REESE LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 Class 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SHAVNEE INDIANS, 
 
 FROM THE YEAR 1681 TO 1854, INCLUSIVE, 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY HARVEY: 
 
 A MEMBER OF T II E RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. 
 
 r " : " \\ 
 
 Y\ 
 
 U D S 
 CINCINNATI: 
 
 EPHRATM MORGAN & SONS 
 1855. 
 
Knterel according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by 
 
 II K X R Y II A 11 V E Y , 
 In the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of Ohio. 
 
 E. MORGAN & SO?> T S, 
 
 ST EHEOTYPERS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 HAVING for a number of years, been engaged to carry out 
 the views of the Religious Society of Friends, in their en 
 deavors to ameliorate the condition of the Shawnee tribe of 
 Indians, by imparting to them a knowledge of letters and 
 the domestic arts, as well as to acquaint them with a know 
 ledge of the doctrines and principles of the Christian relig 
 ion, as contained in the Holy Scriptures, I have become 
 very much attached to them, on account of a near intimacy 
 with them, which enabled me to become acquainted with the 
 character of this noted and very interesting people ; and 
 being connected with them too, at a time when one of those 
 severe trials overtook them, of which, the Indians so much 
 complain, more bitterly by far than they do of the most deso 
 lating wars, by which they have ever been visited which 
 was the procuring from them their reservations of land at 
 Wapaughkonnetta and Hog Creek, in the State of Ohio, 
 containing near one hundred thousand acres. 
 
 These favored spots, they were warmly attached to, on 
 several accounts, the most prominent of which, was, that 
 there was the memorable place in which they exchanged 
 their savage life for a domestic one ; the fatigue and uncer 
 tainty of the chase, for the quiet and certain pursuit of the 
 plow. 
 
 Here, as they thought, at last they had found a spot where 
 
 they could repose in security and in peace ; but, Oh ! herein 
 
 (iii ) 
 
IV PKEFACE, 
 
 were they sadly mistaken, for, instead of realizing these 
 things, they were made again to suffer by the avaricious dis 
 position of a stronger power, who soon let them know that 
 this land was wanted for other purposes, than for them and 
 their offspring to occupy ; that the white people wanted it, 
 and must have it. I have been an eye-witness to most I have 
 related in regard to this people, and, in all my intercourse, 
 have ever found them a noble, generous-hearted, honest, 
 and ever-confiding people, of strong minds, powerful intellect, 
 warmly attached to their friends, ever true to their word in 
 matters of interest, when treated fairly ; patient under suffer 
 ing, under a conviction of their weak and helpless condition 
 as a nation, in comparison to that of the United States. 
 
 Inured as they have been for years past, to sufferings, and 
 hopeless too of ever realizing better days in this world, I 
 have thought that some account of this interesting people 
 ought to be preserved for posterity, in order that those who come 
 after us may see it, when this once powerful people will be 
 numbered with the nations that are not. And, notwithstanding 
 I arn so well aware of my inability to do justice to this 
 people in thus taking on myself the task, on several accounts, 
 among which are, my want of the means of arriving at all 
 the facts respecting their history, which I am aware is not 
 within my reach, and which, I suppose, cannot be obtained 
 by any person whatever, and also alack of education being 
 but a very poor scholar, still, notwithstanding ail these 
 obstacles, so earnest is my desire to see such a work before 
 the public, that I have concluded to attempt it at least, hoping 
 that if it meets the public eye, it will be in a style that can 
 be understood ; and if I am successful thus far, and can leave 
 on the mind of the reader such feelings of attachment for this 
 
FKEFAOH. V 
 
 people, and of commiseration and lasting sympathy as the 
 writer of these pages hopes to carry with him, to the end of 
 his days, his object will be accomplished, in undertaking the 
 
 work. 
 
 I have got information of the Shawnees, as far back as the 
 year 1682 ; shall quote from good authority, what I insert in 
 my history, and in giving an account of the Shawnees, shall 
 have to quote entire transactions which took place with them, 
 in connection with other tribes, (in order to give their full 
 history,) as well as their transactions separately, as a nation. 
 
 Whenever anything may be said respecting the Religious 
 Society of. Friends, in connection with the Shawnees, or, of 
 myself, (being a member,) as an individual, or, as an agent 
 of the Society, I hope the reader will not charge me with 
 egotism, but simply receive what I say, as it is intended, as 
 nothing but a history of events which are so intimately con- 
 nected with the object for which I set out, that I must state 
 the whole truth, as it has come within my reach, hoping in 
 this way, to make my work interesting to the reader. 
 
 H. H. 
 
 Ninth month, 21sf, 1855 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. Character, Manners, and Customs of 
 the Indians, by William Penn, with his view of 
 their Origin 11 
 
 CHAP. II. Remarks by the Author 22 
 
 CHAP. III. William Penn s Letter to his Friend in 
 
 England, on the course pursued toward Indians. 24 
 
 CHAP. IV. Departure of Three Ships, with Passen 
 gers for Pennsylvania ; and Penn s Letter to the 
 Indians 26 
 
 CHAP, V. Penn lands at Newcastle Takes Legal 
 Possession of the Country, and holds his Cele 
 brated Treaty of 1682 29 
 
 CHAP. VI. Settlement of New Jersey Kindness of 
 
 the Natives, etc 41 
 
 CHAP. VII. William Penn s Treaty of 1701 44 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Thomas Chalkley s Account of Penn, of 
 the Indians, and of the Shawnees in particular 
 Remarks of Doctors Trumbull and Bancroft 51 
 
 CHAP. IX. Treaty with Governor Gordon and others, 
 
 in the year 1715 55 
 
 CHAP. X. Description of the Country (before the 
 Whites landed,) occupied by the Indians their 
 Language, etc 
 
 CHAP. XI. Disagreement among the Indians settled 
 
 by the Governor of Pennsylvania 70 
 
 CHAP. XII. Indian murdered by Whites Arrested 
 
 bv order of William Penn 73 
 
 ( vii ) 
 
CONTENTS. 
 CHAP. XIII. Residence of the Shawnees from 1671 
 
 to1786 : si 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Council in 1786 with the Shawnees. . . . 86 
 ~ Treaties wit k the Shawnees in 1786 and 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Council with A. Gamlin, in 1790 97 
 
 CHAP. XVII. Cornplanter s Speech to Gen. Washino-- 
 
 ton inl791 r. 100 
 
 HAP. XVIII. Council with General Wayne HI 
 
 JHAP. XIX. Treaty with General Wayne in 1795. . . 118 
 CHAP. XX.-Shawnees and Delawares visit the Friends 
 of Philadelphia, and President Jefferson -His 
 Letter dated 1802 129 
 
 CHAP. XXL- Charles Jewit s Treaty in 1805 . 133 
 
 CHAP. XXII. William Hull s Treaty in 1808 134 
 
 CHAP .XXIII. Society of Friends commence their 
 
 Labors for the Shawnees in 1809 13 g 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Governor Harrison and Tecumseh a 
 
 Shawnee Chief, 1810 153 
 
 HAP. XXV. Council at Greenville, 1812 158 
 
 CHAP XXVI.- Treaty with Cass and Me Arthur in 
 817, by which the Shawnees receive land at Wa- 
 paughkonnetta Names of these Shawnees, heads 
 of Families g 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. Situation of the Shawnees in 1809- 
 Account of their Hunts, Trapping Prowess, Man- 
 
 r of Life, Superstition, etc !G4 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. Narrative respecting a Shawnee Wo- 
 man, who was condemned to a cruel Death by 
 the Council, in 1819, and who was saved by Isaac 
 Harvey . . 
 
 * 169 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Treaty with Missouri Shawnees, by 
 which they procure Fifty Miles square oa- Kanzas 
 
 River Treaty held at St. Louis, 1825 184 
 
 CHAP XXX. Author takes charge of Friends Mis 
 sion at Wapaughkonnetta, 1830 - Death and 
 Burial of the Old and Celebrated Chief, Black- 
 hoof, in 1831 1: 
 
 CHAP XXXI. Treaty with Gardner Shawnees De 
 fraudedAsk the aid of the Friends Speech 
 
 of Way weleapy on the occasion 1 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. The Society send a Deputation with 
 the Chiefs to Washington City, in 1831 The 
 
 result of their labors at that time 2 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Shawnees suffer for Food Relieved 
 
 by Governor Cass, in 1832 215 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. Terms offered by Gardner for the 
 Shawnees land in Ohio Compared with what 
 
 they actually receive underlie treaty 221 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Shawnees remove to their new homes 
 
 j n 1832 Account of their leaving Ohio 2 30 
 
 CHAP XXXVI. Author, in company with two other . 
 Friends, visits them in 1833, and with one other, 
 
 again in 1834 
 
 CHAP XXXVII. The Secretary of War, whose duty 
 it was to pay to the Shawnees the money 
 allowed by act of Congress " as an additional 
 compensation for their Ohio lands, refused pay 
 ment, but on application being made in 1835, Con- 
 gress orders the money then due to be paid le 
 
 Indians 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. Three Missions set up about 1835, 
 
 for the instruction of the Shawnees 239 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Author takes charge of the Friends 
 
 Mission in the year 1840 241 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Attempt to obtain land of the Shawuees 
 
 for the Wyandots 242 
 
 CHAP. XLI. Author leaves with his family in 1842 
 
 Parting scene on the occasion 250 
 
 CHAP. XLII. Remarks of Author on the subject of 
 
 Treaties with Indian tribes 268 
 
 CHAP. XLIIL Letter from Chiefs to the Commis 
 sioners of the United States in 1793 260 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Congress grants to the Shawnees the 
 additional sum of $66,000 in 1853, for their Ohio 
 lands 267 
 
 CHAP. XLV. - Condition of the Shawnees in the year 
 1854, by the Author, from personal knowledge 
 of them, and of their Country 269 
 
 CHAP. LXVI. Attempt to again purchase the Shaw 
 nees land Remarks of Author on the subject of 
 again disturbing them in this way 275 
 
 CHAP. XL VII. Condition of the Missions among the 
 Shawnees in 1854 Author s views in regard to 
 Slaves at some of those Missions 280 
 
 CHAP XLVIII. Constitution adopted by the Shaw 
 nees Speeches on the occasion, by Chiefs 283 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. Remarks of Author on the subject of 
 
 again removing the Shawnees 297 
 
 CHAP. L. Conversation between an Educated Indian 
 and a Southern Missionary, on the subject of 
 Slaves at Missions 299 
 
 CHAP. LI. Account of Cornstalk and Logan Indian 
 
 Chiefs Their untimely end 306 
 
 CHAP. LIT. Council with Shawnees for the purchase 
 
 of their laud The Result 310 
 
 CHAP. LIII. Account of an Osage Wedding 314 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SHAWNEE INDIANS, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE character of the native Indians, their customs 
 and manners, in an uncultivated state, I apprehend, 
 is, at all times, interesting to those who are now filling 
 the places of these poor creatures in this rich and 
 fertile land; and having been acquainted with several 
 tribes which have had an opportunity of becoming 
 civilized, and finding that the character given by 
 Wm. Penn, of the Indians in his day, agrees so well 
 with the character of the uncultivated Indians of the 
 present time, and as the Shawnees were one of the 
 tribes with whom he had connection, and with 
 whom he formed his celebrated treaty in 1682, I 
 have concluded to insert entire, his account of the 
 character, manners and customs of the Indians. I 
 may remark, that so far as I am acquainted with the 
 Indians, they have dispensed with the office or title 
 of king, and a head chief rules each nation, who is 
 very much of a monarch ; his word or command 
 being considered absolute. 
 
 (11) 
 
12 BISTORT OF THB 
 
 Wm. Perm, says : " The natives, I shall consider, 
 in their persons, language, manners, religion arid 
 government, with my sense of their original. For their 
 persons, they are generally tall, straight, well built, 
 and of singular proportions. They tread strong and 
 clever, and mostly walk with a lofty chin ; of com 
 plexion, dark, but by design, as the gipsies in Eng 
 land. They grease themselves with bears oil clari 
 fied ; and, using no defense against sun or weather) 
 their skins must needs be swarthy. Their eye is 
 little and black, not unlike a straight Jew ; the thick 
 lip and flat nose", so frequent with the East Indian 
 and the blacks, are not common to them, for I hav^ 
 seen as comely European-like faces among them, of 
 both sexes, as on the other side the sea ; and truly 
 an Italian complexion hath not much more of the 
 white, and the nose of many of them has much of 
 the Roman. 
 
 " Their language is lofty, yet narrow ; but like the 
 Hebrew, in signification, full, like short-hand in writ 
 ing, one word serveth in the place of three, and the 
 rest are supplied by the understanding of the hearer; 
 imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, par 
 ticiples, adverbs, conjunctions. I have made it my 
 business to understand the language, that I might not 
 want an interpreter on any business, and I must say, 
 that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath 
 words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and 
 emphasis, than theirs. For instance: Oc-to-co-chan, 
 Kan-co-cas, Orie-ton, Shack, Po-ques-can, all which 
 are names of places, and have grandeur in them. 
 
gHAWNEE INDIANS. . 
 
 "Of words of sweetness, Anna is mother ; Issemas, 
 is brother ; Nit-cap, is friend ; Ur-gue-vut, is very 
 good; Pa-ne, is bread; Metsa, eat; Mettah-ne-Hattah, 
 to have ; Paya-ta-camis, Sa-pas-sin, Pas-se-gan, the 
 names of places. Tar-ma-nee, Se-ca-ne, Ma-nau-se, 
 Sa-ca-to-rious, are the names of persons. 
 
 -If one ask them for anything which they have not, 
 they will answer, Mettah-ne-hattah, which, to tran 
 slate, means, is not I have, instead of I have not. 
 
 Of their manners and customs, there is much to 
 be said. I will begin with children. So soon as they 
 are born, they wash them in water, and while very 
 young, and in cold weather to choose, they plunge 
 themin the river, to harden and embolden them. 
 Having wrapped them in a cloth, they lay them on a 
 straight thin board, a little more than the length and 
 breadth of the child, and swaddle it first upon the 
 board, to make it straight wherefore all Indians have 
 flat "heads and thus they carry them at their backs. 
 The children will go very young, at nine months old, 
 commonly; they use only a small cloth round their 
 waist, till they are large ; if boys, they go a fishing, 
 till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen ; then 
 they hunt, and after giving some proofs of their man 
 hood, by a good return of skins, they may marry, 
 else it is a shame to think of a wife. The girls stay 
 <yith their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, plant 
 orn, and carry burthens ; and they do well to use 
 vhem young, which they must do when they are old, 
 for the wives are thetrue servants of the husbands ; 
 otherwise, the men are very affectionate to them. 
 
14 HI.STORT OF THE 
 
 "When the young women are fit for marriage, 
 they wear something on their heads for an advertise 
 ment, but so as their faces are hardly to be seen 
 but when they please. The age they marry at, if 
 women, is about thirteen or fourteen ; if boys, seven 
 teen or eighteen ; they are seldom older. 
 
 :< Their houses are mats, or bark of trees, set on 
 poles, in the fashion of English barns, out of the 
 power of winds, for they are hardly higher than a 
 man ; they lie on reeds or grass ; in traveling, they lie 
 in the woods, about a great fire, with the mantle of 
 duffles they wear by day, wrapped about them, and 
 a few boughs stuck around them. 
 
 " Their diet is maize, or Indian corn, divers ways 
 prepared ; sometimes roasted in the ashes, sometimes 
 beaten, and boiled with water, which they call ho 
 miny ; they also make cakes, not unpleasant to eat ; 
 they have likewise several sorts of beans and peas, 
 that are good nourishment, and the woods and rivers 
 are their larder. 
 
 " If a European comes to see them, or calls for 
 lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him the 
 best place, and the first cut. If they come to visit us, 
 they salute us with an Itah. which is as much as to 
 say, good be to you, and set them down, which is 
 generally on the ground ; it may be they speak not 
 a word, but observe all that is passing. If you give 
 them anything to eat or drink, well, for they will 
 not ask ; and be it little or much, if it be with kind 
 ness, they are well pleased, else they go away sullen, 
 but say nothing. 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 " They are great concealers of their own resent 
 ment, brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that 
 hath been practiced among them ; in either of these, 
 they are not exceeded by the Italians. 
 
 " But in liberality they excel, nothing is too good 
 to set for a friend ; give them a fine gun, coat, or 
 other thing, it may pass twenty hands before it sticks; 
 light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent. The 
 most merry creatures that live ; they feast and dance 
 perpetually, almost; they never have much, nor 
 want much ; wealth circulated! like the blood, all 
 parties partake, and none shall want what another 
 hath, yet exact observers of property. Some kings 
 sold, others presented me with several tracts of land ; 
 the pay or presents I made them were not hoarded 
 by the particular owners, but the neighboring kings 
 and their clans being present when the goods were 
 brought out, the parties chiefly consulted what and to 
 whom they should give them. To every king, then, 
 by the hands of a person for that work appointed, is 
 a portion sent, so sorted and folded, and with that 
 gravity which is admirable. Then the king subdi 
 vides it in like manner among his subjects, they 
 hardly leaving themselves an equal share with one 
 of their subjects, and be it on such occasions as fes 
 tivals, or at their common meals, the kings distribute, 
 and to themselves last. They care for little, because 
 they want but little, and the reason is, a little contents 
 them; in this, they sufficiently revenge on us ; if they 
 are ignorant of our pleasures, they are free from 
 our pains. 
 
16 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 14 They are not disquieted with bills of lading and 
 exchange, nor perplexed with chancery suits and ex 
 chequer reckonings. We sweat and toil to live; their 
 pleasure feeds them, I mean their hunting, fishing, 
 and fowling, and this- table is spread everywhere ; 
 they eat twice a day, morning and evening ; their 
 tables and seats are the ground. Since the Europeans 
 came into these parts, they are grown great lovers 
 of strong drink, rum especially, and for it exchange 
 the richest of their skins and furs. If they are 
 heated with liquor, they are restless till they have 
 enough to sleep ; that is, their cry, some more, and 
 I will go to sleep ; but when drunk, one of the most 
 wretched spectacles in the world. 
 
 " In sickness, impatient to be cured, and for it give 
 everything, especially for their children, to whom 
 they are extremely natural. They drink at those 
 times a teran, or concoction of some roots, in spring 
 water ; and if they eat any flesh, it must be the fe 
 male of any creature. If they die, they bury them 
 with their apparel, be they men or women, and the 
 nearest of kin fling in something precious with them, 
 as a token of their love ; their mourning is blacking 
 of their faces, which they continue for a year ; they 
 are choice of the graves of their dead, lest they should 
 be lost by time, and fall to common use ; they pick 
 off the grass that grows upon thefn, and heap up 
 the fallen earth with great care and exactness. 
 
 " These poor people are under a dark night in 
 things relating to religion, to be sure the traditions of 
 it they have only, yet they believe in a God and 
 
fiHAWNEK INDIANS. 17 
 
 immortality, without the help of metaphysics ; for, 
 say they, there is a great King that made them, who 
 dwells in a glorious country to the southward of them, 
 and that the souls of the good shall go thither, where 
 they shall live again. Their worship consists of two 
 parts, Sacrifice and Cantico; their sacrifice is their first 
 fruits ; the first and the fattest buck they kill goeth to 
 the fire, where he is all burnt, with a mournful ditty 
 of him that performeth the ceremony, but with such 
 marvelous fervency and labor of body that they will 
 even sweat to a foam. The other part is their Cantico, 
 performed by round dances, sometimes words, some 
 times songs, then shouts ; two being in the middle, 
 that begin, and by singing and drumming on a 
 board, direct the chorus. 
 
 " Their postures in the dance are very antique and 
 differing, but all keep measure. This is done 
 with equal earnestness and labor, but great appear 
 ances of joy. In the fall, when the corn cometh in, 
 they begin to feast one another ; there have been two 
 great festivals already, to which all come that would; 
 I was at one myself. Their entertainment was a 
 great seat by a spring, under some shady trees, and 
 twenty fat bucks with hot cakes of new corn, both 
 wheat and beans, which they make up in square form, 
 in the leaves of the stem, and bake them in the ashes ; 
 and after that, they fall to dancing. But they that 
 go must carry a small present, in their money ; it may 
 be sixpence ; which is made of the bone of a fish ; the 
 black is with them as gold, the white silver, they call 
 it all wampum. 
 2 
 
18 HISTORY OF THJfi 
 
 " Their government is by kings, which they call 
 sackema, and those reign by succession, but always of 
 the mother s side : for instance, the children of him 
 who is now king, will not succeed, but his brother, by 
 the mother, or the children of his sister, whose sons 
 (and after them, the children of her daughter,) will 
 reign, for no woman inherits. The reason they render 
 for this way of descent, is, that their issue may not 
 be spurious. 
 
 "Every king hath his council, and that consists 
 of all the old and wise men of his nation, which num 
 ber, perhaps, two hundred people ; nothing of mo 
 ment is undertaken, be it war or peace, selling of 
 land or traffic, without advising with them, and, which 
 is more, with the young men too. It is admirable to 
 consider how powerful the kings are, and yet how 
 they move by the breath of their people. I have 
 had occasion to be in council with them, upon treaties 
 for land, and to adjust the terms of trade ; their 
 order is this : The king sits in the middle of a half 
 moon, and has his council, the old and wise on each 
 hand ; behind them, at a little distance, sit the 
 younger part, in the same figures. Having con 
 sulted and resolved their business, the king ordered 
 one of them to speak to me ; he stood up, came to 
 me, and in the name of his king saluted me, then 
 took me by the hand and told me that he was ordered 
 by his king to speak to me, and now it was not he 
 but the king that spoke, because what he should 
 say, was the king s mind. He first prayed me to 
 excuse them that they had not complied with me the 
 
BHAWNEE INDIANS. 19 
 
 last time ; he feared there might be some fault in the 
 interpreter, being neither Indian nor English, beside, 
 it was the Indian custom to deliberate, and take up 
 much time in council, before they resolved, and that 
 if the young people and owners of the land had been 
 as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay. 
 Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the 
 bounds of the land they had agreed to dispose of, 
 and the price, which is little and dear, that which 
 would have bought twenty miles, not buying now 
 two. During the time that this person spoke, not a 
 man of them was observed to whisper or smile, the 
 old were grave, the young reverend in their deport 
 ment ; they speak little, but fervently, and with 
 elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, 
 considering them without (I was going to say,) the 
 spoil of tradition ; and he will deserve the name man, 
 that outwits them, in any treaty about a thing which 
 they understand. When the purchase was agreed 
 on, great promises were made, on both sides, of kind 
 ness, and good neighborhood, and that the English 
 and Indians must live in love, as long as the sun 
 gave light; which done, another made a speech to 
 the Indians, in the name of all the Sachamahens or 
 kings, first, to tell them what was done ; next, to 
 "charge and command them to love the Christians, 
 and particularly live in peace with me, and the people 
 under my government. That many governors had 
 been in the river, but that no governor had come 
 himself to live and stay here before ; and having now 
 such a one that treated them so well, they should never 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 * 
 
 do him or his people any wrong. At every sentence 
 of which, they shouted, and said Amen, in their way. 
 
 " The justice they have is pecuniary; in case of 
 any wrong or evil fact, be it murder itself, they atone 
 by feasts and presents of their wampum, which is 
 proportioned to the offense, or person injured, or of 
 the sex they are of; for, in case they kill a woman, they 
 pay double, and the reason they render, is that she 
 can raise children, which men cannot do. It is rare 
 that they fall out if sober ; and if drunk, forgive it, 
 saying, it was the drink, and not the man/ that 
 abused them. 
 
 " We have agreed, that in all differences between 
 us, six of each side shall settle the matter. Do not 
 abuse them, but let them have justice, and you win 
 them , the worst is, that they are the worse for the 
 Christians*, who have jyopagated their views, and 
 yielded them tradition for ill, and not for good things; 
 but as low an ebb as these people are at, and as in 
 glorious as their own condition looks, the Christians 
 have not outlived their right, with all the pretensions 
 to a higher manifestation ; what good then might not 
 a good people engraft, where there is so distant a 
 knowledge left between good and evil. 
 
 " I beseech God to incline the hearts of all that 
 come into these parts, to outlive the knowledge of the* 
 natives, by fixed obedience to their greater knowledge 
 of the will of God, for it were miserable, indeed, for 
 us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indians 
 consciences, while we make profession of things so 
 far transcending. 
 
SHAWNKB INDIANS. 
 
 For their original, I am ready to believe them 
 of the Jewish race ; I mean of the stock of the ten 
 tribes, and that for the following reasons : First, they 
 were to go to a land not planted or known, which to 
 be sure, Asia and Africa were, if not Europe, and 
 he that intended that extraordinary judgment upon 
 them, might make the passage not uneasy to them, 
 as it is not impossible in itself, from the easternmost 
 part of Asia, to the westernmost part of America. 
 In the next place, I find them of like countenance, 
 and their children of so lively resemblance, that a 
 man would think himself in Dukes Place, or in Berry 
 Street, in London, when he seeth them ; but this is 
 not all : they agree in rites; they reckon by moons ; 
 they offer their first fruits ; they have a kind of feast 
 of tabernacles; .they are said to lay their altar upon 
 twelve stones; their mourning a year; customs of 
 women, with many other things that do not now 
 occur." History from the year 1681, to the year 
 1701. 
 
HISTORY OF THK 
 
 CHAPTER II. - 
 
 HAVING thus given place to the character, manners 
 and customs of the Indians, by the celebrated William 
 Penn, as well as to his opinion of their origin, (which 
 no one who is acquainted with the manners and cus 
 toms of the Indians of the present day who are in their 
 uncultivated state, will question,) I shall give some 
 account of Penn s treaty ; and this seems to be the 
 first authentic account we have of any intercourse 
 between the Shawnees and the whites, except that 
 mention is made by a writer on the subject, who says 
 that originally the Sac and Fox Indians occupied the 
 country (with the Shawnees,) south-west of the Mis- 
 souri, from Green Bay and Fox River, to the Mississippi, 
 and hunted over the land between the Wisconsin and 
 the upper branches of the Illinois ; and that the Shaw 
 nees are said to have affinity with these nations, which 
 would lead to the conclusion that they were inhabitants 
 of that country previously to their living within what is 
 now the limits of Pennsylvania, which I am inclined 
 to believe, from the fact that they peak the same 
 language of the Sacs and Fox Indians. It seems 
 that they had removed their residence to Pennsyl 
 vania previous to the year 1682, as they were a 
 party to the treaty of William Penn, of that date, 
 
6HAWNEK INDIANS. 
 
 Thus I consider the first reliable historical account 
 we have of the Shawnees, may be traced to that 
 period, and as they were at that treaty, and that, too, 
 the first treaty they ever attended, which we have 
 any account of, I shall insert here such authentic 
 accounts of the transactions relating thereto as have 
 come within my reach, which will show how strict 
 they were, in that early day, to adhere to their pro 
 mises, which I have ever found them strict observers 
 of, during my long and intimate acquaintance with 
 them. 
 
 Although there were a number of tribes repre 
 sented at that treaty, still, I feel justified in bringing 
 it into this work as a part of the History of the 
 Shawnees, as much so, indeed, as if they were the 
 only tribe concerned in the treaty. 
 
4 HI8TORY OF THB 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 IN THE year 1681, Wm. Penn wrote to a particular 
 friend in England, as follows : 
 
 " For my country, (Pennsylvania,) I eyed the 
 Lord in obtaining it, and more was I drawn inward 
 to look to him, and to owe it more to his hand and 
 power, than to any other way. I have so obtained 
 it, and desire to keep it, that I may not be unworthy 
 of his blessing ; but do that which may answer his 
 kind Providence, and serve his truth and people, that 
 an example may be set up to the nations; there may 
 be room there, though not here, for such a holy 
 experiment." 
 
 In connection with my present subject, and to 
 show how it is that even a people who are denomi 
 nated " savages," may be overcome with good, so as to 
 do good themselves to others with whom they have 
 intercourse. 
 
 Among certain conditions or concessions agreed 
 upon by Wm. Penn, proprietor and governor of Penn 
 sylvania, and those who are the adventurers and 
 purchasers, I find the following: 
 
 " Inasmuch as it is usual with the planters to 
 overreach the poor natives of the country in trade, 
 by goods not being good of the kind, or debased with 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 mixtures, with which they are sensibly aggrieved, it 
 is agreed that, whatever is sold to the Indians, in 
 consideration of their furs, be sold in the market 
 place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad ; 
 if good, to pass ; if bad, not to be sold for good, that 
 the Indians may not be provoked nor abused. 
 
 "That no man shall, by any ways or means, in word 
 or deed, affront or wrong an Indian, but he shall incur 
 the same penalty of the law as if he had committed 
 a wrong against his fellow planter ; and if any In 
 dian shall abuse, in word or deed, any planter of this 
 province, that he shall not be his own judge upon 
 the Indians, but he shall make his complaint to the 
 governor of the province, or his lieutenant or deputy, 
 or some inferior magistrate near him, who shall, to 
 the utmost of his power, take care, with the king of 
 the said Indians, that all reasonable satisfaction be 
 made to the said injured planter. 
 
 "That all differences between the planters and 
 the natives shall also be ended by twelve men, 
 that is, by six planters, and six natives ; that so we 
 may live friendly together, as much as in us lietb, 
 preventing all occasions of heart-burnings and mis 
 chiefs. 
 
 " That the Indians shall have liberty to do all 
 things relating to improving of their ground, and 
 providing sustenance for their families, that any of 
 the planters may enjoy." 
 
X 
 
 26 HISTORY OF THH 
 
 CHAPTEK IV. 
 
 IN THE Autumn of the year 1681, three ships full of 
 passengers set sail for Pennsylvania. In one of these, 
 was Wm. Markham, a relative of Wm. Penn, and 
 -whom he had appointed his deputy governor, intending 
 him for his secretary when he himself should arrive in 
 the colony. Several commissioners who were ap 
 pointed for the purpose of conferring with the Indians, 
 respecting the sale of their lands, and to make with 
 them a league of peace, accompanied Wm. Markham. 
 They were strongly enjoined to treat the natives with 
 all possible humanity, justice, and candor, and were 
 intrusted by William Penn with the following letter 
 to the Indians, which deserves the careful perusal of 
 the reader, as it is remarkably adapted to the com 
 prehension of uncultivated minds, and is character 
 ized by much plainness, simplicity, and kindness. 
 
 "London, \8t7iof8tkMo., 1681. 
 "MY FRIENDS : There is a great God and power 
 that hath made the world and all things therein, to 
 whom you, and I, and all people, owe their living and 
 well-being, and to whom you and I must one day 
 give an account for all that we do in this world. 
 This great God hath written his law in our hearts, by 
 
BHAWJfKE INDIANS. 27 
 
 which we are taught and commanded to love and help 
 one another. Now this great God hath been pleased to 
 make me concerned in your part of the world ; and 
 the king of the country where I live hath been pleased 
 to give me a great province therein, but I desire to 
 enjoy it with your love and consent, that we may 
 always live together as brothers and friends, else, 
 what would the great God do to us, who hath made 
 us, not to devour and destroy one another, but to 
 live soberly and kindly in the world. Now, I would 
 have you well observe that I am very sensible of the 
 unkindness and injustice that hath been too much 
 exercised toward you by the people of these parts, 
 who have sought themselves, and to make great 
 advantages by you, rather than to be examples of 
 goodness and patience unto you, which I hear hath 
 been a matter of trouble to you, and caused your 
 grudging aud animosity, sometimes to the shedding 
 of blood, which has made the great God angry. But 
 I am not such a man, as is well known in my own 
 country. I have great love and regard for you, and 
 desire to win and gain your love and friendship *by a 
 kind, just, and peaceable life, and the people I send 
 are of the same mind, and shall, in all things, be 
 have themselves accordingly; and if in anything any 
 shall offend you, or your people, you shall have a 
 speedy satisfaction for the same by an equal number 
 of just men on both sides, that by no means you may 
 have just cause of being against them. . 
 
 "I shall shortly come to you myself, at which time 
 we may more fully confer together and discourse of 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 this matter: in the meantime I have sent my com 
 missioners to treat with you about land, and to form 
 with you a firm league of peace ; let me desire you 
 to be kind to them and their people, and to receive 
 these presents and tokens which I have sent you as a 
 token of my good will to you, and my resolution to 
 live justly, peaceably, and friendly with you. 
 " I am your loving friend, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
INDIANS. 
 
 28 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ON THE first of the seventh month, 1682, (old 
 style,) William Penn landed at Newcastle and took 
 leo-al possession of the country, soon after which he 
 proceeded to Upland, (now Chester,) where he called 
 an assembly, which lasted three days, at which all 
 the laws agreed upon in England, with the addition 
 of nineteen others, were passed in due form, making 
 in all fifty-nine the fiftieth of which provided against 
 selling or exchanging of rum, brandy, or strong 
 liquor of any kind to the Indians. 
 
 Penn being now at Coaquannuck, (the Indian name 
 for the spot on which Philadelphia now stands, ) the 
 time had arrived when, by mutual understanding by 
 the Indians and himself, he was personally to confirm 
 a treaty of peace with them, and settle for the pur 
 chase of land. This treaty was that great and 
 memorable one in which a firm league of peace was 
 reciprocally concluded between them, and which has 
 won the admiration of all unprejudiced and thinking 
 minds as being a transaction consonant with human 
 ity, and an expansive benevolence, and in unison, also, 
 with the principles of justice and sound policy, and 
 alike worthy the Christian and statesman. The 
 
30 HISTORY OF T^JBE 
 
 Indian tribes that met William Penn at this famous 
 treaty are generally supposed to be the river Indians. 
 A writer observes of this treaty, that the authentic 
 accounts which are known to exist of most of the 
 particulars respecting it, are, he regrets to say, but 
 of a limited kind, of which the following speech of 
 Governor Gordon to the Indians, at a treaty held at 
 Connestoga in 1728, with several nations of them 
 who then resided in the Susquehanna, is the most 
 important. 
 
 " Mr BROTHERS : You have been faithful to your 
 leagues with us. Your leagues with William Penn 
 and his governors are in writing on record, that our 
 children and our children s children may have them 
 in lasting remembrance, and we know that you pre 
 serve the memory of those things amongst you, by 
 telling them to your children, and they, again, to the 
 next generation, so that they may remain strong on 
 your "minds, never to be forgotten. The chief head, 
 or strongest links of this chain, I find in these nine, 
 to wit: 
 
 " 1. That all William Perm s people, or Christians, 
 and all the Indians should be brethren, as the child 
 ren of one father, joined together as one heart, one 
 head, and one body. 
 
