperilled rights and interests. The col ony had a fair prospect of obtaining a charter, when news arrived of serious disturbances in Virginia. There were a number of grievances of which loud complaint was made. One was the revival of a law which confined the suffrage to landholders and householders. After 1660, there was for a long period no election of burgesses, but the leg islature was kept in existence by being prolonged from time to time. In 1674, there were signs of a revolt, but the disaffec- VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 53 tion was for the moment appeased by some concessions. The troubles with the Indians became threatening. The legislation of the colony respecting them had Troub]es been just and humane. In 1676, however, with the in- difnculties sprang up between certain plant ers and the Doegs, a tribe on that river. In the fight ing that followed, there was a flagrant instance of bad faith in the treatment of six chiefs, who were killed near an Indian hut at the head of the Potomac. The hostility of the savages spread, but no efficient measures were taken by Berkeley to protect the lives of the people, many of whom were slain in attacks which they could not foresee or guard against. At last, in 1676, the As sembly declared war against the Indians, but when a force of five hundred men, which had been raised, was on the point of marching against them, the troops, by order of the Governor, were suddenly disbanded. The people, left defenceless, and finding their petitions disregarded, although murders were constantly committed by their wily, incensed foes, found a leader in the per- Bacon , g re _ son of Nathaniel Bacon, Jr. Bacon was con- beiiion. nected with the celebrated English family of that name, and on coming over to Virginia had been made one of the Council. He was a rich planter, courageous, and elo quent in speech. If he needed any special stimulus to action, it was found in the fact that his overseer and one of his favorite servants were killed by the savages on his plantation near the site of Richmond. Being denied a military commission from Berkeley, he put himself at the head of five hundred volunteers, and went against the enemy. He and his men were proclaimed as traitors by the Governor. Bacon responded in a declaration, in which Berkeley, in turn, was denounced as a tyrant and a trai tor. The revolt became general in the lower counties. A new Assembly was convoked. Bacon was elected as 54 THE COLONIAL ERA a member. On his way- to Jamestown he was arrested, but was set free on parole. He presented a confession and apology to the Assembly, was pardoned, and was again received into the Council. The reform meas ures passed by the Assembly are the best disclosure we have of the aims of Bacon and his party. There were laws against illegal and excessive fees to offi cers, and requiring the yearly election of sheriffs and their assistants. The act limiting the franchise was re pealed. To the Assembly was given the exclusive right to levy certain taxes which the county magistrates had imposed. Bacon believed that the Governor had formed a plot against his life. Accordingly he left Jamestown, but came back in a few days, with a force of four hundred men to sustain him. Berkeley found it impossible to rally the militia to withstand him. The Governor then gave him a commission, the Assembly made him general of their forces, and he marched once more against the Indians. Once more he was proclaimed as a traitor. Once more he returned, and Berkeley fled to Accomack. Bacon called together a meeting of the principal gentlemen of the colony for the purpose of adopting means for resisting the tyranny of Berkeley, and of subduing the Indians. In reply to the proclama tion of the Governor he published a spirited vindication of his proceedings. Again he set forth to make war upon the Indians. Hostilities now began between the supporters of Berkeley and the party of Bacon. In the absence of the latter, some advantages were gained by the Governor. When Bacon had succeeded in his expedition, he came back to Jamestown ; but, probably for the reason that he was not strong enough to hold it, he burned the state- house and the few dwelling-houses which constituted the village. At this critical juncture Bacon fell sick and died. The insurgents lost heart, and their forces were VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 55 broken up. It is possible that an impression that Bacon s movement was advancing too far, and was likely to bring on a conflict with the mother country, may Defeat of Ba- have already thinned their ranks. Berkeley cou s party< was now dominant. He had the support of a regiment of troops which arrived on February 29, 1677. Berkeley associated with himself two commissioners to try the rebels. He was sustained by the Assembly which was elected at the beginning of the year. "Bacon s laws" were repealed, although many of them were at a later time re-enacted. The Governor was unsparing in the infliction of punishments on the insurgents. Many were thrown into prison. Not less than twenty-three were executed. To Drummond, the principal counsellor of Bacon, the vindictive old Governor said : " Mr. Drummond, you are very welcome ; I am more glad to see you than any man in Virginia ; you shall be hanged in half an hour." When the news of the insurrection reached England, three com missioners with five hundred soldiers were sent to the colony. They immediately found themselves in collision with the Governor, who was obstinately bent on carrying out his severe measures, which the Assembly deprecated and protested against. He had requested to be recalled, and finally yielded to the summons to carry Recall of out his request. Soon after his return to Eng- Berkeley, land he died. In the last two years of his official service, his despotic temper, embittered apparently by the recol lection of the mortification he had suffered at the triumph of the anti-royalist party, and by his opposition to the pop ular will, effaced the impression which had been made by him at an earlier time. How far Bacon was disposed to carry the rebellion, whether he had thoughts of making Virginia independent, and to what extent his measures sprung from his own brain, or were inspired by abettors, possibly wiser than himself, are problems not yet solved. 56 THE COLONIAL ERA After Berkeley s recall, the office of Governor was held for a short time, first by Sir Herbert Jeffreys, and then cuipepper s ^y Sir Henry Chichely. Early in 1680, Cul- rufe. pepper assumed the office to which, in 1675, he had been appointed for life. The franchise was to be again limited. Assemblies were to be summoned only by the Crown, and were to have no power in the making of laws, except to reject or accept enactments submitted to them, after they had been framed and approved by the Governor and Council, and by the king. It was ordained that there were to be no appeals to the Assembly, and none to the king in Council, except in cases where the value of one hundred pounds was involved. Culpepper made it clear that his main end was to enrich himself. The people were restless ; he grew weary of his office and returned to England. The iniquitous grant to Arlington and Culpepper was revoked, and in July, 1683, Virginia TT . . . ^ i - a?ain a roy- Virginia once more became a royal province. The successor of Culpepper, Lord Howard of Effingham, had his faults, with none of his virtues. He asserted that he had the right to annul the acts of the As sembly at his discretion. He was directed to allow no printing-press in Virginia. In 1685, after the accession of James H., the Assembly was dissolved by royal proclama tion, for questioning his right to negative the repeal of laws, and to restore the laws which were thus abolished. One of the members was imprisoned and put in irons for using expressions that were pronounced treasonable. In April, 1689, by order of the Council, the accession of William and Mary w r as proclaimed in Virginia, and a new era in its history began. The subject of negro slavery in Virginia demands a more particular notice. It was from humane motives, however delusive, that the first Africans had been brought to America. Las Casas, the devoted and benevolent mis- VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 57 sionary bishop, sanctioned the bringing of negroes to Hispaniola to take the place of Indians, who were quickly worn out by the exhausting toil in the mines. Neo . ro B ia- He lived to see the error that he had com mitted and to repent of it. Indians were frequently seized by slavers on the American coast. "There was hardly a convenient harbor on the frontier of the United States which was not entered by slavers." Scruples were seldom felt in regard to the kidnapping and enslavement of Africans, and such was the force of cupidity that they were smothered when they arose. Sir John Hawkins brought over from Guinea to the West Indies three cargoes of blacks, the first in 1562, and the third in 1567. Eeference has been made to the first introduction of negroes into Virginia, in 1619. Says John Rolfe, in Smith s " General History : " " About the last of August caine in a Dutch man-of-warre that sold us twenty Ne- gars." It was long before slaves became numerous in the colony. It was not until about 1650 that the number of them began to increase rapidly. The stimulus to this in crease was furnished by the tobacco-culture. The over production of tobacco was attributed to the undue im portation of slaves. It was enacted in 1662 that, con trary to the English law as to serfdom, children should follow the condition of the mother. The conse- The s i ave . quence was that mulatto children were slaves. The idea had long been cherished in Christendom that heathen, but not Christians, might be reduced to servi tude. In 1667, the Virginia Assembly ordained that conversion and baptism should not operate to set the slave free. To kill a slave by severity of punishment was to subject the master to the charge of felony, as the in tent to kill in such a case could not be presupposed. Civil disabilities were imposed on free negroes. In 1682, the slave-code became more stringent. No slave could 58 THE COLONIAL ERA leave a plantation without a written pass from his master. Slaves were forbidden to carry arms, or to use force against a Christian, even in self-defence. A runaway slave who refused to surrender might be shot. In 1687, it was discovered that a negro plot was brewing. Then followed enactments of extreme severity, verifying the max im that cruelty is the offspring of fear. These codes do not imply, however, that slaves, as a rule, were ill-treated or cut off from sources of enjoyment. The amalgamation of the races was forbidden under heavy penalties. When we seek to ascertain the social condition of the Southern colonies we are embarrassed by the dearth of Society in contemporary literature. The contrast with Virginia. New England in this respect is very marked. The natural advantages possessed by Virginia, the leading colony among them, from its noble rivers, its ample har bors, its fruitful soil, its varied and beautiful scenery, and its agreeable climate, were such as to make the outward conditions of life all that could be desired. The means of subsistence were easy to be procured. Few who had once established themselves within its limits desired to spend their days elsewhere. Although vagabonds and convicts had been sent over to the colony from time to time, they, after all, constituted but a minor fraction of the people, who, as a body, were of good English stock. The convicts themselves w r ere, some of them, political offenders, who might not be tainted with vice, or lack the qualities of most value in emigrants. Such as were of a different character, according to a familiar experience in settlements, might do well when transplanted to a new country. The tendency was to eliminate the hopelessly Effect of to- idle an d depraved. The circumstance that to- bacco-cuiture. i3 acco was the staple product, owing to the ease with which it was cultivated and the profits derived from its production, had a very great, and, in many respects, VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 59 a deleterious influence on civilization in Virginia. The fields on which this plant grew were soon worn out, and it was easier to transfer its cultivation to new lands than to fertilize the old. The culture of tobacco being so profit able, the diversifying of industry was prevented. The cereals were raised only so far as was absolutely neces sary for the subsistence of the inhabitants. Efforts to prevent the over-production of tobacco, by what was called a " stint " that is, a limiting of production for single years were in the main unsuccessful. The result, on the whole, was that Virginia was kept from becoming what it might have been, one of the richest of agricultu ral communities. The planters livpd by themselves on their estates, and became more and more fond of this sort of life. There was no urban life. Jamestown re mained a petty village ; Williamsburg, when it became the capital, contained few dwellings. The house of the chief magistrate was dignified by the name of the "Governor s Palace." The Government undertook to found towns by legal enactments, but they amounted to little more than " paper towns." At best they were insignificant hamlets where the courts were held. Reference has already been made to Berkeley s account of the colony in 1671. We have a realistic description of it, ten years later, which is attributed to the pen of Lord Culpepper. He Virginia in represented commerce, manufactures, educa tion, and government, both civil and ecclesiastical, as in a miserable condition. Merchants were more prosperous than any other class, but they were compelled to sell on credit, and to carry on "a pitiful retail trade." The planter could send out yearly in a ship his yield of to bacco, and receive back at his door, by the same means, everything that he could not raise, and even common household utensils. Work that absolutely required the labor of mechanics at home, was done on his own farm, 60 THE COLONIAL ERA frequently by negroes. The Governor discharged multi farious offices. He was Commander and Vice-Admiral, Lord Treasurer, Lord Chancellor, and Chief Justice, with certain powers, also, that belong to a Bishop. The coun cillors, whom he could generally control, held a similar variety of offices. The County Court was composed of eight or ten gentlemen, having no education in law, and receiving annually their commissions from the Governor. The General Court, a court for the trial of the most im portant causes, and for the hearing of appeals, was com posed of the Governor and Council as judges. Thus the judicial and executive offices were blended in the same body. The taxes for the support of the church and of the poor were assessed each year by the vestry ; the county taxes by the justices of peace ; and the public levy bv the Assembly. The parishes, since they paid The parishes. * . . . J . . _*;. . the ministers, claimed the right 01 presenta tion, and could exercise it, despite the Governor, since they could refuse to pay the salary. But the vestries, as we have seen, contrived to avoid presentation altogether by hiring the ministers from year to year. The minis ters were thus made subservient to the will of those who employed them. There were good men among the min isters, but their character on the whole was not such as to command or deserve respect. It need not be said that they were the champions of the intolerant spirit that pre vailed toward Dissenters. The number of parishes was twice as great as the number of the clergy. Lawyers were not held in esteem, and the condition of the med ical profession was quite low. The distinguishing element which merits attention in Virginian society was the aristocratic class. They were The aristoc- ^ ar from being always thrifty. By lavish ex- racy, penditures and by anticipating their profits, they often needlessly allowed themselves to become VIRGINIA UNTIL 1688 61 involved in debt. They were men of virile character, capable of energetic exertion, with the spirit and the manners to be expected in a class accustomed to com mand. To possess numerous horses, and horses of a choice breed, and few and bad as the roads were showy equipages, was a prevalent ambition. The loneliness of the life of the rich planters on their estates, and their love of social intercourse, led to the frequent interchange of visits among themselves, and to the exercise of a lib eral hospitality to strangers. The blending of high-bred courtesy with a temper impatient of an affront is natural to such a class. Where there was no town life, the means of intellectual cultivation were scanty. Yet there is evi dence that, even in the seventeenth century, libraries, larger or smaller, were found in some of the planters houses. There was one subject politics from which the minds of the aristocratic class were seldom withdrawn. In political discussions and struggles the intellect of the leaders of society was exercised and disciplined. " The Virginia planter was essentially a transplanted English man in tastes and convictions, and imitated the social amenities and the culture of the mother country. Thus in time was formed a society distinguished for its refine ment, executive ability, and a generous hospitality for which the Ancient Dominion is proverbial." If we under stand by " Englishman " the ordinary type of English country gentleman, and make due allowance for the effect of remoteness from the direct influences of English so ciety, the preceding remarks of a recent Virginian histori cal writer hold good. It must not be understood that there was no middle class in Virginia. There were the tradesmen, and there were the proprietors of smaller farms, who were possessed of fewer slaves. These were separated by an imperceptible line from the richer and more powerful landowners. CHAPTER V. MARYLAND UNTIL 1688 The First Lord Baltimore Avalon Grant of Maryland The Maryland Charter Religion in Maryland Toleration Clay- borne s Settlement The Maryland Colony Conflict with Clay- borne Period of the Commonwealth Non-conformists in Maryland Act of Religious Freedom Puritan Ascendency Baltimore Regains His Province Fendall Slavery Dispute withPenn End of Proprietary Government Society in Mary land. THE names of George and Cecilius Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore and his son, who inherited the title, are The first Lord inseparably associated with the planting of Baltimore. Maryland. George Calvert sprung from a re spectable family in Yorkshire. He was educated at Oxford. He early made the acquaintance of Sir Robert Cecil, and became his private secretary. After the death of Cecil he was advanced by the special favor of King James I, and in 1617 was raised to the honor of knighthood. He sup ported the Spanish policy of James, and was a prominent leader of the monarchical party in Parliament. In 1619, he was appointed one of the principal Secretaries of State. Two years later he received a grant from the king of a manor in the County of Longford, Ireland, and later obtained a place on the roll of the Irish peerage under the name of Lord Baltimore. His moderate temper and habitual courtesy caused him to be generally liked, although his political course had been distasteful to the popular party in the House of Commons. Perseverance MARYLAND UNTIL 1688 63 in carrying out his plans, with no display of enthusi asm, characterized him through life. In 1625, he was converted to the Roman Catholic faith. For years he had participated in the growing interest that was felt in schemes of colonization. He had been a member of the Virginia Company, and in 1622 became one of the eigh teen members of the Council for New England, which succeeded the Plymouth Company. He sent out colo nists to a plantation in Newfoundland, and by the charter which he obtained in 1623 he acquired a palatinate, or almost royal authority, in Avalon, his province in the southeastern part of that island. Twice he visited his American dominions. He repelled, bravely and successfully, attacks of the French. But a personal experience of the hardships of a winter in Avalon con vinced him that the rigor of the climate was too great to permit the hope that a permanent and prosperous settle ment could be established there. In a letter to Charles I, in 1629, he states that nothing prevents him from giving up for the future " all proceedings in plantations," except his natural inclination to " these kind of works." Leaving Avalon, he embarked for Virginia, whither his wife had gone before him ; but there his creed stood in the way of a gracious welcome, and since he declined to take the oath of supremacy, because the terms of it were repugnant to his conscience as a Roman Catholic, nothing was left for him but to return to England. What he desired was " a precinct " of land in Virginia. This he obtained. He died two months before the charter passed the seal, and the grant was made to his son Cecilius, in 1632. Grant of The territory thus bestowed was named Mary- Maryland, land, in honor of the queen, Henrietta Maria. Its north ern limit was the southern boundary of the Plymouth Company s grant, the fortieth parallel ; on the west its limit was the most distant fountain of the Potomac. 64 THE COLONIAL ERA Thence the line descended southeast on the right bank of the Potomac to a specified place, Watkin s Point, whence it ran due east to the Atlantic. The charter was mod elled on that of Avalon, and was of the most liberal char- The charter ac ter. It made Baltimore and his heirs the of Maryland, proprietaries of the territory, which was to be a palatinate, like the see of Durham in England. That is to say, the prerogatives of the proprietor were well-nigh regal. He was simply bound to pay to the king a yearly rent of two Indian arrows, in acknowledgment of his feudal subordination, and a fifth portion of whatever gold and silver might be found in the province. He was to own the soil ; to exercise the powers of a sovereign, both civil and military ; to levy taxes ; to confer titles and dignities, under a system of sub-infeudation ; to consti tute courts, from which there was to be no appeal ; and to make laws with the assent of the majority of freemen, or of their representatives. His subjects were exempted from taxation by the crown. It was stipulated that on doubtful points of interpretation the charter should be construed in the sense most favorable to the proprietary. Only two references to religion are to be found in the Maryland charter. The first gives to the proprietary the Religion in patronage and advowsons of churches. The Maryland, second empowers him to erect churches, chapels, and oratories, which he may cause to be con secrated according to the ecclesiastical laws of England. The phraseology of these passages is copied from the Avalon patent that was given to Sir George Calvert when he was a member of the Church of England. Yet the terms were such that the recognition of that church as the established form of religion does not prevent the proprietary and the colony from the exercise of full tolera tion toward other Christian bodies. It was well under stood by the recipient of the charter, and by those who MARYLAND UNTIL 1G88 65 granted it, that, although the instrument says nothing on the subject, such toleration was to be practised, and that adherents of the Roman Catholic faith were not to be molested in its profession and in the use of their custom ary rites of worship. Baltimore had nothing of the zeal of a propagandist. Sincere in his beliefs, he was luke warm as regards the diffusion of them. It has been said that the toleration which he adopted was a defensive provision, and there is truth in the statement. Any attempt to proscribe Protestants would have speedily proved fatal to the existence of the colony. In a docu ment which emanated partly from Baltimore himself, it is declared to be evident that the distinctive privileges " usually granted to ecclesiastics of the Roman Catholic Church by Catholic princes in their own countries, could not possibly be granted here [in Maryland] without grave offence to the king and state of England," etc. It must be remembered that from the beginning a large majority of the settlers were Protestants, and the proportion of Prot estants was constantly increasing. Nevertheless, the statement that the policy of toleration was unavoidable is only a fraction of the truth. It fails to do full justice to the spirit of the founders of Maryland. Tolerant There is no reason to think that Cecilius Cal- fS^teSiS vert, any more than his father, would have timore - yielded to any demand, had it been made, to deprive their fellow-disciples of the Roman Church of religious liberty ; nor can it be shown that, under any circumstances, they would have felt disposed to withhold an equal toleration from Protestants. The truth is, that the younger Balti more and in this respect he closely resembled his father while he aimed to provide a safe asylum for adherents of his own creed, was mainly concerned to build up a lucrative and flourishing colony, whatever might be the creed of its inhabitants. 66 THE COLONIAL ERA From the outset the project for a settlement within the limits by which Virginia was bounded in her charter, ciayborne s although that charter had been revoked, was settlement. w it ns tood by all who were specially interested in that colony. Baltimore s patent described the territory which it proceeded to define, as heretofore unsettled hactenus inculta and inhabited only by savages. Will iam Clayborne had established a trading settlement on the island of Kent in the Chesapeake, and thus within the boundaries of Maryland. The purpose of this settlement was to carry on a traffic in furs with the Indians. Whether it could be considered as anything more than a trading depot, whether or not it had the character of a permanent plantation, was a matter of dispute. The trading enter prise which led to his occupation of th Kent island was sanctioned by three Governors of Virginia, and w r as pursued, also, under a license from the ^nr.. The peo ple there sent a delegate to the Virginia House of Bur gesses. Clayborne, who had been a member of the Virginia Council and Secretary of State in that colony, had a strong support there in his refusal to permit the jurisdiction of Maryland to be extended over his island. The Privy Council decided that both colonies must help one another, and that the disputed question must be left to the course of law. Baltimore had intended to go out himself with his colonists ; but he saw that it was necessary to remain at home to resist the busy assailants of his scheme and his charter. In fact, he never saw the land in the settlement of which he was so generous and efficient an agent. His Leonard brother, Leonard Calvert, was sent out in M^ryVand charge of the emigrants, and to represent him colony. as the h ea( j O f the colony. About twenty gen tlemen, and two or three hundred laborers, set sail on November 22, 1633. Most of the company were Protes- MARYLAND UNTIL 1688 67 tants, but the major part of the gentlemen were Kornan Catholics. At the Isle of Wight they took on board Fa ther White and another Jesuit father, whom Baltimore had engaged to accompany them. The priests were strictly charged by him to abstain, on the voyage, from all obtrusive religious manifestations that might give offence to the Protestants with them in the ship. Arriv ing at Point Comfort, the emigrants were welcomed by Harvey, the Virginia Governor, who continued to favor their cause. He thus drew on himself the hostility of the Virginians, who resented what they deemed an en croachment on their territorial rights. On gfc M& ^ the St. Mary s, a branch of the Chesapeake, they found an Indian town, which they purchased from the friendly inhabitants, who were about to emigrate from it. The relations of the new-comers with the natives continued to be amicable and cordial. There they founded the town of St. Mary s. The largest wig wam was consecrated by the Jesuit priests as a church. Soon an armed conflict began with Clayborne, Conflict w - th who refused to give up his claims to Kent, Clayborne. In this encounter he was worsted, and left for England, there to prosecute his suit for redress. The government of Maryland was extended over the island, and Clayborne failed to get any satisfaction from the Commissioners for the Plantations. At first the Maryland The i^^^. legislature consisted of the whole body of freemen. Then settlers who could not come to the meet ings voted by proxy. For a time the delegates sat with such as preferred to attend in person. In 1650, two bodies were by law constituted, the Councillors, ap pointed by the proprietor, and the Representatives, elected by the people. A provision in the charter for creating an order of nobility was never carried into ef fect. The proprietary framed a body of laws, which, 68 THE COLONIAL ERA however, the legislature declined to accept, as being un- suited to the condition of the colony ; and the code which the legislature took the initiative in framing he in turn declined to ratify. The third Assembly, in 1639, formally acknowledged the allegiance of the colony to the king, and at the same "Holy time affirmed the prerogatives of the Lord Church." Proprietor. It declared that "Holy Church shall have and enjoy all her rights, liberties, and fran chises, wholly and without blemish." It has been thought that the Roman Catholic body must here be referred to ; but it has been shown that King James, in a writ in 1622, designates the Anglican Church as " the Holy Church." Thus there were precedents for this appli cation of the phrase. That any other communion is re ferred to in the declaration of the Assembly is highly improbable. The phrase, it may be observed, was taken from Magna Charta. In the penal code, blasphemy, sac rilege, sorcery, and idolatry were made capital crimes. An act was passed requiring the eating of fish on certain days. This was the adoption by the Roman Catholic legislature of a law which had been enacted by Protes tants under a Protestant king, Edward VI., from other than religious motives. Baltimore became quite dissatis fied with the Jesuit missionaries, refused to concede the privileges that were demanded by them, which he charac terized as " very extravagant," and at length took meas ures to prevent any more priests of that order from go ing out to the colony. The war between King and Parliament in England produced very important effects in Maryland. Leonard Calvert, in 1643 or 1644, received letters of marque from Charles I, authorizing him to loa capture vessels belonging to the Parliament. On the other side, one Captain Ingle appeared in the MARYLAND UNTIL 1688 69 Chesapeake, with a like commission from Parliament. Ingle was an ally of Clayborne. The Governor ordered his arrest. He escaped in some way, but in 1645 he re turned from England, and made an attack on the Mary land government. Leonard Calvert fled to Virginia, where Berkeley protected him. Ingle and Clayborne landed at St. Mary s and took possession of the place, driving out the authorities. But Calvert returned, re stored the former government, and, the next year, sub dued the island of Kent. Ingle arrested the Jesuit fathers and carried them back to England. Baltimore desisted from all opposition to Parliament, and was at pains to conciliate what was now the dominant power in England. Virginia Non-conformists, expelled from that colony, were induced to settle on formiets in the Chesapeake Bay, near the site of Annapolis. The larger part of the Puritan exiles from Virginia be fore long planted themselves on the banks of the Severn. As early as 1643, Baltimore wrote to a Captain Gibbons, in Boston, proposing to give lands to such Massachusetts Puritans as might choose to emigrate to his colony. "But our captain," writes Winthrop in his diary, "had no mind to further his desire therein, nor had any of our people temptation that way." There was certainly a marked contrast between the treatment of Puritans in Virginia and their treatment in Maryland. In 1643, after the death of his brother, the proprietary gave a commission as Governor, to William Stone, a Protestant, whom he required to take an oath not to molest, on ac count of their religion, any persons who accepted the fundamental doctrines of Christianit} 7 . The oath speci fied the Roman Catholics in particular as to be protected against interference with their liberty of belief and of worship. This stipulation was deemed especially need ful on account of the state of parties in England, and 70 THE COLONIAL ERA now that so large a majority of the people of the colony were Protestants. It was in these circumstances that, in April, 1649, the celebrated Act of Religious Hgious Free- Freedom was passed, by which liberty of con science in matters of religion was guaranteed to all Christians, with the exception of disbelievers in the doctrine of the Trinity. This was the first explicit guarantee of religious freedom that was promulgated in Maryland. The course taken by Baltimore, in order to gain the favor of Parliament, was so offensive to Charles II., that, although an exile, he deposed the Proprietary, and ap pointed in his place Sir William Davenant as lloyal Gov ernor. The reason given was that Baltimore " did visibly adhere to the rebels in England, and admit all kinds of sectaries and schismatics and ill-affected persons into the plantation." Davenant collected a force of French to aid him, started on the voyage to take possession of the province, but was captured in the Channel. Baltimore afterwards appealed to this act of Charles in proof of his own fidelity to the government set up by Parliament. In 1651, the Council of State, in pursuance of an act of Parliament, passed in the year pre vious, sent out four Commissioners, of whom Clayborne was one, who were instructed to reduce the plantations " within the Bay of Chesapeake " to obedience to "the Parliament and the Commonwealth of England." After finishing their work in Virginia, the Commissioners betook themselves to Maryland. This was in March, 1652. The Governor and Council refused to engage to issue all writs and proclamations in the name of " the Keepers of the Liberties of England," instead of in the name of the Proprietary. Stone was therefore removed from office, and the government of the colony was handed over to a Council of Six. After a few months, Stone yielded, MARYLAND UXTIL 1688 71 and was reinstated in bis place. The Virginians were now excited with the hope of incorporating Maryland in their colony, and applied to Parliament to enact this measure. While England, under the rule of Cromwell, was absorbed in the war with the Dutch, Baltimore thought the time favorable to recover his authority, and instructed Stone to exact an oath of allegiance to the Proprietary. In connection with this step, Cromwell was proclaimed Lord Protector. But the Puritans, who at the outset had declined to take the oath except in a quali fied form, refused to comply with the new demand, and appealed to the Commissioners, Bennet and Clayborne. Stone (in July, 1654) issued a proclamation in which he denounced these Commissioners, together with the whole Puritan party, as the authors and fomenters of sedition. The advance of the Commissioners with an armed force against St. Mary s convinced Stone that resist- p ur i tan as- ance was useless. He was deposed, and the cendency. government was given into the hands of Captain Fuller and a Puritan Council. An Assembly was called, the right to vote for its members being withheld from Roman Catholics. The Assembly, thus composed, denied Balti more s right to require any declaration of loyalty to him self, and passed an act which took away legal protection to Roman Catholics in the exercise of their religion . O Instigated by the rebukes of Baltimore, Stone, in 1655, gathered forces and moved against Providence, the prin cipal Puritan settlement. A battle ensued, in which the Puritans won a complete victory. Four of the prisoners were condemned to death by a court-martial, and were executed. Stone s life was spared. There was now a contest in England on the question authority re- to which of the contending parties Maryland s should be committed. In September, 1656, the Com missioners of Trade made a report to Cromwell in favor 72 THE COLONIAL ERA of Baltimore. He sent out his brother, Philip Calvert, as a member of the Council and Secretary of the Pro vince. There were now two governments, one managed by the Puritans, and the other in St. Mary s County, under Josiah Fendall, whom the Proprietor had made Governor, but who proved himself to be an unscrupu lous and unfaithful agent. In 1G57, an agreement was made between the Proprietary and the Commissioners. Clayborne and his party found that they could not hope to procure the displacement of Baltimore. Their oppo nents were weary of the contest. The agreement, as it was finally adopted by Fendall and the Puritans, con tained a pledge to maintain toleration, and a stipulation that, instead of imposing the oath of fidelity on the resi dents of the province, an engagement should be taken to submit to Lord Baltimore, and to withhold obedience from all who were opposed to him. The engagement to maintain toleration was prescribed by the Proprietary for the protection of the Roman Catholics. But his Treachery of troubles were not at an end. After the death of Fendall. Cromwell, Fendall himself proved faithless to the interests of Baltimore, and induced the House of Rep resentatives to declare themselves free from any obliga tion to procure the Proprietary s assent to the laws which they should pass. Fendall went so far as to accept a commission as Governor from them. The movement was summarily put down by Baltimore, who now had the Ph iip Calvert support of Charles II. Philip Calvert was Governor. mac j e Governor. After the proclamation of Charles as King, Maryland continued tranquil until the English Revolution of 1688. The colony rapidly in creased in population. The raising of tobac co was so profitable that efforts to promote the cultivation of cereals, and even to substitute coined money for that product as a medium of exchange, MARYLAND UNTIL 1688 73 were futile. Negro slaves were early introduced into the colony, and their importation was encouraged by an act passed in 1671. But indentured servants continued to exist there and to increase in number. In 1659, a law was passed which provided that " any of the vagabonds or idle persons known by the name of Quakers, who should again enter the province, should be whipped from constable to constable out of it." But it is doubtful whether this act w r as ever actually enforced. Before many years the Quakers, in considerable numbers, es tablished themselves in the colony. The second Lord Baltimore died in 1675, and Charles Calvert succeeded to the title. He was obliged to enter into a controversy with William Penn respect- Dispute w : t ti ing boundaries. Baltimore s southern boun- Perm - dary, as denned in his charter, was a line running east from Watkin s Point on the Chesapeake. His north ern boundary was the fortieth parallel. Penn s boun dary was declared in his charter to be the fortieth paral lel, and a circle of twelve miles around New Castle. A wrong idea had been entertained as to the position of the fortieth degree. It had been supposed to be farther south. Baltimore insisted on the terms of his charter, and claimed, moreover, the portion of the Delaware pen insula which the Duke of York had granted to Penn. Penn demanded that the northern boundary should be run where the Lords of Trade had supposed it to be, and which gave him access to the head waters of the Dela ware Bay. The decision of the Board of Trade in Eng land, in 1685, gave to him what he claimed of the Dela ware peninsula, but the other points in the controversy were not fully adjusted until long after. The Maryland charter, like all the other colonial char ters, was obnoxious to James II. In 1687, an attack was begun upon it in the usual way, by a writ of quo ivar- 74 THE COLONIAL ERA ranto. The Revolution of 1688 was the signal of a move ment in the colony for the overthrow of the Proprietary Overthrow rule. There was an unfortunate delay in pro- P r i^ e t a 1 ?? claiming William and Mary, which, as far as Bal timore was concerned, was due to an accident. The insurgents were Protestants, largely of the Church of England, and were led by one John Coode. They formed themselves into an association. The State House and the records were surrendered to Coode and his fol lowers. Baltimore s efforts in England to retain his province were ineffectual. Early in 1692, Sir Lionel Cop ley arrived in Maryland, bearing the royal commission as Governor. The Proprietary s authority was at an end, but he was suffered to retain the pecuniary benefits which he derived from the province. The characteristics of society in Maryland in the seven teenth century were not materially diverse from those Society in wn ich prevailed in Virginia. The natural feat- Maryland. ure s the soil and climate were essentially the same. The Proprietary rule was the only important difference in the mode of government. The judicial system was better than that which existed in Virginia. There were competent and respected lawyers in Maryland earlier than was the case in the adjacent southern colony. Tobacco was the one chief product, and the fluctuations in its value caused the same troubles in one community as in the other. In both colonies, commerce was equally depressed. In both, the absence of towns produced a like effect on employments and manners. As was true of Virginia, the main part of the Maryland people were of English origin ; but they were not, as there, of the same religious belief. Hence the alternations of toleration and coercion which run through its early history. The exclusiveness of the English Church, when it was in control, and the unworthy character of many of its clergy, increased the strength of MARYLAND UNTIL 1688 75 the Dissenting sects, and was answerable to a considerable degree for the spread of religious indifference. The laws relating to slavery were harsh, but the treatment of slaves, as a rule, as in the more southern colony, was humane. Their condition for a long period was little removed from barbarism. The numerous imported convicts, when they were released from forced labor, bedame an idle and dangerous class of freedmen. The higher aristocracy were even less distinctively sundered from farmers immediately below them than in Virginia. 4 CHAPTEK VI. THE CAROLINAS UNTIL 1688 Grant of Carolina by Charles II. The Two Settlements " The Fundamental Constitutions" North Carolina Civil Disturb ances Sothel Ludwell South Carolina Slavery Scotch- Irish and Huguenot Immigrants Civil Disturbances. IT was on the shores of North Carolina that Raleigh s two colonies had beeD planted. In 1629, the territory comprised in both the Carolinas was granted by Charles I. to Sir Kobert Heath, who afterwards transferred his patent to Lord Maltravers. Inasmuch as a " reasonable time " elapsed without any settlement being made, this patent was forfeited. Virginia assumed to make grants to trading companies, which had no permanent result. But in 1653, a small company of Dissenters from Virginia migrated to the Chowan River and began the Albemarle settlement. A considerable number of Quakers were included in it. About 1660, certain New England ers bought land of the Indians on the Cape Fear River. They were not satisfied with the place, and abandoned it in disgust. In 1665, English colonists came over from Barbados to Cape Fear and planted the district subse quently known by the name of Clarendon. Two years before, in 1663, Charles II., who found it easy Carolina by to gratify his favorites by the gift of extensive regions in the New World, granted to eight persons including the Earl of Clarendon, General Monk, Duke of Albemarle, Lord Ashley Cooper, who THE CAROLINAS UNTIL 1688 77 was to become the Earl of Shaftesbury all Carolina, from the thirty-sixth degree of north latitude. Sir William Berkeley, then Governor of Virginia, organized a government for the Chowan district, or Al- The Albe- bemarle. William Drummond was appointed marie and Governor. In the southern district, or Claren- don s e t*ti e- don, John Yeamans, who had led the Barbados emigrants, received a commission as Governor. The Clarendon colony did not prosper, partly because there were more eligible places for settlement, especially the site of Charleston. The Proprietors, by the terms of the charter, were nearly absolute, as regards both Crown and Parliament ; but " the advice, consent, and approba tion " of the freemen were required to give validity to their laws. There was to be freedom in religion to all who did not disturb the peace. The Proprietors took pains to make liberal terms with New Englanders and with any who might be inclined to migrate to their province. In 1665, another charter was granted by the King, by which the boundaries of the province were made to be 36 30 on the north and 29 on the south. Seven years after the first charter was given, John Locke, who was an intimate friend of Shaftesbury, framed, in conjunction with him, what were called " The Fundamental Constitutions of Caro lina," which were sanctioned and adopted etitutions"of by the Proprietors. This product of the c genius of the most eminent statesman and the ablest philosopher of that day was an impracticable system of government. It was never carried out, and had no other effect than to embroil the Proprietors in disputes with the colonists. " To avoid erecting a numerous democracy" was one of the principal motives avowed in the preamble of this utopian scheme. The eldest of the Proprietors was to be a "Palatine," and the 78 THE COLONIAL ERA country to be a county palatinate, like Durham. The other Proprietors were severally to hold seven other great offices those of Admiral, Chancellor, High Steward, etc. The province was to be divided into seigniories, bar onies, and precincts. To the different ranks of nobility, two-fifths of all the land was to belong, the other three- fifths being reserved for the people. There were to be eight supreme courts, one for each proprietor. There was to be a Grand Council. There was to be a Parlia ment, but nothing was to come before it which had not previously been proposed in the Council and approved by it. There was to be trial by jury, but only a majority was to be required for a verdict. No one was to be al lowed to receive fee or reward for pleading in court for another. To avoid a multiplicity of laws, all laws were to become inoperative and void a hundred years from the date of their enactment. Seven persons might organize themselves into a Church. It was required that they should at least profess their belief in God and in the obligation to worship him, and set down in their creed a form of oath or affirmation to be used by witnesses in courts. No person above seventeen years of age who was not a church member was to hold any place of honor or profit, or enjoy the benefit or protection of law. Con trary to the wishes of Locke, there was inserted in the " Constitutions " a provision for the establishment of the Church of England, the building of churches, and the maintenance, through acts of the Parliament, of its minis try. No one was to be molested or coerced on account of his religious opinions. The statements under this head were in accord with Locke s well-known convictions in favor of religious liberty. " Landgraves " and " Cas- siques " were included in the aristocracy to be established in the colony. Locke himself acquired the title of " Land* grave." THE CAROLINAS UN i IL 1688 79 There were two colonies after the disappearance of the Clarendon settlement Albemarle on the north, and the Ashley River colony on the south. Adopt- North Caro _ ing later designations, we may style the one Una - North, and the other South, Carolina. The settlers at Albemarle were reinforced by emigrants from New Eng land. In 1667, Samuel Stephens became Governor, as the successor of Drummond. The form of government un der which the people were living was one in which they had a share, and with which they were satisfied. There was considerable religious activity among the Quakers, who were visited a number of years later (in 1672) by George Fox. Before the death of Stephens, the attempt was made to enforce the new " Constitutions " and to dis place the existing form of rule. This excited Civil ,y 8tur t,. disaffection and resistance. One of the colo- ances. nists, Thomas Miller, who went to England to represent their interests, returned to act against them and to carry out the measures of the Proprietors. The New England- ers refused to give up their trade with the West Indies or to obey the Navigation Laws, which he tried to enforce. The Quakers had their own grievances, and were in sym pathy with the spirit of revolt. John Culpepper was the leader of the insurgents. Miller and the deputies of the Proprietors were displaced. Miller went to England, and was followed by Culpepper. The former was removed from office. Culpepper was tried for treason, but was acquitted. In 1683, Seth Sothel, who had bought Clarendon s proprietary right, took the office of Governor. His rapacity for his aim was to en rich himself caused a rising of the people. He was banished by the Assembly for twelve months. This was in 1688. A large number of fugitives from Virginia, many of whom fled from there to escape the harsh pun ishments which followed Bacon s insurrection, had settled 80 THE COLONIAL ERA in Albemarle. The anarcliical state of the colony was, in tho main, the result of the indiscreet interference of the Proprietors. While Luchvell was Governor the people were delivered from oppression ; but such was the disorder under his inefficient rule that the population was largely diminished. In 1693, he was made Governor of both colonies, and removed to Charles ton. The Ashley River settlement was commenced in 1670, by a company of emigrants led by Joseph West, and by Will iam Sayle, who was to take the office of Governor. They were sent out under the auspices of the Pro- South Caro lina, prietors. The "Fundamental Constitutions, it was seen by them at once, could not be put in force. They established a mode of government in which the powers of the executive were limited, and delegates to the legislature were chosen by the people. In 1672, Charleston was fixed upon as the permanent site for the settlement. In 1671, there was an arrival of Dutch emi grants from New York. In the same year, negro slaves were imported. It was not long before they greatly out numbered the whites. There were many additions to the colony from England. Among them was a company of Scotch-Irish, who came over in 1683. A small settlement of Presbyterian families from Scotland at Port Eoyal was swept away by a Spanish incursion. An event of great im portance in relation to the future history of South Carolina was the coming of Huguenot emigrants, fugi- not settlers, tives from the persecution which followed the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. They settled on the Cooper Eiver. For a time they were not admitted to political rights, but after an interval these were granted to them. Sayle died in 1671. In 1674, Joseph West took the office, which he administered for nine years with energy THE CAKOLINAS UNTIL 1688 81 and prudence. Then for a long period there was much turbulence and a struggle of factions. A portion of the settlers consisted of worthless adventurers. civi] digturb . The colonists resisted the prosecution for ances - debts which had been elsewhere contracted. In this mat ter the Proprietors were at variance with them. There was contention with them, also, on account of the shelter and impunity granted at Charleston to piratical assailants of Spanish vessels. These doings threatened to bring on war between Spain and England. The party in favor of the King and the Church was formed by the Proprietors, although a majority of the settlers, and the soundest part of them, were Dissenters. Then attempts to enforce the Navigation Laws were sure to breed disturbance and ex cite resistance. A chronic source of trouble was the " Fundamental Constitutions," some of the peculiar fea tures of which the Proprietors, from time to time, sought to introduce. The effort to enforce the adoption of them, which was begun by Governor Colleton in 1686, was with stood by the colonial parliament. In 1689, he declared martial law. Colleton was openly resisted, and was ban ished from the province. CHAPTER VH. NEW ENGLAND TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT IN 1636 The Plymouth Company The Popham Colony John Smith in New England The Council of New England Puritanism in England Religious Parties in Elizabeth s Reign The Inde pendents The Scrooby Congregation The Pilgrims in Hol land The Voyage of the Mayflower The Settlement at Plymouth The Government at Plymouth Growth and Char acter of the Colony Towns Mason s Grant of New Hamp shire The New Puritan Emigration Endicott at Salem The Charter of the Massachusetts Company The First Con gregational Church Alleged "Intolerance" of the Puritans Transfer of the Massachusetts Company to New England John Winthrop The Great Emigration to Massachusetts Sufferings of the Colony Its Form of Government Congre gationalism Roger Williams Williams Founds Providence Vane Mrs. Ann Hutchinson Winthrop again Chosen Gov ernor Heroic Spirit of the Colony Council of New England Surrenders its Charter Roger Williams and his Colony Set tlement of Rhode Island The Settlements in New Hampshire Gorges Settlement in Maine. THE Plymouth Company was almost eclipsed by the London branch of the Virginia Corporation. The Lon- don Company was rich and influential. All month Com- eyes were attracted to the body under whose auspices the Jamestown colony had been sent out. Yet the promoters of the Plymouth Company, especially Sir Ferdinando Gorges, from the outset a prime mover in the whole enterprise, were not inactive. On the return of Weymouth from his voyage, in 1606, several TO THK PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 83 Indians, whom he brought back with him, were trained, under the superintendence of Gorges, to serve as inter preters and intermediates between the English and the natives. In 1607, a few months after the beginnings at James town, two vessels were sent out by Gorges and his associ ates to establish a permanent colony. They The Popham carried one hundred and twenty persons, Cololi y- under Captain Ealeigh Gilbert, with George Popham, a brother of the Chief Justice, as President. They reached Monhegan Island, a place of frequent resort for voyagers, situated off the Maine coast. They chose for the site of their settlement the near peninsula of Sabino on the main-land, where they erected a church, a store house, and other buildings. The ships carried back a glowing account of the new country. But the familiar record is once more to be repeated. The winter was very severe, Popham died, and the news of the death of the Chief Justice arrived. The disheartened colonists abandoned the settlement and returned to England. Thus ended the " Popham Colony." In 1614, Captain John Smith, the hero of the Virginia colony, ,-, . --- ,! /. -n/r JohnSmith again appears, this time on the coast of Maine, and New Eng- He explains the errand on which he came. He was to take whales or discover mines : or, failing in such endeavors, he was to obtain fish and furs. In these last attempts he was successful. But he did incidental work of far greater consequence. This tireless explorer moved along the coast in a boat from the Penobscot to Cape Cod. To a number of places he gave names, some of which, as recorded on his map, still remain. He gave to the region the name of New England. His "Descrip tion of New England," which he published on his re turn, is a somewhat picturesque, as well as generally ac curate, account of what he saw. In this and in the sub- 84 THE COLONIAL ERA sequent writings of Smith, there are not wanting a gen erous enthusiasm and more enlightened views relative to the ends and methods of colonization than were generally entertained. He continued to be employed by the Ply mouth Company. He was anxious to combine with Gorges and the Plymouth leaders others who were pos sessed of larger means. "Much labour," he writes, "I had taken to bring the Londoners and them to joyne to gether, because the Londoners have much money, and the Westerne men are most proper for fishing ; and it is neere as much trouble, but much more danger, to saile from London to Plimouth, than from Plimouth to New England." He was thwarted, however, by the ambition of both parties to be " lords of this fishing." He was bent on establishing a permanent colony on the coast which he had described and delineated. Twice he set sail to carry out his design, but was baffled each time by accidents. He would have set out a third time, but was kept back at Plymouth by head winds which prevailed for three months. Smith retained the well-earned title which he had received from the Plymouth Company, of Admiral of New England. Gorges had expended large sums from his own private fortune in exploring and trading expeditions, and in un successful exertions to plant settlements. These cii of New enterprises had been set on foot by him and his friends, acting in the name of the*Plymouth Company. At length there was opened before them the prospect of large gains by a monopoly in the fisheries. It was just at the time when James was engaged in the experiment of ruling without a Parliament, and was dis pensing monopolies with a lavish hand. G.orges was a supporter of the King s party, and was helped by influen tial noblemen. In 1620, he, and the " Gentlemen Adven turers " with him, obtained a patent, to take the place of TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 85 the charter of the Plymouth Company, granting to them, under the name of the Council of New England, the ter ritory between the fortieth parallel or about the lati tude of Philadelphia and the forty-eighth degree, which crosses the Bay of Chaleurs. The patentees were to have the right to plant and to govern settlements, and also to convey to individuals and companies subordinate grants, accompanied by powers similar to their own. The patent forbade any to visit the New England coasts without a license from the Council. This cut off the right to land and to dry fish, and created, practically, although not in direct terms, a complete monopoly in the benefit of the fisheries. As soon as the plan of Gorges and his associ ates for obtaining this charter became known, the mana gers of the London Company were up in arms. A deter mined, persevering protest w r as made against the bestowal of such a privilege. These managers were in disfavor, as being of the political opposition. But Sir Edward Coke and others were resolute in their hostility to the obnoxi ous measure. When Parliament met, the resistance was pressed. Although the patent was delivered Pallure of to Gorges, the controversy went on for several Gorges, years, the demand for " a free liberty of all the King s subjects for fishing " could not be withstood, and the Council was obliged to yield. With the loss of this coveted monopoly, the prospects of the organization were blighted, and it ceased to flourish. The permanent settlement of New England was to spring from a stronger sentiment than the love of gain, and from a nobler passion than the spirit of progress of adventure. Its motive was found- in religion, E .^.gJ^- When King Henry VIIL broke off the connec- land - tion of England with the Papacy, and made himself, in the room of the Pope, the head of the English Church, he did not change his theology. He did not himself intend 86 THE COLONIAL ERA to forsake the Roman Catholic doctrines, nor did he mean to allow his subjects to adopt a different faith from his own. He was enabled to carry through the revolution which he effected, through that inbred dislike of foreign ecclesiastical rule, which had been of slow growth in England, but had come to be an established feeling. He was aided, likewise, by the doctrinal Protestantism, with which he had no personal sympathy, but which, under Lutheran influences, was getting a foothold among his people. But Protestants and adherents of the Pope the King treated with equal severity. He sent both classes of dissenters from his system to the stake or the scaffold. His iron will, aided by favoring circumstances, enabled him during his lifetime to maintain the middle position and to enforce an outward obedience. His youthful son, Edward vi -Edward ^> was a Protestant by conviction, and when he succeeded to the throne, the grow ing, but hitherto repressed party which had espoused Protestant opinions, came to the front. The Anglican Protestant Church was brought into close fraternal rela tions with Protestant bodies on the Continent. Its con stitution was framed. Its creed and Prayer-book were compiled by Cranmer and learned coadjutors. But the current of innovation w r as swifter than the majority of the nation approved. The reaction that followed under Mary Mar restored the Church of Rome to its old place of authority. But this renewed rule of a foreign ecclesiastic, the Queen s close relations with Spain, and the cruelties inflicted on the Reformers and their disciples, made the people ready for a Protestant successor in the person of Elizabeth. Not less than eight hundred exiles, embracing numerous able and learned ministers, who in the reign of Mary had fled from the fires of Smithfield, now came back. The sojourn of many of them with the Swiss Protestant leaders had brought them into full sym- TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 87 pathy with the more radical type of Protestantism which had previously won favor among the divines who, in Ed ward s time, composed the formularies of the English Church. Thus there sprang up in full vigor, at Eliza beth s accession, the Puritan party, with which she herself, a Lutheran in her creed, and bent on main- The ^^ taining her ecclesiastical prerogatives in the 9 f Pur.tan- spirit of her father, had no personal sympathy. Her policy in matters of ritual was that of compromise with the old religion. To the desire of the Puritans who included in their ranks some of her own leading bishops to exclude from the liturgy of the p Hcy of English Church peculiarities at variance with Ellzabeth - the doctrine of Zwingli, and especially of Calvin, and to modify ecclesiastical arrangements, she interposed an inflexible resistance. Without entering into the theo logical controversies of that period, or approving the tyrannical temper and doings of the Tudor sovereigns who cast off the papal rule, we shall have to allow that probably one result of their conservative policy, and of the unbending will with which they pursued it, was the exemption of England from the intestine religious wars that desolated so large a portion of the Continent. All through the reign of Elizabeth, the Roman Catho lics were a very numerous portion of her subjects. A part of them hated her government, and were The re]lg - OU8 ready to co-operate in plots to dethrone and parties. destroy her. But another portion coupled with an an tagonistic faith feelings of patriotism and loyalty, that moved them to unite with their fellow-subjects in tak ing up arms to resist the attempts of Spain and the Catholic reaction on the Continent to subjugate England. Then there was, secondly, the Anglican Protestant party, which defended Episcopacy and approved of the Queen s ecclesiastical system in all its main features. But there 88 THE COLONIAL ERA was, in the third place, the Presbyterian party, which, like the Episcopalian, believed in a national church, but would have the government of it Presbyterian, instead of prelatical, and contended that, not the edicts of the Queen and of Parliament, but ecclesiastical assemblies should prescribe the creed, ritual, and discipline of the Church ; their regulations, however, to be supported and enforced by the civil authority. The Presbyteri ans were in the national church ; but they conformed to certain requirements in its polity and to certain prescrip tions in the Prayer-book with reluctance, and under a protest, and in some cases refused to comply with them, and labored for a change, submitting, meantime, to the legal penalties of non-conformity. Puritans of every grade, it may be remarked, whether obeying the Act of Uniformity while chafing under its requirements, or passively declining to obey, were earnest to procure the abolition of pluralities and kindred abuses, and to substi tute educated, devout ministers for the numerous illiter ate and worldly pastors scattered through the parishes of England. But there was a fourth religious party, another branch or product of Puritanism, that demands attention. Before the close of Elizabeth s reign, there sprang up the Independents, who sympathized in theology with The ludepen- the conforming and non-conforming^ Presby- dents. terians. In truth, as regards dogmas, in dis tinction from "polity, there was at this time little con tention among English Protestants of whatever name. But the Independents did not believe in religious estab lishments. They were opposed altogether to national churches. A church, they held, was a local body of Christian believers, united in fellowship by a covenant, electing its own ministers and administering its own discipline by popular vote, with no interference, ex- TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 89 cept in the way of fraternal counsel, from any other ecclesiastical body. Hence the name "Independents." As distinguished both from Episcopalians and Presby terians, all of whom believed in an established church with a legally ordained creed, ritual, and discipline, they were designated as " Separatists." Before the close of Elizabeth s reign it was estimated by Ealeigh that there were not less than twenty thousand Independents in England. The name of "Brownists" was often applied to them from one of their early leaders, Rob ert Browne, a preacher at Norwich, a man turbulent and unstable in his ways. Protected by his relative, Lord Burghley, he was able to escape from England and to serve for a time a congregation in Zealand. Thence he returned to accept a benefice in the English Church. He brought no credit either to the Separatists or to the communion in whose service he died. The appellation " Brownists " was never relished by the Independents, but was often affixed to them as a nickname. To re ject the Church established by the law of the land, was construed by the Queen s government as sedition, and was punished by the penalties attached to that crime. In 1583, two of the Separatist ministers, named Copping and Thacker, both of them ti clergymen who had been ordained in the Es tablished Church, were put to death for the crime of non-conformity, involving, as it was held, the denial of the Queen s supremacy. In 1593, three other godly ministers Barrowe, Greenwood, and Penry, all of them graduates of Cambridge were hanged for the same offence. It was to a little Independent congregation at Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, that the Pilgrims who settled at Plymouth originally belonged. It met for worship at the manor-house in Scrooby, occupied by William Brew- 90 THE COLONIAL ERA ster, who hospitably opened his doors to the persecuted flock whose faith he shared. Brewster had been a stu- T ie scroo ^ en ^ a * Cambridge, but ^t his studies to be- by eongrega- come the secretary of Davison, one of the Queen s Secretaries for Foreign Affairs, who was dismissed from office, heavily fined, and imprisoned; in consequence of Elizabeth s desire to shift upon him the responsibility of doing what she had required of him in connection with the warrant for the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots. By his friendly agency Brewster was made " post," or postmaster, of the place where he lived. Later he became a " ruling elder " of the religious society which held its meetings under his roof. Brew ster was a man of sincere piety, and of a noble, generous spirit. The list of the books which he brought across the ocean, and left behind him at his death, indicates that he was well read in theology, and that his reading was not confined to this branch. The principal minis- John Robin- * er f the Scrooby church was John Eobinson. son - He had been a Fellow at Cambridge. He was a man of uncommon ability and learning. In his theol ogy he was a Calvinist, but he was of an unusually tol erant spirit. The Scrooby flock was made up of people of humble rank, mostly farmers and artisans. One of its members was young William Bradford, whose home was at Austerfield, a few miles from Scrooby. He lived to write the history of the Pilgrim emigration to America. His name belongs on the roll of honor by the side of that of Brewster. When James I. assumed the Crown, it was soon evi dent that the severities of the last reign were not to be a The Pilgrims whit diminished, but rather sharpened. Such m Holland. were the annoyances and perils of Robinson s church that at length they resolved to leave home and country, and go over in a body to Holland. But when TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 91 they tried to carry out their design, cruel hindrances were put in their way by the King s officers. At last, in 1608, they found themselves safely in Amsterdam. The two Independent congregations which had been planted there before, were engaged in disputes, in which the peace-loving Pilgrims desired to have no part. After a brief sojourn, although the change involved a loss in a temporal point of view, they departed to Leyden, where they were per manently established. They had to betake themselves to new occupations. Brewster became a printer. By pa tient industry they managed to earn a livelihood, and they won the respect of their Dutch neighbors. But they were Englishmen, and, glad though they were to escape persecution, they felt themselves to be strangers in a strange land. They could not be sure that their children, under the influences that surrounded them, would follow in their ways. They could not expect to do much in behalf of their peculiar religious ideas and prac tices. They arrived at the conclusion that it was best for them to cross the ocean and to found a Emigration community of their own, on territory subject to America, to England. To this end they entered into negotiations, which were prolonged and difficult, with the leaders of the London Company. At a time when it seemed doubt ful whether anything would come from this effort, Robin son undertook to arrange with the Dutch to plant a colony, under their protection, near their American settle ment. But this project was abandoned as soon as it was found practicable to make an agreement with certain London merchants to co-operate with them, and share in the cost of the voyage and first settlement. A patent was procured from the London Company. The King refused a charter to the projected colony. The Leyden brethren had sought to disarm apprehension on the part of the Virginia Company by sending over a document 92 THE COLONIAL ERA containing seven articles in which they set forth their position in reference to the civil power. In carefully chosen terms they went so far as to recognize the King s right to appoint bishops, among other officers of the realm, to govern dioceses and parishes " civilly accord ing to the laws of the land." All that James would con cede was a promise not to molest them as long as they behaved peaceably. There were no means of transport ing at once more than a part of the Leyden church. Only a part, therefore, could go. The rest to New Eug- were to follow when they could. As those who were left behind were the majority, they retained Robinson with them. Early in July 1620, their brethren bade them farewell at Delft Haven, and in the Speedwell, a small vessel which they had bought, sailed to Southampton. There delays and hindrances awaited them ; and it was not until August 15th that the Speed well, and its companion, the Mayflower, set out on their voyage. At the end of about a week both vessels put in at Dartmouth, because the Speedwell was declared to be leaky. Once more they started, and again the cap tain and crew of this vessel reported her falsely, as it turned out un sea worthy. Both ships turned back to Plymouth. Such as were weak or discouraged, parting sadly with their friends, were left behind, and, on Sep tember 16th, the Mayflower, now crowded with passen gers, went forth on her solitary voyage. Writers who have charged the Pilgrims with impru dence in braving the rigors of winter on the New England coast, forget the circumstances which, contrary to their intention, made this inevitable. On November 19th, they came in sight of the shores of Cape Cod. They found themselves not, however, as some have supposed, through treachery on the part of their captain outside of the limits of the Virginia Company. At first they re- TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 93 solved to seek a place near the Hudson ; for although they knew that Northern Virginia was to be granted to a new company, the Council of New England, they did not know that the Hudson would fall within its boundaries. But after sailing for half a day, such were the difficulties of the attempt and the opposition of the captain and sea men, that they returned. It was not until December 2lst a part of the interval having been spent in explor ing the cold and stormy coast by a party sent out for the purpose that they landed on the shore of Plymouth, the spot which they selected for the site for their New P]y . settlement. On November 21st, in the cabin mouth - of the Mayflower, then in the harbor of Provincetown, in pursuance of an injunction of Eobinson to frame a form of civil polity, and because there were signs of insubordi nation on the part of certain laborers, who were disposed to break loose from their contracts because they were not to disembark in Virginia, the Pilgrims united in a solemn compact, of which the following is a copy : " In the name of God, amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord King James, by the grace of God of ^^ ^ Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, De- flower corn- fender of the Faith, etc., having undertaken F for the glory of God and the advancement of the Christ ian faith, and honor of our King and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents solemnly and mutually, in the pres ence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, con stitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good 94 THE COLONIAL ERA of the colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape Cod, the llth of Novem ber [O. S.], in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord King James, of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. Anno Dom., 1620." Thus there began the first political community in America with a written constitution of its own making. There were forty-one subscribers to the compact. Seven of them were servants or hired laborers. The remaining thirty-four constituted "the colony proper." Of these eighteen were accompanied by their wives. Fourteen had minor children. Most of the thirty-four were from Leyden. Some had joined the Leyden men at South ampton. While some of the settlers were among them in consequence of the association of the enterprise with the merchants who were looking for pecuniary profit, the prevailing motive of the colony as a whole was that which had moved the Pilgrims to originate the plan. All hoped to reap advantage from fishing. King James had been somewhat propitiated when he was told that the Leyden applicants were to engage in this employment. This, he observed, was the occupation of the apostles. When the compact was drawn up, John Carver was chosen Governor. After his death, in the March follow ing, William Bradford was made his successor. By the terms of the partnership between the mer chants and the Pilgrims, each emigrant was to have one share in the profits of the undertaking. One share was allotted for every ten pounds invested. Every youth above sixteen was to be counted as a shareholder. A fraction of a share was to be credited to each younger child. The colony was to be furnished with food and other necessaries from the common stock. At the end of TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 95 seven years the accumulated earnings were to be divided among the shareholders. On November 21, 1621, a vessel arrived, bringing a patent (granted June 11) G rant of a to the company from the Council of New Eng- patent. land. There were no defined boundaries for the grant. Each emigrant might take up a hundred acres. Fifteen hundred acres were allowed for public buildings. The grantees were authorized to form a government and to make laws. Under this patent the colony lived for about eight years. ^Grievous were the sufferings of the Plymouth settlers during the first winter, but not too great for their courage and patience. To range along the coast in the The first midst of sleet and snow, in quest of a suitable wint er. location, proved to have been only the beginning of trials. To build their log-houses amid all the exposures of mid winter was the next thing to be done. At one time all but six or seven were sick. Before spring came, one-half of their whole number were in their graves under the snow. Soon after landing they had heard a cry from savages that sounded hostile. A little military band was formed, with Miles Standish for a captain. Standish had attached himself to the Pilgrims, and came over with them, al though not a member of the church. On March 26th, an Indian, named Samoset. who had picked up a little English fromlhe crews of fishing-vessels, The Indiane< came to them, bidding them "Welcome." The visit was followed by the conclusion of a Treaty with his chief, Massasoit, the head of the Wampanoags, whose hunting* grounds were on the southwest, near the Narraganset. A pestilence had prevailed in New England a few years before, and had thinned out the native population. In the patent granted to the Council of New England this event is referred to as a providential circumstance, fitted to encourage plans of emigration. It proved, indirectly. 96 THE COLONIAL ERA the means of safety to the Plymouth settlers. Peace between the Pilgrims and the natives was imperilled by Thomas Wes- au undertaking of Thomas Weston. In 1G22, ton. under a patent which he had procured, he sent out sixty men, by whom a settlement was formed at Wessagusett (now Weymouth). Their disorderly prac tices excited the wrath of the Indians. Their lives, as well as the lives of the Plymouth colonists, were saved by the intervention of the latter. Several savages were killed in an encounter with Standish and two others. Robinson, when he heard of it, lamented that some could not have been converted before any were slain. Most of Western s followers were aided in getting back to England. A few of them were received at Plymouth and joined the colony. In 1625, a Captain Wollaston attempted to form another settlement within the territory where the town of Quincy is situated. Wollaston gave up the attempt and went to Virginia. Thomas Mor ton, who had been a lawyer in England, got control of the people left behind by Wollaston. The riotous ways of Morton s company, who, in addition to other mis chievous doings, sold fire-arms and ammunition to the natives, moved Plymouth to interfere. The " unruly nest" was broken up without bloodshed, Morton was sent to England, and his followers driven away. About April 15th, 1621, the Mayflower started on the return voyage to England. It carried back none of the settlers. With the Governor there was associated one assistant. In 1624, the number of assistants was raised~To five. Government ^ ne Governor and assistants were elected by at Plymouth. h e "body of freemen, who consisted at first of the original settlers, and, as population spread, of such as were admitted to the privileges of freemen in the sev eral towns. In 1639, a system of representation was adopted, each town electing two representatives. The TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 97 magistrates and deputies sat in one assembly. For a time no law went into force without the express sanction of the body of freemen. The London merchants did not regard with favor the religious peculiarities of the colony. They considered them a hindrance to its growth. From time to time there were additions from abroad, a consid erable proportion of which were from Leyden. Robin son died in 1625, not having been able to carry out his wish to join the portion of his people who were making for themselves a home be} r ond the sea. In 1624, the mer chants sent over sixty persons, among whom was a min ister, Lyford by name, who not only calumni ated the colony in his letters, but set about an attempt to establish in it the Church of England. His treacherous character was brought to light, and he was compelled to leave. The colonists were under a contract of service and partnership with the mercantile "Adven turers." It was an improvement when an acre of land was given to each head of a family to cultivate for him self. There was a much more beneficial change when, in 1627, the resident adults with the exception of a few who were not considered worthy of of the stuck the privilege became possessed, by purchase, of the stock and land. There could now be an equitable distribution of the common property among the set tlers. In 1630, a patent from the Council of New Eng land granted to Bradford and his associates the territory between denned boundaries the Cohasset River on the north, and the domains of Pokanoket on the west. To give them increased means of trading and fishing, a tract of land fifteen miles wide, on each shore of the Kennebec River, was ceded to them. But there was a reservation which gave to the Council the right to establish such a government as they might wish to ordain. There was no certainty that Gorges might not conclude to institute a 7 OS THE COLONIAL ERA government for all New England, of which he should be the head. There was still greater danger of legislative interference by the Crown. Against this the patent of the Plymouth settlers afforded no safeguard. The colony gradually extended, mainly along the coast. In 1641, there had come to be eight towns, with a popula tion of two thousand five hundred. In all but and character one of them there were educated ministers. ony> A half century after the landing at Plymouth there were fifty towns and about eight thousand people. The Plymouth settlers established trade with the natives on the Kennebec and Penobscot, and to some extent in the valley of the Connecticut. With all their industry, so sterile was the soil that the colony remained poor. The consequence was that as the pulpits became vacant it became difficult to fill them with a learned minis try, and down to 1G70 there appears to have been no provision for public education. The spirit of the col ony in dealing with theological dissidents and fanatics was comparatively mild. In 1657, it was enacted that Quakers, who were the occasion of much disturbance, should be excluded from becoming freemen. Later, in 1671, it was provided that freemen should be sober and peaceable in their behavior, and orthodox in " the funda mentals of religion." But the " Old Colony," as it was called, through its entire history avoided harsh meas ures in dealing with theological malcontents, and not seldom served as an asylum for persons whose religious tenets or practices brought upon them discomfort in the neighboring community of Massachusetts Bay. Ply mouth had obtained its lands by fair purchase of the In dians. Earnest efforts were put forth to convert them to Christianity. In 1675, about the time when King Philip s War broke out, it is estimated that within the limits of the colony there were not less than five or six TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 99 hundred "praying Indians." Brewster, the patriarch of the colony, died in 1644. He had had the care of the church, officiating as preacher as well as ruling elder, until 1629, when Ralph Smith, a regular Brewster - minister was settled. An abridged catalogue of Brew- ster s library is extant. It speaks well for his intellectual character, for there is no doubt that the books were kept, not for show, but for use. It comprised four hun dred volumes, of which forty-eight were folios and one hundred and seventy-seven were quartos. Besides nu merous commentaries on the Bible, and other books of theology, we find on the list " The Prince " of Machia- velli, Bacon s " Advancement of Learning," Seneca s writ ings these all in English. Among the non-ecclesiasti cal authors there is found one poet of merit, George Withers. Eleven of the books were printed by Brewster himself in Ley den. It is a characteristic feature of New England from the beginning that its inhabitants dwelt together in towns. In this peculiarity, so fruitful in its conse quences, political and social, there was a broad contrast with the Virginia settlements, where, as we have seen, the large landholders lived apart from one another on their estates. The character of the soil and of its products in New England was one main cause of this difference. Another reason was the interest of the people in religion, and their ecclesiastical system. The town was an organization for united worship, as well as for the conduct of secular affairs. The inhabitants fixed their abodes usually near the " meeting-house." Of the significance of the town in its political bearings, more will be said hereafter. A complete account of the doings of the Council of New England would contain the record of various grants of land, not seldom conflicting with one another, and of 100 THE COLONIAL ERA several attempts at settlement which had but small re sults. In such proceedings Gorges was actively con cerned. In 1622, in connection with John Ma- piutofNew soft, he obtained the grant of the territory, which they named Laconia, between the Mer- rimac and the Kennebec, and extending to " the river of Canada." Two settlements were begun where are now Portsmouth and Dover, but for a long time were with difficulty kept in being. The Council undertook to di vide its territory in New England among its individual members. To one of the twenty a portion about Cape Ann was allotted, but the patent for it was transferred by purchase to Plymouth. There a fishing-station was established by merchants in the west of England. The settlers there were suffered by Plymouth to remain. Co- nant, who had left Plymouth out of dislike for the re ligious system of the Pilgrims, became their head. Ly- ford and another delinquent, Oldham, both of whom had been expelled from Plymouth, joined them. In 162G, the Dorchester merchants dissolved their partnership and Conant at Sa- g ave U P their settlement. Only Conant and a lem. f ew others remained there. These withdrew to Naumkeag, afterwards called Salem. The short-lived activity of this unincorporated Dorchester company was succeeded by another undertaking, which took its rise in the same place, but was quite different, both in its pur poses and results. The great Puritan emigration which gave rise to the settlements on Massachusetts Bay was undertaken, not by " Separatists," but by members of the Church tan e emigra- of England who had never broken off their connection with it, or called in question the lawfulness of a national church. James I., when he was on the way from Scotland to London, was met by the " Millenary petition," in which upwards of eight hundred TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 101 ministers of the Established Church prayed for the aboli tion of pluralities and kindred abuses, and besought that certain practices, such as the sign of the cross in bap tism, the interrogatories to infants, the use of the cap and surplice, might be discarded. At the subsequent conference at Hampton Court, the Puritan divines whom the King selected to be the spokesmen of their party, were treated with insult and derision. "If this be Tyranny of all that your party have to say," said the King, James L " I will make them conform, or I will harry them out of this land, or else worse." He took care to keep his word. He is not to be blamed for refusing on that occasion to incorporate in the creed of the Anglican Church new doctrinal articles, rigidly Calvinistic in their tenor, nor can he be blamed for not imposing the desired modifica tions in the liturgy on those of his subjects who might be in conscience averse to them. It is another question, however, whether he might not have granted a measure of liberty in matters of ritual without creating fresh con tentions and divisions. There is no doubt that his spirit in dealing with so large a body of educated and earnest preachers, whose services it was most important to re tain, was insolent and arbitrary. Thenceforward the Puritan clergy either conformed, unwillingly and under protest, to the particular ceremonies of which they disap proved, or abstained from doing so, preferring to endure the appointed penalties until a better day should come. Thus the Puritans were composed of a conforming and a non-conforming class. In their long struggle during the whole reign of James, and in the early years of his succes sor, in proportion as their hope of getting freedom for themselves and of making England what they thought it ought to be, waned, they would naturally revolve the question whether it might not be feasible to found a new community, to be modelled after their own ideas, beyond 102 THE COLOXIAL ERA the Atlantic. If tiieir dissatisfaction with the Anglican ecclesiastical system was by degrees becoming more radi cal, it was a silent change, which had not grown to be a conscious, definite conviction. The most influential of the early promoters of the movements which led to the settlement of Massachusetts John white was John Wnite > rect or in Dorchester. In his parish there were many who made voyages to America for fishing and trade. It was White who had put up the shipowners to begin the settlement at Cape Ann, his motive being a desire to promote the welfare of the mariners visiting that coast. He wrote to Conant to stay with the remnant of settlers at Naumkeag. Consul tations were held in Lincolnshire and in London, as well as in the west country. In March, 1628, a grant of lands Endicott at was ma(le ^y tne Council of New England to Salem. j^ Endicott and others. lir included the territory from the Atlantic to the Western Ocean, and from a line three miles to the north of the Merrimac to a line three miles to the south of the Charles. Endicott himself, who was a strict Puritan, crossed the ocean with a small company, and took the place of Conant as head of the settlement at Naumkeag, which, as a memorial of the pacifying of the differences between Conant s people and the new-comers, received the name of Salem. Prepara tions were soon made for another settlement at Charles- town. Endicott visited Morton s company, or the rem nant of it, at Merry-Mount, as they now called the place, caused their May-pole to be cut down, and " rebuked them for their prof anen ess." Later, as we have seen, this charter to disorderly settlement was broken up by the Ply- c b h e n/eu sa 8~ m uth people. Early in 1629, the Dorchester company. Company was much enlarged, and procured a royal charter under the name of the " Governor and Com pany of Massachusetts Bay in New England." Besides TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 103 Endicott and the others with him, to whom the grant of land had been made, there appear in the list of patentees the names of Saltonstall, Theophilus Eaton, and others familiar afterwards in New England history. The com pany was authorized to elect from their own members a Governor, Deputy-Governor, and eighteen Assistants, and to frame laws and ordinances, not repugnant to the laws of England, for the regulation of their own doings, and for the government of the inhabitants of their terri tory. They were empowered to defend their colonies by force of arms against all invaders and disturbers. On the subject of religious liberty nothing was said. The cor poration provided that there should be a local governor, and Endicott was continued in that office. With him were to be associated thirteen counsellors, a majority of them to be appointed by the Company. In their instruc tions to the settlers, they -were told to remember that the propagation of the Gospel was to be the principal aim, to make fair bargains with the Indians for the land, to send home persons disaffected with their government. Endicott was immediately reinforced by four hundred and thirty-two fresh emigrants, eighty of whom were women, and twenty-six were children. The Endicott re _ vessels brought over tools, fire-arms, together ^forced, with a large number of cattle and goats. A part of the new-comers settled at Charlestown. Two of the four ministers who came over were Samuel Skelton and Fran cis Higginson, who remained at Salem. Higginson was a non-conformist divine who was held in high esteem. He had been a rector at Leicester, and when he was si lenced by the government he became a " lecturer " to his former parishioners. He wrote home, expressing his pleasure at the appearance of the Salem colony. " But," he added, " that which is our greatest comfort and means of defence above all other is, that we have here the true 104 THE COLONIAL ERA religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God taught among us." There now occurred an event of great con sequence in its relation to the subsequent history of New England. This was the formation of a church, Cong re ga- and the election of Skelton and Higginson to L be its ministers ; the former as "pastor," and the latter as " teacher." " Every fit member " took part in the election. Skelton was then set apart for his office, Higginson and several of the "gravest" men laying their hands on his head, and prayer being offered. In the same way Higginson was inducted into office. The meeting was called by Endicott. Contrary to the com mon representation, it is clear from the letter of a wii>- ness who was on the ground, that the forming of the church, on the basis of a simple covenant, preceded the choice of the ministers. It is not true, therefore, that the community at large, or the prominent persons in it, acted in this matter as a parish, distinct from a church, might be conceived to act. At a later meet ing the organization was completed by the choice of elders and deacons, the number of members being raised to thirty. It is not probable that on this occa sion the ministers were ordained anew. The steps taken were in full accord with the method of "the Sepa ratists," which had been deemed by the non-conforming Puritans reprehensible. Both the ministers, it should be remembered, were ordained clergymen in the Church of England. But the idea at the basis of these proceed ings was that ordination and installation were equiva lent, and that each signified the placing of a minister as an officer over a flock, by an appropriate religious rite. In the later system of Congregationalism, ordi nation to the ministry came to be regarded as distinct from installation, and took place once for all. It was not so at the beginning. Another remarkable circumstance TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 105 is to be noticed. There came from the Plymouth church a delegation to recognize fraternally the new ecclesias tical organization, at Salem. On the day ap- Fellowship pointed for the consummation of the act, when Plymouth the covenant was renewed, Governor Bradford church - and his associates arrived in season to express their ap probation and fellowship. Before the arrival of Skel- tori and Higginson, Endicott had found occasion to re quest the physician at Plymouth, Samuel Fuller, to come to Salem to minister to the sick. After Fuller s return. Endicott wrote to Bradford a cordial letter. Kef erring to Fuller, he says : "I rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments of the outward forms of God s worship." "It is," Endicott adds, " far different from the common report that hath been spread of you touching that particular." The " Separatists " were not so far out of the way as he had thought them to be. Robinson s prediction was fulfilled, that his people would not find themselves at variance with their non-conformist Puritan brethren, as soon as both found themselves at a distance from the scenes of former controversy. More over, not only was a church, distinct from the christened members of the parish, formed at Salem, after the method of the Independents, but the Prayer-book was dropped. It is clear that the Salem colonists, when removed beyond the bounds of the Established Church and hierarchy of England, and free to think and to act for themselves, fell back on what they now considered to be the models of Scripture. In the matter of ecclesiastical changes they advanced at once to the goal which, imperceptibly to themselves, they had been really approaching. The non- conforming emigrants who came later followed in the same path. But these proceedings at Salem were not pleasing to all. Two brothers, John and Samuel Browne, were mem- 106 THE COLONIAL ERA bers of the Council. They did not approve the disuse of the Book of Common Prayer, and, with some others Expulsion of wno were inclined to join them, proposed to the Brownes. } lo i(j meetings by themselves. The ministers, they said, were Separatists, and would be Anabaptists. Finding "their speeches and practices tending to mutiny and faction," Endicott, on the return of the vessels the same year, sent them back to England. When the Brownes made complaint to the Company, alarm was felt lest the occurrence might give rise to difficulties with the Government. An official letter was written to Endicott expressing this apprehension and advising cau- Aiieged tion. What had been done, however, was anc " of the consistent with the instructions of the Com- Puntaus. pany. It was intended that there should be uniformity in worship in the settlement. There was no idea of establishing a colony where diverse forms of faith and modes of worship should subsist side by side. Whatever judgment may be passed upon the founders of Massachusetts in this matter, it is clear enough that a struggle for predominance between the rival sects, if such sects had been allowed, would have immediately en sued. The main purpose which the colonists had in view in crossing the ocean would have been frustrated. " A conventicle of a score of persons might be harmless ; but how long would the conventicle be without its sur- pliced priest, and when he had come, how far in the dis tance would be a bishop armed with the powers of the High Commission ? " These are the words of an Ameri can historian, Dr. Palfrey. "It may be," writes a candid English historian, Mr. Gardiner, " that the rulers of the little community were wise in their resolution. Their own religious liberty would have been in danger if a population had grown up around them ready to offer a helping hand to any repressive measures of the home TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 107 Government." Obviously the difficulty back of all such conflicts in those days, whether in England or America, was that, in the absence of a commonly accepted princi ple of religious liberty, each party, in case its opponent should get the power^ had nothing to look for but sub jugation. For one party to give ecclesiastical freedom to its adversary was to forge an instrument for its own destruction. Then it must be borne in mind that a colony is to be distinguished from a full-blown State. The colony is midway between the family and the State. The conditions of safety for a political community in its cradle are not the same as when it has outlived the days of weakness. Another English historian, Mr. Doyle, who has no predilection for the Puritans, justly remarks : " We must not condemn the banishment of the Brownes unless we are prepared to say that it would have been better for the world if the Puritan colony of Massachu setts had never existed." It is often said that elsewhere the expeiiment of different sects living side by side was successful. Rhode Island is adduced as an example. But Rhode Island for most of the seventeenth century was in a state bordering on anarchy, and might have been in a worse condition had it not been for the stable and well-ordered governments in the neighboring colo nies. Maryland is also referred to as an example. But among the settlers of Maryland there was not that in tense interest in religion which prevailed among the Massachusetts colonists, and was the mainspring in all of their doings. There were not the same materials for a conflict on this subject. We have seen, moreover, that the Proprietary in Maryland was, in fact, obliged to con strain, and even to exclude from the colony, certain over- zealous religious propagandists. When religious discus sion at length became sharp, toleration gave way. As for Pennsylvania, not to dwell here on other differences, 108 THE COLONIAL EKA it was settled a half century later than Massachusetts, at a time when the fervor of religious controvers} was be ginning to abate, and when the impolicy of coercion in these matters was more widely discerned. Endicott sailed to Massachusetts fifteen years before Penn was born. Pennsylvania was founded only seven years be fore William of Orange came to the throne. By that time experience had done a great deal to evince the in- utility of coercion in matters of conscience. The New England Puritans in some cases erred on the side of harshness, even in carrying out their own principles, aside from the character of the principles themselves. But whatever may be set down, fairly or unfairly, to their discredit, on the score of intolerance, it is undeniable that they founded great and enlightened commonwealths. That a better result would have ensued had they the circumstances being what they were pursued a system more consonant with modern ideas, is a speculative opinion, which, of course, it is impossible to bring to any practical test. Endicott s colony was only the forerunner of Puritan emigration on a larger scale. The aspect of public affairs T anny of ^ n England soon became more threatening than Charles I. ever. In March, 1629, Charles I. dismissed his third Parliament, and entered on the experiment, which was continued for eleven years, of governing England without a Parliament. All signs portended either the ruin of civil liberty or the outbreaking of civil war. In 1628, William Laud was appointed Bishop of London, and was rising to the rank of the King s principal adviser in ecclesiastical matters. He was introducing that system of tyranny which eventually brought him, like his royal master, to the block. His policy, as petty as it was inquisitorial and arbitrary, was put into action to extinguish Puritan opinions, and to TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 109 punish with imprisonment and death all deviations from the established ceremonies. A large number of men of birth and fortune, residing in different places, after con sultation with one another, decided that it was expedient to lay the foundations of a new England across the sea, where the principles which they cherished might take root and nourish, beyond the reach of regal and prelatical despotism. In 1630, the Company of Massa- Tranefer of chusetts Bay took the bold step of transferring the Maesachu- itself and its charter, and thus the whole gov- pa ny to New eminent of its colonists, to its American settle ment. There was no legal obstacle in the way of such a transfer. One of the men who had promised to emigrate in case this movement should be agreed upon was John Winthrop, a native of Groton, in Suffolk. He John Win . belonged 1 to an ancient family and was possessed thr P- of a good estate. In his youth he had strong inclinations to the ministry, but he concluded to take up legal studies. A man of profound religious convictions, he was in full sympathy with the Puritan cause, and ready to undergo any sacrifice for the promotion of it. At this time, Win throp was forty years of age. His name is inseparably associated with the history of Massachusetts. He blended a resolute will with a calm and magnanimous spirit. Al- lowmcf for the unavoidable difference between a Puritan gentleman of that day, and a Virginia gentleman upwards of a century later, we may discern points of likeness be tween Winthrop and Washington. Both are marked by a certain grave self-control and dignity of character. The Massachusetts Company chose Winthrop for its Governor for one year. Among his associates were other persons scarcely inferior in social standing. Such were the Deputy-Governor, Humphrey, and Isaac Johnson, sons-in-law of the Earl of Lincoln, and also the stew ard of his household, Thomas Dudley. Dudley had 110 THE COLONIAL ERA fought on the Protestant side in France. He was a man more austere in his character than Winthrop. The bulk The great of. the emigrants then, as afterwards, belonged SSf^S?- to the middle class of Englishmen who had ex perienced the uplifting influence of an earnest religious faith. It may be observed here that a large ma jority of the original settlers of New England were from the eastern counties of the mother country. The expe dition departed in eleven ships, carrying about seven hundred emigrants. These were followed in the course of the year by about three hundred others. Erom the ship in which Winthrop was about to sail, he and some of his associates sent an address to their " brethren in and of the Church of England. " We esteem it," they said, an honor to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother, and cannot part from our native country, where she specially residetn, with out much sadness of heart and many tears in our eyes." These words were utterances of the heart, but they were not intended to refer to the prelatical government or the legal forms of worship of the religious community from which the authors of the address were parting. In their minds the Church was far more than these, and separable from them. They had no thought of being considered a body of schismatics. It is often forgotten at the present rlay that the form which Protestant Christianity would rinally take in England was yet to be determined. The ferment was not over ; the crystallization was still in the future. Within less than a score of years from the de parture of Winthrop, Puritanism was for the time com pletely in the ascendant in Church and State. The most of Winthrop s company, it must be supposed, as far as ecclesiastical arrangements are concerned, were in a state of mind in which the progress to Independency would cost no struggle. Not otherwise can we account TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 111 for their adoption of that system as soon as they reached their new abode. On June 22d (N. S.), the Arbella, with Winthrop on board, arrived at Salein. He found the colony there in a distressed condition. Many had died, many The new get . were sick, and provisions were scanty. One tiement. of the ships was sent back to England to bring new sup plies of food. Charlestown was selected as the place of settlement. The new-comers, however, found it expedi ent to divide. Watertown, Koxbury, and some other places were settled by different sections of them. At Charlestown a church was organized. The proceeding was similiar to that which had taken place at Salem. John Wilson, a graduate of Cambridge, who had been a clergyman at Sudbury, in Suffolk, was chosen to be the minister. He was set apart by the imposition of hands, without renouncing the ordination which he had received in the Church of England. The distribution of land was after the plan which had been pursued by the Virginia Company. To the share holders were given two hundred acres for every Allotment of fifty pounds subscribed, together with a due portion of the expected profits from trade. If an emi grant, the shareholder was to have fifty additional acres, and the same number for each member of his family. Fifty acres were to belong to each emigrant who was not a shareholder. Discretionary power was given to the Governor and Council to add to the last appropriation, in particular cases. The colony, notwithstanding its strength and ample preparations, had to pass through an experience of pri vation and misery like that which befell pre- sufferirp of vious settlements. Winter arrived before the the colon y- people were at all prepared to encounter its rigor. Even before the beginning of December, not less than two 112 THE COLONIAL ERA hundred died. Among them was Lady Arbella Johnson, the wife of one of the leading settlers. Her bereaved husband soon followed her. About a hundred dis heartened sufferers returned to England. Through all the trials of that period, Winthrop was serene and stead fast. As far as the duties of his office allowed, he labored with his own hands, inspiriting all around him by his ex ample. Early in February, a welcome supply of food arrived. The Governor found it expedient, in connection with many others, to remove to the other side of the river, to a site which received the name of Boston. The English town of that name was familiar to a portion of the settlers. There the Assistants met and the public business of the colony was transacted. At first the Governor and Assistants were chosen by the body of freemen. These met four times in the year, Tbe General an( ^ ^ v them the laws were enacted. But it court. was f oun( i inconvenient to hold these meetings, and in October, 1630, it was left to the Assistants to elect the Governor and Deputy-Governor, and to frame the laws. But this arrangement, which put so much power in the hands of the Assistants, gave rise to disaffection. In 1631, the inhabitants of Watertown refused to pay a tax which the Assistants had levied. The result was that a representative body was established. Two delegates were to be chosen by each town, and the body of dele gates was to determine questions of taxation. Soon another change was made. The legislative authority, which had been vested in the freemen, was handed over to the General Court, which consisted of the delegates from the towns, with the Governor and Council. A democratic tendency developed itself. With this ten dency, Winthrop, although he did not covet power for himself, and aimed at nothing but the public good, did not sympathize. Later, when the people of Connecticut TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 113 were forming a government, he wrote to them : " The best part of a community is always the least, and of that least part the wiser are still less." In the impartial ad ministration of his office he could not avoid giving offence to some. For a while his popularity declined. In 1634, he was not chosen Governor. A proposition from leading Puritans in England to join the colony, pro vided it would establish distinctions of rank, received no favor. In 1644, the deputies began to sit as a distinct body. The form of government was ties a distinct now assimilated to the English model. There y was one feature in the political arrangements of marked importance. As early as May, 1631, it was determined that none should be admitted to the exercise of polit ical privileges except members of churches. T^ . t h eoc . The motive assigned was that " the body of racy *" the commons maybe possessed of good and honest men." It was a kind of theocratic system of rule. The founders adopted a test which they deemed to be most likely to secure the blessing of good government, and "to shut out from their counsels the emissaries of Wentworth and Laud " the minister and the prelate who were working together for the civil and ecclesiastical enslavement of England. The Congregational system gave to each local church the complete power of self-government, at the same time it "was held that all the churches were bound to Congre g a . stand in fraternal relations one with another, tionaiism. and to exercise a mutual "watch and care," analogous to the care of each church over its individual members. But the settlers of Massachusetts, in common with Cal- vinists generally, while they denied to the State the power to control the Church within its own province, nevertheless ascribed to the civil authority the right and obligation to promote the unity and well-being of the 8 114 THE COLONIAL ERA churches, repress ecclesiastical disorder, and protect or thodox doctrine against heretical assaults. Thus the autonomy of the several churches was qualified by the superintendence of the General Court. The undefined extent of this jurisdiction of the civil power left room for contentions to arise between the central and the local authority. If Winthrop and his associates cherished the hope of religious unity in the wilderness to which they had with- Koger Will- drawn, their hope was speedily disappointed. lams. rp]-^ g rs ^ serious difficulty was connected with Roger Williams. Less than a year after their arrival he made his appearance among them. Williams was of Welsh extraction, was educated at Cambridge, and was befriended in his youth by Sir Edward Coke. He was a man of uncommon talents, of sincere piety, and of a kindly spirit. He was also of a restless temperament, with a certain antagonistic element in his nature which made him a bom polemic and propagandist. He was an enthusiast, lacking that ingredient of hatred which turns the enthusiast into the fanatic. Williams was an extreme " Separatist," standing about where Robinson stood in the early stage of his mental progress before he attained a more catholic outlook. Williams maintained that it was a sin to recognize any of the parish churches in England as true churches. It was a sin, he contended, even to hear their pastors preach. He refused to minis ter in the church at Boston, because it had not publicly renounced its fellowship with the churches as well as the Church of England. He wrote a paper to disprove the right of the King to grant the patent, which was the con stitution of the colony. He took no steps to diffuse this doctrine, but the broaching of it in a written disserta tion naturally created alarm. It opened the prospect of a collision with the English authorities, who would be TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 115 ready enough to take notice of proofs of disloyalty in the Puritan colony. Next, Williams, at Salem, where he be came the assistant of Skelton, persuaded Endicott to cut the cross out of the royal ensign, an act involving more peril than the dangerous theory about the unlawfulness of the patent. Along with all this hazardous teaching, he likewise affirmed that the magistrates had no right to administer to those who were not freemen an oath of loy alty to the colony, since he deemed it in every case a sin to administer an oath to the unconverted. This was at a time when the administration of this oath was deemed essential to the safety of the colony. Such were the sin cerity and eloquence of the young Welshman that he won influence, especially in the Salem church. In connection with various notions which even now would be gener ally characterized as whimseys, Williams promulgated an opinion which was novel at that time, but one that has obtained so wide an acceptance as to confer on him last ing distinction. He asserted that there ought to be no interference by the State in matters of religious belief and worship, except so far as is necessary for the main tenance of civil order. This doctrine of " soul-liberty " was not one of the main grounds of his expulsion from the colony, and is not made prominent in his own account of it. But it ripened in his mind into an immovable convic tion, and was the corner-stone of the political community which he founded. The General Court, by a not very large majority, passed a vote to banish him. To avoid being sent back to England, in January, 1636, he left Salem, accompanied by a few friends, founds PTOY- leaving his family behind him, and " after be- ldence> ing sorely tossed for fourteen weeks, not knowing what bread or bed did mean," he reached the shores of the Xarraganset. He had been the sole minister at Salem since 1634, and might have remained there until spring 116 THE COLONIAL ERA had he not refused to desist from preaching in his own house. He had been advised by Winthrop to betake himself to the country of the Narragansets. There he planted the city of Providence, on lands which he pur chased from the Indians. In his dealings with the In dians he was invariably just and humane. More than any other Englishman he was trusted by them. He never felt any malice towards the Puritans of Massachu setts. He spared no effort, and shrank from no danger, in order to prevent Indian attacks upon them. For Win throp he had a special attachment. When hard ques tions are to be solved, or troubles spring up in his own settlement, it is to Winthrop that he turns for counsel. During the period of the troubles respecting Roger Williams, the colony was strengthened by large reinforce - incr eased merits from England. Laud was promoted to emigration. tlie Archbishopric of Canterbury. Thencefor ward there was no security for high or low who ventured to deviate in any particular from the ceremonial laws. In that year not less than seven hundred Englishmen came over to Massachusetts, among whom were men of remarkable talents and of high repute at home. In one of the parties were John Haynes, a rich landholder from Essex, and three eminent ministers Stone, Hooker, and Hooker and Cotton. Of these Hooker and Cotton were the stone. most distinguished. All three were educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, a great nursery of Puritan preachers. It is a proof of the esteem in which Thomas Hooker had been held in England, that a petition to Laud to revoke the decree that silenced him, was signed by forty-seven conforming ministers. He escaped to Rot terdam, where he became a colleague of Dr. Ames, a fa mous Independent preacher, whose influence on his opin ions, and on Cotton and other English ministers, helps to explain the modification of their ecclesiastical views, TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 117 Hooker returned to England and contrived to elude the agents of Laud by going on shipboard in disguise. John Cotton had ministered for many years with eminent suc cess in the great church of St. Botolph, in Boston, a large town, a few miles from the sea-coast of Lincolnshire. The high esteem of the Bishop of the diocese did not avail to shield him from the persecution of Laud. After being concealed in London, he succeeded in going on board a ship in the Downs, and made a safe passage across the ocean. He was chosen to be the colleague of Wilson in the Boston church. Stone and Hooker set tled at Newtown. In the autumn of 1635, Henry Vane, then only twenty-three years of age, arrived Arrival of in Massachusetts. His religious feelings and Vane - his zealous sympathy with Puritanism had moved him to join the colony. The distinction of his family, the high station of his father, who was a Privy Counsellor, and his own attractive qualities made him at once a leader a position which he was quite prompt to assume. At that moment there was no little dissension among the princi pal men. Winthrop was thought by Dudley and others to have been too lenient in his administration. In a free conference explanations were made and good feeling was restored. In the spring of 1636, Vanej^aa chos- Vane cbosen en Governor, as the successor of Haynes, who Governor. had^followed Dudley, and Winthrop was chosen Deputy- Governor. There was a conservative party, which had the support of Cotton, that was averse to making changes in civil officers ; but the popular feeling ran the other way. A more serious difficulty than the trouble caused by the proceedings of Roger Williams and his novel opinions, was occasioned by the arrival in Boston, in 1634, Mrs. Ann of Mrs. Ann Hutchinson. Among the sects Hutchin60n - which arose in the wake of the Reformation, those denom inated Familists, Antinomians, and Anabaptists, were in 118 THE COLONIAL KUA the highest degree obnoxious to the Protestant leaders. They were held in abhorrence by the Puritan settlers, not only because their opinions were considered hereti cal, but, also, because their tenets and practices were be lieved to be subversive both of morality and of civil order. A sweeping condemnation of all the sectaries who bore these names is far from being sustained by an impartial study of the facts. Nevertheless, there was enough in the records of the past to account for the in tense feeling of antipathy and dread which prevailed re specting them. Mrs. Hutchiuson was a clever woman, absorbed in religious thoughts and speculations, and eager to diffuse her ideas. When her house in Boston began to be thronged twice in the week by women, for whose edification she reviewed, in a critical way, the ser mons of the previous Sunday ; when it was noised abroad that she was unsparing in her judgments of the clergy, all of whom, with the exception of Mr. Cotton and her brother-in-law, Mr. Wheelwright, were declared to be in darkness in regard to fundamental points of Christian truth, to be under a " covenant of works," and not under a " covenant of grace ; " and when her own teaching ap peared to be of a piece with the mystical and Antinomian teaching of the Familists, a wide-spread anxiety and strenuous opposition were awakened. It was one of her Her opin- peculiar doctrines that the Holy Spirit is per- ions. sonally united with the soul of every true be liever. Another of her opinions was that a salvable con dition is not proved by sanctification or a good life, but by an immediate, inward revelation to the soul. The resurrection, she taught, is spiritual, and takes place at conversion. Her theories were looked upon by the clergy as pernicious in their practical tendencies, and capable of being turned into a warrant for looseness of life. But her own life was pure, and there were many TO TIIK PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 119 who were drawn into sympathy with her ideas. This was the case with young Vane. The greater part of the Boston church were of the same mind. Even Cotton, whom in England she had admired as a preacher, for a while did not oppose her, and was counted by her friends, and even by some of her clerical opponents, as one of her adherents. Wheelwright was an ardent sup porter of her opinions. On a fast-day, appointed partly to allay " dissensions " in the churches, he preached an exciting 1 sermon. It was considered by the , -,.,. . .. . . n Wheel- magistrates to be seditious in its spirit, and wright s ser- even to hint at the use of force ; although this last accusation does not appear to be warranted by a candid construction of its meaning. An ecclesiastical synod sat at Newtown for three weeks. Eighty- two opinions having, it was alleged, more or less currency, were pronounced erroneous. The preponderance of numbers was decidedly with the adversaries of the new views. The Boston church had to give way. Cotton joined with his colleague, Wilson, in condemning the offensive tenets, respecting the char acter and bearing of which he professed to have been mis informed. Mrs. Hutchinson was publicly examined by the ministers, was at last excommunicated by the church, and obliged to leave the colony. Wheelwright was ban ished. Six years afterwards, he wrote letters asking par don for the vehement and censorious spirit which he had shown. He had failed, he confesses, to set his opinions in a clear light, in distinction from hurtful errors advo cated by others. The sentence of banishment against him was recalled. His writings show him to have been a trained theologian and a writer of uncommon force. An order of the court was passed to the effect that none should be received " to inhabite " within their jurisdiction "but such as should be allowed by some of the Magis- 120 THE COLONIAL ERA trates." Winthrop published a " Defence " of this de cree, in which he writes, in reference to the case of Wheelwright : " If we conceive and find by sadd experi ence that his opinions are such, as by his own profession, cannot stand with externall peace, may we not provide for our peace, by keeping off such as would strengthen him, and infect others with such dangerous tenets ? " The victory of the Conservatives was complete. In 1637, Vane was superseded by Winthrop. The elec- Winthrop ,. . J , , T , * , ,. , chosen GOV- tion was warmly contested. It was ielt by many that the fate of the community depended on the result. Judge SewaU says, in a letter to Calamy : " My father has told me many a time, that he and others went on foot from Newbury to Cambridge, fourty miles, on purpose to be made freemen and help to strength en Gov r . Winthrop s Party." Perhaps the theological trouble might have had a peaceful solution had not Vane s leadership been involved in it. He soon returned to England to take part in larger contests. Even Cotton s popularity was shaken for a time. He had thoughts of removing to New Haven ; " the true ground wiiereof," he says, " was an inward loathnesse to be troublesome to godly mindes and a feare of the unprofitableness of my Ministry there [in Massachusetts], where my way was sus pected to be doubtfull, and dangerous." In the course taken by the authorities in the whole matter, zeal for or thodoxy was mingled with a sense of the political dangers involved. It deserves to be mentioned that in the midst of the conflict Wheelwright attempted to appeal to the King. The appeal was, of course, disallowed. Simultaneously with the troubles within the colony which have been narrated, its freedom was threatened Danger from f rom the side of the English Government. The England. Massachusetts settlers were aware of the im portance of doing nothing to provoke the jealousy or TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 121 excite the hostility of the authorities in England. Their policy was to keep in the shade as far as practicable, until the polity of the new community which they were plant ing should take firm root. But this coveted quiet they found it impossible to preserve. At the outset, it was natural for Charles I. and his counsellors to think that their scheme of despotic rule in England would be fur thered by the voluntary exile of the Puritan emigrants, who were inflexibly hostile to it. But with the rapid in crease of emigration which took place as their conspiracy against liberty was carried into effect, another apprehen sion arose. The}" began to fear that a new power, involv ing peril to their designs at home, might be growing up on the other side of the Atlantic. Moreover, dis affected persons who returned to England, whether of their own accord or by compulsion, brought forward their accusations and complaints. Laud and his party took alarm at the representations that were made con cerning the spirit and doings of the transatlantic colony. One Ratcliffe, who had been severely punished for what Winthrop styles " most foul, scandalous invectives against our churches and government, "was voluble in his charges of disloyalty against the settlers. Another enemy in England was Morton. He was the same who had been seized by Standish, and sent home. The next year he came back to Mount Wollaston, but for ill-treatment of the Indians and various " misdemeanors " he was again shipped to England by the magistrates of Massachusetts. One Gardiner was a third, who for like offences was ex pelled from the colony, having been previously punished with severity. In 1634, an order in Council detained " divers ships now in the river of Thames ready to sail to " New England. The reason assigned was the frequent departure thither of so many ill-affected persons, " dis contented not only with civil but ecclesiastical govern- THE COLONIAL ERA merit." Early in 1635, news came to Boston of an inten tion to send out a General Governor for New England, and of the creation of a special commission, with Laud at its head, for the unrestricted management of for riiiing the all the American colonies, and for the annull ing of their charters. An order of the Council required the transmission of the charter of Massachusetts. The crisis put to the test the prudence and the courage of the colonists. Everything that was prized by them, Heroic spirit anc ^ f r ^ ne sa ^ e f which they had made such of the colony, sacrifices many of them casting away ease and affluence and prospective honor in their native land was now in jeopardy. The men of Massachusetts were equal to the occasion. It was resolved to erect fortifi cations on Castle Island, and to drill " unskilful men " in military exercises. Dudley, Winthrop, and others were appointed to direct and command in any war that " might befall for the space of a year next ensuing." This was in September, 1634. In January of the next year the advice of the ministers was invited. " They all agreed," says Winthrop, " that, if a General Governor were sent, we ought not to accept him, but to defend our lawful possessions (if we were able) ; otherwise to avoid or to protract." In March, further preparations for armed re sistance were made. The cannon were to be mounted at the fort, and beacons were made ready to be kindled on the discovery of danger. In order to procure a sufficient supply of bullets, they were made a legal tender of the value of a farthing apiece. This was the only answer rendered by Massachusetts to the demand for the trans mission of her charter. In April, 1635, the Council of New England, despair ing of success in its undertakings, surrendered its char ter to the King, on condition that its territory, a great part of which had been given away in patents, should be TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 123 apportioned -among its several members. The project whicli had been formed for destroying the rights and privileges of Massachusetts fell to the ground council of when it was on the verge of an attempted SSeSereSa realization. Mason, who w r as one of its princi- charter, pal authors, died. Gorges, another leading instigator of it, who was to be the General Governor, was now old and took no steps to carry out the plan. More than all things else, it was the situation of public affairs in England that saved the colony from the threatened attack on its liberties. The contest provoked by Laud s attempt to force Epis copacy on Scotland, and by the struggle respecting ship- money, diverted attention from the affairs of a remote set tlement. The Massachusetts patent was for the time safe. When Roger Williams left Salem, he spent the winter among the Pokanoket Indians. The natives were always friendly to him. Had he been able to carry out his ardent wish, he would have spent his iamTSi^hia life alone among them as a missionary. He c had no difficulty in obtaining from the chiefs of the Nar- ragansettsa grant of land at the head of the Bay. There he planted the settlement to which he gave the name of Providence. As soon as he had received enough from flie~safes of land to settlers to make good what he had paid out, he gave farms to new-comers without charge. With twelve other " masters of families," he formed a republican government. They were to admit whomsoever a majority of them should approve, to a share in their privileges. Constraint was to be allowed in civil affairs onlv.^ In 1638, Williams was immersed by an Anabaptist named Holyman, and then he himself immersed Holy man and ten others. There was thus constituted the first Baptist church in America, But the restless spirit of Williams did not permit him long to remain content in this new ecclesiastical connection. He had doubts about 124 THE COLONIAL ERA a rite which had come down through the channel of the national and hierarchical churches. He was consistent at least in his undying antipathy to these organizations. He continued a Baptist about three months. Thencefor ward he stood aloof from all church fellowship, and be came, like Vane and others, one of the "Seekers," who waited for a revived apostolate, and looked for a new heavens and a new earth. However erratic he might be in his opinions, and pugnacious in the assertion of them, he was never weary in well doing. A number of those who were on the side of Mrs. Hutch- inson, including William Coddington, John Clarke, Mr. settlement of Hutchinson and the members of his family, Rhode island. we re persuaded by Roger Williams, instead of going to Delaware Bay or Long Island, as they at first designed, to settle on the beautiful island of Aquetnet, which lay beyond the limits embraced in the Plymouth patent. These nineteen persons united in a body politic, entering into a covenant with one another to obey the laws of God. They bought the island which was after wards called the Isle of Rhodes, or Rhode Island for "forty fathom of white beads." But dissensions soon arose in the little company, in which "individualism" was so potent a force. Coddington and his adherents removed to the southern end of the island, and named their place of settlement Newport. Those who were left behind called their town Portsmouth. Before long the two plantations were politically united. Coddington was chosen Governor. Wheelwright, on his expulsion from Massachusetts, moved northward and planted on a branch of the Piscat- aqua River a settlement that received the The 86tt G" mentsinNew name of Exeter. Other adherents of Mrs. Hutchinson s party migrated to Cocheco, or Dover, which had been first settled as early as 1623. In 1637, one George Burdet, who had been employed for a TO THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 125 year or two as a preacher at Salem, was accepted at Dover as a minister. He was extremely hostile to the Massa chusetts Puritans, if he had not been their secret enemy from the beginning. He acted as a spy of Laud. Knollys, an Anabaptist of the Antinomian type, collected a church after Burdet left. He was equally inimical to the Mas sachusetts colony. Captain John Underbill was elected Governor at Dover. He was a zealous Antmomian in the Hutchinson controversy, was disfranchised, and subse quently was banished from Massachusetts. He had made at Boston a public confession of gross immorality, as well as of slanderous utterances against the magistrates, but no faith was put in the sincerity of his professed peni tence. The ambition of Gorges to fill the post of Governor- General was frustrated by the course of events. When the Council of New England, in 1635, was dis- G OTe&fe a. solved, a large district fell to him as his share Demerits in Maine. of the territory. In 1638, he procured a charter from the King, making him the Lord Proprietary of j;his extensive region, lying between the Piscataqua and ]en- nebec Rivers, and reaching northward a hundred and twenty miles from the sea. He was made the supreme ruler in Church and State, although it was provided that there should be a representative body of freeholders. He made his son Deputy-Governor, with six Counsellors at his side, w r ho were severally to bear the titles of Chancellor, Field-Marshal, Master of Ordnance, etc. One of the two principal settlements was Again en ticus, or York. The other was Saco. The municipal officers of York comprised the majority of adult males. For about ten years all this titular grandeur was exhibited by a handful of settlers in the forests of Maine. CHAPTER VIII. NEW ENGLAND FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT IN 1636 TO 1688 The Early Settlers in Connecticut The Migration to Hartford The Government of the Three Towns The Founding of New Haven Its Government The Fiction of the "Blue Laws" Settlement at Say brook Say brook Joined to Connecticut The Pequot War The New England Confederacy Commis sion for the Management of the Colonies- Samuel Gorton War of the Narragansetts and the Mohegans Acts of the Con federacy The Cambridge Synod John Clarke Maine and Massachusetts The Quakers in Massachusetts The Naviga tion Law The Charter of Connecticut Union of New Haven and Connecticut Colonies The Royal Commission King Philip s War Annulling of the Massachusetts Charter Roy al Government in New England Andros Revolution in Mas sachusetts Society in New England. IN the colonization of New England, next in importance to the planting of Massachusetts was the settlement of Connecticut, or of different centres in the terri- Early settlers in Connect!- tory which now bears this name. There were claims of the Dutch on this region. A Dutch captain, as we have seen, had coasted along the southern shore, discovered the Housatonic River, and explored the Connecticut. The Dutch built a rude fort at Hartford. But the Plymouth people, with their usual promptness in profiting by new openings for trade, had sent up the river a vessel, which fearlessly passed by the guns of this fort, and, in 1633, established a trading station near the mouth of Farmington Kiver, on the site of Windsor. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 127 John Oldham, with three companions, travelled by land from Dorchester to the Connecticut. After he came back, in a number of Massachusetts towns the project was dis cussed of emigrating to that region. While this sub ject was talked over, a party from Dorchester made their way, in 1635, to the neighborhood of the Plymouth fac tory. A party from Watertown also began a settlement at Wethersfield. A few months later, a company of sixty f ollowed, some of whom, on account of the severity of the winter and their consequent sufferings, returned. The great migration to Connecticut was led by Thomas Hooker, the pastor of the church at Newtown The great (now Cambridge). From the time of his ar- gj[j$j n to rival in Massachusetts, his character and tal ents had commanded the highest respect. Every effort was made to induce him, and those who proposed to accompany him, to continue in the colony. John Haynes was the leading layman of the party. But their minds were fully made up, partly, perhaps, on grounds that were not avowed. The principal reason assigned for depart ing was Hooker s opinion that the towns were too near one another. It is not improbable that the Massachu setts political system, with its close union of Church and State7~was becoming distasteful to him. Certain it is that in the new community, of which he was to be the principal founder, that system was not adhered to. More than the leaders in Massachusetts he believed in popular rights and the diffusion of political power. In the spring of 1636, Hooker and Stone, with their congregation, com prising the women and children as well as the men, one hundred in all, set out on their pilgrimage through the woods, driving their cattle before them. Their prudent arrangements made their journey, in the beautiful sea son which they chosa for it, comparatively easy. At the end of a fortnight they reached Hartford. People from 128 THE COLONIAL ERA Dorchester and Watertown followed in the course of the summer. Emigrants from Roxbury, led by William Pynchon, selected as the site for their settlement the place afterwards known as Springfield. In the first year The govern- ^ ne government of the settlements was in the meat. hands of a Commission appointed by the Mas sachusetts authorities. The rights of the Plymouth peo ple, founded on prior occupation, were not duly regarded by the men of Dorchester. At the end of a year no further attempt was made by Massachusetts to exercise jurisdiction over the lower towns on the river, and when the Indian hostilities, into which they were soon plunged, were over, they framed their permanent government. In this act Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield united. It is an error, however, to suppose that the towns, prior to this act, considered themselves to be independent communities. Haynes was chosen Governor. In the or ganic law that was adopted there was no mention made of any exterior authority, either in America or in England. In distinction from Massachusetts, there was no ecclesi astical test for the admission of freemen. The towns might admit to a participation in political rights whomso ever they chose. The Governor was to be elected by the freemen, and Deputies were to be chosen twice in the year. While in Massachusetts non - freemen might propose measures in town-meeting, but were excluded altogether from the suffrage, in Connecticut they were given the right to vote in the choice of Deputies. These,- together with the Governor, and at least four magistrates, were to constitute the General Court. At a later time the legis lative body was divided into two houses. "The rule of the Word of God," in the absence of special enactments, was to be recognized. There were no oaths of allegiance required except to " the jurisdiction." The new State was independent. Provision was soon made for the in- FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 12" corporation of new towns, on the model of the towns in Massachusetts. In the founding of the colony of New Haven, John Davenport was the clerical leader. Davenport was the soil of u .Mayor of Coventry. As minister of Th( , New }I;1 . St. Stephen s Church, Coleman Street, London, veif colony, he had provoked by his Puritan ways the displeasure of Laud, and being driven abroad, had served for some time as the minister of an English congregation in Amster dam. He came over to America in 1637, bringing with him Theophilus Eaton, an opulent London merchant, who had been one of his parishioners at St. Stephen s. They declined to comply with the solicitation to remain in Mas sachusetts, and, in the spring of 1638, they planted the place called Quinnipiac, which the next year was named New Haven. On the first Sunday after their landing, Davenport preached in the open air under an oak. After a few days the settlers formed a compact of civil order. They agreed to proceed, in the .affairs both of Church and State, according to the rules of the Bible. After tak ing a year for reflection on the best form of permanent organization, "the free planters," meeting in a spacious bam, determined that seven men should be selected, to settle the form of government. As in Massa- The govern . chusetts, it was determined that the free bur- m ^ nt - gesses, as well as the magistrates, should be composed ex clusively of church members. Davenport disavowed the theory that to the Church in all cases belongs, to the ex clusion of all others, the right to exercise the powers of government. In his little treatise on the subject, he dis tinguishes between " a commonwealth yet to be settled " and one "already settled." He defended the peculiar provision of the New Haven Constitution on grounds of expediency. Church membership, he contended, was in this case a; good a test as could be found of competence 9 130 THE COLONIAL ERA to maiie a right use of political privileges. At the outset, the laws of Moses, " being neither typical nor ceremonial, nor having any reference to Canaan," were provisionally adopted as the civil code, " till they be branched into particulars." One consequence was that English laws of entail and primogeniture were avoided. Another result was that the number of capital offences, which at that time in England was thirty-one, was reduced to twelve. Much that has been written about the severity of penal legislation in the Connecticut settlements is mythical. The legend of the " Blue Laws " is the inven- Fictiou of ,. . _ , the "Blue tion oi oamuel Jreters, a mendacious refugee, who, in 1781, published in England a "History of Connecticut." Included in this odd medley of fact and fiction are these grotesque enactments, which never existed except in the imagination of the author of this book. Like the colony having its centre at Hartford, the New Haven colony, as far as its Constitution could make it so, was an independent republic. The settle ment of Davenport and Eaton was rapidly planted near strengthened by new-comers. In 1639, Mil- ford was settled, and, about the same time, Guilford. At first each of the settlements in its govern ment was independent of the others, as was not the case in Connecticut. After certain preparatory steps, the three towns, in 1643, were united in one political com munity. Eaton was chosen Governor. The population of the town of New Haven at this time was not far from four hundred. In this estimate are in cluded a large number of servants. The New Haven "planters" were possessed of larger means than the settlers in the other colonies. They had expected to busy themselves mainly in trade and commerce. But the circumstances were such that they were led to devote themselves principally to agriculture. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 131 In 1631, the Earl of Warwick, the President of the Council of New England, made to Lord Say and Sele, Lord Brooke, and certain associates, a grant settlement at of territory in New England extending from Siiybrook. Narragansett River westward one hundred and twenty miles along the coast of Long Island Sound, and thence to the Pacific. Warwick s authority to bestow this pat ent has by some been questioned. The patentees, in 1635, gave a commission to the younger John Winthrop to take the rank of Governor, and directing him to build a fort at the mouth of the Connecticut Eiver. Winthrop was educated partly at Trinity College, Dublin, and had travelled on the Continent. Not equal to his father in talents, he was still an accomplished man, of remarkably pleasing manners. He had followed his father to Massa chusetts, but on the death of his wife had returned to England. He had now come back, and proceeded to do the work committed to him. He sent a party to the mouth of the river, where with the aid of two cannon which they had mounted, they prevented a Dutch trad ing vessel from sailing up the stream. A small fort was erected by Lion Gardiner, an engineer whom Winthrop brought over from England. In 1639, George Fenwick, a barrister by profession, established himself there with his family, giving to the place the name of Say- Sa , brook brook. In 1644, for a compensation, he made joined to ,, , , 111 11 T , Connecticut. over the fort, as he was probably authorized to dcHrjrirhe-Proprietors, to the government of Connecticut. That colony had lost Springfield, which fell under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This loss was partly made up by the acquisition of Saybrook, which had kept the Dutch from acquiring power on the river, and partly, also, by the accession of Southampton on Long Island, a place which had been planted, as an independent settlement, by about forty families from Lynn, in Massachusetts. 132 THE COLONIAL ERA When the company led by Hooker and Stone threaded their path through the woods, the pleasure which they The Pequot f un( l i n the songs of the birds and in the War - spring flowers was not mingled with the dread of hostile Indians. It was the peaceable state of the natives that rendered such a journey safe. But trouble with them was soon to arise. The scattered clans of savages on the west of the Connecticut were tributary to the Mohawks, of whom they stood in fear. East of the Connecticut were the Mohegans, and east of the Mohe- gans, extending from the River Thames to the western border of Rhode Island, was the territory of the power ful tribe of the Pequots. The terror inspired by this tribe had made the Indians on the Connecticut desirous that the English should settle among them as a means of protection. The Narragansetts, on the east of the Pe quots, had with difficulty preserved their independence of them. The Pequots were sly in their proceedings, but their enmity to the whites became constantly more manifest. Murders w r ere committed for which no redress, but only smooth professions and promises, could be ob tained. The cruel murder of John Oldham, near Block Island, roused the Massachusetts government to send thither an expedition under Endicott to inflict punish ment. But the harsh doings of Endicott at Block Island, and afterward, when he landed among the Pequots, only served to exasperate the savages, without lessening their power. The Pequots endeavored to form an alliance with the Narragansetts, by whom they were disliked but feared. This union, that would have been so dangerous to the whites, was prevented by the magnan- The service . , . , "., . ,. -r, of Roger imous and courageous interposition of Roger Williams, who, at the risk of his life, spent several days and nights in the settlements of that tribe at the time when the Pequot deputies were with them for FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 133 the purpose of inducing them to form the league. Mean time the cruelties of the Pequots continued. Massachu setts and Plymouth responded to the application of Con necticut for aid. Since the danger was imminent, without waitinsr for the promised help, Captain John , , . f -,! Mason s Mason, at the head oi ninety men, with an successful at- aixfliary force of Mohegans, and of Narragan- l setts whom he persuaded to join him, succeeded, at the dawn of day, on May 26 (O. S.), 1637, in surprising a large village of the Pequots. A fierce contest ensued, the wigwams were fired, and most of their inmates, as they sought to fly, as well as most of the warriors who were in the combat, were slain. It was a bloody victory. The Indian forces with Mason, such was their terror of the Pequots, afforded no efficient aid. The achievement was the work of the little band of whites. The safety of Con necticut was assured. The remnant of the hostile tribe resolved to join the Mohawks on the Hudson. By them Sassacus, the Pequot chief, a warrior who had reigned over twenty-six subordinate sachems, was killed. The fierce tribe over which he had ruled, was annihilated. By the destruction of the Pequots the eastern colonies were brought into easier communication with Connecticut. The next event of capital importance after the Pequot War was the organization of the New England Confed eracy, between the four colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven. England Con- American history is the record of a continuous f( process of union. Distant settlements were brought to gether under larger colonial jurisdictions. From time to time colonies joined one another in leagues. At last the thirteen colonies combined under a single indepen dent government. An epoch in the history of this prog ress was the formation of the confederacy of the four New England communities. It had been discussed for 134 THE COLONIAL ERA several years before the contracting parties could agree on the terms of union. The difficulty lay partly in ef fecting an adjustment by which the preponderance of Massachusetts in population and property should be ade quately recognized. In 1643, the hindrances were re moved and the Articles of Confederation were signed. The motives of the measure are set down in the preamble. Mention is made of the distance between the colonies, and of the people of several nations and strange lan guages by which they were encompassed. They felt the need of combining not only for self-protection against the savages, but also for common defence against attacks from the Dutch on the Hudson, which might not improb ably occur, as well as against inroads of the French, whose settlements lay on the north and east of the English colonies. The Swedes had begun a plantation on the Delaware, but these were not strong enough to be for midable. Kieft, the Dutch Governor, had already pro tested against the alleged encroachments of the New Haven people, had driven off a party of English settlers from the western end of Long Island, and had broken up a factory established by New Haven people on the Dela ware. Another reason for union was the " sad distrac tions in England." The issue of the great civil contest there could not be foreseen. It was thought advisable to be in readiness for unknown contingencies. The Puritan colonies might be required to look to themselves alone for counsel and security. Eenwick, who was per haps arranging to sell the Say brook fort to Connecticut, participated in the counsels of the framers of the Con- The terms of federacy. The Articles of Union established Union. " a rm an j perpetual offensive and defensive l3ague between the several communities. Each colony was to retain its independence. No two were to- be re solved into one without the consent cf the rest. Levies FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 135 of men, money, and of supplies for war, were to be made on the colonies respectively, according to a defined ratio. In case any colou} r was invaded, the others were to send relief, the contributions of men and money being propor tionately fixed. The business of the Confederacy was to be managed by a Board of Commissioners, two from each colony, all of whom were to be church members. The agreement of six Commissioners was to be required for the adoption of any measure. In the absence of such an agreement, the concurrence of the General Courts of all the colonies was to be binding. The Commissioners were to choose an officer to preside over them, but to have no other prerogatives. The Commissioners were to endeavor to secure peace and concert among the Con federate colonies, and to pursue a firm and just course toward the Indians. Fugitives from justice and run away servants were to be returned. The Maine settle ment of Gorges, between which and the Puritan colo nies there was no sympathy, was not embraced in the Confederacy. " They ran," says Winthrop, " a different course from us, both in their ministry and civil admin istration." The disorderly condition of the Narragansett settlements furnished an additional reason for not in cluding them. Some who had left Massachusetts for Aquetnet returned. Mrs. Hutchinson and her family, dissatisfied with the system adopted there, migrated to a place within the Dutch territory. She, with her whole family, except one daughter, who was taken captive, were massacred by the Indians. The fall of the royal power in England placed the col onies under the immediate control of Parliament. A few months after the Confederacy was formed, a new Commission was created, of which Warwick was the head, and of which Say and Sele, Vane, Pym, and Crom well were among the members, for the management of 136 THE COLONIAL ERA all the English plantations in America. To this commis sion was given the authority which had been exercised by the Privy Council and by the commission sion for the of Laud. Early in 1643, Roger "Williams 5 d the e cok>- sailed from New Amsterdam for England, in order to procure a charter for Providence and the adjacent settlements on the south. The party then in the ascendant were in sympathy with his ideas concerning liberty of conscience. When in Eoger wm- England, he published his "Key to the Indian Languages," and two controversial papers on his favorite theme of " soul-liberty " in reply to Cotton. Williams was aided by his friend Vane, and in March, 1644, a charter was granted him. The three towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport were incorporated as a body politic, under the name of " Providence Plan tations," with authority to establish such a form~of civil government as a majority of the inhabitants should ap prove. To the Commissioners there was reserved the power "to dispose the general government" of the com munity, in respect to its relation to the other colonies, as they might from time to time see fit to determine. After Williams returned with his charter, it was a good while before order emerged out of confusion. No interference with the New England colonies was attempted by the newly created Commission. Nothing Treatment "beyond advice and persuasion was resorted to En-faud?^ b y sudl of the Puritan leaders in England as on. es. favored the views of Williams, to mollify the policy of Massachusetts ; and this kind of intervention was without effect. It was on Massachusetts that the bur dens of the new Confederacy principally fell. This may serve to explain, if it does not excuse, a certain domi neering spirit, and an occasional stretch of authority on the part of that colony. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 137 At the first meeting of the Commissioners of the Con federacy, in September, 1643, Winthrop was elected pres ident. The right of Connecticut to plant settlements on Long Island, which was denied by the Dutch, was recognized. Indian troubles formed one of the principal subjects of attention. There existed a hostile The Narra . feeling between Miantonomo and the Narra- gansett.?. gansetts, of whom he was the chief, on the one part, and the Mohegans, who were ruled by Uncas, on the other. The Mohegans were the friends and allies of the Connect icut settlers. Indications that evil designs against the English were harbored by the Narragansetts had led the Massachusetts authorities to summon their chief to Bos ton, and to require of him explanations. He had lately sold land to Samuel Gorton and his party, Samucl Gor . whom the Massachusetts authorities regarded tou - as lawless fanatics and as enemies. Gorton was a clothier from London, an enthusiast who had been expelled from Plymouth for behaving himself "mutinously and sedi tiously," toward " both magistrates and ministers." He went to the northern settlement on Rhode Island, where he received corporal punishment for abusing the magis trates and decrying their authority. Thence he removed to the north of the river Pawtuxet, near Providence. Roger Williams wrote of him : " Master Gorton, having foully abused high and low at Aquidneck, is now be witching and bemadding poor Providence, both with his unclean and foul censures of all the ministers of this country (for which myself have in Christ s name with stood him), and also denying all visible and external ordinances in depth of Familism," etc. It was a part of Gorton s theology that the ministry and sacraments have no rightful place among Christian disciples. The previous settlers who lived in his neighborhood applied to the Massachusetts government for protection, and 138 THE COLONIAL ERA placed themselves under its jurisdiction. Then followed communications between the magistrates at Boston and Gorton s people, in which the latter poured out abundant abuse and menaces. Moving over to the south of the river, they purchased land of Miantonomo. The sachems in the vicinity, however, who denied that they owed any allegiance to that chief, refused to sanction the purchase, and they, too, made an application at Boston for protec tion against the intruders. Then followed a visit of the Narragansett chief himself to Boston, where the dispute with the sachems was decided against him. Possibly anger, provoked by these circumstances, excited in him the determination to carry out at once his thoughts of vengeance. At the head of about a thousand warriors , he marched against Uncas ; but in a battle T)p fpfl.fr of theNarra- fought near the present town of Norwich he SeMohe- was defeated and captured. Uncas was left by the Commissioners, whom he consulted, to decide upon the fate of his prisoner, who had " treacher ously plotted and practised " against his life. Apart from other misdeeds with which the Narragansett chief was chargeable, " it was now clearly discovered to us," writes Winthrop, "that there was a general conspiracy among the Indians to cut off all the English, and that Mianto nomo was the head and contriver of it." He was put to death by Uncas. A summons to the Gortonians at Shawomet, the name of their settlement, to appear in Boston and respond to Ca tur- of ^ ie cnar g es f the neighboring sachems, was Gorton aud answered with railing and contempt. A force his party. . x of men was then sent which broke up the set tlement and brought nine of the company as prisoners to Boston. Among them was Gorton himself. Only a majority vote of the deputies saved him from capital punishment, one of the charges being " enmity to all civil FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 139 authority." The sentence passed was a severe one, but in the course of four or five months the men were re leased. They were forbidden to remain in Massachu setts, or to go to Providence or Shawomet. They took up their abode on Rhode Island. The Commissioners of the Confederacy sent to the Swedes on the Delaware a remonstrance against their proceedings in driving out a company of emi- Actg of the grants from New Haven. To this complaint a Confederacy. satisfactory answer was rendered. The Dutch being dis posed to attack Connecticut, they were informed that the Confederacy would stand by its members. Massachusetts displeased the Board of Commissioners by allowing a Frenchman, La Tour, who professed to be a Protestant, and was contending with D Aulnay for the governor ship of Acadia, to enlist men in Boston. The Commis sioners passed a law forbidding any State to allow troops to go forth " against any people " without the consent of the Confederacy. "Parliament, when it was victorious in the contest with Charles I., naturally regarded New England with special favor. In 1642, New England was exempted from the payment of import and export duties, which were ex acted of the other colonies. Two years later, Massa chusetts passed a law making it a penal offence to at tempt to create a party in favor of the King. The magistrates ceased to take the oath of alle- Liberty giance to him. But liberty and self-govern- guarded, ment, which the people were always resolute in maintain ing, had still to be guarded. Massachusetts, not without doubt and misgiving, allowed a commissioned vessel of Parliament to capture a ship in Boston harbor ; but later the magistrates refused permission to a ship, not provided with a commission, to seize on a prize in the harbor, and would have sunk the offending vessel if the 140 THE COLONIAL ERA captain had not desisted from his attempt. The political and ecclesiastical revolution in England might afford a plausible pretext to disaffected persons of various sorts to set on foot schemes for subverting the form of govern ment established in Massachusetts. Such people cun ningly laid hold of whatever causes of discontent might exist, one of which was the limitation of suffrage to church members. Among the Puritans in England, the Presbyterians were in the ascendant. The need of union with Scotland in the warfare against the Royalists raised them to pow er. The Westminster Assembly, which was convoked by Parliament in 1642, adopted their system. In New Eng land the attachment to Independency, or Congregation alism, as it was beginning to be called, was not to be shaken. There was a determination on the part of the clerical leaders, and among the people, not to allow it to be superseded by the Presbyterian any more than by the Episcopal polity. But there arose in Massachu- Vassaii and se ^ s a faction, of which one William Vassall ins party. was t ne ^Q^ that really aimed at nothing less than the overthrow of the charter government and the in troduction of a Governor-General to be appointed in Eng land. To bring in Presbyterianism was one feature of their revolutionary scheme. A petition with seven sign ers was presented by them to the Court, calling for re forms and a redress of grievances. An appeal to the au thorities in England was threatened in case their wishes were not complied with. Such menaces were always considered treasonable. They involved an attack on the independence of the colony. The magistrates met the exigency with their accustomed spirit. The plotters were arrested and fined. When some of them urged their cause before the Commissioners for the Colonies in England, and when Gorton was also bringing forward his list of accu- FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 141 sations, the Legislature of Massachusetts addressed to Parliament a dignified, impressive, and, as it proved, an effectual remonstrance against an interference Address of with their "chartered liberties" and with sett^ to ? j ai-- their^weir-Beurg " in "the remote part of the liament world " to which they had resorted. " Let not succeeding generations have cause to lament " such was their ear nest and pathetic plea that " these liberties were lost in the season when England itself recovered its own." " We rode out the dangers of the sea," they said, " shall we perish in port ? " In 16^8, a synod, representing the four Confederate col onies, was assembled at Cambridge, which set forth the Congregational system in explicit terms, pro- T~S- if - -i, n The Cam- Vision being made for giving effect to the pnn- bridge Syn- ciple of mutual fellowship among the churches od the element in which the New England church polity differed from bare Independency. Some of the churches hesitated about assembling in a synod at the call of the civil magistrates, lest the act might carry in it an unsafe concession to the civil power. But objections of this character were waived, and the system that was framed still left the magistracy at liberty to interfere by coercive measures in the case of a church that should be deaf to fraternal counsels and obstinately irregular or heretical. Massachusetts acted uniformly in an independent spir it, both with reference to the government in England and in relation to her colleagues in the Confed- Massachn- eration. She declined to receive a new char- Jjjj* 8 |^|" ter from Parliament, in exchange for the old land - charter, not wishing to concede to any branch of the English Government such a right as a measure of this sort would imply. She continued, without authorization from abroad, to coin money, and thus exercised a pre^ rogative peculiar to sovereignty. She declined two pro- 142 THE COLONIAL ERA posals of Cromwell, one of which was that her people should emigrate to Ireland, and another that they should be transported to Jamaica. In the Confederacy she re in relation ^ usec ^ ^ accede to the requirement of Connect- to the coufcd- icut, even when it was sanctioned by the vote eracy. . J of the Commissioners, that the Springfield people, in order to maintain the fort at Saybrook, should pay a duty on exports sent down the river. Her de termination not to submit to the control of the Confed eracy even in cases where the law was on its side in opposition to what she thought right and expedient, was manifest in her dealings with the Dutch. The Con necticut and New Haven colonies were incensed when a Dutch smuggling vessel was seized in New Haven har bor by order of Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor at New Amsterdam. The quarrel, thus engendered, dragged on for several years. War broke out between England and Holland. The western colonies believed that the Dutch were conspiring with the Indians to attack the New England colonies, and they wished to declare war against them. But Massachusetts stood out against the vote cast by her three colleagues. Connecticut and New Haven, unable to induce Massachusetts to recede from her posi tion, applied to Cromwell for help. He sent over a fleet with a land force on board. Massachusetts would go no further than to permit five hundred volunteers to be raised within her bounds. But the defeat of the Dutch in the English Channel, and the conclusion of the war between the two nations, rendered a resort to force on this side of the water needless and impossible. These were not the only cases in which Massachusetts refused to be bound by the acts of the Confederacy, on grounds which, however plausible and conscientiously urged, failed to convince her three allies that she was not violating the agreement which she had made when she entered into the TJnion. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 143 The elevation of Cromwell and the growing influence of the Independents in England protected Massachusetts against the efforts of the mutinous signers of Vassall s petition, and put an end to the project for bringing in Presbyterianism. But the same changes opened a more encouraging prospect to enthusiasts and fanatics who were the foes of the ecclesiastical system and policy of the confederated colonies. Gorton was enabled to regain his lands. He changed the name of Shawomet to Warwick, in honor of the nobleman who had lent him assistance. There was a strong motive for the Narragansett settlements to unite under the patent of Williams, for they were endan- pansett set- gered by territorial claims of both Plymouth and Massachusetts. Yet three years passed before the union was secu?ed, and it continued only for a like period. Coddington applied in vain for the admission of Rhode Island to the Confederacy. In 1651, Codding ton returned from England with a commission, derived from the Council of State, to establish a government over the islands of Rhode Island and Canonicut. This meas ure encountered a strong opposition from a portion of the settlers. The leader was John Clarke, who had fled from Massachusetts at the time of the Antinomian con troversy. At Newport he was the principal member and the minister of an Anabaptist church to use the name then current which after a few years was The Bap _ gathered there. The spread of this sect had ^^ ^as- led the Massachusetts people, in 1644, to pro- John ciarke. mulgate a law making banishment the penalty of the wilful and continued propagating of its tenets. This law was not enforced on those who deported themselves quietly. The President of Harvard College at the time when the law was framed was an avowed disbeliever in infant baptism. After keeping away from Massachusetts 144 THE COLONIAL ERA for fourteen years, Clarke, with two companions, prom inent in his sect, came to Lynn to visit a blind man, a Baptist like themselves. On Sunday, as the matter is related in Clarke s own account of it, not being ready to manifest fellowship with the Puritan worshippers by unit ing with them in divine service, and not feeling inwardly called to enter their church for the purpose of publicly testifying against them, he discoursed in the house where he was staying, to his companions and three or four others, who came in, he says, unexpectedly. He was in terrupted by the appearance of two constables. The Rhode Islanders were arrested ; but their fines were paid either by themselves or by others, with the exception of one of the party who received corporal punishment. What ulterior object, if any, Clarke had in paying this visit, and holding his meeting in defiance of the law, it is, perhaps, unsafe to say. But any candid reader of "111 Newes from New England," the publication that he put forth in England, in which the circumstances are re counted, will not fail to see that the opportunity to bear witness to his opinions in the heart of the enemy s coun try was highly prized, and that his failure to get up a debate with the ministers was a source of disappointment to him. His rival, Coddington, succeeded in setting up Affairs in ^ s government. But Clarke was a man of Rhode island, talents and energy. He went to England, and with the aid of Roger Williams, who was also there, he procured, in September, 1652, the revocation of Codding- ton s commission. But dissension and contention con tinued to prevail in the Narragansett towns. " ifmv is if " wrote Y;uio. in KI. U, " th;:t tliorc JUT sudi divisions amongst you such headiness, tumults, disorders, injus tice? . . . Are there no wise men amongst you?" etc. "They had brought on themselves," Williams told them, the reputation of being " a licentious and conten- FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT tious people." This unhappy state of things is partly accounted for by the circumstance that Rhode Island served as an asylum for eccentric spirits who were de nied an abode, or found themselves uncomfortable, in the adjacent colonies. At length, in 1654, Roger Will iams, who was a peace-maker, as well as a gladiator, per suaded them all to unite under the charter which he had brought to them in 1644. He was himself chosen Presi dent. In 1646, John Winthrop, the younger, began a plan tation on the Pequot River. His settlement was only thirty miles from the house of Roger Williams, who Coimecticut had moved into the Narragansett country, to ncl New a place near the site of North Kingston. At one time Williams thought it would be well to prevail on Winthrop to become the Governor of Rhode Island. The latter planted his settlement under the auspices of Massachusetts, but the Commissioners decided that it belonged under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. In New Haven colony, Branford was founded, and, in the Con necticut colony, Fairfield and Stratford. For a consider able time government was administered in both colonies with nothing more than the rudiments of a written code. The town of Plymouth gradual ly declined in strength, but the colony prospered, and con tinued to be distinguished by its upright and liberal spirit. Threatening movements of the Narragansetts were re newed in 1645, and were kept up for several years. They were anxious to wreak vengeance on Uncas and The Narra= his tribe, and it was thought that they had in gansette. mind a deeper and more extensive plot. Finally, in 1650, Captain Atherton was sent from Massachusetts with a squad of men to bring their chief to terms. Atherton seized him in his own wigwam, and compelled him to ful fil his stipulations. 10 146 THE COLONIAL ERA "Wintlirop, "the father of Massachusetts," died in 1649. For a few years after this date there was continued pros- Death of Win- Parity in the colony. The leading figure in throp. public affairs was John Endicott, who grew wiser as he grew older, and was an efficient and useful magistrate. Between the years 1652 and 1658, Massachu- Maine an- setts brought under its jurisdiction the towns Mas\a C c h u- ^ ^ a ^ 11G - That colony had never been united setts. I5y its proprietor, and was mostly left to care for itself. Moreover, a portion of the land, including forty miles on the coast, was claimed, under what was alleged to be a prior patent, by a member of the Long Parliament, Alexander Rigby. Massachusetts asserted that the grant to Gorges was abrogated by the surrender of the Ply mouth Company s charter to the King, and, also, that her own boundary included the most northerly waters of the Merrimac, and gave her the whole region as far as Casco Bay. By the annexation of the Maine settlements the dominion of Massachusetts embraced the whole interven ing territory north of Plymouth. The inhabitants of Maine consisted of the servants and agents of the land owners. The intrusion of the Quakers, and the tragic events growing out of the struggle to keep them out, form an unpleasant chapter in Massachusetts history, ers in Masaa- The early disciples of George Fox were often of a totally different spirit from the quiet and kindly Society of Friends with which we are familiar. If they abjured war and practised non-resistance as far as the use of carnal weapons is concerned, they made up for it by a belligerent use of the tongue. They com prised many fanatics, on fire with religious zeal, conceiv ing themselves called of God to pronounce anathemas upon established civil and ecclesiastical systems, and to travel from place to place for the purpose of " bearing FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 147 witness " against office-bearers in Church and State. Their incursion into New England was dreaded like the approach of a pestilence. If the sect of Mormons had existed in those days, the approach of a swarm of mis sionaries of that sect would have been regarded with less dismay, for not so much danger would have been an ticipated from their influence. In the prospect of a visi tation from the Quakers, the General Court of Massachu setts, in 1056, passed a law for the punishment of any of them who should come into the colony, and for the sendnrg~ef -them "out of the land." When they actu ally arrived, their disorderly conduct was such as would have subjected them, even in our days, to police restraint and legal penalties. When expelled, they persisted in coming back the second and the third time, and, it is lamentable to relate, in pursuance of a law passed bv the General Court by a slender majority, but in agreement with the advice of the Federal Commissioners, several of them were hanged. When experience made it evident that harsh penalties were ineffectual, and when capi tal punishment ceased to be inflicted, the wild doings of these unwelcome visitors did not cease. Some of them still continued to walk stark naked along the streets, and into the congregations met for worship. In Virginia and other colonies there were extremely severe enact ments against the Quakers, but there was no infliction of capital punishment. While the extravagances of the Quakers had the effect to sharpen the weapons used against them, it must here, as always, be kept in mind that, with the Pu ritans, to prevent the propagation of what a they considered hurtful religious errors was aace> held to be an obligation of civil society. " I look upon toleration," said President Gates, of Harvard College, in an election sermon, in 1673, "as the first-born of all 148 THE COLONIAL ERA abominations." "It was toleration," Cotton said, " that made the world anti-Christian." Nathaniel Ward, of Ipswich, in that quaint specimen of Puritan humor, " The Simple Cobbler of Aggawam," writes : " He that is willing to tolerate any unsound opinion that his own may be tolerated, though never so sound, will for a need hang God s Bible at the devil s girdle." When coercion was used against the Puritans themselves, the sin ac cording to their view did not lie in the use of force, but in using it, not against pernicious errors, but against the true Gospel. In the pocket of Thomas Dudley, when he died, was found a verse from his own pen, in which toleration was called the egg that would hatch a cocka trice, " To poison all with heresy and vice." It is needless to reiterate that this idea of the obligations of civil society almost universally prevailed. In the Congregational churches, especially in the col onies of Massachusetts and Connecticut, there were movements tending to lessen the strictness of way cove- the requisites for church membership. Of this character was the adoption by many churches of what was called " the Half-way Covenant." This measure obtained the approval of a synod which met at Boston in 1657. Adults who had been baptized in infancy, but were not considered by themselves or others to be regenerated persons, were allowed, on con dition of assenting to the church covenant and agree ing to submit to the discipline of the church, to bring their children to baptism. The common idea that the motive of the change was to open the door to a wider ex tension of political rights, appears to be not well found ed. Such a consequence did not follow, as the class of persons referred to did not vote, even in church af- FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 149 fairs. Moreover, the proposal that led to the change was first made in Connecticut, where the suffrage had never been confined to church members. Another inno vation was to some extent introduced. The practice sprung up of inviting to the Lord s Supper, as " a means of grace," persons not morally unworthy, who, neverthe less, had not been received as converts into communion with the church. As the period of the Commonwealth in England drew toward its close, several of the New England worthies passed away. Hooker had died in 1647. The Death of the death of Brewster, foremost among the first f" nders - settlers at Plymouth, had occurred four years earlier. In 1657, Bradford, who had been from the beginning a main pillar of the Plymouth colony, died. In 1655, Ed ward Winslow, his associate, who had rendered great ser vices to both the Eastern colonies, had gone before him. Standish, the military leader at Plymouth, died in 1656. In 1652, John Cotton, the famous minister of Boston, was buried ; Haynes, the companion of Hooker in found ing Connecticut, died in 1654, and Eaton, the New Ha ven Governor, in 1658. On the restoration of the Stuarts, in the person of Charles H., the New England colonies knew not what to expect. In none of them had Oliver Cromwell or Richard ever been proclaimed. In the first n.: TheVa^- year of the new reign, a Council of Foreign ^ Plantations was established, with powers like those which ha-1 rested in the Parliamentary Commission, previously in charge of colonial affairs. In the new reign one of the early measures repugnant to the wishes of the colonies was the sharpening of the provisions of the Navigation Act. A loyal address from Massachusetts was graciously answered. At the same time, however, there came an order for the apprehension of Whalley and Goffe, who 150 THE COLONIAL ERA had been members of the High Court of Justice that condemned Charles I. The New England magistrates, The regi- especially those of New Haven, where shel- cides. ter and protection had been afforded them by Davenport and others, showed no zeal in carrying out this mandate. On the contrary, they aided the regicides to escape. These found a safe and permanent asylum with Russell, the minister of Hadley. John Dixwell, an other of the signers of the death-warrant of Charles, spent the closing years of his life at New Haven, under an as sumed name. He died just before the news was received of the accession of William and Mary. Connecticut had made scarcely any delay in acknowledg ing the new King, and won some advantage, in comparison Charter to w ^h her sister colonies, by this promptitude. Connecticut. \Vinthrop was sent on a mission to England to see if he could procure a charter. His cultui c, his moderate temper, his influential friends, and his attrac tive manners, made his mission fully successful. The charter that he obtained was extremely liberal in its pro visions. In its assignment of boundaries, the Union of New Havea New Haven colony was included within Con- icut coio- necticut. Winthrop had engaged that New Haven should not be deprived of her freedom of choice in this matter, in which her very being as a com munity was involved. He did not disregard his pledge. But the desire of extension on the part of Connecticut was too strong to be overcome by any remonstrance, or by the earnest and prolonged resistance of New Haven, backed by the judgment of the Commissioners of the Confederacy. The authorities in England were probably desirous of blotting out that member of the Union whose polity accorded with that of Massachusetts. The incor poration of New Haven in Connecticut was consummated in 1665. To John Davenport the blow was a severe one. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 151 He accepted a call to be the successor of Wilson in the First Church in Boston, where he died in 1670. In 1G63 3 John Clarke obtained a new charter for Ehode Island of unprecedented liberality. In it was . . r t t ", "j> i if New ctai "- a provision securing absolute freedom in ter cf Rhode matters of religious concernments." Clarke s hostility to Massachusetts ways contributed to his suc cess at Court. On the accession of Charles, complaints were at once made to him by the Quakers of the treatment which they had received in Massachusetts. To the answer < n , JT -IT" T T Complaints ot the magistrates the King replied in courte- against Mas- ous and gentle terms, but directed that offend ers of that sect should be sent to England for trial. This order the magistrates did not regard, since a compliance with it would have been to part with their own judicial authority in all cases. They preferred to set the Quak ers free. But the Massachusetts government took steps adapted to secure favor at Court, one of which was the suppression of a book by John Eliot, containing obnox ious theories of a political nature a book which he was quite ready to recall. Two representatives, Bradstreet and Norton, were sent to England to meet accusations against the colony, and to convey a loyal address to the King. About the time of their departure the General Court passed an act for a fresh coinage of silver money ; a not very timely proceeding, considering the strained re lations with the English Government. The answer which the representatives brought back, in the autumn of 1G62, was liberal in its promises in relation to the preservation of their patent and charter ; but it required that all free holders of competent estates, of orthodox opinions, and not vicious in conduct should have the privilege of vot ing ; that worship in the use of the Prayer Book should be allowed ; that the oath of allegiance should be taken 152 THE COLONIAL ERA by the colonists, and that justice should be administered in the King s name. This last requirement was com plied with, but the other demands were neither refused nor accepted. Two years later, a Royal Com- RoyalCom- . . r ... "V- mission from mission, consisting or tour persons, was ap pointed to visit New England. The principal member of the Commission was Nicolls, a man of talents and experience. One of his associates was Maverick, a signer of the Presbyterian petition. The expectation of the coming of the Commissioners, and a sense of the peril involved in it, was one of the motives that moved New Haven to relinquish its opposition to the union with Connecticut. In Massachusetts, a measure was adopted for securing the .safe custody of the charter, and mili tary preparations were made to meet any contingency that might arise. One errand of the Commissioners had reference to warfare against the Dutch. In this part of their business they were aided by the General Court. The Court likewise altered the law relating to suffrage, so that freeholders rated at ten shillings, and having certificates of character from the ministers, might vote. Charles had given New Amsterdam to his brother, the Duke of York, the boundaries of the ceded territory be ing declared to be the Connecticut and the Delaware. On the surrender of New Amsterdam to the Commis sioners, it was agreed by them that Connecticut should retain its territory on the mainland, but that Long Isl and should be attached to the Duke of York s province. The Commissioners had no opposition to encounter in Connecticut or in the other colonies. It was in Massa chusetts that the conflict had to be sustained. Massa chl? They journeyed to Maine, and organized the towns there which paid allegiance to Massa chusetts, under a government to be managed by them selves. They had brought over two sets of instructions, FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 153 one of which was private. They would only communi cate their demands, one by one, to the magistrates in Boston. One part of the errand was to feel the pulse of the people and ascertain how the appointment of a royal governor would be received. When the Commissioners proposed to sit as judges, and to hear an appeal from the Governor and Company, they were not permitted to carry out their purpose. Baffled and beaten, they retired in wrath. Circumstances prevented them for a consid erable time from presenting their report and complaints. Massachusetts, with a politic generosity, sent a present of masts to the King for the royal navy, a gift which proved to be of signal service. Eight years passed after the victory over the Royal Commissioners ; the liberty of the New England colonies was still in peril, when they suffered a new and King PMlip , s terrible calamity in the great Indian War, war. which afflicted them all, but fell with crushing severity on^Plymouth and Massachusetts. For forty years, since the struggle with the Pequots, peace had been main tained with the native tribes. The Indians had obtained the use of fire-arms, and were keen marksmen. On the whole, they had been treated with substantial justice. The lands possessed by the whites had been purchased at a fair price. For hunting and fishing, the chief occu pations of the natives, there w r as ample room along the streams and in the forests. There might be harsh and cruel conduct in occasional instances on the part of in dividuals among the whites, but the colonists, as a rule, were strict to mark such iniquities and to inflict condign punishment. There were nearly sixty thousand English in New England, and perhaps an equal number of In dians. The whites dwelt in unprotected towns and ham lets, mostly scattered along the coast. West of the Ply mouth territory, on the eastern shore of Narragansett 154 THE COLONIAL ERA Bay, were the Pokanokets or Wampanoags. West of the same bay was the home of the Narragansetts. These were the two still formidable tribes in Southern New England. It was the Pokanokets who commenced the war okcts begin against the whites, which spread far and wide. Massasoit, their former chief, had been the life long friend and ally of the English. At his death he left his power to his two sons, who took the English names of Alexander and Philip. They did not manifest the pacific spirit of their father. Their disaffection and the jealousy and hostility of their young warriors did not spring so much from any specific grievances of which they could make complaint, as from a more or less conscious impa tience of that condition of dependence and constraint in which, owing to inevitable circumstances, they found them selves placed. The fetters that rested on their sense of freedom did not chafe the less for being accepted by them in treaties into which they had voluntarily entered. Their territory became more and more curtailed by grants which they could not well avoid making. For any in fraction of their agreements they were called to account and restitution was punctually exacted. Of their motives and plans the colonists became more and more suspi cious, and, in most cases, probably on good grounds. The penalty which was demanded of them was the sur render of their guns, which their leaders were more ready to promise than they were disposed, or even able, to per form. Shortly after Alexander had been conducted to Plymouth, to give account of himself, he fell sick and died. It seems likely that Philip imagined that his brother had been poisoned. He began thejear, not as the result of a deep-laid conspiracy, in which various tribes were parties with him, but out of anger and_ re venge,. The murder, by his instigation, of an informer, who had betrayed his purpose, and the execution by the FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 155 English of .the murderers, or of the Indians who were sup posed to be guilty of the crime, was the signal for the commencement of the sanguinary struggle. It opened, in 1675, in two attacks on the town of Swanzey, in the Plymouth colony. The houses were burned Horrors of and the inhabitants slaughtered. For two the wan years, during which the war lasted, the dwellers in towns and villages were exposed to the sudden, merciless as saults of their savage enemies. Nowhere could the la borer till the ground with any feeling of security. Mother and child went to bed at night in dread of being awakened by the terrible cry of pitiless barbarians. To anticipate the combination of the Narragan- n -ri -T -^ i The Na ?- setts with Philip, it was necessary to attack rag an setts that tribe. A brave and determined assault was made on their fort or camp, where South Kingston now stands, by the troops of Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. After desperate fighting, and with a heavy loss of life, they defeated the Indians and burned their wigwams. The example of Philip and his followers was contagious. Other tribes joined in the war against the English. The towns in Western Massachusetts were visited with fire and slaughter. One of the most fright ful instances of massacre was the destruction of Lothrop, with nearly all his men, ninety in number, " the flower of Essex," at " Bloody Brook," in Deerfield. The capture of their fort broke the power of the Narragansetts. Canon- chet, their sachem, was taken by a band of Connecticut volunteers, and, for breaking treaties, was delivered up to Indian allies of the whites to be put to Death of death. At length Philip was driven to his Phi:ip - lair, at Mount Hope, on the Narragansett. Beset in this place of retreat by the troops under Captain Church, he attempted to escape through the forces that enclosed him, but was shot by one of the Indian auxiliaries of 156 THE COLONIAL ERA Church. The conception of Philip as having by his ge nius organized an extensive league, as a man of princely virtues and of heroic courage, is the mythical creation of later writers. It is nearer the truth to say that having begun with robbing the Plymouth people of their cattle, he gradually gave the reins to his ferocity, and by the massacre of defenceless villagers drifted into a war which spread of itself from, tribe to tribe. In Washington Irving s attractive but misleading essay, Philip is depicted as a chivalrous "king." "He went down," it is said, " like a lonely bark, foundering amid darkness and tempest, without a pitying eye to weep his fall, or a friendly hand to record his struggle." There is a suggestion of a very different estimate of the Indian war rior in a sentence of the Puritan captain, Church, who says of the fallen savage : " They drew him thro the Mud into the Upland, and a doleful great naked beast he look d like." After the death of Philip a year elapsed before the war was fully ended. Besides the terrible loss of life which filled all the settlements with lamentation, there were left heavy burdens of debt on the Eastern colonies, and a universal feeling of weakness and depression. When Philip s war began, " the praying Indians " num bered not far from four thousand. Some of them, mostly The Christian ^ ^ ne Nipmuck tribe, proved treacherous and Indians. aided the enemy. The effect was a distrust of the whole body, and a panic which demanded that the most rigid precautions should be taken to keep them from doing harm. The benevolent missionary, Eliot, and another noble friend of the Indians, Daniel Gookin, did their utmost to dispel the prevalent fear and to protect the objects of it. Bat they could not quiet the prevail ing alarm. The Christian Indians of Natick and some other places were transferred to Deer Island, in Boston harbor. They demonstrated their fidelity to the English, FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 157 and many of them, formed into companies, lent effective military assistance. But while confidence in the Christian Indians as a body was by degrees restored, the result of the war was to in fuse into the minds of the English an intense Hatred of the horror and detestation of the Indians generally. Indians. They were regarded as an execrable race, with the worst qualities of wild beasts, but with an amount of intelligence added that rendered them far more hateful and danger ous. It is the feeling that commonly springs up at the present day among frontiersmen in relation to neighbor ing Indian tribes. It finds expression in some of the sermons of Puritan ministers, not usually lacking in hu mane feeling. The perpetual dread and heart-rending cruelties from which the colonies suffered explain such measures as the offering by the legislatures of New York and New England of large bounties for Indian scalps. Rewards were paid for the destruction of the savages as for the killing of wolves. The circumstances were propitious for the undertak ing of Charles H. and his advisers to deprive the New Eng land colonies of their liberty. They were mak- J * Attack on ing a general attack upon charters in England, the New Eng- , , land charters. and charters whicn it was unrighteous to med dle with might be included with such as deserved to be annulled. From the date of the absorption of New Haven into the colony of Connecticut, the vitality of the Con federacy was extinct. There was little chance for con certed action in the way of resistance to well-laid plans of subiugation. In 1676, Edward Randolph, e xi IT. v -u x Randolph. an emissary of the English ministry, a man who proved to be a persevering enemy of New England, arrived in Boston. He was a relative of John Mason, and part of his errand was to take care of Mason s claim to New Hampshire. He brought complaints of the neglect 158 THE COLONIAL ERA of the Navigation Act by the Massachusetts government. As required by the King, two messengers, Stoughton and Bulkeley, were sent to England, but with powers carefully denned and limited. To avoid trouble respecting Maine, Maine Massachusetts, much to the disgust of the King, purchased the claim of Gorges, which covered the district between the Piscataqua and the Kennebec. The land between the Kennebec and the Penobscot was held by the Duke of York. Maine was now governed as a separate province by Massachusetts. In 1679, against New Hamp- the wishes of the New Hampshire towns, they were separated from Massachusetts, and organ ized as a royal province. In 1682, Edward Cranfield was made Governor a greedy adventurer, who was clothed with almost absolute power, and whose misgovemment, running through several years, became at last unbearable. In 1685, to avoid deposition by the English Government, he fled to the West Indies. But his departure did not end the period of tyranny and anarchy in New Hamp shire, which lasted until the union was renewed with Mas sachusetts. The merchants and manufacturers in Eng land clamored for the enforcement of the Navigation Act in this colony. In 1678, the crown lawyers gave the Annulling opinion that the charter of Massachusetts had chus^ttSar- ^ een rendered void by the offences which had ter - been committed by the administration under it. Nothing was left undone by the colony, through the usual means of procrastination, petition, and remonstrance, to ward off the catastrophe. The Court refused to allow its agents, Joseph Dudley and John Richards, to leave it to the King to act his pleasure, in the faint hope that his final decision might be favorable. In October, 1683, the agents returned. Soon after, the charter was declared to be null and void. Massachusetts, robbed of the Constitution under which it had been planted, and FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 159 which had subsisted for more than fifty years, was left without any guaranty of political rights. In the contest for the preservation of the charter, Ran dolph had behaved as an implacable enemy, and Dudley as a time-serving politician. But there was no power of resistance. There was no longer, as at a former day, a strong body of Puritans in England whose co-operation could be relied on. Above all, there was no longer in Massachusetts the unanimity which had existed when previous aggressions were attempted. There . -, -,, i -it A middle was a middle party, a party not indisposed to party in Mas- compromise and to yield. The Puritan the- sachusetts - ocracy, the ideal on which the hearts of the preceding generation had rested, had begun to crumble away, through the growth of population and the alteration of sentiment. The inhabitants no longer consisted almost exclusively of farmers, resolute in their principles, and ready to shed their blood to keep off foreign control. There existed, especially in Boston, a large class who were possessed of wealth, many of whom were engaged in commerce, and whose tone of feeling was affected by their mercantile and social connections with the mother country. Randolph had not labored in vain to diffuse in this class a spirit of compliance. The accession of James II., an avowed Roman Catho lic, increased, if that were possible, the feeling of despond ency among the people of Massachusetts. As Royal gov . far as their religious system was concerned, they ^ w 6D E n l g- had nothing to expect from him but antipathy. land> One thing was certain ; no favor would be shown to the cause of popular freedom. On May 14, 1686, Randolph, the untiring enemy of the Massachusetts people, arrived with the order from England to set up a provisional gov ernment, to consist of a President, Deputy-President, and sixteen Councillors, of whom Randolph was to be one. 160 THE COLONIAL ERA The limited powers lodged in the new government were to be exercised without any popular assembly. Its au thority was to be extended over Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, and the " King s Province," or New York. Joseph Dudley, who was to be Presi dent, was the son of Thomas Dudley, the un bending Puritan magistrate of a former day. But the son had turned his back on the example and precepts of the father, and was ready to break down the liberties which the elder Dudley had done so much to build up. Once in office, however, the new President was inclined to conciliate the patriots, and the people who followed their lead, so that Randolph wrote letters to England complain ing of him. Care was immediately taken by the Council in England for the introduction of Episcopal worship in worship. Ratcliffe, a clergyman of the Estab lished Church, was sent to Boston, and when the use of one of the Puritan meeting-houses was refused, the Episcopal services began to be held in the Town Hall. At the instigation of Randolph, proceedings were begun in England for the abrogation of the charters of Rhode Island and Connecticut; and he at once set about to put an end to government under these instruments. But while the contests provoked by this proceeding were in Andros made progress, Sir Edmund Andros arrived in Bos- Govcrnor. fo n ^ un der an appointment from the crown, as Governor of New England. When the charter of Massa chusetts was annulled, the colony was left absolutely sub ject to the King. Its inhabitants were not only stripped of political rights ; it was even held that all the land was the property of the Crown, and its possessors were soon given to understand that they must bargain for the own ership of it by paying quit-rents. Andros assumed the government on December 20, 1686. Plymouth and the portion of Maine called the County of Cornwall, which FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 161 had belonged to the Duke of York before his succession to the crown, were included under the jurisdiction of the new Governor. The only limit on his power of mak ing laws was the necessity for the concurrence of a Coun cil whose members he had the authority to displace, and the requirement of the royal sanction. The Governor could impose taxes with the Council s consent. The se vere punishments which followed upon instances of re fusal to submit to this arbitrary prerogative showed that resistance was useless. Andros could institute courts of justice, and no appeal could be taken from their decisions except to the King. Dudley w r as appointed censor of the press. Without his leave nothing could be printed. The Governor demanded the keys of the Old South Church in order that the Episcopal services Episcopal might be held in it. The demand was refused, worship. but he carried out his determination to hold these ser vices within its walls on Sundays and holidays, at times when the congregation to whom the edifice belonged were not using it. This high-handed proceeding was the object of an unceasing protest on the part of those who were wronged by it, until in April, 1688, Andros set out to erect a house for Episcopal worship. The new building w r as not finished in time for the Governor to attend service in it. It was opened for this purpose for the first time on June 8, 1689. The antipathy of the Massachusetts Puritans to the Episcopal forms of wor ship was naturally considered by Andros and his sup porters as a narrow, fanatical prejudice. But whatever of sectarian narrowness was involved in the opposition to the 38 forms, their introduction was part and parcel of the system of tyranny which the Stuarts were striving to force upon the people. So far as they had this charac ter, the resistance had a justifiable motive. The levying of taxes by the fiat of the Governor, the 11 162 THE COLONIAL ERA enforced renewal of land-titles, and the exaction of ex cessive fees, filled the minds of a liberty-loving people with indignation. The same measures were carried out in Maine, and, to some extent, in New Hampshire. In December, 1686, Rhode Island was joined, without any resistance on her part, to the dominion of Andros. At the same time he entered on the task, which it took nearly a year to accomplish, of annexing Connecticut to his Andros at dominion. In October, he visited Hartford. Hartford. There is a tradition that while the discussion was proceeding with the magistrates, in the presence of a numerous company, the lights were suddenly extin guished, and the charter taken from the table and hid den in the hollow trunk of an oak tree, which was known in later times as the "Charter Oak." Some occurrence of interest at the time, perhaps the hiding of a duplicate copy of the charter, is the ground of this legend. The restriction of the number of meetings which the towns were allowed to hold, and the reduction of the powers of the towns, was one of the obnoxious acts that en sued upon the Governor s return to Massachusetts. In June, 1687, New York and the Jerseys were added to the territories subject to him. While Boston was to be The domin- the capital of the extensive "Dominion," which ion of Andros. wag ^ o j iave f- ne name New England, a Deputy- Governor was to reside in New York. A military expe dition, which Andros led into Maine against the Indians, brought great sufferings upon those who took part in it. This increased the unpopularity of the Governor, who was unjustly suspected of sinister designs in connection with the enterprise with nothing less than a secret pur pose to destroy the Massachusetts troops. He had pre viously captured Castine from the French. Public affairs in England now took a turn favorable to the interests of the colony. James II. was bent on two FROM TIIK PL A XT I XG OF COXXKCTICUT 1G3 objects. He was determined to rule in a despotic way, and he was earnest to promote the interests of the Church of Rome. He began his reign with a ATtered 1JOl . persecution of the Puritans. The Covenanters gy of James in Scotland, and the Nonconformists in England, were pursued with unrelenting cruelty. The blood-thirsty Jeffreys was a judge after the King s own heart. Divines like Richard Baxter, respected by all good men, were loaded with insult and cast into prison. The purpose of James was to divide power and offices between the Church of England and the Church of Rome, of which he was a member. Finding that he could not build up the Roman Catholic cause by the aid of Episcopalians, he turned to the Dissenters, and, by an unconstitutional exercise of power, suspended the execution of penal laws against them. He professed to be a believer in liberty of con- S3i2n2e. This new policy culminated in the Declaration of Indulgence. This naturally gave pleasure to such Non conformists as looked only at the immediate gain, with out penetrating the King s design, or considering that an act which brought to them relief enslaved the nation, converting, as it did, the monarch into a czar. The dis- affoction in Massachusetts prompted the sending of a messenger to implore redress at the English Court. In crease Mather, the most eminent minister in - _ Increase the colony, and quite competent for such an Mather in errand, was selected for the purpose. Ran dolph tried to detain him by a vexatious prosecution for libel, but Mather contrived to elude the attempt. He w_i3 graciously received by the King, whom he propiti ated by presenting from certain ministers and churches aldresses of thanks for the Declaration of Indulgence, the true intent of which their authors had failed to com prehend. But Mather made no real progress with his suit. Meantime the English people were fast getting 164 TUP] COLONIAL ERA ready to drive James from the throne. Mather arrived in England on May 25, 1688. The first information of the landing of William of Orange at Torbay reached The Revoiu- Boston on April 4, 1689. There was no longer tion. anv barrier to stay the current of popular in dignation. On April 18th, at nine o clock in the morning, troops were moving in different parts of the town. They escorted a number of the old magistrates to the Council Chamber. Randolph and many other coadjutors of An- Andros in clros were arrested and put in jail. Troops prison, poured in from the country places until they reached the number of fifteen hundred or two thousand. The Governor himself was taken, and was ultimately lodged in the Fort. There was considerable difficulty in shielding Dudley from popular violence. A provisional Provisional government was created. The Governor and government, magistrates who had been chosen at the last popular election before the annulling of the charter were associated with a newly chosen body of deputies, and with them constituted the General Court. On May 29th, William and Mary were proclaimed in Boston with all possible expressions of public joy. In Plymouth, the old government was likewise reinstated. The same thing was done in Connecticut. In Rhode Island, the old of ficers were restored, but the Governor declined to serve. When James fell from power, the machinery of tyrannical government which he had erected in New England fell with him. Andros, its agent, was hated in New England, but he had simply carried out the will of the government of which he was the agent. As regards his personal char acter, apart from his sympathy and official connection with an odious system, there is no ground for serious reproach. We have now to glance at some of the peculiar features of society in New England. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 165 John Adams records in his diary that he gave to a Vir ginian " a receipt for making a New England in Virginia." The secret lay in the adoption of town-meet- . . T , , -. . . Society in ings, training-days, town-schools, and minis- New Eng- ters. "The meeting-house and the school- 1; house," he said, are " the scenes where New England men are formed." The four chief things were, " towns, militia, schools, and churches." It should be remembered at the outset that the inhab itants of the New England colonies were homogeneous in race and in spirit. They were of pure Eng lish stock. Those of a different descent were homoge ne- an insignificant minority. The twenty thou- ous< sand settlers who came over prior to 1641, when immi gration practically ceased, were mostly from the East Anglian counties. A portion of them were from Devon and Cornwall, and some came from London. The speech of the people was good English of that day. What have been considered peculiarities acquired in their new home were mostly brought over from the localities whence the colonists came, where, in some instances, however, they long ago ceased to be in vogue. The habit of prefixing the as pirate h where it does not belong, and of dropping it where it does belong, could not have prevailed in the old country as it has since spread there, since it never existed in New England. The tendency to a "nasal utterance " must have sprung up on this side of the ocean, owing to some quality of the atmosphere, or, perhaps, in a certain degree, from a Puritan habit of prolonging the vowel sounds. Legislation and the administration of justice took their form from the English system, modified by the influence of the Mosaic civil code and by a natural sense Government of equity. Trial by jury was early estab- and laws - lished in Massachusetts and in the other colonies, ex cept New Haven. In Massachusetts there were town 166 THE COLONIAL ERA courts and county courts, and above them the Court of Assistants, with the General Court, the supreme tribunal to which appeals in important causes might be carried. Sixteen years after the landing of the Pilgrims, the first code of laws was framed at Plymouth. Its provisions followed no model, but were determined by the peculiar in Massachu- circumstances and needs of the colony. In sects. Massachusetts the adjudication of causes was left for a long time to the discretion of the magistrates, as there was no recognition of the binding force of the common law of England. The people became more and more earnest in calling for a written code, especially after deputies were elected by the towns. But delays were interposed and considerable time elapsed before the popular demand was satisfied. Experiments were made in the composition of a body of laws, but the schemes proposed were not acceptable. Cotton offered to the Court "a copy of Moses his Judicials," which he had com piled, but no action was taken upon it. At length, in 1641, there were adopted one hundred fundamental laws, which were called " The Body of Liberties." They were drawn up by Nathaniel Ward, the minister of Ipswich, who had been bred to the law in his youth, before he became a minister, and was quite competent for his task. Under this code there were twelve capital crimes, to which a thirteenth, rape, was added the next year. At that time, in England, tlie number of capital offences was thirty. The spirit of the Massachusetts code is disclosed in the opening paragraph : " No man s life shall be taken away ; no man s honor or good name shall be stained ; no man s person shall be arrested, restrained, banished, dismem bered, nor anyways punished ; no man shall be deprived of his wife or children ; no man s goods or estate shall be taken away, nor any way endangered, under color of law, or countenance of authority ; unless it be by virtue or FUOM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 1G7 equity of some express law of the country warranting the same, established by the General Court and sufficiently published, or, in case of defect of the law in any particu lar case, by the Word of God ; and in capital cases, or in cases concerning dismembering or banishment, ac cording to that word to be judged by the General Court." In 1642, Connecticut adopted the provisions In Counecti _ of the Massachusetts code as regards capital cut - offences. Before that time it had no written collection of laws. As we have seen, a selection of the Mosaic civil laws was at first the only statute-book of New Haven colony ; and this continued to be the fact until 1656. The organization of the towns was closely connected with the central place of the church in the social system, and with the attractions of the meeting-house." TOWH organi- To the meeting-house all the people, except zatlon - such as were kept at home by some necessity, were com pelled by law to repair twice on Sunday. The abodes of the inhabitants were commonly in the immediate neigh borhood. In addition to the ownership of farms in sev- eralty, there were pastures and woodland which were for the benefit of all in common. The town was a politi cal society, having its own defined prerogatives, officers peculiar to itself, chosen by popular vote, and its own deliberative assemblies where public measures of local interest were discussed and determined. In these village parliaments the democratic idea in its original form was realized. There was no standing army, but the people were all soldiers. Only those were exempted from military drill whose occupations naturally excluded them, as was the case with ministers and with fishermen, who were obliged most of the time to be absent from their homes. Military offices were posts of honor. The 1G8 THE COLONIAL ERA regular training days were occasions of importance in which the whole community took an interest. In a community where religion was an absorbing con cern, the clergy could not fail to hold a prominent place. On account of their sacred office, but, also, by Tli 6 c crffv reason of their ability and learning, in the absence of any other liberally educated class to divide power with them, the ministers were, from the beginning, the recognized leaders of society. Since government, in some of the colonies entirely, in all of them mainly, was in the hands of the distinctively religious class, the minis ters were consulted in civil affairs, and great weight was attached to their opinions, especially in all cases where moral questions were distinctly involved. But they were, also, honored counsellors in their parishes in matters of private concern. Their medical knowledge was not in considerable, and when trained physicians were very few, it was employed in the service of the people. The pres ence of lawyers in the colonies was discouraged, from the conviction that controversies should be settled without resort to legal technicalities, and because of the purpose to keep clear of obnoxious parts of the English system of jurisprudence. When the legal profession came to be allowed, it was with restrictions as to the number of ad vocates, and in other particulars. Ministers were actively concerned in the framing of laws and in the adjustment of disputes. It naturally devolved on them to exercise a large measure of control in organizing and managing schools of every grade. In short, especially in Massachu setts and the western colonies, the clergy were the prin cipal guides of the community. Yet the deference paid to them was not of a slavish kind. Laymen understood their rights, and their constant participation in the pro ceedings of towns and churches accustomed them to the exercise of an independent judgment. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 1G9 The intellectual activity of the New England people was a prime characteristic. Most of them were English yeomen. With them came over substantial intellectual country gentlemen, and some merchants of actlvlt y- large means. But it was true of all that their minds had been deeply stirred by the theological controversies of the age. If it was true of the bulk of them that they read few books, the Bible, in the whole range of its literature, was an ever-present, stimulating companion. Morning and night, and on the Lord s day, they hung over its pages with eager and absorbed, as well as reverent, attention. Whatever has to do with man as a spiritual being had in their eyes a transcendent importance. Hence a marked distinction of the principal New England com munities is the interest that was felt from the beginning in the education of the people, and the heavy burdens that were cheerfully assumed to effect the object. Schools were soon set up in all considerable towns, save in Plymouth colony, where the poverty of the people explains the exception. In 1647, the law of Massachusetts required that a school should be supported in every town having fifty householders, and that a grammar-school should be established, where boys could be fitted for college, in every place where the householders numbered a hundred. The pecuniary sacrifices cheerfully undertaken for the foundation of Harvard College and for its continued sup port, indicate the importance that was attached to learn ing and culture, and the natural fear on the part of the educated class that in these " ends of the earth " there would come a degeneracy in these particulars. It was only six years after the arrival of Winthrop, October 23, when the General Court appropriated for the J 63( L foundation of the college a sum " equivalent to the colony tax for a year." Seven magistrates and six ministers were appointed a committee " to take order for it." Two years 170 THE COLONIAL Ell A later, John Harvard died at Charlestown, bequeathing bis library and half of his estate (or about 700), to carry out the plan. In 1657, the New Haven colony required every plantation not having a school to provide one. There the plan of a college was early favored. It was prevented from being realized until 1700, owing to the sparseness of population and to the conviction that the want was met by the institution previously planted at Cambridge. Besides the instruction imparted in school and college, we must not omit to notice the stimulus and training of an intellectual, as well as spiritual nature, which were re ceived by the whole people from the pulpit. In common with Puritan preachers generally, the New England min isters were teachers of doctrine. They addressed the un derstanding of their hearers. They discoursed from Sun day to Sunday on the most profound themes of theology, as well as on the plain practical precepts of Christianit} T . Their sermons were the subject of conversation in their parishes, not only on the Lord s day, but, more or less, through the week, in the field and at the fireside. A number of the systems of theology which have been com posed by New England divines in the colonial period, as well as later as late as the early decades of the nine teenth century consisted of sermons that were delivered before country congregations, composed mainly of farm ers. The habits of attention, of discrimination, and of reasoning which were thus nurtured, must be taken into account if one would comprehend the mental life of New England. The tendencies of society in New England were in the direction of social equality. There were very few large Soc ai ciis- landed estates. There was no law of entail. Actions. There was freedom in the disposition of prop erty by will, except that in the allotment of intestate estates the older son received a double portion. Yet FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 171 it would be a mistake to conclude that there were no distinctions of rank, openly or tacitly recognized. The high position accorded to the clergy has already been adverted to. The magistrates, who were generally se lected from the families most respected, and on account of their own intellectual and moral worth, were held in special honor. The idea entertained of the divine ori gin of government and of the sanctions of law secured to the rulers, although chosen by the people, popular rev erence. The social superiority of certain families was publicly recognized. It was the custom to allot seats to the congregation in the houses of worship according to the dignity of its several members, which was careful ly and formally determined. The ordinary designation of man and woman was " goodman " and " goodwife," " Mr." and " Mrs." (Mistress) being titles confined to the men and the dames and daughters of the superior class. In the catalogue of the colleges, far into the eighteenth century, the same respect to rank was paid. Those who were tirst in the alphabetical order were seldom first in the list of students. Negro slavery existed in the New England colonies, but the slaves were domestic servants, laboring m the house and on the farm. Their propor tionate number was never large, and they were kindly treated. Yet slavery was not condemned. Samuel Sew- all published in 1700 the first attack upon the system as immoral. The strong hold which the Puritan faith, in its radical type, had upon the convictions of the community, is the key to the explanation of the most striking peculiarities of New England society. It was Ne^ 1? En g about the " meeting-house " that the town 1: clustered. There except in Rhode Island all the peo ple, who were not kept away by some necessity, were compelled to be present at two extended services on the 172 THE COLONIAL ERA Lord s Day. This requirement, it should be observed, was not peculiar to New England. There was the same law in Virginia and other colonies, as well as in England. The Puritans and of the New England Puritans it may be said with most emphasis set up the Bible as the one guide of life, to the exclusion of ecclesiastical authority and precedents, no matter how long established and how venerated they might be. They required a warrant from Holy Writ for all ecclesiastical usages. Consistent ly with their theory on this subject, they discarded the observance of Easter and of Christmas, and of all other feasts and fasts which in their judgment had no revealed sanction. They substituted for them a day of fasting in the spring and a day of thanksgiving in the autumn, when the harvest had been gathered in. These observ ances corresponded to Jewish sacred days ; but even fast and thanksgiving must be appointed by the magistrates, and appointed annually. Sunday, or "the Sabbath," as it was styled, was considered an observance enjoined by the decalogue upon the human race for all time, and the mode of keeping it was regulated by the Old Testament sabbatical statutes. It was a day of rigid abstention from labor and from recreation of all sorts. There was some doubt whether it should begin on the morning of Sunday, or, following the Jewish manner of reckoning, on Saturday, at sundown. In Massachusetts, the former custom came to prevail ; in Connecticut, the latter. Forms of prayer were discarded in public worship, being considered to be destitute of a Biblical warrant. The Scriptures were not even read in public worship, unless the reading was accompanied by exposition. The sermon was of an hour in length, and in the earlier days was de livered without the aid of notes. Instrumental music in churches was not allowed. No singing was allowed in worship, except from a metrical version of the Psalms. FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 173 The presence and aid of a priest had for ages been deemed essential in the marriage ceremony and in the burial of the dead. As a part of the radical protest against the right of a priesthood to exist in the church, marriages were for a long time celebrated exclusively by the civil magistrates. The Pilgrims from the beginning followed in this particular what they had observed to be the Protestant custom in the Low Countries. Burial- places were commonly not adjacent to the meeting houses, and the dead were buried in silence, without any religious services. The religious ideas and institu tions of the Puritans, carried into the family, as into every department of life, a tone of conscientious strict ness. There was deep affection, but there was often re serve in the expression of it. The natural gayety of the young was kept within bounds by the punctual enforce ment of restraints. The prevalent moral code, pure in its spirit and lofty in its aims, took on a shade of austerity. Sumptuary laws were a branch of the paternal theory of government which prevailed in New England, as else where, in the seventeenth century. Especially Sumptnary was extravagance in dress, and an undue dis- laws - play of fineiy, on the part of people of inferior social rank, the object of legal prohibition. A law of Massa chusetts in 1634 forbade "immoderate great sleeves" and " slashed apparel/ and the use of gold or silver belts or hat-bands by any who were not already possessed of them. In 1651, the wearing of gold or silver lace, or great boots, was made unlawful for any except magis trates and their families, or persons having two hundred pounds a year. In Connecticut, in 1676, it was ordained that persons wearing gold or silver buttons, any but a specified kind of lace, or silk scarfs, should be taxed for one hundred and fifty pounds. In 1636, in Massachu setts, a law was enacted that buyers of wines, liquors, or 174 THE COLONIAL ERA tobacco, should pay one-sixth of their value into the public treasury. In one year the law was enforced which imposed the same tax on purchasers of fruit, spice, or sugar. The inroads of fashion, as the century drew to its close, were looked upon with stern disfavor. The first introduction of wigs is recorded by Judge Sewall in his diary with feelings of sorrow and anger. If laws were thought necessary to keep down show and expense in matters of dress and domestic economy, much more was their aid employed to prevent and to punish dicing, card-playing, and also the drinking of healths, which was regarded as an offensive custom. In the early days, dancing was prohibited as frivolous and as leading to im purity. Later, the strictness of the law on this subject was relaxed in Massachusetts. It was the glory of the Puritans that they insisted on the law of righteousness, and required that conduct should be conformed to it. The health of the soul and the approbation of God were the objects of supreme regard. But into the Puritanism of New England the leaven of the Kenaissance did not enter. It is true that education was prized. The study of the Latin and Greek classics was fostered by the clergy. But that element which it is now the fashion to call Hellenism that play of the mind which appears in the higher forms of imagin ative literature and in art was absent. An intense moral and religious earnestness had the effect for the time to exclude this form of intellectual life. Whatever tinge of asceticism belonged to the Puritan ideal of family and social life, it did not reach to the mat ter of provisions for the table or the exercise of hospital- Thanks P iv- ity- Xt is an interesting fact that the first ing festival. Thanksgiving festival was at Plymouth in the autumn of 1621, when Massasoit and ninety of his peo ple were feasted for three days on wild-fowl and veni- FROM THE PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT 175 son. Thanksgiving-day was always the occasion of joyful family gatherings by the blazing hearthstone and at the dinner of turkey and plum-pudding. There were other times of relaxation and pleasure, which were of regular recurrence. Election-day, when the magistrates assumed their office, was one of these occasions. Training-days, of which there were several annually, when the military companies went through their drills in full panoply, were holidays, when the young regaled themselves with the spectacle and engaged in sports on the green. Wrest ling-matches and shooting-matches were favorite games. There were neighborhood gatherings which combined work with pleasure, such as quilting-parties of women in-doors, husking-parties, and assemblies of men for the "raising" of the timber frames of houses. At such gatherings refreshments would not fail to be provided. The old English relish for good cheer and for manly out- of-door games was not extinguished by Puritan sobriety and the necessity of constant toil. The inhabitants of New England were industrious. Farming was the principal occupation. But while in places, as, for example, in the valley of the Employ- Connecticut, the soil was fertile, it was more mei1ts - commonly sterile, and subsistence was wrung from it by liar:! labor. Knitting and spinning were occupations by women in the household. Within ten years from the landing of Winthrop, the weaving of cotton and woollen fabrics was begun by a few emigrants from Yorkshire. Labor was rapidly diversified. The important mechanical trades were soon plied in the larger villages. The chief source of profit was from the fisheries. Ship-building, which began at once, was zealously prosecuted. Com merce sprang up and nourished. The export of fish to the West Indies and to Europe brought back supplies of foreign products which added greatly to the comforts 176 THE COLONIAL ERA of living. As time went on, the style of building was constantly improving. The square meeting-houses, with their pyramidal roofs, beneath which the earlier settlers met, bringing with them their muskets to repel attacks of the Indians, gave place to rectangular buildings, some times of large dimensions. The dwelling-houses, with long roofs descending in the rear, which took the place of the first low log-houses, were superseded, in the case of families of larger means, by houses quite commodious and even stately. CHAPTER IX. NEW YORK TO 1688 Hudson s Discovery Block s Exploring Voyage The " New Neth erland " Company West India Company Chartered The Dutch at Manhattan and Albany Purchase of Manhattan Island The Patroons Van Twiller Succeeds Minuit The Swedish Settle ment Trouble with the Indians Peter Stuyvesant Treaty with Connecticut Attack on the Swedes Delaware Purchased Religious Contests Demand for Popular Franchise Rela tions to Connecticut Holland and England Conquest of New Netherland by the English The New Government War be tween England and France Lovelace New Netherland Re taken by the Dutch Restored to the English New York Described by Andros Dongan Charter of Liberties New York a Roval Province The Revolt of Leisler. NEW YORK, or New Netherland, as it was first called, after a period passed out of the possession of the Dutch, its original settlers. Had it been retained in their hands it would have severed the chain of English colonies along the Atlantic coast, and have established a barrier in the way of their eventual union in one political system. At the opening of the seventeenth century, the Confederated States of the Netherlands were emerging victoriously from their long and heroic contest for liberty against the power of Spain. In 1609, there was concluded a truce for twelve years, which contained an acknowledgment by Philip II. of their sovereignty and independence. Just Hudwmv dis- at the time when this memorable peace was covery. signed, Henry Hudson sailed from Amsterdam in the Half- Moon, to search for a passage to India by the northeast 12 178 THE COLONIAL KUA or the northwest. Hudson was an English mariner who had made two voyages from England already in quest of India by way of the northern seas. Not disheartened by repeated failures, he now made a third attempt under the auspices of the Amsterdam directors of the Dutch East India Company, a corporation in which had been vested the most ample powers of colonization and government in the East, and which brought the largest pecuniary re wards to the enterprise of its projectors. After doubling the Cape of Norway, Hudson, finding in the ice and in the discontent of his men insuperable obstacles to a fur ther progress, turned his prow toward America. Having reached the coast of Newfoundland, he sailed southward until he entered Delaware Bay. Then, reversing his course, he came in sight of the hills of Navesink, went in past Sandy Hook, and anchored in the lower bay of the future site of New York. He explored the neighborhood, and had converse with the Indians, which was generally of a friendly character. Still in quest of a route by water to India, in the month of September he sailed up the great river which was one day to bear his name, as far as the site of Albany. His appreciation of the charms of the scenery was enhanced by the delight natural to the dis coverer whose eyes first beheld the noble stream and its adjacent shores, with their steep heights and verdant forests. He found the natives generally hospitable, al though once he had to repel an attack. The reports of Hudson on his return in particular, the prospect that was opened for a very lucrative trade with the Indians in furs caused other vessels to be sent out by Amster dam merchants on the same path. In 1614, Hendrick Christhensen built a trading-house "Fort Nassau" on the west of the Hudson, a little below the site of Al bany. It was designed partly as a warehouse and partly for defence. A few men were also left on the south end NEW YORK TO 1C88 179 of Manhattan Island as the nucleus of a settlement. In the same year another sea-captain, Adrian Block, having lost his ship, embarked in a small vessel which Block s ex- he had built on that island, and coasted along pioring voy- age. tho shores of New England. He went up the Connecticut River, entered Narragansett Bay, and sailed past Cape Cod as far as Boston Harbor. The Dutch cap tain gave his name to a large island which he visited. Under his supervision a " Figurative Map " was drawn, and was submitted by the deputies of a company of mer chants to the States-General at the Hague. A charter was granted to the "New Netherland" Com- The "New pany to trade in that region for three years, Netherland " from 1615. After that date it was renewed, year by year, until 1621. " New Netherland," as deline ated on Block s map, embraced the whole of New Eng land. In the same summer in which he made his explor ing trip, John Smith was likewise examining the eastern coast of the same territory, to the northern part of which he attached the name of New England. In 1620, mer chants of Holland were willing to send out to the shores of the Hudson, John Robinson and his Pilgrim followers ; but Robinson and his people demanded a guaranty of protection which the States were not disposed to grant, and the Pilgrims themselves felt reluctant to break off all connection with their native land. For several years prior to this date, the States had been engrossed in theo logical and political contests of the gravest character. Barneveldt, the republican statesman, perished on the scaffold, and Grotius owed his life to the ingenuity and heroism of his wife, who planned his escape ^est India from prison. Hindrances to the organization Company t ., chartered. ot another great commercial corporation were at length removed, and, in 1621, a charter was given to the Dutch West India Company. Included in its powers 180 THE COLONIAL ERA was the exclusive liberty to plant colonies on the Ameri can coast. The privileges of the Company in regard to planting settlements and governing them, and acquiring provinces, were almost unlimited. They were similar to those which had been conferred on the great Dutch cor poration which managed the commerce and trade of the East. The Company was to be governed by a board of nineteen, a majority of whom belonged to the Amsterdam branch. One of the members of the board was to be ap pointed by the States. The new Company was established, not mainly to found colonies, but for purposes of trade. But before it was fully organized, complaint was made by the represen- tives of the Plymouth Company to the Privy Council. Sir Dudley Carleton, the British ambassador at the Hague, demanded of the States-General that they should prohib it any further prosecution of the enterprise. The whole country north of Virginia, Carleton asserted, had been granted by patent to the subjects of the King of England, to whom it belonged "by right of first occupation." No definite answer was obtained to this protest. In the spring of 1623, the first real attempts to colonize New Netherland began. A company of Walloons Protestant emigrants from the Belgian provinces was sent over. Eight men were left at Manhattan to take possession of The Dutch the island for the West India Company. A Sn M and h Ai- P ar * of the colonists sailed up the river and bany. ^uilt Fort Orange, on the site of Albany. In 1G24, civil government began under the rule of Cornelius Jacobsen May, as the first director. Under his administra tion, which lasted for a year, another Fort Nassau was completed on the South River the Delaware. In 1625, two large ships loaded with cattle and horses, swine and sheep, arrived at Manhattan. Emigration continued, and when William Verhulst, in that year ; succeeded May, the NEW YORK TO 1688 181 colony numbered more than two hundred. There was an alliance between Charles I. and the Dutch, and all the circumstances were favorable for the growth of the settlement. Peter Minuit, who came of Manhattan over as director early in 1626, bought the isl and of Manhattan of the natives for about twenty-four dollars.* There was correspondence with Bradford at Plymouth, and an embassy to him ; but although there were mutual arrangements for trade, Bradford signified to the authorities at New Amsterdam that they had no clear title to their lands. In 1628, Michaelius, a minister of the Reformed Church, came over and organized a church with fifty communicants. Before that, two " Consolers of the Sick," as they were styled, had read to the people on Sun days texts of the Bible and the creeds. These persons were of a class of recognized officers in the Church of Hol land. The exports of the colony for several years were far less profitable to the West India Company than were the exploits of their sailors, by whom Spanish vessels, laden with silver, were intercepted and captured. The company organized its colonists by the establishment among them of distinct subordinate colonies, or independent lordships. The lord of the manor, the " pa- troon," as he was styled, had to be a member of the Com pany. By planting a colony of fifty adults anywhere, ex cept on the island of Manhattan which was to be under the direct control of the Amsterdam chamber he became a feudal prince, with very extensive prerogatives and priv ileges, ruling over a broad extent of territory, of which he was the absolute owner. The colonists were to be sub ject to the patroon, whose service they might not leave * It is a small sum, but had it been placed at compound interest, at the rate of six per cent., it would have amounted, at the end of two hundred and sixty-five years, to $122,472,860. 182 THE COLONIAL ERA without his permission. His lands might extend for six teen miles in length, or eight miles on either side of a navigable river if both banks were occupied. They might extend as far into the interior as "the situation of the oc cupiers " would permit. Special enticements were held out to colonists to emigrate under patroons. They were to be exempt for ten years from taxation. But all colon ists, whether independent or subject to patroons, were for bidden to manufacture woollen, linen, or cotton cloth. The interests of the weavers at home were rigidly guarded. All settlers beyond the limits of Manhattan Island were re quired to purchase their land of the Indians, but the Com pany agreed to supply as many negroes " as they con veniently could," to be their slaves. The domains of the patroons became very extensive. The landed possessions of Van Rensselaer grew until they included The do- ,. x , -,. , -i mains of the a district extending twenty-four miles on the Hudson below Albany, and stretching in width for a distance of forty-eight miles. Another director was lord of what is now Staten Island, Hoboken, and Jersey City. In 1629, two directors of the Amsterdam chamber bought of the Indians the land between Cape Henlopen and the mouth of the Delaware Biver. By their control over the places most convenient for trade, the patroons held to a great extent a monopoly of commerce, deprived poor emigrants of this means of profit, and gave occasion to frequent contentions with the central government. In 1631, an expedition under Pieter Heyes established a small colony near the present town of Lewiston, in Dela ware, and by this act of occupancy acquired a title to what was one day to be a State. Crossing to the Jersey shore, Heyes purchased from ten Indian chiefs a tract of land on the shore of the bay, north of Cape May, twelve miles in length, and extending inward for the same distance. A record of his purchase was attested by Minuit and his NEW YORK TO 1G88 183 council. The settlers at Lewiston incurred the hostilit} of the Indians, in consequence of which they were all slain, and the house which they had erected was burned. The quarrels of the patroons with the agents of the West India Company, growing out of differences con nected with the fur trade, were such as Min- uit could not adjust. He was recalled, and, in ier succeeds 1G33, an unworthy and incompetent successor, * "Wouter van Twiller, arrived to take his place. He ac complished nothing in his controversy w r ith the settlers of Connecticut. The Dutch could justly allege that their fort at Hartford was built before the corning of any Englhh occupants of the soil. But this was not al lowed by the Connecticut people as sufficient to nullify the English title derived from the grant of King James. The Connecticut settlers, moreover, planted a portion of Long Island. On the south, as well as the east, the pos sessions claimed by the Dutch were threatened. In 1638, a colony of Swedes and Finns, sent out by a The Swediph company which owed its existence to Gusta- settlement. vus Adolphus and his great chancellor, Oxenstiern, made a settlement within the limits of the present State of Delaware, near the mouth of Christiana Creek. The fort which they erected they named Fort Christiana. Kieft, who was now the director at New Amsterdam, sent home an account of the arrival of the Swedish emigrants, and made a protest to Minuit, who, being at this time in the service of Sweden, was their leader. But it was not deemed expedient to resort to force to expel the new comers, who were protected by the flag of Sweden. Fresh emigrants arrived, and in 1643, Printz, the Swedish Gov ernor, took up his abode and built a fort on the island of Tinicum, a few miles below the site of Philadelphia. Thus a New Sweden was growing up in the neighborhood of the Delaware Bay and River. 184 THE COLONIAL ERA The rashness and wilfulness of Kieft were responsible for serious troubles with the Indians. Quarrels sprung Trouble with U P between the natives and the traders. The the Indians. Aig O11 ki ns wou ld have welcomed peace for the sake of being protected against the Mohawks, who re garded them as tributaries, and sent a force of warriors to enforce their claim. But Kieft availed himself of the occasion to make a murderous attack on the Algonkins, which they, with the aid of allies far and near, avenged. Ann Hutchinson and her family perished at their hands. At last, in 1645, a delegate from the Mohawks appeared, and with his assent, the Algonkin sachems and the au thorities of New Netherland concluded a treaty. On May 27, 1647, Peter Stuyvesant began his govern ment, Kieft having been superseded. " The island of New Peter stuy- York was * nen chiefly divided among farmers ; vesant. the large forests which covered the Park and the adjacent region, long remained a common pasture, where, for yet a quarter of a century, tanners could ob tain bark and boys chestnuts ; and the soil was so little valued that Stuyvesant thought it no wrong to his employ ers to purchase of them, at a small price, an extensive bowery just beyond the coppices, among which browsed the goats and the kine of the village." Under the freedom of trade export duties being, however, required the col ony, had it been well governed, might have rapidly ad vanced in prosperity. But Stuyvesant, although energet ic and honest, was a choleric and tyrannical ruler. He sternly resisted the demands of the people for municipal government. The example of New England increased their natural desire to have some part in political man agement. At length he consented that the people should nominate eighteen Councillors, from whom he was to appoint nine. But the arrangement for filling the vacan cies was such that the people had no further agency in NEW YORK TO 1688 185 the matter. The disaffected Councillors at length suc ceeded in making their petitions heard by delegates, who obtained in Holland from the States-General good meas ures ; but the Company did not adopt them, and Stuy- vesant did not alter his course. The spread of the New England settlers westward moved the Dutch Governor, in 1650, to repair in person to Hartford. A treaty was made which was Treat wlth never ratified by England that made Oyster Connecticut. Bay, on Long Island, the western boundary of the New Englanders, and Greenwich as their limit on the main land. The Governor was more successful Attack on against the Swedes. An attack by the Swed- the Swedes. ish Governor, Rysingh, on a Dutch fort near Christiana, was followed, in 1655, by an expedition of Stuyvesant to the Delaware River. The Swedish forts were taken, and the jurisdiction of the Dutch over the territory was ac knowledged. In 1656, Delaware became by purchase subject to the city of Amsterdam as proprietary. The monopoly in trade which that city established prevented Delaware their settlements from prospering or increas- P urchased - ing in numbers. While Stuyvesant was conquering New Sweden, ravages were committed by the Indians near New Amsterdam. During the administration of Stuyvesant, there oc curred, under his countenance and aid, a lamentable out breaking of intolerance against the Lutherans. Religious The Established Church of Holland exercised contests, authority over the colonies of the West India Company in relation to religious and ecclesiastical affairs. The ministers were commissioned and sent out by the classis of Amsterdam, a body answering to a presbytery. The clergy were strict Calvinists. In 1656, there were four Dutch clergymen in New Netherland. They were active ISO THE COLONIAL ERA in their religious duties, and some attempts were even made to teach the Gospel to Indians. But nothing of any account was done for popular education. There were no schools, except at Manhattan and one or two other places. Ecclesiastical animosity was kindled against the Baptists and the Lutherans. Lutherans were fined and imprisoned. But the Governor was rebuked by the West India Company for his acts of persecution. A little later, in 1657, a proclamation, somewhat simi lar to enactments of Massachusetts, was issued against the Quakers. During a series of years, without the approval of the Company, forcible measures were taken against them. They were fined, whipped, imprisoned, and banished. Persecution ceased in New Netherland, when, in 1663, the Company, in their despatches to Stuyvesant, condemned "rigorous proceedings" against "sectarians," as long as they should be modest and mod erate in their behavior, and not disobedient to the gov ernment. In 1652, in consequence of persistent, earnest com plaints and petitions, a court of justice was constituted for New Amsterdam ; but in the selection of its members the people were to have no part. In 1653, the villages of their own section sent, each of them, two delegates to a convention, which set forth in a remon- fo? G pSp a u"ur strance and petition their demand for a popu- franchise. -^ f ranc ] 1 i see Stuyvesant, who was supported by the Company, rejected their requests with an abun dant display of arrogance, and dissolved the convention. As time went on, the troubles, both of the Governor and of the colony, multiplied. The claims of Lord Baltimore to the territory between New Castle and Cape Henlopen were denied, and the Dutch jurisdiction there was main tained. But the endeavors to withstand the encroach ments of Connecticut were ineffectual, although Stuyve- NEW YORK TO 1688 187 sant made a journey to Boston, in 1653, and laid his grievances before the Confederate colonies. The charter which the younger Winthrop had obtained from Charles II., gave to Connecticut the northern half of New Netherland and the whole of Long Isl- Relations to and. In addition to all other perils, the Dutch Co ecticilt - were at war with the Esopus Indians. Their treasury, moreover, was exhausted. Stuyvesant, instigated by the municipal government of New Amsterdam, was ready to appeal to the people. An assembly of delegates from the villages sent a spirited remonstrance to the Amsterdam Chamber, in which these calamities were attributed to the neglect and mismanagement of the authorities in Hol land. The men of Connecticut made no delay in their efforts to extend the actual jurisdiction of their colony over the towns on Long Island. To add to the compli cations, John Scott, who had been placed by Connecticut as a magistrate there, announced in the English villages that the island had been granted by the King to his brother, the Duke of York. Scott was made " President " of a number of towns which were not ready to be annexed to Connecticut. He set about bringing the Dutch vil lages under his sway. The details of the conflict of Stuy vesant with him, of the Governor s controversy with the Connecticut authorities, and of their proceedings against Scott, need not here be given. These contests were ter minated by the arrival of an English fleet, carrying a body of troops, for the purpose of conquering New Hollaed aud Netherland. They were sent by the Duke of En s lacd - York, Lord High Admiral, to whom his brother, Charles H., had made a grant of the territory lying between the Connecticut and the Delaware Rivers, and comprehending Long Island. The English seizure of New Netherland was due, in the main, to commercial rivalry. It was a product of the contest of England and Holland for the 188 THE COLONIAL ERA dominion of the seas and the profits of commerce. It was against Holland that the Navigation Act of 1660 was chiefly directed, an Act which was passed under the Commonwealth, and was energetially carried out under Charles II. Cromwell had proposed to take possession of New Netherland, but he gained such advantages by the treaty of 1654 that he desisted from the plan, and recog nized the Dutch title. Under the rule of the trading corporation to which it belonged, New Netherland did not thrive. Its population was not above seven thousand, when in the New England colonies there were more than a hundred thousand inhabitants. The New Netherland- ers were conscious of the disadvantages under which they labored in comparison with their more prosperous Eng lish neighbors. In England it was well understood that Virginia and Maryland would not be withheld by legal enactments from trading with the Dutch. If the Navi gation Act was to be carried out, and an immense loss to English merchants thereby prevented, the law must be put in force along the entire coast. In 1663, the farmers of customs complained that there was a loss to the king dom of ten thousand pounds a year. When the States- General called upon Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor, for a settlement of boundaries between the Dutch and the English territory in America, it was resolved, despite Cromwell s concession in 1654, to proceed in a summary way and to take possession of New Netherland. Claren don, at the same time, was determined to bring the terri tory to be acquired, as well as the colonies already sub ject to England, under the control of the King, and to prevent any further growth of local independence. The territory which had been conveyed, in 1635, to Lord Stirling, comprising a district in Maine, and Long Isl and, was purchased from him. A force of four hundred and fifty regular troops, in four ships, which carried also NEW YORK TO 1688 189 the Commissioners for the regulation of the English colonies, was sent over, under the command of Colonels Nicolls, Carr, and Cartwright. Stuyvesant Conque , tof made all the exertions that a spirited soldier ^w Nether- would naturally make, to prepare for resistance. English. But resistance was hopeless. When the city authorities of Manhattan, the clergymen, and the officers of the burgher guard, united in begging the imperious Govern or no longer to oppose the inevitable, he yielded up the place. The surrender of Fort Orange and of the places on the Delaware soon occurred. The royal province, and New Amsterdam as well, which then contained fifteen hundred inhabitants, now received the name of New York. Fort Orange was named after the Duke s second title, Albany. The municipal officers of New Amsterdam con tinued in power. The property, the civil rights, and the religion of the citizens were guaranteed in the Thenewgov- capitulation. The neglect with which they had eminent. been treated by the home government made it easier to break the tie of loyalty to Holland. Nicolls, as the deputy of the Duke of York, acted as Governor. To him and his Council public authority was entrusted. There was to be no election of magistrates by the people. The courts were constituted after the English models. The significant features of the code of laws, called the Duke s Laws, were " trial by jury, equal taxation, tenure of lands from the Duke of York, no religious establishment, but requirement of some church form, freedom of religion to all professing Christianity, obligatory service in each parish on Sunday, a recognition of negro slavery un der certain restrictions, and general liability to military duty." By a friendly arrangement, divine service, ac cording to the forms of the English Church, was held in the Dutch house of worship at New Amsterdam, when the service of the Reformed Church was over. The city 190 THE COLONIAL ERA government was altered to conform to the customs of England. Nicolls was an able and faithiul ruler. But he was painfully disturbed by the news that, from mo tives of friendship, the Duke of York had inconsiderately made a grant of the territory of Nova Caesarea, or New Jersey, to Sir George Carteret and Lord Berkeley. The right of jurisdiction, although not expressly conveyed, was claimed by them. The refusal of Clarendon to accept the terms proposed by Louis XIV., for peace between England and Holland, War be- ^ Q & to a declaration of war by France, and to lUnd an g ti a counter-declaration by England, in January, 1666. An order was sent out to the American colonies to conquer New France. But it was found to be impracticable to engage in hostilities in that direction. The French, not satisfied with the relations in which they stood with the Five Nations, made war upon them, and succeeded in forcing them to recognize Louis as their protector and sovereign. The peace of Breda, which ended the European war, confirmed the English in their possession of New Netheiiand. Nicolls was per mitted to return to England. He was suc ceeded by Lovelace, who was prudent, and of a moderate temper. Fisheries and trade with the other colonies were encouraged. The triple alliance of 1668, in which Great Britain was joined with Holland and Sweden, tended to cement the union of the Dutch and English inhabitants of New York. There was occasional trouble about taxes, especially on Long Island, and there were contests respecting boundaries with Connecticut and with Massachusetts. In 1673, in the war against Holland, in which the Eng- New Neth- ^ sn anc ^ French were allied, New York sur- (ui^b 1 re th k e renc ^ ere( i to a Dutch squadron, and the rule Dutch. O f the Hollanders was extended over the prov- NEW YORK TO 1688 191 ince, to the joy of many of the old Dutch inhabitants. The Prince of Orange was sagacious enough to see that New York would be a precarious possession, and in the treaty of 1674 it was restored to the English. Returned to Sir Edmund Andros received the government the En s hsh - from the hands of Colve, the Dutch ruler in this inter val. Andros was a firm, and, on the whole, a wise Gov ernor. He abstained from the use of force to bring Western Connecticut under his authority. He cultivated the friendship of the Mohawk Indians, and formed an al liance with the Iroquois, an act of the utmost importance in relation to the great conflict with the French that was sure to come. The new patent that was issued to the Duke of York in 1674, enlarged his authority. He enforced the Navigation Act, and by promoting intercourse with Eng land did much to make New York " the most English in sentiment of the American colonies." In a description of New York, from the pen of Andros, in 1G78, he New York speaks of it as containing twenty-four towns or described by Andros. villages, enumerates its products and exports, and says that the men capable of bearing arms are two thousand in number. He adds : " Religions of all sorts one Church of England, several Presbyterians and Inde pendents, Quakers, and Anabaptists of several sects, some Jews, but Presbyterians and Independents most numer ous and substantial." Under the direction of the Gov ernor, a classis of the Reformed Church was established in New York for the purpose of ordaining ministers. In reference to New Jersey, Andros contended for the juris diction of the Duke there, arrested Carteret, and refused to liberate him after a jury had acquitted him. The dis putes in regard to New Jersey, in connection Dor with complaints against him on some other matters, led to his recall to England, where he was fully exonerated from blame. In 1683, Thomas Dongan, an 192 THE COLONIAL ERA Irish officer, was made Governor. He brought with him instructions to issue writs for an Assembly to share with the Governor and Council in the work of legislation. No tax was to be levied without its sanction. But no act was to be valid without the assent of the Duke. The As- c barter of sembly passed a " charter of liberties and priv- liberhes. ileges," among which was included a guaranty of "freedom of conscience and religion" to those "who profess faith in God by Jesus Christ." The act was ap proved by the Duke, but not until October, 1684. Don- gan was himself a Koman Catholic. As far as the rela tions of New York to the Indians and the French were concerned, he did everything that he could to promote its interests. He made friends with the natives, and baf fled the designs of the French. The Duke of York, on his accession to the throne, as James H., in 1685, abolished the popular Assembly. New York became a royal province instead of New York . . n ., aroyaiprov- a nominal duchy. Ihe treacherous treatment of the Iroquois by the French fortified their alliance with the English. In 1688. Andros arrived on his mission to consolidate the northern colonies under a vice-regal government. On August llth, he began the exercise of his authority in New York. He went to Al bany and renewed the covenant with the Iroquois. He notified the Governor of Canada that the Five Nations would be protected as the subjects of the King of Eng land. The feeling of the Protestant inhabitants of New York was the same as that of Protestants in the other colonies and in England. There was a distrust of James and a belief that his policy of religious toleration was a part of a scheme by which he hoped more effectually to build up the Koman Catholic cause in England, and to advance the dominion of the papacy. When the news of the Revolution of 1688 arrived, the people rose under the NEW YORK TO 1688 193 leadership of a German named Leisler, who seized the fort. The government was placed in his hands. Nichol son, the Deputy Governor, sailed for England. The revolt of Leisler was arbitrary and violent in his pro ceedings. In opposition to him, another government was set up at Albany. As we shall see, it was not until 1692 that the conflicts and dissensions which ensued upon the Revolution passed by, and the province again found itself under a stable government. 13 CHAPTEE X. NEW JERSEY TO 1688 Grant to Berkeley and Carteret Settlement at Elizabeth Settle ment at Newark East Jersey West Jersey Acquired by Penn and His Associates Sale to Penn of Carteret s Rights Scot tish Emigration to East Jersey Effect of the Revolution of 1688. THE immediate gift of the territory of New Jersey by the Duke of York to two courtiers, Lord John Berke ley and Sir George Carteret, proved a fruitful source of contention and injustice. It was called "Nova Cacsarea" in honor of Carteret s brave defence of the island of Jer sey, which he held for Charles II.; but the corresponding English name soon supplanted the Latin. The deed of transfer gave to the two proprietors all the powers which belonged to the Duke, "in as full and ample a manner as they had been possessed by him." For the reason that powers of government were not explicitly mentioned, there was afterward much dispute on the question whether the} r were included in the Duke s grant. In February, 1665, the proprietors prepared an instrument comprising The Consti- " concessions and agreements/ for all present and prospective settlers. This document served as a constitution for the community under their charge. The government was to be lodged in a Gov ernor, Council, and an Assembly of representatives. The Governor and Council were to appoint and remove all officers. They could levy no tax without the consent of NEW JERSEY TO 1688 19f) the Assembly. The Assembly was to frame the laws, which, in order to be valid, must be approved by the Governor, and at the end of a year sanctioned by the Lords Proprietors. Tracts of land were offered to emi grants, male and female, including servants as well as freemen. After 1670, annual quit-rents \vere to be paid by landholders. Oaths of fealty to the King and fidelity to the Lords were required of all freemen. Liberty of conscience was guaranteed. Land was given to par ishes for the support of ministers. Philip Carteret, a relative of Sir George, was made Governor. He brought over with him a small company of settlers, by whom the town of Elizabeth was founded. On arriving at New York in the summer of 1666, Car teret was informed that Nicolls, the Deputy Governor, ignorant of the deed granted by the Duke, had phiiip carter- confirmed certain parties in the possession of et> Governor - a tract of land on the New Jersey shore, west of the strait between Staten Island and the mainland, and also of a tract near Sandy Hook. Middle town and Shrewsbury (in what is now Monmouth County) grew up on the tracts thus bestowed. Carteret and his company found that at the place now called Elizabeth some settlers had already taken up their abode. The publication of the " conces sions " drew additional emigrants from the eastern colo nies. In 1666, on a part of the Elizabethtown tract some of these emigrants planted Newark. They adopted the rule of the New Haven colony, from which they came, that only church members should vote. The New Jersey settlers were at peace with the Indians about them, since these were subordinate to the confederacy of the Five Nations. The first Assembly was convened at Eliza- The firpt As _ bethtown in 1668. Two sessions were held in eembiy. that year. But during the next seven years no meet ings of the Assembly took place. This was probably ow- 196 THE COLONIAL ERA ing to the dissatisfaction of the settlements, which had received their lands from Nicolls s grant, and were not disposed to come into subjection to the rule of the Pro prietors. In 1670, the other towns objected to paying quit-rents. An Assembly was held in 1672, composed of deputies of Elizabethtown and of the places in sympathy with this settlement, but this body was not recognized by the Governor and Council. It proceeded to appoint a "President," to act in the room of a Governor, and James Carteret, a son of Sir George, who was passing through New Jersey, so far disregarded the rights of his father as to accept the place. Governor Philip Carteret repaired to England to make known the situation and to procure a remedy. Messages came from Charles II. and the Duke of York to Deputy-Governor Berry con firming him in his authority, and commanding the set tlers to yield obedience. The effect was the restoration of quiet and union. The Dutch reconquest of New "York, in 1673, brought in no essential changes and caused no commotion in New Jersey. When New York was restored by treaty to the English, the Duke of York confirmed his previous grant to Carteret of his moiety of the territory in East Jersey. In 1676, the line be tween East and West Jersey was defined to run from the " east side of Little Egg Harbor, straight north through the country, to the utmost branch of the Delaware lliver," in 41 40 north latitude. In 1674, Berkeley had disposed of his portion of the un divided province to John Fenwicke, in trust for Edward West Jer- Byllinge, both of them Quakers. By other acts Pennine! ^ BS ^ e an ^ transference, West Jersey became the possession of William Peun and four of his Quaker brethren. In 1677, and in the following year, there was a large emigration of Friends to West Jersey. The Constitution which was prepared for the colony by NEW JERSEY TO 1688 197 Perm contained an emphatic assertion of the doctrine of religious freedom. The right of trial by jury was guar anteed. Executive authority was lodged in a body of commissioners. The power to enact laws was conferred on an Assembly to be chosen by popular vote and to meet yearly. Philip Carteret came back, in 1674, as Governor of East Jersey. Andros, the Duke s Governor in New York, bent on carrying out the provisions of the Navi gation Act, claimed the exclusive right to collect cus toms in East Jersey and to interfere with direct trade there. His negotiations with Carteret produced no re sult. Hence the arrest of the latter, his trial and im prisonment in New York, even after he was acquitted. The decision of the Duke of York was in favor of Car teret, the East Jersey proprietor. The Duke claimed only the reserved rent. The death of Sir George Car teret led to the sale of his rights in East Jer- East Jersey sey, which now became the property of Will- j^^J iam Penn and twenty-three other proprietors. others - Among them were Royalists, Dissenters, and Quakers. This was in March, 1682. Eobert Barclay, an eminent author and leader among the Friends, was appointed Governor, but he remained in England, his Deputy be ing a lawyer, Thomas Rudyard. Rudyard s successor, Lawrie, a London merchant, brought out with him a body of laws, supplementary to the "Concessions." Lawrie wrote to the English Proprietors : " There is not a poor body in all the province, nor [one] that wants." A publication, in 1685, by the Proprietors, setting forth the advantages offered to settlers, led to the emigration of two hundred in one vessel, the Henry and Francis. A visit to Governor Dongan, at New York, established amicable relations between him and Lawrie. In 1684, a "Board of Proprietors," resident in the colony, was 198 THE COLONIAL ERA put in charge of certain details of business which had before been referred to the Proprietors in England. By them the town of Perth Perth-Amboy was built up. In West Jersey, in 1680 and 1681, Edward ByUinge was made Governor, and Samuel Jenings his deputy. The Assembly made the attempt to elect Jenings as Gov ernor, but this claim to choose the Governor was not al lowed in England. There was a large influx of emigrants into East Jersey from Scotland. Lord Neill Campbell, a brother of the Earl of Argyle, was made the successor of Lawrie. He was followed, in 1687, in the same office, by Andrew Ham ilton, who had been a merchant in London. When the purpose of James H., to unite the northern colonies un der one government was discovered, both East Jersey and West Jersey thought it wise to make no resist- annexeci rs< t y o ance. Both provinces were annexed to New New York. y^ By ^ Reyolution Q f 1688j ftnd t]ie overthrow of the government of Andros, the provinces were left under no other control than that of the county and town officers. The Proprietors abstained from re suming their authority. Hamilton at first maintained a kind of neutrality, and soon sailed for England to consult with the Proprietors there. When he reached England he resigned his office as Deputy Governor. CHAPTER XL PENNSYLVANIA TO 1688 Early Life of Perm Grant to Him by James II. Perm s Charter His Constitution The Body of Laws Penn s Treatment of the Indians Emigration to Pennsylvania Religion in the Colony Penn in England Disorder in the Colony Pennsylvania Described. No one of the founders of the English colonies in America who themselves crossed the ocean was in his own time so famous as William Penu. He is asso- , -, ,*, s-i -n -i i William Penn. ciated with George i ox as the second principal leader of the Society of Friends, to whom he was endeared by great services and great sufferings in behalf of their cause. His birth and social position gave him access to people of rank in England, including Charles H. and James H., both of whom, especially the latter, were dis posed, from friendship for his father, to further his plans. The father, Admiral Sir William Penn, on the depo sition of Richard Cromwell had declared for Charles. He distinguished himself by wresting Jamaica from the Spanish in 1655, and, ten years later, in battle against the Dutch. While at Oxford the younger Penn, who in childhood had at times been the subject of strong relig ious emotions, was much influenced by the preaching of Thomas Loe, a Quaker, and after a two years residence was expelled from the University, partly on account of his refusal to attend its regular worship. This brought on him the wrath of his father, who turned him out of 200 THE COLONIAL ERA doors. He was sent by the Admiral, who was by no means implacable, to Paris, to be cured of his folly, as it was deemed, by means of social gayeties. The remedy appears to have been for the time effectual. He mingled in the pleasures of the French court, and during his stay on the Continent visited Italy. Yet, while he was in France, he was taught for a while by Amyraut, a liberal- minded Calvinistic theologian of high repute. Abroad, as well as in his varied experiences at home, he gained an acquaintance with different sorts and conditions of men which proved of essential service to him. After his re turn, he once more met Loe, in Ireland ; his religious feelings were awakened anew, and he espoused, heart and soul, the religious ideas of the Quakers, to whom, through good report and evil report almost exclusively through Perm s char- ev ^ re P r t he forever adhered. Penn united acter. a considerable measure of natural shrewdness with an unaffected clevoutness. The numerous writings that sprung from his prolific pen display, in connection with the mystical vein to be looked for in a believer in "the inner light," an uncommon vitality of thought and style. Like so many of his sect in its early days, while an enemy of war, he was an ardent polemic in the field of debate. He shows a relish for " the joy of strife " the gaudium certaminis when the war is one of words. He is most spirited on his favorite theme, freedom in the concerns of religion. Penn s connection with New Jersey naturally suggested to him schemes of colonization on a larger scale. In these he found a special incentive in a desire to provide a refuge for his persecuted brethren. After the death of Charles Grant to J - a debt of 16,000, which the crown owed to Penn. Admiral Penn, was discharged by a grant of ter ritory to his son. The charter, which was signed on March 4 (O. S.), 1G81, fixed the boundaries of Pennsylvania, a PENNSYLVANIA TO 1688 name which Charles II., desiring to honor the Admiral, insisted on attaching to the region defined in the grant. It included three degrees of latitude and five degrees of longitude on the west of the Delaware, with the excep tion of a district about Newcastle, which was limited by an impossible boundary. As we have already stated, a mistake as to the geographical place of the fortieth par allel was made in the stipulation. Penn claimed what was finally adjudged to be his the lands on the Dela ware which had been settled by the Dutch and the Swedes. He wanted the waters and shores of the river and bay of Delaware to the ocean, and this concession he obtained, in 1682, from the Duke of York by deeds of enfeoffment. The three counties of Delaware, or " the territories," as Delaware, in distinction from the Pennsylvania grant, was called, were thus annexed to his dominion, but held by a different tenure. By the charter, Penn, as Proprietary, was made Gov ernor. He was empowered to make laws with the ad vice, assent, and approbation of the Freemen of the said countrey, or the greater parte of them, or of Perm s char- their Delegates or Deputies." A transcript of all the laws was to be submitted to the Crown for ap proval within five years after their enactment. If within six months they should be declared inconsistent with the rights of the sovereign or with English law, they were to become void. Penn was authorized to appoint subor dinate officers, including "judges and justices," and to grant pardons. But appeals to the sovereign were to be in all cases lawful. No taxes or imposts of any sort were to be assessed on the people except with the consent of the Proprietary, " or chiefe governor and assembly, or by act of Parliament in England ; " but the English " Lawes of Trade or Navigation " were to be inviolably main tained. Penn was obliged to agree to a clause providing 202 THE COLONIAL ERA that on the petition of twenty persons a preacher or preachers might be sent out for their instruction "by the Bishop of London, and that they should be permitted to reside in the province, " without any deniall or moles tation whatever." A proclamation of the King, directed to the province, declared that Penn had been entrusted with the powers of government. An address was also issued by Penn himself. He declared that the Penn s ad dress. Governor would not aim to increase his own fortune, and had an " honest mind to do uprightly." " You shall be governed," he said, " by laws of your own making." " I shall not usurp the right of any, or op press his person." These pledges were honorably fulfilled. A cousin of Penn, William Markham, was sent out as Deputy Governor. On August 31, 1682, Penn in person, Penn oes to w ^ n a large body of Quaker colonists, in three his province, ships, set sail for his province. The farewell letter which he wrote to his wife and children is full of wisdom and tenderness. Markham had sent back highly encouraging reports of the health of the country, of its fertility, and of the abundance of game found there. Before the coming of Penn, settlers, some of them Quak ers from Wales, had arrived in considerable numbers. The site of the capital had been chosen the peninsula between the Delaware and the Schuylkill. After Penn s arrival, Philadelphia was laid out, and its streets marked out in the rectangular style. At Newcastle, Penn took formal possession of Delaware, and then passed up the