 "2. That all paths should be open and free to both 
 Christians and Indians. 
 
 " 3. That the doors of the Christians houses should 
 be open to the Indians, and the houses of the Indians 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 should be open to the Christians, and that they should 
 make each other welcome as their friends. 
 
 << 4. That the Christians should not believe any false 
 rumors of the Indians, nor the Indians should not 
 believe any false rumors of the Christians, but should 
 come first, as brethren, to inquire of each other; and 
 that both Christians and Indians, when they hear 
 any such false rumors of their brethren, should bury 
 them as in a bottomless pit. 
 
 " 5. That if the Christians hear any ill news of the 
 Indians, that may be of hurt to them, or the Indians 
 hear any such news of the Christians, that may be to 
 their injury, they should acquaint each other with it 
 speedily, as true friends and brethren. 
 
 " 6. That the Indians should do no manner of harm 
 to the Christians, nor to their creatures; nor the 
 Christians do any harm to the Indians; but each to 
 treat the other as brethren. 
 
 " 7. But as there are wicked people in all nations 
 if either Indians or Christians should do any harm 
 to each other, complaint of it should be made by the 
 person suffering, that justice might be done, and 
 when satisfaction is made, the injury or wrong should 
 be forgot, and be buried as in a bottomless pit. 
 
 " 8. That the Indians should in all things assist 
 the Christians, and the Christians should assist the 
 Indians against all wicked people that would injure 
 them. 
 
 " 9. And, lastly, that both Christians and Indians 
 should acquaint their children with this league and 
 
32 HISTORY OF THS 
 
 firm chain of friendship made between them, and 
 that it should always be kept strong, and made 
 stronger and stronger, and kept bright and clean, 
 without rust or spot, between their children and our 
 children s children, while creeks and rivers run, and 
 while the sun, moon, and stars endure." 
 
 The nine articles thus recited by Governor Gordon, 
 are, (he observes,) only the chief heads of this trans 
 action ; what other particulars there may be, to which 
 he has made no reference, is now entirely a matter of 
 conjecture, and it is much to be regretted that, he did 
 not give the whole account. The writing on record, 
 to which he alludes, was, no doubt, the roll of parch 
 ment containing the great treaty of 1682, which was 
 shown by the Mingoes and Shawnees, and other 
 tribes, to Governor Keith, at a conference in the year 
 J 722. Notwithstanding these testimonies to the exist 
 ence of a written agreement having been entered into 
 on the occasion, it is said that some modern writers 
 have, nevertheless, doubted the fact, but whether in 
 ignorance of the facts or not, we cannot say. That 
 a written agreement, however, did about this time 
 take place between William Penn and the Indians, 
 appears to be further confirmed by an allusion an 
 Indian chief made to it at a treaty held at Philadel 
 phia, in the year 1742, when, addressing the Dela- 
 wares, who were then present, he said : " We have 
 seen with our eyes a deed signed by nine of your 
 ancestors above fifty years ago, for this very land." 
 At another time, during the same treaty of 1742, 
 the same chief, on again referring to the same 
 
6HA.WNEE INDIANS. 33 
 
 circumstance, said : " Their ancestors had sold it, by a 
 deed under their hands and seals, to the proprietory, for 
 a valuable consideration, upward of fifty years ago." 
 Governor Gordon, in his history of Pennsylvania, 
 says, that a copy of the conference held at the making 
 of this treaty was once in the office of the Common 
 wealth of Pennsylvania: since, R. Cunningham as 
 sures us that he discovered an envelop in a bundle 
 of papers there, relating to the Shawnee Indians, 
 with the following indorsement: "Minutes of the 
 Indian Conference, in relation to the great treaty with 
 William Penn at the big tree, Shackamaxen, 4th 
 of tenth month, 1682." In order to obtain more 
 particular information on this subject, Cunningham 
 was written to respecting it, who returned the follow 
 ing answer : " The indorsement on the envelop, 
 which you found on page 603 of Gordon s History of 
 Pennsylvania, is a faithful copy of the original, I 
 believe, at Harrisburgh. I made some inquiry as 
 to the circumstances of its being thus found in the 
 closet, and received the following information, to wit: 
 Some years since, the Indian treaties were transcribed 
 in a book for their better preservation, and the envelop 
 of one of them was carefully folded up and placed in 
 the closet with the historical papers. The Indian 
 treaty said to have been contained in the envelop, is 
 dated June 15th, 1682, and was the result of a con 
 ference held under the elm tree at Shackamaxen, be 
 tween William Markham, (the Commissioner of Wil 
 liam Penn,) John Bezar, and Nathan Allen, and the 
 Shackamaxen tribes of Indians. The treaty was in 
 
34 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 the open air, but signed in Captain Lassee Cocke a 
 house, fronting the Delaware river, in Shackamaxen. 
 The land granted was to begin at a white oak, on the 
 ground in the tenure of John Woods, called, by him, 
 Gray Stone. The minutes of the conference in June, 
 and also of those of the conference in December, 
 1682, are not to be found." 
 
 Most of the scattered particulars respecting this 
 treaty with which we are acquainted, having been 
 collected by Thomas Chalkley, (an approved min 
 ister in the Society of Friends who lived soon after 
 Penn,) I shall give them as they are recorded in 
 his biography of William Penn. They are as follows, 
 to wit : 
 
 " The time now arrived when he was to confirm 
 his treaty with the Indians. His religious principles, 
 which led him to the most scrupulous morality, did 
 not permit him to look upon the king s patent or 
 legal permission, according to the laws of England, 
 as sufficient to establish his right to the country with 
 out purchasing it by fair and open bargains with the 
 natives, to whom it properly belonged. He had, 
 therefore, instructed the commissioners who had 
 arrived in America before him, to buy it of the In 
 dians, and to make with them, at the same time, a 
 treaty of perpetual friendship. This the commis 
 sioners had done, and this was the time when, by 
 mutual agreement between him and the Indian 
 chiefs, it was to be publicly ratified. 
 
 " He proceeded, therefore, accompanied by his 
 friends, consisting of men. women, and young persons, 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 35 
 
 of both sexes, to Coaquannuck, the Indian name for 
 the place where Philadelphia now stands. On his arri 
 val there he found the chiefs and their people there 
 assembled. They were seen in the woods, as far as 
 the eye could carry, and looked frightful, both on 
 account of numbers and their arms. The Quakers 
 are reported to have been but a handful in compari 
 son, and these without any weapons, so that dismay 
 and terror had come upon them, had they not con 
 fided in the justice of their cause. 
 
 " It is much to be regretted, when we have accounts 
 of minor treaties between William Penn and the 
 Indians, that in no history can I find an account of 
 this, though so many make mention of it, and though 
 all concur in considering it the most glorious in the 
 annals of the world. 
 
 " There are, however, relations in Indian speeches 
 and traditions in Quaker families, descended from 
 those who were present on the occasion, from which 
 we may learn something about it. It appears that, 
 though the parties were to assemble at Coaquannuck, 
 the treaty was made a little higher up, at Shaeka- 
 maxen. Upon this Kensington now stands, the 
 houses of which may be considered as the suburbs of 
 Philadelphia. William Penn appeared in his usual 
 clothes. He had no crown, scepter, mace, sword, 
 halberd, nor any insignia of office. He was dis 
 tinguished only by wearing a sky-blue sash around 
 his waist, which was of silk net-work, and which was 
 of no longer apparent dimensions than an officer s mil 
 itary sack, and much like it in color. (This sack, a 
 
36 msTOiir oy THE 
 
 few years since, was in possession of Thomas Kell, 
 of Norwich.) On his right was Col. Markham, hi? 
 relation and secretary, and on his left, Friend Pearson; 
 after, followed a train of Quakers. Before him were 
 carried various articles of merchandise, which, when 
 they came near the Sachems, were spread upon the 
 ground. He held a roll of parchment, containing the 
 confirmation of the treaty of purchase and amity in 
 his hand. One of the Sachems, who was the chief 
 of them, then put upon his own head a kind of chap- 
 let, in which appeared a small horn. This, as among 
 the primitive eastern nations, and according to Scrip 
 ture language, was an emblem of kingly power, and 
 whenever the chief who had a right to wear it put it 
 on, it was understood that the place was made sacred, 
 and the persons of all present inviolable. Upon 
 putting on this horn the Indians threw down their 
 bows and arrows, and seated themselves around the 
 chiefs, in the form of a half moon, upon the ground. 
 The chief Sachem then announced to William Penn, 
 by means of an interpreter, that the nation was 
 .ready to hear him. 
 
 " Having been thus called upon, he began : * The 
 great God, said he, who made him and them, who 
 ruled in heaven and earth, and who knew the inmost 
 thoughts of men, knew that him and his friends had 
 a hearty desire to live in peace with them, and to 
 serve them to the utmost of their power. It was not 
 their custom to use hostile weapons against their fel 
 low creatures, for which reason they came unarmed. 
 Their object was not to do injury, and thus provoke 
 
SIIAWNKE INDIANS. 37 
 
 the Great Spirit, but to do good. They were then 
 met on the broad pathway of good faith and good 
 will, so that no advantage was to be taken on either 
 side, but all was to be openness, brotherhood, and 
 love/ After these and other words, he unrolled the 
 parchment, and, by means of the same interpreter, 
 conveyed to them, article by article, the conditions 
 of the purchase, and the words of the compact then 
 made for their perpetual union. Among other things, 
 even in the territory they had alienated, they were 
 not to be molested in their lawful pursuits for it 
 was to be common to them and the English. They 
 were to have the same liberty to do all things therein, 
 relating to the improvement of their grounds, and 
 providing sustenance for their families, which the 
 English had. If any disputes should arise between 
 the two, they should be settled by twelve persons, 
 half of whom should be English and half Indians. 
 
 "He then paid them for their land, and made them 
 many presents, beside, from the merchandise which 
 had been spread before them. Having done this, he 
 spread the roll of parchment on the ground, observ 
 ing again that the ground should be common to both 
 people. He added that he would not do as the Mary- 
 landers did that is, call them children, or brothers 
 only, for often parents were apt to whip their child 
 ren too severely, and brothers sometimes would dif 
 fer neither would he compare the friendship between 
 them to a chain, for the rain might rust it, or a tree 
 might fall and break it, but he should consider them 
 as the same flesh and blood with the Christians, and 
 
JIISTORY OF THE 
 
 the Fame as if one man were to be divided into two 
 parts. He then took up the parchment and presented 
 it to the Sachem who wore the horn and chaplet, 
 and desired him and the other Sachems to preserve 
 it carefully for three generations, that their children 
 might know what had passed between them, just as 
 if he remained with them to repeat it. 
 
 " That William Penn must have done and said a 
 great deal more on this interesting subject than has 
 1 now been represented, there can be no doubt, What 
 I have advanced," continues Thos. Chalkley, "may 
 be relied upon, but I am not warranted in giving 
 further. It is also to be regretted that the speeches 
 of the chiefs on this memorable day, have not come 
 down to us. It is only known that they solemnly 
 pledged themselves, according to their country man 
 ners, to live in love with Wm. Penn and his children 
 as long as the sun and moon should endure." 
 
 Thus ended this famous treaty, of which more has 
 been said in the way of praise than of any other 
 ever submitted to posterity. "This," says Voltaire, 
 " was the only treaty between these people and the 
 Christians, that was notratified by an oath, and that was 
 never broken." "Penn thought it right," says Abbe 
 Raynol, "to obtain an additional right, by a fair and 
 open purchase from the Aborigines, and thus to sig 
 nalize his arrival by an act of equity which made his 
 person and principles equally beloved. Here it is, 
 that the mind rests with pleasure upon modern history, 
 and feels some kind of compensation for the disgust, 
 melancholy, and horror which the whole of it, but 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 39 
 
 particularly that part of the European settlements in, 
 America inspires." 
 
 $"oble, in his continuation of Granger, says : " Penn 
 occupied his domain by actual bargain and sale with 
 the Indians. This act does him infinite honor, as no 
 blood was shed, and the Christians and barbarians 
 met as brothers. Penn has thus taught us to respect 
 the lives and property of the most ignorant Nations." 
 
 " Being now returned," says Robert Proud, in his 
 history of Pennsylvania, "from Maryland to Coaquan- 
 nuck, he purchased lands of the Indians, whom he 
 treated with great justice and sincere kindness. It 
 was at this time, when he first entered into that per 
 sonal friendship with them, which ever afterward 
 continued between them, and which, for the space of 
 more than seventy years, was never interrupted, or 
 so long as the Quakers retained power in Pennsyl 
 vania. 
 
 " His conduct, in general, to these people, was in 
 engaging his justice in particular so conspicuous; and 
 the counsel and advice he gave them were so evidently 
 for their advantage that he became thereby very 
 much endeared to them, and the sense thereof made 
 such deep impression on their minds that his name 
 and memory will scarcely be effaced while they con 
 tinue a people." 
 
 The great elm tree, under which the treaty of 1682 
 was held, became celebrated from that day. When, 
 in the revolutionary war, the British General, Simcoe, 
 was quartered at Kensington, he so respected it that 
 when his soldiers were cutting down every other tree 
 
40 UISTOltY OK TI1K 
 
 for firewood, he placed a sentinel under it, with orders 
 to see that not a branch of it should be injured. In 
 the year 1811 it was blown down by a storm, when 
 the branches were split into wood, and cups and 
 other articles were made, to be kept as memorials of 
 the celebrated elm tree. 
 
 It may not be out of place here, to mention a little 
 the treatment the emigrants to the colonies of New 
 Jersey and Pennsylvania received at the hands of the 
 natives, which may well show that they are a remark 
 ably kind-hearted people, when they are treated as 
 Penn and his friends used this people. The succeed 
 ing chapter will be interesting on that account. 
 
[(UNIVERSITY 
 
 \V OF 
 
 ^^LIFO* 
 
 INDIANS. 41 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ABOUT the year 1675 the territory of New Jersey 
 came, by purchase, from Lord Berkley, into the hands 
 of John Fenwick. (a member of the Society of 
 Friends,) in trust, for Edward Billings and his as 
 signees, in consequence of which, in this year, John 
 Fenwick, in company with a number of other Friends 
 from London, landed at a place on the Delaware, 
 which he named Salem; and, on their arrival, settled 
 a religious meeting there. A dispute had arisen 
 between Fenwick and Edward Billings, but was at 
 last composed by the interference of William Penn, 
 to whom, with Gowan Lowrie, of London, and 
 Nicholas Lucas, of Westford, the management of 
 the province was committed, as trustees for Edward 
 Billings ; and from this circumstance William Penn 
 became one of the chief instruments in settling the 
 colony of New Jersey. 
 
 Although the land having been purchased gave 
 Friends a legal right to the soil, in the commonly 
 understood sense of the term, it nevertheless did not, 
 in their estimation, fully entitle them to it, without a 
 further purchase was made from its original owners 
 and inhabitants, whom they regarded as the alone 
 
42 HISTORIT OF TUB 
 
 rightful owners and proprietors of the land; rccog 
 nizing then this principle, we find William Penn and 
 his colleagues, in their instructions for the govern 
 ment of the province, in the year 1676, recommend 
 ing that the commissioners should immediately agree 
 with the Indians for land. 
 
 The first treaty of this kind with the natives, took 
 place in the succeeding year, when the second ship 
 arrived at the colony, bringing about two hundred 
 and thirty persons, most of whom were Friends from 
 Yorkshire and London, who landed about Racoon 
 Creek, on the Delaware River. Soon after which, 
 eight persons, commissioners for the purpose, pro 
 ceeded further up the river, to the place where Bur 
 lington now stands, and treated with the Indians, and 
 entered on the regulations of their settlement, and 
 made several purchases of land from them ; but not 
 having, at the time, goods sufficient to pay for all 
 they bought, a further agreement was made with 
 them not to settle on any part until it was paid for. 
 The number of Friends who emigrated to West 
 Jersey during the years U376, 1677, and 1678, is 
 stated to be about eight hundred, and these mostly 
 persons of property. Thomas Clarkson, in his life 
 of Penn, says, that "up to the year 1681 he had 
 sent to it about fourteen hundred people." 
 
 These early settlers in this province, coming, as 
 they did, to a country, for the most part in an uncul 
 tivated state, endured many hardships before they 
 could bring the land into a state sufficiently produc 
 tive for their support, and many of them arriving in 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 43 
 
 the latter end of the year, they had only time to 
 erect a cabin, or a kind of wigwam, for their accom 
 modation during the approaching winter. In this 
 needful time the untutored Indians proved themselves 
 real benefactors to the Friends, and gave evidence 
 that their hearts were imbued with generous and 
 humane feelings, by liberally supplying these new 
 occupants of their country, in a time of difficulty and 
 distress, with corn and venison, which was their prin 
 cipal food, and by freely bringing Indian corn, peas, 
 beans, fish, and fowls for sale. 
 
44 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 IN THE early part of 1701 we find William Perm 
 had again left Pennsylvania for Philadelphia, where 
 he met Con-noo-daugh-tah, king of the Susquehanna 
 Indians, Wa-pa-tha, king of the Shawnees, and 
 Wee-when-jaugh, chief of the Gan-aw-eese, inhabi- 
 tanting about the head of Potomac River, and Ahoo- 
 kas-saugh, brother of the emperor of the five nations, 
 with about forty Indians in their retinue, who came 
 to renew, by one general treaty for the whole, the 
 good understanding which had subsisted between 
 him and them. On this occasion he received them 
 in council, and many friendly speeches passed between 
 them; and it was then and there agreed, that there 
 should be forever after, a firm and lasting peace be 
 tween Wm. Penn and his heirs, and the said kings, and 
 their chiefs, and their successors, in behalf of their re 
 spective tribes; and the following articles of agreement 
 were solemnly ratified, and the instrument for the 
 same duly agreed upon by both parties. 
 
 Articles of agreement indented, made, concluded, 
 and agreed upon, this 23d day of 2d month, called 
 April, 1701, between William Penn, proprietary 
 and governor of the province of Pennsylvania, and 
 
SHAWNF.E INDIANS. 45 
 
 the territories thereunto belonging, on the one part, 
 and Con-noo-daugh-tah, king of the Indians inhabit 
 ing upon and about the river Susquehanna, in the 
 said province, and We-do-ah (alias Aret-ta,) Ka-que- 
 ash, and An-dog-gy lunck-quagh, chiefs of the said 
 nations of Indians, and Wa-pa-tha, king of the 
 Shawnees, and Lem-a-tung and Perau-ju-ah, chiefs 
 of that nation, and Ahoo-kas-saugh, brother to the 
 emperor, for, and in behalf of the emperor; and We- 
 when-jaugh, Che-quet-tah, Ta-gua-son, and Woop- 
 ra-shaw, chiefs of the nations of Indians inhabiting 
 in and about the northern parts of the river Potomac, 
 for, and in behalf of themselves and their successors, 
 and their several nations, on the other part, as 
 follows : 
 
 "I. As hitherto there hath always been a good 
 understanding and neighborhood between the said 
 William Penn and his lieutenants, since his first arri 
 val in the said province, and the several nations of the 
 Indians, inhabiting in and about the same ; so there 
 shall be forever hereafter a firm and lasting peace con 
 tinued between Wm. Penn, his heirs and successors, 
 and all the English and other Christian inhabitants 
 of the said province, and the said kings and chiefs, 
 and their successors, and all the people of the several 
 nations of Indians aforesaid, and thai they shall for 
 ever hereafter be as one head and one heart, and live 
 in peace, and true friendship, and unity, as one people. 
 
 " 2. That the said kings and chiefs, (each for him 
 self and his people engaging,) shall, at no time, hurt, 
 
46 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 injure, or defraud, or suffer to be hurt, injured, or 
 defrauded, by any of their Indians, any inhabitant or 
 inhabitants of the said province, either in their per 
 sons, or estates ; and that the said William Penn, his 
 heirs and successors, shall not suffer to be done or 
 committed, by any of the subjects of England within 
 the said province, any act of hostility or violence, 
 wrong or injury, to, or against, any of the Indians, 
 but shall, on both sides, at all times, readily do justice 
 and perform all acts and offices of friendship and 
 good will ; to oblige each other to a lasting peace, as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 "3. That all and every of the said kings and 
 chiefs, and all and every particular of the nations 
 under them, shall, at all times, behave themselves 
 regularly and soberly, according to the laws of this 
 government, while they live near or among the 
 Christians, inhabitants thereof; and that the said In 
 dians shall have the full and free privileges and im 
 munities of all the said laws, as any other inhabitants, 
 they duly owning and acknowledging the authority 
 of the crown of England and the government of this 
 province. 
 
 " 4. That none of the Indians shall, at any time, 
 be aiding, assisting, or abetting any other nation, 
 whether Indians or others, that shall not, at such 
 times, be at peace and amity with the crown of 
 England, and with this government. 
 
 "5. That if, at any time, any of the said Indians, 
 by means of evil-minded persons and sowers of 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 47 
 
 sedition, should hear any unkind or disadvantageous 
 reports of the English, as if they had evil designs 
 against any of the said Indians, in such cases such In 
 dians shall send notice thereof to the said Wm. Penn, 
 his heirs or successors, or their lieutenants, and shall 
 not give credence to the said reports, till, by that 
 means, they shall be fully satisfied concerning the 
 truth thereof; and that the said William Penn, his 
 heirs and successors, or their lieutenants, shall, at 
 all times, and in all such cases, do the like by them. 
 " 6. That the said kings and chiefs, and their suc 
 cessors, shall not suffer any strong nation of Indians 
 to settle, or plant, on the other side of the Susque- 
 hanna river, or about the Potomac river, but such 
 as are already seated there ; nor bring any other 
 Indians into any part of this province without the 
 special approbation and permission of the said Wm. 
 Penn, his heirs, or successors. 
 
 " 7. That, for the preventing of abuses that are 
 too frequently put upon the said Indians in trade, the 
 said William Penn, his heirs and successors, shall 
 not suffer any person to trade or converse with any 
 of the said Indians but such as be first allowed and 
 approved, by an instrument of writing, under the 
 hand and seal of him, the said William Penn, or his 
 heirs, or successors, or their lieutenants, and that the 
 said Indians shall suffer no person whatever to buy 
 or sell, or to have commerce with any of them, the 
 said Indians, but such as first be approved by the 
 governor, as aforesaid. 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " 8. That the said Indians shall not sell or dispose 
 of any of their skins, peltry, or furs, or any other 
 effects of their hunting, to any person or persons 
 whatever, out of the said province of Pennsylvania, 
 nor to any other person but such as shall be author 
 ized to trade with them as aforesaid. And that, for 
 the encouragement of the Indians, the said William 
 Penn, his heirs and successors, shall take care to 
 have them, the said Indians, duly furnished with all 
 sorts of necessary goods for their use, at reasonable 
 rates. 
 
 "9. That the Potomac Indians aforesaid, with their 
 colony, shall have free leave of the said William 
 Penn to settle on any part of Potomac river, within 
 this province they strictly observing and practicing 
 all and singular, the aforesaid to them relating. 
 
 " 10. The Indians of Conestoga, upon and about 
 the Susquehanna river, and now, especially, the said 
 Con-noo-daugh-tah, their king, doth fully agree to, 
 and, by these presents, absolutely ratify, the bargain 
 and sale of lands lying near and about the said river, 
 formerly made to the said William Penn, his heirs 
 and successors, by a deed, bearing date the 13th day 
 of September last, under their hands and seals duly 
 executed. And the said Con-noo-daugh-tah doth, for 
 himself and his nation, covenant and agree that he 
 will, at all times, be ready further to confirm and 
 make good the sale of said land, according to the 
 terms of the same ; and that the said Indians of Sus 
 quehanna shall answer to the said William Penn and 
 
SHAWNES INDIANS. 49 
 
 his successors for the good behavior and conduct of 
 the said Potomac Indians, and for their performing 
 the several articles herein expressed. 
 
 "11. The said William Penn doth hereby promise 
 for himself, his heirs and successors, that he and they 
 will, at all times, show themselves as brothers to all 
 and every of said Indians, by assisting them, by 
 and with the best of their advice, directions, and 
 counsel, and will, in all things just and reasonable, 
 befriend them they behaving themselves as afore 
 said j and submitting themselves to the laws of this 
 province in all things, as the English and all others 
 do; to which they, the said Indians, truly agree and 
 oblige themselves and their posterity forever. 
 
 "In witness whereunto, the said parties have, as a 
 confirmation, made mutual presents to each other : 
 the Indians, in five parcels of skins, and the said 
 William Penn, in several parcels of English goods 
 and merchandise, as a binding pledge of the pro 
 mises never to be broken or violated ; and as a testi 
 mony thereof, have, also, to these presents, set their 
 hands and seals, the day and year above written." 
 
 William Penn s return to England the second time, 
 being determined on, and information of it having 
 reached the Indians, a number of them, among whom 
 were the chiefs of the Susquehanna tribes, in the 
 eighth month of 1706, came to Philadelphia to take 
 leave of him as their great benefactor. These In 
 dians came at a time when the assembly was in ses 
 sion. He received them in council. This farewell 
 4 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 meeting is said to have been a very interesting one; 
 but few particulars, however, of this interview have 
 been transmitted to us. The following brief account 
 being all that has coine to my knowledge, in relation 
 to it, viz : " William Penn told them that the assem 
 bly was then making a law, according to their desire, 
 to prevent their being abused, by the selling of rum 
 among them ; that he requested of them to unite all 
 their endeavors, and their utmost exertions, in con 
 junction with those of the government, to put the 
 said law in execution." 
 
 At the same he told them that now this was* like 
 to be the kst time he should hold an interview with 
 them, at least before leaving; that he had always 
 loved and been kind to them, and even should con 
 tinue so to be not through any political design, or 
 on account of self-interest, but from a most real affec 
 tion ; and he desired them to cultivate friendly rela 
 tions with those he should leave behind in authority, 
 as they would always, in some degree, continue so 
 to be to them as himself had ever been; lastly, that 
 he had charged the members of his council, and he 
 then, also, renewed the same charge, that they should, 
 in all respects, be kind to them, and entertain them 
 with all courtesy and demonstrations of good will, as 
 himself had ever done. Here the said members 
 promised faithfully to observe the charge ; presents 
 were then made to the Indians, and they withdrew. 
 
SHAW^EE INDIANS. 
 
 51 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE next account I find of the Shawnees is in 
 1706, when Thomas Chalkley, an acknowledged 
 minister in the Society of Friends, was extensively, 
 engaged in traveling in the American colonies, among 
 the Indians as well as the whites, he says : " We got 
 an interpreter and traveled through the woods, about 
 sixty miles, among the Indians at Conestoga, near 
 the Susquehanna, carrying our provisions with us, 
 and, on the journey, sat down by a river, and spread 
 our food on the grass, and refreshed ourselves and 
 our horses, and then went on cheerfully, and with 
 great good will and much love for the poor Indians ; 
 and when we arrived they received us kindly, treat 
 ing us civilly in their way. On informing them of 
 our views in this visit to them, they called a council, 
 in which they were grave, and spoke one after an 
 other, without any heat or jarring. In this council 
 was a woman, who took a part in the deliberations of 
 this council as well .as upon all important occasions. 
 On the interpreter being questioned why they per 
 mitted a woman to take so responsible a part in their 
 councils, he replied, that some women were wiser 
 than some men, and that they had not done anything 
 
HISTORY OF TUS 
 
 for many years without the council of this ancient, 
 grave woman, who spoke much in this council. This 
 ancient, grave woman, who was the empress of the 
 tribe, said, (records Thos. Chalkley,) that she looked 
 upon our coming to be more than natural, because 
 we did not come to buy or sell, or to get gain, but 
 come in love and respect to them, and desired their 
 well-being, both here and hereafter; and further 
 desired, that our meeting among them might be 
 very beneficial to their young people. And she 
 advised them to hear us and to entertain us 
 kindly ; and accordingly they did. There were two 
 nations of them, the Senecas and Shawnees. We 
 Had first a meeting with the Senecas, with which 
 they were much affected ; and they called the other 
 nation, (the Shawnees,) and interpreted to them what 
 we said to them in their meeting ; and the poor In 
 dians, (and, in particular, some of the young men 
 and women,) were under a solid exercise and concern 
 of mind. 
 
 " The advantages which, even in a temporal point of 
 view, resulted to the early settlers in Pennsylvania, by 
 adopting a course of conduct, so peaceable in its nature, 
 were not only of great benefit to the natives them 
 selves, but to the inhabitants of this infant colony, 
 and formed a striking contrast to the melancholy evils 
 which followed as a consequence of a line of policy 
 so adverse to the principles pursued in the settlement 
 of the other colonies. 
 
 "Proceeding, as the early settlers to the other 
 provinces did, to a country inhabited by a race of 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 53 
 
 men, of apparently ferocious and savage habits of 
 life, and whom they observed too frequently engaged 
 in wars with each other, they began, as soon as they 
 set foot on the soil, to exhibit a military appearance, 
 by building forts, and fortifying their towns, and 
 showing themselves in arms before they had received 
 any kind of molestation or injury, but merely from a 
 fear that such means of defense were needful. Such 
 a formidable appearance, of course, produced, in the 
 minds of the natives, strong suspicions. * 
 
 Doctor Trumbull, in his history of Connecticut, 
 has the following pertinent remarks in reference to 
 this subject. He says : " As these infant settlements 
 were filled and surrounded by numerous savages the 
 people conceived themselves in danger when they 
 lay down and when they rose up when they went 
 out and when they came in. Their circumstances 
 were such that it was judged necessary for every man 
 to be a soldier. The consequence was that, when 
 they began to make a military appearance, several 
 of them were waylaid and killed. Thence followed 
 greater warlike preparations on the one side, and 
 greater suspicion on the other, till, at length, open 
 war commenced between them, during which great 
 excesses were committed by both parties. 
 
 " When war commenced between the Indians and 
 the settlers of one of the provinces, the former 
 would not unfrequently carry their ravages without 
 discrimination into another, where the warlike de 
 monstrations were similar. Thus, it appears, that 
 when the Indians were provoked by the Virginians, 
 
54 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 during the time that Lord Baltimore was governor of 
 Maryland, and who, it was said, conducted himself 
 in the most unexceptionable manner toward the In 
 dians, they, nevertheless, carried their devastations 
 into Maryland as well as Virginia, whereas the ad 
 jacent province of Pennsylvania, where nothing of a 
 warlike character existed, remained uninjured, being 
 uniformly respected by the Indians ; and, as the ter 
 ritory of William Penn, being held as almost sacred 
 by the Indians." 
 
 "New England," says Bancroft, in his history of 
 the United States, " had just terminated a disastrous 
 war with the Algonquins. The laws of Maryland 
 refer to Indian hostilities srnd massacres, which ex 
 tended as far Richmond. Penn came without arms ; 
 he had no message but peace ; and not a drop of 
 Quaker blood was ever shed by the Indians." 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 AT a council at Philadelphia, 14th June, 1715; 
 present, the Honorable Gookin, Lieutenant Governor; 
 Joseph Growden, Griffith Owen, Jas. Logan, Richard 
 Will, Isaac Norris, Robert Ashton, Commissioners. 
 The chiefs of the Delaware and Schuylkill Indians, 
 in a visit to the governor, etc., met in the court-house 
 at Philadelphia; Sas-sa-noon boing their head, and 
 Opes-sah, the late Shawnee king, with his companions 
 attending him, and then opening the calumet, or pipe 
 of peace, with great ceremony of their rattles and 
 songs ; it was presented by Sas-sa-noon, to the king, 
 the governor and council, and to all others of the 
 English, there met ; afterward it was offered by him 
 to all his Indians ; and then, with the same ceremo 
 nies, put up again. 
 
 Then Sas-sa-noon arose and spoke to the governor, 
 and said that the calumet, the bond of peace, which 
 they had carried to all the nations around, they had 
 now brought hither : that it was a sure bond and 
 seal of peace among them and between them and us ; 
 and they desired, by holding up their hands, that the 
 God of heaven might be witness to it, and that there 
 might be n firm peace between them and us forever. 
 
66 HISTORY OF THfi 
 
 
 
 To which the governor replied ; that he was very 
 glad to see them retain so strong a sense of that firm 
 peace which was settled between William Penn, the 
 founder and chief governor of the country, at his 
 first coming into it, in behalf of himself and all his 
 people, with them and all theirs ; that they were 
 sensible we had always preserved it inviolate on our 
 part, and were glad we had reason to say they had 
 done the same on theirs. That we desired nothing 
 more than that the Great God who made heaven 
 and earth and every living creature, and who knows 
 the thoughts and sees all the actions of men to 
 whom they appealed, should be witness of what now 
 passed between us, and this renewal of the same 
 bond of peace might be recorded between them and 
 us forever. With which speech they expressed 
 themselves greatly satisfied. Sassanoon added, that 
 hearing of the same measures among themselves, to 
 prevent which they came to renew, forever, the bond 
 of friendship that William Penn had at his first com 
 ing made a clear and open road all the way to the 
 Indians ; that they desired the same might be kept 
 open, and all obstructions removed ; of which, on 
 their side, they will take care. 
 
 He then presented a belt of wampum, and added, 
 to the same effect ; that they desn d the peace, 
 which had been made, should be so irm that they 
 should join hand in hand so firmly that nothing, 
 even the greatest tree, should be able to divide them 
 asunder. 
 
 After this, they seemed to wait for an answer 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 were desired to proceed, and to deliver what they 
 had now further to say, and that answers and returns 
 for binding the friendship would be made to them 
 
 altogether. 
 
 Sassanoon accordingly proceeded, and said: that 
 their late king, Ska-ti-to-hi, desired of them that they 
 would take care to keep a perfect friendship with he 
 Eno-lish and that they should be joined as one-that 
 the" Indians should be half-English, and that the 
 English should be half-Indians, that they might the 
 
 further be as one. 
 
 He further added, laying down a sword-belt, that 
 as the fathers have been in peace, that they desirec 
 that the children still, as they should be bom and 
 come into the world hereafter, might be brought m 
 the same union, and that it might be continued 1 
 tween their and our posterity, from generatic 
 o-eneration forever. 
 