river to Chester. Before leaving England he had drawn Penn s con- U P the sketch of a constitution. His spirit stitution. was democratic. " Any government," he said, "is free to the people under it (whatever be the frame) where the laws rule the people, and the people are a party to these laws ; and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy, or confusion. . . . Liberty without obedi- PENNSYLVANIA TO 1688 203 ence is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slav ery." The first Assembly met at Chester. Penn, in con formity to his purpose to include the Delaware counties under his jurisdiction, had caused them to send to it their delegates. At this Assembly, Perm s Frame of Gov ernment, modified in some particulars, and a body of laws were sanctioned. It was provided that there should be a Governor, a Provincial Council, and an Assembly of Free men. Subsequently, the power to negative laws initiated by the Assembly was conceded to the Governor. Offices were made elective. There was a guaranty of religious freedom, but abstinence from labor on the Sabbath was required. Murder was to be punished with death. Ac cused persons were to be tried by jury. Indians charged with crime were to have the same right, and in their case half of the jury was to be of their own race. Peacemak ers were to be chosen in the several counties to adjust differences of a minor character. There was to be no law of primogeniture. No tax was to be levied without au thority of law. Bevels, bull-baiting, cock-fighting, stage- plays, lotteries, drunkenness, duelling, profane swearing, and " health-drinking " were forbidden. The care of the poor and the humane treatment of prisoners were pro vided for. It was ordained that the laws should be taught to the children in the schools. Certain changes at the second Assembly, in the scheme of government, called out a warm protest from one prominent man, Nicholas More. In later times they were sharply criticised by Franklin. The just and benevolent spirit which dictated all the proceedings of Penn in relation to the colonists was con spicuous in his dealings with the Indians. He Treatment O f won their confidence by himself visiting them the Indi acs. in their wigwams. In June, 1683, he held a conference with leading native chiefs at Shackamaxon. At that time 204 THE COLONIAL ERA he made a considerable purchase of land. In his con tracts with the natives he was frank and fair. Conse quently they trusted him and loved him. It is true that the character and circumstances of the neighboring In dians were such as to favor the establishment of friendly relations with them. Yet the continued amity between the two races was owing, in no small degree, to the equi table policy of the founder of the colony. In 1683, there arrived a small company of German Mennonites, most of whom were linen-weavers. A learned young lawyer from Germany, Pasto- Emigration . v -u i j I i 1 T ,1 to Pennsyi- mis, who belonged to a class of devout Luther ans denominated Pietists, and acted in part as the agent of a Frankfort Land Company, began the settle ment of Germantown. In conjunction with some others, in 1688, he sent to the Friends meeting a written pro test against the purchase and sale of slaves. Penn was unwearied in his exertions to promote the advancement of the colony. It grew more rapidly in numbers than any other colony had grown except Massachusetts. In 1685, there were upwards of seven thousand inhabitants, somewhat more than one-half of whom were of English extraction. Among the people there were Dutch, French, Scotch-Irish, Finns, and Swedes. At the end of a year and a half one hundred and fifty houses had been built in Philadelphia. In 1684, the number of houses had risen to three hundred and fifty-seven. In 1683, a school was established where the pupils paid moderate fees for in struction. A brisk trade sprung up. There was a begin ning of commerce with some of the West India Islands. There was a division of the province into counties and townships. Early in 1684, Penn could say, with par donable satisfaction : " I have led the greatest colony into America that ever any man did upon a private credit, and the most prosperous beginnings that ever were in TO 1688 205 it are to be found among us." Keligious differences had not created disturbance. The Swedes had their own wor ship. The Dutch had a church at Newcastle. Quaker meetings had been held as early as 1675. The first meeting at Philadelphia was held in 1683. A little later the Baptists began to establish churches. In 1684, Penn returned to England to advance the in terests of his colony there, and to look after the con test respecting boundaries in which he was p en n in Bag- engaged with Lord Baltimore. The death of land - Charles IT. had the effect to increase Penn s influence at Court. James IE. did not forget a dying request of Admiral Penn that he would befriend his son. Penn approved the Declaration of Indulgence by the King, which the most discerning Protestants considered as not only an unconstitutional stretch of the royal preroga tive, but also as an element in a plot for their final reduction under the authority of Rome. It should be remarked that the charges of base conduct which were made by Macaulay against Penn sprang from a con founding of names, and are without foundation. In Penn s absence the colony was to be governed by the Council, of which Thomas Lloyd, a prudent man, was the President. Turbulent scenes soon arose. The Proprietary system began to be unpopular, a nces U fn as happened in the other colonies where it was Penne y lvania - established. The Assembly showed signs of impatience under feudal rule, and embarked in various schemes of legislation which engendered strife. Nicholas More, the Chief Justice, was impeached on the charge of partiality and violence, and was expelled from the Assembly, of which he was a member. By order of the Assembly, Eob- inson, the clerk of the Court, w r as arrested for refusing to produce his records. The Council would remove neither 206 THE COLONIAL EIIA of them from office. Penn sent over an earnest remon strance, occasioned by the animosities and quarrels that prevailed. They had operated, he said, to prevent emi gration. His own quit-rents were left unpaid, and only a part of the imposts due to him w r as collected. The giving of executive power into the hands of five members of the Council, in 1686, having produced little change for the better, Penn appointed Captain John Blackwell Lieuten ant-Governor. Blackwell was honest, but was without tact, quarrelled both with the Assembly and the Council, and withdrew at the end of nine months. A contemporary "Description of Pennsylvania and of its Capital," printed in England in 1698, speaks of Philadel- Pennsvivania phi a as containing many " stately houses, and described. o f brick," " several fine squares and courts." The principal streets, writes the author, take their names " from the trees that formerly grew there." " It hath in it three fairs every 3 ear, and two markets every week." Between the principal market-towns, Chester and the others, " the water-men constantly ply their wherries." There is a " great and extended traffique and commerce " with the other colonies, the West Indies, and Old Eng land. All the useful trades and occupations are prose cuted. " Of lawyers and physicians," says the narrator, " I shall have nothing to say, because the country is very peaceable and healthy." He tells us that there are sev eral good schools of learning for youth in Philadelphia. " There are no beggars to be seen, nor, indeed, have any here the least temptation to take up that scandalous, lazy life." The description by this author, who had re sided in the colony for fifteen years, is enthusiastic throughout, but rests on a substantial basis of fact. PART II. FROM THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION OF 1688 TO 1756 CHAPTEK XH. THE EFFECT ON THE COLONIES OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1G88 Result of the Revolution of 1688 King and Parliament The Co lonial Governments Spirit of the Colonial Houses of Dele gates Navigation Laws French and Indian Wars French Explorations French Claims to Louisiana Movements in the Direction of Colonial Union. THE colonies, which had impatiently submitted to the tyranny of Charles IL and James LI., did not reap all the benefits which they expected from the Revo lution that raised William and Mary to the the Kevoiu- throne. It is true that they were delivered * from the anxiety which they had felt, in common with the Protestants in England, lest the insidious exertions of the sovereign to establish in power the Eoman Catholic religion should prove successful. Moreover, the fear that the Anglican prelacy might extend its authority over the Puiitan communities on this side of the ocean, at the cost of their ecclesiastical freedom, was now dissipated. William himself was a Calvinist. He had grown up in a church Presbyterian in its polity. The doctrine of Tol- 208 THE COLONIAL ERA eration was so far legalized at the Revolution that a rea sonable apprehension, which had never been absent since the planting of New England, was now at an end. The Bill of Rights, the great charter of the English Revolu tion, and other measures which followed the adoption of it, abridged the extent and defined the limits of regal authority. The King was no longer to have the right to suspend laws, or the execution of laws. Standing ar mies in time of peace, without consent of Parliament, were made illegal. It was ordained that there should be frequent meetings of Parliament. It was settled that con trol over the public purse should rest with the House of Commons. The " Civil List " was established, which was made up mainly from the hereditary revenues of the Crown ; but laws for taxation, and all acts for the appropriation of money for carrying forward the govern ment, must originate in the Lower House, and be passed if passed at all by the Lords without amendment. What is especially noteworthy, all grants, the Civil List, of course, excepted, were to be made annually. The House of Commons was rapidly acquiring the complete predominance which, at the beginning of the Hanove rian rule, made the ministers of the monarch its agents, rising to power and falling from power according to the will of the dominant party. The colonial governments were constituted after the pattern of the government of the mother-country. There The colonial was a governor in P lace of the king a gover- governments. nor W ] 1O was appointed in the royal provinces by him a Council, answering in a general way to the Up per House of Parliament, and a House of Representatives chosen by the people, corresponding to the Commons in England. Whoever studies the colonial history from this date cannot fail to remark the constant striving of the colonial houses of delegates to limit the royal power OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1688 209 and to control public affairs, after the model of English precedents as they were shaped by the Revolution. But William chafed under the fetters that were King aud laid upon his prerogative, especially when he Parliament, found himself embarrassed by them in the prosecution of the great contest in Europe against the ambition and aggressions of Louis XIV. In this protracted conflict William s heart was absorbed. For the sake of the un ion that was effected between Holland and England, and the advantage thus gained in this European struggle, he was glad to accept the English throne. He wanted to wield the whole strength of the coalition of which he was the head, without being hindered in his operations by the obstructive or dilatory action of Parliament. As re gards the colonies, it was not in his thoughts to allow to them the degree of independence and self-government which belonged to Parliament in its relation to the Crown. The king s ministers and Parliament were in agreement on this subject. The antagonism that almost constantly de veloped itself between the popular branch of the legisla ture in the colonies, which was bent on exer- R 0ya i gov . cising a large measure of freedom, and the cSonfai & as- royal governors and the officials in England to semblies - whom the governors were responsible, was an inevitable effect of the opposite ideas entertained by the respective factors in the government. A chronic source of discon tent in the colonies was the Navigation Laws. N av i ga tion The English merchants were determined to Laws - keep the foreign trade of the colonies exclusively in their own hands. These laws were considered by the colonists to be unjust and oppressive, and there was little scruple about evading and disregarding them. Another standing topic of contention, which the his tory of Massachusetts perpetually brings before us, was the demand, kept up for a long period, and the deter- 210 THE COLONIAL ERA mined refusal on the part of the local legislature, to ap point a fixed salary for the Governor, in the room of Governors an annual appropriation, the amount of which ies * varied according to the pleasure of the deputies of the people. The motives on both sides were mutually understood, though it was only on certain occasions that they were avowed. The Home Government aimed to make the judgment and conduct of the Governor inde pendent of the popular will ; the people were resolved not to surrender the influence which their control over the emoluments of the Governor enabled them to bring to bear upon him. Practically the exclusive control of the local legislature in the whole matter of domestic tax ation was conceded. Yet the English laws imposing duties on imports, and the laws relative to post-office ar rangements, when these laws were framed, were forms of indirect taxation. One who reads the story of the bickerings and graver disputes between the Home Gov ernment and the colonies, from the accession of William and Mary to the beginning of the American Revolution, might naturally imagine that the colonies, or Indepen- J . . d e n c e not some of them, were consciously aiming all the while at absolute independence of the mother- country. This accusation has often been made. Yet it is wholly untrue. Franklin told Lord Chatham, in 1775, that in all his intercourse with all sorts of people in the colonies, he had never heard a desire to separate from England expressed. John Adams s testimony is of the same general purport. Such proofs, in the absence of contradictory evidence, are conclusive. Minds capable of a prophetic glance might foresee in the distant future, as the result of a natural progress, the development of an American empire. Sir Thomas Browne is one of those who predicted such an event. Bishop Berkeley, in his verses on the march of empire westward, may have had OF THE DEVOLUTION OF 1688 211 a presentiment of it. But such dreams, if they existed at all on this side of the Atlantic, are something quite different from a practical aim or wish to realize them by a rupture between England and her American depend encies. In the mother-country it was often honestly felt and openly declared that the colonies were prone to com plain of reasonable laws and exactions, and showed in gratitude for the protection afforded them. It is true that they owed their exemption from the danger of being subjugated by other European powers to the safeguard afforded by the flag of England. It is true that in the repeated and prolonged wars with Canada, the colonies were aided by the troops and ships of England. But when this fact was brought up, it was replied that the colonies were strong enough to cope with New France, that it was only the bringing over of French forces from abroad that made English assistance necessary, and that for the existence of these intercolonial wars the colo nies were not responsible. They sprung out of exigencies in European politics out of wars of England with the continental monarchies, in which the colonies had no special concern. It is undeniable that the effect of the English Kevolu- tion was to plunge the colonies into costly and desolating conflicts with the French in Canada and their Fre p Ch and Indian allies. Almost ruinous expenses were Indian warf< - incurred, and terrible sufferings were endured, especially by New England and New York, where border ssttle- ments, with intervals of comparative quiet, for the greater part of a century were exposed to the murderous inroads of savage foes, instigated and directed by their white superiors. Shortly after the accession jam s r war, of William, England declared war against France. Such a war of necessity included a struggle be tween the rival nations for dominion in the New World. 212 THE COLONIAL ERA This contest, the first in the series, went on until the Peace of Ryswick in 1697. Four years later, the second n,^,>r, AO> Q war commenced, which was waged for twelve ^llCCD. AHTIG S War, 1702-13. years, and was brought to an end by the Peace of Utrecht in 1713. Hostilities began anew in 1744, and the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, by which they w r ere King George s c l Qse d, was little more than a truce. The be- War, 1T44-48. ginnings of the fourth of the intercolonial wars, a war of seven years, which led to the English conquest of Canada, fall chronologically within the compass of the present volume. But the border warfare of and 6 iSu the colonies with the French and Indians was not confined within the limits designated above. It often preceded or extended beyond them. Moreover, when armed incursions on one side and the other, and midnight massacres by stealthy bands of savages were, for longer or shorter periods, suspended, there was no cer tainty that they might not at any time be renewed. There was almost unceasing anxiety and the need of continual vigilance and costly preparations. The great obstacle to the spread of New France to the South and West was the enmity of the powerful confed- French e x- eracy of the Iroquois, or Five Nations, to which pioratiim. were added, in 1713, another kindred tribe, the Tuscaroras from North Carolina. When Louis XIV. took the reins of administration in his own hand, a new activity was imparted to French exploration. Courcelles was made Governor of Canada, and the Iroquois for a while abstained from their attacks. The Jesuits and their rivals, the Kecollets, a branch of the Franciscan or der, were intrepid and unwearied in planting their mis sionary stations along the borders of the Great Lakes. There sprang up a chain of French forts and settlements as far as the site of St. Louis, on the Mississippi. Fa ther Marquette, accompanied by Joliet, a trader, and five OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1688 213 other Frenchmen, sailed down the Wisconsin, entered the great river, and descended it as far as the mouth of the Arkansas. They returned by the Illinois to Chicago, and to Green Bay by crossing Lake Michigan. In 1680, the companions of La Salle ascended the Missis- sippi to the Falls of St. Anthony. La Salle himself, who had built a fort, which he called St. Louis, and given to the country on the banks of the Missis sippi the name of Louisiana, in honor of the King of France, afterward, in 1682, descended the river to the Gulf. Furnished with a frigate and three other vessels, he sailed from France in 1684, but missed the entrance to the Mississippi, and landed somewhere in Texas. Fail ing in his search for the river by exploring the country about him, he set out to return to Canada by land, but at the end of three months he was murdered by two of his own men. The men who were left at St. Louis perished. The expeditions of La Salle furnished the basis of the French claim to the whole vast region called by them Louisiana. After the Peace of Eyswick, Dlb- Freilch claim erville, a Canadian, was put in charge of an to Louisiana, expedition for establishing a settlement at the mouth of the Mississippi. In 1696, he passed a fort which the Spanish had erected three years before, on the bay of Pensacola, and succeeded in planting a company of set tlers on the shores of Biloxi. Most of them removed, in 1702, to Mobile, on the bay of the same name, where they formed the first settlement within the present borders of Alabama. In an interval of peace with the Iroquois, a fort and settlement were established at Detroit. French villages were planted between the mouths of the Ohio and the Illinois. Meantime the French abandoned none of their claims in the East. They claimed an exclusive right to fish on the coast as far as the mouth of the Kennebec. Among the Norridgewocks on the Upper Kennebec they 214 THE COLONIAL ERA founded a missionary station, which was under the charge of the educated and accomplished Jesuit priest, Sebastian Easles. He gained such an ascendency that the tribe was devoted to the interests of the French. Such, in brief, were the pretensions of France as regards America in the early years of the eighteenth century. In numbers and resources Canada was much weaker than the English colonies. Much depended on the amount of aid that might be derived from France. The long English bor der, with its scattered settlements, furnished the Cana dians with great advantages for the sudden incursions which it was impossible to foresee, and which carried de vastation and slaughter into so many peaceful hamlets. It Reasons for was a v ^ a ^ ma ^ter with the colonists to be united colonial uu- i n using their means of resistance, and in de vising plans of attack. Movements in the di rection of political union it was therefore the interest of both the English government and its American subjects to promote. On the other hand, the colonies had to guard against schemes of union or consolidation which would involve the loss of that self-government which they so dearly prized, and bind upon them more strongly the fetters of commercial servitude under which they chafed. Besides, there was a great deal in the slowness of inter course between the several colonies, and the tenacity of local ideas and aims, that tended to keep them apart. Yet it was, in fact, the situation in reference to New France that gave rise to a series of conventions in which governors or commissioners from a larger or smaller num ber of colonies assembled for consultation and to arrange for combined action. Such congresses, having for their special business treaty arrangements with the Iroquois, met at Albany in 1684, in 1694, in 1711, in 1722, in 1748, and in 1751 ; and a like congress of commissioners from Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, met at Lancaster, OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1688 215 Pennsylvania, in 1744. In 1709, a convention of several governors was held at New London, to consult in refer ence to a proposed expedition to Canada. A convention for the same object assembled at the same place in 1711. More significant than previous assemblages of this kind was the congress that met at Albany in 1754, in which Franklin was the leading spirit; and which was intended not only to unite the Five Nations in closer bonds of amity with the English, but also to form "articles of union and confederation with each other for the mutual defence of his Majesty s subjects and interests in North America, as well in time of peace as war." The commis sioners were chosen by the Assemblies of the colonies that were represented. In the history of this convention, as elsewhere, it is evident how the sense of the necessity of union for common defence, and for devising and carry ing out effective measures for repelling the enemy and for the conquest of Canada, w r as qualified by the risk to local liberty, and the danger of an increased measure of sub jection to England, which it was felt that the schemes of confederation involved. CHAPTEK NEW ENGLAND FROM 16S8 TO 1756 Board of Trade and Plantations French and Indian Attacks Un successful Attempt on Canada Massachusetts Fails to Regain her Charter The New Charter of Massachusetts The Witch craft Delusion The Government of Phips Bellomont In roads of French and Indians Separation of New Hampshire from Massachusetts Rhode Island under Bellomont Dudley Queen Anne s War Rhode Island under Dudley Connect icut Shute Explanatory Charter of Massachusetts New Hampshire and Connecticut The" Great Revival" Belcher Connecticut and Rhode Island Burnet Shirley Renew al of Hostilities with France Capture of Louishurg The Albany Congress Military Expeditions New Hampshire and Connecticut. THE revolution in Massachusetts which followed upon the news of the revolution in England, left that colony without a legal government. Although the charters of Connecticut and Ehode Island had been given up, they had not been annulled by a judicial decree. But the charter of Massachusetts had been vacated by the verdict of the English courts. It was entirely uncertain whether it would be restored b} T a new royal grant. In England, a new impetus was given to the commercial interest by the accession of William and Mary. A fresh zeal was consequently awakened in behalf of the en- Tradcf and forcement of the Navigation Laws. One con- Pjantations. se q uence was the committing of the whole management of colonial affairs to a new "Board of Trade and Plantations," composed of fifteen members. In the NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 175G 217 ample list of their powers was included the authority and the duty " to scrutinize the acts of colonial legislatures." While political affairs in the northern colonies were in an unsettled state, there was a neglect to make adequate preparation for the renewed contest with the French. Three months after the accession of William, England de clared war against France. Early in 1689, Frontenac, an able and energetic man, was for the second time made Governor of New France. He pro ceeded to organize three expeditions against the English settlements. One of them, consisting, as usual, of French and Indians, surprised the village of Schenec- tady by night. There ensued a massacre Winch lasted for two hours. Sixty persons, of tack8 all ages and both sexes, were killed. Thirty persons were carried off as captives. All the houses but two were burned. Another attack, attended with like horrors, was made on the village of Salmon Falls, in Dover. A third party made its way from Quebec to Casco Bay, in Maine, and captured the garrison of the fort there. A little later an assault was made upon Exeter, where a consid erable number of persons were killed. An expedition from Massachusetts, under the command of Sir William Phips, in eight small vessels, captured Port Royal, in Acadia, and demolished the French fort at thVmouth of the ixt-John s River. Delegates from the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New York met. at New York, on May 1, 1G90, to concert measures against the enemy. A plan for the conquest of New France was one of the ,; ., ., Unsnccesp- results of the conference. On August 9th, a f " ] attempt fleet of thirty-two vessels, containing two thou sand men, sailed from Nantasket, near Boston, to make an attack on Quebec. A simultaneous attack was to be made on Montreal by a body of troops from Connecticut 218 THE COLONIAL ETCA and New York, in conjunction with a force of Iroquois Indians. This overland expedition unhappily proved a failure. Owing to a variety of hindrances it advanced no farther than Lake Cham plain. Finding Montreal re leased from peril, Erontenac hastened back from that place to Quebec, and reinforcements for his troops then followed him. Small-pox broke out among the crews of the colonial ships, the ships were damaged by tempestu ous weather, and Phips was compelled to return without accomplishing anything, and with a loss of about a thou- issueofpa- sand men. One of the worst incidents of this SiassTchu 1 - unsuccessful attempt at conquest was the issue by Massachusetts of paper money, in the shape of bills of credit, for the payment of the soldiers. They soon fell to two-thirds of their nominal value. This was one of a series of legislative measures of the same kind, which deranged the business of the colony, and drove its government to the verge of bankruptcy. It must be said that the authorities in England, and their official repre sentatives in the colony, set themselves in opposition to these mistaken and ruinous measures, put a check upon them, and finally did much to put an end to them. Massachusetts was anxious for the restoration of her charter. It had been hoped that, if the Canadian expe- Maesachu- dition were successful, a favorable impression reeain ail h e r wou ^ ^ e produced in England. This hope, charter. o f course, was frustrated. The agent of the colony in London, Increase Mather, was the leading min ister of the colony and President of the College. Two others were now associated with him, Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes. No efforts were spared by these com missioners to secure favorable action. A bill for the restoration of charters, in which New England was ex pressly included, passed the Commons, but Parliament was prorogued before it reached the Lords. The Gen- NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 219 eral Court in Massachusetts, as a conciliator}- measure, opened a little wider the door to citizenship. But as time went on, the adverse party in London grew stronger. There had come to exist in Massachusetts itself a minor ity, in which were included a portion at least of the later and more wealthy immigrants, that did not care to see the old system of rule re-established, and was willing to leave affairs more under foreign direction. Andros and his fellow-captives, on their arrival in England, did their best to deepen and extend the existing prejudices against the colon} . Katcliffe, the Episcopal clergyman, who had also returned to England, lent what help he could in the same direction. The mercantile class were decidedly averse to the colonial freedom that involved danger to their monopoly. The King himself was not of a mind to lessen his prerogatives. At length, late in The n e w 1691, it was settled that there should be a new ^ s a b r * e c r h charter for the province of "Massachusetts 8etts - Bay." Plymouth colony was included in the charter, and from this time ceased to exist as a distinct community. The Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary were to be appointed by the King. In the Lower House two deputies were to sit from each town. The Council, the up per branch of the Legislature, was to be appointed from year to year by the General Court, subject to the Gover nor s approval. The Governor might reject the bills passed by the Legislature. The King, also, at any time within three years, might annul such enactments. Courts of Admiralty were to be constituted by the Crown, and to try cases without a jury. Other courts except Probate Courts, which were to be constituted by the Governor and Council were to be established by the General Court. A provision was made for appeals in certain cases to the King in Council. The religious qualification for voters was no longer to continue. A property qualifi- 220 THE COLONIAL ERA cation was substituted for it. This was a very important feature of the new charter. To the General Court was given the right to impose and levy taxes. This provision, with the right conferred on the Court where the rep resentatives would form the majority to nominate the members of the Council, were the two features of the charter in which the friends of popular rights had most reason to rejoice. The agents of the colony in England, and the people of the colony, had to bear the disappoint ment which their inability to recover the old charter in flicted. To Mather was given the privilege of naming Phi s a ^ e new on ^ cers to be appointed by the Crown. pointed GOV- At his request, Sir William Phips was made emor. Governor. The old charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island were left untouched. When Phips arrived in the Province which he was to govern, he found the people in the midst of the excite ment occasioned b the witchcraft delusion. craft 6 chju- The reality of witchcraft, or of wicked leagues made by human souls with Satan, was still generally accepted, and the supposed crime was con demned in the legislation of all Christian countries. So great a judge as Sir Matthew Hale, and a divine so kindly and intelligent as Richard Baxter, had no doubts on the subject. With the dawn of the eighteenth century, this old faith began to fade ; yet later than the middle of the century another most eminent jurist, Blackstone, and another famous divine, John Wesley, are among those who lent it an undoubting sanction. The date of the beginning of the troubles in Massachusetts on this sub ject was four years earlier than the arrival of Phips, in the last year of the rule of Andros. Several children in Boston professed to be " bewitched." Increase Mather, some years before, had touched on the subject of witch craft in a book which he had written. Now his son, Cot- KE\V ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 221 ton Mather, a minister only less prominent than his father, interested himself in these strange phenomena. Cotton Mather was a man of restless temper- Cotton Ma _ ment, credulous, and fond of praise. But the ther - part which he took in the witchcraft proceedings has been sometimes overstated. If he was superstitious he was not cruel. It ought to be remembered to his credit that when inoculation was first introduced into Boston, he stood by Dr. Boylston against most of the medical faculty, favored the new remedy, and braved public opinion, even when the mob threatened to attack his dwelling. Cotton Mather s " Essays to do Good " was one of the books to which Benjamin Franklin was dis posed to ascribe much of the usefulness of his subsequent life. Several years elapsed before the witchcraft prose cutions began in Salem, where Parris, a minister in a part of the town which was afterward called Danvers, was most active in fomenting the delusion. Not less than a hundred persons accused of witchcraft were in jail at the time when Phips assumed his office. He constituted a Special Court to try the cases. It consisted of seven magistrates, with Stoughton, a man of narrow mind, honest, fanatical, and of inflexible obstinacy, at its head. Accusations were made against persons in other towns besides Salem. Among the accused who suffered death by the sentence of the newly created tribunal was one respectable minister, and other persons hitherto held in esteem by their neighbors. Not a few, bewildered by the pressure of accusation and by testimony which they knew not how to rebut, or seeing no other way to save their lives, confessed themselves guilty. Subsequently, when the time of danger was past, confessions thus made were retracted. By the time that the General Court assembled, which was in October, the sway of the delusion was broken. Twenty innocent persons had been sacri- 222 THE COLONIAL ERA ficed. Charges had begun to be made against persona of high social standing, and of unblemished reputation. The community was appalled, and the conviction spread that there must be a mistake at the root of these shocking transactions. The Special Court was superseded, and a regular tribunal constituted in its place. After this time, the few who were found guilty were pardoned. A few years later, a General Fast was appointed in Repentance. ., , , , . . . . , the colony, for the errors into which magis trates and people had been betrayed " by Satan and his instruments " in the recent " tragedy," as it was termed. On that day Sewall, who had sat as one of the judges with Stoughton, and was afterward Chief Justice of the colony, arose in his pew in the Old South Church, and stood while the minister read from the pulpit the con fession which he had framed of his own accord, and in which he acknowledged and deplored the sin of ignorance that he had committed in connection with the witchcraft trials. There are few more impressive and characteristic scenes in Puritan history than the spectacle of this con scientious and upright man standing before the congre gation, with bowed head, and making public confession of errors into which he had unwittingly fallen. Phips was a native of Maine. He was of a family of twenty-six children by the same mother, twenty-one of The ov wnom were sons. Having been apprenticed by ernment of his father, who was a gunsmith, to a ship car penter, he became a seaman. He formed and successfully carried out a plan for fishing up a Spanish vessel; loaded with treasure, which had been wrecked on the coast of Hispaniola. He conveyed the plate and jewels to England, and divided the spoil liberally with the participants in the enterprise. For this achievement he was knighted. Phips was an honest friend of the colony, but was a man of moderate capacity and of a NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 223 hasty temper. He knocked down in the street, and beat with a cane, one Short, the captain of a frigate who had made a great commotion by undertaking to impress sea men. He had a quarrel with Brenton, who had been ap pointed, against the will of the merchants, Collector of the port of Boston. Phips was summoned to England. There he continued to be held in esteem, but before it could be decided whether he should resume his office, he died. There was no end to the depredations of the French and Indians. In 1694, Castine was Inroa< js of captured, and a part of the English captives J|Jg^ and were slain. On March 15, 1697, the savages made an attack upon Haverhill. Among their captives was Hannah Dustin. The savages dashed out the brains of her infant, a week old. When far on their way to Canada, she, with her nurse and an English boy, in the night, when her keepers were sound asleep, slew them with their own hatchets, and with her companions made her escape. It was estimated that in the ten years prior to the peace of Eyswick, more than seven hundred Eng lishmen had been killed, and more than two hundred car ried off into captivity. In 1697, Bellomont, an Earl in the Irish peerage, was appointed Governor of New York and New Jersey, Massa chusetts and New Hampshire. He was made . ., ,. Bellomont. commander of the forces of all the colonies. It was felt in England that energetic measures must be taken to suppress piracy, and to unite the colonies for effective action against France. Bellomont was manly and generous, although of a chol eric temper. Privateering, which had flourished during- the contest with France, easily ran into piratical depreda tions, and the seas were infested with lawless freebooters. Bellomont succeeded in seizing the person of Captain Kidd, who, having been entrusted with a commission to 224 THE COLONIAL EKA capture piratical vessels, had turned pirate himself. He was sent to England, where he was condemned and exe cuted. To secure the collection of customs, Randolph was appointed, in 1698, Surveyor-General in the north ern ports of America. About the same time, a law was passed in England which prohibited not only the ex portation of wool, and everything made of wool, to for eign countries from the colonies, but also the transporta tion of these articles from one colony to another. It was the policy of English statesmen to weaken, rather than increase, the power and influence of Mas- New Hamp- sachusetts. In 1692, New Hampshire became ldf?o 8 m P Ma8- a separate colony. Samuel Allen, who had sachusetts. bought the claims of Mason, was appointed Governor, with Usher, his son-in-law, to rule in his ab sence as Lieutenant-Governor. Nothing but the courage of ths colonists and their unconquerable perseverance, enabled them to hold their ground under the continual assaults of their Indian foes. "Usher had a contest with the people on the titles to the lands, and a quarrel with the Massachusetts Governor, Phips. Usher had made up his mind to lay down his office ; but when Partridge, his successor, arrived, he changed his purpose. The Board of Trade sustained Partridge, who, in 1699, be came the Lieutenant-Governor under Bellomont. The question of the land-claims was at length referred to the English authorities in England. Usher was the advocate of Allen s claims, and William Vaughan, a man highly es teemed, represented the colony. In Rhode Island, Samuel Cranston, who was first chosen Governor in 1697, continued in office for thirty Rhode isi- years. There was a contest with Phips on Bellomont. the subject of the command of the Rhode Isl and militia, which had been given to him in his commis sion. Bellomont was extremely dissatisfied with Rhode NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 225 Island because of the shelter offered to pirates in Narra- gansett Bay. In his letters to England he denounced in the strongest language the weakness of the government there, the disregard of law, and the general ignorance and disorder of the people. The successor of Bellomont was Joseph Dudley. Af ter his departure from Massachusetts he had held for a time the office of Chief Justice in New York. Having returned to New York, he was exceed ingly desirous of gaining the appointment of Governor in his native colony, where he had been for five months a prisoner. He was able and industrious, and obtained the support of the dissenting interest in England. Even the Mathers favored his appointment. He received his commission from Queen Anne, and arrived in Boston in 1702. He held the office for thirteen years. During the greater part of this time, he was engaged in a contest with the General Court, or with the lower branch of it. He persisted in his demand, which with equal constancy was refused, that he should have a stated salary. He re quired, but without success, the rebuilding of the Pem- aquid fort in Maine. He obstructed the House in the choice of a Speaker. On the accession of Anne the war with France was renewed, and there followed another long series of Indian attacks upon the border settlements of New England. A signal example of these Indian atro . atrocities, and yet but one among many, was dties - the assault upon Deerneld in the winter of 1704, when six ty persons were killed, and one hundred, including the minister with his wife, were led off as captives through the snows to Canada. The wife fell on the way, from physical weakness, and was killed by an Indian s hatchet. An expedition under Colonel March for the capture of Port Royal, which was organized by Dudley in 1707, and consisted of a thousand men, proved a failure. Three 13 Opposition to Dudley. 226 THE COLONIAL ERA years later a force of New ED gland troops, aided by a regiment of royal marines, captured that place. The Abortive nex t J ear > another great expedition, led by SSnef can- Hill, an incompetent English commander an ada. expedition which cost Massachusetts a great outlay of men and money suffered such disasters on the St. Lawrence as to prevent it from reaching Quebec, while the force that was simultaneously to operate against Montreal could do nothing more than to effect a safe retreat. The opposition to Dudley in Massa chusetts was led by an able advocate of pop- u l ar rights, Elisha Cooke. The Mathers be came extremely hostile to the Governor. This was largely owing to disputes relating to the College, in which he withstood them, and the outcome of which was the overthrow of their ascendency. In various ways it appeared that the ancient authority of the clergy was de clining. In 1709, Dudley reported that when he arrived the colony contained fifty thousand inhabitants. In 1710, an Act of Parliament established a General Post- Office "in all her Majesty s dominions " in America. Some ar rangements had previously been made, at different times, for the carrying of letters. Among the devices occa sioned by the disordered state of the currency was a project for a " Private Bank " whose bills of credit were to be based on mortgages of real estate. This futile scheme was crushed, not without considerable loss to its contrivers. In New Hampshire a stated salary was granted to Dudley. He found it hopeless, however, to procure obe- New Hamp- dience to the laws regulating trade. Usher shire. became Lieutenant - Governor in 1704. The Mason claims continued to be a subject of angry conten tion and of litigation. A liberal offer was made by the province for the settlement of them, but Allen, in whose NEW ENGLAND FROM 1G88 TO 1756 221 han&s they were held, died before it could be accepted. After the death of his son, which followed, no further at tempts were made to enforce the claims, and the people were left to possess their farms in peace. Usher was at variance both with the New Hampshire colonists and with Dudley*. When Dudley left his office, he was dis placed. Rhode Island had the same troubles under Dudley as under Bellomont, respecting the suppression of piracy and the command of the militia. He styled , , , . , . Rhode Isl- the province "a receptacle of rogues and pi- and under rates." There was complaint in Massachusetts I that Rhode Island did not do her part in the struggle with the Indians. But as the war went on, the contribu tion of troops from that province became more regular. The monetary troubles in Massachusetts were much ag gravated by the large issue of paper money in Rhode Island, which was occasioned by the expenses of the war. There was a school kept up at Newport, but there was no public provision for education. In 1708, the popula tion of Rhode Island numbered seven thousand one hun dred and eighty-one. Connecticut, fortunate in her situation and in the re tention of her charter, was spared many of the ills of her sister colony on the bay. There was a system of education, ordained by law, for the instruc tion of the people. Yale College was founded in 1700, and chartered the following year. Fletcher, the Gover nor of New York, who visited Hartford in 1693, to assert practically the right which he claimed to control the mi litia, signally failed in the endeavor. Serious trouble grew out of the boundary disputes with Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The boundary line on the east was at last determined in accordance with the views of Rhode Island. In the prosecution of the wars, Connecticut is- 228 THE COLONIAL ERA sued paper money, but not in such an amount as to cre ate financial troubles. She made her contributions of men for these contests. This was especially Saltonstall. . . , . n . . true alter the induction oi JSaltonstall into the office of Governor, who was seventeen times in succession chosen to this place. A native of Massachusetts and a graduate of Harvard, he was trained for the ministry, and became a pastor in New London. By the advice of the clergy he was led to consent to take the office of Governor as the successor of Fitz-John Winthrop. He proved to be a very able and successful magistrate. With dignity of person and manner, and impressive power as a speaker, there were associated the capacity and the firmness of a statesman. It was under Saltonstall s gov- The saybrook eminent, in 1708, that a synod was called by Synod. fa e co i O nial legislature, to meet at Saybrook, for the regulation of the ecclesiastical arrangements of the province. A system of church government, mid-way between simple Congregationalism and the Presbyterian method, was adopted, and was sanctioned by the legisla ture. In 1714, the last year of Queen Anne s reign, there were about thirty-three thousand people in Connecticut. There were thirty-eight towns and forty-three ministers. Its prosperous and happy condition is indicated by the few events of a startling character that occurred. It ap proached the happy state ascribed to a people that has no history. The successor of Dudley in Massachusetts was Samuel Shute. He held his office for a little more than six years. Shute had been a soldier, and had served un der Marlborough. William Dummer, a native of New England, was made Lieutenant-Governor. Shute was a dissenter in his religious connection. He was fair- minded, with a soldier s sense of the obligations of law and obedience. But it was inevitable that there should be NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 229 continual friction in his dealings with the General Court. There were the standing subjects of discussion the ques tion about a fixed salary for the officials appointed by the King, and the strengthening of the Pemaquid fort. In addition to these points of difference, there was more trouble between the colonists and their English rulers on the matter of the trees reserved for the masts and spars of the royal navy. Trees of a certain height and circum ference were held to belong to the King, and it was unlaw ful to dispose of them in any other way. But this prohi bition was nowhere strictly regarded. The King s broad arrow stamped upon them did not restrain the hardy set tlers from cutting them down and devoting them to what ever use they pleased. In the dispute about the interpre tation of the law on the subject, the people had <; hnte , g con a champion in Elisha Cooke, the younger, flicts with the "When the Lower House chose him to be their Speaker, Shute declined to ratify their choice. When the Governor failed to please the deputies, they diminished the annual grant for his support. In the war with the East ern Indians, they would not permit him to erect trading- posts as a means of defence and security. They interfered with his military control by claiming the right to appoint the officers, to remove those who were unsatisfactory to them, and to dictate as to the movements of troops. De spairing of success in this complex quarrel with the Gen eral Court, Shute withdrew, and went to Eng land to present his complaints. William Dum- mer, the Lieutenant-Governor, was left in his place. The House refused to pay the officers whom it did not like, and to vote supplies until they should be removed. J Destruction Year after year, murders continued to be com- offtasie sset- mitted by the Eastern savages. The centre and source of hostile attacks was believed to be the settlement of Rasle. In August, 1724, a force was sent 230 THE COLONIAL ERA up the Kennebec, which attacked and destroyed the settlement. Rasle himself was shot by a soldier. Two years later a treaty of peace was concluded with the East ern tribes. Jeremiah Dummer and Cooke were employed by the colony as agents in England to oppose Shute. In Explanatory 1725, an explanatory charter was issued, which charter, affirmed the necessity of the Governor s appro val of the choice of a Speaker, and of his sanction for an adjournment of the House for a longer period than two days. This charter abstained from touching the other points in the controversy. After warm debate, on January 15, 1726, the House concurred with the Council in ac cepting it. Shute was preparing to return to the prov ince, when he was set aside by the accession of George LT. In New Hampshire, the opposition of Vaughan to Shute led to the removal of the former, who was sue- New Harnp- ceeded by John Wentworth, a native of the shire, province. "When the Indian wars ceased, the colony grew in numbers and wealth. An important event was the settlement of Londonderry by one hun dred families of Scottish Presbyterians from the town of the same name in Ireland the town so famous for with standing the siege of the forces of James II. In 1715, there were seven towns in Rhode Island with a popula tion in the aggregate of about nine thousand inhabitants. In a collection of the statutes of Rhode Island there is a law which is thought to belong to the time of Bellomont, excluding Roman Catholics from the privilege of voting and of holding office. In 1724, the franchise was restricted to freemen possessed of real estate to the value of 100, or yielding an income of 2, and to their oldest sons. Connecticut, in 1722 and the following year, did not approve of the Indian wars in which her aid was re- NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 231 quested by Massachusetts. Her charter was occasion ally threatened, but was protected in London by the efforts of Dummer, aided by Sir Henry Ash- ., J .. " ... Connecticut. urst. In 1713, the boundary question with Massachusetts was settled. In the closing part of the seventeenth century the Arminian theology had corne to prevail widely in Eng land, in the room of the stricter Augustinian Tbe 4 , Great and Calvinistic opinions which had previously Revival." held sway among both churchmen and non-conformists. A tendency to latitudinarian ways of thought in theology was rife in the first half of the eighteenth century. The same phases of opinion silently spread in New England. It was lamented by many that, owing to a variety of in fluences, there had come to exist a wide-spread decline in religious earnestness, and a corresponding negligence in moral conduct. In 1734, there occurred a remarkable awakening of religious interest in the parish of Jonathan Edwards, at Northampton. He had no sympathy with the current innovations in theology, and was character ized by profound sincerity in his religious convictions. A strong impression was made by his preaching, there was much excitement, and there were many conversions. Similar effects were produced by preachers of a like spirit in other places. In 1739, after a lull in the reli gious movement, it recommenced. It extended from place to place, and the fire was fanned into a flame by the eloquence of Whitefield, who came into New England from the Southern States in 1740. Whitefield, , . ~ . . , n i-i Whitefield. on his first sojourn in America, had labored as a missionary in Georgia. In the course of his seven visits to this country, he repeatedly traversed all the col onies, producing in them, as he produced in England, a great effect by his consecrated spirit and his almost unexampled power as an orator. When he preached, 232 THE COLONIAL ERA the largest houses of worship were crowded with eager listeners. He addressed in the open air throngs far greater than any building could contain. The result in New England was a large number of conversions, and in many towns a general attentiveness to religion. There were those, however, who deprecated the extraordinary excitement which accompanied the revival. A censorious spirit in relation to worthy ministers who preferred more quiet ways a spirit which Whitefield, to his regret af terward, did something to encourage alienated many sincerely religious men. At one time, the Faculties of Harvard and Yale severally issued Declarations adverse to him and to the character of his influence. He was not slow to make reparation for the harm which, in his youthful zeal for he was only twenty-five when he be gan his work in New England he had done by his in discreet remarks. Among the undesirable consequences of the " Great Kevival " was the division in churches of which it was the occasion. The most enthusiastic par ticipants, not satisfied with the preachers who disap proved of the agitation and the outcries which were re garded as " the fruits of the Spirit," broke off from the parishes, and organized " Separatist " meetings. The "Separatist" movement was especially active and mis chievous in Connecticut. It was fomented by a fanati cal preacher from Long Island, James Davenport. The Connecticut Legislature, in 1742, expelled him from the colony. Other repressive enactments in reference to the schismatical proceedings referred to, were adopted ; and a law was passed forbidding any minister to preach with in the bounds of a parish without the consent of its Effects of pastor. The estimate of the general character the Revival. and effect of ^ Revival varied with the tem perament and opinions of those who pronounced upon it. Edwards, and the people in sympathy with him, held NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 233 that it brought, on the whole, an immense benefit to the communities affected by it, while, at the same time they deplored the extravagances that came in its train. On the other hand, theologians of the type of Dr. Chaun- cey, of Boston, and President Stiles, of Yale College more latitudinarian in their type of thought judged that there was a preponderance of evil, and spoke with regret of " the late period of enthusiasm." There can be no doubt that this religious movement, of which Edwards and Whitefield were the most noted leaders, had a de cided influence upon the subsequent ecclesiastical history of New England. William Burnet was a son of the distinguished Bishop of Salisbury. He was bred to the law. On the accession of George II., he was transferred, in 1728, from the office of Governor of New York and New Jersey to the same station in Massachusetts. His per sonal excellence, which all acknowledged, could not save him from constant warfare with the House of Represent atives during the fourteen months in which he adminis tered the government. Feeling bound to fulfil his in structions, he insisted on the settlement of a fixed salary, which, according to the King s let- wSfthc 1 As ter, was to be 1,000. The House voted to sembly give him a much larger sum, but refused to be bound for more than one year. The large amounts which were ten dered to him he rejected, since he regarded them as bribes to persuade him to forsake his duty. In the course of the controversy he adjourned the Court to Salem, as a place where, unlike Boston, "prejudices had not taken root." His right to do so was called in question. Until the House should yield in the matter of the salary, he re fused to concur with its resolves providing for the pay of its own members. Burnet died suddenly from a fever resulting from an accidental overthrow of his carriage 234 THE COLONIAL ERA while fording a stream. His only remuneration during his official service was from fees received from passes given to vessels cleared at the Custom-House. This was objected to by the colony, and the custom was afterwards disallowed. While Lieutenant-Governor Dummer was in power, an act was passed relieving Quakers and Baptists from the obligation to pay parish taxes. Burnet s successor, Jonathan Belcher, was in office eleven years. He was a native of the colony, the grand son of an innkeeper at Cambridge. He had graduated at Harvard, and had resided in England, where he was for a time agent of the colony. He was a man of pleasing manners, but of an intriguing disposition. It was thought that he would be able to manage the fractious and disobedient representatives. But whatever might be the personal traits of the chief magistrate, the representatives were immovable in the resolution to regulate his salary from year to year. This they considered their right by the charter. To give it up would have made the Governor independent of them, but at the same time absolutely dependent on the King. At last, as the result of petitions from the House to the King and to the Commons, the Governor received permission to receive for his support annual grants. In a contest in behalf of these claims to audit public charges before the money which they had granted should be paid out, the Representatives were compelled by the decision of the King in Council, and of the House of Commons, to yield. Their request to the Governor to appoint a day of Fast ing and Prayer on account of this afflictive event was re fused. When the war with Spain began, in 1739, the House renewed their demand. Consequently only a small number of troops were sent to take part in Admiral Vernon s unsuccessful siege of Carthagena. Belcher was opposed by Dunbar, who was Lieutenant-Governor in NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 235 New Hampshire after Wenfcworth. Belcher favored the union of that province with Massachusetts. He drew on himself the enmity of those who were interested in the Land Bank. But it was chiefly by means of political scheming in England that he was removed u emova i of from office. The untruth of the charges made Belcher, against him was established, and he was appointed Gov ernor of New Jersey. There were disputes in New Hampshire between the Representatives and Shute, who refused to ratify their choice of a Speaker. With Buraet there was no trouble. He was allowed a stated salary. In Connecticut, Joseph Talcott, the successor of Salton- stall, remained in office seventeen years, until his death. There was a controversy started by John Win- Connecticut throp, the nephew of the late Governor, on the question of the distribution of the real estate of persons dying intestate. During the conflict in Massa chusetts with Burnet, there was alarm in reference to the charter, and pains were taken to make it understood that Connecticut wis not implicated in the policy of the sis ter colony. In 1729, Baptists and Quakers were ex empted from paying for the support of Congregational worship, in case they maintained worship for themselves. Laws were enacted for the punishment and prevention of idleness and vice. An old prejudice against lawyers con tinued. It was enacted that not more than eleven persons of that profession should be permitted to reside in the colony. In Rhode Island, in 1730, there was a population of seventeen thousand nine hundred and thirty-five, of whom fifteen thousand three hundred and two were whites, the remainder consisting of negroes and a much smaller number of Indians. Cranston, who died in 1727, had been Governor for thirty successive years. His successor, Joseph Jenckes, held office for five 236 HIE COLONIAL ERA years, and would have retained the station had it not been for his intelligent and upright conduct in refusing to consent to the further issue of paper money. In 1729, there arrived in Newport the illustrious philosopher, Bishop Berke- Bishop Berkeley. He was a resident there for several years, and while there composed " The Minute Philosopher." Disappointed in reference to his plan for founding a college in Bermuda for training missionaries to the Indians, he returned to England. At Newport he founded a library, and he was a generous benefactor of Yale College. William Shirley, the next Governor of Massachusetts, like Burnet, was brsd to the law, and had lived in Boston in the practice of his profession. He was not wanting in talents ; he was active and enter prising as well as ambitious. He had early won the favor of the Duke of Newcastle, by whom his fortunes were ad vance:!. Although a determined opponent of the bad financial policy which had so long disgraced the colony, Shirley yielded temporarily to necessity, and took the risk of consenting to a further issue of bills of credit. He proceeded cautiously in respect to the old contro versy about the Governor s salary, and when it was evi dent that the House was not to be moved, it was dropped by the common consent of the Governor and the minis try. On the approach of war between England and France after a long interval of peace, it was necessary for preparations to be made once more against the French and Indians. To Shirley belongs the credit of suggests capture of ^ n & ^ e plan for the reduction of the strong Lonisburg. fortress of Louisburg. The command of the New England troops from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire was given to William Pepperell, a native of Maine, a man in whose abilities and honesty confidence was justly reposed. An English fleet, under NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 237 Commodore Warren, co-operated in the attack. During the siege a French vessel bringing supplies to the for tress was captured. The expedition was attended with complete success. The fort was surrendered on June 15, 1745. Pepperell was rewarded by being made a baronet. Both he and Shirley were appointed colonels. The English government reimbursed the colonies for their expenditures. The coin thus received enabled Massachusetts to redeem its paper currency. That it was applied to this purpose, in the face of strenuous op position, was in no small measure owing to the enlight ened views of Shirley, and the earnest exertions of one of the representatives, Thomas Hutchinson, who at a later day became Governor of the colony. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, greatly to the sorrow of the colony, in cluded a provision for the reciprocal restoration of all conquests. Louisburg went back into the hands of the French. A riot occurred in Boston, when a British naval officer, Commodore Knowles, undertook to impress sea men. The commotion was so serious that the Governor retired to the castle. The matter was settled by the General Court. The men who had been seized, or the most of them, were given up. In 1749, Shirley, who had now become distinguished, went to England, a Shirley in part of his errand being to urge the settlement En siaud. of the boundary between the colonies and New France. The efforts to agree upon a lino proved abortive. Shir ley was also interested in thwarting the exertions of the French to establish a line of fortresses westward from Crown Point. He returned to Massachusetts in 1753. He entered with ardor into the conflict which w r as now beginning between the two nations for domin- The Albany ion in America. At the Congress of Com- Congress, missioners, at Albany, which undertook to form a confed eration of colonies, Shirley was not present in person. 238 THE COLONIAL ERA He believed in the necessity of union, but did not com mit himself to the Albany scheme, the particular char acter of which suited neither the colonies nor the Eng lish ministry, although for opposite reasons. Respect ing a plan formed by the ministry, Shirley conferred with Franklin. Franklin assured him that the col onies would not be content to be taxed by Parliament while they had no representation in that body. On April 14, 1755, a council was held at Alexandria, in Virginia, at which were present the commanders, General Council at Braddock and Admiral Keppel. The fruit of Alexandria. ^| s conference was four military expeditions. The first was an expedition to Nova Scotia, in which two thousand provincial troops, under the command of John Winslow, took part. A result of this expedition was the expulsion from their homes of the French Bion of the Neutrals, or Acadians, a measure decided upon ms by the British officers, in conformity with a plan which had been considered at a much earlier day in England, as well as among English officials in America. The Acadians were an inoffensive, industrious, pious body of Roman Catholic peasants. It was feared that they might be used as auxiliaries of the French in the great contest which had now commenced. The option was given them to swear allegiance to the British King, or to be driven from their homes. They declined the oath, and were transported, about seven thousand in number, from their loved abodes, to be dispersed in the southern prov inces subject to England. About a thousand came to Massachusetts, where they were kindly treated, with the important exception that they were not allowed to have priests of their own. Some wandered as far as the West Indies and Jamaica. Few, if any, ceased to yearn for their old home. Another military expedition, which was designed to at- NEW ENGLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 239 tack Crown Point and Montreal, was commanded by Will iam Johnson, an inhabitant of the province of New York, who was considered to have a great influence T ,. T1 . , T Battle near over the Indians. It was mainly composed Lake Cham- of three thousand Massachusetts and Connec- F ticut militia. Baron Dieskau, who had been made Gov ernor of Quebec, moved southward with a force of French and Indians to meet this invading body. On the south ern end of Lake George an encounter took place, in which the French were beaten and their leader severely wounded. Among the troops on the victorious side were John Stark, and Israel Putnam, who was a second lieu tenant. Among those who fell, in a previous engage ment, earlier in the day, was Colonel Williams, who left a bequest which led to the foundation of the college in Massachusetts that is called by his name. A third expedition, against Fort Niagara, at the mouth of Niagara River, where it enters Lake Ontario, was led by Shirley in person. It was substantially a shiiiey super- failure. It advanced no farther than Oswego. 