 He added, that in the last council which they li 
 with us, they spoke concerning the scene by whose 
 influence they had lived in warmth and plenty f 
 the beginning. That they now desired the i 
 happiness might be continued to them with us in the 
 firmest peace, and that it might last as long as the 
 sun should endure that when any clouds interposed 
 between them and the sun, it brings coolness and is 
 unpleasant ; the same will be if any clouds shall arise 
 between them and us therefore, they desired that, 
 if anything of that kind appeared, it may be dissi 
 pated without delay. 
 
 He laid down a third belt, and continued in the 
 
58 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 same strain, desiring, as before, that they might still 
 enjoy the warmth of the sun and our friendship to 
 gether; that then they should want no necessaries 
 of life, but, enjoying all the comforts of life with their 
 wives, might repose themselves in peace and safety 
 without any disturbance whatever. This he delivered 
 in behalf of the Indians on this side the Susque- 
 hanna, who were all concerned with him in this 
 treaty. This was all he had to say on this subject. 
 
 He then began, laying down a bundle of deer 
 skins, saying, that now they would discourse of mat 
 ters of trade between them and us. Hitherto it had 
 been like a house with two doors one for them and 
 one for the English but the goods were placed in 
 the dark, so that they where wholly ignorant how 
 they had been dealt with, or how they should 
 trade. 
 
 He repeated the same, laying down a second 
 bundle of deer skins, and desired that they might be 
 informed of the terms they might trade upon, that, 
 if occasion might require, they might, at any time, 
 send their goods and be out of danger of being 
 cheated. 
 
 He added a third bundle of deer skins, complaining 
 how hard it was upon them, for they knew not what 
 they were to expect for their goods, and that they 
 could scarcely purchase ours. 
 
 Laying down a fourth bundle being skins and 
 furs he desired that we might be as a people eating 
 of the same dish so they might be dealt with as if 
 they were our own people. 
 
RHAWNEE INDIANS. 59 
 
 Presenting a fifth bundle, he said, that formerly 
 they had exactly known the price, both of our goods 
 and theirs, but now, they varied so much, there was 
 no understanding them. 
 
 With a sixth bundle, he said, that, through this 
 uncertainty, he wore such ragged breeches that he 
 was ashamed to show them, and desired this incon 
 venience might be remedied. 
 
 Offering a seventh, he complained that they were 
 often imposed upon by the might of our money when 
 they came to sell ; that we certainly knew the value 
 of theirs, but they could not understand ours, and 
 he, therefore, desired that this great inconvenience 
 might be remedied. 
 
 He offered an eighth, informing that Opessah, for 
 merly king of the Shawnees, but now abdicated, 
 lived at a great distance and entertained them with 
 victuals and provisions, when they went that way ; 
 therefore they desired that, when they came among 
 us, he might be received, as one of themselves, with 
 the same openness that they received from him. 
 
 Having ended their discourse, they were told that 
 to-morrow, they should receive answers to all they 
 had said ; and were, for the present, dismissed. 
 
60 
 
 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 As I find a description of the territory, occupied 
 by the several Indian nations, east of the Mississippi 
 river, before its colonization by the Europeans, in a 
 work, prepared with great care by a committee of the 
 Yearly Meeting of Friends in London, which gives 
 much interesting information relative to the North 
 American Indians, and from -which I have quoted 
 considerable already, I shall here insert the descrip 
 tion entire. 
 
 "Seeing the origin of the aboriginal inhabitants of 
 the North American continent is wrapped in much 
 obscurity, having nothing but modern conjecture on 
 record respecting it ; we deem it most advisable to 
 be silent on a subject of so much uncertainty. Of 
 their history, however, for the last two centuries, the 
 amount of European travelers and settlers among 
 them, furnish us with tolerably accurate information, 
 more particularly with regard to those who dwelt on 
 the land east of the river Mississippi. From these 
 resources we have been aHs to gather, with tolerable 
 precision, the locality occupied by several nations of 
 them about two centuries ago, as they were distin 
 guished, by language, one from another, which we 
 
6UAWNEK INDIANS. 61 
 
 have arranged under the following heads ; for a fur 
 ther illustration of which we refer our readers to the 
 maps accompanying this work. There does not ap 
 pear to have been, in this part of North America, 
 more than eight languages, of a decidedly distinct 
 character ; of which five at the present time consti 
 tute the speech of large communities, and these are 
 known only as memorials of nearly extinct tribes. 
 
 " The primitive language, which was the most widely 
 extended, and the most prolific in dialect, was that 
 of the Adirondacks, to which the French gave the 
 name of Algonquins, and by which it was more gen 
 erally known. The same language was spoken from 
 Cape Cansa, and the Bay of Gaspe to the banks of 
 the Mississippi ; from the Cumberland river in Ken 
 tucky, to Cape Fear, and, it is presumed, from the 
 Susquehanna to the country of the Esquimaux. 
 
 "The Micmacs, who, probably, never exceeded 
 three thousand in number, held possession of Nova 
 Scotia and the adjacent islands, and, also, the east part 
 of the continent, south of a small tribe, called, by 
 geographers, Gaspesians, that dwelt around the Bay 
 of Gaspe. 
 
 " The Etchemins, or Canoemen, inhabited on the 
 rivers St. John and St. Croix, and extended consider 
 ably to the west. Next to these came the Abenakis, 
 from whom descended the Penobscot, Passamaquod- 
 dy, and AndroscoggiR tribes ; another had its abode 
 in Norridgewock. 
 
 " The tribes that disappeared from their ancient 
 hunting-grounds in the east, did not always become 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 extinct, as some of them are known to have migrated 
 to the north and west. Many of the Sokokis, who 
 appeared to have dwelt near the river Saco, and to 
 have had an alliance with the Mohawks, at an early 
 period abandoned the locality where they first be 
 came known to the Europeans, and placed them 
 selves under the shelter of the French in Canada. 
 But the Indians generally, instead of forming friendly 
 alliances with their more civilized neighbors, were 
 induced, through the vicious conduct of "the latter, to 
 shun the vicinity of their settlements. To this we 
 may, perhaps, ascribe the migration of some of the 
 native population. Thus, among the tribes of Texas, 
 there are Indians who are said to trace their pedigree 
 to the Algonquins bordering on the Atlantic-; and it 
 is known that descendants from New England Indians 
 now inhabit some of the western prairies. 
 
 " The country beyond Saco, with New Hampshire, 
 as far as Salem, was occupied by the Pennacook, or 
 Pawtucket tribe. The Massachusetts Indians, even 
 before the colonizntion of the country, had almost 
 disappeared from the land of the bay that bears this 
 name; and the native villages of the interior re 
 sembled insulated and nearly independent bands. 
 
 " The most civilized of the northern Indians were 
 the Pokunokets, who dwelt in Nantucket, Martha s 
 Vineyard, and a part of Cape Cod ; and the Narra- 
 gansetts, who occupied Rhode Island, a part of Long 
 Island, and the land between the bay that bears their 
 name and the present limits of Connecticut ; these, 
 with the Pequods, the branch of the Mohegans that 
 
SHAWNEK INDIANS. 63 
 
 held the eastern part of Connecticut and a part of 
 Long Island, were the earliest victims of European 
 colonization in North America. In the territory be 
 tween the banks of the Connecticut and the Hudson, 
 were independent villages of the Mohegans, kindred 
 with the Manhattans, who once dwelt on New York 
 Island. 
 
 "Of the Lenclcnappes, or, as some modern writers 
 have it, Lenni Lenape, there were two divisions, the 
 Minsi and the Delawares ; they possessed east and 
 west Jersey, the valley of the Delaware, far up 
 toward its sources, and the entire of the basin of the 
 Schuylkill. These were the Indians who formed the 
 main body of those with whom William Penn made 
 his great and memorable treaty of 1682, at Shacka- 
 maxen, the spot on which Kensington, in the suburbs 
 of Philadelphia, now stands. 
 
 "Beyond the Delaware, on the eastern shore, 
 dwelt the Nanticokes, who disappeared or mingled 
 imperceptibly with other tribes. The name of 
 Pamlico denotes that Algonquin tribes extended 
 along the sea-coast, as far south as Cape Hatteras. 
 It is conjectured, also, that the Corees, who dwelt to 
 the southward of the Neuse river, spoke a similar 
 language ; thus establishing Cape Fear as the south 
 ern boundary of the Algonquins. 
 
 "In Virginia, the same language was spoken 
 throughout the dominion of Powhatan, which in 
 cluded the tribes from the eastern shore and all the 
 villages west of the Chesapeake, from the southern 
 most branch of James river to the Pautuxent. 
 
64 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " The basin of the Cumberland river is marked, 
 by the earliest geographers, as the locality of the 
 Shawnees, who connected the southeastern Algon- 
 quins with the western. A portion afterward lived 
 in the neighborhood of Winchester. Their principal 
 band removed from their hunting-grounds in Ken 
 tucky to the head-waters of one of the great rivers, 
 of South Carolina ; and, at a later day, four hundred 
 and fifty of them, who had been wandering in the 
 woods for four years, were found a little north of the 
 head- waters of the Mobile river, on their way to the 
 country of the Muskogees. About the year 1698, 
 nearly seventy of their families, with the consent of 
 the government of Pennsylvania, removed from 
 Carolina and settled on the Susquehanna ; these were 
 soon followed by others of the same tribe ; and the 
 number of Indian lighting men in Pennsylvania, in 
 1732, was estimated to be seven hundred, one- 
 half of whom were Shawnees from the south. 
 Cadwalladcr Golden, in -1745, said the Shawnees 
 were the most restless of ail the Indians, and 
 that one tribe of them had quite gone down to New 
 Spain. 
 
 " Of the ancient territory of the Miamis, their own 
 traditions have preserved an account. My fore 
 father, said Little Turtle, the Miami chief at Green 
 ville, kindled the first fire at Detroit; from thence 
 he extended his lines to the head-waters of Scioto ; 
 from thence to its mouth ; from thence down the 
 Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash, and from thence 
 to Chicago, on Lake Michigan. These are the 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 65 
 
 boundaries within which the prints of my ancestors* 
 houses are everywhere to be seen. 
 
 The Ottawas, from the basin of the river that bears 
 their name, wandered to the Saginaw bay, and took 
 possession of the whole north of the peninsula. 
 
 The Illinois, who were kindred to the Miamis, had 
 their country between the Wabash, the Ohio, and the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 The Pottawatomies, who were a branch of the 
 great Chippewayan nation, and came from the islands 
 about the entrance of Green Bay, in the early part 
 of the eighteenth century, by encroaching upon the 
 Miamis, settled at Chicago. The Chippewas inhabited 
 the land from the mouth of Green Bay to the head 
 waters of Lake Superior. The Menomonies, a dis 
 tinct Algonquin tribe, were found near Green Bay 
 as early as 1669. 
 
 The Sacs and Foxes occupied the country south 
 west of the Menomonies, from Green Bay and Fox 
 river to the Mississippi, and hunted over the land 
 between the Wisconsin and upper branches of the 
 Illinois. The Shawnees are said to have an affinity 
 with this nation, and also the Kickapoos, who estab 
 lished themselves, by conquest, in the north of Illi 
 nois. So numerous were the Algonquin tribes, that 
 it is supposed they constituted one-half of the native 
 population, east of the Mississippi and south of the 
 St. Lawrence. 
 
 II. Northwest of the Sacs and Foxes, west of the 
 Chippewas, tribes of the Sioux, or Dacotah Indians, 
 occupied the prairies east of the Mississippi, from the 
 5 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 head-waters of Lake Superior to -the falls of St. 
 Anthony. The Winnebagoes, a little community of 
 the Dacotahs, had penetrated into the territory of the 
 Algonquins, and dwelt between Green Bay and 
 Winnebago Lake. 
 
 III. The Huron-Iroquois, or Wyandots, on the 
 discovery of America, were populous, and occupied 
 an extensive territory. The peninsula between the 
 Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario, was the dwelling- 
 place of five confederate tribes of the Hurons, who 
 afterward, by some unaccountable influence over 
 other tribes and by making treaties, gradually ac 
 quired a claim to the whole country from the St. 
 Lawrence to the western limits of New York. 
 
 The Huron tribes of the north were surrounded 
 by the Algonquins. In the south, the rivers Chowan, 
 Meherrin, and Nattoway derive their names from 
 Wyandot villages ; and in North Carolina, the Tus- 
 caroras were the largest tribe, numbering, it is said, 
 in 1708, no less than twelve hundred fighting men. 
 We find this tribe thus alluded to in an epistle ad 
 dressed by George Fox to some friend in Virginia in 
 1673: "If you go over again to Carolina, you may 
 inquire of Captain Butts, the governor, with whom 
 I left a paper to be read to the emperor, and his 
 thirty kings under him, of the Tuscaroras." 
 
 IV. On the central lands of Carolina, south of the 
 Tuscaroras, dwelt the Catowbas, with whom were 
 included the Waccons. The Catawbas, in their 
 most populous day*, were not reckoned to be more 
 than one thousand two" hundred fighting men ; an 
 
SHAW NEE INDIANS. 
 
 67 
 
 enumeration, made in -the year 1743, gives but four 
 hundred. This nation, therefore, on the arrival of 
 the European settlers, appears not to have numbered 
 more than three thousand. 
 
 V. The Cherokees, who were the mountaineers 
 of America, occupied the upper valley of the Ten 
 nessee river, as far west as the Mussel Shoals, and 
 the highlands of Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama 
 considered to be the most picturesque and salubrious 
 country east of the Mississippi. Their towns were 
 generally by the sides of the creeks and rivers. The 
 Tugeloo, Flint, and branches of the Tennessee were 
 rivers that flowed through that country, to which 
 they had an ardent attachment. 
 
 VI. Southeast of the Cherokees, were located the 
 Uchees, who claimed the land above and below 
 Augusta, and pride themselves on being the oldest 
 occupants of that country. They now, however, form 
 but a small section of the Creeks, and are known as 
 a distinct family by their singularly harsh and 
 guttural language. 
 
 VII. The whole country southeast, south, and 
 west of the Cherokees to the Atlantic and Gulf of 
 Mexico, to the Mississippi and confluence of the Ten 
 nessee and Ohio, with the exception of the Uchees 
 and Natchez, was in the possession of one of the great 
 family of nations, the language of which was called 
 Mobilian. It included three large confederacies, each 
 of which still exists, and it is thought, even with some 
 increase of numbers. In the territory bounded by 
 the Ohio on the north, the Mississippi at the west, 
 
68 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and on the cast by a line drawn from the bend in ehe 
 Cumberland river to the Mussel Shoals of the Ten 
 nessee, and extending at the south, into the State of 
 Mississippi, dwelt the Chickasaws. 
 
 Between the Mississippi and the Tombigbee, below 
 the Chickasaws, was the country of the Choetaws : 
 they lived in compact villages, on. the eastern fron 
 tier, but, through the interior of their territory, were 
 much scattered. Dwelling in plains, or among gentle 
 hills, they excelled all other North American Indians 
 in agricultural pursuits subsisting chiefly on corn, 
 and placing but little dependence on the chase. 
 The number of their fighting men is supposed to 
 have exceeded 4000. 
 
 The ridge, that divided the Tombigbee from the 
 Alabama, was the line that separated the Choetaws 
 from the tribes which formed the Muskoffees, or 
 
 O * 
 
 Creeks. The territory included all Florida, and ex 
 tended on the north to the Cherokees ; on the south 
 east and east to the Savannahs, and to the Atlantic, 
 along the sea ; their northern limit seems to have, 
 extended almost to Cape Fear. Their population, 
 although spread over a territory four-fold greater 
 than that of the Choetaws, did not exceed them in 
 number. Their towns were situated on the banks 
 of the creeks, in which their country abounded; they 
 followed agricultural pursuits industriously. The 
 Yemassees, on the Savannah, it is thought, formed 
 one of their bands ; and the Seminoles of Florida are 
 the "wild men" of this confederacy, but separated 
 from them by choosing the wandering life of the 
 
SHAV/NEE INDIANS. 69 
 
 hunter, rather than the more settled one of agri 
 culture. 
 
 The whole number of aborigines dwelling east of 
 the Mississippi, two hundred years ago, is computed 
 not to have exceeded one hundred and eighty thou 
 sand : of these, the Algonquin family are recorded at 
 ninety thousand ; the eastern Sioux, less than three 
 thousand ; the Huron-Iroquois, including the Tuscaro- 
 ras, about seventeen thousand ; the Catabaws, three 
 thousand ; the Uchees, one thousand ; the Natchez, 
 four thousand ; the Cherokees, twelve thousand ; 
 and the Mobilian tribes, it appears, are now more 
 numerous than they were ever known to be. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 IN the beginning of the year 1719. a disagree 
 ment, which happened about that time, between the 
 southern Indians and the Pennsylvanians, of whom the 
 Shawnees formed a part, and made northward, ap 
 peared to demand the attention of the government in 
 order to prevent further ill consequences. Accord 
 ingly, in the year 1721, as the dispute still continued 
 and seemed to increase between them, further en 
 deavors and suitable means were used for that salu 
 tary purpose. 
 
 The governor, in the spring, made a journey into 
 Virginia on this occasion, and, also, held a treaty at 
 Conestoga, in Pennsylvania, with the Indians.; &.fter 
 his return, on which occasion he advised them as fol 
 lows: "My friends and brothers, it is a great satis 
 faction to me, that I have this opportunity of speak 
 ing to the valiant and wise Five Nations of Indians, 
 whom you tell me you are fully empowered to 
 represent. 
 
 " I am glad to find that you remember what Wm. 
 Penn formerly said to you. He was a great and a 
 good man ; his own people loved him. He was as 
 their father; he would never suffer them to be 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 71 
 
 wronged ; neither would he suffer his people to enter 
 upon any lands until he had first purchased them 
 of the Indians. He was just, and, therefore, the 
 Indians loved him. 
 
 " Though he is now removed from us, yet his 
 children and people, following his example, will 
 always teach the same course ; so that his and our 
 posterity will be as a long chain, of which he was 
 the first link ; where our link ends, another begins, 
 and thus another binding all firmly together, in one 
 strong chain, to endure forever. 
 
 "He formerly knit the chain of friendship with you 
 or the chiefs of all the Indians in these parts ; and 
 lest this chain should grow rusty, you now desire it 
 may be scoured and made strong, to bind us as one 
 people together. We do assure you, it is, and has 
 always been bright on our side, and so will we ever 
 keep it. 
 
 " Nevertheless, if any little disorder should, at 
 any time hereafter arise, we will endeavor that it 
 shall not break or weaken the chain of friendship 
 between us; to which end, if any of your people 
 take offense, you must, in that case, apply to me or 
 to our chief; and when we have any cause to com 
 plain, we shall, as you desire, apply to your chiefs, 
 by our friends, the Conestoga Indians; but on both 
 sides, we must labor to prevent everything of this 
 kind as much as we can. 
 
 " I am aware that rum is very hurtful to the Indians, 
 consequently we have made laws that none should 
 be carried among them, or, if any should be, that it 
 
72 HISTORY OF TIMS 
 
 should be destroyed and thrown upon the ground ; 
 and the Indians have been directed to destroy 
 all the rum that comes within their way ; but they 
 will not do it, but sell it among their own people, at 
 high prices. I would gladly make any laws to pre 
 vent its use, that could be effectual ; but their coun 
 try is so wide, the woods arc so dark and private, 
 and so far out of my sight, that if the Indians do not 
 prohibit their people, there is no other way to prevent 
 it; for my part, I shall readily join in any measures 
 that can be proposed fur so good a purpose. 
 
 "I have now, my friends and brothers, said all that 
 can be of any service at this time ; and I give you 
 these things here laid before you, to confirm my 
 words, viz : five coats, twenty pounds of powder, forty 
 pounds of lead, for each of the Five Nations : that is, 
 twenty coats, one hundred pounds of powder, and 
 two hundred pounds of lead, in the whole, which I 
 desire delivered to them, with these words, in my 
 manner, and on behalf of this province. 
 
 "I shall be glad to see, often, some of your chief 
 men sent in the name of all the rest ; and desire that 
 you will come to Philadelphia to visit our families 
 and our children born there, where we can provide 
 better for you and make you more welcome for 
 people always receive their friends best at their own 
 houses. I heartily wish you well on your journey, 
 and good success in it; and, when you return home, 
 I desire you will give my very kind love, and the 
 love of all my people, to your kings and to all your 
 people." 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 73 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 IN the spring of the year 1722, an Indian was 
 barbarously killed within the limits of Pennsylvania, 
 somewhere above Conestoga. The murder was sup 
 posed to have been perpetrated by one or two per 
 sons, by the name of Cartenright. The governor 
 having commissioned James Logan to inquire into the 
 affair ; after his return, at the request of the As 
 sembly, he laid his report of it before them. The 
 House, in their address to the governor thereon, 
 expressed thejfc- utmost concern on this affair; they 
 gratefully acknowledged, and highly commended the 
 governor s present conduct and steadfast administra 
 tion of justice ; but more especially at that time, on an 
 occasion of the greatest importance to the peace and 
 safety of the government, by his empowering two 
 gentlemen of his council, so able and prudent, on -the 
 present jocca&ion, whose wise conduct, said they, is 
 very conspicuous, from their report laid before the 
 House by the governor; that, at the relation of this 
 dismal circumstance, they were filled with horror and 
 surprise, that, after so long a continuance of the peace 
 first settled by the honorable proprietary, William 
 Penh, with the Indians, any breach should be made 
 
74 HISTORY OF TIIJE 
 
 by those under the name of Christians, to the re 
 proach of that name and danger of the safety and 
 peace both of this province and others. 
 
 They earnestly requested the governor to persist 
 in his exertions to bring the aggressors to condign 
 punishment with all possible speed, lest, by delay of 
 justice, the Indians should be induced to withdraw 
 their allegiance to the crown of Great Britain and af 
 fection from the government, and be provoked to do 
 themselves justice in a manner that might be of dan 
 gerous consequences ; that he would advise with his 
 council in making treaties with them, for, said they, 
 as they are some of the principal inhabitants of this 
 government, we have no reason to doubt it will be 
 concerned for the good of the same. 
 
 They further pressed the maintaining of the 
 " League" of friendship made by their worthy pro 
 prietary as a thing of the greatest consequence that 
 could possibly come before them ; and, therefore, 
 they unanimously recommended the execution of 
 strict justice, as the best and most effectual means 
 for that end ; the want of which, in the apprehension 
 of that vindictive people, had produced sad and fatal 
 consequences to those provinces ; they likewise pro 
 posed to the governor s consideration some particulars 
 to be immediately done in this affair, and mentioned 
 the repeated request of the Indians, that strong liquor 
 should not be sold or carried among them, with the 
 petition of sundry inhabitants of the provinces to the 
 same import, which the laws, hitherto made in that 
 case, had not been able to prevent; they, therefore, 
 
SHAWNKE INDIANS. 75 
 
 requested advice and assistance of the governor and 
 council therein. 
 
 The governor thanked them for the great satisfac 
 tion they expressed with his conduct and administra 
 tion ; and declared that he had carefully endeavored 
 to follow the late honorable proprietary s steps in 
 such affairs ; to keep the nation always in a lively 
 and perfect remembrance of his love to them, and to 
 build all their treaties of peace with them upon the 
 same principles and maxims of good policy which he 
 used and maintained when he was here himself. He 
 likewise assured the house that he had, at that time, 
 all the probability, that the nature of the case would 
 admit of, for settling matters again with the Indian 
 nations upon that just, firm, and friendly foundation, 
 which the house so earnestly desired and recom 
 mended to him. He acknowledged the inefficiency 
 of the laws in restraining the people from carrying 
 rum and selling it among the Indians, thereby de 
 bauching and cheating them, which, he said, he had 
 complained of to previous Assemblies. 
 
 Great pains were taken in the affair ; an Indian 
 messenger, Sachecho, was dispatched to the Five 
 Nations ; the suspected persons were committed to 
 prison, and the governor, with two of the council, 
 met and treated with the Five Nations at Albany 
 respecting it ; beside the presents which were made 
 to the Indians, the Five Nations desired that the 
 Cartenrights should not suffer death, and the affair at 
 length was entirely settled. 
 
 At a treaty held with the Six Nations at Philadel- 
 
76 
 
 HISTORY OF T1IK 
 
 phia, in July 1742, Governor Thomas s administra 
 tion, Canassatego, chief of the Onondagas, said : 
 " We are all very sensible of the kind regards which 
 that good man, William Penn, had for all the Indians." 
 At this treaty, these Indians there expressed them 
 selves respecting James Logan, which further shows 
 the sense and gratitude of the people, when they are 
 well treated. Canassatego then spoke to the governor 
 and council : " Brethren, we called at our old friend s, 
 James Logan, on our way to this city, and, to our grief, 
 we found him hid in the bushes and retired, through 
 infirmities, from public business. We pressed him to 
 leave his retirement, and prevailed with him to assist 
 us once more on our account at your council. We 
 hope, notwithstanding his age and effect of sickness, 
 which, we understand, have hurt his constitution, that 
 he may yet continue a long time to assist this province 
 with his counsel. He is a wise man, and a fast friend 
 to the Indians ; and we desire, when his soul goes to 
 God, you may choose, in his room, just such another 
 person, of the same prudence and ability in counsel 
 ing, and of the same tender disposition and affection 
 for the Indians. In testimony of our gratitude for 
 all his services, and, because he was so good as to 
 leave his country house and follow us to town, and 
 be at the trouble, in this, his advanced age, to attend 
 this council, we present him with a bundle of skins 
 in token of our love." 
 
 After the governor had concluded, James Logan 
 replied to that part of Canassatego s speech which 
 related to him, and said : " that not only our account 
 
8H&WNEE INDIANS. 77 
 
 of his lameness, of which the Indians themselves 
 were witnesses, but on account of another indisposi 
 tion which, about three years since, had laid him 
 under an incapacity of expressing himself with his 
 former usual freedom, he had been obliged to live 
 retired in the country. But that our proprietor, the 
 Honorable William Penn, who had ever been a faith 
 ful and sincere friend to the Indians, having, about 
 forty years since, recommended them to his particular 
 care, he had always, from his own inclination, as well 
 as by that strict charge, endeavored to convince all 
 the Indians that he was their real friend; and was 
 now well pleased, after a trial of so many years, that 
 they were not insensible of it. He thanked them 
 kindly for their presents, and heartily joined with 
 them in their desires, that the governor may always 
 be furnished with persons of equally good intentions ; 
 and, not only such, but also with better abilities to 
 serve them." 
 
 About seven years subsequently, viz : 1749, a 
 council was held during the administration -of James 
 Hamilton, with the Seneca and other Indians, in 
 Philadelphia ; on which occasion Ogassatash, in part 
 of his speech, thus expressed himself: 
 
 "We recommend to the governor to tread in the 
 footsteps of those wise men who have held the nuns 
 of government before him, in being good and kind 
 to the Indians. Do, brother," said he, "make it 
 your study to consult the interest of our Indian na 
 tions, as you -have so large an authority. You can 
 
78 
 
 HISTORY" OF THE 
 
 do as much good as harm; we would/ therefore, en 
 gage your influence and affections for us that the 
 same harmony and affection for us may subsist during 
 your government, which happily subsisted in former 
 times, from the first settlement of the province, by 
 our great and good friend, William Penn." 
 
 So long as a kind and conciliatory treatment con 
 tinued to be observed between the Indians in Penn 
 sylvania and New Jersey, the friendship which ex 
 isted between them and the settlers was but little, "if 
 at all interrupted. For more than seventy years we 
 hear of no interruption of the cordial understanding 
 between the parties; but when a different line of 
 conduct was introduced into the government of the 
 States, symptoms of discord and mutiny quickly made 
 their appearance. 
 
 James Logan, who held the office of secretary to 
 the governor, and principal agent or commissioner of 
 land affairs, for nearly forty years, by his upright and 
 judicious management, contributed powerfully to the 
 preservation of the friendship and alliance of the In 
 dians. Upon his death, in the year 1751, the man 
 agement of Indian affairs passed into other hands, 
 by whom a very different line of policy was pursued 
 toward them. About this time, also, a strong cur 
 rent of prejudice set in against the peaceable man 
 ner with which the affairs of the province had 
 been managed by the Friends ; and endeavors 
 were used to prevent them, as much as possible, 
 from their being returned as representatives of the 
 
SHAW NEE INDIANS. 79 
 
 Assembly. This was so far ^successful that, in 
 1756, not more than twelve out of the thirty-six 
 who composed that body, were members of the 
 Society of Friends. 
 
 The effect of this altered state of things was very 
 soon to bring about an open rupture between the In 
 dians and the government, which was attended with 
 the most calamitous results, in which ravages of a 
 frightful description were committed by the irritated 
 Indians, who were greatly incensed on account of 
 the abuses they suffered, with reprisals on the part 
 of the whites, scarcely less barbarous in their char 
 acter. The cause alleged for this outbreak by 
 the natives, in the various conferences held with 
 them, between the years 1755 and 1763, are thus 
 described : 
 
 1. The abuses committed in the Indian trade, 
 which had been more or less of long continuance, 
 and very difficult to be properly regulated or re 
 dressed, though, doubtless, a great part of them 
 might have been better guarded against and pre 
 vented than they really were. 
 
 2. Their being, as they insisted in the latter years, 
 unjustly deprived or dispossessed of part of their 
 lands. 
 
 3. The death of Wakahela, the Delaware chief, 
 who was hung in New Jersey, many years ago, 
 which they could not forget, and say it was only for 
 accidentallv killing a man. 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 4. The imprisonment of some Sha\vnee warriors in 
 North Carolina, in time of peace, when the chief 
 man of the party died. 
 
 5. The instigations of the French, who made art 
 ful use of their complaints, disorders, discontents, 
 etc., to unite them against the English in the late 
 war. 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 81 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 IT is no easy matter to trace the history of the 
 Shawnees from the year 1761 to that of 1786, and 
 still more difficult to point out their place of residence 
 during that period. It seems pretty certain that they 
 were of the Adirondacks, or Algonquins ; which 
 nation appears to have been the owners of the whole 
 country from Cape Cansa and the Bay of Gaspe to 
 the branches of the Mississippi, from the Cumberland 
 river, in Kentucky, and Cape Fear; and the pre 
 sumption is, from the Savannah river to the country 
 of the Esquimaux. This fact of their being all of the 
 same great nation is very justly inferred from the 
 circumstance of their speaking the same language 
 throughout this vast extent of territory. 
 
 It will be seen that, in the year 1682, when Wil 
 liam Penn made his celebrated treaty with the 
 Indians in the neighborhood of Philadelphia, the 
 Shawnees were a party to the treaty in common with 
 other tribes who composed the great nation of Algon 
 quins, and they must have been considered a very 
 prominent band, from the fact of their having pre 
 served the treaty in their own possession or keeping, 
 as we are informed tluxt, at a treaty held with them 
 6 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and the Mingoes, another branch of the Algonquins, 
 by the governor of Pennsylvania, the Shawnees pro 
 duced this treaty on parchment to the governor ; this 
 treaty was many years after the treaty of 1682. It 
 is the custom with the Indian tribes who make a joint 
 treaty with the whites, to commit the preservation of 
 the papers containing the treaty, etc., to such of the 
 bands as are considered most to be trusted. 
 
 From the most authentic information of the early 
 geographers, it appears that the Basin of the Cum 
 berland river was the residence of the Shawnees 
 before the settlement of the Europeans on the conti 
 nent, and that they connected the different sections 
 of the great Algonquin families. 
 
 It appears also that, after the treaty of 1682, a 
 part of them lived near Winchester, Virginia, but 
 that the principal band removed from their hunting- 
 ground in Kentucky, on the Cumberland river, to the 
 head-waters of one of the great rivers of South 
 Carolina, perhaps the Congaree, which heads about 
 the corner of South Carolina nearest to Kentucky; 
 and at a later day (date not given) four hundred of 
 them, who had wandered in the woods for four years, 
 were found a little north of the head-waters of the 
 Mobile river, on their way to the country of the 
 Muskosfees, or Creeks. The most northern branch 
 
 O 
 
 of the head-waters of the Mobile river is in the 
 northeast corner of the State of Alabama, and is 
 about one hundred and fifty miles from the most 
 northern bend of the Tennessee river, and about one 
 hundred miles, as shown on the maps, from the lines 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 83 
 
 which divides Kentucky from Alabama, and about 
 one hundred and fifty miles from the Cumberland 
 river, about a south course from Nashville and nearly 
 in the direction of the Muskogees, or Creeks, whose 
 territory included the whole of Florida. 
 
 In the year 1684, Lasalle, a Frenchman, set out 1 on 
 a second expedition for the discovery of the mouth of 
 the Mississippi, but before he had effected his object, 
 he was murdered by the Indians. In the year 1694, 
 a man by the name of M. Iberville set out on a voy? 
 age of the same kind. Bienville, one in command in 
 the same expedition, on the 14th of August, found a 
 basket in possession of some Indians, containing a 
 paper upon which the names of many individuals 
 belonging to Lasalle s expedition were written, and a 
 letter addressed to M. D. Zanti, from which he 
 learned that, having heard from Canada of his depar 
 ture from France, he had descended to the sea with 
 twenty Canadians and thirty Shawnee Indians from the 
 river Wabash. This appears to have been on the first 
 expedition of Lasalle, which was, of course, prior to 
 the one above-mentioned, which was in the year 1684, 
 but how long before we are not informed. Thus it 
 seems, that previous to the year 1684, some of the 
 Shawnees lived on the Wabash, but what became of 
 the thirty Shawnees who accompanied Lasalle, we 
 cannot tell. It is not ascertained from any account 
 we have seen, where Lasalle landed after embarking 
 at the time alluded to, but probably those thirty 
 Shawnees got into Florida or Texas, soon after that 
 time, and never returned to the Wabash coiintrv. 
 
84 HISTORY OF THH 
 
 About the year 1678, seventy families of the 
 Shawnees removed from South Carolina and settled 
 on the Susquehanna river, in Pennsylvania ; others 
 of the sanre tribe soon followed, so that the number 
 of fighting men of this tribe, who in the year 1732 
 had got back to Pennsylvania, amounted to seven 
 hundred, half of whom were from the south. 
 