8eded> Shirley s military ability fell below his own estimate of it and the opinion cherished by others. Before the story of his expedition had reached England he had been appointed to succeed Braddock, as Commander-in-Chief of the Eng lish forces in America. But he was soon superseded. He was requested to return to England, the ground alleged being a desire to consult him respecting the operations of the war. He became Governor of the Bahama Islands, but came back to Massachusetts to spend his closing days. Benning Wentworth, who represented the party in favor of keeping New Hampshire a distinct province, became Governor in 1741. His administration went New n amp . on smoothly ,for a number of years. Young Mason conveyed his interest in the Mason claims to a company of twelve, who took such a liberal course in the 240 THE COLONIAL ERA disposal of lands as to satisfy the people. Rival claimants who inherited Allen s claims could do nothing. A serious dispute arose between the Governor and the Assembly, which he was accused of packing in order to secure the passage of certain measures. Three years elapsed before the dissension came to an end. Jonathan Law succeeded Talcott as Governor of Con necticut. The colony sent more than four thousand men to the siege of Louisburg, and the next year Connecticut. . ., . -, ., -, ., contributed a thousand men to the unsuccess ful enterprise against Quebec. Connecticut was strongly opposed to the Albany plan of union, in 1754. This was the last year of Roger Wolcott s administration as Gov ernor. He was succeeded by Thomas Fitch. The colony was kind and hospitable to the Acadian exiles. In the struggle with France, in its successive stages, Connecti cut had an important part, and was liberal in the be stowal of both men and money. Rhode Island, in the war with Spain, and in the sub sequent wars with France, was active in the business Rhode is and ^ P r i ya teering. After the siege of Louisburg the colony failed to embrace the opportunity to get rid of paper money. The evils of an inflated cur rency were of long continuance. Rhode Island had her representatives at Albany in 1754. Her legislature did not commit itself either for or against the plan of union. Into the final war with France, from 1755 to the end, Rhode Island entered with energy, both on the land and on the sea. X CHAPTER XIV. NEW YORK FROM 1688 TO 1756 Leisler s Insurrection The Assembly called by Slougliter Fletch er s Ecclesiastical Measures Bellomont Cornbury Trial of Mackemie Hunter The " Palatines " Burnet Cosby The Liberty of the Press Independent Spirit of the As sembly "The Negro Plot" Clinton s Struggle with the As sembly The Albany Convention Johnson s Victory Paper Money Character of the Middle States Society in New York Education Ruling Families. WHEN the news that James TL was dethroned reached New York, the government, in the absence of Andros, was in the hands of the Lieutenant-Gover- jn _ nor, Francis Nicholson, and the Council. Not surrection. knowing what to do, and receiving no orders from An dros, who was under arrest in Boston, Nicholson sent to England for instructions. Meantime rumors were scat tered abroad of a threatened French invasion. Nichol son s Protestantism was regarded as doubtful, and stories of an intended rising of the " papists," to join hands with the expected foreign foe, passed from one to another. Jacob Leisler, a native of Frankfort, in Germany, had been a soldier before coming to America. In New York he had become a merchant. He was a zealous Protestant, and no doubt put frith in the unfounded tales of a secret purpose of Nicholson and others to strike a blow for the fallen King, or, in some way to bring in by force the re ligion which James had professed and favored. Leisler was captain of one of the train-bands. Nicholson had too 16 242 THE COLONIAL ERA little energy to make any resistance, when he refused to pay the duties on a cargo of wine to the collector, whom he called a " papist," took possession of the Fort, and made himself master of the town. The three councillors who were then in New York, were all Dutchmen, but they were on the side of Nicholson. Most of the common peo ple, however, a large majority of whom were Dutch, were ardent in the cause of King William, credulous as to the wicked intents of the Lieutenant-Governor and his ad herents, and lent their help to Leisler. William was pro claimed King. A committee of safety was formed by ten members of an Assembly which Leisler called together in the Fort from a part of the counties. By this com mittee, he was declared to be Governor of the Fort until orders should come " from their Majesties." Letters to Nicholson, or to " such as may bear rule for the time being," giving them provisional authority, were opened by Leisler and used as a warrant for the extension of his own rule. Thenceforward he claimed to be Lieutenant-Governor by royal commission. He was acknowledged in the town of New York, and his power spread. He arrested and im- Le eierresiPt- prisoned any who did not obey him. But in ed in Albany. Albany, where Peter Schuyler was Mayor, and was made Captain of the Fort, the people refused to be subject to Leisler. Milborne, his son-in-law, went there with a force, to be used in case of need, to compel obedi ence ; but Schuyler, a cool and resolute man, who was able, if he saw fit, to avail himself of help from the Mo hawks, would not yield, and Milborne had to give up his attempt. But when the French inroads began in earnest, and the slaughter at Schenectady took place, the neces- A com pro- S ^J ^ or un i n was ^ e ^ to be so pressing, that mise - the Albanians made concessions. Leisler was owned as acting Governor, Schuyler being still left in his office of Mayor. Albany was then a little stockaded NEW YORK FROM 1G88 TO 1756 243 village, with its two streets crossing each other at right angles. It was, however, even then, a very thriving place, the centre of a profitable trade in furs with the Indians. However arbitrary and violent Leisler was, he was an en ergetic leader in the warfare against the French. New York held geographically a central place among the col onies, and he showed himself competent to bring the other northern provinces into co-operation with it in the strug gle which concerned alL Colonel Henry Sloughter, a worthless man, was ap pointed Governor by William and Mary. In consequence of various delays he did not arrive in New York until a year and a half after the date of his commission. Mean time, about six months before his coming, on September 10, 1690, Major Richard Ingoldsby landed with two com panies of grenadiers. Since he had no other contest with commission than that of a Captain of Foot, In s ldsb y- Leisler refused to give up the Fort until the Governor himself should arrive. Ingoldsby assumed a hostile at titude. One day, while the British force was on parade, a collision took place. Shots were exchanged between Ingoldsby s soldiers and the troops in the Fort, and sev eral were killed on both sides. If peace could have been maintained for two days longer, probably no further trouble would have arisen, for two days later Sloughter landed. His Council had been appointed for him in England. It was composed of adversaries of Leisler, two of whom he held in confinement. He had made nu merous and bitter enemies. Leisler had no intention to keep possession of the Fort, but Sloughter sent demands for its surrender, in such a form as to show a Execution of willingness to put him in the wrong and to oc casion some delay. With his principal abettors he was put under arrest, and a special court was constituted to try them on charges of treason and murder, based prin- 244 THE COLONIAL ERA cipally on the resistance which he had offered to Ingolds- by. Eight of the accused were convicted ; two were put to death. The vindictive enemies of Leisler induced Sloughter, in a drunken fit, to sign his death-warrant, and that of Milborne. Both were executed on May 16, 1691. Leisler s dying speech gives convincing proof of his sincerity as a man and a Christian. Parliament, in 1695, after full inquiry, reversed the attainder of Leisler and his associates. In this act it was declared that In- goldsby had no legal right to take possession of the Fort, and that Leisler was guilty of no fault in connec tion with the surrender of it to Sloughter. Lord Bello- inont, who was one of the committee of Parliament to examine the matter, told Increase Mather that Leisler and his son were "not only murdered, but barbarously murdered." Their destruction was an act of political vengeance done by the " party of aristocrats," as they were styled. It did much to sow the seed of a bitter party contest of long continuance in the colony. Sloughter was directed in his instructions to give re ligious liberty to all except Roman Catholics. The Gen- The Assem- eral Assembly, which he was authorized to sum- bly - mon, when it met, re-enacted substantially the Bill of Rights of 1683, with the exception that the right of worship according to the " Romish Religion " was de nied. It was not on account of this exception that the sanction of the Sovereigns to the act of the Assembly was withheld. Later, in 1700 and 1701, laws were passed expelling from the colony Roman Catholic priests and papist recusants. On the overthrow of James II., and the revival of warfare with France, hostility to the Ro man religion was rekindled in all the English dominions. Through the whole period that followed the English revolution, there is witnessed in New York, on the part of the people represented in the popular Assemblies, the NEW YORK FROM 1688 TO 1756 245 same contest for self-government as took place in so many other colonies. The only difference is that in New York the popular party were sometimes less ex- The popular acting and less inflexible in their demands party * than was the case in Massachusetts. The principal sub ject of controversy had to do with the method of levying taxes and of controlling the disbursement of them. The first Assembly under Sloughter created a revenue for two years. Under later administrations, the term of years was somewhat extended. After 1711, for four suc cessive years, only annual appropriations were voted. Fletcher, who was the next Governor, had also Penn sylvania and Delaware under his jurisdiction, and there was assigned to him the command of the mili tia of the Jerseys and of Connecticut. His at tempt to assume this last power at Hartford signally failed. He involved himself in a quarrel with the As sembly in reference to the churches. Andros had tried to promote the cause of the Episcopal Church, * Spplvfl to pfl- but his efforts produced no effect. After Will- tabiieh Epis- iam s accession that church began to grow. c The retention by the Dutch of their own language in re ligious services retarded the progress of their commun ion, and was one of the principal causes why, by degrees, it relatively fell behind other religious bodies. Miller, the English chaplain of the Fort, was anxious to have a bishop sent over, and a number of clergymen with him, to take charge of the handful of Episcopalians, and of others who, it was hoped, might be brought to conform to their ecclesiastical system. But this proposal was not seconded. It was a part of Sloughter s instructions that the Book of Common Prayer should be read in the col ony. To the vestrymen and church-wardens the right of presentation was to be given. In 1693, an act of the As sembly provided that in four counties that were named 246 THE COLONIAL ERA there should be five ministers, and each county was to raise a specified sum for their maintenance. All free holders were to vote in the election of vestrymen and wardens. Fletcher insisted that the act must be held to relate to none but Episcopal ministers. This, he con tended, was the legal interpretation of the phrase " Prot estant minister." The Assembly refused to agree to this construction, and voted that the vestrymen and church wardens might call, if they chose, " a dissenting Protes tant minister." It rejected the Governor s claim to the right " of collating or suspending any minister " in the province. When Trinity Church was established, which was in 1697, Fletcher applied the Act of 1693 ; but the wardens and vestrymen, instead of being chosen by " all freeholders," were elected by Church of England people alone. It continued to be maintained that none but Epis copal clergymen have any title to a support at the pub lic expense. As a matter of fact, the endowed churches were mostly of that communion. To this extent did the Governor succeed in procuring an establishment of the Anglican Church. Notwithstanding his ecclesiastical zeal, Fletcher was avaricious as well as violent in tem per. He sought to enrich himself by fraudulent means. Charges of evil conduct led to his recall. Bellomont allied himself with the Leislerians. The bodies of Leisler and Milborne were exhumed, and re- buried with honors in the Dutch Church. The Assembly passed an act of indemnity for Leisler. Bayard, one of his chief opponents, was ar raigned on a charge of treason, based on imputations cast on Bellomont and Nanfan, the Lieutenant-Governor. He would have been convicted but for the ar rival of the new Governor, Lord Cornbury, a dissolute spendthrift, who was prospective heir of the Earldom of Clarendon, and first cousin of Queen Anne. NEW YORK FROM 1GS8 TO 1750 247 He was sent out to keep him out of harm s way, and, if possible, to help him to mend his fortunes. He allied himself at once with the anti-Leislerians. Bayard was released. The law under which he was tried was annulled by the Queen. Cornbury united with his enmity to the popular party a great zeal for the Episcopal Church. He insisted that all preachers should have a li cense His zeal for from the Bishop of London. He seized the **"** parsonage of a Presbyterian minister on Long Island, and gave it into the hands of the Episcopalians. Francis Makemie, a Presbyterian minister, was pros- Trial of Ma- ecuted for preaching without a license, and for using forms of worship not set forth in the English Prayer-Book. It was pretended that the English acts of uniformity were in force in the province. At the trial, the principles of religious liberty were strongly defended. Makemie made the closing argument for himself. He was acquitted. The law which ordained that a popish priest, if he came into the province of his own accord, should be hanged, was still unrepealed. Cornbury di verted special appropriations of the Assembly to his own use. By his rapacity and profligacy he brought on him self the hatred of all parties. The Assembly, in their contest with him, voted " that the imposing and levying of any moneys upon her Majesty s subjects of this colony, under any pretense or color whatever, without consent in General Assembly, is a grievance and a violation of the people s property." Lovelace, who followed Cornbury, lived less than six months. Then Robert Hunt- Hunter. er, a soldier, and a friend of Swift and Addi- son, became Governor. He was not without excellent qualities. But he found the Assembly resolute on the subject of salaries, and was obliged to acquiesce in a com promise. A great disappointment was produced by the failure of the expedition against Montreal, where Nichol- 248 THE COLONIAL ERA son commanded the land-forces, but was obliged to re treat on account of the failure of the British fleet and forces under Walker and Hill. Rumors of an intended insurrection of negroes created such a panic that not less than nineteen blacks were condemned and executed. The British Government took the usual course of preventing the rise of manufactures, but emigration was increasing New Bettiers *^ ie PP u l a ^ on f the colony. A large number of Germans from the Palatinate hence called " the Palatines " were brought in, who, as soon as they were set free from the baneful contract system, proved to be industrious laborers. Settlements were gradually ex tended up the Mohawk valley. Hunter was tolerant in his ecclesiastical policy. He was opposed by the Assem bly in his plan for establishing a Court of Chancery which should be independent of the people in its constitution and modes of procedure. But in the adoption of this measure he was sustained in England. When he laid down his office, he parted from the colony with mutual expressions of good-will. Burnet, the next Governor, obtained the passage of a law forbidding trade with Canada. This was a part of Bumet. B ^ s pl an ^ or organizing means for weakening 1720-28. fo e p Ower of France. But this trade was pro fitable ; the law was unpopular, and in 1729 it was re pealed by the British authorities. The Chancery Court was a subject of standing complaint. In his measures against the French, Burnet was useful and efficient. He cemented alliances with the Indians, and established a trading-post at Oswego. The province enjoyed compara tive quiet for three years while John Montgomerie was Governor ; but this interval of rest terminated, in 1732, at the accession of Cosby. A quarrel immediately sprang up between the Governor and Rip van Dam, the senior councillor, who had administered the NEW YORK FROM 1688 TO 1756 249 highest office during the vacancy, lasting for thirteen months. The controversy related to the portion of the salary that should be allotted to him for this service. Cosby removed the Chief Justice who was to try the cause, and appointed another in his place. A political contest was the result of this dispute. John Peter f i HT -\r Contest for Zenger established a newspaper, the J\ew York the liberty of Weekly Journal, on the popular side, against the Governor and his party. In 1734, not far from a year after its establishment, he was arrested and im prisoned, his paper was publicly burned, and he was prosecuted for libeL When the case was tried, there ap peared in court to defend the accused an eminent barrister from Pennsylvania, Andrew Hamilton. His manly and eloquent plea for the liberty of the press moved the jury despite the efforts of the court to make itself the sole judge of the law to bring in a verdict of " not guilty." Hamilton received public honors for the service he had rendered. A blow had been struck in the cause of civil liberty. When, in 1736, Clarke, as deputy governor, was in authority, the Assembly, in their response to his address, used plain language. It said to dent spirit* 5 him : " You are not to expect that we either will the Aeeembl y- raise sums unfit to be raised, or put what we shall raise into the power of a Governor to misapply, if we can pre vent it ; . . . or continue what support or revenue we shall raise for any longer time than one year." In 1739, the Assembly insisted on making its appropriations spe cific, and on naming the officials to whom salaries were voted. It was during the administration of Clarke that what is called the "Negro Plot" occurred. The ..N e{rro There were several fires in New York at about Plot." the same time. Stories were started that they were kindled by negroes. The people became possessed with the idea that there was a plot formed by the blacks to 250 THE COLONIAL ERA burn the town. The charge had no better foundation than the testimony of an immigrant woman, bound to service to the keeper of a low tavern. Large rewards were offered to slaves, as well as to whites, for evidence leading to the conviction of any incendiary. The Gover nor, in a proclamation (May 13, 1741) appointing a day of prayer on account of the war with Spain, referred also to the burning of dwellings by unknown persons, and the consternation occasioned by it. The negroes were all put under surveillance. Every effort was made to hunt up proofs and elicit confessions. In accordance with the judgment of the court, thirteen blacks were burned to death, eighteen were hanged, and seventy were trans ported. The conspiracy was a product of the imagina tion. In the excitement of the public mind and in the lack of thorough scrutiny into the evidence, this delu sion is not without elements of likeness to the witchcraft tragedy in Massachusetts. The next Governor was Admiral George Clinton, .sec ond son of the Earl of Lincoln. In the earlier part of Clinton GOV- hi g official career, he gave himself up to the emor (1741). influence o f the Chief Justice, De Lancey, a shrewd man, the leader of the popular party. He as sented to the measures favored by De Lancey, such as the appropriation by the Assembly of money for one year only. He found that his concessions did not His strug- .,,.. . ., , . , , gie with the aid him in carrying other measures which he Issembiy. ^foft to nav e adopted. When he attempted to retrace his steps, and regain the ground which he had given up, he encountered a stubborn resistance. The op position of the Assembly, no doubt, crippled to a con siderable extent military operations. This body re fused to send men in aid of the expedition that captured Louisburg. It voted contributions of cannon and money. Indians made an attack on the village of Saratoga, which YORK FROM 1688 TO 1756 251 they destroyed. Their atrocities led the Assembly to take the extreme course that was taken in Massachusetts ; it offered a large bounty for Indian scalps. Clinton, in his political troubles, appealed in vain to the King for help against the encroachments of the Assembly. It was judged that they might be due to his personal de fects. When he retired from office, he caused surprise by delivering a commission, as Lieutenant-Governor, to De Lancey. The next Governor, Sir Danvers Osborne, committed suicide a few days after assuming his office. De Lancey presided at the Congress at Albany in 1754. The scheme of union gave certain powers, The Albat , y relating principally to war, Indians, and lands, convention, to a body of delegates from the colonies, with a Presi dent and Council appointed by the King. This plan was opposed by De Lancey. William Johnson Johnson s was made commander of the military expe dition to move northward from Albany. Johnson had great influence over the allied Indian tribes. He had learned their ways, and had won their regard by living for a while with the Mohawks. He had married the daughter of Brant, one of their chiefs. Johnson pro ceeded to build Fort Edward, near the Hudson. There was an unfortunate delay in his movements, owing to a quarrel with Shirley, whom he attacked in his despatches most severely, saying that his conduct "shook the system of Indian affairs." At length he marched at the head of three thousand four hundred men to the southern end of Lake George. There the battle took place in which Die- skau and his forces were beaten. In the early part of the day Johnson was severely wounded, so that the direction of the fight was left to Lyman of Connecticut. Johnson was rewarded by being made a baronet. He was blamed, however, by many, for not following up his victory. He was deterred from doing so by the apprehension, to use 252 TUP: COLONIAL ERA his own words, that the enemy might have " considerable reinforcements near at hand." From time to time, the Assembly of New York made large issues of y paper money, and strenuously withstood pro posals on the part of the English Government to deprive them of this privilege. They took the ground that there was not coin enough in the province to serve as currency. In 1756, it was concluded to have a permanent English army in America, and the Earl of Loudoun was appoint ed its general. Compared with New England, the Middle States had the advantage of a milder climate a climate that was free alike from the extremes of heat and of Character ,, , . ... ., _... , .. . of the Middle cold and a more fertile soil. The people dif fered from the New Englanders in being less homogeneous. In the Middle States, except New Jersey, the population had come from different countries, yet there was a steady progress of the English toward the ab sorption of other elements, or, at least, that complete pre dominance, as regards language and customs, which finally prevailed. There was an absence in the social life of these communities of the Puritan rigor which marked the insti tutions and ways of New England ; and with this absence, it may fairly be said, there were wanting certain intellect ual and moral gains, which were the concomitants of it. In New York, the Dutch emigration, for the most part, came to an end with the conquest by the English. But Society in although there were Huguenots in the city of New York. New York, and Palatines on the Hudson, the population of the colony was constituted mainly of the Dutch and the English. By the English, the settlements on the western border of Long Island were early made, and they continued to transplant themselves from New England. The city of New York was so situated that it NEW YORK FROM 1688 TO 1756 253 could not fail to become a centre of trade, and such it has always continued to be. The traffic in furs was a principal occupation at Albany. From the banks of the Hudson, and from Albany, settlements were gradually planted westward along the fertile and beautiful valley of the Mohawk. Agriculture was the principal occupation of the inhabitants of the colony. Manufactures, begun with considerable energy by the Dutch, did not flourish. The legal profession in New York attained to no high stand ing, and the medical profession was in a still lower state. In 1665, a law of the Duke of York was framed to pre vent violence in the treatment of patients. The Dutch and the English dissenting ministers were worthy of respect, both for their learning and character. The Dutch clergy held the same theology as their dissenting English brethren, but were less sedate in their ways. They were fond of lively companionship, yet maintained their place as oracles in their villages. Until near the close 01 the seventeenth century, when the Eng lish Church adopted a different policy, toleration was generally practised, the exceptions being in the case of the Quakers, and in that of the Roman Catholics, toward whom the invasions of the French and Indians from Can ada, and the influence of the Jesuits there, created a hos tile feeling. Under the Dutch rule, schools had been established, and received aid from government ; but after the English conquest, the inter est in popular education dwindled, and the schools were given up, or fell into decay. Slavery existed in New York, as in the other northern colonies, but in a mild form. There was a certain prev alent antipathy to the blacks, on account of .. . .. J *; , Social classes. their color, and occasionally, as we have seen, in a time of panic they were cruelly handled ; but gen erally they were well treated. Wealth, even when re- 254 THE COLONIAL ERA cently acquired, conferred social importance on such as possessed it. But there was an aristocracy in New York of a peculiar cast. Above the ordinary tradesmen and small farmers, were the great Dutch landholders, the pa- troons, whose vast country estates lay in the neighbor hood of the Hudson, and who formed the habit of build ing, in the city of New York, houses to which they could resort in the winter. These grandees lived in a princely fashion, having spacious mansions, a luxurious table, a great retinue of servants, white and black ; celebrating marriages and funerals with feudal magnificence, and administering justice among their numerous tenants. The manors of the Van Rensselaers, the Cortlands, and Livingstons each sent a delegate to the Assembly. Pro visions were made of such a character, by will or other wise, that large manors descended to the oldest son, as if there had been a law of entail. Thus the influence of the ruling families was perpetuated, and their political power was transmitted from father to son. The ordinary farmers were well off, they were never worn oat with toil, were quiet and unambitious, and content to live comfortably from the produce of their fertile acres. The farmers of English descent on Long Island had less iner tia, and were somewhat more contentious. In the city of New York, the private houses were well built and well furnished, but the public edifices were inferior. There sprung up in that city a more fashionable society than existed in other American towns. Money was freely spent in dress and entertainments. Amusements, such as dancing and card-playing, which were proscribed in New England, were favorite sources of recreation. CHAPTEE XV. NEW JERSEY FROM 1688 TO 1756 New Jersey after the Revolution New Jersey a Royal Province Cornbury and the Assembly Hunter Burnet New Jersey Separated from New York The Elizabethtown Claimants The Revival in New Jersey Social Life. BY the overthrow of the government of Andros, and the English Revolution, the connection of New Jersey with New York was broken off. For ten years the political condition of New Jersey bordered on afterThe^S? anarchy ; but daring this period the Puritans in East Jersey, and the Quakers in West Jersey appear to have managed their affairs through their town organi zations, and generally in a safe and orderly way. The au thority of the proprietaries was nominally resumed, but they were not very well obeyed. In 1692, Andrew Hamil ton was made Governor of both the Jerseys. The dispute with New York respecting customs was opened afresh, and by the decision in a law-suit in Westminster Hall East Jersey won its cause and obtained a separate custom house. The case was decided during the rule of Basse, Hamilton s successor. The title of the proprietaries was called in question, the people petitioned against it, and ifc was surrendered by them to Queen Anne, their property in lands being secured to them. The a royal urov- two Jerseys were thus finally united in one province. The form of government which followed, with Cornbury for its first Governor, left the people with 256 THE COLONIAL ERA less liberty than they had been in the habit of exercis ing. The Councillors were to be appointed by the Crown, and might be removed by the Governor, who was to send his reasons to England for taking such a step. The members of the Lower House must each possess an estate of a thousand acres, and were to be chosen for an indefinite time. A property qualification for voters was prescribed. Religious liberty was con ceded to all "except papists." There were regulations for the establishment and maintenance of the Anglican Church, but these proved inoperative by the refusal of the Assembly to make grants for the purpose. No print ing of a book or pamphlet was to be allowed without the Governor s special license. The Governor and Council were to be a Court of Chancery. In practice the Gov ernor exercised this function exclusively. There were religious conflicts in New Jersey among three parties Quakers, Episcopalians, and the Presbyterians and Con- gregationalists, who acted together. Cornbury, by his comburyand mercenary spirit, lost the confidence of all. the Assembly. when the Assembly refused to pass his militia bills and bills for the grant of money, he removed three of its members, and thus obtained a body willing to comply with his wishes. He was confronted by the spirited op position of Samuel Jennings, the Speaker. He dismissed Lewis Morris, an able man, from the Council. Morris presented the complaints of the colony against him to the English Secretary of State. Lovelace, Governor after the removal of Cornbury, died soon after his appointment. With the conduct of Ingoldsby, a rash and violent man, who was left in power after the death of Lovelace, there was no satisfaction. Yet the Assembly voted men and money for the prosecution of the war against New France. The same thing was done under Hunter. NEW JERSEY FROM 1688 TO 1756 257 Bills of credit were issued, according to the custom of the other colonies. Hunter supported the Quakers and the Dissenters, in opposition to the Church- Hunter men. It was maintained that a recent law of England, requiring an oath of officers, jurymen, and wit nesses in capital cases, was binding in America. The leader against the Quakers was Daniel Coxe, Speaker of the Assembly in 1716. The Chief Justice was against his view. Hunter took the same ground. He was charged by Coxe and his party with doing an illegal act in calling the Assembly in Arnboy, where it had met in the previ ous year, instead of Burlington. Hunter was successful in the new Assembly, and obtained the grant of a rev enue for three years. Coxe failed to produce any effect by his complaints to the Board of Trade. Through the early portion of Burnet s administration the old contest on the question of temporary or perma nent supplies was waged between between the Assembly, with the usual consequences. Fi nally, he consented to the issue of forty thousand pounds in bills of credit, and the Assembly continued the revenue act for five years. The quiet state of things under Montgomerie gave place to more disturbed relations under Cosby. But in 1738, when the separation of New Jersey from New York was effected, and Lewis Morris, who had New Jer . been President of the Council, was appointed f/o^S Governor, hopes of amity between the different York - branches of the government were confidently cherished. But Morris, although he had been a popular leader, adhered to his instructions. He denied his assent to bills, such as the bills for the disposal of the revenue by the Assembly, which that body insisted on as the con dition of voting supplies. No agreement was reached between the conflicting parties. During the brief time 17 258 THE COLONIAL ERA when John Hamilton acted as Governor, after the death of Morris, the Assembly was in a better mood, and voted 10,000 to equip troops for the Canada expe dition. John Beading, another Councillor, held power next, but only for a few months. There was a riot at Perth Amboy, which was one event in a protracted dispute relating to the lands which the " Eliz- abethtown claimants" held through convey- The Eliza- . n T _. * b e t h t o w n ances from the Indians before New Jersey was a distinct province. These disturbances con tinued after Belcher became Governor. Appeals were made to the authorities in England, but the contro verted points were left undecided, and the claimants 1T4T-5T remained in possession of their farms. Bel cher shrewdly yielded to the Assembly where he saw it was useless to contend, but stood his ground when he deemed it indispensable to do so. The Bevival, of which Edwards and White field were the most distinguished promoters, extended into New Jersey. Two brothers, Gilbert and William The revival m ,1,1 i in New Jer- lennent, both or whom were forcible preach ers, were prominent in evangelistic efforts. The germ of Princeton College, which obtained its first charter in 1746, was a school, or "log college," set up by the father of the Tennents, at Neshaminy, twenty miles north of Philadelphia. The Bevival in New Jersey, as in New England, was the occasion of theological and eccle siastical controversies. Among the Presbyterians, there was a conservative party in which the influence of the Scottish and Irish element prevailed. This party dis trusted and condemned the new movement, or the fruits of it. It was called the " Old Side." The " New Side," or the " New Lights," who earnestly favored the Bevival, were the founders of the College. David Brainerd, whose bi ography was written by Jonathan Edwards, labored with NEW JERSEY FROM 1688 TO 1756 259 zeal and success as a missionary among the Indians at Crosweeksung, near Freehold. In New Jersey, the Swedish and Dutch elements in the population, compared with the English element, by which they were eventually absorbed, were society in small. The inhabitants of New Jersey, said New Jersey Governor Belcher, " are a very rustical people, and de ficient in learning." They lived in villages. Their occu pation was farming. Some distinction was enjoyed by farmers who were rich enough not to toil with their own hands. There were a few spacious and elegant country- houses. The number of slaves and of indentured ser vants was small. There were few crimes committed. The New England element gained increasing sway in po litical and social life. Various New England customs were adopted. For example, the care of paupers was assigned to the lowest respectable bidders at an auction sale. There was early legislation against stage-plays, cock-fighting, card-playing, and other amusements that were specially offensive to Puritans. In towns settled by New Englanders, schools were maintained. The col ony was indebted to the Presbyterians and Congregation- alists for what was done to promote the education of the people. CHAPTEK XVI. PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE FROM 1688 TO 1756 Charges Against Penn Disorder in Pennsylvania "The Counties" George Keith The Proprietary Displaced Penn Regains his Province He Befriends Negroes and Indians New Char ter of Privileges The Two Parties Evans Evans Recalled Gookin The Assembly against Logan Death of Penn Ad ministration of Keith Gordon Anti -Quaker Party Opposi tion to the Proprietaries Franklin Society in Pennsylvania Physicians Tradesmen Philadelphia Intellectual Life. To William Penn the fall of James II. was a disastrous event. James had always been his friend and patron, charges * n * ne l as ^ years of his reign, Penn had lived against Penn. a fc Kensington and had kept up a close inti macy at the Court. It was well known that he was fre quently closeted with the King. On the issue of the Declaration of Indulgence, he had led a deputation of Quakers in the presentation to James of an address which Penn himself probably wrote conveying thanks and pledges of attachment. When the King fled, Penn remained in London and deported himself in a manly way. Humors flew in all directions that he was a papist, a Jesuit in disguise who had studied in France at the Jesuit Seminary of St. Omer. Even Tillotson gave cred ence to these charges until he was convinced of their un truth by Penn s emphatic denial of them. Peun and his brethren might be pardoned for thanking a prince for letting out of prison twelve hundred Quakers, even if he stretched the royal prerogative in doing so. As to the unconstitutionality of the King s Declaration, all that the PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE 2C1 Quakers afterward could say was that in their address to him they had expressed the hope that by the concur rence of Parliament his policy of giving freedom to con science might be made permanent. The Presbyterians and some other non-conforming bodies had in like man ner offered their thanks to the King ; and similar ad dresses had been brought to him by Increase Mather from churches and ministers in Massachusetts and Ply mouth. But Penn s asseverations of innocence as con cerns any sympathy with the tenets of the Eomish Church, and of loyalty to William, were discredited by many. What was most painful, many of his Quaker brethren were for a while shaken in their confidence in him. Three times he was brought before the Privy Council, and, after examination, released. He now made extensive and costly preparations to conduct to his colony a large reinforce ment of emigrants. But after he barely escaped arrest, on the occasion of George Fox s funeral, on a fourth ac cusation, which rested on the oath of a worthless per jurer, he gave up the new enterprise and lived in seclu sion, although remaining in London. Meantime Penn s colonial government became a prey to disorder and faction. An able popular leader arose in the person of David Lloyd. The jealousy be- D ^ order in tween the " territories, the Delaware counties, Pennsylvania. and the province became more inflamed. The deputies of the counties separated from the Assembly and sat as a distinct body, under Markham, the Lieutenant- The .f; oun _ Governor. In the province itself, party feeling ties -" was intense. There were now a great many settlers who were not Quakers. The ascendency of the Quakers was menaced, and even the political privileges which x * George Keith. they shared with others were exposed to dan ger by the movement of George Keith, who had been eminent among them as a preacher and author. This 262 THE COLONIAL ERA vehement and vociferous demagogue proclaimed the doc trine that, according to true Quaker principles, members of that sect ought not to hold office as magistrates and take part in executing penal laws. He was arrested for vilifying the magistrates. His imprisonment raised a cry, which made itself heard in England, that the colony was practising the intolerance which it professed to hate. Keith went to England, became an Episcopalian, and en joyed a benefice. The result of these occur- prietary dis- rences was that the rule of the proprietary was displaced, and Fletcher, the Governor of New York, was put in charge of the province. Fletcher remained a short time in Philadelphia, vainly sought to move the Assembly to appropriate money for the com mon defence on the northern frontier, and addressed re bukes to that body in his own arrogant style. Fletcher had called the Assembly from the counties and the prov ince, and had proceeded without regard to the charter and the system of laws. Through the intercession of cer- Penn regains tain noblemen, friends of Penu, his__innocence his province. wag acknowledged, and in 1694 his province was restored to him. Under Markham, the -Lieutenant- Governor, the Assembly proceeded to establish its own authority, according to the democratic ideas of its leader. In consequence of strong repre sentations from England, a proclamation was issued by the Governor and Council against illegal trade and the harboring of pirates. On Penn s return to his colony, in 1699, he exerted himself, with his usual humane spirit, in behalf of the rights and interests of negroes and Indians. He befriends T , . , , negroes and He formed a treaty with a company 01 torty chiefs and leading men of the Indian tribes, including a brother of the chief of the Onondagas. In formation that Parliament was preparing to abrogate all PENNSYLVANIA AND DF.LAWAUE 263 the colonial charters obliged him, in 1701, to return to England. Before leaving, he gave the colony a new char ter of privileges. He wanted, if possible, to New charter make the people content, and to appease the of P nvi - e s es - continued wrangling between the counties and the prov ince. The Council was to be an executive body in con nection with the Governor. The Assembly was to meet annually, and to initiate legislative measures. The ju diciary was left to be regulated by the Assembly. This body was to sit on its own adjournments, and not to be dissolved during the term for which it was chosen. If the Delaware counties should so desire, there were to be two legislatures. This division between the colonies was carried into effect in 1703. Andrew Hamilton, of New Jersey, was appointed Deputy Governor. James Logan, a man of great ability, was made Secretary by Penn, and also agent for the care of the proprietary estates. As time went on, there was a more definite array of parties for and against the proprietary government. Hamilton The two par . was constantly in collision with the popular party. One point for which the Assembly persistently contended was its right to sit on its own adjournments. Evans, the next Governor, a young, hot-headed Welch- man, was under the influence of Logan. He wanted to reunite the counties to the province, but now tha province would not consent. The Penn sylvania Assembly carried its opposition to an extreme, and sent to Penn himself a very censorious memorial. It was signed by Lloyd, the Speaker, who was the oracle of the popular party. It harshly arraigned the Founder in a series of accusations, beginning with the changes made in the frame of government at the second Assembly, when, in the place of a treble vote in the council, he ac quired a negative voice upon legislation. Prominent among the subjects of reproach was the power given to 234: THE COLONIAL ERA Evans to prorogue their body without its consent. Penn s calm but plain answer had a powerful effect, and the next Assembly was differently composed and more favorable to the proprietary cause. But Evans roused against him self the whole Quaker interest. He was anxious to or ganize a militia. In order to stir up contempt for the Qoaker doctrine and policy, he caused the whole town of Philadelphia to be suddenly alarmed by the cry that an invading force of Indians was approaching. The prin cipal effect of this foolish manoeuvre was to bring dis grace upon himself. He caused a fort to be built at Newcastle, which demanded a toll in gunpowder of every vessel that passed by. He was driven to give up this exaction by a bold act of Hill, a Quaker merchant, who steered his vessel by the fort, and being followed by the leader in command there, contrived to seize him and to deliver him to Lord Cornbury, Governor of New Jersey, who was at Salem, on the Delaware. Cornbury took the side of the captors against Evans. There was a heated controversy respecting the Courts. The bill drawn by Lloyd, the popular leader, to establish a judiciary was rejected in England by the Privy Council. The Assem bly, in turn, was determined that Evans should not es tablish a Chancery Court composed of the Council. The controversy increased in bitterness. The Assembly sought to impeach Logan, who was deemed to be the main Evans re- pillar of the Governor s party. One source led of the unpopularity of Evans was his loose morals. In 1709, Penn was induced by the complaints of the Assembly to recall him. The Assembly was not at all disposed to peace when Gookin, the successor of Evans, arrived. When the Governor called for men and money for the colonial expedition against the French, the Assembly replied that " the raising of money to hire men to fight PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE 265 (or kill one another) was a matter of conscience to them, and against their principles ; " but that they would make a present to the Queen of 500. He had asked for 4,000. When requested to make appropriations for the Lieuten ant-Governor s support, they replied with angry reflec tions on the Secretary, and added that people were not obliged to contribute to the support of an administration that infringed upon their liberties and afforded no re dress for their wrongs. As the Governor was instructed not to act without the advice of the Council, the wrath of the Assembly was directed against Logan, i < i ^ n- i. n J TheAssem- who was its principal member. He challenged t>iy against them to prosecute his impeachment. They Logan - arrested him, but he was set free by Gookin. In 1710, Logan went to England, where he was fully sustained. A long and pathetic letter of Penn, in which the sacri fices that he had made for the colony were set forth, and the complaints of oppression were answered, pro duced a decisive effect. The new Assembly was of a more accommodating spirit. They voted 2,000 for the expedition against Canada. Penn, wearied with the dissensions in the province, with a heavy burden of debt upon him, which was greatly increased by the unfaithfulness of a steward, began a negotia- 1719 tion for the sale of his rights to the Crown, for which he was to receive 12,000. But before the trans action could be consummated, he suffered the first of a series of apoplectic strokes, which enfeebled his mind and disabled him from business. The disagreements of the Governor and the Assembly had been quieted. The views of the latter respecting the judiciary were allowed to be carried into effect. But after an interval, the demonstrations of mutual hostility were renewed. One point of dispute was on the amount of salary that should be voted to the Governor. Another very serious diffi- 266 THE COLONIAL ERA culty arose from his refusal to qualify Quakers for office, unless they took the oath. These and other grounds of opposition to him produced his recall. The strange con duct of Gookin is to be ascribed to mental unsoundness, which did not distinctly reveal itself until after his retire ment from office. Sir William Keith was the next Governor. The next year after he was installed in office, Penn died. The Death of terms of his will occasioned a suit at law Penn, 1718. wn j cn lasted for nine years. It was settled finally that his proprietary rights were left to the three sons of his second wife. Keith exhibited, from the beginning, a demagogical spirit. He nattered the Assembly and fell in with its Administra- wishes. The Council, and Logan, the chief tion of Keith. man ^ n ft, were practically set aside. The complimentary addresses exchanged between Keith and the Assembly are in amusing contrast with the tone of such documents under the former Governors. The As sembly allowed him to set up a Court of Chancery. He combined with them in the issue of a paper currency, which, although great care was thought to be taken to prevent ill consequences, was the initiation of a policy extremely disastrous in its effects. Keith removed his powerful opponent, Logan, from his offices. But letters were obtained by him from the widow of William Penn, and from the proprietaries, in support of the position taken by the latter respecting the powers of the Council. In 1726, Keith was superseded by another Gov ernor, Patrick Gordon. But Keith became a member of the Assembly, where his factious and mischiev ous course lost him the esteem of all parties. The court that he had erected was abolished. In Gordon s time there was a large immigration of Germans. Trade and commerce nourished. When he died, Logan, previously PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE 267 famous as a conservative leader, was Governor for two years. Under his successor, George Thomas, who had been a planter on the island of Antigua, the boundary dispute with Maryland was settled. It was difficult to avoid controversies in reference to military matters, on account of the peculiar principles of the Quakers. Trouble sprung up between the Governor and the Assembly on the breaking out of war between England and Spain. Thomas gave great offence by en listing bought or indented apprentices. As in similar conflicts elsewhere, the Governor would refuse his as sent to Acts of the Assembly, and by way of reprisal the Assembly would withhold his salary. In studying the history of Pennsylvania in the eigh teenth century, it is necessary to bear in mind that the laws framed in this period were often widely diverse in their tenor and spirit from the legislation of Penn. His work, in many particulars, instead of being allowed to bear its proper fruit, was set aside. The party not in sympathy with the Quakers, and thor oughly adverse to their policy, was growing in strength. On one occasion, in 1742, there was an election Ant riot in Philadelphia, in wliich sailors from the er ships on the Delaware took an active part, but which was supposed to have been stirred up by party leaders. Owing to the spirit that prevailed in the Assem blies, and the strife of factions, the province lent comparatively small aid to the colonial cause in the war with France. James Hamilton, the successor of Thomas, was a son of the eminent barrister. He refused his assent . , .,, _ i i* i ji -i-i Opposition to bills which did not secure the proprietaries to the pro- right to the interest of loans. He refused to prie sanction the further issue of paper money. Under the next following Governors, Morris and Denny, in legisla- 268 THE COLONIAL ETJA tive matters, the wheels were blocked by the instructions of the proprietaries to their deputies. But in the case of Denny, a selfish motive was predominant. He repaid the action of the Assembly in relation to his salary by refusing his assent to their bills. As the great war with the French drew near, and partly in consequence of the extension of settlements westward, the relations of the colony with the Indians became at once more im portant and more critical. Large expenditures for the maintenance of treaties and to prepare for defence be came requisite. It was deemed just that the great es tates of the proprietaries should be subject, like other landed property, to taxation. This end was not secured until the mission of Franklin to England, in 1757, in behalf of the claim of the colony, substantially accom plished its purpose. In an extended "Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania from its Origin " which, if it was written mainly by an other hand, was published with his countenance and sym pathy an elaborate attack is made on the proprietary government. Even the proceedings of Penn himself are discussed with unsparing severity. Benjamin Franklin gradually rose from the position of a printer s boy to be the chief man in the colony. In 1723, at the age of seventeen, he had come from Boston to Philadelphia. By his indus try, sobriety, and talents, he acquired a constantly in creasing influence. He became the clerk, and then a member, of the Assembly. He originated many plans for the benefit of the community. The foundation of the University of Pennsylvania, and of the American Philo sophical Society, was due to him. In 1754, he was the leading commissioner in the convention at Albany for the formation of a union with the colonies. Bancroft estimates the population of Pennsylvania and PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE 269 Delaware, in 1754, at one hundred and ninety-five thou sand. The two colonies were much alike in their social characteristics. The legislature consisted of Societ y m one house, and the power of refusing com- Pennsylvania, pliance with its acts had fallen into abeyance. Judges, though named by the Lieutenant-Governor, were, like him, dependent on the legislature for their salaries, and these were determined by vote each year. The large variety of products, and the nascent manufactures, made a great difference between Pennsylvania and the South ern colonies. The courts of law, as far as the qualifica tions of the judges and of lawyers are concerned, were above the ordinary colonial standard. The strongest sects were the Quakers, the Lutherans, and the Presbyte rians ; but although Sabbath laws were strictly enforced, religious freedom continued to be accorded to all. The smaller degree of control enjoyed by the clergy was a point of contrast both with Virginia and New England. Medical practitioners in Pennsvlvania were , . , ,, ,. T 11 f Physicians. comparatively well qualified for their profes sion. In Philadelphia, medical science was early culti vated, and before the expiration of the period which we are considering, a beginning was made in the publication of medical writings. A hospital was founded in 1750, and ten years later medical lectures were given by Dr. "William Shippen. Tradesmen were very nu- T ,, , ,, , . a tii- Tradesmen. merous, and they made their influence felt in the community. The owners of large estates, and wealthy merchants, were not without a certain distinction. There was an aristocratic class in which were represented such families as the Pembertons, the Logans, and the Morris es. The slaves were mostly domestic servants. Slavery was generally condemned by the Quakers. Manumitted slaves, and the large class of indented apprentices, were often offenders against the law, and affected unfavorably 270 THE COLONIAL l^RA the morals of the community. There was a great contrast between Philadelphia and the adjacent district, on the one hand, and the farming class on the western borders of the province, on the other. The latter class were rough and ignorant, lacking in public spirit, and blending supersti tious notions with coarse standards of moral conduct. But the intermediate farming class, the Scotch-Irish and Germans in the middle region, were quite different from the frontier population. They were of a much higher grade of intelligence. The Germans, unlike as they might be in manners to the people of English de scent, were not deficient either in intellect or in religious sincerity. The Scotch-Irish, however dogmatic and in tolerant in their zeal for the Presbyterian creed, cher ished the Bible and established schools. In 1749 there were in Philadelphia eighteen hundred and sixty-four houses, and eleven places of worship. In 1753, it contained fourteen thousand five hun- u dred and sixty-three inhabitants. The city grew rapidly. In 1769 the number of houses was thirty- three hundred and eighteen. In the middle of the cen tury, the simple but comfortable style of living which prevailed was assuming a higher degree of refinement. As wealth was increasing, there was more luxury seen in the structure of the dwellings and in their furniture, and in the style of entertainments. An English theatrical company was licensed in 1754 to act plays not open to censure on the score of indecency, but no building was erected for the purpose until some years later. Even then the project was strenuously opposed. Among the associates of Penn, James Logan was a intellectual scholar as well as a politician. He translated life. Cicero s treatise on "Old Age," and be queathed his large and well-chosen library to the city of Philadelphia. Andrew Bradford, the first printer, estab- PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE 271 lished, in 1719, the first newspaper in Philadelphia, The American Mercury. Fifteen years before, The News Let ter had appeared in Boston. A group of young mechan ics and clerks joined Franklin, then a master-printer, in forming the " Junto," a debating society for the discussion of questions in morals, politics, and natural philosophy. By Franklin s exertions a public library was begun in 1731. In 1743, a Philosophical Society was formed, the predecessor of organizations of the same character which are widely known. At this time David Bittenhonse was a boy eleven years old. In subsequent years he rose to distinction as a mathematician and astronomer. Franklin commenced the publication of "Poor Richard s Almanac," in which he incorporated in telling aphorisms his practi cal wisdom. It furnished reading even for the class of people who read nothing else, was sold at the rate of ten thousand copies a year, and continued to be issued for about twenty-five years. More and more, Philadelphia became a centre of literature and science. Boston and Philadelphia were at the head of American towns. CHAPTER XVH. MARYLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 The Revolution in Maryland Overthrow of the Proprietary Gov ernment Intolerance in Maryland Nicholson Proprietary Government Restored Maryland in 1751. ALL the attempts of Baltimore to retain the govern ment of his province after the accession of William and Mary were of no avail. The circumstance that, int h fon 6 Tn although he was a Eoman Catholic, he had re- Maryiand. ce jved no favors from James, who preferred to forward the interests of Penn, did not help him. The Maryland officials were in sympathy with the exiled mon arch. Joseph, the President of the Council, hesitated about proclaiming the new sovereigns, an act which New England and Virginia had not delayed to do. The insnr- rection of Protestants, headed by Coode, mustered a force strong enough to disarm opposition. The State House and records at St. Mary s were surrendered to the " As- sociators," as they called themselves, and the fort on the Patuxent, to which Joseph and the Council retired, was given up at the demand of Coode, and of his numerous armed followers. They boasted in their address to the King and Queen that they had rescued the government of Maryland from the hands of the enemies of the new sov ereigns " without the expense of a drop of blood." The belief that there was a " papist plot," and that an attack ing force of French and Indians was on its way to seize the colony, spread among the inhabitants. Coode and MARYLAND FROM 1688 TO 1756 273 some of the other leaders knew that this story was false, but it was believed by those ill-informed. It was a counterpart of the circumstances in New York, with the difference that Leisler was honest, while Coode was a knave. The insurgents were supported apparently by a large majority of the people. The petitions to William and Mary from Coode and his coadjutors, to be delivered from the proprietary rule, represented that the peo- overthrow pie were the victims of an unbearable tyranny. etViy^vSn- When later they were called on to specify their ment - grievances, they could allege nothing substantial. But their prayers fell in with what was now the settled pol icy in England, to make the colonies royal provinces. Moreover, in the great struggle with Louis XIV., on the issue of which might depend the continuance of Will iam s reign, it was felt to be not safe to leave Maryland in the hands of a Roman Catholic ruler. The dangers which England had escaped, from the ecclesiastical con nections and purposes of James II., gave new life and vigor to the antagonism to the Roman Church. Little heed was paid to Baltimore s defence of himself and of his government. A suit was begun to deprive him of the province, and William, following the opinion of Chief Justice Holt, that he was not obliged to wait for the slow progress of the legal proceeding, answered the petition of the " Associators/ and created a royal government. Early in 1692, Sir Lionel Copley, appointed Governor, arrived in Maryland. For a quarter of a century, Mary land continued to be a royal province. Baltimore was left in possession of the property rights which pertained to him as Proprietary. The most active promoters of the movement for the subversion of the proprietary government, were attached to the Church of England, although the members of that Church were a small minority of the population. The 18 274 THE COLONIAL ERA principal sufferers by the change were the Quakers, and, in a much higher degree, the Roman Catholics. The relig- into .erance ^ ous services of the Roman Catholics were for- in Maryland, bidden, and their further immigration into the colony was prohibited. The danger of the restora tion of the Jacobite rule in England, which gave rise to the prescriptive measures against Roman Catholics there, had a like effect in Maryland. There was toleration for Protestant dissenters from the Church of England, and gradually the laws which abridged their rights and privi leges were partially relaxed. But the first Assembly af ter Copley s arrival made the Church of England the es tablished religion, and all the inhabitants of the colony were subject to taxation for its support. Puritan intol erance was an episode in the course of the history of Maryland, and lasted only for a few years. It was put down by the restoration of Baltimore to his authority. But the Episcopalian intolerance was of long duration. It created hostile feelings among the people, which paved the way for the course taken by the province in the rev olutionary struggle of 1776. The most vigorous of the royal governors was Francis Nicholson. He was a champion of the Protestant inter est. He removed the capital from St. Mary s to the Puritan settlement which was afterward called Annapolis. But he tried to introduce an Act of Uniformity, like that which in England preceded the Act of Toleration. His measure, although passed by the Provincial Assembly, was vetoed by the Crown. The An glican ministers were often men of profligate lives. The Bishop of London sent out, as " commissary " of Maryland, Rev. Thomas Bray, a man of earnest piety. Yet Bray tried to procure the enactment of a law requiring the Prayer-book to be used in every place of worship in the province. Coode had taken orders in England, but he MARYLAND FROM 1G8S TO 175G 275 renounced the ministry, and became a noisy advocate of infidelity. What disaffection there was with Nicholson rallied about him as a leader ; but he was worsted and driven out of the colony. The son of Charles, the third Lord Baltimore, re nounced Catholicism, and on the death of his father was recognized as Proprietary. But he soon died, pro rietar leaving an infant son, Charles, the fifth baron of Baltimore. In 1715, the laws of Maryland were revised and formed into a code. The growing spirit of freedom was manifested when, in 1722, the lower housa passed a series of resolutions, affirming that the common law and such statutes of England as " are not restrained by words of local limitation," together with the acts of the local Assembly, are the standard of gov ernment and judicature in Maryland. The upper house and the Proprietary denied their assent to the resolu tions. For many years there was not much to disturb the quiet current of political life. Yet there were re peated and partially successful efforts to control the rev enues of the Proprietary 7 , and to abridge his prerogatives. In 1751, Frederick, the sixth and last of the Baltimores, inherited tho province. He was an unworthy man, ad dicted to vice. Maryland did not usually exhibit any earnest disposition to co-operate with the other colonies in the warfare against the French and Indians. She sent, however, delegates to the Albany Convention of 1754. When Horatio Sharpe became Governor, in 1753, he set about strenuous efforts to obtain grants of money for the military struggle. The Assembly exacted a compliance with conditions, one of which was apt to be some new measure adverse to the Roman Catholics, whose taxes were doubled, and another was that the burden of pub lic expenses should be shared by the Proprietary, and drawn from his large revenues, amounting to seventy-five 276 THE COLONIAL ERA hundred pounds annually. Dislike of the proprietary system of government was obviously a principal ground of such proceedings. The policy of the Assembly, except now and then, when there was imminent danger, was one of obstruction. Even Braddock s defeat failed to call out any effective measures of attack and defence. The population of Maryland in 1751 is estimated to have been about one hundred and forty-five thousand. In Maryland in this number were comprised a great number i75i. O f redemptioners " immigrants who had been bound to labor for a term of years in order to pay their passage across the ocean, and many thousands of transported convicts. Baltimore was laid out in 1730, but after twenty years was still but a small village. CHAPTER XVm. VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 The Revolution in Virginia The Governors and the Burgesses William and Mary College James Blair Governor Spotswood His Dispute with the Burgesses His Journey over the Blue Ridge New Immigrants The Churches Slavery The Rich Planters Dimviddie The Ohio Company English and French Claims Dinwiddie and the Burgesses George Washington An Adjutant-General: A Messenger to the French: At Great Meadows: An Aid of Braddock Defeat of Braddock The Retreat Washington at Winchester Washington Visits Boston. THE joy that was felt in Virginia at the accession of James II. had given way to discontent and wrath. He sent over to the colony the captives taken in the Monmouth rebellion. His Governors, Cul- pepper and Howard of Effingham, came out 8 to make their fortunes. They ruled after the example of their royal master. In the closing days of James s reign there were rumors, as in New York and Maryland, of a popish plot in the colony, and of an impending in vasion of French and Indians. Protestant feeling was aroused, the Church of England was thought to be in peril, and there were symptoms of a popular rising. Effingham went back to England in 1688. When he arrived there, James had already fled for France. The Revolution passed by in Virginia without any very marked consequences. Effingham preferred to stay in England ; yet he continued to hold his office, and Francis Nicholson, the same from whom Leisler had wrested the government 278 THE COLONIAL ERA in New York, was commissioned as his Deputy. For a long time, partly owing to the Bacon rebellion, there was a kind of political apathy, which, however, was in a meas ure broken up on the approach of the close of the period which we are considering, the eve of the final war with France. Then there were circumstances adapted to pro voke a conflict on the part of the Burgesses nors and the with the royal Governor. Before that time, the popular house, to be sure, teased the Gov ernors by opposition on many points of no vital impor tance. The people and their leaders were acquiring a political training, the effects of which were apparent at a later day. One ground why there was less collision be tween the royal officers and the Burgesses than occurred elsewhere between the Governors and Assemblies, was the fact that in Virginia the quit-rents and other regular sources of the revenues of the King were generally suf ficient to carry on the government without the need of large grants of money. Nicholson, the Lieutenant-Governor, was ill-tempered and arbitrary. After two years he gave place to Andros, who was commissioned as Governor. He signalized him self, as he had done elsewhere, by his strictness in en forcing the Navigation Acts. He held the office for six years. Then Nicholson returned as Governor. In 1693, mainly by the efforts of Rev. James Blair, a and Mary charter was obtained for William and Mary College, which received an endowment from their Majesties, for whom it was named. It was placed at Middle Plantation. It is the second in age among the American colleges, Harvard being the oldest, and Yale being the third in the order of time. The first Commence ment of William and Mary was held in 1700, the year in which Yale was founded. In 1698, Nicholson removed the capital from the ruined village of Jamestown to Mid- VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 279 die Plantation, which now received the name of Williams- burg, and in honor of the King and Queen was laid out in the form of a W and M combined. Nicholson was an ambitious man, not deficient in courage ; but his irascible temper drove him into undignified brawls. Like Andros, he found an antagonist whom he could not manage, in the person of B^.jj. Blair was a Scotchman by birth, and was ordained in the Episcopal Church in Scotland, but removed to England. He was intelligent, energetic, of a combative disposition, but sincerely religious, and he had at heart the public good. Sent over to Virginia by the Bishop of London to look after the moral and religious interests of the colony, he w f as appointed, a few years later, the Bishop s commis sary, which gave him the highest ecclesiastical authority there, and made him ex officio member of the Council. He was indefatigable in the work of obtaining the charter of the College. He was not discouraged by the rough re mark of the Attorney-General Seymour, who thought that the money needed for the College might better be spent in the war with France. " The people of Virginia have souls to be saved," said Blair, " as well as the people of England." " Souls ! " exclaimed Seymour ; " damn their souls ! Make tobacco ! " In the contest with Nicholson, as with Andros, the influence of Blair in England ex ceeded the influence of these officials. There was a gain for religious freedom in the extension not voluntary, but compelled by orders from England of the benefits of the English Toleration Acts to Dissenters. Non-attendance on church once in a month, or in the case of Dissenters, on one of their own licensed chapels once in the same period, was punished by a fine of five shillings. In 1704, the Earl of Orkney was appointed Governor. But the office was for him a sinecure. He never set foot in the province. Of the salary of 2,000, 1,200 went 280 THE COLONIAL ERA into his pockets, and the remaining 800 went to the Lieutenant-Governor. Orkney held his office for forty years. Edward Nott was his first Deputy. Hunter, who was designated as Nott s successor, and whom Dean Swift had thoughts of accompanying in the character of Bishop of Virginia, received another appointment. In 1710, Governor Alexander Spots wood came out as Governor, spotswood. He wag a Scotchman by birth ; he had been a soldier, and had received a wound at the battle of Blen heim. He brought with him a concession of the right of habeas corpus, and this rendered his welcome the more warm. The constant, but ineffectual, desire of the people was to obtain a recognition of the rights of Virginians to the privileges of Englishmen under the Magna Charta and the common law. Spotswood wrote home : " This gov ernment is in perfect peace and tranquillity, under a due obedience to the royal authorit}*, and a gentlemanly con formity to the Church of England." But he was soon out of patience with the Burgesses for not ap- His disputes . *\ j. i i /. with the Bur- propriatmg money to carry out his plan of military organization. He sometimes lectured the house like an angry schoolmaster, at one time charac terizing its members as a set whom "Heaven has not gen erally endowed with the ordinary qualifications requisite to legislators." But he fell out, also, with the Council, which in its composition represented the aristocratic tone of the upper class that was growing up in Virginia soci ety. He was in general sustained by the home govern ment, but could not get leave to dismiss the obnoxious councillors. Blair, the commissary, refused to be con trolled by him in reference to ecclesiastical affairs. In the Church, the parish vestries insisted on retaining their power, and when it was decided that a minister once in ducted into his office could hold it for life, they employed their ministers without any form of induction. Spots- VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 281 wood was interested in the work of christianizing the Indians, and fostered the Indian school at Fort Chris- tanna. He was desirous of extending the Virginia set tlements westward, to forestall the French, who were spreading from an opposite direction. With a retinue of companions and attendants, he made an exploring journey over the Blue Ridge. He sent a vessel after a noted pirate on the coast by the name of Teach, ney overthe and nicknamed Blackbeard. The pirate s head I was brought back, fastened to the bowsprit. Spotswood was an able and vigorous man, imperious in his ways and notjblessed with tact in dealing with opponents. His let ters to the home government abound in indignant com plaints against the Council and the Burgesses. Finally the Council succeeded in procuring his removal. His successor, Hugh Drysdale, kept the peace with the Bur gesses, and the next Governor, William Gooch, who held his office for twenty-two years, pursued a like concilia tory policy. Scotch-Irish and German settlers planted themselves in the neighborhood of the Potomac. About 1732, they began to pour over the mountains to the valley immi- of the Shenandoah. The Scotch-Irish erected grants. their Presbyterian churches in the region of which Win chester is the centre. The Germans built Strasburg and other towns. They included Lutherans, Mennonites, some Calvinists, and a few Dunkers. In 1737, there came over at one time about one hundred families of Scotch- Irish, from whom the Alexanders, the McDowells, and other distinguished families have descended. A small company of English families settled around Greenway Court, the seat of a nobleman, Lord Fairfax. After the death of Commissary Blair, the clergy of the Established Church became more loose in their behavior, and more eager for their perquisites, and the character 282 THE COLONIAL ERA of the vestries and congregations proportionately de clined. There were not wanting on the part of the more godly ministers earnest efforts at reform The churches. . ,,..... .. _. , . , in manners and discipline. The Great Revival made its influence felt in Virginia. The preaching of Whitefield was heard with sympathy by many, but en countered widespread and virulent opposition. The fa ther of Presbyterianism in Virginia was a Scotchman, Francis Mackemie, who was prosecuted by Cornbury in New York. But the real founder of the Presbyterian Church, as an organized and effective body, was the elo quent Samuel Davies, who was settled in Hanover County in 1748, and afterward became President of Princeton College. It was he who obtained in England the decla ration from the Attorney-General that the Act of Tolera tion extended to Virginia. This he had maintained in a noted controversy, in which he contended before a Vir ginia court against Peyton Randolph, the Attorney-Gen eral of the colony. The system of indented servants existed in Virginia, and the treatment of them was regulated by statute. The negroes who were imported from Africa were of different races, and differed much from one another in physical and mental qualities. Virginia made repeated efforts to check this trade, but they were gener ally discouraged and thwarted by the English govern ment. One of the complaints inserted by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence is that England had forced upon the colonies this "execrable traffic." The slave population, by its natural increase and by continued im portations, multiplied rapidly. In 1714, there were twenty- three thousand. In 1756, they were one hundred and twenty thousand, when the whites numbered one hun dred and seventy-three thousand. The laws relating to the slaves naturally became more severe as they increased VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 283 in numbers. There were, however, humane legal provi sions. They were reckoned as a part of real estate, and one who inherited an estate had the right to buy the slaves connected with it. Negroes who were free were excluded from holding office or being witnesses in any case whatsoever. There grew up in the first half of the eighteenth cen tury in Virginia a class of wealthy planters. Their estates were large and productive. Besides their ser- x h e rich vants, there would be numerous tenants or peters. smaller landowners who were more or less their depend ents. The Virginia aristocracy lived in ease and plenty. They were hospitable among themselves. They had their horses and carriages. Horse-racing was one of their fa vorite diversions. In the course of a publication printed in London, in 1724, Hugh Jones, who had been a minis ter at Jamestown and chaplain of the Assembly, gives us a glimpse of different aspects of Virginia life. " They are such Lovers of Biding," he says, " that almost every or dinary Person keeps a Horse ; and I have known some spend the Morning in ranging several miles in the Woods to find and catch their Horses only to ride two or three Miles to Church, to the Court House, or to a Horse-Race, where they generally appoint to meet upon Business, and are more certain of finding those that they want to speak or deal with, than at their Home." There were .no manufactures to speak of, and whatever was wanted be yond the products of the soil and of the labor of plain mechanics, was brought from abroad to the planter s door in exchange for his tobacco. Offices of all sorts were in the hands of this patrician class. The towns were very few, so that schools were not established as in other colonies. Intercourse with England might introduce into certain families a fair degree of culture. There were in some of the mansions well furnished apartments. 284 THE COLONIAL ERA The sons could resort to William and Mary for their higher education, and sometimes they were sent abroad to pursue their studies. Under these circumstances there came to exist an opulent, high-spirited class, fond of out-of-door life, and entering with zest into sports and festivities which the leaders in Puritan communities ab jured. Printing was forbidden in Virginia when Cul- pepper was Governor, and the prohibition was contin ued through the reign of James IE. The first news paper, The Virginia Gazette, appeared at Williamsburg in 1736. Robert Dinwiddie, a Scotchman like his last two pre decessors, arrived in the colony as Lieutenant-Governor early in 1751. His coming was simultaneous Diiiwiddie. , . T7 . . . , . , with a new epoch in Virginian histor} , and the advent of a crisis in American affairs. A company of merchants and planters, called the Ohio Company, re- Tiie Ohio ceived from the King, in 1749, the grant of company. a yagt tract of territory west of the Allegha- nies, in the region of the Ohio. An experienced pioneer, Christopher Gist, was sent out to explore it. He crossed the Ohio, and from the summit of a mountain looked forth on the region now called Kentucky. Dinwiddie was one of the members of the Ohio Company; Law rence Washington was another. The latter complained that the requirement made of settlers, that they should have a minister of the Church of England, kept back nu merous Germans in Pennsylvania and in Germany itself from emigrating to the banks of the Ohio. He contrasts the rapid progress of Pennsylvania, where there was re ligious freedom, with the condition of things in Virginia. " This colony," he writes, " was greatly settled in the lat ter part of Charles the First s time, and during the usurpation, by the zealous churchmen, and that spirit which was then brought in has ever continued, so that, VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 285 except a few Quakers, we have no dissenters. But what has been the consequence ? We have increased by slow degrees, except negroes and convicts, while our neighbor ing colonies, whose natural advantages are greatly infe rior to ours, have become populous." But whatever hin drances might retard emigration, it was evident that the English were alive to the importance of taking - ,n J?AI English possession, by actual settlement, of tne exten- ami French sive region west of the Ohio, which the French were now seeking to secure to themselves by building a chain of forts designed to stretch from the lakes to Southern Louisiana. The French claim was based on the discoveries of La Salle. The English claim rested on a treaty with the Iroquois, and especially on the royal grants, according to which Virginia extended indefinitely to the West. Dinwiddie was a man of talents. He had risen, partly as a reward for his honesty, from being a clerk in a West India custom-house. His reception would n , , . , . ,, . .,, , Dinw. ddie have been more cordial in the province 11 he and the Bur- had not incurred some odium in his previous station as surveyor of customs in the colonies, and if he had not brought with him the King s negative to certain legislative acts which had been passed with the assent of Gooch. The Assembly remonstrated in vain against this exercise of the royal prerogative. A still greater excite ment was kindled when the Governor and Council began to require a fee for annexing the seal to a grant of land, although the warrant of a survey had been sufficient be fore to establish the title. Peyton Randolph was sent to England by the Burgesses to obtain redress. The Board of Trade decided for Dinwiddie, but advised a compromise. He wrote that his opponents were " full of the success of their party." The spirit of resistance to any enlargement of the royal prerogative, and to the least 286 THE COLONIAL KIIA encroachment on colonial privileges, continued to per vade the popular Assembly. Our interest in Virginia history now begins to gather about one youth whose name will never cease to send George Wash- a thrill to the heart of every American who ing on< knows how to value nobility of character and unselfish patriotism the name of GEORGE WASHINGTON. He was born on February 22, 1732, in Westmoreland County, of a good family, which had resided there for three generations. His early education was defective except in mathematics ; but, as his letters and other writ ings evince, he took great pains and made constant prog ress in remedying its deficiencies, especially as regards correctness and propriety of expression. Being a younger brother, it was necessary for him to earn a livelihood. His half-brother, Lawrence, had been with Admiral Ver- non, at Carthagena, and had given his name to the estate which George Washington afterward inherited. From him a commission was obtained for George as a midshipman. The unwillingness of his mother that he should go to sea, in which she was supported by the advice of an English relation, put an end to this project. Lawrence Washington married a daughter of Lord Fair fax, and by this means his } r ounger brother, then only sixteen, came to be employed to survey the vast estates of Fairfax beyond the Blue Ridge. During this work which went on for three years, Washington invigorated his frame, was inured to hardships, became familiar with matters of topography, and conversant with all sorts of people, from the genteel household of the Fairfaxes to the Indians and the rough whites on the frontier. In 1751, on finishing his task he was appointed one of the adjutant-generals of Virginia, with the rank of major. One of the four military districts, the northern one, was assigned to him by Dinwiddie. The military profession VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 287 had for Washington a very strong attraction. His first important employment was on a difficult and perilous mission to the French on the Ohio, on which AD Adjutant- he was sent by the Governor, to present a re monstrance against their encroachments. His earliest writing of importance is the journal which records briefly the particulars of this journey. The journey J -J.1. J A 4-1, " A messen - was made with a lew attendants, together per to the with Indian guide s and some of their chiefs. It was made in winter, over mountains, through forests, and across rapid rivers, bearing along on their currents broken masses of ice. He traversed a distance of seven hundred and fifty miles. On the way he surveyed the country from high ground, at the confluence of the Alle- ghany and Monongahela, where their waters unite to form the Ohio. He pronounced the spot on which he stood to be the propsr site of a fort, and soon after Fort Duquesne was built there. On his return, in trying to cross the swift and icy Monongahela, on a raft which was made with a hatchet, he barely escaped with his life. He was again in imminent peril from hostile Indians, but, after eleven weeks absence, arrived in safety at Williams- burg, on January 16, 1754. He now received the com mand of two companies, and was ordered to go and complete a fort which it was supposed that the Ohio Com pany had commenced to build. In 1753, the Assembly declined to vote supplies, for the reason that " their privileges " were thought to be in danger. In January, 1754, the Governor succeeded in drawing from them a grant of 10,000, to be used on the frontiers against the French ; but their vote was clogged with provisos to ward off the encroachments of prerogative. Wash ington was made Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment of three hundred men. On his way to execute his errand he ascertained that the French had got possession of 288 THE COLONIAL ERA the unfinished fort at the fork of the Ohio. This was the beginning of open hostilities. Virginia declined to take part in the Albany Congress of 1754. Dinwiddie s plan was for two confederations, one for the north and another for the south. The money granted by the As sembly was disbursed by its own committee, and in such a spirit as to excite the disgust of Washington and the other officers. There is no doubt that military operations were checked and embarrassed by the jeal ousy of prerogative which actuated that body, whatever incidental or remote advantages may have flowed from their policy. Washington attacked a reconnoitring de tachment of the French, and its leader, Jumonville, was among the slain. He was obliged by the approach of a greatly superior force from Fort Duquesne to retreat At Great ^ Great Meadows, and there to surrender a Meadows, stockade fort which he had built ; extorting, however, from the enemy the privilege of marching out his troops with the honors of war. This was on July 4, 1754. The Assembly passed a vote of thanks to himself and his officers, although there was afterward some un just criticism upon certain articles in the capitulation. In this early part of the career of Washington, even in his first mission to the French on the Ohio, there are dis covered the sound judgment, the self-government, and the courage which were ever distinguishing qualities in his character. With these traits were united an unswerv ing fidelity to duty and a high sense of honor. In the summer of 1754, Fort Cumberland was built, northwest of Winchester, on the Maryland shore of the Potomac. In the conduct of the war, the power of the Assembly was increased by making their Speaker the treasurer of the colony. This last office the Assembly had filled since 1738. A new military arrangement of Dinwiddie, which made the provincial officers subordinate to officers of the VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 289 same rank who held a royal commission, led Washington to resign. In February, 1755, General Edward Brad- dock, who was appointed Comniander-in-Chief An a ;d e of of all the colonial forces, arrived. He invited Braddock - Washington to enter his military family as a volunteer, and soon after appointed him an aide-de-camp. A consul tation was held with the Governor at Alexandria. There the plan of the campaign was formed. Braddock led his force, which consisted of two thousand one hundred and fifty effective troops, on the way to Fort Duquesne. He was a brave but headstrong soldier, somewhat reluc tant to take advice, and ready to break out into vituper ation against the colonies on account of hindrances and impediments that he had not expected to find. There were debates between him and Washington on these matters. The General was indebted to the exertions of Franklin for the means of transportation that were fur nished him by the farmers of Pennsylvania. The ad vance of the army was extremely slow, but Washington s counsel was so far adopted that a body of twelve hun dred men moved onward under Braddock, the Defeat of remainder following as a rear-guard. Wash- Braddock. ington was himself prostrated by a fever, and was still weak when he joined Braddock on the day preceding the battle of Monongahela. The French and Indian force at Fort Duquesne was inferior to that of the Eng lish, and if the English commander had been willing to take proper precautions against an ambuscade, the fort would have been easily captured. As it was, on July 9, 1755, he allowed himself to be surprised on the borders of a forest only seven miles from the fort, by a murder ous fire from French and Indians, who were concealed behind the trees. The regular troops were thrown into a panic ; their methods of warfare were totally unsuited to this exigency ; their General refused to let them imi- 19 290 THE COLONIAL ERA tate the foe and make a breastwork of the trees, but sought to rally them in platoons. Braddock, as brave as he was unwise, was mortally wounded, and with difficulty carried from the field. There was a great destruction of life among the officers. In this confused and terri fic combat Washington was the only aid who was not wounded. He rode up and down the field, carrying the or ders of the General, unhurt, although four bullets passed through his coat, and two horses were shot under him. The young hero, then as always, calm and fearless, was only twenty-three years old. The "dastardly behavior" of the regular troops excited his indignation. On the retreat Braddock died at Great Meadows, July The retreat. ^^ ^ patriotic discourse was delivered by the celebrated Virginia preacher, Davies, before a com pany of volunteers. In a note to this sermon occur the words : "As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto pre served in so signal a manner for some important service to his country." In August, 1755, the Assembly voted 40,000 for military uses. Washington was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the forces, with the liberty to se lect his own officers. He repaired to Winchester. He found the people in that region in a state of des- toS?w? perate alarm and confusion. French and In- chester. faans were committing fiendish outrages along the frontiers. The soldiers were extremely ill-behaved, insolent, and insubordinate. He at length persuaded the Assembly to adopt rigorous military regulations. Such was the compassion that he felt for the sufferings of the people that he declared, in a letter to Dinwiddie, that he would willingly submit to be butchered by the savages if he could release them from their sorrows and fears. Captain Dagworthy, at Fort Cumberland, having a royal VIRGINIA FROM 1688 TO 1756 291 commission, declined to obey the orders of Washington. The Governor left Shirley, the Commander-in-Chief, to decide the point. Washington made a visit to Boston to consult him on this subject, and on other matters relating to the war. Shirley decided ton visits the mooted point in accordance with Wash ington s views ; and, in compliance with Dinwiddie s re quest, gave to Washington and his field-officers royal commissions. For a year or two, he had to defend a frontier of more than three hundred and fifty miles in length, with a force of only seven hundred men. But in 1758 he was in command of the advance-guard of the victorious troops who entered Fort Duquesne. CHAPTER XIX. THE CAROLINAS FROM 1688 TO 1756 North Carolina Conflict of Parties Indian War- Increase of the Colony A Royal Province Immigrants South Carolina Archdale Charleston Indian War War with the Yemassees Hostility to the Proprietaries End of the Proprietary Rule Nicholson The Governor and the Assembly Indian Trou blesRevolt of Slaves Trade and Emigration Glen Society in South Carolina. SETTLEMENT in North Carolina, except on the Virginia border, went on very slowly. There were no towns or Social condi- villages. There were many Quakers in the tion - colony, but when any attention was given to religion, there was much discord. Until 1705, there was no church built, and five years later there was only one clergyman. The scattered settlers were left each to fol low his own ways. Organization of every kind was dif ficult to be secured. Under such circumstances it was not strange that the people should be impatient of the restraints of government, and that disorder should pre vail. Runaways from the well-ordered community on the North found a safe asylum. Until 1754, there was no printing-press in the colony. Philip Ludwell succeeded Sothel. After four years, when he was made Governor of both colonies, and took up his abode at Charleston, the northern prov ince was put under the charge of deputies. The "Fundamental Constitutions" of the English phi losophers were now abandoned, and the North Carolin- THE CAROLINAS FTCOM 1688 TO 1756 293 ians were allowed to govern themselves according to the charter. In 1704, Robert Daniel, the Deputy of Govern or Johnson, undertook to establish the Church Con fl} Ct O f of England, and procured the assent of the parties, legislature, which, also, passed an act requiring oaths to be taken by all officials. This would have the effect to shut oat Quakers from holding office. The people now divided into two contending parties. Carey was ap pointed in Daniel s place, but was soon removed. Will iam Glover became acting Governor, he being President of the Council. Glover was an active Churchman. Carey was the head of the opposing party, who denied the legal ity of his election. For four years there were two As semblies and two Governors. When Edward Hyde was sent out by the proprietaries, Spotswood intervened in his favor. Carey, who led an insurrection against him, came into Virginia, but was sent to England to be tried. An Indian war now broke out on the borders. Hundreds of whites on the Eoanoke and else where were slaughtered by the savages of the Tuscarora tribe. The North Carolina militia would not obey the call of Hyde, but the Tuscaroras were defeated, and for a time reduced to quiet, by troops from South Carolina. Pollock, made President of the Council, and, as such, acting Governor, described the whole condition of the col ony as ruinous in the extreme. Help was again implored from South Carolina, and Colonel James Moore, with a force from that province, inflicted such a de feat upon the Tuscaroras that the bulk of them moved northward and joined the Five Nations. Those that remained made peace. The grounds of their hostil ity were encroachments on their lands, alleged frauds of traders, and the killing of one of their tribe. Spotswood, the Governor of Virginia, wrote to the Lords Commis sioners of Trade (May 9, 1716) : "It has been the general 294 THE COLONIAL ERA observation, both in this and the neighboring provinces, that the Indians have rarely ever broke out with the English, except when they have received some notorious injury from the persons trading with them." "Indian traders," he adds, " have been made drunk and imposed upon, and this has provoked a bloody retaliation. They being accustomed among themselves to compound for murder by a payment, count one as the equivalent of the other." Charles Eden, the next Governor, was qualified for the post. The Carey faction was still active, and there was increase of a growing disaffection with the government of the colony. the Proprietaries. The population of the col ony was increased in 1690 and in 1707 by the incoming of bodies of French Protestants. Swiss and German colonists settled at Newbem. The Legislature met at Edenton, which was founded in 1715. The progress of the colony was checked by the absence of any town on the coast from which exports could be sent abroad. Vir ginia rendered a service by interposing to put down piracy. Toleration was enacted, although the establish ment of the English Church was continued. At length the Proprietaries sold their rights to the Crown. The satisfaction of the inhabitants at this A royal c l ]an g e was somewhat chilled by the appear- province. ance, as Governor, of Harrington, a worthless profligate, who had before exercised executive authority. He prorogued the Assembly for refusing to establish a permanent revenue and to grant to him the salary which he demanded. He was deprived of his office in 1734. Gabriel Johnston, a Scotchman, held the place for nearly twenty years. The salaries of the Crown officers were expected to be paid from quit-rents, but no satisfactory law for their collection could be extorted from the As sembly. When the Governor set about collecting them THE CAKOLIXAS FROM 1G88 TO 175G 295 by his own agents, the Assembly resisted the measure, and threw his officers into prison. There were improve ments introduced for example, in the judiciary system. But Johnston s endeavors to promote education do not appear to have been seconded by popular support. Dur ing the existence of the royal government, we have ac counts of only two schools, one at Newbern, and the other at Edenton. Wilmington became one of the places for the meeting of the Assembly. In 1721, for the first time, a law was passed for the disfranchisement of free negroes. Highlanders and emigrants from Ireland came into the colony, the number of whose inhabitants was still more increased by an emi gration into the central and western regions from the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania. Dobbs be came Governor in 1754. Men and money were contrib uted for the aid of the more northern colonies at the outbreaking of the war with the French and Indians. But the Assembly kept up a struggle in behalf of popular government, in opposition to the Governor s assertion of prerogative. When Sothel was driven from North Carolina, being a " Palatine," he assumed authority in the southern prov ince, but his misconduct was such that he was obliged to depart. Under Ludwell, his suc cessor, the Proprietaries, finding it impossible to enforce the constitutions, finally gave them up, and left the col ony to be governed by the charter. The Parliament be came an Assembly. It was conceded that the power of proposing laws should not be confined to the Governor and Council. Smith, who followed Ludwell, succeeded no better than he in allaying strife. Two parties The two par . sprang up, that of the Proprietaries and their officers, a party to which the Churchmen adhered, and the party comprised of the Dissenters, a majority of the 290 THE COLONIAL ERA people. There was an opposition to the paying of quit- rents. There were disputes about the tenure of lands, the naturalization of Huguenots, and other subjects. It was in Smith s time that rice was brought in from Madagascar. It became the principal product of the colony. As the raising of it was unhealthy for the whites, the effect of its introduction was to promote negro slavery. Joseph Archdale, himself a proprietor, a pious Quaker, who knew how to bridle his tongue, was sent out as Governor, to pacify discontent. He made important concessions. He allowed the number of representatives to be increased. He remitted, on certain conditions, ar rears of quit-rents. He paved the way for his successor, Joseph Blake. Yet two years after Blake s coming, the Assembly asked for the privilege of coining money, and petitioned for the removal of duties on exports. In 1697, religious liberty was adopted by laws applicable to all except " papists." A liberal course was pursued in the enactments relating to the Huguenots. In 1700, James Moore was appointed Governor. Prominent party lead ers now appear on the stage. One of the foremost was Nicholas Trott, who was at first on the popular side, but was won over by offices, and, with his brother-in-law, Colonel Ehett, became the champions of the Proprietary interest. Charleston had now become a nourishing town, with a lucrative commerce, handsome houses, the homes of re fined and intelligent families. When war broke out between England and Spain, Moore commanded an expedition against St. Augustine. The town was pillaged and the castle was besieged ; but the arrival of two Spanish ships compelled the English forces to retire, burning the town behind them. In 1703, a soldier, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, arrived to succeed Moore. The Apalatchees were allies of the Spaniards. Moore THE CAKOLIXAS FKOM 1688 TO 1756 297 was sent out against them at the head of a small body of whites, and a thousand Indians. The Apalatchees, with their Indian helpers, were routed, andtKeir country ravaged. In 1704, Lord Gran ville, then Palatine, had instructed the Governor, and the faction at his back, to pass stringent laws for the establishment of Episcopacy. A law was enacted which excluded Dissen ters from sitting in the Assembly. The Churchmen, on the other hand, were offended by the passage of a law which relegated the trial of ecclesiastical causes to a lay commission. Queen Anne, despite Granville, annulled both of these laws. On this occasion the Board of Trade recommended that the charter itself be annulled. This was not done. It foreshadowed, however, what was to come. The struggle had been a bitter one. Johnson acquired more honor by resolutely meeting and repuls ing an attack on Charleston by the French, aided by the Spanish Governor at Havana. Lord William Craven, Granville s successor, was a moderate man. Governor Edward Tynte was conciliating in his temper, but he lived but a short time. Then the brother of the Palatine, Colonel Charles Craven, a man of admirable qualities, ruled the province. Obnoxious laws, adverse to Dissen ters, were repealed, but the parish system was introduced, and it was provided that elections should be held, not in Charleston alone, but in the respective parishes. Effi cient aid was sent to North Carolina in the war against the Tuscaroras. But the colony had to engage in war with the Yemassees, who had before been wai- with the friendly, but had been seduced from their Yemassces. friendship by the Spaniards, and were irritated by the traders, who harassed them by demands for the payment of debts. The Yemassees were joined by the Creeks, and the Indian tribes " from Mobile River to Cape Fear " were in commotion. There was a savage massacre of the 298 THE COLONIAL EKA settlers on the borders. The Governor of South Caro lina acted with energy. North Carolina sent reinforce ments. The savages were beaten, their town was cap tured, and their fort taken by Colonel Mackay. The Yemassees were driven beyond the Savannah, and took up their abode in Florida. In 1717, Robert Johnson, a son of the former Governor, Sir Nathaniel, succeeded Craven. From this time the Proprietaries and their officials grew more Hostility to n . . , ... ., . , D ., . .. the Proprie- domineering, and with this change the spirit of resistance in the opposing party kept pace. The expenses of the colony were largely increased by the necessity of paying troops and keeping up garri sons on the border. The Assembly had issued bills of credit, which had depreciated. A royal order came to call them in and cancel them. This was owing to a complaint of the London merchants. To fulfil the order was diffi cult, partly by reason of another order requiring a repeal of the tax which had been imposed on importations. The pirates had become dangerous, and new expenditures were necessary to suppress their depredations. Johnson was personally admired for his bravery in pursuing one of the marauders, and seizing him after a desperate strug gle. But the conflict with the policy which he was the instrument of enforcing, continued. Trott, who was Chief Justice, was the ruling spirit in the conduct of af fairs within the province. Directions were sent out to repeal the election law, to which reference has been made, and to repeal other laws deemed by the Assembly to be of rital consequence. One of the Council, Yonge, was de spatched to England to carry a remonstrance to the Pro prietors. It brought only a disdainful refusal. A Span ish invasion, it was thought, was impending, and grants of money were absolutely necessary. The Assembly pointed to the law for imposing duties. They told the THE CAROLINAS FROM 1688 TO 1756 299 Governor that the repeal of it by the Proprietors was of no account, and had no validity. The citizens formed themselves into secret associations. The Gov- ... . , .. End of the ernor mustered the militia; but they would Proprietary obey only the Assembly. The Assembly disre garded Johnson s proclamation dissolving them. It re solved itself into a convention, and elected a Governor of its own, James Moore. Opposition was useless. The revolution was successful. A Council was chosen by the Assembly. New legislative acts were passed. Order was taken for laying a report of the proceedings before the Board of Trade and before the King. There was a party, however, still in favor of Johnson. Receiving aid from two English vessels which arrived in the Ma I7gi harbor, he proposed to make an attempt upon the forts. He was withstood by the garrisons, and gave up his project when he learned that a provisional royal Governor had been appointed. Francis Nicholson ar rived with his commission, on May 23, 1721. The gov ernment of the Proprietaries was brought to an end, al though the purchase of their rights by the Crown was not consummated until 1729. The people rejoiced to be rid of the old meddlesome and dictatorial system of rule. Nicholson had profited by his long experience in colonial government, n -, i -.LI j.i A 11 Nicholson. and avoided contention with the Assembly. It was now in the highest degree important to bring the Indians on the frontiers into a friendly relation to the English. He set about this task. Much was done for the religious and educational interests of the colony. New parishes were formed, new churches were built, and the London Society for the Propagation of the Gospel sent over clergymen. But when, at the end of four years, Nicholson was succeeded by Arthur Middleton, the old war between the different branches of the Gov- 300 THE COLONIAL ERA ernment revived. The Assembly refused to pass a sup ply bill unless a measure of their own was accepted. In the course of four years the same bill was eight c;iior anathe times rejected by the Governor and Coun cil. Six times the Assembly was dissolved and a new election ordered. They claimed to elect their own clerk without the concurrence of the Council ; and there were other subjects of controversy. In pursuance of the pacific Indian policy of Nichol son, Sir Alexander Gumming visited the powerful tribe Indian trou- of Cherokees. Six of their chieftains accom panied Gumming on a visit to England. The Spaniards let Florida be a place of refuge for fugitive slaves. These, as well as the hostile Yemassees, plun dered the border plantations. An expedition under Col onel Palmer laid waste the country as far as St. Augus tine. A fort was erected in Nicholson s time on the Altamaha Eiver, which the English claimed as the boun dary. In 1738, an armed revolt of negroes on the Stono Revolt of Iliver was discovered in season to be sup- si aves. pressed, and thus an extended massacre of whites was prevented. The negroes had become so nu merous as to excite much alarm. German Palatines came over at different times. Swiss emigrants came over in 1732, and settled near the Savannah Eiver. Irish emi grants planted themselves at Williamsburg. The found ing of the colony of Georgia served as a means of protec tion for the frontier. At a later time, new-comers from Virginia and Pennsylvania, and people from the coast, became settlers in the " up country." Sir Eobert Johnson was the first of the royal Gover nors. Notwithstanding his expulsion from of- 1731. fice, he had always been a personal favorite. He was no longer fettered by the directions of Proprieta ries. Parliament lightened the restrictions upon the THE CAROLINES FROM 1688 TO 1756 301 commerce of the colony. A bounty on hemp was grant- ecH The people were gratified by the remission of the arrears of quit-rents. The harbor of Charleston was for tified, and ships of war were sent for its defence. The new order of things stimulated the foreign T r a d e and trade. It enticed from abroad the emigra- em3 g ration - tion which has just been referred to. The lull in con tests of parties, however, could not continue long. The Assembly were at issue with the officers of the Crown in relation to the courts of law. It was determined, more over, to grant the Governor s salary year by year. Un der the Lieutenant-Governor, Broughton, who was in power for two years after Johnson s death, the ,, , j ., -, , 1735-3T. Assembly had its own way, and made a large issue of paper money. Under Bull, the next Lieutenant- Governor, the colony aided Georgia in an unsuccessful expedition against Florida. Other calamities occurred the negro insurrection spoken of above, and a disastrous fire in Charleston. There was a standing controversy respecting the Crown lands. James Glen, who began his administration as Governor in December, 1743, was regarded as a friend of the popular interest, but not even he could escape controversies with the Assembly. He was energetic in fortifying the prov ince, and by treaties with the Indians and by other means prepared it to withstand invasion by the Span iards. In pursuit of these ends, he traversed the colony and made a personal visit to the Cherokees. Troops were sent over from England to garrison the forts on the frontiers. At the beginning of the war with the French and Indians, Glen was not on good term 3 with the As sembly. He could not obtain a grant of supplies. South Carolina did not take an active part in the vv*ar. There was a strong tendency to ths division of soci ety into two classes the slave-owners and their_ servants. 302 THE COLONIAL ERA Commerce prospered, and Charleston became a mart of trade. It became, likewise, a seat of wealth and fashion, where in winter the prosperous planters, who aspired after a certain polish, formed an elegant, pleasure-lov ing society. In the population of South Carolina the English race was less predominant than was the fact elsewhere. But the intermingling of foreign elements, such was their character, was a source of strength. The various elements conspired to form the foundation of a virile, self-respecting community. CHAPTER XX. GEORGIA FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 1756 Oglethorpe His Career His Plan for a Colony Grant of Territory The Settlement Immigrants from Salzburg The Colony Reinforced State of the Colony Trials John Wesley Charles Wesley Expedition against St. Augustine Spanish Attack Repelled Whitefield in Georgia Surrender of the Charter Tiie New Government Social Condition. UNLIKE the other colonies, Georgia was settled neither from the love of gain nor for the sake of a principle in religion or politics. The motive of its founder was an unselfish philanthropy. Of the leaders in colonization, he was one of the most distinguished and most worthy of respect. James Edward Oglethorpe sprang t L -i i,- i Ji j A Oglethorpe. from an ancient family, which adhered to the house of Stuart down to the fall of James II. Of the early life of James, the third son of Sir Theophilus Ogle thorpe, we have scanty information. Prominent as he was, and living to be nearly a hundred years old living until the colony which he planted had separated from Great Britain and was one of the United States there is, nevertheless, a remarkable dearth of details respecting his personal characteristics. We know that his gallantry and nobleness were held in high esteem through all his life. Dr. Johnson appears to have had a great regard for him, and the few glimpses which Boswell affords of Oglethorpe in the company of Johnson are quite important. Once, when the subject of duelling came up, and the question was whether it is 304 THE COLONIAL ERA right or not, " the brave old General fired up, and said, with a lofty air, Undoubtedly a man has a right to de fend his honor. " An incident of his youth is given by Boswell in which Oglethorpe showed equal spirit and tact in repelling an affront. A couplet of Pope refers to him by name : "One, driven by strong benevolence of soul, Shall fly, like Oglethorpe, from pole to pole." A year before his death, which was in 1785, Hannah More wrote of him : " He is much above ninety years old, and the finest figure you ever saw. He perfectly realizes my ideas of Nestor. His literature is great, his knowl edge of the world extensive, and his faculties as bright as ever. He is quite &preux chevalier heroic, romantic, and full of gallantry." Even the preoise date of Oglethorpe s birth is not de termined with certainty. His latest biographer places it on June 1, 1689. His father was an officer in His career. the army, and the son had a strong military taste. Hence he left Corpus Christi College, Oxford, after a two year s residence, to begin his military life. He served at some time, exactly when is doubtful, under Marlborough. His training as a soldier was mainly under Prince Eugene, with whom he was associated as secre tary and then as aide-de-camp. He had a share in one of the most memorable military events of that period, the defeat of the Turks before Belgrade and the capture of that place. Returning to England, and inheriting the family estate, he entered Parliament in 1732, and repre sented the same borough for thirty-two years. He was Hi* plan for chairman of a committee of the House of Com- a colony. mO ns to visit prisons and propose measures of reform. While performing this service, he was struck with compassion for the multitude of poor debtors, many GEORGIA FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 1756 305 of whom were merely victims of misfortune, but, accord ing to the cruel laws of that time, were shut up, it might be, for the remainder of their lives. For their relief, and for the benefit of other classes of deserving poor, he de vised the plan of a colony in America, where they might be comfortably established. It was necessary, of course, to compound with the creditors. He secured the co-op eration of persons of rank, and other benevolent people ; large funds were contributed, a board of trustees was organized, and from the King a grant was ob- Grant of ter . tained of the territory between the Savannah ntory. and the Altamaha, where the Carolinians were quite will ing that new settlements should be established as a bar rier against the incursions of the Spaniards and their In dian helpers. The colony was to be distinct from South Carolina. Freedom of religion was to be enjoyed by all except "papists." For twenty-one years the province was to be governed by the corporators and their succes sors. Then such a form of government was to be estab lished as the King should ordain, and thereafter all its officers were to be appointed by royal authority. Arms as well as tools were to be furnished to the settlers. Grants of land in tail-male were to be made to them. For traffic with the natives a license was to be required. The introduction of spiritous liquors and of negro slaves was absolutely prohibited? Arrangements were to be made for the cultivation of the mulberry ; and there was a provision for the breeding of silk- worms. On one face of the seal of the colony, silk-worms were engraved in dif ferent stages of their labor, to serve as a symbol of what it was hoped would be a leading industry among the col onists, and also as a suggestion of the unselfish spirit that should prevail the motto being inscribed, Non sibi, sed aliis. Great care was taken, by means of a commit tee and by other agencies, to choose the emigrants and to 20 306 THE COLONIAL ERA exclude applicants of unworthy character. On Novem ber 17, 1732, a company of one hundred and thirty per sons, led by Oglethorpe himself, arrived at Charleston. The Bet tie- Accompanied by Colonel William Bull, the ment.. leader proceeded to the Savannah River and made choice of a site for the settlement on an adjacent bluff. The neighboring Indians, whose chief was an old man, Tomo-chi-chi, showed themselves friendly. The col onists were brought to the place, the town, named Savan nah, was regularly laid out, and the houses were built. The superintendence and personal exertions of Oglethorpe carried forward the work in an orderly style. From a convention of chiefs in May, 1733, a title was acquired to the territory described in the charter. The convenience, as well as the rights of the Indians were thoughtfully secured in the stipulations. The influence of Tomo-chi- chi, then and afterward, was invaluable. As the immi grants increased in number among whom were Italians from Piedmont to manage the silk industry several other villages and plantations were formed on the Little Ogee- chee and the Great Ogeechee, and elsewhere. The House of Commons appropriated to the trustees 10,000, the fruits of the sale of the island of St. Christopher. In 1734, a company of Protestants, who had been from saiz- driven out of Salzburg for embracing the re formed faith, came over, bringing their minis ters with them. Happy in their new home, they finally settled on the Savannah, near the junction of Ebenezer Creek with that river. Between them and the town of Savannah, a company of pious Moravians, with their pas tor, Spangenberg, planted themselves. Early in 1734, Oglethorpe returned to England, taking with him Tomo- chi-chi, with a select number of Indian companions, all of whom were duly impressed by the magnificence of Lou- don, and gratified by the presents which they received. It GEORGIA FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 1756 307 was essential to provide for defence against attacks that might be expected from the Spaniards in Florida. On the Altamaha, sixteen miles above the island of St. Simon, a chosen company of brave Highlanders, with women and children, founded the settlement of New Inverness, in the district which they named Darien. These were joined sub sequently by additional emigrants from Scotland. In Feb ruary, 1736, Oglethorpe returned with a com- Th colony pany of two hundred and two persons, among reinforced, whom, besides the English, were German Lutherans and Moravians. He was accompanied by two young clergy men, John and Charles Wesley, whose names were one day to become famous in the religious history of both England and America. By this new accession of colo nists it was made possible to build the town of Frederica, on the island of St. Simon, which was planned as a mili tary town, and, with the water - battery in front of it, proved to be, as it was intended to be, a kind of citadel for the security of the other settlements, and a bulwark against Spanish invasions. While the houses were build ing, the colonists were safely sheltered in bowers of pal metto leaves. In 1737, Oglethorpe secured a commission as colonel. He was appointed to the chief command of the South Carolina as well as the Georgia troops. So far everything had gone smoothly. Georgia had been signally exempt from the sufferings through which nearly all the other colonies at the beginning sta te of the had to pass. But now there were days of colon y- trial. The culture of silk proved an absolute failure. There was no profit to be made from the vine. The hot climate engendered fevers and other diseases. Trials The land allotted to the settlers was far from being all productive. There was a demand for the in troduction of ardent spirits, which the colonists could not be prevented from procuring although not without 308 THE COLONIAL ERA much trouble and expense from South Carolina. There was a still louder demand for the introduction of negro slaves, who could so much more easily endure the burden of labor in that climate. Why, it was said, should the people be deprived of an advantage which was enjoyed in the sister colony ? Then there was a desire expressed to have a fee-simple title to their lands, and a regular constitution and body of laws. The Wesleys were the occasion of new and peculiar troubles. John Wesley John wes- was a ^ ^ na ^ time unripe in his spiritual life. le y- He afterward said of himself that he was not then " converted." The fact is that he was a ritualist and an ascetic in his religious ideas. He was so high in his churchmanship that, much to his regret in later times, he refused the communion to an excellent man because he had not been baptized by an Episcopally ordained clergyman. The number of services that he appointed was so great that they became burdensome and distaste ful. He was unwearied in labor, which his iron consti tution enabled him to bear ; but he undertook to be a censor of individuals as well as of the community as a whole. He became involved in a love affair with a young woman to whom he taught French, and this led to further complications. Her uncle, Thomas Causton, first magistrate of Savannah, and keeper of the public stores, became his enemy. Finally, Wesley was indicted, one of the accusations being that he had unjustifiably denied the communion to Causton s niece, who had mar ried a Mr. Williamson. Wesley thought it best to with draw from the colony. Accompanied by a few persons he fled from Savannah, and after various dangers and pri- chariesWee- va tions succeeded in reaching Charleston. le y- His brother, Charles Wesley, was equally un acceptable at Frederica, and in about a year returned to England. Oglethorpe was absent for a while in Eng- GEORGIA FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 1756 309 land to obtain troops for the contest with the Spanish, which he saw to be impending. On coming back to Sa vannah he removed from office Causton, who, besides being arbitrary and tyrannical, turned out to be a de- f miter. Ogiethorpe did what he could to quiet the dis turbances at Savannah. He brought home with him some regular troops, together with six hundred men whom he himself raised. Ogiethorpe visited the Creeks and Cherokees to keep them from being drawn to the side of the Spaniards. He aided in putting down the negro insurrection a A.^ n v -u- i, j-v i_ j L- -t Expedition in South Carolina, which they had stirred up. against St. He now determined to anticipate attack from ugus the side of the Spaniards by capturing, if possible, their stronghold, St. Augustine. Preparations were elabo rately made. In May, 1740, he moved upon the Spanish capital with a force of English and Indians, numbering about two thousand men. There was to be a joint attack by the land forces and by the English fleet under Ver- non. A combination of adverse circumstances caused the expedition to result in a failure. Among the occa sions of the disaster was the tardy action of South Caro lina in sending its aid in men and munitions of war, the failure of the fleet to co-operate in the attack at the sea sonable time, the ill-behavior of the Indians, and the suc cess of the Spaniards in bringing in through the Matan- zas Kiver reinforcements, with provisions and munitions. The chief benefit of this abortive attempt was its effect in putting the Spaniards for a considerable time on the de fensive. During the next two years Ogiethorpe was en gaged in fortifying Frederica, and in making all possible preparations to meet an attack which he felt sure would be made upon the col ony. In June, 1742, a Spanish fleet of fifty-one vessels, with five thousand men on board, appeared off the island 310 THE COLONIAL ERA of St. Simon. To meet the assault Oglethorpe had a few armed sloops and a guard schooner, and a force of about six hundred and fifty men. His military skill and cour age were assisted by a lack of spirit in the invaders, and by dissension among them ; but his complete success could only have been gained by a competent and heroic general. Thenceforward Georgia was delivered from the danger of a Spanish conquest. In 1741, a number of malcontents who had left Geor gia, published at Charleston a clever, but spiteful pam phlet, respecting the colony which they had abandoned. Not without justice they accuse Causton of haughtiness and cruelty. But they direct their shots against the trustees, and do not spare Oglethorpe, who is personally addressed in a satirical preface, and is charged with be ing overbearing and despotic. He was a soldier, accus tomed to prompt obedience, and it would appear that in the trying circumstances in which he was placed he gave way to occasional gusts of temper. But nothing more serious can truthfully be alleged against him. This caus tic pamphlet describes the decline of the colony in pop- whitefieM in ulation, and so far it is correct. Whitefield Georgia. firgt yisited Georgia in 1740. He was re garded with much more favor than Wesley had been. He founded an orphan -ho use ten miles from Savannah, for the building and support of which he gathered con tributions in his wide evangelistic journeys. As already stated, on one occasion he emptied the pockets of Franklin, although Franklin did not approve of the location chosen for the institution, in a distant and sparsely settled colony. Whitefield tells us that he found Georgia almost deserted, except by such as would not go away. The thing most complained of was the exclusion of rum and negroes. On this matter the colonists were importunate in their peti tions, with which the trustees, much influenced by White- GEORGIA FROM ITS SETTLEMENT TO 175G 311 field and by Habersliam, an inhabitant of the colony, at last complied. It was also granted that lands should be held in fee- simple and disposed of at the will of the own ers. Oglethorpe returned to England in 1743. He did not again visit Georgia. The President and Assistants of the county of Savannah were made the rulers of the entire province. The first Provincial Assembly, which had no power to legislate, but only to advise, met in 1751. The government of the trustees had become more and more obnoxious. The trustees, in turn, were willing to relin quish their cares and responsibilities. The surrender of formal surrender of their charter to the Crown the charter took place on June 23, 1752. The new government of Georgia resembled in general that of the other royal provinces. But the Governor s powers were Thenewgov- large. He exercised the rights of a chancellor, besides presiding in the Court of Errors. He collated to all vacant benefices, and had charge of the probate of wills. He could suspend any member of the Council. This body was appointed by the King, to hold office dur ing the King s pleasure. There was a property qualifica tion for electors and for members of the Lower House. The principal privilege of the Assembly was the exclu sive right to originate bills for grants of public money. The first of the royal Governors was Captain John Rey nolds. Georgia was not represented in the Albany Con gress of 1754. When the royal government was established, the popu lation of the colony consisted of about twenty-three hun dred whites and about one thousand negro Social condi . slaves. The benevolent motives of the trustees had not availed to give prosperity to the colony. Their interference with industry and production was well- meant, but harmful The cultivation of cotton was just beginning. Under the royal government, the exportation 312 THE COLONIAL ERA of rice, indigo, lumber, and skins became profitable. It had been impossible to build up a town life, and the estates were generally small. There were no manu factures. Among the settlers, as might be expected, in view of their previous history, there were some who dis appointed the hopes of those who sent them out, and the servants of the colonists were much worse. The farmers were fon 1 of fishing and hunting, and horse-racing came into vogue. Laws were passed against gambling and betting. There was a rigorous slave-code, and the enact ments indicate the fear that prevailed of negro revolts. Education was left in the hands of itinerant school-mas ters, who are said to have been often addicted to intem perate habits. The Church of England was established, and the people were taxed for the support of it. But the Dissenters were numerous. There were laws for the ob servance of the Sabbath, and to enforce attendance on church. The only literary productions were controversial pamphlets respecting the government of the trustees and the proceedings of Oglethorpe. But these were written by immigrants, and there was no printing-press in the colony. A new and brighter epoch in the history of Georgia opens at about the time of the American Revo lution. CHAPTER XXI. LITERATURE IN THE COLONIES The Writings of John Smith Sandys Whitaker Early New Eng land Writers Winthrop Mather s Magnalia " Hubbard Prince The New England Divines Their Ideas of Provi denceAbsorption in Religion and Theology The Bay Psalm- Book Anna Bradstreet " The Day of Doom "Franklin and Edwards Legists. LITERARY activity in the American colonies, so far as printed publications are concerned, for a period was nec essarily confined to strictly practical ends. The books which the colonists read, so far as they could find leisure to read, they brought over with them, or imported later. Yet in the mother-country there was an eager curiosity to be gratified respecting the new world, and its strange, dusky inhabitants. Especially was there occasion to put in print in England descriptions designed to promote an interest in schemes of colonization, or to repel calum nies that were scattered abroad concerning the behavior of the settlers. The earliest writer who appeared in this department of authorship, in truth the first in order of time of all American writers, was John Smith. His ac counts are trustworthy, except the tales of per- i -i 11 -i tfi The TOft- sonal adventure where he allows nimseli to mm- ings of John gle ingredients of fiction with the authentic record. His enthusiasm lends a degree of fascination to his narratives, and in his spirited " Letter of Remon- 314 THE COLONIAL ERA st ranee to the London Proprietors " he writes with point and vigor. As Drayton composed an ode to the Virginia colonists before they set sail, so it is interesting to know that another English poet of no inconsiderable merit, George Sandys, sojourned for a while at James town in its early days, and finished there his translation of the " Metamorphoses of Ovid." The pious missionary, Alexander Whitaker, two years after he came over, wrote the " Good News of Virginia, " in Whitaker. , . i ... /. which, in a clear style, and in a tone 01 Chris tian sincerity, he sets forth the condition and unfolds the wants and claims of the new colony. Among the few Virginia writings of the seventeenth century, the " Bur- well Papers " deserve to be mentioned. They were dis covered in manuscript about a hundred years after they were composed. They present a well written account of the rebellion of Bacon, of whom the anonymous author was an adherent, together with a poem of high merit, praising his virtues and deploring his death. Several productions of Virginia authors of a later day are not without worth. Beverley s "History of the Colony," the first edition of which was printed in 1705, was written in a racy style, and is marked by a considerate treatment of the Indians. In 1747, Stith published a work of much higher authority, which brought down the history of the colony to 1624. William Byrd, a man of fortune, witty and accomplished, a typical Virginia gentle man of the better class, who lived in affluence, and possessed the best library in the South, wrote a journal of expeditions in which he took part for fixing the boundary between Virginia and North Carolina. His work, which was printed from the manuscript in 1841, is an intelligent and lively account of the region and the people which he had occasion to observe. The first of the New England descriptive and historical LITERATURE IN THE COLONIES 315 narratives was " Mourt s Relation," a journal by William Bradford and Edward Winslow of the first twelve months of the history of the Pilgrim emigrants. The narrative was continued in Win slew s " Good News from New England," which was published in 1624. Mor ton s "Memorial," which was issued at Cam- England writ- bridge in 1669, was derived largely from Brad ford s "History." The "History" of Bradford, which was first printed in 1856, from the recovered manu script, is the work of an educated man who writes with all the charm of an artless chronicler. John Winthrop, on his voyage from England, composed "A Model of Christian Charity," in which he de scribes the unselfish temper that was required for the success of the colony of which he was the leader, and thereby, without intending it, delineated his own charac ter. His " History of Massachusetts " is a diary in which he records, although with many breaks, the events which concerned himself, his family, and New England, from 1630 until his death in 1649. It is an historical monu ment of inestimable value. On its pages are reflected the sagacious and dispassionate mind, and disinterested temper of the founder of Massachusetts. Mason, the hero of the Pequot war, wrote the story of it, and long after the close of Philip s War a spirited account of it was published by a son of Captain Benjamin Church, from notes of his father. In 1702 was issued the "Mag- nalia" of Cotton Mather, a church history of Mather s New England from 1620 to 1698. Its learn- "Magnaiia." ing, of which there was a pedantic display, was pro fuse. But while it is an important source of knowledge, there is a lack of accuracy, and the leading characters, especially the ministers, are extolled without stint. An important part of the value of the work at the present day is the picture which it presents of the intellectual 316 THE COLONIAL ERA character of the author himself, an eminent divine of the second generation somewhat inferior to the first of Massachusetts Puritans. William Hubbard Hubbard. . . , .... ... ,,-,,, ,., minister of Ipswich, related the history of the Indian wars, and a history of New England down to 1680, which did not see the light until 1815. "The History Prince ^ ^ ew England," by Thomas JPrince, the first volume of which was printed in 1736, although written in the dry form of annals, was the fruit of careful researches, and is distinguished from preceding works by its superior correctness. The mental activity of New England, as it has already been remarked, was concentrated chiefly on theological and religious themes. The ministers were England di- well-educated ; they collected what, for the time, were large libraries, at a cost bearing sometimes a great proportion to the total amount of their property ; and they were hard students. Their fa vorite authors were the same as those cherished by the Puritan divines in England. Cotton had pored over the fathers and schoolmen. In reply to the inquiry why he studied late at night, he replied that he loved to sweeten his mouth with a piece of Calvin before he went to sleep. Besides their sermons, of which many were printed, they composed elaborate treatises such as the writings of Hooker, Cotton, and Richard Mather on church polity. These divines and their contemporaries did not differ in the qualities of their style from the Puritan clergy in England, with whom, in general ability, they stood on a level. The same remark may be made of the controver sial publications composed by New England ministers, such as thoss which emanated from Cotton and Roger Williams, in their debate on the question of the right and expediency of State interference in matters of religion. The quaint, and frequently long, titles of books and pam- LITERATURE IN THE COLONIES 317 phlets were conformed to the fashion that existed in those days in the mother-country. Without considering in de tail the contents of the sermons and other writings of the New England ministers in the seventeenth century, it will be understood that they taught the Calvinistic doctrines. With regard to one article in their religious belief and teaching a few words may be said. They were not pe culiar in cherishing a faith in the universal Theirideae Providence of God. It was a tenet which of Provi- they held practically, applying it to all events, large and small, that occurred within the range of their experience. But, as was characteristic of much religious teaching elsewhere, they pushed to an unwar rantable extent their interpretation of the dealings of Providence, ascribing to a special divine judgment for particular offences, real or imaginary, whatever calamities might happen to men whether it were themselves per sonally, their neighbors, or the community at large even when such calamities could not be connected in the line of cause and effect with transgressions that pre ceded them. This habit of pronouncing on the meaning of Providence as regards the details of life often led to uncharitable and even ludicrous judgments. It scarcely needs to be added that the religious teachers of New England shared in certain superstitions which belonged to the age, and were not peculiar to them. They made much of signs and omens. Increase Mather s two dis courses, in 1683, on comets, were occasioned, as the co pious title explains, by " the late blazing stars," and re lated what- massacres, fires, plagues, tempests, and other horrors had followed upon the appearance of like celes tial phenomena at previous times in the world s history all ending with a solemn rebuke to the inhabitants of Boston, to whom the skies had been the vehicle for con veying the divine threats. Mather s teaching is but one 318 THE COLONIAL ERA of any number of illustrations that might be presented of a prevalent mode of belief. There was a class of Puritans in England who at the same time that religion had the supreme place in their thoughts retained a profound sympathy with in reHgio n liberal studies in the broad sense of the phrase, aud theology. It is ^ needful to men tion the name of Mil ton, the noblest exemplar of the class referred to. But Puritanism, it has already been remarked, tended to part company with the characteristic moods and influences of the Renaissance. Such an effect of an intense absorption in theology was manifest, it should be said, wherever Protestantism was a living power. In New England this tendency prevailed, with nothing to check it. Its early inhabitants were pioneers in a wilderness, compelled to extort their subsistence from a niggardly soil, and to contend for life against wily and savage foes. " Chill Penury," even by itself, according to the poet, is enough to freeze " The genial current of the soul." It is true, as we have said, that the study of the Greek and Latin classics was always highly valued. But the Renais sance spirit stopped at this limit. What has been called the "play-element" in the human mind that element which gives birth to the higher forms of imaginative litera ture and art was dormant. So long did the divorce be tween the understanding and the aesthetic nature continue, that when, at the close of the last century and in the first half of the present, the latter asserted itself, the change carried in it a revolt against the old faith. Thus, in part at least, is this revolt to be accounted for. Among the Puritans of old, as among the English people of that time, there was a fondness for rhymes a jingle of words which was often rather a jangle. Such was the character of the LITERATURE IN THE COLONIES 319 metrical Psalms, the " Bay Psalm-Book," which the fa thers of New England used in their public worship, and which was the product of the combined exer- The .. Bay tions of a number of divines. Among the Pwfcn-Book. verse-makers of New England in the seventeenth century there is one name which has a higher place than Anne Brad . the rest. Anne Bradstreet was a voluminous street - author of poems. Her productions were printed in 1650. " Among all this lamentable rubbish," says Mr. Tyler, in speaking of them, "there is often to be found such an in got of genuine poetry as proves her to have had, indeed, the poetic endowment." No other poem had the pop ularity which was enjoyed by the "Day of .