 This number of the Shawnee tribe, which included 
 these seven hundred fighting men, it is presumed, 
 only included that band which had gone to South 
 Carolina ; but as it is evident that these seven hun 
 dred men did not include all the Shawnees, we can 
 account for the remainder by including another band, 
 which is spoken of by Cadwallader Golden, who, after 
 remarking, in 1745, that the Shawnees were the 
 
 <D " 
 
 most restless of all the Indian tribes, says, that one 
 tribe of them had gone to New Spain. This band 
 of four hundred and fifty, who were found north of 
 the head-waters of the Mobile river, probably never 
 did return to Pennsylvania, as they were on their 
 way to New Spain ; and as regards that band who 
 lived near Winchester, Virginia, it is uncertain where 
 they went to from that place ; but they probably went 
 to the Alleghany, near Fort Duquesne, where Pitts 
 burgh now stands, and afterward to Cape Girardeau, 
 between the Whitewater and Mississippi rivers ; but 
 of this fact more will be said in its proper place. 
 
 Thus far the history of the Shawnees has been 
 written without any account of their being engaged 
 in wars; and how comfortable would be the task, to 
 continue to follow them through the wilds of Anicilca, 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 85 
 
 without having to trace their course through the 
 bloody scenes through which they passed from the 
 year 1755 until peace again lighted up their path, 
 and we see them laying aside the cruel and destructive 
 .weapons of war for the implements of husbandry. 
 
 During the war between France and England, 
 about the year 1755, the Shawnees, as well as the 
 other tribes, complained much of ill treatment from 
 the whites ; the French making an artful use of their 
 discontent to unite them against the English in the 
 war between these two powers. It is probable that a 
 part of the Shawnees joined the French in that war, 
 a number of whom were in the expedition which went 
 out to meet Gen. Braddook, by whom he was defeated 
 on the Laurel Hills, and who were engaged for some 
 time in a most disastrous and barbarous war against 
 the inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia. As 
 these people never forgot an injury, and about that 
 year, 1755, they complained that some of their 
 warriors were imprisoned in North Carolina, in time 
 of peace, when their chief man died in prison, and 
 as this was to them a grievous act, after so long a 
 time of peace, it is not to be expected, considering 
 the nature of an Indian, anything short of restitu 
 tion or revenge would ever satisfy them. From 
 this it may be fairly inferred, then, that they joined 
 the enemies of the colonies in this war; and, probably, 
 that band who lived near Winchester now took part 
 in that war. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 AT confederated councils held near the mouth of 
 the Detroit river, on the 28th of November and 18th 
 of December, 1786; present, the Five Nations, the 
 Hurons, Shawnees, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawato- 
 mies, Twitchtwees, Cherokees, and Wabash Indians, 
 the following address was prepared and adopted by 
 them, viz : 
 
 " To the Congress of 1he United States : BRETHREN 
 of the United States of America, it is now more than 
 three years since peace was made between the king 
 of England and you; but we, the Indians, were dis^ 
 appointed in not finding ourselves included in the 
 peace, according to our expectations ; for we thought 
 that its conclusions would have promoted a friendship 
 between you and the Indians, and that we might 
 enjoy that happiness that formerly existed between 
 us and our elder brethren. We have received too 
 many agreeable messages from the thirteen United 
 States. We have, also, received a message from the 
 king, whose war we were engaged in, desiring us to 
 remain quiet, which we accordingly complied with. 
 During this time of tranquillity, we were deliberating 
 on the best method to form a lasting reconciliation 
 
SliAWISEE INDIANS. 87 
 
 with the thirteen United States. We were pleased 
 at the thought that \ve were entering, indeed, upon 
 a reconciliation with a set of people born on the 
 same continent with ourselves, and certain that the 
 quarrel between us was not of our own making. In 
 the course of our councils we imagined that we hit 
 upon an expedient for a lasting peace between us. 
 
 " Brothers, we are still of the same opinion, as to 
 the means which may tend to reconcile us to each 
 other, and we are sorry to find, although we had the 
 best thoughts in our hearts during the before-men 
 tioned period, mischief has, nevertheless, happened 
 between you and us. We are still anxious to find a 
 place of accommodation, and to have it put into exe 
 cution, and we shall briefly inform you of the means 
 that seem most likely to us to effect a firm and last 
 ing peace and reconciliation, the first step toward 
 which should be with the general voice of the whole 
 confederacy, and carried on in the most open manner, 
 without restraint on either side ; and as land matters 
 are often the subject of our councils with you, a 
 matter of the greatest importance and of general 
 concern to us in this case, we hold it indispensably 
 necessary that any cession of our land should be 
 made in the most public manner, and by the united 
 voice of the confederacy, holding all partial treaties 
 as void and of none effect. 
 
 " Brothers, we think it is owing to you that the 
 tranquillity, which, since the peace existed between 
 us, has not lasted, and that essential good has been 
 followed by mischief and confusion, having managed 
 
88 HISTORY OF THS 
 
 everything respecting us in your own way. You 
 kindled your council -fires when you thought proper, 
 without consulting us, at which you held separate 
 treaties, and hence entirely neglected our plan of 
 having a general conference with the different nations 
 of the confederacy. Had this happened, we have 
 reason to believe everything would have now been 
 settled between us in a most friendly way. We did 
 everything in our power, at the treaty held at Fort 
 Stanwix, to induce you to follow this plan, as our 
 real intentions were at that very time to promote 
 peace and good-will between us, and that we might 
 look upon each other as friends, having given you no 
 cause to be otherwise. 
 
 " Brothers, notwithstanding the mischief that has 
 happened, we are sincere in our wishes to have peace 
 and tranquillity established between us, and earnestly 
 hoping to find the same in you. We wish, therefore, 
 you would take this matter into serious consideration 
 and let us speak to you in the manner proposed. Let 
 us have a treaty with you early in the spring ; let us 
 pursue reasonable steps ; let us meet half way for our 
 convenience, and we shall then bring into oblivion 
 the misfortunes that have happened, and meet each 
 other on a footing of friendship. 
 
 " Brothers, we say, let us meet half way, and let 
 us pursue such steps as become upright and honest 
 men. We beg that you will prevent your surveyors 
 and other people from coming upon our side of the 
 Ohio river. We have told you before, that we wished 
 to pursue just steps, and we are determined they 
 
5HAWNEE INDIANS. 89 
 
 shall appear just and reasonable in the eyes of the 
 world ; that is the determination of ail the chiefs now 
 assembled here, notwithstanding the accidents that 
 have happened in our village, even when in council, 
 where several chiefs were killed while absolutely en 
 gaged in promoting a peace with you, the thirteen 
 United States. 
 
 "Although thus interrupted, the chiefs here pre 
 sent wish to meet you in the spring for the before- 
 mentioned good purpose, when we hope to speak 
 to each other without haughtiness or menaces. 
 Brothers, we again request of you, in the most ear 
 nest manner, to order your surveyors and others, 
 that mark out lands, to cease from crossing the Ohio, 
 until we shall have spoken to you, because the mis 
 chief that has recently happened, has originated in 
 that quarter; we shall likewise prevent our people 
 from going over, until that time. 
 
 "Brothers, it shall not be our fault if the plan, we 
 have proposed to you, shall not be carried into 
 effect ; in that case, the event will be very disastrous, 
 and if fresh ruptures ensue, we hope to be all able to 
 clear ourselves, and shall most assuredly, with our 
 united force, be obliged to defend those rights and 
 privileges which have been transmitted to us by our 
 ancestors, and if we should thereby be reduced to 
 misfortune, the world will pity us when they think 
 of the amicable proposals we now make to prevent 
 unnecessary effusion of blood. These are our 
 thoughts and firm resolutions, and we earnestly 
 
HISTORY OF THJS 
 
 desire that you will transmit to us, as soon as possible, 
 your answer, be it what it may. 
 
 "Done at our confederated council-fire at the 
 Huron village, near the mouth of the Detroit river, 
 Dec. 18th, 1786." 
 
 Signed: The Five Nations, Hurons, Ottawas, 
 -Twitchtwees, Shawnees, Chippewas, Cherokees, 
 Delawares, Pottawatomies. The Walash Confed 
 erates. 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 91 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE first treaty I find on record made between the 
 United States and the Shawnees, separately as a 
 nation, was held in the year 1786, which is con 
 tained in the " Congressional Documents," and is as 
 follows : 
 
 "Article of agreement concluded at the mouth of 
 the Great Miami, on the north-west bank of the OJ}io> 
 31st of January, 1786, between the Commissioners 
 Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, of 
 the one part, and the Shawnees, native Indians, 
 of the other part. 
 
 "ART. 1. These hostages shall be immediately 
 delivered to the Commissioner, to remain in the pos 
 session of the United States, until all the persons, 
 white and black, who were taken in the late war 
 from among the citizens of the United States by the 
 Shawnee nation, or by any other Indians residing in 
 their towns, shall be returned. 
 
 "ART. 2. The Shawnees do acknowledge the 
 United States to be the sole and absolute sovereigns 
 of all the territory ceded to them by a treaty of 
 peace, made between them and the king of England, 
 
GO * 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the 14th day of January, one thousand seven hundred 
 and eighty -four. 
 
 "ART. 3. If any Indian or Indians of the Shaw- 
 nee s nation, or any other Indian or Indians residing 
 m the territories, shall commit murder, or do any 
 injury to any citizen of the United States, on any of 
 them, that the nation shall deliver such offender, or 
 offenders, to the officer commanding the nearest post 
 of the United States, to be punished according to the 
 ordinance of Congress; and in like manner, any citi 
 zen of the United States, who shall do an injury to 
 any Indians of the Shawnees nation, or any other 
 Indian or Indians residing in the other s towns and 
 under their protection, shall be punished according 
 to the laws of the United States. 
 
 "ART. 4. The Shawnee nation having know 
 ledge of the intention of any nation or body of In 
 dians making war on any citizen or citizens of the 
 United States, of their counseling together for that 
 purpose, and neglecting to give information to the 
 commanding officer of the nearest post of the United 
 States, shall be considered as parties in such war, 
 and be punished accordingly; and the United States 
 shall, in like manner, inform the Shawnees of any 
 injury designed against them. 
 
 "ART. 5. The United States do grant peace to 
 . the Shawnee nation, and do receive them into their 
 friendship and protection. 
 
 "ART. 6. The United States do allot to the 
 Shawnee nation, land within their territory, to live 
 
8HAWXEB INDIANS. 93 
 
 and hunt on, beginning at the line of the lands allot 
 ted to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, at the 
 place where the main branch of the great Miami, 
 which falls into the Ohio and intersects said line ; 
 then down the Miami river to the fork of that river 
 next to the Old Fort, which was taken by the French 
 in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty- 
 two ; thence due west to the river Delapasse, then 
 down that river to the Wabash river ; beyond which 
 line none of the citizens of the United States shall 
 settle or disturb the Shawnees in their settlement 
 or possessions. And the Shawnees do relinquish to 
 the United States all title or pretense of title they 
 ever had to the lands east, west, and south, of the 
 east, west, and south lines before described. 
 
 " ART. 7. If any citizen or citizens of the United 
 States shall presume to settle upon the lands allotted 
 to the Shawnees by this treaty, he or they shall be 
 put out of protection of the United States. 
 (Signed.) " GEORGE CLARK, 
 
 " RICHARD BUTLER, 
 SAMUEL H. PARSONS, 
 * And the Shavvnee Chiefs and Warriors." 
 
 At a treaty held at Forf, Harmar between Arthur 
 St. Clair, governor of the territory north-west of the 
 Ohio river, on behalf of the United States, in order 
 to remove all cause of controversy regulating trade 
 and settlino- boundaries with the Indian nations, in 
 
 O 
 
 the northern department, of the one part, and the 
 sachems and warriors of the Wyandoti, Delawares, 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, and Sac In 
 dians on the other part, on the 9th day of January, 
 1789 ; at this treaty there was a protest made by the 
 Wyandots, against the grant made by the United 
 Slates at the treaty of 1786 to the Shawnees, to live 
 and hunt on the lands. Now, it is worthy of notice 
 that this was only two years after the grant was made 
 to the Shawnees. In this arrangement the United 
 States agreed to protect the Shawnees against the in 
 terruption from any person or people whatever. The 
 protest of the Wyandots, alluded to above, is as fol 
 lows, viz : 
 
 "Be it remembered that the Wyandots have laid 
 claim to the lands that were granted to the Shawnees 
 to live and hunt on, at the treaty held at the Miami 
 river in 1786, and have declared that, as the Shaw 
 nees have been so restless, and caused so much 
 trouble, both to (hem and to the United States, and 
 if they will not be at peace, they will dispossess them 
 entirely. They further lay claim to all the country 
 west of the Miami boundary, from the village to 
 Lake Erie, and declare that it is under their pro 
 tection." 
 
 This protest of the Wyandots, with many other 
 things relating to their last treaty, was submitted to 
 the President, George Washington, for his considera 
 tion, by the secretary of war, Henry Knox. It ivill 
 be seen by the treaty of 1736, that, in consequence 
 of the liberty granted to the Shawnees by the United 
 States, to occupy and hunt on lands, they were pre 
 vailed upon to relinquish all title cr pretense of title 
 
9HAWNKE INDIANS. 96 
 
 they ever had to lands east, west, and south of the 
 east, west, and south of the tract allowed by the 
 treaty of 1786, for them " to live and hunt on ;" this 
 included all the land they held any claim to at all. 
 Here we see that the United States had not the 
 authority to grant the Shawnees such privilege, for 
 the simple reason that this land did not belong to the 
 government but to other Indian tribes. This is the 
 very first treaty made with the Shawnees, and they 
 were imposed upon by giving them grants of land 
 on which to live and which belonged to the Wyan- 
 dots, thus deceiving them and bringing on other 
 tribes much trouble. 
 
 In regard to this grant to the Shawnees in 1786, 
 Arthur St. Glair, governor of the north-western ter 
 ritory, informed the President of the United States 
 in May, 1788, two years after the grant was made to 
 the Shawnees, that the claim of the Wyandot nation 
 to the lands reserved for the Shawnees, was strongly 
 insisted upon by them, and to be made an article of 
 the treaty; to that I could not consent, only to satisfy 
 them, and in order that it may be kept in remember- 
 ance, it was inserted at the bottom of it by way of 
 memorandum. It seems this is a claim that has 
 always been held up; and the reason that it was so 
 much insisted upon at this time was, (they said) that 
 they were sure that if the Shawnees and Cherokecs 
 were incorporated with them, they would continue to 
 give them trouble ; that it could not be expected to be 
 borne much longer, that they would be driven out of 
 the countrv, and then it would be clai-med and held 
 
9iJ HISTORY OF THE 
 
 by the United States by right of conquest ; they fur 
 ther added, " that if the Shawnees continued their 
 depredations, they would themselves drive them off." 
 Nothing yet definite had been done by the govern 
 ment in regard to the impositions practiced upon the 
 Wyandots, in order to find room for the Shawnees, 
 who, it now seems, bad been restless for many years, 
 and who, it appears, had been very troublesome to 
 both whites and Indians, in consequence, no doubt, 
 of their being harassed and driven from one place 
 to another, until they were entirely destitute of a 
 home ; and to make amends for this, a measure is 
 resorted to, to secure them a home or place to live 
 upon at the expense of another Indian nation and not 
 the United States. 
 
HAWNJCK INDIANA. 97 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 IN a council held by Anthony Gamlin, in 1795, at 
 the Miami Town, on the 25th of April, Blue Jacket, 
 a warrior of the Shawnees, invited the governor to 
 go with him to his house. Blue Jacket then told 
 me, says Gamlin, "My friend, by the name, and 
 with the consent of the Shawnees and Cherokees I 
 will speak to you. We are all sensible of your 
 speech, and are pleased with it, but, after consulta 
 tion, we cannot give you an answer until after hearing 
 from our father at Detroit; and we are determined 
 to give you back the two bundles of wampum, and 
 send you to Detroit to hear the chief, or stay here 
 twenty nights to hear his answer. From all quarters 
 we receive speeches from the Americans, and no two 
 are alike. We suppose they intend to deceive us ; 
 then take back your bundles of wampum." 
 
 Gamlin told them that he could not go to Detroit. 
 Blue Jacket got up and told him : " My friend, we 
 are well pleased with what you say ; our intention is 
 not to force you to go to Detroit, it is only a proposal, 
 thinking it for the best; our answer is the same as 
 the Miamis ." In the evening, Blue Jacket having 
 taken me to supper with him, told me, in a private 
 
98 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 manner, that the Shawnee nation was in great doubt 
 of the sincerity of the Big-knives, (the whites) having 
 already been deceived by them ; that they had first 
 destroyed their lands, put out their council-fires, and 
 sent away their young men living out hunting, with 
 out a mouthful of meat, and also had taken away their 
 women, wherefore many of them would, with a great 
 deal of pain, forget these affronts ; moreover, that 
 some other nations were apprehending that offers of 
 peace would, perhaps, be made that would tend to 
 take away, by degrees, their land, and would serve 
 them as they did before. A certain proof that they 
 intended to encroach on our lands, is their new settle 
 ments on the Ohio. If they do not keep this side of 
 the river clear, there never will be a reconciliation 
 with the Shawnees, Iroquois, Wyandots, and, per 
 haps, many other Indian tribes. 
 
 This is all that took place in regard to the Shaw 
 nees at that time, in that council. By the documents 
 printed by Congress it appears that, in 1792, a party 
 of Shawnee Indians, who were of the hostile tribes 
 of the northward, had gone down to New Orleans, 
 and were sent from thence to Pensacola, where they 
 were received by Governor O Neal, who gave them 
 presents and sent them into the Creek nation, with 
 the Spanish king s interpreter. These Indians de 
 clared they would be at war with America as long as 
 any of them should live. This declaration alone 
 seemed to make them acceptable to the Spaniards, 
 and they are now ( 1792) in what is called Savannah s 
 
SHAWNSE INDIANS. ^9 
 
 Town, and are a part of the Shawnees that settled, 
 with the Creeks a few years ago. 
 
 The above account appears to have been sworn to 
 by James Leonard, before Gen. Wayne, on the 26th 
 of July, 1792. 
 
 I have stated before, that previous to the year 1745 
 one band of the Shawnees had gone quite down to 
 New Spain. This band mentioned here, is probably 
 the band which settled with the Creeks, some years 
 before 1792; and that band mentioned by Leonard is 
 the four hundred and fifty who were found in the 
 woods about the head-waters of the Mobile river, 
 who were on their way to the country of the Creeks, 
 and in 1792 these two bands seem to have got 
 together, 
 
Uil. J I 
 
 HISTOKr OF THJS 
 
 <D K t)xr \ 
 
 m 
 
 3 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 SPEECH of Cornplanter to General Washington. 
 "Father, the voice of the Seneca nation speaks to 
 you, the great counselor, in whose heart the wise 
 men of all the thirteen fires have placed their wis 
 dom. It may be very small in your ears, and we, 
 therefore, entreat you to hearken with attention, for 
 we are about to speak of things which are to us very 
 great. When your army entered the country of the 
 Six Nations, we called you the town- destroy er ; and 
 to this day, when that name is heard, our women 
 look behind them and turn pale, and our children 
 cling close to the necks of their mothers. Our coun 
 selors and warriors are men and cannot be afraid, 
 but their hearts are grieved with the fears of our 
 women and children, and desire it may be buried so 
 deep as to be heard no more. 
 
 " When you gave us peace, we called you father, 
 because you promised to secure us in the possession 
 of our lands. Do this, and so long as the lands shall 
 remain, that beloved name will live in the heart of 
 every Seneca. 
 
 " Father, we mean to open our hearts before you, 
 and we earnestly desire that you will let us clearly 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 101 
 
 understand what you resolve to do. When our 
 chiefs returned from the treaty at Fort Stanwix, and 
 laid before our council what had been done, our na 
 tion was surprised to hear how great a country you 
 had compelled them to give up to you without your 
 paying to us anything for it. Every one said that 
 your hearts were yet swelled with resentment against 
 us for what had happened during the war, but that 
 one day you would reconsider it with more kindness. 
 We asked each other What have we done to de 
 serve such severe chastisement ? 
 
 "Father, when you kindled your thirteen fires 
 separately, the wise men that assembled there told 
 us that you were all brothers the children of one 
 great father, who regarded, also, the red people as 
 his children. They called us brothers, and invited 
 us to his protection; they told us that he resided 
 beyond the great water, where the sun first rises ; 
 that he was a king, whose power no people could 
 resist, and that his goodness was as bright as the sun. 
 What they said went to our hearts, and we accepted 
 the invitation and promised to obey him. What the 
 Seneca nation promise they faithfully perform, and 
 when you refused obedience to that king, he com 
 manded us to assist his beloved men in making you 
 sober. In obeying him we did no more than your 
 selves had led us to promise. The men who claimed 
 this promise told us that you were children and had 
 no guns ; that when they had shaken you, you would 
 submit. We hearkened to them and were deceived, 
 until your army approached our towns. We were 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 deceived ; but your people, in teaching us to confide 
 in that king, had helped to deceive us, and we now 
 appeal to your heart Is the blame all ours ? 
 
 " Father, when we saw that we were deceived, and 
 heard the invitation which you gave us to draw near 
 the fire which you had kindled, and talk with you 
 concerning peace, \ve made haste toward it. You 
 then told us that we were in your hand, and that by 
 closing it you could crush us to nothing; and you 
 demanded from us a great country as the price of 
 that peace which you had offered us, as if our want 
 of strength had destroyed our rijjht ; our chiefs had 
 
 O / O 
 
 felt your power and were unable to contend against 
 you, and they therefore gave up that country. What 
 they agreed to has bound our nation, but your anger 
 against us must, by this ti.ne, be cooled ; and, 
 although our strength has not increased, nor your 
 power become less, we ask you to consider calmly 
 Were the terms dictated to us by your commissioners 
 reasonable and just? 
 
 "Father, your commissioners, when they drew the 
 line which separated the land then given up to you, 
 from that which you agreed should remain to be 
 ours, diJ most solemnly promise that we should be 
 secured in the peaceable possession of the lands 
 which we inhabited cast atvl north of that line. 
 Does this promise bind you ? Hear, now, we be 
 seech von, what has since happened concerning that 
 
 * r i o 
 
 land. On the day in which we finished the treaty at 
 Fort Stanwix, commissioners from Pennsylvania told 
 our chiefs that they had come there to purchase from 
 
SIIAWNKE INDIANS. 103 
 
 us all the lands belonging to us within the lines of 
 their state, and they told us that their line would 
 strike the river Susquehanna below Tioga branch. 
 They then left us to consider of the bargain till the 
 next day. On the next day we let them know that 
 we were unwilling to sell all the lands within their 
 state, and proposed to let them have a part of it, 
 which we pointed out to them on their map. They 
 told us that they must have the whole ; that it was 
 already ceded to them by the great king at the time 
 of making peace with you, and was their own; but 
 they said that they would not take advantage of that, 
 and were willing to pay us for it, after the manner of 
 their ancestors. Our chiefs were unable to contend 
 at that time, and, therefore, they sold the lands up 
 to the line which was then shown to them as the line 
 of that state. What the commissioners had said 
 about the land having been ceded to them at the 
 peace, our chiefs considered as intended only to les 
 sen the price, and they passed it by with very little 
 notice; but since that time we have heard so much 
 from others about the right to our lands, which the 
 king gave when you made peace with him, that it is 
 our earnest desire that you will tell us what it means. 
 " Father, our nation empowered John Livingston 
 to let a part of our lands on rent, to be paid to us. 
 He told us tli at he was sent by Congress to do this 
 for us, and we fear he has deceived us in the writing 
 he obtained from us ; for, since the time of our giving 
 that power, a man of the name of Phelps has come 
 among us and claimed our whole country northward 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of the line of Pennsylvania under purchase from 
 that Livingston, to whom, he said, he had paid 
 twenty thousand dollars for it. He said, also, that 
 he had bought, likewise, from the council of the 
 Thirteen Fires, and paid them twenty thousand dol 
 lars more for the same. And he said, also, that it 
 did not belong to us, for the great king had ceded 
 the whole of it when you made peace with him. 
 Thus he claimed the whole country north of Penn 
 sylvania, and west of the lands belonging to the 
 Cayugas. He demanded it; he insisted on his de 
 mand, and declared that he would have itr all. It 
 was impossible for us to grant him this, and we im 
 mediately refused it. After some days he proposed 
 to run a line at a small distance eastward from our 
 western boundary, which we also refused to agree to. 
 He then threatened us with immediate war if we did 
 not comply. 
 
 " Upon this threat our chiefs held a council, and 
 they agreed that no event of war could be worse 
 than to be driven, with their wives and children, 
 from the only country which we had any right to ; 
 and, therefore, weak as our nation was, they deter 
 mined to take the chance of war, rather than to sub 
 mit to such unjust demands, which seemed to have 
 no bounds. Street, the great trader to Niagara, was 
 then with us, having come at the request of Phelps, 
 and as he always professed to be our great friend, we 
 consulted him upon this subject. He, also, told us 
 that our lands had been ceded by the king, and that 
 we 77? ust give them up. 
 
EHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 105 
 
 "Astonished at what we heard from every quarter, 
 with hearts aching with compassion for our women 
 and children, we were thus compelled to give up all 
 our country north of the line of Pennsylvania, and 
 east of the Genesee river up to the fork, and east of 
 a south line drawn from that fork to the Pennsylvania 
 line. For this land Phelps agreed to pay us ten 
 thousand dollars in hand, and one thousand dollars a 
 year forever. He paid us two thousand five hundred 
 dollars in hand part of the ten thousand and he 
 sent for us to come last spring to receive our money ; 
 but instead of paying us the remainder of the ten 
 thousand dollars (and the one thousand dollars) due 
 for the first year, he offered us no more than five 
 hundred dollars, and insisted that he agreed with us 
 for that sum, to be paid yearly. We debated with 
 him for six days, during all which time he persisted 
 in refusing to pay us our just demand, and he insisted 
 that we should receive the five hundred dollars ; and 
 Street, from Niagara, insisted on our receiving the 
 money, as it was offered to us. The last reason he 
 assigned for continuing to refuse paying us was, that 
 the king had ceded the lands to the Thirteen Tribes, and 
 that he had bought them from you and paid you for 
 them. We could bear this confusion no longer, and 
 determined to press through every difficulty and lift up 
 our voice that you might hear us, and to claim that 
 security in the possession of our land, which your 
 commissioners so solemnly promised us, and we now 
 entreat you to inquire into our complaints and redress 
 our wrongs. 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " Father, our writings were lodged in the hands 
 of Street, of Niagara, as we supposed him to be our 
 friend ; but when we saw Phelps consulting with 
 Street on every occasion, we doubted his honesty 
 toward us, and we have since heard that he was to 
 receive, for his endeavors to deceive us, a piece of 
 land, ten miles in width, west of the Genesee river, 
 and near forty miles in length, extending to Lake 
 Ontario ; and the lines of this tract have been run 
 accordingly, although no part of it is within the 
 bounds which limit his purchase. No doubt, he 
 meant to deceive us. 
 
 " Father, you have said that we are in your hand, 
 and that by closing it you could crush us to nothing. 
 Are you determined to crush us? If you are, tell us 
 so, that those of our nation who have become your 
 children, and have determined to die so, may know 
 what to do. In this case, one chief has said he would 
 ask you to put him out of pain. Another, who will 
 not think of dying by the hands of his father or of his 
 brother, has said he will retire to the Chateaugay, 
 eat of the fatal root, and sleep with his fathers in 
 peace. Before you determine on a measure so unjust 
 look up to God, who made us as well as you. We 
 hope he will not permit you to destroy the whole of 
 our nation. 
 
 "Father, hear our case; many nations inhabited 
 this country, but they had no wisdom, and, therefore, 
 they warred together. The Six Nations were power 
 ful and they compelled them to peace ; the lands, for 
 a great extent, were given up to them, but the nations 
 
BIIAWXEE INDIANS. 107 
 
 which were not destroyed, all continued on these 
 lands, and claimed the protection of the Six Nations, 
 as the brothers of their fathers. They were men, 
 and when at peace, had a right to live upon the 
 earth. The French came among us and built 
 Niagara ; they became our fathers and took care of 
 us. Sir William Johnston came and took that fort 
 from the French ; he became our father, and pro 
 mised to take care of us, and did so, until you were 
 too strong for his king. To him we gave four miles 
 around Niagara, as a place of trade. We have 
 already said how we came to join against you ; we 
 saw that we were wrong ; we wished for peace ; you 
 demanded a great country to be given up to you ; it 
 was surrendered to you as the price of peace, and we 
 ought to have peace and possession of the little land 
 which you then left us. 
 
 " Father, when that great country was given up, 
 there were but few chiefs present, and they were com 
 pelled to give it up ; and it is not the Six Nations 
 only that reproach those chiefs with having given 
 up that country. The Chippewas and all the nations 
 who lived on those lands westward, call to us and 
 ask us Brothers of our fathers, where is the place 
 you have reserved for HS to lie down upon ? 
 
 " Father, you have compelled us to do that which 
 has made us ashamed. W T e have nothing to answer 
 to the children of the brothers of our fathers. When 
 they called upon us, last spring, to go to war to secure 
 them a bed to lie upon, the Senecas entreated them 
 to be quiet tiil we had spoken to you. But on our 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 
 
 way down we heard that your army had gone toward 
 the country which those nations inhabit, and if they 
 meet together, the best blood on both sides will stain 
 the ground. 
 
 " Father, we will not conceal from you, that the 
 great God, and not man, has preserved the Corn- 
 planter from the hands of his own nation ; for they 
 ask continually, where is the land which our children 
 and their children after them, are to lie down upon ? 
 You told us, say they, that the line running from 
 Pennsylvania to Lake Ontario would mark it forever 
 on the east ; and the line running from Beaver Creek 
 to Pennsylvania would mark it on the west, and we 
 see that it is not so; for first one, and then another, 
 come, and take it away, by order of that people 
 which you tell us, promised to secure it to us. He is 
 silent, for he has nothing to answer. When the sun 
 goes down, he opens his heart before God ; and 
 earlier than that sun appears again upon the hills, 
 he gives thanks for his protection during the night 
 for he feels that, among men become desperate by 
 their danger, it is God only that can preserve him. 
 He loves peace, and all he had in store he has given 
 to those who have been robbed by your people, lest 
 they should plunder the innocent to repay themselves. 
 The whole season which others have employed in 
 providing for their families, he has spent in endeavors 
 to preserve peace, and at this moment, his wife arid 
 children are lying on the ground and in want of food ; 
 his heart is in pain for them, but he perceives that 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 109 
 
 the great God will try his friendship in doing what is 
 right. 
 
 " Father, the game which the great Spirit sent into 
 our country for us to eat, is going from among us. 
 We thought he intended he should till the ground 
 with the plow as the white people do, and we talked 
 to one another about it. But before we speak to you 
 concerning this, we must know from you whether 
 you mean to leave us and our children any land to till. 
 Speak plainly to us concerning this great business. 
 All the lands we have been speaking of belonged to 
 the Six Nations no part of it ever belonged to the 
 king of England, and he would not give it to you. 
 The lands we live on our fathers received from God, 
 and they transmitted it to us for our children, and 
 we cannot part with it. 
 
 " Father, we told you that we would open our 
 hearts to you. Hear us once more. At Fort Stan- 
 wix we agreed to deliver up those of our people who 
 should do you any wrong, that you might try them 
 and punish them according to your law. We de 
 livered up two men accordingly, but instead of trying 
 them according to your law, the lowest of your 
 people took them from your magistrate and put them 
 immediately to death. It is just to punish murder 
 with death ; but the Senecas will not deliver up their 
 people to men who disregard the treaties of their 
 own nation. 
 
 Father, innocent men of our nation are killed 
 one after another, and of our best families, but none 
 
1 10 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of your people who committed the murder, have been 
 punished. We recollect that you did not promise to 
 punish those who killed our people, and we now ask, 
 Was it intended that your people should kill the Sen- 
 ecas, and not only remain unpunished by you, but 
 be protected by you against the revenge of the next 
 of kin ? 
 
 " Father, these are to us very great things. We 
 know that you are very strong, and we have heard 
 that you are wise, and we wait to hear your answer 
 to what we have said, that we may know that you 
 are just." 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 1H 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 IN December, 1792, in a council held with General 
 Wayne at Chinuck, Slungetha (Cornplanter) and Lit 
 tle Arrow, chiefs of the Alleghana tribes, among 
 other things said on behalf of the Shawnees, who 
 had been in a confederated council with them, that 
 the Shawnees said, that if they make peace it will be 
 on these terms : The Americans to allow all the lands 
 they had in Sir William Johnston s time, or, at least, 
 the Ohio river shall be the line, and that they be 
 paid for lands improved on the south side of that river. 
 These, they say, are the terms, and the only ones on 
 which they will make peace. 
 
 In a report of a commissioner appointed by Gov. 
 Blount in 1793, he says, he asked an Indian of the 
 Cherokee nation if he thought certain men of their 
 nation would come into council. He answered, that, 
 perhaps, they might, as most of the bad young fel 
 lows had gone to the Shawnees fifty had started a 
 few days ago, and that more were about to start. 
 
 The commissioner told him that the Shawnees 
 were about making a treaty with the United Slates, 
 and would not permit them to stay among them. 
 The chief replied it may be so, but that at this time 
 
112 HISTORY OF THJ 
 
 there were eight Shawnee chiefs in the Creek nation 
 endeavoring to stimulate them to a war against the 
 United States, and that these Shawnees had informed 
 him, as they passed along to the Creeks, that their 
 people had been expecting the approach of the federal 
 army, and had been assembled in large bodies to 
 receive them. 
 
 The commissioner states that one John Walker in 
 formed him that a number of young fellows had 
 gone to the Shawnees, and that another party would 
 soon set out, among which he had thought of going; 
 that a number of Creeks, consisting of small parties, 
 from two to eight, had come as far as Hiwassel. 
 
 In the year 1794, the British officer sent a mes 
 sage by three chiefs, a Delaware, a Shawnee, and a 
 Miami. These, say two Pottawatomie chiefs (who 
 were examined by an American officer by whom they 
 were taken prisoners), were sent by the British offi 
 cers to invite the Pottawatomies to go to war with 
 the United States. That the Chippewas, Wyandota, 
 Shawnees, Ottawas, Delawares, and Miamis had two 
 thousand warriors collected. 
 
 On examining two Shawnee warriors, taken at the 
 same time, they state that they left the ground 
 Glaise (Auglaise) five months ago, or about the time 
 the Indians sent a flag, with a proposition for peace; 
 that they belonged to a party of twenty, who had been 
 hunting all the spring on the Wabash, nearly opposite 
 the mouth of the Kentucky river, and were on their 
 return when taken ; that about half the party had 
 gone on before them, and the remainder were coming 
 
SHAWNEE; INDIANS. US 
 
 on slowly and hunting; that they had stolen about 
 fifty horses from the Kentuckians on Salt river, during 
 the spring and summer ; that they only killed one 
 man, and took no prisoners ; that the man was killed 
 by a white interpreter, belonging to the company, 
 whose name is Kiddle ; that on their way they met 
 with a party consisting of four Indians, i. e., three 
 Delawares and one Pottawatomie, who were on their 
 way to the Big Blue Lick to steal horses ; that this 
 party informed them that all the Indians on White 
 river were sent for to come immediately to the Grand 
 Glaize, where the warriors of several nations were 
 assembled ; that the chiefs were yet in council and 
 would not let their warriors go out ; that they would 
 not depend on the British for effectual support ; that 
 they were always setting the Indians on like dogs, 
 after promising them to go to war and kill the Ameri 
 cans, but, did not help them ; they were determined 
 to make peace that they would not be amused by 
 promises any longer ; that the Shawnees have three 
 hundred and eighty warriors at, and in the vicinity 
 of the Grand Glaize, and generally can, and gener 
 ally do, bring into action about three hundred war 
 riors. Their great men are Blackwolf and Ke-hia- 
 pe-la-thy, or Toma-Hawk. Their principal warriors 
 are Blue Jacket and Captain Johnny. That the Dela 
 wares have in and about Grand Glaize four hundred 
 and eighty warriors ; that they had actually four 
 hundred in the action against Gen. St. Clair ; that 
 the Miamis are about one hundred warriors, who 
 live near Grand Glaize several of them having 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 p 
 
 removed to post St. Vincent (Viucense) and the Mis 
 sissippi. The Wyandots never sent into action more 
 than one hundred and fifty warriors; they lived along 
 the lake toward Sandusky ; they do not know the 
 number of Pottawatomies, nor the number of the 
 other nations who would actually join in the war and 
 determine to continue it ; that the Chippewas would 
 be the most numerous, and were mostly on their way 
 to join the council ; but war or peace depended on 
 the British if they would help them, it would proba 
 bly be war, but if they would not, it would be peace; 
 that the Indians would no longer be set on like dogs 
 by. themselves, unless the British would help them 
 to fight; that the British were at the foot of the 
 rapids, and if the Indians would generally turn out 
 and join them, they would advance and fight the 
 American army ; that Blue Jacket had been sent by 
 the British to the Chippewas and Northern Indians a 
 considerable time since, to invite them and bring 
 them to Roche-de-bout, there to join the British and 
 the hostile Indians, in order to go to war against 
 the Americans. 
 
 On the 13th of August, 1794, Gen. Wayne sent 
 the following letter to the Delawares, Shawnees, and 
 Wyandots : "I, Anthony Wayne, major-general and 
 commander-in-chief of the Federal army, on the 
 Grand Glaize, and commissioner-plenipotentiary of 
 the United States of America, for settling the terms 
 upon which a permanent and lasting peace shall be 
 made with each and every one of the hostile tribes 
 or nations of Indians north-west of the Ohio river. 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 116 
 
 and of the said United States, actuated by the 
 purest motives of humanity, and urged by pity for 
 the errors into which bad and designing men have 
 led you, from the head of my army, now in posses 
 sion of your abandoned village and settlements, do 
 hereby extend the friendly hand of peace toward you, 
 and invite every one of the hostile tribes of Indians 
 to appoint deputies to meet me and my army without 
 delay, between this place and Roche-de-bout, in 
 order to settle the preliminaries of a lasting peace, 
 which may eventually and soon restore to you the 
 Delawares, Miamis, Shawnees, and all other tribes 
 and nations settled at this place, and on the margins 
 of the Miami and Auglaize rivers, your late posses 
 sions, and to preserve you and your distressed women 
 and children from danger and famine, during the en 
 suing fall and winter. 
 
 The arm of the United States is strong and power 
 ful, but they love mercy and kindness more than 
 war and desolation. And to remove any doubt, or 
 apprehensions of danger to the persons of the dele 
 gates you may appoint to meet this army, I hereby 
 pledge my sacred honor for their safe return ; and 
 send Christopher Miller, an adopted Shawnee warrior, 
 whom I took prisoner two days ago, with a flag, who 
 will advance in front with a flag to meet me. 
 
 " Mr. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my 
 warriors, six moons since, and can testify to you the 
 kindness which I have shown to your people, my 
 prisoners, that is, five men and two women, who are 
 now all safe at Greenville. But if this invitation be 
 
] 16 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 disregarded, and ray flag and Mr. Miller be detained 
 or injured, I will immediately order all those prison 
 ers to be put to death without distinction, and some 
 of them are known to belong to the best families of 
 your nations. 
 
 " Brothers, be no longer deceived or led astray by 
 the false promises of the bad men of the Rapids. 
 They have neither the inclination nor the power to 
 protect you. ISTo longer shut your eyes to your true 
 interest and happiness, nor your ears to this last offer 
 of peace. Bat in pity to your innocent women and 
 children, come and prevent the further effusion of 
 blood let them experience the kindness and friend 
 ship of the United States of America, and the indi 
 vidual blessings of peace and tranquillity. 
 
 "ANTHONY WAYNE." 
 
 Notwithstanding what passed from the American 
 officer in good faith, no doubt and the manner in 
 which he would have carried out his offers to these 
 poor deluded people, had they listened to him and 
 agreed to the Coffers made them, they rejected them, 
 and sent back his messenger and flag with an answer 
 merely to delay time for a reinforcement to arrive 
 which did actually arrive two days before the action 
 took place. They chose to risk another battle with 
 the Americans rather than to accept these friendly 
 terms which were offered them. In that engagement 
 they got badly beat, and had to sue for peace ; and 
 after losing a large number of their men, as well as 
 much of what property they had, they were com- 
 
8 11 A \ V :, 1C I N D I A -N 3 . 117 
 
 pelled to take up with such terms as their conqueror 
 chose to prescribe for them ; LO doubt but they 
 would have made a much better treaty before they 
 were whipped into it than afterward. 
 
 By information received in the American camp 
 from a prisoner, it appeared that the Shawnees had 
 three hundred warriors in the engagement with Gen. 
 Wayne s army, but the prisoner could give no ac 
 count of the number killed. 
 
 Sometime in this or the preceding year the Baron 
 De Carondelet, a Spanish nobleman, made a present 
 to the Shawnees and Delawares (who settled on it 
 by permission of the Spanish government,) of a tract 
 of land, containing twenty-five miles square, (the 
 records of which are in St. Louis). This land is 
 situated between the river St. Comb and Cape Gir- 
 ardcau, and bounded on the east by the Mississippi 
 river, and on the west by Whitewater river. The 
 Delawares left in 1815, and then the entire right fell 
 to the Shawnees. 
 
 It appears that about the time mentioned above 
 the Shawnees settled on this tract. In the many con 
 flicts between the United States and the Indians dur 
 ing the last war, if these Shawnees lived in that 
 country, which they no doubt did, that they, as far 
 as appears, took no part against the Americans, but 
 remained in quiet possession of the same undisturbed, 
 while that country remained under Spanish authority ; 
 but when the United States purchased the country, 
 the Shawnees soon had to leave and seek a home 
 elsewhere, which will appear in the proper place. 
 
118 
 
 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 ABOUT the year 1794, the Society of Friends be 
 came concerned for the welfare of the Indians in the 
 western country, as well as for that of the frontier 
 settlers, who were liable to much suffering on account 
 of the depredations of the Indians on the innocent 
 and defenseless inhabitants, (as the records of the 
 Yearly Meeting say). A fresh war had broken out 
 between the Indians and the United States, devastating 
 the frontier settlements, and staining the land with 
 blood. Deeply affected with the horrors attendant 
 on this contest, the Yearly Meeting nominated a 
 large committee in order to endeavor to terminate 
 these hostilities. In the same year they sent a 
 memorial to the President and Congress, recom 
 mending the adoption of such just and pacific mea 
 sures toward the nation as might arrest the further 
 shedding of blood and establish peace on a firm basis. 
 A treaty was soon afterward held at Sandusky, but 
 nothing was effected there. 
 
 In the year 1795, on the 3d day of August, Gen. 
 Wayne held a treaty at Greenville with the Wyan- 
 dots, Delawares, Shawnees, Ottavvas, Chippewas, 
 Pottawatomies, Eel River, Weas, Kickapoos, and 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 119 
 
 Kaskaskias. At the opening of the treaty, General 
 Wayne read the address of the Friends Yearly Meet 
 ing, of Philadelphia, to the Indians and delivered 
 them some presents sent them. This letter was 
 couched in language entirely calculated to allay those 
 feelings of bitterness which had been implanted 
 deeply in their minds on account of accumulated 
 wrongs, one after another. 
 
 Of this letter, General Wayne remarked to the 
 chiefs in council : " Younger Brothers I have re 
 ceived a letter from your friends, the people called 
 Quakers, with a message to all the nations here assem 
 bled. The Quakers are a people whom I much love 
 and esteem for their goodness of heart and sincere 
 love of peace with all nations. Listen then to their 
 voices, and let them sink deep into your hearts (here 
 the general read the address and the invoice of their 
 presents); their present, you see (continued he) is 
 small, but being designed with the benevolent view 
 of promoting the happiness and peace of mankind, it 
 becomes of important value. They wish it to be con 
 sidered merely as a token of regard for you, and a 
 testimony of their brotherly affection and kind remem 
 brance of you." 
 
 The treaty was concluded, and is as follows : 
 "A treaty of peace between the United States of 
 America and the tribes of Indians called Wyandots, 
 Delawares, Shawnees, Ottawas, Chippewas, Potta- 
 watomies, Miamis, Eel rivers, Weas, Kickapoos, Plan- 
 keshaws, and Kaskaskias, to put an end to a destruc 
 tive war, to settle all controversies, and to restore 
 
120 HISTOUy OF THii 
 
 harmony and friendly intercourse between the said 
 United States and Indian tribes, Anthony Wayne, 
 major-general, commanding the army of the United 
 States, and sole commissioner for the good purposes 
 above-mentioned, and the said tribes of Indians, by 
 their sachems, chiefs, and warriors met together at 
 Greenville, the head-quarters of said army, have 
 agreed on the following articles, which, when ratified 
 by the President, with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate of the United States, shall be binding on them 
 and the said Indian tribes. 
 
 "ARTICLE 1. Henceforth all hostilities shall cease; 
 peace is hereby established, and shall be perpetual, 
 and a friendly intercourse shall take place between 
 the said United States and Indian tribes. 
 
 "ART. 2. All prisoners shall, on both sides, be 
 restored. The Indian prisoners to the United States 
 shall be immediately set at liberty. The people of 
 the United States, still remaining prisoners among 
 the Indians, shall be delivered up in ninety days from 
 the date hereof, to the general or commanding officer 
 at Greenville, Fort Wayne, or Fort Defiance; and 
 ten chiefs of the said tribes shall remain at Green 
 ville as hostages, until the delivery of the prisoners 
 shall be effected. 
 
 "ART. 3. The general boundary line, between the 
 lands of the United States and the lands of the said 
 Indian tribes, shall begin at the mouth of the Cuya- 
 hoga river, and run thence up the same to the port 
 age between that and the Tuscarawa s branch of the 
 
SUAWNEE INDIANS. 121 
 
 Muskingum; and thence down that branch to the 
 crossing-place above Fort Lawrence ; thence westerly 
 to a fork of that branch of the Great Miami river 
 running into the Ohio, at or near which fork stood 
 Laramie s store, and where commences the portage 
 between the Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary s river, 
 which is a branch of the Miami which runs into Lake 
 Erie ; thence a westerly course to Fort Recovery, 
 which stands on a branch of the Wabash ; thence 
 southwesterly in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to 
 intersect that river opposite the Kentucky, or Cut- 
 tawa, river. And, in consideration of the peace now 
 established, of the goods formerly received from the 
 United States, of those now to be delivered, and of 
 the yearly delivery of goods now stipulated to be 
 made hereafter, and to indemnify the United States 
 for injuries and expenses sustained during the war, 
 the said Indian tribes do, hereby, cede and relinquish 
 forever all their claims to the lands lying eastwardly 
 and southwardly of the general boundary line now 
 described, and these lands, or any part of them, shall 
 never hereafter be made a cause or pretense, on the 
 part of the said tribes, or any of them, of war or 
 injury to the United States, or any of the people 
 thereof. And for the same consideration, and as an 
 evidence of the returning friendship of the said In 
 dian tribes, of their confidence in the United States, 
 and desire to provide for their accommodation and for 
 that convenient intercourse which will be beneficial 
 to both parties, the said Indian tribes do also cede to 
 the United States the following pieces of land, to wit: 
 
122 HISTOKi OF THJtt 
 
 1. One piece of land, six miles square, at or near 
 Laramie s store, before mentioned. 2. One piece, 
 two miles square, at the head of the navigable water, 
 or landing-, on the St. Mary s river, near Girty s town. 
 3. One piece of six miles square, at the head of the 
 navigable water of the Auglaize river. 4. One piece, 
 six miles square, at the confluence of the Auglaize 
 and Miami rivers, where Fort Defiance now stands. 
 5. One piece, six miles square, at or near the con 
 fluence of the rivers St. Mary s and St. Joseph s, 
 where Fort Wayne now stands, or near it. 6. One 
 piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river, at the 
 end of the portage from the Miami of the lake, and 
 about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. 
 7. One piece, six miles square, at the Ouiatanon, or 
 oldWea towns, on ths Wabash river. 8. One piece, 
 twelve miles square, at the British fort of the Miami 
 of the lake, at the foot of the rapids. 9. One piece, 
 six miles square, at the mouth of the said river, 
 where it empties into the lake. 10. One piece, six 
 miles square, upon Sandusky lake, where a fort for 
 merly stood. 11. One piece, two miles square, at 
 the lower rapids of the Sandusky river. 12. The 
 post of Detroit, and all the lands to the north, the 
 west, and the south of it, of which the Indian title 
 has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the French 
 or English governments ; and so much more land to 
 be annexed to the district of Detroit as shall be com 
 prehended between the river Raisin, on the south, 
 Lake St. Clair, on the north, and a line, the general 
 course whereof shall be six miles distant from the west 
 
fiUAWNEK INDIANS. 123 
 
 end of Lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The post 
 of Michilimackinac, and all the land on the island on 
 which that post stands, and the main land adjacent, 
 of which the Indian title has been extinguished by 
 gifts or grants to the French or English government, 
 and a piece of land on the main to the north of the 
 island, to measure six miles on Lake Huron, or the 
 strait between Lakes Michigan and- Huron, and to 
 extend three miles back from the water of the lake 
 or strait, and also the island De Bois Blanc, being an 
 extra and voluntary gift of the Chippewa nation. 
 
 14. One piece of land, six miles square, at the mouth 
 of the Chicago river, emptying into the south-west 
 end of Lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood. 
 
 15. One piece, twelve miles square, at or near the 
 mouth of the Illinois river, emptying into the Missis 
 sippi. 16. One piece, six miles square, at the old 
 Peoria s fort and village, near the south end of the 
 Illinois lake., on said Illinois river. And whenever 
 the United States shall think proper to survey and 
 mark the boundaries of the lands hereby ceded to 
 them, they shall give timely notice thereof to the said 
 tribes of Indians, that they may appoint some of their 
 wise chiefs to attend and see that the lines are run 
 according to the terms of this treaty. And the said 
 Indian tribes will allow to the people of the United 
 States a free passage, by land and by water, as one 
 and the other shall be found convenient, through 
 their country, along the chain of posts hereinbefore 
 mentioned ; that is to say, from the commencement 
 of the portage aforesaid, at or near Laramie s store, 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 thence, along said portage to the St. Mary s and down 
 the same to Fort Wayne, and then down the Miami 
 to Lake Erie ; again, from the commencement of the 
 portage at or near Laramie s store, along the portage ; 
 from thence to the river Auglaize, and down the same 
 to its junction with the Miami, at Fort Defiance ; 
 again, from the commencement of the portage afore 
 mentioned, to Sandusky river, and down the same to 
 Sandusky bay and Lake Erie, and from Sandusky to 
 the post which shall be taken at or near the foot of 
 the rapids of the Miami of the lake, and from thence 
 to Detroit. Again, from the mouth of the Chicago 
 to the commencement of the portage between that 
 river and the Illinois river to the Mississippi; also, 
 from Fort Wayne, along the portage aforesaid, which 
 leads to theWabash, and then down the Wabash to 
 the Ohio. And the said Indian tribes will, also, al 
 low to the people of the United States, the free use 
 of the harbors and the mouths of rivers along the 
 lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for sheltering ves 
 sels and boats, and liberty to land their cargoes 
 where necessary for their safety. 
 
 "ART. 4. In consideration of the peace now estab 
 lished, and of the cessions and relinquishments of 
 lands made in the preceding article, by the said tribes 
 of Indians, and to manifest the liberality of the 
 United States, as the great means of rendering this 
 peace strong and perpetual, the United States relin 
 quish their claims to all other Indian lands northward 
 of the Ohio river, eastward of the Mississippi, and 
 westward and southward of the great lakes, and 
 
OF TH 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 8HAV, NEE INDIANU. 125 
 
 the waters uniting them, according to the boundary 
 line agreed upon by the United States and the k-ing 
 of Great Britain, in the treaty of peace made between 
 them in the year 1783. But from this relinquish- 
 ment by the United States, the following tracts of 
 land are explicitly excepted. 1. The tract of one 
 hundred and fifty thousand acres, near .the rapids of 
 the Ohio river, which has been assigned to General 
 Clark for the use of himself and his warriors. 2, 
 The post of St. Vincennes, on the Wabash river, and 
 the lands adjacent, of which the Indian title has been 
 extinguished. 3. The lands at all other places, in 
 possession of the French people and other white set 
 tlers among them, of which the Indian title has been 
 extinguished, as mentioned in the 3d article : and 4. 
 
 O 
 
 The post of Fort Massac, toward the mouth of the 
 Ohio. To which several parcels of land, so excepted, 
 the said tribes relinquish all the title or claim which 
 they or any of them may have. And for the same 
 considerations, and with the same views above-men 
 tioned, the United States now deliver to the said In 
 dian tribes, a quantity of goods to the value of 
 twenty thousand dollars, the receipt whereof they do 
 hereby acknowledge ; and henceforward, every year, 
 forever, the United States will deliver, at some con 
 venient place northward of the Ohio river, like useful 
 goods, suited to the circumstances of the Indians of 
 the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars; 
 reckoning that value at the first cost of the goods in 
 the city or place in the United States, where they 
 shall be procured." 
 
126 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 The tribes to which those goods are to be delivered 
 annually, and the proportions in which they are to be 
 delivered, are as follows : 
 
 " 1. To the Wyandots, the amount of one thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 " 2. To the Delawares, the amount of one thou 
 sand dollars. 
 
 " 3. To the Shawnees, the amount of one thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 " 4. To the Miamis, the amount of one thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 " 5. To the Ottawas, the amount of one thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 " 6. To the Chippewas, the amount of one thou 
 sand dollars. 
 
 " 7. To the Pottawatomies, the amount of one 
 thousand dollars. 
 
 " 8. And to the Kickapoo, Weas, Eel River, Pi- 
 ankeshaws, and Kaskaskias tribes, the amount of 
 five hundred dollars each. 
 
 " Provided, That if either of the said tribes shall 
 hereafter, at the annual delivery of their share of 
 the goods aforesaid, desire that a part of their annu 
 ity should be furnished in domestic animals, imple 
 ments of husbandry and other utensils convenient 
 for them, and in compensation to useful artificers who 
 may reside with or near them, and be employed for 
 their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent an 
 nual deliveries, be furnished accordingly. 
 
 "ART. 5. To prevent any misunderstanding about 
 the Indian lands, relinquished to the United States, 
 
BHAVVNKE INDIANS. 127 
 
 in the 4th article, it is now explicitly declared that the 
 meaning of that relinquishment is this The Indian 
 tribes who have a right to those lands, are quietly 
 to enjoy them, hunting, planting, and dwelling thereon, 
 so long as they please, without any molestation from 
 the United States ; but when those tribes, or any of 
 them, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any 
 part of them, they are to be sold only to the United 
 States, and until such sale the United States will 
 protect all the said Indian tribes in the quiet enjoy 
 ment of their lands against all citizens of the United 
 States, and against all other white persons who may 
 intrude upon the same ; and the said Indian tribes 
 again acknowledge themselves to be under the pro 
 tection of the United States and no other power." 
 
 The foregoing contains all that related to the Shaw- 
 nees at that treaty, and was duly signed by the par 
 ties ; but as usual in Indian treaties, the government 
 gave them great assurances of peace and protection. 
 
 There is one thing strikes the mind of the reader in 
 looking over this treaty, and that is, that the govern 
 ment requires of the Indians indemnity for the expense 
 of this war, all the lands lying eastwardly and south 
 wardly of the boundary line described in this treaty, 
 and we may to that amount add sixteen reservations, 
 which, together, contain about 640 square miles, or 
 409,600 acres, beside several other reservations, the 
 amount not given. All these reservations, it will be 
 perceived, were selected at points, too, of importance, 
 and of course, contained the most valuable lands 
 they held. All these knds to be taken from this 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 people to pay for the expense of a war they were 
 urged into by bad white men under the influence of 
 another nation, who still harbored bad feelings toward 
 the United Slates; still, hard as it was, the Indians 
 had to be the only losers, in a pecuniary point of view, 
 as the lands they ceded to the United States, were 
 worth more by far than the war and the goods pro 
 mised, and all they ever cost the government. And 
 beside this, they were compelled to say, that for the 
 good- will they had for the United States (as well as 
 to pay for this war) they thus ceded away this vast 
 amount of their territory. The treaty would look 
 much better without that part in it, for it is not true. 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 IN the year 1802, a deputation of Shawnees, of 
 which the chief, Blackhoof, was one, and several of 
 the Delaware chiefs in company with him on their 
 way to Washington City on business ; in order to 
 renew their acquaintance with their old friends, the 
 Quakers, they visited Philadelphia, they being imme 
 diately descended from those who had been so kindly 
 treated in former days by William Penn and his peo 
 ple, and who, in return, had received so many favors 
 from them, when strangers among them and often in 
 need of such things as the natives could furnish them. 
 
 The accounts of this visit say that the chiefs were 
 treated with great kindness, and furnished with a 
 considerable amount in money and goods adapted to 
 their wants. 
 
 This deputation, on their return from Washington, 
 was furnished with the following beautiful letter from 
 the President, through the Secretary of War, to wit : 
 
 " To the chiefs of the Delawares and Shawnee 
 Nations of Indians. 
 
 " The Secretary of War of the United States sends 
 greeting. 
 
 " Friends and Brothers : The deputation, appoint 
 ed by you to visit the seat of government, have arrived 
 9 
 
130 HISTORY OF THS 
 
 and been welcomed by your father, the President of 
 the United States, with cordiality ; they have spoken, 
 find he has heard all the representations that they 
 were instructed by you to make to him. In his name, 
 I have answered them in sincerity and truth, and 
 when they shall have reported to you what I have 
 said, I trust that you will feel all uneasiness removed 
 fr-om your minds, and that you and your nations will 
 experience that satisfaction which must result from a 
 conviction of the certainty with which you may con 
 tinue to rely upon the friendship and protection of the 
 United States. These can never be forfeited but by 
 the misconduct of the red people themselves. 
 
 " Your father, the President, instructs me to assure 
 you on behalf of your nation, that he will pay the 
 most sacred regard to existing treaties between your 
 respective nations and ours, and protect your whole 
 territory against all intrusions that may be attempted 
 by white people. That all encouragement shall be 
 given you in your just pursuits and laudable progress 
 toward comfort and happiness, by the introduction 
 of useful arts. That all persons, who shall offend 
 against your treaties, or against any of the laws made 
 for your protection, shall be brought to justice, or if 
 this should be impossible, that a faithful remunera 
 tion shall be made to you, and that he never will 
 abandon his beloved Delawares and Shawnees, nor 
 their children, so long as they shall act justly toward 
 the white people and their red brethren. 
 
 "This is all that he requires from you for his 
 friendship and protection ; he trusts you will not force 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 131 
 
 him to recede from these determinations by improper 
 or unjust change of conduct, but that you will give 
 him abundant course to increase, if possible, his 
 desire to see you happy and contented under the fos 
 tering care of the United States. 
 
 " I send you a chain (which is made of pure gold) 
 by your beloved chiefs ; it will never rust, and I pray 
 the Great Spirit to assist us in keeping the chain of 
 friendship (of which this gold chain is an emblem) 
 bright for a long succession of years. 
 
 " Given under my hand and seal of the war office 
 of the United States, the ninth day of February, one 
 thousand eight hundred and two." 
 
 .Signed : " HENRY DEARBORN, 
 
 "Secretary of War." 
 
132 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 AT a treaty held by Charles Jewit, Commissioner 
 on behalf of the United States, in the year 1805, and 
 Wyandots, Ottawas, Shawnees, Delawares, and Pot- 
 tawatomies I find the following : 
 
 1 . The boundary line between the United States 
 and the Indian nations aforesaid, shall in future be a 
 meridian line drawn north and south through a boun 
 dary to be erected on the south shore of Lake Erie, 
 one-and-twenty miles due west of the boundary line 
 of Pennsylvania, extending north until it intersects 
 the boundary line of the United States, and extend 
 ing south until it intersects a line heretofore estab 
 lished by the treaty of Greenville. 
 
 2. That the Indian nations aforesaid, for the con 
 siderations of friendship to the United States, and the 
 sums of money hereinafter mentioned, to be annually 
 paid to the Shawnees, Delawares, Wyandots, and 
 Miami nations of Indians, have ceded and do hereby 
 relinquish and cede to the United States forever, all 
 the lands belonging to the said nations of Indians 
 lying east of the aforesaid line, bounded southwardly 
 and eastwardly by the line established by the said 
 treaty of Greenville ; and northwestwardly by the 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 133 
 
 northernmost point of the forty-first degree of north 
 latitude. 
 
 3. That the United States, to preserve harmony, 
 manifest their liberality, and in consideration of the 
 cession made in the preceding article, will every year, 
 forever hereafter, at Detroit or some other convenient 
 place, pay and deliver to the Shawnees and Seneca 
 nations of Indians, and the Delaware and Wyandot 
 nations of Indians, the sum of eight hundred and 
 twenty-five dollars in the whole an annuity of one 
 thousand dollars, which last sum of one hundred and 
 twenty-five dollars has been renewed to the Presi 
 dent, in trust for said nations, by the Connecticut 
 company, and by the company incorporated by the 
 name of " the proprietors of the half million acres of 
 land lying south of the Erie, called sufferers land/ : 
 payable annually, as aforesaid, and to be divided 
 between said nations, from time to time, in proportion 
 with the appropriations, as the President shall agree. 
 
 At another treaty, bearing the same date, the In 
 dians released all further claims on this company to 
 the above described land, or annuity, for the sum of 
 eighteen thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars. 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 IN a treaty held at Brownstown, in Michigan Ter 
 ritory, in the year 1808, between William Hull, com 
 missioner on behalf of the United States, and the 
 Shawnees, Pottawatomies, Wyandots, and Ottawas, 
 it was agreed by the parties that the lands lying on 
 the south-east side of Lake Erie, between said lake 
 and the boundary lines established by the treaty of 
 Greenville and Fort Industry, with the exception of 
 a few reservations to the United States, still belonrr 
 
 t3 
 
 to the Indian nation; so the United States cannot, of 
 right, open and maintain a convenient road from the 
 settlement on the Ohio to the settlements in Michigan, 
 nor extend those settlements, so as to connect them. 
 In order, therefore, to promote this object, so desira 
 ble and evidently beneficial to the Indian nations, as 
 well as to the United States, the parties Lave agreed 
 to the following article, to wit : 
 
 " In order to promote the object aforesaid, and in 
 consideration of the friendship they have toward the 
 United States, for the liberality and benevolent policy 
 which has been practiced toward them, by the gov 
 ernment thereof, the said nations do hereby give, 
 
SHAW NEE INDIANS. 
 
 135 
 
 grant, and cede, unto the said United States, a tract 
 of land for a road, of one hundred and twenty feet 
 in width, from the foot of the rapids of the Miami of 
 Lake Erie to the western line of the Connecticut Re 
 serve, and all the land within one mile of said road, 
 on each side thereof, fur the purposes of establishing 
 settlements thereon. Also, a tract of land for a 
 road only, of one hundred and twenty feet in width, 
 to run from lower Sandusky southwardly, to the 
 boundary line established by the treaty of Green 
 ville, with the privilege of taking timber from the 
 adjacent lands, as well as other materials as may 
 be necessary for making and keeping in repair said 
 loud, with the bridges that may be required along 
 the same." 
 
 This cession of land, it will be seen, includes a 
 tract two miles and one hundred and twenty feet 
 wide, and the other one hundred and twenty feet 
 wide, and (as shown on the map) one hundred miles 
 long that is, two hundred square miles, beside the 
 two roads, of one hundred and twenty feet each in 
 width. Now, it will present to the mind of a thought 
 ful person, as a question of some importance, what 
 did these Indians get for this large tract of land ? 
 Well, by the language of the treaty, Ave are to un 
 derstand it in this way: that the Indians gave all this 
 tract of land merely as a manifestation of the good 
 will they have for the United States and the govern 
 ment thereof; for " their liberality and the benevolent 
 course practiced toward them, they cede them this 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 land." That appears to be all the government ex 
 pected to give them, that of giving liberty to keep in 
 mind their benevolent acts, by continually paying in 
 land for them. 
 
 Now, wherein was this benevolent policy pursued 
 toward this people, for which they are taxed so 
 heavily ? Was it by the treaty at Greenville ? Not 
 at all. In that treaty they ceded an enormous amount 
 of land for indemnity, for the expense of the war, 
 and for " the benevolent policy practiced toward 
 them." Was it for the favors bestowed on them in 
 Jewit s treaty of 1805? Certainly not; for in that 
 treaty they relinquished their claim to half a million 
 acres of land for eighteen thousand dollars, and for 
 favors bestowed on them by the United States, and 
 as a consideration of their friendship for the United 
 States. 
 
 With great respect for our government I must con 
 clude, after reading these treaties, in which such a 
 vast country has been acquired of the Indians, that, 
 after taking land sufficient to indemnify the United 
 States for these Indian wars, it is found that the land 
 we want will very far over-pay that demand, and we 
 add to that the curious account of indemnity from 
 them for our benevolence toward them, and make 
 them acknowledge it, and also to make them pay us 
 something to satisfy us that they have actually a 
 great regard for us. 
 
 I may insert here that about the year 1806, the 
 Society of Friends in England took into consideration 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 137 
 
 the arduous care of the Society in Pennsylvania and 
 other States, for the instruction of the Indians, and 
 feeling much interest, too, for the welfare of this peo 
 ple, in their desolate condition, raised the sum of 
 11,770 16*. Qd, and sent it over to the United 
 States, to advance this benevolent work. 
 
138 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 IT was to the Shawnees of Wapaughkonnetta and 
 Hag Creek that the labors of the Society of Friends 
 were directed, at a period antecedent to that time ; 
 but in the year 1812, when war broke out between 
 England and the United Stales, their labors were 
 suspended until the return of peace, at which time 
 they were resumed. 
 
 About this time the Friends erected, for the Shaw 
 nees, at its own expense, and with the consent of 
 government, a grist-mill and saw-mill, on the Au- 
 glaize river, at Wapaughkonnetta, and made other 
 improvements at that place, such as a dwelling-house 
 for a superintendent and family, who were sent out 
 to reside among the Indians, to take charge of the 
 mills, and to endeavor to assist and encourage them 
 in commencing the improvement of their land. 
 These Indians, from the knowledge they had ac 
 quired in the arts of agriculture, soon learned to 
 raise corn, beans, pumpkins, etc. The corn they 
 had ground at the mill, free from toll, which their 
 women soon learned to bake into bread, which they 
 found much better and much easier done than their 
 former method of pounding into hominy. 
 
.SHAWNKE INDIANS. 139 
 
 The expense of erecting the mills, keeping them 
 in repair, paying hands to attend them, as well as 
 every other expense appertaining to the support of 
 this institution, for the benefit of the Indians, was all 
 borne by the Society of Friends. The saw-mill was 
 used in making boards, in order to assist the Indians 
 in making their houses and furniture for the comfort 
 of their families. 
 
 A large amount of expense was incurred, by keep 
 ing up and supporting this institution in that remote 
 place, being thirty miles from the settlements of white 
 people, as all the supplies had to be hauled that dis 
 tance, on extremely bad roads ; and a vast amount 
 fed away to the hungry Indians. Notwithstanding 
 which, the Society continued its labors, although 
 there was much difficulty in obtaining superintendents 
 in that wilderness, who were willing to forsake the 
 comforts of life, and civil and religious society, and 
 spend their time in that cold and inhospitable region, 
 and spend such a life as they had then to endure, 
 among this (then) rude and savage people. 
 
 The Shawnees were very ignorant, in regard to 
 building houses, making rails, building fence, etc. 
 Being aware of this, the Society employed young 
 white men to assist them in building cabins, making 
 rails, etc., and in doing many other things. They 
 were furnished too. with plow irons, which the 
 Friends stalked for them. 
 
 About this time, they received a handsome present 
 in money, from a female Friend in England, for the 
 purpose of supplying them with farming utensils and 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 other necessary implements of husbandry, as an 
 encouragement to them in their laudable undertaking. 
 This money was judiciously appropriated, which, to 
 gether with the assistance they received from govern 
 ment, and by their own industry, they were soon in 
 a way of doing much better for themselves, than 
 they had formerly been. 
 