< TheDayof Doom," a theological epic of Michael Wiggles- Doom." worth, a preacher at Maiden, who died in 1705. It is the Dies Irce of New England ; it embraces a description of the terrors of the final judgment. Its circulation is said to have been as great, proportionately, as that of "Uncle Tom s Cabin " in our time. Yet its prosaic texture and uncouth rhymes, together with its harsh theology, render it now simply an object of curiosity. In truth, in the colonial period prior to the middle of the last century there were only two authors who rise above a merely provincial rank. These were Franklin and Benjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards. Awards. Franklin was born in 1706, and Edwards in 1703. They illustrate respectively the two sides of the New England character ; the one, its strong understanding, sagacity, and thrift ; the other, its- profound religious spirit, and tbs deep interest felt in the problems and truths of religion. Franklin had the genuine eighteenth-century spirit. His philosophy was empirical ; he w r as bent on improving the condition of society on the material side ; his inventiveness went out in this direction. His ethical maxims were prudential. He was a typical burgher. He 320 THE COLONIAL ERA wrote in a simple, engaging style. His essays on scien tific matters were lauded for their clearness and preci sion. Edwards from his early youth was a metaphysician. He delighted in exploring the most abstruse questions in philosophy and theology. He was a master of logical art. He was at once speculative and deeply religious in his mental habit. He was a most acute disputant, and he discoursed from his own enraptured experience on the reality of spiritual light. His writings have exerted a pow erful influence on thought, both in America and in Great Britain. He was the founder of a school of theologians in whose hands Calvinism has undergone important modifi cations. Perhaps no other man has so strongly affected American religious life. It was not until the epoch of the American Revolution was approaching, that, in connection with the political questions which then arose, there sprang up in the colonies a class of able legists, whose discussions, continued through the period of the forma tion of the Federal Constitution, are important contribu tions to political science. APPENDIX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE A. D. Columbus discovers San Salvador, Cuba, etc 1492 Discovery of North America by John Cabot 1497 Vasco da Gama doubles the Cape of Good Hope 1497 Columbus discovers the mainland of South America 1498 Gaspar Cortereal visits the Newfoundland coast 1500 Second voyage of Cortereal 1501 Florida discovered and named by Ponce de Leon 1513 Invasion of Mexico by Cortez 1519 Verrazano sails directly west to America 1524 Pizarro sails from Panama for the conquest of Peru 1524 Carder s voyage to Canada 1534 De Soto s expedition from the coast of Florida 1539 Coronation of Queen Mary 1553 Coronation of Queen Elizabeth 1558 French settlement in Florida 1562 Frobisher s first voyage to the N. W 1576 Sir H. Gilbert s first expedition 1578 Sir H. Gilbert s second expedition 1583 Amadas and Barlow sent out by Raleigh 1584 Raleigh s first colony 1585 Raleigh s second colony 1587 Defeat of the Spanish Armada 1588 "VVeymouth s voyage 1602 Gosnold s expedition to Massachusetts 1602 The London and the Plymouth Companies chartered 1606 Settlement of Jamestown 1607 Emigration of the Scrooby congregation to Holland 1608 Founding of Quebec by Champlain 1608 21 322 APPENDIX A. D. Enlarged charter of Virginia 1609 Hudson discovers Manhattan and the Hudson River 1609 Block explores the Connecticut River 1614 Dutch West India Company formed 1618 Settlement of Plymouth by the Pilgrims 1620 The Council for New England incorporated 1620 Settlement of New Netherland begins 1621 Massacre in Virginia b\ the Indians , 1622 Virginia charter annulled 1624 John Endicott arrives at Salem 1628 Grant of New Hampshire to John Mason 1629 Settlement of Winthrop and his company 1630 The Maryland charter issued to Cecilius Calvert 1632 Settlement of Maryland 1634 Settlement of Connecticut 1635 The Council for New England resigns its patent 1635 Roger Williams in Rhode Island 1636 Establishment of Harvard College 1636 The Pequot War 1637 Settlement of New Haven 1638 Planting of Exeter (N. H.) by Wheelwright and others 1638 Grant of Maine by charter to Gorges 1639 Union of New Hampshire and Massachusetts 1641 Founding of Montreal 1642 Beginning of the Civil War in England 1642 New England Confederation formed 1643 Patent of Providence given to Roger Williams 1644 Execution of Charles 1 1649 Coddington in power in Rhode Island 1651 Subversion of the Proprietary government in Maryland 1654 Battle at Providence, Maryland 1655 Quakers in Massachusetts 1656 Proprietary government restored in Maryland 1658 The Restoration : Charles II., King of England 1660 Grant of Carolinas by Charles II 1663 New charter of Rhode Island 1663 Conquest of New Netherland by the English 1664 Union of New Haven and Connecticut 1665 Settlement of Elizabeth (N. J.) 1665 Locke s Constitution for Carolina 1669 Frontenac at Quebec 1672 APPENDIX 323 A. D. Recovery of New York by the Dutch 1673 Marquette s explorations 1673 New York restored to the English 1674 King Philip s War 1675 Rebellion of Bacon in Virginia 1676 Division of New Jersey into East and West 1676 Charter to William Penn signed 1681 La Salle on the Mississippi 1682 Penn s " Frame of Government " 1682 Charter of Massachusetts annulled 1684 Virginia a royal province 1684 Death of Charles II. ; accession of James II 1685 New England colonies under a Governor and Council 1686 New York under a Governor and Council 1686 Andros demands the Connecticut charter 1687 The East Jersey Proprietors surrender their patent 1688 Landing of William of Orange in England 1688 Revolution in Massachusetts ; Leisler in power in New York ; Coode s successful rising in Maryland 1689 King William s War 1689-97 Execution of Leisler in New York ; Provincial charter of Massachusetts ; the annexing of Plymouth to Massachu setts ; the New York Bill of Rights 1691 The witchcraft delusion in Massachusetts 1692 Maryland a royal colony 1692 First class graduates at William and Mary College 1700 Penn grants a new charter ; Yale College chartered ; West Jersey Proprietors surrender their rights of government. 1701 Union of the Jerseys 1702 Queen Anne s war ; " the War of the Spanish Succession ".1702-12 Separate Assemblies in Pennsylvania and Delaware ; war in South Carolina with Apalatchees 1703 War in North Carolina with the Tuscaroras 1711 Treaty of Utrecht ; Acadia given to the English 1713 Death of Queen Anne ; accession of George 1 1714 War in South Carolina with the Yemassees 1715 Subversion of Proprietary rule in South Carolina 1721 Charter of the Carolinas surrendered by the Proprietors 1729 The settlement of Georgia 1733 The 4 Great Awakening" in New England begins 1734 Georgia threatened by the Spaniards . 1736 324 APPENDIX A. D. War of England with Spain 1739 Invasion of Florida by Oglethorpe 1740 Negro plot in New York 1741 Invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards 1742 King George s war 1744-48 Capture of Louisburg 1745 Foundation of Princeton College 1746 Washington a messenger from Dinwiddie to the Ohio val ley 1753 Charter of King s College in New York 1754 Washington attacks Juinonville : surrenders Fort Necessity. 1754 Braddock s defeat 1755 Declaration of war by England and France 1756 n. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE* "Winsor s Narrative and Critical History of America" is in eight large octavo volumes. It is not a consecutive narrative, but a collection of distinct historical and bibliographical essays. The historical essays are of unequal value. Some of them for example, those of the Editor on " New England (1689-1763) " and on other topics, those of Mr. Charles Deane on the " Voyages of the Cabots," and on " New England," the essay of Professor F. B. Dexter on " The Pilgrims Church and Plymouth Colony," that of Mr. F. D. Stone on " The Founding of Pennsylvania* are of great value. The volumes are furnished with numerous maps, portraits, and fac-similes of autographs and of extracts from M8S. Vol. viii. (1889) contains an index, but this does not super sede the more full indexes of the several preceding volumes. The bibliographical information is minute and exhaustive. The work traverses the main parts of American history. It treats with much detail of the early voyages and discoveries. These volumes are an invaluable guide for the student. Bancroft s History of the United States" (6 vols. , author s last revision, 1888) is founded on protracted, unwearied investiga tions. There was the utmost painstaking in the choice of the phraseology, in order to secure at once vividness and exactness. The outcome of long and diligent researches is frequently con densed in a few carefully chosen words. The work is generally accurate. There are faults of style. The manner is rhetorical, and interspersed in the narrative are episodes of ornate disquisition. The later revised editions omit the foot-notes. Hence the earlier issues are still valuable to the historical inquirer. Hildreth s " History of the United States" is based on consci entious studies. The author had a legal training, and was bent * This Note makes no pretension to the character of a complete bibliography of the subject. It is a selection of titles, to which are added short comment?, Buch as may be useful to younger students, 326 APPENDIX on being impartial. The style is clear, and virile to the verge of bluntness. As regards the colonial era, the work is void alike of the attractions and the dangers of a sympathetic narrative. Bryant and Gay s " History of the United States" (in four large volumes) is an illustrated work. The narrative is graphic and detailed. Frothingham s "Rise of the Republic of the United States" (1 vol.) opens with a concise review of movements in the direc tion of union among the colonies. Of Doyle s "English Colonies in America" three volumes have been published, one of which relates to Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas, and the other two are upon the New England Col onies. Mr. Doyle is an Englishman. He draws his knowledge of the subject from the original sources, and writes with ability and independence of judgment. An American student rinds it inter esting and instructive to look at our early history from an English point of view. Lodge s " Short History of the English Colonies in America" relates the history of each colony separately down to 1765. The chapters on the condition of the several colonies in 1765, rest upon extensive researches, and are extremely interesting. The outlines of the political history of each colony, although the author, in refer ence to these chapters, makes " no pretence to original research," are written in an enlightened spirit. Thwaites s brief history, "The Colonies, 1492-1750," is a very condensed narrative. It exhibits much care in its composition. It is furnished with good maps, and references to books on the several topics. Doyle s short " History of the United States " (1 vol.), edited by President F. A. Walker, is a good epitome, but is of necessity meagre in its treatment of the colonial period. There are two other works of note, of an earlier date, by Brit ish authors. The one is " Political Annals of the Present United Colonies, from their Settlement to 1763," by George Chalmers (Book I., London, 1780). Chalmers had investigated the subject, and writes in a dispassionate tone. He thinks that the govern ment of Massachusetts under the patent was against English law, and condemns the treatment of theological dissentients. "The History of the United States of North America, from the Planting of the British Colonies until their Assumption of Independence," by James Grahame, in the Boston edition (4 vols., 1845), has pre- APPENDIX 327 fixed to it a memoir of the author by Josiali Quincy. Grahame had a warm attachment to America. He studied its history with ar dent interest. He is in full sympathy with the principles of the Puritans, and defends their treatment of religious dissentients. Among English histories, Gardiner s "History of England, from 1603 to 1643," and his volumes on the " History of the Civil War in England," are to be especially commended. B. P. Poore s "Collection of the Federal and State Constitu tions, Colonial Charters, and other Organic Laws of the United States" (2 vols., pp. 2102), is extremely useful to the student of co lonial history. Force s Collection of Historical Tracts (4 vols.) contains various early writings relating to the colonies, north and south. Three volumes of the Calendars of State Papers from the British Record Office, relate to America and the West Indies : They are Vols. I., V., and VII., of the Colonial Series. They contain very valuable materials for the historian. In respect to Vol. I., the Editor, Mr. Sainsbury, says : " The history of the prorince [Vir ginia] can nowhere be so fully and so authentically illustrated as in these rarely consulted State Papers." In Vol. V. (1661-1668) we have documents pertaining to the contests with Massachusetts in that eventful period, to the fugitive Regicides, Berkeley s ad ministration in Virginia, to Carolina, New York, etc. In Vol. VII., are the " Shaftesbury Papers" relating to the Carolinas, documents about the relations of Massachusetts and Maine, etc. There is much in Vols. V. and VII. on the sending of convicts, and emigrants spirited away, to Virginia. In the "Domestic Series" of the Calendars are interesting documents connected with the voyages, in the sixteenth century, of Hawkins, Gilbert, Drake, and others. The best history of American literature is that by Tyler (2 vols.). Richardson s work is shorter (1 vol.), and Beers s very short, but excellent. Extracts from the early writers are given in Sted- man and Hutchinson s " Library of American Literature." Palfrey s " History of New England" embraces five volumes, the last of which is posthumous. In the recent literature it is the principal authority on the subject. Dr. Palfrey was an able and accomplished man, eminent both as a scholar and a writer. He spared no pains in the study of the documentary sources at home and abroad. The full marginal references in the work ena ble the reader to test the author s correctness. The objection is H28 APPENDIX often made that in his exposition of Puritan history of Massa chusetts history in particular Palfrey lacks impartiality, is too apologetic. There may be ground occasionally for this criticism ; yet he was not in sympathy with the Puritan theology, and his historical opinions grew up spontaneously, in the process of his studies and reflections. A writer so well qualified for his task, and so thorough in the performance of it, is not likely to be soon superseded. Mr. John Fiske, in his readable volume on " The Beginnings of New England ; or, The Puritan Theocracy in its Relations to Civil and Religious Liberty " (1889), by his philosophical views of his tory in general, and his more catholic tone, furnishes an agreeable antidote to various intemperate assaults upon the fathers of New England. Mr. Fiske s volume carries the history as far as 1688. Bacon s "Genesis of the New England Churches " (1 vol. , 1874) is a work of much value. Weeden in his " Economic and Social His tory of New England " (2 vols., 1890) has brought together, under different heads, a large, miscellaneous collection of facts on the subject to which it relates. One of the best of the State histories is Belknap s " History of New Hampshire," of which the first volume appeared in 1784, and the second and third in 1791-2. Barry s "History of Massachu setts" (3 vols., 1855-57) is more complete than any other, but is not a strong book. Baylies s " History of New Plymouth, 1608- 1682 " (2 vols. , 1866), is a full account of the Pilgrim Colony. The "Memorial History of Boston," edited by Mr. Justin Winsor, an extended work in four volumes, is very instructive, not only in reference to Boston, but, also, respecting the Colony and State. The first volume is devoted to the early and colonial period. Lodge s " Boston " (1891), in the Series of Historic Towns, has much to say on colonial matters. The best history of Rhode Island is that of Arnold (2 vols., 1859-60). " The Life of Roger Williams" has been written by Knowles, Elton, and Gammell (1845). Trumbull s "History of Connecticut" (1 vol., 1797, 2 vols., 1818) is thorough and trustworthy. The brief " History of Connecticut," by Johnston (1 vol., 1887) in the Commonweal Ih Series, propounds some untenable views concerning the constitu tion of the Connecticut colony. Bacon s Historical Discourses (1 vol., 1839), on the early history of New Haven, is the fruit of careful researches. The same is true of the Life of Hooker, by G. L. Walker, in the Makers of America Series. APPENDIX 329 The original authorities relating to the history of New England are to a large extent accessible in modern editions. Arber s edition of John Smith s writings includes his " Description of New Eng land" (1616), and his "New England s Trials (1622). Bradford s " History of the Plymouth Colony " was edited by that learned scholar in American history, Mr. Charles Deane (1856). Morton s " New England s Memorial " is found to have been largely bor rowed from Bradford. Young s " Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers" (1844) contains Winslow s "Journal of the Plymouth Colony" (1622), and his " Good News from New England" (1624). Of early writings unfriendly to New England, Morton s " New English Canaan," has been edited by Mr. C. F. Adams, Maverick s "A Description of New England," by Mr. Charles Deane, and Lechford s " Plain Dealing in New England," by Mr. J. H. Trum- bull. In all these editions, the notes added are highly important. Winthrop s "Diary," or " History of Massachusetts," is a work of priceless worth. Mr. Savage s edition of it (1853) contains illus trative notes of much importance. The publication by the Mas sachusetts Historical Society of Sewall s "Diary," puts us in possession of a picture of Massachusetts and indeed of New England at the end of the seventeenth and in the early years of the eighteenth century, which is parallel in interest with AVin- throp. In connection with AVinthrop s Diary should be mentioned his Life and Letters (1869), by Mr. R. C. AA 7 inthrop. A brief, but interesting, "Life of Wintlirop," by J. H. Twichell, is in the Makers of America Series. Hubbard s " History of New England " was based on AA T inthrop and Morton, from which he borrowed largely. Poole s edition (1867) of Edward Johnson s " Wonder working Providence of Zion s Saviour in New England " (1654) is enriched with accurate editorial notes. Certain peculiarities of the early ecclesiastical system are clearly explained by Mr. Poole. Governor Hutchinson s " History of Massachusetts Bay," of which the first volume reaches down to 1691, was composed by one who had access to original sources, some of which are no longer ex tant. Mason s "History of the Pequod War " is in the Collec tion of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Third Series, vol. iii. The story of King Philip s AA r ar is given by Hubbard, "Present State of New England," etc. (1677), and in Church s (well-named) "Entertaining Passages Relating to Philip s AA r ar" (1716), edited by H. M. Dexter (1865). Mr. J. H. Trumbull s * The True Blue Laws of Connecticut and New Haven, and the False Blue Laws," 330 APPENDIX etc. (1876), exposes the inventions in Pcters s "History of Con necticut " (1781), which are still occasionally cited as facts. The writings of Roger Williams have been issued by the Nar- ragansett Club. Of special consequence are his publications in the debate with Cotton on religious liberty : " The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution," first printed in 1644, and his Rejoinder to Cotton s Answer. The discussion of Williams and Cotton was closed by Cotton s "A Reply to Mr. Williams, his Examination," etc. This writing, which is very important to the understanding of the causes of the banishment of Williams, was ably edited by Pro fessor J. L. Diman (vol. ii. of the Narragansett Club Series). " The Treatment of Intruders and Dissentients by the Founders of Massachusetts," is instructively considered by Dr. G. E. Ellis in a volume of Lowell Lectures (1869). "As to Roger Williams," by Dr. H. M. Dexter, is by an author learned in New England history. Among the writings on the Antinomian Controversy we have "John Wheelwright, his Writings," etc., by Charles H. Bell, A.M., printed for the Prince Society, Boston, 1876. It contains W r heelwright s famous Fast-Day Sermon, and his vindi cation of it. Very important documents are the " Records of the Massachu setts Government from 1629 to 1684 " (6 vols., edited by Shurtleff) ; the "Colonial Records of Connecticut (15 vols., edited by J. H. Trumbull and C. J. Hoadley) ; the "Colonial Records of New Haven" (2 vols., edited by C. J. Hoadly) ; the "Rhode Island Oolonial Records" (10 vols., edited by J. R. Bartlett). The col lections of the Historical Societies of Massachusetts, Rhode Isl and, Connecticut, and New Haven contain very valuable mate rials for the history of New England. The " History of New York, down to 1732," by William Smith, was first printed in London in 1757. (Later editions, Philadel phia, 1792 ; Albany, 1814.) Posthumous continuation to 1762 (New York, 1829). Smith was one of the leaders of the dissent ing element in New York. The " History of New York," by J. R. Brodhead (1st vol., revised ed. 1872, 2d vol., 1871), extends over the period from 1609, the date of the discovery, to 1691. It is an elaborate work, founded on exhaustive researches, and written with great care. The author is fully appreciative of the merits of the Dutch, and shows a lively antipathy to the New England Puri tans. A good popular "History of New York," by Eilis H. Rob erts (2 vols., 1887), is in the Commonwealth Series. Mr. Roose- APPENDIX 331 velt s " New York" (1891), in the Historic Towns Series, is an interesting volume. An account of the early Dutch writings re specting New York is given in Wiusor s " Narrative and Criti cal History," vol. iv., p. 409 seq. The " Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York," in eleven quarto volumes, contain a mass of valuable materials procured by Mr. Brodhead in Europe. Four volumes of " Documents Relating to the His tory of the Colony from 1604 to 1799 " were published in 1849-54. Several additional volumes of Documents have been edited by Mr. Fernow. The collections of the New York Historical So ciety are important. Samuel Smith s " History of the Colony of Nova Csesarea, or New Jersey, to 1721" (1 vol., 1765 ; 2d ed., 1877), is derived partly from sources not now accessible. The New Jersey Ar chives " is intended to embrace in its series of volumes all colo nial documents of importance. Whitehead s " East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments" <2d ed., 1875) was first issued as vol. i. of the " Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society." It is prepared with much care. Earlier writings on New Jer sey history are noticed in "Winsor, vol. iii. , p. 449 seq. Frond s "History of Pennsylvania, from 1681 to 1742," is a meritorious work. It was published in 1797-98. Burden s "History of Friends in America" (1850-54) is by a Quaker, and contains the history of Pennsylvania. Watson s " Annals of Philadelphia" is full respecting the life of the early settlers. A number of extremely valuable collections of documents have been issued by Mr. Samuel Hazard : "Annals of Pennsylvania" (1609- 82), "Votes of the Assembly," "Colonial Records," "Pennsyl vania Archives," and " Duke of York s Laws." The titles are given in full in Winsor, vol. iii., p. 510. The most important of Peun s writings relating to the colony is the " Letter from Will iam Penn " (1683). Two other early publications are also of great interest, "The Planter s Speech," etc. (1684), and Budd s "Good Order Established in Pennsylvania " (1685). Gabriel Thomas s "Description of Philadelphia and of the Province" was printed in London in 1698. He came over in 1681. Extracts are given in Watson s "History of Philadelphia," vol. i., p. 66 seq. An epitome and partial translation of the " Description of Pennsylvania," by Pastorius, the leader in the settlement of Ger- mantown, is in the " Memoirs of the Historical Society of Penn sylvania, vol. iv. , part 2, p. 83 seq. Of much worth are the " His- 332 APPENDIX tory of the Quakers," by Sewel (the first edition in 1722), and that by Janney (4 vols., 1860-67). Janney is the author of the best "Life of Penn" (1852). An "Earlier Life," a standard work, is by Clarkson. "Perm s Collected Writings have passed through several editions since the first issue in 1726. The " Memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society " present much information on the early history. For further bibliographical statements on the subject, see Winsor, vol. iii., p. 495 seq. Chalmers in his political "Annals of the Present United Colo nies" (London, 1780) goes over the early history of Maryland. Bozman s "The History of Maryland, from 1633 to 1660," is founded on wide researches, and is an accurate work. Burnap s "Life of Leonard Calvert," in Sparks s American Biography, gives an outline of the history of the colony to 1647. Scharf s " History of Maryland " (3 vols., 1879) is copious, and brings the narrative down to the present time. "Maryland," in the Com monwealth Series, is from the pen of Mr. William Hand Browne, who is also the author of the " Lives of George Calvert and Ce- cilius Calvert " in the Makers of America Series. Both of these works are instructive. Mr. Browne writes in warm sympathy with the founders of Maryland, and is convinced of the injustice of Penn in relation to the boundary dispute. On the question of Maryland toleration, the motives and extent of it, there are many controversial publications. It was taken up in the discussions of Manning and Gladstone, in 1875. On this subject, what Rev. E. D. Neill has written in his "Terra Marias," etc. (1867), in his " English Colonization of America," and in other writings, is im portant. Other references on this topic are in Winsor (vol. iii., p. 561 seq.). Among the early documentary writings on the history of Mary land the following are of special interest : " A Relation of Mary land" (1635), written under the supervision of Baltimore. "Ex tracts from Original Letters of the Jesuit Missionaries " (with notes by Dr. Dalrymple) were published by the Maryland Historical Society in 1874 and 1877. Baltimore s pamphlet, The Lord Bal timore s Case," etc., appeared in 1653, and the answ r er to it, " Vir ginia and Maryland," etc., in 1656. The volumes of " Maryland Archives," published by the State, and edited by Mr. Browne, throw much light on its early history. The early work of Beverle3 r , the " History of Virginia" (1705), is vivid in its descriptions of natural objects and of the Indians. APPENDIX 333 Keith s "History of Virginia" (1738) leans on Beverlcy. The first accurate work, which is valuable at present, on the subject, is Stith s " History of the First Discovery and Settlement of Vir ginia" (1747). Charles Campbell is the author of a " History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia down to 1783," a work of considerable merit. E. D. NeilPs work, " English Colonization in America in the Seventeenth Century " which is the title of the later English edition is founded on the original " Records of the Virginia Company." " Virginia" (1883), in the Commonwealth Series, is by John Esten Cooke. Mr. Cooke car ries the narrative down to the present time. He presents many interesting details. He defends, on insufficient grounds, the Poca- hontas story. On the ecclesiastical history of Virginia, Dr. F. L. Hawks s " Contributions," etc. (1836), and Bishop Meade s Old Churches," etc. (1855), are to be mentioned. McConnell s " His tory of the American Episcopal Church" (1890) is written in a lucid, racy style, and brings out interesting facts. " The Genesis of the United States," by Alexander Brown (2 vols., 1890), is a thorough account, based on documents, some of which had not before been used, of the inception and early his tory of the Virginia colony. He prints from the Simancas MSS. the correspondence of Philip II. and his successor with the Span ish ambassadors in England, as far as it has to do with the Vir ginia Company and its colony. John Smith s " A True Relation of Virginia" covers the inter val from April 26, 1607, to June 2, 1608. In " Purchas his Pil grim es " (1685-90), vol. iv., is an account, by George Percy, of the voyage of the first emigrants to Virginia until their land ing at Jamestown. The " Relatyon of the Discovery of James River," by Captain Newport, with the brief supplemental descrip tions of the country and the natives, is printed in the collections of the "American Antiquarian Society," vol. iv. (1860). In the same volume are Edward Maria Wingfield s " A Discourse of Vir ginia," which covers the interval from June 22, 1607 ? to May 21, 1608. In 1624, John Smith published his " General! Historic," which was a compilation including in it his prior publications on America, except the "True Relation." "Good Newes from Virginia," by Whitaker, the clergyman, was issued in 1613. Ha- mor, who had been Secretary of the Virginia colony, in his "True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia," carries the narrative down to June 18, 1614. The " Proceedings of the First 334 APPENDIX Assembly in Virginia" wore published (in 1 vol.) in 1874, under the title " The Colonial Records of Virginia." Heiiing s "Stat utes at Large," etc. (13 vols.), is a comprehensive collection of the statutes of Virginia. They exhibit incidentally the state of so ciety. A contemporary account of "Bacon s Rebellion," by " T. M." is printed in Force s Tracts, vol. i., No. 8. A valuable account in MS., from the time of Bacon s rebellion, which was found in the Burwell Papers, is given in the " Collections of the Massa chusetts Historical Society," vol. xi. For other documentary materials respecting Virginia, the reader is again referred to Winsor, vol. iii., p. 153 seq. The " History of North Carolina," by Francis L. Hawks, D.D. (1858), rests upon original researches. Moore s "History of North Carolina" (2 vols., 1880) is a work of more popular inter est. Carroll s "Historical Collections" (2 vols.) contain early printed writings relating to South Carolina. In the first volume is Hewitt s " History of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia" (first published in 1779). Ramsey s " History " (1670-1808) appeared in 1809. Of much value are the two publications of Mr. Rivers, " Sketch of the History of South Carolina to 1719" (1856), and " A Chapter in the Early History of South Carolina" (1874). Documents in the English archives have been used by Doyle in his " English Colonies in America" (Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas). For a discussion of the sources of the history of the Carolinas, see Winsor, vol. v., p. 354 seq. Respecting Georgia, Hewitt s work is less full than upon South Carolina. Stevens s "History of Georgia" (down to 1798) was written at the request of the Georgia Historical Societ} . White s "Historical Collections of Georgia" brings together a mass of documentary material. The latest and best work on the subject is the " History of Georgia," by C. C. Jones, Jr. The collections of the Georgia Historical Society are important. Among the Lives of Oglethorpe the " Memoir," by Robert Wright (London, 1867), is specially to be commended. Mr. Henry Bruce s " Life of Oglethorpe," in the Series of Makers of America, is an inter esting, but discursive narrative, in which are brought together the details, as far as they are known, of Oglethorpe s career. The series of works by Francis Parkman, under the general title of " France and England in North America, "embrace " The APPENDIX 335 Pioneers of France in the New World," "The Jesuits in North America," " Frontenac/ and other volumes. They are the result of a faithful study of original documents. The narratives are drawn up with great ability and judgment. The extensive work of the Jesuit Father, Charlevoix, on the History of New France (1744), has been translated in six volumes by Dr. Shea (1866-1872). For a full bibliography relating to the whole subject, see Winsor, vol. iv. On the subject of the Physical Geography of America, Pro fessor J. D. Whitney s "United States" is excellent. To be highly commended, also, is Professor N. S. Shaler s essay on the "Physiography of North America " (in Winsor, vol. iv., Introduc tion). INDEX ACABIANS, expulsion of the French, 23$ Adams, John, on New England, 165 ; 210 Adolphus, Gustavus, 183 Albany, founded, 180 ; named, 189 ; Colonial Congress at, 237 Albemarle Colony, 79. See Caro lina. Albemarle, Duke of, 76 Alexander, Pokanoket chief, 154 Alexander VI. , Pope, his bulls giving "the Indies" to Spain (1493), 14 Alexandria, council at, 338 Algonkins, spread of the race, 7 ; attacke i by the Governor of New Netherlands 184 Allen, Samuel, purchaser of Mason s claims, 224 ; 226 Almanac, Poor Richard s, 271 Amadas, Philip, 26 American Philosophical Society, 268 Ames, William, theologian, 116 Amsterdam, New, on Manhattan, founded by the Dutch, 180; Dutch Church organized in, 181 ; described as it was in 1647, 184 ; in the hands of the English, 189 ; in the hands of the Dutch, 190 ; re stored to the English, 191. See New Netherland and New York. Amyraut, Moise, theologian, teaches Penn, 200 Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of New England, 160, 161 ; at Hart ford, 162; his government over thrown, 164; Governor of New York and the Jerseys, 191, 192 ; 197; 219; 220; Governor of Vir ginia, 278 Anne, Queen, 2 25 Apalatchees, the, war of South Carolina against, 296 Archdale, Joseph. Governor of South Carolina, 296 ! Argall, Captain Samuel, Deputy- Governor of Virginia, 41, 42 Argyle, Earl of, 198 , Aristotle, 13 Arlington, Lord, 52 Arundel, Lord, 29 Ashley River Colony, 79, 80 Ashurst, Sir Henry, 231 Assemblies, Colonial, their conflicts with royal governors and other officials, 209. See the several Colonies. Atherton, Captain Humphrey, 145 , Avalon, Lord Baltimore s first col ony, 63 Averroes, 13 Aviles, Mekiidez de, 21 Ay lion, Vasquez de, 1? I i BACON. FRANCIS, 39 Bacon, Nathaniel, Jr., his rebellion, 53 seq. ; the " Burwell Papers" concerning, 318 Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, discoverer of the Pacific, 17 Baltimore, the town, 2Y6 Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert. Baptists in Rhode Island, 143 ; 234 Barclay, Robert, Governor of New Jersey, 197 Barlow, Arthur, 26 Barneveldt, Jan Van Olden, 179 Barringron, Governor of North Carolina, 294 Barrowe, Henry, Independent preacher, 89 Basse, Jeremiah, Gtvernor in New Jersey, 255 ! Baxter, Richard, 163, 320 j Bayard, Nicholas, 24i^ I Belcher, Jonathan, Governor of Massachusetts, 234, 258, 259 j Bellomont, Earl of, Governor of New York and of Xassacbusetta, i 223, 221, 244, 246 338 INDEX Bennet, Richard, 49, 71 Berkeley, Bishop George, 210, 236 Berkeley, Lord, 190, 194 196 Berkeley, Sir William, Governor of Virginia, 48 seq.; describes Vir ginia, 51 ; 55 ; organizes a govern ment for Albemarle, 77 Bermuda, 41 Berry, John, Deputy-Governor in New Jersey, 196 Beverley, Robert, 314 Biloxi, 213 Blackstone, Sir William, 220 Blackwell, Capt. John, 206 Blair, Rev. James, Bishop s Com missary in Virginia, obtains a charter for William and Mary College, 278 ; his interview with Seymour, 279 ; his differences with Spotswood, 280 Blake, Joseph, Governor of South Carolina, 296 Block, Adrian, his voyage of ex ploration, 179 Boston, founded, 112 Boswell, James, on Oglethorpe, 303 Boylston, Dr. Zabdiel, 221 Braddock, General Edward, Wash ington s relations to him, 238, 239 ; his defeat and death, 290 Bradford, Andrew, 270 Bradford, William, his early life, 90; 94; Governor of Plymouth Colony, 97 ; 149 ; 181 ; his " His tory," 31 5 Bradstreet, Simon, Governor of Massachusetts, 151 Bradstreet, Anne, 318 Brainerd, David, 258 Branford, settled, 145 Bray, Rev. Thomas, Bishop s Com missary in Maryland, 274 Breda, Peace of, 190 Brewster, William, at Scrooby, 90 ; his death, 99 ; his library, 99, 149 Brooke, Lord, 131 Broughton, Lieutenant-Governor in South Carolina, 301 Browne, John, 105 Browne, Robert, Independent preacher, 89 Browne, Samuel, 105 Browne, Sir Thomas, 210 Bull, William, Lieutenant-Govern or in South Carolina, 301, 306 Burdet, George, preacher at Dover, 124 i Burghley, Lord, 89 ! Burnet, William, Governor of New York, of Massachusetts, 233, 248, I Bur well Papers, 314 By Hinge, Edward, 198 Byrd, William, 314 CABOT, JOHN and SEBASTIAN, their voyages, 15, 16 Calamy, Edmund, 120 Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Balti more, 63, seq., 205. See Mary land. Calvert, Charles, third Lord Balti more, 73, 272, 273, 275. See Mary land. | Calvert, Charles, fifth Lord Balti more, 275 Calvert, Frederick, sixth Lord Baltimore, 275 Calvert, George, first Lord Balti more, 62 seq. See Maryland. Calvert, Leonard, Governor of Maryland, 66, 68 seq. Calvert, Philip, 72 Cambridge, Harvard College estab lished there, 141 ; the synod of, 141 Campbell, Lord Neill, 198 j Canada, attempts on, 217, 226. See New France. i Canonchet, Sachem of the Narra- gan setts, 155 ! Carleton, Sir Dudley, 180 Carolinas, The, 7(5 seq. ; Grant by Charles II., 76; the Albemarle and Clarendon settlements, 77; the Constitutions," 77; civil disturbances in North Carolina, 79; South Carolina settled, 80; Huguenots in South Carolina, 80 ; Social Condition in North Caro lina, 292; "Constitutions" given up in North Carolina, 293 ; Indian War, 293; North Carolina a royal province, 294 ; Scotch and Irish immigrants, 25 ; Two parties in South Carolina, 295; Arehdale, Governor, 296; War against the Apalatchees, 297 ; War against the Yemassees, 297 ; End of Proprietary rule, 299; Revolt of Slaves, 300 ; Trade and immigration, 301 ; paper money, 301 ; Society in South Carolina, 301. INDEX 339 Carr. Robert, 189 Carteret, Sir George, New Jersey granted to him, 190 ; contest with Andros, 191; grants "Conces sions," 194; 196, 197 Carteret, James, Governor of New Jersey, 196 Cavteret, Philip, Governor of New Jersey, 195, 196, 197 Cartier, Jacques, discovers the St. Lawrence, 20 Cartwright, George, 189 Carver, John, Governor of the Ply mouth Colony, 94 Castine, 323 Causton, Thomas, 308, 309 Cecil, Robert, Earl of Salisbury, 39 Champlain, Samuel de, Governor of New France, 23 Charles I., King of England, 48, 108, 121, 139, 150, 181, 200 Charles II., King of England, 49, 52, 149, 151, 152, 157, 187, 196, 199, 201, 205, 207 Charles V., Emperor, 23 Charleston, S. C., the settlement there, 80 ; a seat of wealth and fashion, 302 Charlestown (Mass.), the settlement there. 111, 112 Charter Oak, legend respecting it, 162 Charters, of Virginia, 32, 39, 42, 44, 45 ; of Maryland, 64, 74 ; of the Carolinas, 76, 290, 294; of Ply mouth, 95 ; of Massachusetts, 102, 158, 219, 230; of Rhode Island, 136, 145, 151 ; of Connecticut, 150 ; of New Hampshire, 100, 158, 230 ; of New Jersey, 190, 196 ; of Delaware, 201 ; attack on the New England charters by the English ministry, 157 Chatham, Lord, 210 Chauncey, Dr. Charles, 233 Cherokees, the, 300 Chester, named by Penn, 202 Chicheley, Sir Henry, Governor of Virginia, 56 Christiaensen, Hendrick, 178 Christiana, Fort, built by the Swedes in Delaware, 183 Church, Colonel Beniamin, in the contest against Philip, 155, 156 ; his history of the war, 315 Church of England, in England, 85, 100 ; in Virginia, 34, 50, 60, 279, 280 ; in relation to Massachusetts, 121, 161 ; in New York, 190, 245, 247; in Maryland, 68, 273; in South Carolina, 81, 297; in New Jersey, 256 Cibola, search for, 18 : Clarendon Colony, 77. See Caro linas. ! Clarendon, Earl of, 76, 188, 190 , Clarke, John, 124, 143, 144, 151 j Clayborne, William, 48 ; his contest with Maryland, 66 seq. I Clinton, Admiral George, Governor of New York, 250, 251 Coddington, William, 124, 143, 144 Coligni, Caspar de, 21 Colleges, Harvard, 169; William and Mary, 278 ; Yale, 227 ; Prince ton, 258 . Colleton, James, Governor of South Carolina, 81 Colonial union, reasons for, 214 ; conventions for, 214 i Colonization, incentives to, under James I., 31 seq. Columbus, 13, 15 Colve, Anthony, Governor-General in New York, 191 Conant, Ryer, 100, 102 Congregational Church, the first in Massachusetts, 104 Congregationalism in Virginia, 48 ; in New England, 113 Congregationalists, expelled from Virginia, received in Maryland, 69 Congress at Albany, 237 et passim. Connecticut, early settlers, 126 ; Hooker and colonists with him, 127 ; government established, 128 ; New Haven founded, 129 ; its government, 129 ; fiction of Blue Laws, 130 ; Say brook joined to Connecticut, 131 ; the Pequot War, 132 ; complaint against Massachusetts, 142 ; death of Hooker and Haynes, 149 ; char ter from Charles II., 150; New Haven annexed to Connecticut, 150; hiding of the charter, 162; observance of Sunday, 172 ; sumptuary laws, 173; founding of Yale College, 227; the Say- brook platform, 228; "Separa tists, 2o2 ; extension of religious freedom, 235 ; part in the siege of Louisburg, 240 Coode, John, 74, 272, 274 340 INDEX Cooke, Elisha, 218, 226 Cooke, Elisha, the younger, 229, 230 Cooper, Lord Ashley, Earl of Shaftesbury, 76 Copley, Sir Lionel, Governor of Maryland, 74, 273 Copping, John, an independent preacher, 89 Cornbury, Lord, Governor of New York and New Jersey, 246, 256, 264 Coronado, F. V. de, 18 Cortereal, Gaspar, 16 Cortes, Hernando, 17 Cosby, William, Governor of New York, of New Jersey, 248, 257 Cotton, John, 116 seq.. 136, 148, 149, 1(56, 316 Courcelles, Daniel de Remi, 212 Covenant, the Half-way, 148 Coxe, Daniel, 257 Cranfield, Edward, Governor of New Hampshire, 158 Cranston, Samuel, Governor of Rhode Island, 224, 235 Craven, Charles. 297 Craven, Lord William, Governor of South Carolina, 297 Creeks, the, 297 Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector, 71 ; one of the commission for managing the colonies, 135 ; pro poses to the Massachusetts peo ple to emigrate, 142 ; favors the independents, 143 ; sends an ex pedition against New Netherland, 188 Cromwell, Richard, 49, 149, 199 Culpepper, John, 79 Cu] pepper, Lord, Virginia given to, 52 ; Governor of Virginia, 56, 277 Cumberland, Fort, 288 Gumming, Sir Alexander, 300 DAO WORTHY, CAPTAIN, 290 Dale, Sir Thomas, Governor of Vir ginia, his system of martial law, 40 Daniel, Robert, Deputy Governor of North Carolina, 293 Dnrien, 307 Davenant, Sir William, appointed by Charles II. Governor of Mary land, 70 Davenport, James, 232 Davenport, John, protects the regi cides, 129, 130; his part in the founding of New Haven, 150 ; re moves to Boston, 151 Davies, Samuel, 282, 290 D Aulnay, 139 De Gourges, Dominic, 21 D Iberville. 213 De Lancey, James, 250, 251 De Monts. 22 De Soto, Ferdinand, ascends the Mississippi, 19 Deerfield, massacre at, 155, 225 Delaware, Dutch settlers in, 180, 182; 185 ; Swedish settlers, 183 ; granted by the Duke of York to Penn, 201 ; a separate assembly in, 263 Delaware, Lord, Governor of Vir ginia, 40 Denny, William, Governor of Penn sylvania, 268 Detroit, fort built at, by the French, 213 Dieskau, Baron, 239, 251 Dinwiddie, Robert, Governor of Virginia, 284, 285, 2S8 Dixwell, John, one of the Judges of Charles!., 150 Dobbs, Arthur, Governor of North Carolina, 295 Dongan, Thomas, Governor of New York, 191, 192 Dorchester Company, 100, 102 Dover, N. H., founded, 124 Doyle, J. A., 107 Drake, Sir Francis, 24. f.7 Drummond, William, 55, 77 Drysdale, Hugh, Governor of Vir ginia, 281 Dudley, Joseph, Governor of Massa chusetts, 158, 159, 1(50, 161,225, 226, 227 Dudley, Thomas, Governor of Mas sachusetts, 1<:9, 122, 148. 160 Dummer, Jeremiah, 230, 231 Dummer, William, 228, 229, 234 Dunbar, David, 234 Duquesnc, Fort, battle near, C87 ; taken by the English, 289 Dustm, Hannah, 23 EAST NEW JEKSET, division line, 196 ; purchased by Penn and others, 197 ; Scotch immigrants, 198 ; union with West Jersey, 198. 8ee New Jersey, and West New Jersey. Eatou, Theophilus, 103, 129, 130, 149 INDEX 341 Eden, Charlea, Governor of North Carolina, 294 Edenton, 294 Edward VI., King of England, 23, 86 Edward, Fort, 251 Edwards, Jonathan, the " Great Revival," 331 ; as a writer, 319 Eliot, John, 151; befriends the Christian Indians, 156 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 24, 87 Elizabethtown claimants, the, 258 Endicott, John, Governor of Massa chusetts, 102 seq., 146 Esopus Indians, the, 187 Eugene, Prince, 304 Evans, John, Governor of Pennsyl vania, 263, 264 Exeter, planted, 124; attacked by the Indians, 217 FAIRFAX, LORD, 282, 286 Fairfield, founded, 145 Fendall, Josiah, Governor of Mary land, 72 Fenwick, George, 131, 134 Ferrar, Nicholas, 44 Fitch, Thomas, Governor of Con necticut, 240 Fletcher, Benjamin, Governor of Pennsylvania, of New York, 227, 245. 246, 262 Florida, discovery of, 16; French colonists in, 21 ; Spanish settle ment in, 22 Fox, George, 79, 146, 261 Francis I. , King of France, 20 Franklin, Benjamin, 210, 215, 221, 23S, 263, 271, 289, 310, 319 Frederica, 307 Frobisher, Martin, 24 Frontenac, Count de, Governor of New France, 217, 218 Fuller, Samuel, 105 GAM A, VASCO DA, doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 15 Gardiner, Lion, 131 Gardiner, S. R, 106 Gates, Sir Thomas, Governor of Virginia, 41, 42 Geography, Physical, of North America, 1 seq. Georgia, 303 seq. ; its settlement, 306 ; increase of colonists, 307 ; condition of the colony, 307 ; ex pedition against St. Augustine, 309; Spanish attack on, 309; Whitefield in, 310; surrender of its charter, 311 ; new government, 311 ; social condition, 311. See Oglethorpe. Gibbons, Major Edward, 69 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 25, 26 Gilbert, Captain Raleigh, 83 Gist, Christopher, 284 Glen, James, Governor of South Carolina, 301 Glover, William, Governor in North Carolina, 293 Gofle, William, one of the Judges of Charles I., 149 Gomez, Stephen, 17 Gondomar, 46 Gooch, William, Governor of Vir ginia, 281 Gookin, Charles, Governor of Penn sylvania, 264, 265 Gookin, Daniel, 156 Gordon, Patrick, Governor of Penn sylvania, 266 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 29, 33, 82, 123, 125, 135 Gorton, Samuel, 137, 138, 140, 143 Gosnold, Bartholomew, 28, 34, 35, 36 Governments, the form of the colo nial, 208 seq. Granville, Lord, 297 Great Meadows, 288. See Wash ington, George. Greenwood, John, independent preacher, 89 Grenville, Sir Richard, 27 Grotius, Hugo, 179 Guilford, settlement of, 130 HAKLUYT, RICHARD, 24 Hale, Sir Matthew, 220 Hamilton, Andrew, Governor in New Jersey, 198, 249, 255, 263 I Hamilton, James, Governor of Penn sylvania, 267 Hamilton, John, 257 I Harvard College, founded, 169 ; and the Mathers, 226 i Harvard, John, 170 Harvey, Sir John, Governor of Vir ginia, 48 Haverhill, attacked by the Indians, 223 Hawkins, Sir John, 21 , 57 Haynes, John, Governor of Mas sachusetts, of Connecticut, 116, I 128, 149 342 INDEX Heath, Sir Robert, 76 Henrico, college founded at, 41 Henry IV., King of France, 22 Henry V1L, King of England, 23 Henry VIII., King of England, 33, 85 Henry, Prince of Portugal, promotes maritime discovery, 13 Heyes, Pieter, plants a Dutch colony in Delaware, 182 Higginson, Francis, 103 Holy man, 123 Hooker, Thomas, 116 seq., 127, 132, 149, 316 Howard, Lord, of Effingham, 56, Hubbard, William, 316 Hudson, Henry, discovers Hudson River, 177 Humphrey, John, 109 Hunt, Rev. Robert, 35 Hunter, Robert, Governor of New York, 247, 257 Hutchinson, Ann, 117 seq., 124,135, 184 Hutchinson, William, 124 Hutchinson, Thomas, Governor of Massachusetts, 237 Hyde, Edward, 293 INDEPENDENTS, their tenets, 88 ; persecuted, 89 ; favored by Crom well, 143 Indians, the, 6 ; classification of, 7 ; their traits and manners, 7, 8 ; occupations, 8 ; tribal arrange ments, 9 ; religion, 10 ; their moral qualities, 10 ; their number, 11 ; massacre by, in Virginia, 45 ; seized by slaves, 57 ; in New Eng land, 95 ; Christian converts among, 156 ; hated, 157. See the several colonies. Ingle, Captain Richard, 68 seq. Ingoldsby, Major Richard, 243, 256 Insurrection in New York, Leis- ler s, 241 Inventions in the fifteenth century, 12 Iroquois, the, 191, 192, 212 Isabella, Queen of Castile, 14 JAMES I., King of England, 30 seq., 46, 101 James II., King of England, 159, 162, 163, 164, 192, 199, 205, 207 Jamestown, planted, 35 ; burned, 54 Jeffreys, Sir Herbert, Governor of Virginia, 56 Jenckes, Joseph, Governor of Rhode Island, 235 Jenings, Samuel, Governor of West Jersey, 198, 256 Jesuits, their missions in Canada, 212 Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 303 Johnson, Lady Arbella, 112 Johnson, Isaac, 109 Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, Governor of South Carolina, 293, 296 Johnson, Robert, Governor of South Carolina, 298, 300 Johnson, Sir William, 239, 251 Johnston, Gabriel, Governor of North Carolina, 294 Joliet, Louis, Jesuit Missionary, 212 Jones, Hugh, 283 Joseph, William, 272 Jumonville, 288 KEITH, GEORGE, 261 Keith, Sir William, Governor of Pennsylvania, 266 Keppel, Admiral, 238 Kidd, Captain William, 223 Kieft, William, Governor of New Netherland, 134, 183, 184 Knowles, Sir Charles, 237 LA SALLE, his explorations, 213 La Tour, 139 Lake Champlain, battle near, 239 Lane, Ralph, Governor of Raleigh s Roanoke Colony, 27 Las Casas, 56 Laud, William, 108, 116, 121, 123, 125, 129 Laudonniere, 21 Law, Jonathan, Governor of Con necticut, 240 Lawrie, Gawen, Governor of East Jersey, 197 Legists, colonial, 320 Leisler, Jacob, leader in a revolu tion in New York, 193, 241 ; 242, 243, 244 Leon, Ponce de, discovers Florida, 16 Literature in the colonies, 313 seq. Lloyd, David, 261, 263, 264 Lloyd, Thomas, 205 Locke, John, frames the "Consti tution of Carolina," 77 INDEX 343 Loe, Thomas, 199 f Episcopalian intolerance in, 274 , Lot 3gan, James, Secretary of Penn- proprietary government restored, sylvania, 263, 2>4, 265, 266, 270 275 ; population, 276 andon Company, chartered, 32; Mason, John, 100, 123, 157 new charter, 39 ; annulling of the Mason, Captain John, 183 charter, 45 ; grants a patent to Massachusetts, the first settlers, the Pilgrims, 91 102 ; the great emigration to, 110; Londonderry, New Hampshire, its sufferings of the Colony, 111 ; the settlement, 230 Lothrop, Captain, 155 Loudoun, Earl of, 252 Louis XIV. , King of France, 190, 209, 212 Louisburg, capture of, 236 ; restored General Court, 112 ; its theocratic system, 113 ; Congregationalism in, 113 ; dissentients in religion, 114 seq.; the charter threatened, 122 ; the Pequot War, 132 ; her conduct in the Confederacy, 136 ; to the French, 237 address to Parliament by, 141 ; Louisiana, French settlements in, ! love of independence, 141 ; Maine 213 annexed to, 146; the Quakers in, Lovelace, Lord, Governor of New I 146 ; " intolerance," 147 ; Royal York, 190, 2i7, 256 Ludwell, Philip, 80, 293, 295 Lyford, John, 97, 100 Lyman, General Phineas, 251 Commission, 152 ; annulment of charter, 158 ; middle party in, 159 ; 216; issue of paper money, 218; fails to regain its charter, 218; new charter, 219 ; the witchcraft MACAULAY, LORD, his mistake re- delusion, 22) ; New Hampshire garding Penn, 205 separated from, 224 ; Indian atroc- Mackay, Colonel, 298 ities in, 225; expedition against Maine, the Popham colony, 83 ; Canada, 226 ; explanatory charter, Gorges settlements in, 125; not 230; the " Great Revival," 231 in the New England Confederacy, Massachusetts Company, chartered, 135 ; annexed to Massachusetts, ! 102 ; its transfer to New England, claim of Gorges purchased by \ 109. tiee Massachusetts Massachusetts, 146, 158 ; 225 ; Massasoit, Chief of the Pokanokets, Makemie, Francis, 247, 282 154 Maltravers, Lord, 76 Mather, Cotton, 221, 225, 226, 315 Manhattan, 180 ; purchase of, 181 Mather, Increase, 163, 218, 220, 225, Markham, William, Governor of 226, 316 Delaware, of Pennsylvania, 202, Maverick, Samuel, 152 261, 262 j May, Cornelius Jacobsen, Dutch Marquette, Father James, 212 Director in New York, 180 Mary, Queen of England, 86 Mayas, the, 6 Maryland, 62 scq. ; grant to Balti- Mayflower, her voyage, 92 ; compact more, 63 ; charter, 64 ; religious made in her cabin, 93 toleration, 64 ; Clayborne s settle- Mennonites, the, 204 ment, 66 ; the first colonists, 66 ; Mexicans, the, 6 the legislature, 67 ; revolution and Miantonomo, Chief of the Narragan- counter-revolution, 08; non-con- setts, 137. 138 formists in, 69 ; act of religious Michaelius, 181 freedom passed, 70; overthrow of Middle States, their characteristics, Baltimore s government by the 252 Commissioners, 70 ; Pur tan as- Middleton, Arthur, Governor of cendency in, 71 ; Baltimore re- South Carolina, 299 stored to power, 71 ; slavery in, Milborne, son-in-law of Leisler, 242 72; overthrow of proprietary rule Milford, Conn., settled, 130 in, 74 ; society in, 74 ; the revolu- Miller, Rev. John, 245 tion at the accession of William Miller, Thomas, 79 and Mary, 272; overthrow of the Minuit, Peter, Dutch Director in proprietary government, 273 ; i New York, 181, 182 344 INDEX Mohawks, the, 132, 133, 191 Mohegans, the, 132, 133, 137, 138 Monk, General George, 76 Montgomerie, John, Governor of New York and New Jersey, 248, 257 Moore, Colonel James, Governor of South Carolina, 293, 296, 299 More, Nicholas, 203, 205 Morris, Robert H., Governor of Pennsylvania, 267 Morris, Lewis, Governor of New Jersey, 256, 257 Morton, Thomas, 96, 121 Mound Builders, the, 6 NANFAN, Lieutenant-Governor of New York, 246 Nantes, edict of, 22 Narragansetts, the, 132, 133, 137, 138, 145, 155 Narvaez, Pamfilo de, 17 Nassau, Fort, 180 Navigation acts, English, history of, 50 ; made stricter under Charles II., 149 ; source of chronic com- I plaint, 209 ; enforced in New York, 191 ; in Massachusetts, 224 ; I in Virginia, 278 Negro Plot, in New York, 249 New England, the Popham Colony, I 83 ; John Smith in, 83 ; the Coun- I cil of, 84 ; motives of the perma- \ nent settlement, 85 seq. ; towns ! in, 99 ; Council of, surrenders its , charter, 123 ; Confederacy of, 133 ; how treated under the Com monwealth, 136; acts of the Con federacy, 139 ; death of eminent founders, 149 ; visit of the Royal Commission, 152 ; attack on the New England Charter by Charles : II., 157; royal government in, | 159; the revolution in 1689, 164 ; society in, 165 ; of pure English stock, 165 ; government and laws, ! 165 ; town organization, 167 ; the j ministry, 168; education in, 169; I social distinctions, 170; religion, 171 ; sumptuary laws in, 113 ; em- j ployments, 175 ; Board of Trade and Plantations, 216; attacks of French and Indians, 223; expedi- ; tions against Canada, 226 ; " the i Great Revival," 231 ; writers in, I 314 seq. ; absorption in religion ! and theology, 318. See the sev- | eral New England Colonies, et passim. New France, rise of, 22 seq. New Hampshire, Mason s grant, 100 ; Exeter and Dover founded, 124; a distinct royal province, 158 ; again united to Massachu setts, 158; again separated, 224; Londonderry founded, 230 ; Mason claims settled, 239 New Haven, its settlement, 129; government, 129 ; > population, 130; annexed to Connecticut, 150 New Jersey, grant to Carteret and Berkeley, 190, 194; its constitu tion, 194 ; settlement at Elizabeth, 195; divided, 196; annexed to New York. 198; a royal province, 255 ; separated from New York, 257 ; the Elizabethtown claim ants, 258 ; the Revival, 258 ; eo- cial life, 259. See East New Jersey, West New Jersey New Netherland, Hudson s discov ery, 177; the " New Netherland Company," 179 ; settlement on Manhattan, 180; the patroons, 181, seq. ; Van T waller s contro versy with Connecticut settlers, 183 ; trouble with the Indians, 184 ; under Stuyvesant, 184; treaty with Connecticut, 185 ; New Swe den conquered, 185; relations to Connecticut, 187; conquered by the English, 189; surrendered to the Dutch, 190 ; restored to the English, 191. 6WNew York. New Sweden, settled, 183; con quered by the Dutch, 185 New York, surrender of New Netherland to the English, 189; recaptured by the Dutch, 1 90 ; re gained by the English, 191 ; de scribed by Andros, 191; "char ter of liberties," 191 ; a royal province, 192 ; Leisler s insurrec tion, 193, 241, seq. ; Assembly s Bill of Rights, 244; struggle for self-government, 245 ; Fletcher establishes Episcopacy, 245, 246; Cornbury s intolerance, 247 ; Ger man immigrants, 248 ; contest for the liberty of the press, 249 ; the Albany Congress, 251 ; paper money, 252; society, 252; the clergy, 253 ; education, 253 ; so- INDEX 345 cial classes, 253, 254. See New Netherland. Newcastle, Duke of, 236 Newport, 124, 136 Newport, Captain Christopher, 34, 35 Nicholas V., Pope, 14 Nicholson, Francis, Lieutenant- Govarnor in Virginia, Governor of Maryland, Deputy-Governor in New York, Governor of Carolina, 193, 241, 242, 247, 274, 277, 278, 299, 300 Nicolls, Colonel, 152, 189, 190, 195 North Carolina. See Carolina. Norton, Rev. John, 151 Nott, Edward, Deputy-Governor in Virginia, 280 OAKES, THOMAS, 218 Oglethorpe, James Edward, 303 seq. Oglethorpe, Sir Theophilus, 303 Ohio Company, the, 284 Oldham, John, 100, 127 Orkney, Earl of, Governor of Vir ginia, 279 Os borne, Sir Danvers, Governor of New York, 251 Oxenstiern, Swedish Chancellor, 183 PACIFIC, its discovery, 17 Palfrey, John G., 106 Parris, Samuel, 221 Pastorius, F. D., 204 Patroons, in New York, 181 seq. Penn, William, 73, 196, 197, 199 seq., 260, 261, 262, 264, 265, 266. See Pennsylvania Penn, Admiral Sir William, 190, 200, 205 Pennsylvania, grant to Penn 200 ; Delaware obtained from the Duke of York, 201 ; Penn s charter, 201 ; his address to the colonists, 202 ; arrival of Penn, 202 ; his constitu tion, 202, 203 ; emigration to, 204 ; religion in, 205 ; domestic strife, 205 ; description of, 206 ; party feeling in, 261 ; the proprietary displaced, 2o2 ; restored to Penn, 262 ; he befriends the Indians, 262; new Charter of Privileges, 263 ; the two parties in, 263 ; dis sensions, 264 seq.; opposition to the proprietaries, 267 seq. ; society, 269 ; population, 269 ; physicians, 269; tradesmen, 209; intellectual life, 270 Pennsylvania, University of, 268 Penry, John, Independent preacher, 89 Pepperell, Sir William, 236, 237 Pequot War, the, 132 seq. Pequots, the, 132, 133, 153 Peruvians, the, 5 Philadelphia, founded, 202; legal and medical science in, 209 ; popula tion and social life in, in 1749, 270 Philip II., King of Spain, 21, 177 Philip III. , King of Spain, 45 Philip, King, war of, 153 seq.; 154, 155, 156 Phips, Sir William, 217, 218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224 Pilgrims, at Scrooby, 89 ; in Hol land, 90 ; preparations to emigrate, 91 ; voyage to New England, ( J2 ; first winter at Plymouth, 95 ; pur chase of land, 97. See Plymouth Colony. Pineda, his voyage of discovery, 17 Pinzon, 14 Plato, 13 Plymouth. Mass., decline of the town, 145 Plymouth Colony, arrival of the Pil grims, 92 ; compact framed, 93 ; agreement with the merchants, 94 ; the patent, 95 ; form of gov ernment, 96 ; purchase of the stock and land, 97 ; growth and charac ter, 98; number of "Praying In dians," 93 ; spirit of the colony, 140; King Philip s War, 153 ; an nexed to Massachusetts, 219. See Pilgrims. Pocahontas, 37 Pokanokets, the, 154 ; Pollock, Colonel, Acting Governor of North Carolina, 293 Popham Colony, 83 Popham, George, 83 Popham, Lord Chief-Justice, 29, 33 Port Royal, Captured by Phips, 217 Portsmouth, R. I., settled, 124; in corporated in Providence Planta tions, 136 I Poutrincourt, 22 Powhatan, 36, 37 Presbyterians in England, 88 ; in New Jersey, 218 ; in New York, 247 ; in Pennsylvania, 270 ; in Virginia, 28^5 346 INDEX Prince, Thomas, 316 Princeton College, 258 Pring, Martin, his explorations, 9 Printz, Swedish Governor, 183 Providence, K. I., founded, 115 Providence Plantations, charter of, 136 Puritanism, rise and progress in England, 87 seq. Putnam, Israel, 239 Pym, 135 QUAKERS, in Virginia, 50 ; in Mary land, 73 ; in North Carolina, 79 ; in Massachusetts, 146, 151 ; 234 ; in New York, 180 ; in New Jersey, 196, 257 ; their tenets adopted by Penn, 199 ; in Pennsylvania, 202 ; Anti-Quaker Party in Pennsyl vania, 201 , 267 Quebec, founded, 23 RALEIGH, SIR WALTER, 25 ; his first colony, 27 ; his second colony, 28 Randolph, Edward, 157, 159, 160, 164, 224 Randolph, Peyton, 282, 285 Rasles, Sebastian, 214, 230 ; destruc tion of his settlement, 229 Ratcliffe, Philip, 121, 160, 219 Ratcliffe, John, Governor of Vir ginia, 34, 36, 37 Reading, John, 258 Recollets, the, in Canada, 212 Reformation, the English, its pro gress, 85 Regicides, the, in New England, 150 Renaissance, the characteristics of the, 12 Revolution of 1688, its effect in Eng land, 208 ; in the colonies, 208 seq. Reynolds, Captain John, 311 Rhett, Colonel William, 296 Rhode Island, Roger Williams founds Providence, 123; settle ment of Newport and Portsmouth, 124 ; not a member of the Confed eracy, 135 ; charter granted to Williams, 136 ; contest of Codding- ton and Clarke, 143 ; union under Williams s charter, 145; new charter obtained by Clarke, 151 ; Bellomont s complaints against, 224 ; laws limiting the franchise, 230; part in the first war with France, 240 Ribaut, Jean, 21 Richards, John, 158 Rigby, Alexander, 146 Rittenhouse, David, 271 Roanoke, the first colony, 27; the second colony, 28 Roberval, Lord of, 20 : Robinson, John, 90, 97, 179 Roche, Marquis de la, 22 Rolfe, John, 41, 57 Rudyard, Thomas, Governor of East Jersey, 197 Russell, Rev. John, 150 Ryswick, Peace of, 213 SAGAS, the Norse, 13 St. Louis, 212 St. Mary s, Maryland, planted, 67 Salmon Falls, massacre at, 217 Saltonstall. Gordon, Governor of Connecticut, 228 Samoset, a Wampanoag Indian, 95 Sandys, Sir Edwin, 33, 44, 46 Sandys, George, 314 Saratoga, destruction of, 250 Sassacus, a Pequot chief, 133 Savannah, planted, 306 Say and Sele, Lord, 131, 135 Saybrook, 131 ; synod of, 2L8 Sayle, William, Governor in South Carolina 80 Schenectady, massacre at, 217 Schuyler, Peter, 242 Scott, John, 187 Scrooby, the congregation at, 90 Sewall, Samuel, Chief Justice in Massachusetts, 120, 222 Sharpe, Horatio, Governor of Mary land, 275 Shippen, Dr. William, 269 Shirley, William, 23(5, 237, 239, 291 Shute, Samuel, Governor of MaL- sachusctts, 228, 229, 230 Skelton, Samuel, Governor of Mas sachusetts, 1C3 ! Sloughter, Col. Henry, Governor of New York, 243, 244, 245 Smith, Thomas, Governor of South Carolina, 295 Smith, John, 35, 36, 38, 40, 83, 179, 313 i Sothel, Seth, Governor in North Carolina, 79, 295 | South Carolina. AVc Carolina, j Southampton, Earl of, 29, 47 I Spangenberg, August Gottlieb, Mo- I ravian Bishop, 306 INDEX 347 Spotswood, Alexander, Governor of Virginia, 280, 293 Standish, Miles, 95, 131 Stark, John, 239 Stephens, Samuel, Governor in North Carolina, 79 Stiles, Ezra, President of Yale Col lege, 233 Stirling, Lord, 188 Stith, a Virginia historian, 314 Stone, Rev. Samuel, 11(5, 127, 133 Stone, William, Governor of Mary land, 69 seq. Stoughton, William, 221 Stratford, Conn., planted, 145 Stay vesant, Peter, Governor of New Amsterdam, 142, 184 seq. Swanzey, massacre at, 155 Swedish settlement in Delaware, 183 TALCOTT, JOSEPH, Governor of Connecticut, 235 Tennent, Gilbert, 258 Tennent, William, 258 Thacker, Elias, an Independent preacher, 89 Thomas, George, Governor of Penn sylvania, 267 Tillotson, John, Archbishop, 260 Tobacco, its cultivation in Virginia, 41 ; made legal currency there, 43 Tomo-chi-chi, 306 Toscanelli, 14 Tribes of North America, their languages, 5 Trott, Nicholas, 296, 298 Tuscaroras, the, 212, 293 Tynte, Edward, Governor of South Carolina, 297 UNCAS, Chief of the Mohegans, 137, 138, 145 Usher, John, 224, 226 VACA, CABEZA DE, 18 Van Dam, Rip, 248 Van Rensselaer, 182 Van Twiller, Wouter, Governor of New Amsterdam, 183 Vane, Sir Henry, 117, 124, 135, 136, 144 Vassall, William, 140, 143 Vaughan, William, 224 Verhulst, William, Dutch Director in New Amsterdam, 180 Vernon, Admiral Edward, 234, 286, Verrazano, John, 20, 28 Vespuccius, Americus, 15 Virginia, 30 seq.; the first charter, 32 ; the superior council, 33 ; the colony, 34 seq. ; dissension, 36; complaints by the company, c 8 ; new charter, 39; code of martial law, 40; the third charter, 42; method of government altered, 42; House of Burgesses constituted, 42 ; slaves introduced, 43 ; growth of the colony, 44 ; written consti tution, 44 ; Indian massacre, 45 ; annulment of the charter, 45 ; parties in the colony, 47 ; effect of the annulling of the charter, 48; nonconformists expelled, 49; submits to the Commonwealth, 49; recognizes Charles IL, 49; its condition in 1671, 51 ; grant to Arlington and Culpepper, 52 ; Indian troubles, 53 ; Bacon s re bellion, 53 ; again a royal prov ince, 56 ; negro slavery, 57 ; social life, 58 ; tobacco culture, 58 ; con dition in 1681, 59 ; aristocracy in, 60, 277 seq.; revolution, 277 ; new immigrants, 281 ; the churches, 282 ; slavery, 282 ; the rich plant ers, 283 j WAR, the French and Indian, 211 ! Ward, Nathaniel, 148, 166 ; Warren, Admiral Sir Peter, 237 i Warwick, Earl of, 131, 135 Washington, George, his birth and education, 286 ; a land surveyor, 286; an Adjutant-General, 287; a messenger to the French, 287 ; at Great Meadows, 288; an Aid of Braddock, 290; in the battle at Monongahela, 290 ; in command at Winchester, 290 Washington, Lawrence, 284, 286 Wentworth, Benning, Governor of New Hampshire, 239 Wentworth, John, 230 Wesley, Charles, 307, 308 Wesley, John, 220, 307, 308 West, Joseph, 80 West India Company, in Holland, 179, 181 West New Jersey, division line, 196 ; sold to Penn and others, 196; union with East New Jersey, 198. See New Jersey, and East New Jersey. 348 IXDEX Weston, Thomas, 96 Weymouth, George, 29 Whalley, Edward, 149 Wheelwright, Rev. John, 118scg. Whitaker, Rev. Alexander, 41, 314 White, Rev. John, 102 Whiteiield, George, 231, 310 Wigglesworth, Michael, 319 William and Mary, King and Queen of England, 150, 164, 207, 210, 216, 217 William and Mary College, 278 Williams, Col. Ephraim, 239 Williams, Roger, 114 se.q., 123, 124, 132, 136, 137, 143, 144, 145, 316 Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 23 Wilson, John, First Minister of Boston, 111, 151 Wingfield, Edward Maria, 35, 36, 37 Winslow, Edward, 315 Winslow, John, 238 Winthrop, John, 69, 109, scq., 121, 132, 135, 137, 138, 146, 169, 315 Winthrop, John, the younger, 131, 145, 150, 187, 228 Winthrop, John, nephew of the first John Winthrop, 235 Witchcraft, " The Salem," 220 Wolcott, Roger, Governor of Con necticut, 240 Wollaston, Captain, 96 Wyatt, Sir Francis, Governor in Virginia, 44, 48 YALE COLLEGE, founded, 227 Yeamans, John, Governor in the "Clarendon" Colony, 77 Yeardley, George, Governor in Vir ginia, 42 Yemassees, The, 297, 300 Yonge, Francis, 298 York, Duke of, James, 152, 158, 187, 196, 197, 201 ZENGER, JOHN PETER, 249 Zuniga, Spanish ambassador in England, 45 THE AMERICAN Longitude 100 OLONIES IN 1755 ! | English Territory I I French ! I Spanish Unexplored " from 90 Greenwich COO 700 800 900 1000 THE AMERICAN HISTORY SERIES. T^HIS series, in a field in which so much important and original work is being done at the present time, forms a connected history of the United States, from the discovery of America to the present time. The whole period is divided into four distinct "Epochs," each comparatively rounded and complete in itself, and each treated by a special and eminent authority. It is eminently history, as distinguished from the chronicle of annals, and explains the significance as well as recounts the course of events. 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