 Thus encouraged in bettering their condition in 
 life, they fast gained in the arts of civilization and 
 in the acquisition of property, and the estimation of 
 its real value, after having honestly acquired it. 
 Being gradually furnished with cows, they soon 
 learned the use of them, to the great comfort of 
 themselves and families. They soon learned the use 
 and benefit of oxen, and to work horses, and plowed 
 their corn, and thus relieved their women of the 
 intolerable task they had before laid on them, of 
 raising their corn with the hoe, and by that course, 
 the women had more time to attend to the care of 
 themselves and families. And, as the men thus 
 made provision for furnishing food for their families, 
 the women were not behind in their part of the work ; 
 and at lenght these kind-hearted people had begun 
 under the fostering care of the government, and by 
 the aid of the Society, to realize better days ; and 
 through which, they could look forward with a 
 pleasing hope of one day being a prosperous and 
 happy people. 
 
 They had by two treaties, secured an annuity of 
 three thousand dollars annually, to be paid them at 
 Wapaughkonnetta, for the benefit of the whole tribe ; 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 141 
 
 that is, each person to draw his or her portion in 
 money annually, forever. This, for many years, 
 was honestly paid to them, agreeably to the stipula 
 tions of the treaties, while their old and worthy 
 agent remained in charge of their affairs ; but, as the 
 government itself passed into new hands, so in like 
 manner those officers who had long managed the 
 Indian affairs, had to give place to others, who ne 
 glected their business, and the poor Indians suffered. 
 These poor creatures had many, and to them, 
 almost insurmountable obstacles to encounter, in 
 turning their minds toward an entire change in their 
 manner of passing through this world. This, to an 
 entirely independent race of men, as much so, per 
 haps, as any that ever lived in any age of the world, 
 was doubtless a very hard task for them to be recon 
 ciled to. These undaunted men of the forest, from 
 time immemorial, had been the independent owners 
 of the soil. They had had the undisputed owner 
 ship of this vast continent of America for ages ; they 
 had, before the whites were ever seen on it, roamed 
 over it (as Tecumseh remarked to Harrison,) to eat 
 its fruits, and to fill it with the same race. Where- 
 ever one of those remarkable people set his foot, 
 there was his home there, could he boast was his 
 own home. He was on his own soil. No tyrant 
 to disinherit him ; no one could order him off his 
 soil ; no written code of laws could encircle him, 
 and here he was content. No voyages of discovery 
 troubled his imagination at all. No continent hunted 
 by them to conquer ; but here, where Providence 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 placed them, they were content to remain ; here, 
 they were no doubt content. If they only had " food 
 to eat, and raiment to put on," they were content. 
 If broils arose between different nations, and war en 
 sued, we have it stated by themselves, that they 
 were soon arrested by the friendly mediation of other 
 bands. They wanted but little as a little, a few ar 
 ticles of food and clothing would satisfy them. They 
 had a very decided advantage over us in that. 
 Although 
 
 " The wise man s happy nature to explore ; 
 
 The poor (Indian s) contented that he knows no more." 
 
 To an independent people as the Indians once 
 were, after being so badly treated by another race of 
 men, as they had been in so many instances by the 
 white people now to look toward changing their 
 manner of life entirely, by adopting the life of their 
 oppressors, must, to such minds as theirs, have been 
 a very severe trial indeed ; for to exchange an Indian 
 life for the life of a white man, is nothing short of a 
 thorough, radical change out and out religion and 
 all, not a vestige of it is to be left. How hard it 
 must have been for the Shawnecs in particular, who 
 were as sensitive a tribe as any nation on the contin 
 ent perhaps ; one who had been as badly treated 
 perhaps, as any other had, and felt their wrongs as 
 much as any other had, thus to consent to leave all, 
 and embrace the views of the white man, and adop 
 his manner of life. 
 
 And it may be safely concluded, that these people 
 
SHAWNEK INDIANS. 143 
 
 did agree to come into the measure, by the subject 
 being introduced to them by the Society of Friends, 
 more readily than they would have done from the 
 influence of any other people, as they well remem 
 bered how kindly they were treated by William Penn 
 and his people long before. 
 
 About the year 1810, the Shawnees received a 
 letter from their agent, John Johnston, by the hands 
 of some Friends from Baltimore, when they visited 
 them, on the subject of commencing to labor for their 
 improvement. This letter urged them in the most 
 earnest manner, to embrace the course proposed to 
 them by the Quakers. He declared to them, that 
 the Quakers had ever been the real friends of the 
 Indians had never done any wrong to them never 
 told them any lies, nor never would do it, etc. This 
 letter the Shawnees still have in their possession, and 
 hold it in much reverence on account of its author, 
 who, they say, never deceived them in his life. 
 
 The fact that they did agree to come into the 
 measure at that time, when they were so stripped of 
 their lands and were smarting on account of recent 
 and multiplied wrongs, perpetrated against them by 
 the white men, is the better calculated to awaken 
 every good feeling of our nature in sympathy for 
 them. Notwithstanding the exalted opinion which 
 an Indian never fails to have of himself and his race, 
 still to see him look up to the white man (an inferior 
 race, most certainly) for counsel and advice, I say 
 this has never failed to tender my feelings. During 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the time I have spent with the Shawnees, on many 
 occasions I have been looked up to for counsel, by 
 men vastly my superiors in years, in experience, in 
 public affairs, in intellect and in the power of speech, 
 as well as in fine feelings ; in fact, in everything ex 
 cept in a knowledge of letters and in the use of them. 
 Many of them have a very correct idea of human 
 nature. They never ask for written evidences of the 
 good character of a man, as we do. They only wish 
 to see a man, to look him sternly in the face, and ob 
 serve his manner for a few minutes ; then it is no 
 hard task to obtain from them their opinion of the 
 man, and they are not often mistaken. 
 
 At the time the Friends commenced their labors 
 among the Shawnees, they were soon prevailed upon 
 to commence in agricultural pursuits ; but they were 
 opposed for several years, to the idea of having their 
 children educated in a knowledge of letters ; yet they 
 at length agreed to that, ,also, and a school was set 
 up for that purpose, and their children evinced an 
 aptness for learning beyond what had been antici 
 pated. This encouraged their parents, and little ob 
 jection was heard to schools afterward the schools 
 were conducted on the manual labor system. 
 
 The friends of the Indians were at length much 
 gratified to find that this noted and restless band of 
 Indians were advancing rapidly in the arts of civiliz 
 ation, and thereby emerging from their deplorable 
 condition of hunger and nakedness into a peaceable 
 and plentiful living ; and thus they continued to do 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 145 
 
 until about the year 1830, when intimations reached 
 their ears that the government had it in contemplation 
 to buy them out. 
 
 This they had dreaded from the first, and they often 
 remarked, when they were urged to improve their 
 land, that " if they did improve their land the whites 
 would want it, and persuade government to drive 
 them off," etc. But their friends would try to allay 
 these apprehensions by assuring them that they need 
 have no fears on that account, as they could not be 
 lieve, for a moment, that the United States would be 
 so intolerably hard, after the solemn pledges so often 
 made and repeated, that if they would improve their 
 lands arid be at peace, that they never should be 
 asked for their land ; but alas ! what a mistake ! 
 
 An account of the manners and customs of the 
 Shawnees in their uncultivated state. 
 
 As we have traced the Shawnees through a long 
 period, extending through nearly three generations, 
 and until we see them nearly emerged from a wan 
 dering life, incident to the chase, and enjoying peace 
 and plenty, too, of the necessaries, and many of 
 them, the comforts of life, matured by their own- in 
 dustry and good houses, orchards, stock, etc., we 
 shall leave them for awhile unmolested, and endeavor 
 to give an account of the manner in which they spent 
 their time, through the various seasons of the year, 
 previous to this new era in their history ; and this we 
 can do partly from a very early knowledge of this 
 people s manners and customs, and partly from ac 
 counts received by conversing with the older Indians. 
 10 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Previous to these Indians commencing the im 
 provements of their land, they lived in villages near 
 Auglaize river. Through the warm season of the 
 year, they would remain about home, and would raise 
 considerable quantities of corn and beans all the 
 labor being performed by the women and children, 
 who had not only to plant and tend it, but to watch 
 the ponies oif, as they had no fences in these times. 
 The men would lounge about during the summer, 
 when the weather was warm and the skins and furs 
 not fit for market ; sometimes, when hunger drove 
 them away from their shades, they would employ 
 themselves in catching fish, and now and then sally 
 off to the woods and kill a deer, as such animals were 
 plenty then. By the time fall would arrive they 
 would have their corn all used up, as these people 
 never, in the state in which they lived while uncul 
 tivated, try to lay up in store beforehand; what 
 they have to-day, if they need it they use it, if it was 
 the last bite they had. Nothing is too costly or too 
 good to set before a friend what one has is freely 
 set before another and in this way all they have is 
 soon entirely consumed, as they feast almost con 
 tinually, when they have anything to feast one 
 another with. 
 
 In the fall season they nearly all commence pre 
 paring for their winter s hunt. When about to set 
 off, the whole family, men, women and children, to 
 gether with their dogs, (of which they always have 
 a large supply,) cais, and all, with all their ponies, 
 of which they keep in great numbers, with as much 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 147 
 
 of their furniture as they can conveniently carry, gene 
 rally consisting of several brass or copper kettles, 
 some wooden ladles, bowls, and large spoons, a toma 
 hawk, and each one a large butcher-knife. Thus 
 equipped, the whole company set off for the lonely 
 Avoods. I have seen many of these companies moving 
 off in cold weather, among whom were to be seen the 
 aged, gray-headed grandmother, the anxious, care 
 worn, and nearly forlorn mother with her half-naked 
 children, and often a little infant on her back, fastened 
 to a board or wrapped in her blanket and held to her 
 back, with its little naked head to the cold wind over 
 its mother s shoulders ; the whole company headed 
 by the nimble-footed, stout-hearted warrior, with his 
 blanket drawn close around his body, a handker 
 chief curiously twisted to a knot on his head, with 
 his gun on his shoulder and gunstick in his hand, his 
 tomahawk in his belt, which is so constructed that 
 the poll is his pipe and the handle the stem, and he 
 carries his tobacco in the skin of some little animal, 
 often the polecat skin. 
 
 When they arrive at the place of destination, they 
 erect a tent of sufficient size to afford room for the 
 whole family to lodge in. This tent is made of small 
 poles, with the large end stuck in the ground and the 
 small ends lashed together at top, and then the skins 
 of animals, which they have killed, are stretched 
 over the poles, so that the upper ones lap over the 
 under ones and thus turn off the rain and snow as 
 well as boards. In the middle of this tent they build 
 their fire, the smoke ascends through an opening in 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the top, left for that purpose. In the tent are spread 
 their skins, on which they repose ; all lie down 
 together and cover themselves with their blankets, 
 which each one always has if it is in their power, 
 they being of great benefit both by night ani day. 
 Indeed they are seldom seen without them, using 
 them for cover at night and wrapper by day ; they 
 use them while out hunting and when attending their 
 fashionable parties, of which they are extremely 
 fond and have often, on which occasion they put on 
 their finest beads, belts, ribbons, and the like para 
 phernalia, and over all the rest of the body goes the 
 blanket, if cleaned well, if not, it is at once cleaned. 
 If they are furnished with anything in the way of 
 provision, the blanket is at once removed from their 
 shoulders, and whatever they have to carry home is 
 wrapped in it ; indeed so natural is it to see an Indian 
 with his blanket about him, that one would almost 
 conclude that it was actually a part and parcel of the 
 Indian. There are a few things sure to be seen in 
 an Indian s possession, unless very poor indeed ; 
 these are a poney, a gun, tomahawk, a dog, butcher- 
 knife, and blanket. These things are his outfit, and 
 if thus furnished, he is not considered a very poor 
 man by his people. 
 
 When thus settled on their intended hunting- 
 grounds, the men sally forth in quest of game, and 
 if any is to be found, they do not fail to bring it down 
 with their rifles. When the game is killed it is hung 
 up in the woods out of the reach of the wolves, then 
 the hunter pushes on in quest of more, and often 
 
SHAWNKE INDIANS. 
 
 149 
 
 continues his hunt for several days before returning 
 to the camp. Having- secured a quantity in this way, 
 he returns to the camp with what he can carry, re 
 mains all night with his family and feasts on what he 
 has thus provided. Wiien rested from his excursion 
 and sees his family supplied with food, he sets off 
 with his pony in quest of what game he has secured 
 over the woods, and so thoroughly are these people 
 acquainted with the woods that an Indian hunter can 
 find all the game he has hanging over the hunting- 
 ground, for miles in extent in every direction ; and so 
 honest are they, that no Indian will interrupt what he 
 finds hanging up which others have killed. When 
 the hunter returns to the camp with his game, he 
 gives all into the hands of the women and children, 
 who take care of the skins and furs in the neatest 
 manner, and then slice the best of the venison up in 
 long thin slices to dry, except the hams, which they 
 dry before the fire for trade ; and such bony parts as 
 they cannot cure to advantage, they boil in their 
 kettles, and upon that and the soup, they feast boun 
 tifully, and then the hunter resumes his regular 
 chpe, for several days together, through the whole 
 winter, or until the skins and furs become unfit for 
 market, and that is toward the last of February; then 
 they return to their homes. 
 
 When the season for hunting deer closes, the trap 
 ping season opens ; these of the Indians, who chased 
 the deer and trapped tlie vermin and nearly all the 
 Shawnees did, who lived near Wapaughkonnetta if 
 thev returned at all from the winter hunt, would set 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 out in the same way again. This branch of their 
 business was conducted in the following manner. As 
 soon as the season arrives for frogs to come out, which 
 are the principal food of the raccoon, and as they live 
 in and about the ponds of water which abound in that 
 country where these animals inhabit, the raccoons 
 are ever in quest of them and frequent those places, 
 and not being a water-animal, they have to resort to 
 stratagem, hence they traverse every log, that lops 
 in or about the water, in order to reach their prey. 
 The Indians, being accustomed to this, resort to stra 
 tagem too, in order to take their prey. This they do 
 after the following manner. Immediately across one 
 of these logs, that lies furthest in the water, they 
 place a long straight pole, and directly over this, and 
 lengthwise with it, is laid another and stakes firmly 
 driven on each side, so that the upper one will fall 
 directly on the under one and fit it to exactness ; the 
 upper pole is then raised at the upper end, and curi 
 ously suspended by triggers arranged so that, when 
 the animal is traversing the log in quest of his hidden 
 prey, in crossing the pole on the log he comes directly 
 in contact with the thread, made of sinews from-.the 
 
 - 
 
 deer, hanging by these triggers, when the upper pole, 
 by the movement of the animal, is let loose ; then the 
 game is instantly secured safe for the new owner 
 until he comes his daily rounds to his traps in search 
 of his well-earned victim, which is taken out and the 
 trap again set in readiness for the next evening in 
 truder. The game, thus taken, i> lashed on the 
 pony and carried the rounds of the traps and to the 
 
8HAWXEE INDIANS. 151 
 
 camp, where he is stripped of his soft, warm cover 
 ing, and well spread out on sticks and hung up to 
 dry by the tent, in care of the squaws, while his 
 body is dressed and hung up by an Indian fire until 
 it is well roasted, when the happy beings divide and 
 eat the flesh, and the dogs devour the bones, and 
 thus are supplied their insatiate appetites, and this 
 ends the ceremonies of the feast. But such is their 
 inclination to the golden rule, that if one should find the 
 trap of another, he would not plunder and rob it, but 
 would quietly remove the game carefully, hang it in 
 a bush near by, and set the trap again for the accom 
 modation of his neighbor. Thus we see their honesty 
 exhibited and adhered to in every instance of their 
 pursuits. 
 
 In the foregoing brief account, we may see in 
 some degree the forlorn condition of these people. 
 No comfortable homes, or shelters for their families 
 to repose in. No knowledge how to raise provisions 
 from the ground, or manufacture clothing, but ever 
 dependant on the wilderness and chase, for support 
 ing their families ; and only to follow these poor 
 creatures into the dark recesses of the woods through 
 a dreary, cold, and icy winter* in that cold climate 
 in the northern part of Ohio, where the snow lies on 
 the ground nearly all winter. What do we behold, 
 but the roaring wind among the tall trees ice-clad 
 tops in the lonely forest ; the pitiless howling of the 
 ravenous wolf, or the frightful scream of the panther 
 all crying in their peculiar way, for food, shiver 
 ing with cold, and almost famished for sustenance, 
 
162 HISTORY OX THE 
 
 standing ready to devour whatsoever may come within 
 their savage grasp. But alas ! what else may be 
 heard amid this wild and fearful tumult of animals 
 and elements? Right there, in the midst of this 
 scene, beneath a few slender poles and skins in that 
 little hovel on the cold frozen earth, when these 
 ferocious beasts of prey cease a moment for breath, 
 may be heard the weak and pitiful cry of the poor, 
 little, cold, affrighted babe, clinging to its mother for 
 food, and protection from the devourer, who is at 
 the very threshold of its poor habitation ready to 
 destroy it in a moment, and no doubt would in many 
 cases, only for the tender care of that gracious 
 Being, who long before, stopped the mouths of lions ; 
 who, although He had provided food for them, still 
 these poor little beings were created for higher and 
 nobler purposes than these. 
 
 In addition to all the other circumstances connected 
 with the condition of the Shawnees, in order to ren 
 der them objects of commiseration, was their super 
 stitious notion about witchcraft. They were as firm 
 believers in that ancient and delusive notion, as ever 
 the colonists of New England were, and put many 
 of their people to the most cruel deaths on that ac 
 count ; and it was with great labor and anxious care 
 and pains of our friends who first resided among 
 them, that they gave this up. 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 153 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 IN the year 1809, Governor Harrison purchased 
 from the Delawares, Mi amis, and Pottawatomies, a 
 large tract of land on both sides of the Wabash 
 river, and extending up the said river about sixty 
 miles above Vincennes. Tecumseh was absent at 
 the time, and his brother, the Prophet, made no ob 
 jections to the treaty, but when Tecumseh returned, 
 he manifested great dissatisfaction, and threatened 
 some of the chiefs with death, who had made this 
 treaty. Harrison hearing of his dissatisfaction, sent 
 an invitation to him to repair to Vincennes to see 
 him, and assured him, that any claims he might have 
 to the lands ceded by that treaty, were not affected 
 by the treaty at all that he might come on and pre 
 sent his claims, and if they were found to be valid, 
 the lands would be given up, or an ample compensa 
 tion made for it. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 12th of August, Tecumseh 
 arrived at Vincennes, accompanied by a large number 
 of his warriors. When the council convened, Te 
 cumseh arose and said, " Brothers, I have made my 
 self what I am ; I would that I could make the red 
 people as great as the conceptions of my own mind 
 
154 HISTORY OF THIi 
 
 m 
 
 When I think of the Great Spirit that rules over all, 
 1 would not tVen come to Governor Harrison, to beg 
 of him to tear this treaty in pieces, but I would say 
 to him, brothers, you have liberty to return to your 
 own country. Once, there was not a white man in 
 all this country. Then, it all belonged to the red- 
 men ; children of the same parents placed on it by 
 the Great Spirit, to keep it, to travel over it, to eat 
 its fruits, and fill it with the same race. Once a 
 happy people, but now made miserabje by the white 
 people, who are never satisfied, but always encroach 
 ing on our land. They have driven us from the 
 great salt water, forced us over the mountains, and 
 would shortly push us into the lakes, but we are de 
 termined to go no further. The only way to stop 
 this evil, is for all the red-men to unite in claiming a 
 common right in the soil, as it was at first, and should 
 be now, for it never was divided, but belonged to all. 
 No one tribe has a right to sell even to each other, 
 much less to strangers, who demand all, and will 
 take no less. 
 
 " The white people have no right t6 take the land 
 from the Indians who had it first it is ours it be 
 longs to us. We may sell, but all must agree ; any 
 sale made by a part is not good. The last sale is 
 bad. It was made by a part only ; a part do not 
 know how to sell ; it requires all to make a bargain 
 for all; a part cannot do it." 
 
 Harrison in reply, declared to Tecumseh, that he 
 and his band had no right to interfere or say one 
 word in this matter, as he said the Shawnees had 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 165 
 
 been driven from Georgia by the Creek Indians, and 
 therefore, had no claim to land in this country. This 
 exasperated the chief, and he pronounced the declar 
 ation of Harrison, a falsehood. Harrison told him 
 he was a bad man, and for some time it was appre 
 hended that a serious conflict would ensue. Harrison 
 ordered Tecumseh from the house immediately, which 
 order was obeyed. 
 
 However, the council was resumed the next day. 
 On again assembling in the morning, the Indians 
 were invited by the governor into the house, where 
 seats were provided for the governor, his attendants, 
 and the Indian chiefs. 
 
 Tecumseh declined going into the house, but pro 
 posed that the council be held outside, under the shade 
 of some trees near-by, to which, Harrison objected, 
 telling him, that it would be troublesome to remove 
 the seats from the house. Tecumseh replied, "that it 
 would be unnecessary to remove more than what 
 would accommodate the white people ; that, as for 
 him and his friends, they would sit on the ground ; 
 that red-men were accustomed to sitting on the 
 ground ; that the earth was their mother, and they 
 loved to recline on her bosom." 
 
 Nothing was effected at that council, but on the 
 next day, the parties again met, but nothing like a 
 reconciliation was effected. Harrison informed Te 
 cumseh, before they separated, that he would lay the 
 case before the President of the linked States, and 
 await his decision on the subject. Tecumseh replied, 
 " Well, as the great chief is to decide the matter, I 
 
1 56 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough in his 
 head to cause him to order you to give up those 
 lands. It is true, that he may sit in his fine house 
 and drink his wine, while you and I shall have to 
 fight it out." 
 
 As this great chief was so earnest in his preten 
 sions to a right in the soil thus sold in his absence, 
 it seems, in justice, that his claim ought to have been 
 allowed ; any one may plainly see, that his denial of 
 a participation in that land, in common with other 
 tribes, was what was the cause of his joining himself 
 and his influence on the side of the enemies of our 
 country, in the bloody war which ensued, in which 
 many unoffending people had to suffer. 
 
 Certainly Tecumseh and his party had as good a 
 right to the treaty Harrison held with the Indians at 
 Vincennes, for the purchase of the land where they 
 lived, as Blue Jacket had, in that held at Greenville ; 
 and by the minutes of that treaty, it appears that he, 
 although a war-chief, who had taken an active part in 
 the war against the Americans, had been allowed by 
 Gen. Wayne, to occupy a very conspicuous part in the 
 deliberation of that treaty, and even before opening 
 the council he waited several days for the arrival of 
 the Shawnee chiefs; and in Jewit s treaty of 1805, 
 and Hull s of 1808, the Shawnees were recognized 
 as owners, in common with other tribes, and their 
 consent asked for and obtained in the transfer of the 
 lands ceded in those treaties, and they in the same 
 situation, in reference to those lands, that Tecumseh 
 and his people were in, in the case of these Wabash 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 157 
 
 lands, and if they had a right, Tecumseh must have 
 had the same right, which, one would conclude, if 
 any of the Indians had any rights at all, it was to 
 decide among themselves who had a right and who 
 had not. If the government intended to pay a stated 
 sum for that land, it mattered nothing to whom it 
 was paid, that did, of course, belong to the party who 
 was to receive the pay ; and in that light, no doubt, 
 Wayne and the other commissioners viewed it, and 
 Tecumseh, had he been treated in the same way, 
 might have lived in peace and died a natural death ; 
 but he was ambitious, and ambition ruined him. 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 AT a council held at Greenville in 1812, at which 
 were the Wyandots, Senecas, Delawares, and several 
 other tribes, these Indians were made acquainted 
 with the nature of the controversy between the 
 United States and England, and urged to join the 
 United States in the contest. The reply of some of 
 the chiefs is inserted here, as taken down by the 
 commissioners at the time, which will show their 
 aversion to joining in the conflict. The commissioners 
 charged that the Indians had violated the treaty of 
 1809, and informed them that they had a right then 
 to speak for themselves on the subject of this charge. 
 To which Captain Charley, an Eel river Miami Chief, 
 replied as follows : 
 
 " Listen, Bigknife, my Father: You have re 
 quested to hear us, and you shall now hear. I want 
 you to listen attentively and let n&ne go away until 
 all have heard what I have to say. You have told 
 the truth in all you have said. When I heard you 
 at Fort Wayne you then said a great deal which was 
 for the benefit of the Indians. Again, father, when 
 you were going on to Tippecanoc, for fear any inter- 
 
KHAWNEE INDIANS. 159 
 
 ruption should take place, I thought I would go and 
 meet you there, in order to prevent any quarrel or 
 misunderstanding. You then sent us on ahead of the 
 army to the red brethren at Tippecanoe, and told us 
 to return with an answer. I went to Tippecanoe, as 
 you directed me, and left that place to return you an 
 answer, accompanied by two Pottawatomies, one Mi 
 ami, and one Delaware chief. I did not sec you, 
 because you had crossed the Wabash river, and taken 
 another road from that which I expected, and we did 
 not overtake you until the night of the battle at that 
 place. 
 
 " We got near you before the battle began, but 
 finding the battle had begun we scattered. Our not 
 writing to you before the battle, father, was the cause 
 of the confusion which followed ; we then concluded 
 that the Great Spirit had given us up, and we all scat 
 tered. As you mentioned these things I thought 
 best to mention them too, and repeat the circumstance 
 which happened ; but we will now talk of other 
 matters. 
 
 " Father, at Fort Wayne, where I again heard you 
 speak, when our grandfathers, the Delawares, were 
 there, our brothers, the Shawnees and Pottawatomies, 
 together with the Miamis, were invited to take a seat 
 with you ; it was at Fort Wayne where I heard you 
 point out the lands where our younger brothers, the 
 Weas, were settled, saying you wished to purchase 
 those lands. I again consulted my grandfathers, 
 the Delawares, who answered that whatever their 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 grandfathers, the Pottawatomies, agreed to, they would 
 acquiesce in. When you spoke, at that treaty, of the 
 lands you wanted, we told you that these lands be 
 longed to our younger brothers, the Weas, and to 
 consult them, and if they were willing to sell it, that 
 we would agree to the sale." 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 16 i 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 IN a treaty at St. Louis in 1815, between William 
 Clark, Ninean Edwards, Augustus Chouteau, and 
 several tribes of Indians, (among which were ihr 
 Shawnees arid Dela wares,) concerning which the 
 commissioners say : " The Shawnees and Delawares 
 of this territory made known to us at Portage-des- 
 soux, certain grievances of which they complain in 
 talks delivered by two of their principal chiefs, which, 
 at their request, we have the honor to transmit here 
 with for the information of the President. Speech of 
 the Shawnees and Delawares on the occasion. 
 
 "Brothers, it is thirty years since we came to 
 this country. When we arrived among the Spaniards 
 to look for a suitable piece of land to settle ourselves 
 on, after we found a place which we liked, we in 
 formed the Spanish officer of it, and that we intended 
 to settle ourselves there. After we were settled the 
 commanding officer told us to remain at peace, hunt 
 quietly, not to steal horses, nor go to war with any 
 other nation. The Spanish commander told us that 
 we might occupy the space of land between St. Comb 
 and the first creek above Cape Girardeau. This is 
 what the Spaniards told us. Afterward the Spaniaids 
 11 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 went away, and the Americans took possession of the 
 country. Soon after we went to visit the American 
 commander, who gave us the same kind of recom 
 mendation, and gave us the same advice we had re 
 ceived from the Spaniards, that we should experience 
 no difference, and that we should be as happy with 
 them as we had been with the Spaniards. We were 
 very much pleased. After the council we held with 
 the Americans we returned home, and told our young 
 men and warriors that the speech was just the same 
 as we understood from the Spaniards. Governor 
 Clark, our father, since these three or four years we 
 are very much crowded by the white people, who 
 steal our horses and many other things ; but it has 
 not made us angry, hoping that the American gov 
 ernment will do us justice and take pity on our situ 
 ation. 
 
 Now that the commissioners are assembled to 
 settle all matters of difficulty with the Indian tribes, 
 we take this opportunity to lay under your considera 
 tion our present situation, and hope you will do all in 
 your power to see us righted. 
 
 " My father, when the Spaniards told us to choose 
 a piece of land, and when we made choice of it, we 
 obtained from them a grant, which has been since 
 recorded by the board of commissioners, and we un 
 derstand that all the commissioners granted to the 
 white people by the Spaniards, were good. We live 
 among the white people, and our behavior has been 
 such that no honest white man can have any cause to 
 find fault with us ; and we are certain they never will 
 
6HAWNEK INDIANS. 103 
 
 have any cause to complain hereafter. We have 
 always conducted ourselves honestly and intend to 
 continue so. 
 
 "Early in the spring, on my return from hunting, 
 I found my house had been broken open, and what 
 I had left in it all gone. Tthen took the resolution of 
 moving to another place on the Castor river, to set 
 tle myself, provided my father, Governor Clark, 
 would be pleased with my doing so. He recom 
 mended to us to raise stock, and to cultivate our land 
 with industry. His advice we have followed, and we 
 wish to remove to the new settlement, if we can be 
 permitted so to do, and we do not care anything more 
 for our old town; but again, lately, we have been 
 encroached upon by a bad white man, formerly by 
 the name of Jenkins, who, we hope, you will remove 
 from this country, if we are permitted to remain 
 in it." 
 
 In twenty-two days from the date of the above 
 communication orders were sent by the President, 
 to remove all persons who had intruded upon the 
 Shawnees and Delawares land as soon as possible. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 How the Shawnees came to locate themselves at 
 Wapaug-hkonnetta, or the precise time they made 
 their first settlement there, I am not able to say, but 
 probably it was only by the indulgence of some other 
 tribe that they got to settle there in the first place, as, 
 from the accounts of the various treaties in which 
 they had been parties, they had been disinherited 
 altogether, as far as related to the ownership of land 
 anywhere; but the band, who had participated in the 
 wars with Kentucky, had their villages at Piqua, on 
 the Miami, and probably they were driven from 
 there to Wapaughkonnetta, which is not very far dis 
 tant,, where they established the village of that name 
 on the Auglaize river. This village, I have learned, 
 derived its name from an ancient and distinguished 
 woman of that name, and that it is a Shawnee 
 word. 
 
 The first clear title, which had any feature of a 
 land title in it, which this tribe ever got from govern 
 ment for land, was in 1817. In a treaty held at the 
 foot of the rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie, in that 
 year, by Lewis Cass and Duncan Me Arthur, com 
 missioners on the part of the United States, and 
 
tiHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 165 
 
 several tribes of Indians, of which the Shawnees was 
 one ; in this treaty no provision whatever was made 
 for the band who had resided on the AY abash river, 
 who composed Tecumseh s band, as in the schedule 
 of names appended to that treaty who were to receive 
 a grant for land at Wapaughkonnetta, none of this 
 band is included. 
 
 This treaty is a novelty, in comparison to most of 
 the Indian treaties of modern times, as it sets out in 
 an entirely different strain altogether." We have seen 
 in what language other treaties set out, but in this 
 the commissioners say, "That in consideration of the 
 faithful services of the Shawnees in the late war with 
 England, and for divers other considerations, the 
 government of the United States settle on the Shaw 
 nees an annuity of two thousand dollars annually, 
 forever, to be paid to them at Wapaughkonnetta. 
 
 " The United States also Rgree to grant by patent, 
 in fee-simple, to Blackhoof and other chiefs of the 
 Shawnee tribe, for the use of the persons mentioned 
 in the annexed schedule, a tract of land, ten miles 
 square, the center of which shall be the council -house 
 at Wapaughkonnetta. 
 
 " The United States also agree to grant, in fee- 
 simple, to Piachtha and other chiefs of the Shawnee 
 tribe residing on Hog Creek, for the use of the tribe 
 there, to the persons mentioned in the annexed sche 
 dule, a tract containing twenty-five square miles, 
 which is to join the tract granted at Wapaughkon 
 netta, and to be laid off in a square form." 
 
 The same treaty secures to Qua-ta-wapee (Captaia 
 
166 HISTORY OF IllK 
 
 Lewis) and other Shawnees, of Lewistown, forty 
 square miles. 
 
 It may be interesting to many persons, and parti 
 cularly so to young persons, to have the entire 
 schedule of names inserted here. The names were 
 probably written by Gen. Cass or the agent, John 
 Johnston, either of whom well understood the Indian 
 orthography, -and there may be found the names of 
 great men, among whom, and the most prominent in 
 council and as speakers, were Blackhoof and Wav- 
 weleapy, and the leader in the agricultural arts was 
 Peaitchtha. Several others on this list were men of 
 strong minds and remarkable for honest, upright 
 integrity; but now, in 1855, when copying off these 
 names, I have to reflect with sorrow that all those I 
 have already named are dead. 
 
 SCHEDULE. "The tracts at Wapaughkonnetta and 
 Hog Creek are to be equally divided among the fol 
 lowing persons, namely : Blackhoof, Pamthe or 
 Walker, Peaseca or Wolf, Shemanita or Snake, 
 Athelwakesecah or Yellow Clouds, Pemthewtew or 
 Perry, Cacalawa or End of the Tail, Quelawee, War 
 Chief, Sacachewa, Werewcla, Wasawetah or Brio-ht- 
 horn, Otharasa or Yellow, Tepetcseca, Xewahetucca, 
 Ca-awaricho, Thacatchewa, Silochaheca, Tapea or 
 Sanders, Mesherawah, Toleapea, Pochecaw, Alawe- 
 metahuck Lollaway or John Perry, Wawelame, Ne- 
 mecishe, Nerupeneshequah or Cornstalk, Shi She, 
 Shealawhe, Naruskaka, Thacaska or David McNair, 
 Shapukoha, Quacowawnee, Necoshecu, Tlmcuscu or 
 Jim Bluejacket, Chowelaseca, Quhaho, Kayketchheka 
 
EHAWNKE INDIANS. 167 
 
 or William Perry, Sewapeu, Peetah or Davy Ba 
 ker, Skapoawah or George McDougal, Chepocuru, 
 Sherna or Sam, Cheahaska or Captain Tommy, Gene 
 ral Wayne, Thaway, Othawee, Wearecah, Captain 
 Heed, Lawaytucheh or John Wolf, Tecutie or George, 
 Skekacurnpskekaw, Wishema\v, Muywaymanotreka, 
 Quaskee, Tlioswa, Baptiste, Maywealiupe Perea 
 Cumme, Chochkelake or Dam, Kevvapea, Egatacum- 
 shequa, Walupe, Aquashequah, Pemata, Nepaho, 
 Tapesheka, Lathowaynoma, Sawacota or Yellow 
 Clouds, Memhisheka, Ashelukah, Ohipwah, Thapae- 
 ca, Chucatuh, Nekakeka, Thithueculu, Pelaculhe, 
 Pelaske, Shesholou, Quanako, Halkoota, Laughshe- 
 na, Oapawah, Ethewacase, Quahethu, Capia, Thuca- 
 tvouwah or The Man going up Hill, Magathu, 
 Tecumtequa, Tetecopatha, Kekusthe, Sheaiwah, 
 Shealewarron, Haghkela, Akapee or Heap up any 
 thing, Lamatothe, Kesha, Panhoar Peaitchthamtah, 
 Pvter Cornstalk, Metchepeta, Capea, Shuagunme, 
 Wawalepeshecco, Calequa, Tetotu, Tashishee, Nawe- 
 besheco or White Feather, Sheperkiscoshe, Notekah, 
 Shemakih, Pesheto,Theatsheta, Milhametche, Chacoa, 
 Lawathska, Pachetah, Awaybariskecaw, Hatocumo, 
 Thomasheshawkah, Pepacoshe, Oshashe, Quelaoshu, 
 Mewithaquiu, Aguepeli, Quellime." 
 
 The schedule of the Hog Creek band now follows, 
 who are each to have an equal part of the reserve 
 there : Peartchtha, Onawaskine, Pamathawah or 
 George Williams, Wape.vkeka, Lethew, Pahawcsu, 
 Shinagawmashe, JSTequakabuchka, Peliska, Ketuche- 
 pa, Lawetcheto, Epaunnee, Kanakhih, Jose or Joseph 
 
168 HISTOKY OF THIS 
 
 Parks, Lawnoetuclm or Billy Parks, Shawnaha, 
 Waymatalhaway, Ketoawsa, Sheshecopea, Locuseh, 
 Quedaska. 
 
 The above contains the names of all the males be 
 longing to the Shawnees who resided at Wapaughkon- 
 netta and Hog Creek, over the age of twenty -one 
 years, in 1817 of which one hundred and twenty- 
 six belonged to the Wapaughkonnetta band, and 
 twenty-one to that of Hog Creek. 
 
 In these tracts of land there were allowed for each 
 male person of the Wapaughkonnetta band, about 
 five hundred and nine acres each, and those of Hog 
 Creek, about, or nearly, one thousand acres each ; 
 but it is a remarkable fact, and ought to be to the 
 credit of this people, that when the pay for their land 
 was at last received it being in the year 1853 that 
 the last payment was made those of Hog Creek 
 made no claim only to an equal part with the others, 
 in accordance with their numbers. I doubt such a 
 result by the white people, under like circumstances. 
 In this is exhibited the Indian character in such 
 matters. 
 
8HAWXKK INDIANS. 169 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 ALTHOUGH the account contained in the following 
 narrative is fully substantiated by the writer s own 
 character, where he is known, as he is a man of 
 truth at all times, and altogether incapable of utter 
 ing one word but the truth ; and by John Johnston s 
 certificate appended thereto, as he is one of the best 
 of men, I have myself, heard the blacksmith and 
 his son, who are alluded to, relate the whole circum 
 stance, very nearly as the writer has in his narrative. 
 
 NARRATIVE. 
 
 In the autumn of 1819, a member of the Society 
 of Friends, removed with a part of his family, as 
 superintendent of the mills, etc. erected for the ben 
 efit of the Shawnees at Wapaughkonnetta, in the 
 State of Ohio. Before this time, however, he had 
 visited the place several times, and had been sent 
 there by the committee having charge of the Indians, 
 to take those mills off the hands of the contractors, 
 so that he had become well known to a number of the 
 chiefs, and others of the Shawnee nation, as well as 
 to become acquainted with his valued friend, John 
 Johnston, then agent for the Indians in the north 
 west. 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 It was, I believe, in the following spring, that one 
 of those Indians, whom the Friend believed to be a 
 sober, well-inclined man, became very much en 
 feebled and debilitated with, what he believed to be, 
 "pulmonary consumption." He often visited him; 
 etej he was confined to his house, for the purpose 
 of administering medicine, or taking him nourish 
 ment. On going to his house, on one of these occa 
 sions, he found the door shut and fastened, so that 
 he could not enter ; but, after a time, it was opened, 
 and on going in, he found the sick man lying on his 
 face, his back bare, and body cut in several places ; 
 he had bled much, and was nearly exhausted. 
 
 There was with him in the house a noted Indian, 
 whose name I do not now remember, but the Friend 
 knew personally. The Indian called him their Pro 
 phet, and he claimed to be, twin brother to the cele 
 brated chief, Tecumseh. The Friend then quietly 
 inquired the reason of such a course of treatment 
 toward the sick man, and was informed by the pro 
 phet, that the man was bewitched, and that he had 
 made these incisions for extracting the combustible 
 matter, which the witch had thrown into him. On 
 hearing this assertion, the Friend told him that there 
 was no such thing as witch, or witchcraft, and that 
 he had wounded the poor man sorely, and bade him 
 begone. He commenced dressing the wounds, and 
 in a short time the prophet returned, apparently 
 much provoked. Late on the night following, the 
 Friend was aroused by some one at his door wishing 
 to get in, and at the same time, exclaiming in broken 
 
BHAWNBE INDIANS. 
 
 English, " They kill-ee me; they kill-ee me ! 
 Friend, on opening the door, found the applicant to be 
 an Indian woman with her little daughter, some ten 
 years old. On going with her to the United States 
 interpreter, who lived near, she told him that a little 
 messenger had come to her house and informed her 
 privately that the chiefs were then in council, and 
 that she was certainly condemned to die, on a charge 
 of having bewitched the sick man before-mentioned, 
 and she had come to the "Qua-kee-lce" (Quaker,) 
 for protection. 
 
 The Friend not having full confidence in their in 
 terpreter, only remarked to the woman, " that if he 
 attempted to protect her on such an occasion, he 
 thought it would be at the risk not only of his own 
 life, but also that of his family." He, however, 
 quickly procured another interpreter, the son of the 
 United States blacksmith, a person in whom he could 
 rely on such an occasion ; and having another inter 
 view with the woman, she gave them the same rela 
 tion in regard to her situation, and promised very 
 cheerfully, that if the "Qua-kee-lee" would undertake 
 to protect her, she would obey in all thing* of which 
 they could give her an understanding. During this 
 short interval, the Friend had matured a plan of 
 operation, which he disclosed, as follows : That if 
 they could keep the woman and her child concealed 
 through the coming day, and he could procure the 
 necessary reliable assistance, he would send them 
 direct to his old neighborhood, more than one hun 
 dred miles distant. To this proposition, the poor 
 
172 HISTORY OK XHK 
 
 woman readily consented, fully believing, that if she 
 should be found, she would be executed ; and the 
 blacksmith promptly entering into his views, cheer 
 fully proffered all the assistance in his power. 
 
 The subject of keeping her and her little daughter 
 sufficiently concealed through the coming day, was 
 now a question of the deepest interest to all present 
 or concerned in the matter, and as the morn now 
 drew near, it was necessary that this should be 
 attended to quickly. They were therefore taken to 
 the upper chamber of the dwelling, (which was one- 
 and-a-half story high,) and placed between two beds 
 on the bedstead, and the covering carefully spread, as 
 though nothing was there more than the lone bed. 
 There they were to remain, and actually did, through 
 the following day. A small dog, which had during 
 the night kept close to her side, and which the Friend 
 believed, if discovered by the Indians, would betray 
 them, was immediately dispatched by his own hands. 
 I believe, before the middle of the day the mills, the 
 stables, meat-house, dwelling, and even the chamber 
 where the poor woman lay concealed, were each 
 carefully searched by Indians, who doubtless had 
 been sent by the chiefs for that purpose. 
 
 Toward the middle of the day and to that fam 
 ily especially, one of deep anxiety came the chief, 
 We-as-se-cah, (Capt. Wolf,) a noble-spirited man, 
 and in many respects, an ornament to his nation, and 
 informed the superintendent privately, of what had 
 recently taken place among them, as though he did 
 not at all suspect that his friend knew anything about 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 173 
 
 it. The Friend gladly embraced the opportunity of 
 unfolding his mind to this chief, on the subject of 
 witches and witchcraft, and simplifying his language 
 to the understanding of the man, lie earnestly ex 
 postulated with him on the cruelty and inhumanity of 
 their practice of frequently putting their subjects to 
 death, on a bare charge of this kind. We-as-se-cah 
 left him apparently somewhat confused or disturbed, 
 to find that he and his friend should entertain such 
 conflicting views, on what before, had seemed to him 
 so important a matter. About an hour after this 
 interview, he returned, and in private, expressed a 
 strong conviction that the Friend knew more of the 
 facts in the case than he before was aware of, and 
 questioned him so closely relative to the woman, that 
 he doubtless manifested symptoms of fear of being 
 detected, and a willingness to wave the subject ; on 
 seeing which, the chief voluntarily told him that he 
 need not be afraid to tell him all he knew about it, 
 and labored to assure him, that so far from betraying 
 him, he would protect him to the utmost of his 
 ability. As the Friend had long reposed much con 
 fidence in this chief, he now felt the conviction very 
 forcibly, that if he could only so work upon his feel 
 ings as to secure his influence and assistance, that 
 this very trying affair might be brought to a peace 
 able and satisfactory conclusion ; though, under all 
 the circumstances of the case, it seemed like -hoping 
 against hope." He, however, ventured to say to 
 We-as-se-cah, that he believed the woman whom 
 they had just condemned to die, and for whom, the 
 
174 HISTOBY OF TBS 
 
 Indians had been making diligent search, was out of 
 their reach, and that he thought they never would 
 see her face again, unless they altogether abandoned 
 the idea of executing her; and, further, that he had 
 thought as soon as he could bring it about, he would 
 take his family and go home, and abandon the mis 
 sion entirely. 
 
 At this rather unlooked-for disclosure, the chief 
 manifested some surprise, and was for a time, 
 much absorbed in thought; but recovering himself 
 a little, he. told the Friend that the chiefs were then 
 in session at the council-house, and proposed, that if 
 he would accompany him there, and then promise 
 the chiefs that he would be answerable for the wo 
 man, he believed that he would influence them to 
 agree that she should not be put to death. This was 
 just what the Friend desired, but to accomplish it he 
 believed, would prove the trial of his faith. On 
 making his prospects known to his family, some of 
 whom manifested the deepest interest for their wel 
 fare in general, and for him in particular, he calmly 
 expressed" his belief, that if he was faithful in the 
 discharge of his whole duty on this trying occasion, 
 He, whose protecting care he had often witnessed to 
 be near, would not forsake him in time of need. 
 
 I believe it is not saying too much to state, that 
 
 some of the members of the family who are still 
 
 living, now, after a lapse of more than thirty years, 
 
 often, very often, remember the transactions of that 
 
 eventful day, with feelings of humility and gratitude. 
 
 The Friend waited on the blacksmith heretofore 
 
SHAW NEE INDIANS. 175 
 
 alluded to, informed him of what had passed between 
 himself and the chief, (Capt. Wolf,) and requested 
 the assistance of his youthful son as interpreter. 
 This man, knowing the practice of the Indians on 
 such occasions, after expressing some doubts of suc 
 cess, remarked, that " as he had resolved in the be 
 ginning to assist in this difficult affair, he was willing 
 to go with them." 
 
 Accordingly these four individuals repaired to the 
 council-house, where they met twenty or more of the 
 chiefs and head men of the nation. On entering the 
 door, Capt. Wolf, in a commanding tone, bade them 
 " be still and hear;" he then briefly told the occasion 
 of their sudden appearance among them, and in a 
 short speech, rehearsed to them the several inter 
 views between himself and his friend; and finally 
 told him the proposition he had made to his friend, 
 the " Qua-kee-lee," on hearing which, they began 
 to move around and converse among themselves, and 
 a number of them being -painted, and having more 
 or less arms about them, they began indeed to 
 present a hostile and formidable appearance. 
 
 The Friend, who with the rest of his company, had 
 been standing silent spectators, now addressed them 
 through his interpreter, with a remarkably composed 
 and dispassionate manner and countenance, informing 
 them that he had come with his friends We-as-se-cah 
 and Sim-rne-ta; (blacksmith,) to intercede for the 
 1 iV of the woman whom they had condemned to die ; 
 but seeing they had determined to pursue their own 
 course, he felt resigned and prepared to offer himself 
 
176 UTSTORY OF THE 
 
 in her stead ; that he was now there unarmed, and 
 entirely at their mercy ; and that he supposed they 
 would have to take him and do with him as they saw 
 proper. On hearing this last sentence, Capt. Wolf, 
 who all this time had been standing near, now 
 stepped close to the Friend, and took hold of his 
 arm, expressing at the same time, in language and 
 tone, and with a countenance not to be mistaken, 
 " Me Qua-kee-lee friend," and then called upon the 
 chiefs most impartially, not to suffer their friend, the 
 Quaker, to be in the least harmed or molested ; and 
 that " if they were still determined not to submit to 
 the proposition, he was ready to offer his own life 
 instead of his friend s." 
 
 This unlooked-for, yet spirited and courageous 
 movement of their noble chief, whose purpose could 
 no longer be misunderstood nor easily thwarted, as 
 well as the composed resignation and Christian firm 
 ness of the Friend whose compassionate eye had 
 been overlooking them, and whose feeling heart had 
 yearned toward them with all the affection and ten- 
 derness of a parent, seemed for a time to check 
 every movement, and indeed, to change the counten 
 ances of some of the most ferocious among them. 
 
 At this critical stage of the business, when wonder 
 and amazement had taken hold of them, and when 
 probably no one present could foresee the result, the 
 chiefs, one by one, to the number of six or eight, walked 
 deliberately up to the Friend, and with countenances 
 that, bespoke the purest friendship, each in his turn 
 offered his hand ; and such of them as could speak 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 177 
 
 some English, repeated at the same time, " Me Qua- 
 kee-lee friend ! me Qua-kee-lee friend." 
 
 The United States blacksmith also embraced the 
 opportunity of showing them that he too, was the 
 " Quaker friend ;" so that the Friend was closely 
 surrounded by a number, some of whom, but a mo 
 ment before, were apparently enemies in a hostile 
 attitude, but who now greeted him as their friend. 
 
 As soon as these feelings, produced by the impulse 
 of the moment, had a little subsided, and some order 
 was restored, Capt. Wolf began to address his people 
 in an eloquent and powerful manner, during which, 
 he told them that " the woman whom they bad so 
 incautiously condemned the evening before, by some 
 means unknown to them all, had disappeared, and 
 though the most diligent search had been made, no 
 trace of her could be found ; that if his Quaker 
 friend had sent her to the white people for protection, 
 and they (the chiefs,) did not pardon and recall her, 
 it would indeed, be a lasting disgrace to their 
 nation, and that if their friend, the Quaker, should, for 
 this reason, break up the mission that had been be 
 gun, and thus far carried on to their (the Indians) en 
 tire benefit, to whom, then, shall we look for help?" 
 
 This able address, of which the above few sen 
 tences constitute but a small part, delivered, as it was, 
 in feeling and affectionate language, truly wrought 
 out a desirable and most satisfactory result; so that 
 after a short discussion among themselves, the whole 
 council, I believe to a man, (except the before-men 
 tioned prophet, who, about this time, left them ia 
 12 
 
178 HISTORT OF THE 
 
 disgust,) came forward and cheerfully offered their 
 hands in token of friendship ; and there unitedly, as 
 with the voice of one man, solemnly promised that 
 if the Friend would restore the woman to her people, 
 she should be protected by them, and then called on 
 their old friend, the blacksmith, to witness the cove 
 nant they had made ; to this he readily assented, and 
 told them that he should not only stand as witness to 
 this, but as surety to the faithful performance on the 
 part of his friend, the Quaker. The Friend and his 
 companion (Capt. Wolf going with them) now re 
 turned to his anxious family, relieved of a burden, 
 which, for near twenty-four hours, he had borne with 
 great weight upon his patient brow, he also bore the 
 glad tidings to them that the woman was pardoned, 
 and his own life spared. 
 
 In company with the interpreter he soon repaired 
 to the chamber where the woman quietly lay con 
 cealed, and briefly told her what had been effected in 
 her behalf. On hearing which she burst into tears, 
 and exclaimed, in broken English : " They will kill-ee 
 me they will kill-ee me !" 
 
 After a suitable pause Capt. Wolf was admitted to 
 the chamber, who told her, in a pleasant manner, "to 
 be no longer doubting, but believe what had been told 
 her. * He then, in his own language and native elo 
 quence, narrated to her all that had transpired, not 
 only in the council of the chiefs, but also between 
 himself and their mutual friend, the " Quaker," and 
 labored much to assure her of the truth that she was 
 pardoned. 
 
SHAWKEE INDIANS. 179 
 
 Notwithstanding all this, the poor woman remained 
 in the family some time, and for several days was 
 afraid to be seen by her people ; but she afterward 
 returned to her own house, where she lived for several 
 years, and, as was believed by her own friends, died 
 a natural death. 
 
 The warmest friendship, closest attachment, and 
 nearest intimacy subsisted between the Friend and 
 this most excellent chief, for several years, or until 
 the death of the former; he never permitted the 
 chief to decide upon any important question without 
 first consulting- his Quaker friend. 
 
 The writer often heard the superintendent speak 
 with manifest emotions of humility and gratitude 
 toward the all-wise Creator, testifying that, " had not 
 divine power interposed," he never could have 
 achieved what he did with the wild savages ; and if 
 the Everlasting Arm had not been underneath, to sup 
 port him, he should certainly have fallen under such 
 great and daring burdens. This short narrative may 
 be properly closed, with the relation of a part intim 
 ately connected with it. 
 
 In the autumn of 1825, this devoted Friend again 
 removed with his family to the Friends School Es 
 tablishment, five miles south of Wapaughkonnetta, 
 for the purpose of resuming the school which had 
 been previously dismissed by the committee, partly in 
 consequence of the unsettled condition of the Indians. 
 Shortly after the school was put in operation, his 
 old and long-tried friend, the Indian agent, called to 
 see him. They spent several hours very agreeably 
 
180 HI8TORT OF TUB 
 
 together, conversing freely on various subjects con 
 nected with Indian affairs. In the course of this very 
 interesting interview the Friend remarked, that he 
 found some of the Indians in a very unsettled condi 
 tion, and desirous to see their lands, and remove over 
 the Mississippi; that in consequence of this he had 
 resumed the school and his labors among them, under 
 much- discouragements ; that it appeared to him, 
 while they remained in that state of mind, little per 
 manent good could be done them ; and should they, 
 erelong, be removed to the far west, and .locate among 
 the wild Indians of the wilderness, it seemed to him 
 that the labor of the Friends would soon be entirely lost. 
 
 The writer of this article being then present, still 
 vividly recollects the glow of countenance and ani 
 mated language and manner of that exultant man, 
 the agent, when he replied nearly as follows: 
 
 "For your encouragement, friend, I feel bound to 
 tell you the honest conviction of my own mind, that 
 if the labor of the Friends has done no other good, 
 the simple fact that, by your individual exertions and 
 faithfulness, in saving the life of Polly Butler, you 
 have so completely broken up the heathenish prac 
 tice that once existed, of frequently putting their 
 people to death for witchcraft, is sufficient to reward 
 you for all the labor spent. For," continued he, "I 
 have never known an instance of one of them being 
 put to death, on a similar charge, since that memor 
 able day, 6th month, 1823." 
 
 The foregoing narrative being submitted to John 
 Johnston, he returned the following reply : 
 
6HAWNKE INDIANS. 181 
 
 " Polly Butler, charged wilh being a witch in the 
 Shawnee nation the principal subject in the preced 
 ing narrative and who was saved from that vio 
 lent death, by the timely, firm, and persevering ef 
 forts of Isaac Harvey, who then had the charge over 
 the Friends Shawnee Mission, at Wapaughkonnetta, 
 Ohio, was the daughter of General Richard Butler, 
 by a Shawnee woman. A son, also, was an offspring 
 of the same union, who became a distinguished 
 chief in peace and war among the Shawnees being 
 in authority during the whole of my agency over 
 this nation a period of almost thirty years. General 
 Butler was an Indian trader before the revolutionary 
 war, and spoke the language of the natives, and, as 
 was customary wilh persons of those pursuits, took 
 an Indian woman to wife. His son and daughter 
 bear a striking resemblance to the Butler family, 
 many of whom I knew in early life. 
 
 ** The general was second in command, in the army 
 under St. Clair, and was killed on the fourth of No 
 vember, 1791, in battle with the combined Indians 
 of the North-west, on the ground on which Fort 
 Recovery was afterward built, distant from Green 
 ville fourteen miles. 
 
 "Witchcraft was universally believed in by all the 
 Indian tribes. The foregoing narrative is substan 
 tially true. 
 
 44 JOHN JOHNSTON, 
 
 "Formerly Agent of Indian affairs in the North 
 west, and U. S. Commissioner. 
 
 "Davton, Ohio. October 17, 1853." 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 This little daughter, mentioned as being with Polly 
 Butler, at the time she fled to the Friend for the protec 
 tion of her life, is now, 1854, living i n the Shawnee 
 nation, married to one of the best men in that tribe, 
 and is the mother of a large family. Her husband 
 has a large, good farm, good houses, out-buildings, 
 orchard, stock, farming utensils, etc., and she has a 
 well- furnished household and furniture, neatly ar 
 ranged and kept in nice order. They sell a large 
 amount of surplus produce annually, and constantly 
 have money loaned out at interest. She is a good- 
 looking, intelligent, and nice woman. 
 
 It is in honor to our friend, Isaac Harvey, to say, 
 that he was the first man who ever made any profi 
 ciency in arresting this evil, and this he effected by 
 hi.s firm, undaunted, and Christian, patient labors 
 with them. Often he had, by his kindness, obtained 
 their love and confidence, as well as to take a firm 
 course with them in regard to the use of whisky; 
 and to this day, they speak of him with many warm 
 feelings of love and gratitude. 
 
 Nothing more of interest occurred in regard to the 
 Shawnees, but their continued advancement in the 
 arts of civilization, and in giving up their children to 
 be educated at school, which was continued for seve 
 ral years on their reservation at Wapaughkonnetta, 
 until some bad white men persuaded the young men 
 to believe that, if the Quakers continued to make 
 improvements on their lands, the white people would 
 take it from them ; which coming to the knowledge 
 
INDIANS, 1 83 
 
 of the Society, there was a considerable tract of land 
 entered from the government at the expense of the 
 Society, buildings were erected, a farm opened, and 
 a school established about five miles south of Wa- 
 paughkonnetta, until the Shawnees left their homes 
 for the country west of the Missouri. 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 IN the year 1825, Governor Clark purchased of the 
 Shawnees who were settled on Cape Girardeau, on 
 the Carondelet grant, all the land they held there, 
 being twenty-five miles square, for a tract of fifty 
 miles square (or equal to fifty miles square) on the 
 Kanzas river, and gives them fourteen thousand dol 
 lars for their improvements beside. In this treaty it 
 was provided that this tract of fifty miles square 
 should belong to the Shawnees of Missouri, and to 
 those of the same tribe then in Ohio who might wish 
 to emigrate to that country. 
 
BHAWNEE INDIANS. 185 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 IN 1830, I undertook the charge of the Friends 
 School among the Shawnees, near Wapaughkon- 
 netta, and removed there with my family. I soon be 
 came very intimately acquainted with many of them ; 
 found them an uncommonly pleasant and lively peo 
 ple always in a pleasant humor, kind to each other, 
 and great lovers and practicers of sport. Nothing but 
 death or some other severe misfortune ever changes 
 their countenances. 
 
 They kept up as large a school as we could accom 
 modate, while among them, and took much interest in 
 rearing their children and advancing them in useful 
 knowledge. After we had lived for some time among 
 them, their old and faithful chief, the Blackhoof, died. 
 This was a grievous and sore trial to them. He was 
 their great chief they would trust him he had been, 
 a chief for three-fourths of a century, and had never 
 betrayed the trust reposed in him. He could tell 
 them of their history for nearly, or quite a century, 
 from his own knowledge being, when he died, about 
 one hundred and twenty years old. He was in the 
 expedition which defeated Gen. Braddock, and in 
 many battles afterward ; always an advocate for his 
 own nation. 
 
I 
 
 186 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 His being an old chief, they buried him in tho 
 Indian manner; being- present upon that occasion, I 
 was very much struck with the solemn and discon 
 solate appearance of all classes of the Shawnees. 
 They had for many years looked to the experienced 
 chief, in peace and war. He was of such an age 
 that recollections carried him back to the men who 
 had, in 1682, made the great treaty at Philadelphia, 
 and with a clear recollection of these transactions, 
 encouraged the people of his nation in becoming a 
 civilized people. 
 
 On arriving at the residence of the deceased chief, 
 on the day the funeral was to take place, we found 
 the corpse wrapped in a clean, new Indian blanket, 
 and a large quantity of fine new goods, such as calico, 
 belts, ribbons, etc., around and about the corpse, 
 which was laid upon a new, clean slab prepared for 
 the purpose his gun, tomahawk, knife, and pipe 
 lying by his side. All the Indians present, and there 
 was a large number of them, had their clothes hang 
 ing loose around them, their hair also down about 
 their shoulders in the loosest manner many of them 
 having their faces painted in the ancient Indian style. 
 All the men were smoking, all classes were seated 
 near where their ancient, beloved, and faithful chief 
 was laid. He, who had been their leader and coun 
 selor in peace and war, was lying lifeless there before 
 them. They had their eyes set on him in solemn 
 silence not one word was spoken for hours in that 
 large concourse of people all felt their bereavement 
 in the loss of him tears were to be seen in every 
 
8I1AWXEE INDIANS. 
 
 187 
 
 eye. No one could distinguish between his own 
 children (a number of them being present) and 
 others ; all grieved alike the departure of the great 
 chief; no affectation, but real, heartfelt grief; as of a 
 group of children for the loss of an only parent, and 
 no one left to look up to. 
 
 In the yard, in front of the cabin cf the deceased, 
 was a very large quantity of meat from wild animals, 
 such as deer, turkeys, etc., the spoil of a two days 
 hunt by young men selected for that express pur 
 pose. Twenty deer were killed, beside a large 
 number of turkeys and what smaller wild animals 
 they considered fit to eat no tame animal or fowl 
 was suffered to be eaten on that occasion, though 
 there was a large quantity of bread prepared. All 
 this vast amount of provision lay in one pile, stacked 
 up handsomely together, and carefully guarded by 
 some boys, so nothing should molest it. Although 
 the Indians, on ordinary occasions, always have a 
 large number of dogs with them at their gatherings, 
 here was scarcely one to be seen. At the arrival of 
 the time to proceed to the grave with the corpse, a 
 few of the choice young men, provided for deceased, 
 arranged the clothing about the body, took four large 
 straps, and placing them under it one taking hold of 
 each end started off directly to the place of its final 
 rest. No child was taken along in the procession; 
 my wife had her babe with her; when about starting, 
 an Indian woman offered to keep it for her, which 
 she did, as they feared it might make a noise. The 
 children of the deceased proceeded next the corpse, 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 then the head chief, who was to succeed the Black- 
 hoof in that office, then the other chiefs in succession, 
 then ourselves, and after us, came the whole company. 
 On arriving at the grave they all gathered round in a 
 group. The grave was about three-and-a-half feet 
 deep at the bottom a split puncheon was placed, and 
 one set on the edge at each side, about ten inches wide ; 
 the corpse was let down, the clothing of the deceased, 
 which he last wore when in health, laid on his body, 
 when his old moccasins were cut in pieces and placed 
 with the rest, but no weapon was put in ; then another 
 puncheon was laid over him. This being done, John 
 Perry, head chief, took some small seeds from a 
 cloth, and, commencing at the head of the grave, 
 walked carefully around it, sprinkling them all over 
 it as he went ; this done, he set off on the path di 
 rectly to the house, and in this was followed by all 
 present, except three men, who remained to close the 
 grave. After this was finished, the men went toward 
 the creek, and in about half an hour returned to the 
 house. On their return, the smoking and conversa 
 tion commenced. 
 
 When the company started from the grave, they 
 moved in single file, one after another, not one look 
 ing back. On the arrival of those who had filled up 
 the grave, I observed them to commence conversa 
 tion. I inquired of Henry Clay, one of them, and 
 also a chief, what they went to the water for ? 
 
 He replied, " that as I was their friend, he would 
 tell me ; it was to purify themselves by puking, and 
 washing their bodies/ 
 
BHA.WNEE INDIANS. 189 
 
 Soon as they had smoked around the company, 
 they commenced their feast, but it being now late in 
 the day, they pleaded with us to remain and par 
 take with them still we were compelled to leave 
 for home, which was about ten miles. 
 
 We attended on this occasion, at the particular re 
 quest of the chiefs, and I can say truly, that this 
 was altogether the most solemn and orderly funeral 
 I have ever attended ; and was said to be conducted 
 entirely after their ancient Indian style. We were 
 the only white people present. 
 
 The Shawnees were in a great strait about the 
 time their great chief was taken from them. He, 
 who was the bearer of the remarkable letter ofThos. 
 Jefferson, in 1802, to his people ; had visited Wash 
 ington City and Philadelphia on that occasion, had 
 lived to hear the demand again made for their land ; 
 but before that act was consummated, he was gath 
 ered to his fathers, in Heaven. 
 
190 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 A FEW weeks previous to the death of Blackhoof, 
 in the year 1831, a message was received from the 
 Indian agent for the Shawnecs, who resided at 
 Columbus, Ohio, stating to the chiefs, that a com 
 missioner, by the name of Gardner, would be at 
 Wapaughkonnetta in a few days, to make proposals 
 to them for the purchase of their lands. This was 
 the first intimation of the kind that had ever reached 
 their ears since this land had been ceded to them ; 
 neither had they any expectation of ever selling. 
 The message surprised them, and although it was 
 what they had always dreaded, and indeed, expected, 
 judging from the past, yet they had no reason to 
 look for such a course, if any confidence was to be 
 placed in the American government, on account of 
 the assurances they had so repeatedly made to them 
 of forever remaining in the unmolested ownership of 
 this land, and this pledge, made, too, as a guarantee 
 to them, in order to induce them to improve their 
 land, and thus to change their manner of life. 
 
 On the receipt of this intelligence, the Shawnees 
 were thrown into the greatest confusion. The chiefs 
 came to see me, and to counsel with me on the sub- 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 191 
 
 ject. I could scarcely believe the report myself, as I 
 could not believe that our government would be so 
 utterly regardless of the plighted faith of the nation, 
 in order to procure to itself, at the expense of this 
 handful of Indians, so small a tract of country ; and 
 I told the chiefs so, and that if they would refuse to 
 sell, that I believed government would give the 
 matter up entirely, and advised them to take that 
 course. But my advice to them did not prevail, 
 although at the time, they concluded to take that 
 course, and to send him word not to come on their 
 land with any such proposals, as they would not 
 meet him. 
 
 But, alas for them 1 they had to encounter a hard 
 and reckless set of traders. These men had claims 
 against them, and wanted money. They just told 
 the Indians in plain English, that they wanted money, 
 and would have it ; that they must now sell their 
 land, and pay them up, and more still, they offered 
 them large bribes (that is the chiefs,) to induce 
 them to sell, expecting to get most of the money, 
 regardless of what might become of the Indians after 
 they had fleeced them. 
 
 In a few days the commissioner sent the chiefs a 
 written notice, informing them that he would be at 
 Wapaughkonnetta on a certain day, and desired the 
 chiefs to meet him there, at the time proposed. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the confusion that prevailed 
 from that time until the arrival of Gardner. 
 
 At the time appointed, the commissioner arrived. 
 The chiefs and head men met Mm in a general council. 
 
192 HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 Now, as it has been H matter of surprise with many 
 people how such an ingenious and sagacious people 
 as the Indians are, could be so easily prevailed upon 
 to dispose of then* favorite homes, contrary to their 
 wills, and not only that, bat get so badly cheated as 
 they always do, as I was present throughout the 
 whole of the counselling in regard to this land sale, 
 as well as a witness to the treaty, and took down in 
 writing at the time an account of the whole proceed 
 ings, and being afterward called upon by the govern 
 ment officers to testify to the facts in regard to the 
 treaty on several occasions, I have concluded to insert 
 the whole of it here, so that any who may wish to know 
 how Indians have been treated with, may see in 
 what manner these poor confiding people were dealt 
 with, in order to obtain from them their lands in 
 Ohio ; and the account I give here, is the same as 
 was contained in my testimony before the committee 
 of Congress, upon which, the acts of that body were 
 based, in which relief was afforded to the Shawnees 
 on that account. 
 
 On opening the council, the United States inter 
 preter, an aged Frenchman, who had been the inter 
 preter in many treaties under Governor Cass and 
 John Johnston, and who was by them considered to 
 be very trustworthy, was, by Gardner, s*t aside, and 
 another man, who, he imagined, would suit him 
 better, was appointed in his place in that treaty, as 
 he was well aware, that to effect his object, which 
 was to buy those Indians out, and that for a very 
 trifle, he would need the assistance of some one who 
 
BHAWXEE INDIANS. 193 
 
 could manage the business in almost any shape in 
 which he might form his negotiations. The old 
 interpreter would have been the choice of the Indians, 
 and as he was the United States interpreter, and a good 
 scholar, one would suppose he ought to have been pre 
 ferred ; but to end any quibbling about these matters, 
 this old Frenchman got drunk, I suppose, on the 
 brandy which the commissioner had for his own pri 
 vate use, and for other purposes during the treaty, 
 and that settled the question as to the propriety of 
 excusing him from the task. 
 
 The commissioner first read a part of his instruc 
 tions from the President through the Secretary of 
 War, but not all. He then commenced his speech 
 about noon, and continued it until evening without 
 coming to a close, and finished next morning. Dur 
 ing his speech he told the Indians that they were in 
 a deplorable condition, surrounded by bad white 
 people now, and likely soon to be in a much worse 
 condition ; that the white people were now selling 
 them whisky which was ruining them ; that the 
 game was nearly all gone ; that worse than all this, 
 the State of Ohio would soon extend her laws over 
 them, and, in order that they might know the real 
 condition they would be in, he could tell them what 
 those laws would be. He said the laws would compel 
 them to pay tax for the benefit of the white people, 
 and allow them no advantages under those laws, or 
 from the money thus paid by them ; that the laws 
 would compel (hem to work on the public roads two 
 days in each year ; that the laws would be so made 
 13 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 that the white people might swear to debts against 
 the Indians and collect them, but that none of them 
 would be allowed to collect a debt by law, unless 
 they couM prove it by a white man : that white men 
 might turn horses and cattle in their grain-fields and 
 destroy it all, but unless they could prove the facts 
 by a white person, they would have no remedy ; that 
 they might be beaten or killed by white men no 
 matter how many Indians present unless they could 
 prove it by a white man, they had, or would have, 
 no remedy. And many other things he said to them 
 in order, no doubt, to induce them to sell on almost 
 any terms he might wish to offer to them, which, 
 when through with these things, he declared that just 
 in that way Georgia had treated the Cherokees ; and 
 again assured them that, as sure as they remained 
 here, that the State of Ohio would do as Georgia had 
 done ; that it was a right which was guaranteed to 
 them by the Constitution of the United States, and 
 that Congress would not interfere but leave to the 
 State the right to regulate their own affairs as they 
 might see proper, etc. 
 
 After he had thus got them alarmed, in regard to 
 their present and future condition, in case they con 
 cluded to adhere to their former resolution of re 
 maining in Ohio, he said he would how tell them 
 that, in case they would now sell their land and go 
 west, that their great father, General Jackson, would 
 make them rich. He told them that there was a 
 good rich country laid off for all the Indians to 
 remove to, west of the State of Missouri, purposely 
 
8HAWNEK INDIANS. 195 
 
 for them, which never would be within any state or 
 territory of the United States ; where there was plenty 
 of buft alo, elk, and deer ; where they could live well 
 without working at all. 
 
 He told them that if they would now sell their 
 land in Ohio, that the government would give them 
 in exchange, for the land they held in Ohio, one hun 
 dred thousand acres of good land, which should be 
 laid off adjoining the tract of fifty miles square, 
 which was ceded to their brethren, the Shawnees, 
 of Missouri, by Governor Clark, at St. Louis, in the 
 year 1825, and on which they were living. That if 
 they should agree now to sell, that government would 
 send a surveyor out with them when they removed 
 there, and that they might select the land he now 
 offered them near the Shawnees, who are already 
 there ; that the surveyor would at once survey and 
 mark it out for them, and that government would 
 make them a good general warranty-deed for it, so 
 they should hold it forever. 
 
 That as the United States (said he) wanted their 
 land, they were willing that the Shawnees should 
 have all it could be sold for, over and above the cost 
 of surveying and selling it and the cost of removing and 
 feeding them at their new homes, for one year after 
 their arrival in that country ; that as their friends, 
 the Quakers, had erected a grist-mill and saw-mill 
 at Wapaughkonnetta for them, free of cost to the 
 government, the United States would build, at its own 
 expense, good mills in their new country, in lieu of 
 those they have in Ohio, and pay the Indians in cash, 
 
196 HlAsTOKk OF THE 
 
 the amount of what good men may adjudge their im 
 provements to be worth, in order to enable them to 
 make improvements at their new homes, and that 
 government would give them guns, to kill the game 
 in the prairies; also, tools of every description to 
 work with, and all their hinds being over seventy 
 cents per acre the Indians should have, which should 
 be placed in the United States treasury, and five per 
 cent, interest paid them annually, until they may wish 
 to draw the whole sum. 
 
 He concluded by" declaring that the Indians never 
 had been honestly treated with, by any man in the 
 United States ; though, said he, he knew that the 
 Indians and whites too generally made one exception, 
 and that was, "Wm. Penn ; but Gardner declared that 
 Penn had basely cheated the Indians out of their 
 lands, and acted no better than a horse-thief. He 
 declared, in conclusion, that if they would now sell 
 their land, that the government would make them 
 rich ; then told them he would leave them and return 
 in about four weeks, when they could return their 
 answer. 
 
 The Shawnees were much divided about selling ; 
 those of them who had made the greatest advance 
 ment in improvement were all opposed to the idea 
 of leaving their homes ; but such as were idle, dis 
 sipated fellows urged the measure and those backed 
 by the traders with bribes, outnumbered the others, 
 and word was conveyed, by a few of the chiefs to 
 the commissioner, to come on and close the contract. 
 He accordingly attended, and on the chiefs again 
 
BUAWKEE INDIANS. 197 
 
 assembling, he renewed the same offer as before, 
 and urged them strongly to sell. He told them, 
 among other things, that they ought always to listen 
 to the advices of the white people, because they were 
 wiser than the red people, as the red people were 
 wiser than the blacks. He said the Great Spirit 
 created them so, as their complexion plainly showed, 
 and more of the like ; after again talking the whole 
 day, he concluded in the evening. 
 
 Wayweleapy, the Shawnees speaker, replied the 
 next day. He informed the commissioner that he 
 had never talked more than two days to them ; had 
 said mariy things that were very good, but had again 
 said some things that were not very good. He had 
 said a good deal about the Great Spirit. Now, for 
 his own part, he said, he did not pretend to know 
 much about so great a being, neither did he intend 
 to make a long speech, like the commissioner had 
 done ; but he did not think that his friend knew much 
 about the Great Spirit, from the notions he seems to 
 have about Him. Now, said Wayweleapy, I believe 
 tkat the Great Spirit made all men alike, but my 
 friend thinks He made three distinct classes of men. 
 He says, to the white man he gave a white skin and 
 a great deal of sense ; to the Indian, a red skin, and 
 a little less sense ; and to the negro, a black skin, 
 and very little sense. Now, said he, is not this a 
 very curious idea about our great Creator ? For my 
 part, he continued, I have no such notions at all in 
 my head ; I believe no such things at all about that 
 great being. He said he believed that the Great 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Spirit created all men alike, of the same blood, but 
 if he did, as his friend had said, create them so very 
 different that one race was so much superior to the 
 others, how had he found out that it was his own 
 race that was so much wiser than the others were ? 
 for his part he did not believe it; but if true, it was 
 very likely that it was the Indians who had the most 
 sense given them. But for his part, he believed, as 
 he said before, that all men were created alike, but 
 that they became very wicked and very dark for a 
 long time, but at length God placed a great ball of 
 fire in the east (pointing in that direction), which 
 rose higher and higher, and dispelled the darkness, 
 and when it arrived at the highest point in the heav 
 ens, burst and entered into every one s heart and 
 from that time, every one is enlightened, and we are 
 still all on the same equality. These, he said, were 
 his notions about the matter. 
 
 He then told the commissioner that the Shawnees 
 had agreed to sell their land, if he would give them 
 for it what he had offered them, and in addition, 
 would pay their debts, which was common in Indian 
 treaties. 
 
 The commissioner informed the Indians that he 
 would have a clause in the treaty binding the gov 
 ernment to pay all their debts ; that he would not 
 ^ay what amount was due from them, that that was 
 not his business, but he would leave that to the chiefs, 
 and all the debts which they should acknowledge to 
 be just, the government would pay out of its own 
 monev, and not take one cent from the Shawnees, 
 
SHAWNEK INDIANS. 199 
 
 He then told the chiefs thnt he had the treaty all 
 drawn up in order, that it was very long, and as it 
 was then late in the day, there would not be time to 
 read it over, but declared that it did contain what he 
 had offered them in every particular. He asked 
 them to come forward and sign it, but they hesitated 
 for a long time, and appeared to fear that all was not 
 right, or he would have read to them the treaty 
 before asking them to sign it, but at length they 
 signed the instrument ; but to the last, they were 
 very obstinate relative to the payment of their debts. 
 Now they were more resolute in this matter of having 
 their debts paid, than on any other subject connected 
 with the treaty. They were well trained to it by 
 traders, who paid some of the chiefs well to hold on 
 to these debts to the last, and made them believe 
 that, by government assuming the payments, Indians 
 would be none the losers, as all would come off gov 
 ernment. So obedient were they in this matter, and 
 .so anxious was the commissioner to bring the nego 
 tiations to a close, that there was no time allowed to 
 go into an examination of the claims, but the traders 
 (some of them) drew up a bond, amounting to twenty 
 thousand dollars, on the chiefs, which they acknow 
 ledged to be a just demand agahxst the nation, and 
 .which bond and acknowledgment were indorsed by 
 the commissioner and agent when all the parties, it 
 was said, were in a state of intoxication, except some 
 of those wily traders who had now got their large, 
 and, no doubt, unjust demands secured, and who, 
 lest their deeds should one day be brought to light, 
 
aARY. 
 
 200 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 burnt up all their books, and fortified their claims 
 behind this bond and the certificates of these drunken 
 government officers, and they got their pay, which 
 will be seen in the sequel, and that, too, out of the 
 Shawnees money, and without their consent. 
 
 In a day or two after the treaty was closed the 
 commissioner left the place, but soon rumors were 
 afloat among the Shawnees that the commissioner 
 had cheated them badly in the treaty, and one thing 
 became public, that the trader, who had so snugly 
 headed the commissioner in his claim, presented his 
 demand against the government in this Indian bond 
 with the commissioner s and agent s approval in 
 dorsed, and demanded payment, which was at once 
 refused, as these men, by this time, had become 
 sober. Then the trader at once returned to the 
 chiefs and demanded his pay of them. 
 
 Shortly after the departure of the commissioner, 
 word reached the Shawnees from almost every 
 source, that they were grossly deceived and cheated 
 in their treaty, in almost every particular, in regard 
 to the sale of their land ; which was confirmed by an 
 extract the commissioner furnished to me, by which, 
 as shown in that extract, they were to fall very far 
 short of receiving what they expected for their land, 
 and in fact, not to receive one acre of land where 
 they were going, to which they had not a right ft* 
 under a former treaty. This threw them into the 
 greatest confusion imaginable. John Perry, an 
 aged man and the head chief, came to see me on the 
 occasion. He cried like a child, when I toid him 
 
6HAWNEK INDIANS. 
 
 that it had turned out about as I told them it would, 
 if they should go into a treaty with Gardiner, on his 
 first message being received ; that he had taken their 
 land from them for nothing, and of that they might 
 now rest assured. He told me that now they were 
 a ruined people forever, unless they could get some 
 assistance from the Quakers. I told him I had ^ 
 clear account of the whole proceedings of the treaty, 
 which I had kept in writing, and that, as I was one 
 of the witnesses to the treaty, I would be allowed to 
 be a witness for them. 
 
 On the meeting of the committee having in charge 
 the Indian affairs at the Yearly Meeting at Richmond, 
 Indiana, which took place soon after the subject was 
 brought to the notice of the committee, this treaty 
 so far claimed the attention of the Friends, as to 
 direct that a full detail of it be presented at another 
 sitting, which being done, resulted in a conclusion to 
 make further examination, by sending a committee 
 to Wapaughkonnetta to convene the Indians on the 
 occasion, and hear from them the account of their 
 grievances, and if there appeared to be any way to 
 relieve them by such a course, to petition Congress 
 on the subject, and ask relief for the Shawnees, and 
 to send a deputation of Friends to Washington City 
 to attend Congress and represent the case there. 
 
 In a short time after the rise of the Yearly Meet 
 ing, a committee, consisting of several Friends, who 
 were well known by the Shawnees, and men of ex 
 perience in Indian concerns, visited Wapaughkon 
 netta, (or the Friends Mission near-by.) and Galled 
 
202 HISTORF OF THE 
 
 together about twenty of the principal men of the 
 nation, with two competent interpreters, who all re 
 mained at our Mission with their horses, for about 
 three days and nights, and were well taken care of 
 by us during the whole time. 
 
 On their being convened in council, we first in 
 formed them, that with sorrowful hearts we all heard 
 at our late large Yearly Meeting from their friend 
 Henry Harvey, who was at the late treaty, that you 
 have been cheated out of your land, and that you 
 are all in trouble on that account; and on that 
 account, we had called them together at this time, 
 and were willing to assist them all we could, now 
 when they were in trouble, and that it was in order 
 to do our duty to them in their trouble and to our 
 common Creator, that we were now here ; but we 
 told them that we could do nothing till we heard 
 what their grievances were, and, that first, we 
 wanted to hear what they had to say. 
 
 After remaining in close council entirely to them 
 selves, nearly a whole night, early the next day, 
 they informed us that they were ready to speak to 
 us. When we went in, we found them all seated in 
 order. On taking our seats in front of them, each 
 chief arose and took us by the hand firmly, then re 
 sumed their seats. Not one word was spoken ; then 
 they passed the pipe around, and each chief smoked 
 a few whiffs. All eyes were then fixed on the great 
 speaker, Wayweleapy, in profound silence. I very 
 much question, whether a more solid, thoughtful, 
 grave, and dignified-looking company of men ever 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 203 
 
 graced the American Council, than this company of 
 Shawnee chiefs nearly all aged men, and old, able 
 counselors. 
 
 After a considerable pause, the speaker arose, with 
 tears in his keen black eyes which first glanced at 
 each of his un-thren, and then he fixed them stead 
 fastly on us, and commenced as follows, (which I 
 took down correctly as delivered:) 
 
 He said, " My brethren and friends, it used to be 
 so, on former occasions when we met together as we 
 are now, that we could always thank the Great 
 Spirit that we had the satisfaction of meeting each 
 other in council." (Here the speaker made a solemn 
 pause of several minutes.) He again said, " My 
 friends ;" here he again faltered, and stood motion 
 less for some time, his eyes still fixed on us at 
 length, tears rolled down his manly cheek, and finally, 
 although a man of the greatest fortitude, and noted 
 in war as a brave soldier, he had to yield to the emo 
 tions of his own soul, and unconsciously sank back 
 in his seat while every eye was fixed on him with 
 feelings not to be expressed, to see the result. He 
 continued in a deep and profound struggle, but could 
 not attempt again to rise. He again lifted his eyes 
 (which were filled with tears, as were those of every 
 one present,) to us. He took off his handkerchief, 
 which was around his neck, unbuttoned his vest, and 
 seemed evidently struggling to master the emotions 
 which agitated liis breast. He was then handed a 
 pipe by Henry Clay ; he smoked a few moments, con 
 fusedly handed it back again, and then arose with 
 
204 
 
 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 all the s6lemn dignity that could be displayed by this 
 great man, under the subdued emotions of his soul, 
 and proceeded. " My friends and brethren, we are 
 now all present, and I am glad to see you. I thank 
 the great God that you have come to see us at this 
 time. We are all in trouble ; we wanted to see you 
 very much. You wish to know our grievances about 
 our late treaty. We will endeavor to tell you. This 
 treaty which we made with Gardner, we thought was 
 made in good faith, on both sides. He spoke a great 
 deal to us, and called upon God to be witness to 
 what he said to us. This made us believe he was in 
 earnest, and we put confidence in what he said, and 
 never thought of being deceived by him. He said, 
 he was sent to us by the President, General Jackson, 
 and so we were willing to trust him. He made pro 
 positions to us for our lands, and we agreed to them. 
 The treaty was not read and interpreted to us, but 
 Gardner assured us, that it contained just what he 
 offered us, in every particular. We thought he told 
 us the truth, and accordingly we signed the treaty, 
 but since then, we found out that it was not so, and 
 that he had deceived and cheated us. This is what 
 grieves our hearts so. We are sorry to find that it is 
 to be the price of our farms that is to take us to our 
 new homes. We expected no such thing we under 
 stood plainly that the government was to be at all 
 that expense, and that what our improvements here 
 were worth, after being valued by good men, was to 
 be paid us in money, to assist us in making farms at 
 our new homes. We have good homes here, and 
 

 BHAWNEE INDIANi. 205 
 
 had abundance of labor and pains to make them. 
 We wanted good men to value our improvements, for 
 we are not ashamed of our homes. We are surprised 
 to hear that the treaty is not as we understood it was, 
 in that matter. The commissioner told us that the 
 President would provide well for our women and 
 children in our long journey. My friends, we are in 
 a difficult situation. We cannot let our property go 
 in this way ; if we do, we are a ruined people. 
 Now, my friends, another thing that grieves us is, 
 that when we see how the Delawares and Senecas 
 have been treated, who are now on their way to the 
 Kanzas, they are so poorly provided for. Some 
 of them have poor, old, blind horses. Some poor 
 women going on foot, and a large number of them 
 furnished with only four bushels of corn-meal. 
 \Ve pity them, as they are our brethren ; we fear 
 that their situation will be ours, when we get ready 
 to start on our journey. We hope this will be 
 avoided. Another thing that grieves us is, that man 
 Gardner promised to pay our debts ; this, we find, he 
 intends to take from our money : we cannot leave 
 Ohio till our debts are settled. My friends, when we 
 got this land, we were told by President Jefferson, 
 that we never should be asked to sell it, but that, if 
 we wished at any time to sell, that government would 
 send a good man to purchase it of us. 
 
 " Gardner, when he came among us, said he was 
 sent by the President, and instructed to pay us well 
 for our land, but he has deceived us, and has failed 
 to do so. This man, who told us that he was sent 
 
206 UISTOttV OF THE 
 
 here by General Jackson, told us that such rich farm 
 ing tracts, as we had here, should be furnished us 
 by the government at our new homes ; but we have 
 since learned that they are to be paid for out of the 
 price of our poor little reserve here out of our poor 
 hard-earned farm that we have been so long in 
 making. This is too hard; they never cost the gov 
 ernment anything, and we had no idea that the 
 money was to be taken from us for any such thing. 
 We had mills here that were built for us by our 
 friends, the Quakers they never cost the government 
 anything and Gardner told us that we should have 
 good mills furnished us, in lieu of those we have 
 here, at our new homes, but the pay for them, we 
 now learn, is to be taken from our money for that 
 100. What does this mean ? We declare, we under 
 stood no such thing, at the time we signed the 
 treaty. 
 
 " We have now told you what our grievances are. 
 If we could have all these things, as we understood 
 them at the time \ve made the treaty, we would be 
 satisfied, but if not, troubles and sorrow will follow 
 us to our far -distant homes. 
 
 " Friends and brothers, we say again that we are 
 glad to see you here, at this time ; we are glad that 
 you are going to take part for us, for we are a poor 
 forsaken people, and have none to look to for help 
 but our friends, the Quakers. We hope you will 
 succeed in your undertaking it you do, sorrow will 
 be removed from us. We are so rejoiced that you 
 have come to see us, that we never, as long as we 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS- 207 
 
 live, shall forget our feelings at this time. The world 
 is wide, we looked all around us on every hand to 
 find some one to help us, but we could find no one 
 but our old friends, the Quakers. Many people will 
 talk from their teeth out, but the manner the Qua 
 kers have always acted toward us shows plainly that 
 they are our real friends. My brothers, I am now 
 done speaking." 
 
208 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 THE result of the deliberations at the aforemen 
 tioned council was, that a petition to Congress was 
 prepared and signed by the chiefs, setting forth their 
 grievances and asking that an additional compensa 
 tion be allowed the Shawnees for their land in Ohio, 
 and four chiefs were appointed, namely, John Perry 
 (head chief), Wayweleapy, Blackhoof (or Quaskey), 
 and Spybiick, and Francis Duchequate and Joseph 
 Parks, interpreters, to present it. A memorial was 
 also prepared by the committee, in behalf of the 
 Society of Friends, asking relief from Congress for 
 the Shawnees, and a deputation of two Friends was 
 appointed (to wit: David Baily and myself), to con 
 duct the Indian delegation to Washington City, to 
 give what information we were in possession of 
 touching the manner in which the treaty had been 
 conducted, and to press the claim of the Shawnees 
 on Congress and the executive. Being at the treaty 
 myself, from the beginning to the end, having taken 
 a correct account in writing, at the time, of every 
 thing that transpired at each stage of the proceedings, 
 and being allowed by the commissioner to subscribe 
 my name to the treaty as a witness, I therebv became 
 
SHAW NEE INDIANS. 209 
 
 a competent witness in behalf of the Indians, and was 
 enabled to disclose more, by far, to establish a fraud, 
 than all the other testimony which could be produced 
 from other sources. The Society of Friends furnished 
 money to defray the whole expense of the deputa 
 tion, the Indians as well as our own. 
 
 The deputation set off from our Mission about the 
 1st of the 12th month, 1831; a large number of the 
 Shawnees spent the night with us and their own dele 
 gation before we started, and on taking leave of 
 them, they were very sober and thoughtful about us, 
 and gave us many good wishes for our welfare, and 
 pledged themselves to me that they would be good to 
 my wife and little children, whom I was leaving in 
 charge of the school in my absence, and no whites 
 within ten miles of them except one or two families. 
 
 The deputation went by way of Mount Pleasant, 
 and spent a few days there with the Friends, who 
 joined in our memorial to Congress ; purchased stuff 
 and made plenty of good clothing for the four chiefs, 
 and, in many other kind offices to them, manifested 
 their love and good-will to these oppressed people. 
 The chiefs were sensible of their kindness, and 
 remember it still. 
 
 We went by way of Baltimore, and the Friends 
 of that Yearly Meeting joined, too, in the appeal to 
 Congress ; so that as the three Yearly Meetings of 
 Baltimore, Ohio, and Indiana had been for years en 
 deavoring to assist the Indians in the arts of civiliza 
 tion, at a heavy expense, which was borne by the 
 Society, now when these Indians were about to lose 
 14 
 
210 HISTOKr OF THK 
 
 all they had gained for years, in the way of property, 
 they felt it a duty they owed to them, as well as to 
 our government, to have these wrongs redressed ; and 
 they all united in an appeal to Congress, and in bear 
 ing the expense, so that if the Indians failed to get 
 redress, the attempt they made to procure relief, 
 should cost them nothing. 
 
 When we arrived at Cumberland, on our way to 
 Washington City, Francis Duchequate was taken 
 very sick ; so we had to leave him, and had no idea 
 that he could live but a few days. It WHS affecting 
 to see him take leave of the chiefs, as he told them 
 he had been with them ever since they were little 
 children ; was then an old man, and should soon die, 
 and he thought they would never see him any more : 
 at parting with him they were affected into tears. 
 His prediction was verified, as he died in a few days. 
 He was considered to be a very honest man, and had 
 been interpreter for many years, and in one or two 
 instances was the means, while with the Indians, in 
 time of war, of saving American prisoners from being 
 burnt to death. But his great fault was, he would 
 drink liquor, which, no doubt, brought him to his 
 end as he would drink on our way on that journey ; 
 even the afternoon before he took fiick, he procured 
 some without our knowledge, which we supposed, 
 hastened on the disease which took him off. 
 
 On arriving at Washington City we called on 
 Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, and were introduced to 
 him by Gen. Joseph Vance, a representative in Con 
 gress from Ohio. After making known to the secre- 
 
BHAWNEE INDIANS. 211 
 
 tary our business, and giving him an account of the 
 manner in which the treaty was managed, and of the 
 fact that the Shawnees, who were a party to that 
 transaction, and deeply interested therein, as their 
 all was there at stake, had never heard the treaty 
 read, neither had they been furnished with a copy ; 
 that as one Avho was at the treaty, and had signed 
 it as a witness, and was here on behalf of the Society 
 of Friends, to assist on urging the claim of this peo 
 ple on the Department, I declared that I did not 
 know what the treaty did actually "contain ; that, as a 
 friend to the Shawnees, Tasked the commissioner for 
 a copy. The next day after it was signed, he gave 
 me an extract, but was so drunk at the time that I 
 could make no sense out of it, it was written so 
 badly. 
 
 Cass at once ordered the clerk at the Indian 
 bureau to furnish us with a copy in full of the treaty, 
 and requested me, when I obtained it, to take time 
 fully to examine the treaty, and to compare the amount 
 they are actually to receive by the treaty, with the 
 amount offered them by the commissioner at his first 
 council with them, when he produced his instructions 
 from the Department, and let him have the result of 
 our estimates and calculations on the subject, in order 
 that he might lay the same before the President, so 
 that another treaty might be made with the chiefs in 
 attendance. 
 
 In a few days we returned an account of our ex 
 amination into the treaty, as requested by the secre 
 tary, and gave it as our judgment that the amount 
 
212 HISTORY OB 1 THE 
 
 which the commissioner offered the Shawnees for 
 their lands, at Wapaughkonnetta and Hog Creek, 
 exceeded the amount which they are to receive, as 
 shown in the treaty, the sum of $115,000, and 
 produced the data from which the calculation was 
 made out, and told him we could prove what we had 
 stated at any time, when allowed that privilege, and 
 asked that we might have an opportunity to do so be 
 fore the President, when we should ask to set aside 
 this treaty and make another, with the present dele 
 gation, who were authorized to transact business for 
 their nation. Cass appro vexl of our plan in making 
 a new treaty. He declared that our calculation in 
 regard to the treaty, was very correct and moderate ; 
 and added, that by Gardner s treaty the Shawnees 
 would not realize one dollar for their land in Ohio. 
 
 The secretary urged the President to hear us on 
 behalf of the Shawnees, but he refused. He then 
 proposed to make a treaty with the delegation now 
 in attendance, and set Gardner s treaty aside; but in 
 this he failed the President declaring that the Shaw 
 nees should fare no better than the Oherokees did. 
 
 Although we presented to the President the letter 
 sent to the Shawnees by Thomas Jefferson, through 
 Henry Dearborn, Secretary of War, with the gold 
 chain, (which letter the reader may find a copy of in 
 chapter twentieth, to which I refer,) still he could not 
 be prevailed with, by the excellent secretary, to do 
 anything at all in the matter ; though he was very 
 courteous and friendly with us when in his presence, 
 yet he seemed to care very little for the Indians or 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 213 
 
 their rights, no more than he did for what Thomas 
 Jefferson had given this people reason to look for 
 from his successors. 
 
 Being unsuccessful in our attempt with the Execu 
 tive Department, in obtaining redress, we made appli 
 cation to Congress. The business we placed in the 
 care of Joseph Vance, a representative from Ohio, a 
 man of stern integrity, who was well acquainted with 
 the Shawnees, and who had great experience in and 
 out of Congress, and who loved to serve the Indians. 
 My affidavit was obtained, which explained the whole 
 proceedings in regard to the treaty. Vance failed in 
 his first and second attempt in bringing the subject 
 before the House ; but at length got the House to 
 refer the subject to the Committee of Ways and 
 Means, when our memorial, and that of the Shaw 
 nees, together with the affidavit of myself, which was 
 sworn to by Joseph Parks, also, who was Gardner s 
 interpreter at the treaty, which resulted in the com 
 mittee, through their chairman, George McDuffy, 
 of South Carolina, reporting a bill of $30,000, in 
 fifteen equal annual installments, as an additional 
 compensation to the Shawnees for their Ohio lands. 
 Our claim to Congress was for $100,000, but only 
 asked a part at that time being aware of the danger 
 of the veto power, in case we asked too much at 
 once but we left the demand open for future action, 
 and our memorial, etc., were left in the hands of the 
 proper committee, to be taken up at some future day. 
 
 Soon as the business was so that we could leave 
 Washington, Gov. Cass, secretary, paid the whole of 
 
214 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 our expense, from the time we left home, while at 
 Washington, and until we should reach our re 
 spective homes, amounting to 8640, and gave the four 
 chiefs, in cash, $50, each, as a present, and acted 
 in every respect with us and with the chiefs, as be 
 came his high character, as an honorable man ; and 
 so did General Vance, who from the first, interested 
 himself very much in this matter, nor ever faltered 
 until the matter was carried. These men will be 
 long remembered by the Shawnees and their friends, 
 for their goodness to them while in distress and about 
 to leave their favored Ohio. 
 
6HAWKJU! INDIANS. 216 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 AT the conclusion of the treaty, Gardner informed 
 the Shawnees that he would remove them early the 
 next spring to their new homes, and as they had a 
 large number of catt.le and hogs, beside a great deal 
 of other property, that they could not take with them 
 to their new homes, that they had better sell all ex 
 cept what would do them through the winter, and 
 settle up their affairs ; then in the spring their money 
 for their improvements, and their annuity of $3000, 
 would be paid them as they would be about to 
 start west. 
 
 They took the advice of the commissioner, and 
 sold about two hundred head of cattle, about twelve 
 hundred hogs, and many other things, and with the 
 proceeds, purchased clothing, some wagons, guns, 
 provisions, and the like, and many of them settled 
 up their debts with their white neighbors, so as to be 
 in readiness to leave early in the spring following. 
 But instead of the money being paid to them, and 
 they being started on their journey early in the sea 
 son, as they expected, they did not receive one cent 
 of their money till fall, and were not started on their 
 
21 1> JilSTOKi OF THJB 
 
 journey till about the middle of November, or, 
 perhaps, the twentieth. 
 
 The consequence was, that they had, by spring, 
 used up all their provision, had no money, and as 
 they were about to leave the country, they could not 
 get credit as formerly, and the result was, that they 
 suffered greatly for several months for want of food. 
 
 Indeed, I saw more real suffering during that 
 time among the Shawnees, for food, than I had ever 
 expected to witness in my whole life. 
 
 We lived among them, had a number of them at 
 school to clothe and feed, as well as our own family. 
 
 The Indians in their distress, would visit us daily, 
 and beg bread for their children, for the aged people 
 and the sick. Of course, we divided with them, as 
 far as was in our power, but we had to haul our pro 
 vision for more than thirty miles on a very bad road, 
 after paying high prices for it, and with but limited 
 means to buy with ; that we were often hard run to 
 save enough to secure ourselves from want, for while 
 we had anything, we divided to the last. On finding 
 that we could supply the demands on our charity no 
 longer, I procured what I supposed, would last my 
 family a few days, and concluded to take a wagon 
 and visit the Friends on the Miami, a distance of 
 eighty miles, and beg a load of provision for the 
 children and old people at least, as well as for my 
 own family. The evening before I started on this 
 journey, two aged women from Hog Creek, a dis 
 tance of about seventeen miles, came to our Mission. 
 They informed us that there were some little sick 
 
SJHAVTNEK INDIANS. 217 
 
 children in their neighborhood, who were suffering 
 for want of bread, and who would die untess they 
 could get some soon, and that they had come all 
 the way to our house to beg some for them. We 
 gave them what we had, and set something for these 
 poor, aged, hungry women, who objected to eating 
 anything, as they said we could not spare more than 
 we had given them to carry to these children; but 
 we gave them supper, a good bed to lie on, and 
 breakfast. They were tired, and we took care of 
 them; "they were hungry, and we fed them," and 
 sent all we dared to spare, to relieve the sick, and, 
 oh ! how their hearts were filled with thankfulness 
 for this small favor; they took leave of my wife, 
 (who did truly sympathize with them, and who, they 
 well knew, almost took the bread from her own chil 
 dren to give it to theirs,) with tears in their eyes, and 
 thanking her for her kindness to them. Oh ! how an 
 Indian who is in want of bread to allay hunger, can 
 pour forth benedictions on those who relieve him. 
 
 Before leaving for this provision, I wrote to the 
 Secretary of War, as follows ; 
 
 Friends Mission for the Shawnees, Ohio, Qlk month, 
 
 10th, 1832. 
 
 Esteemed Friend. I am still here, among our 
 friends, the Shawnees, but be assured, I am in dis 
 tress. Gardner told these Indians, last summer, when 
 he took their lands from them, that he would remove 
 them early this spring; that as they had a large 
 number of cattle and hogs, beside other property, they 
 
HISTORY OF Tilii 
 
 had better sell all, except what they were obliox-d to 
 take witli them, and what would do them through the 
 winter, and settle up their affairs; then in the spring 
 their money for their improvements, and their an 
 nuity of $3000, would be paid them, and they be 
 immediately after that removed west. Well, they 
 took his advice it is now three months since spring, 
 and here they are yet; their improvement money 
 not paid, nor their annuity either ; no account when 
 they are to get any money, or when they are to start 
 on their journey. No money, their provision all 
 gone, and no credit. Nothing for them but suffering, 
 and that brought on them by that man, who, after 
 cheating them out of their land, now, to complete the 
 business, is starving them for daring to complain 
 against his fraudulent treaty, and starve they will, 
 unless government shall relieve them soon. 
 
 We have done all that has been in our power, to 
 relieve them, but what can we do for so many ? I 
 believe in all sincerity, that some of them will they 
 must starve to death, unless relief comes soon. There 
 are now two old women at our house, who have 
 walked seventeen miles to beg bread for poor, little, 
 sick, starved children, and what can we do? we can 
 scarcely keep enough to do ourselves. If the In 
 dians are not relieved soon, I fear we shall all starve 
 together ; we cannot help sharing with them while 
 we have anything. 
 
 I almost wish I never had seen this place. We 
 came here at the request of the Friends, to help this 
 people, but what are we witness to every day ? people 
 
INDIANS. 
 
 starving for food, starving almost to death, and I 
 repeat/that starve they will with hunger, if not soon 
 relieved. 
 
 I start to-morrow for Waynesvi-lle, eighty mile 
 distant, with a wagon, to beg of the Friends a load 
 of provisions for the children and the sick, but I fear 
 my own family will suffer in my absence, for the In 
 dians will be here during my stay, and my wife will 
 divide the last morsel with them, rather than they 
 should go away hungry. 
 
 Now, my friend, the Secretary, to whom in free 
 dom I have thus written, I am sure, is made of better 
 stuff than to let his old friends, the Shawnees, suffer 
 with hunger, if it is in his power to relieve them. 
 
 I cannot but look for a favorable answer pray do 
 not let me be disappointed. 
 
 Believe me as ever, thy friend, 
 HENRY HARVEY 
 
 LEWIS CASS, Secretary of War, 
 Washington City. 
 
 This letter was forwarded by John Johnston, with 
 a letter inclosing nune, to Gen. Vance at Urbana, and 
 by him inclosing both in a letter of his own, to Gov. 
 Cass at Detroit, where he had gone on a visit to his 
 daughter; and soon as the mail could bring the re 
 turn to Piqua, Ohio, orders were received there, for 
 at once relieving the Shawnees, and in a few days 
 from the receipt of the order from the Secretary, 
 about twenty beeves, and a large amount of flour 
 and bacon was sent out by way of our Mission to 
 
20 HI8TOKY OF THE 
 
 Wapaughkonnetta. The arrival of this provision was 
 the first intimation the Shawnees had, of any relief 
 being asked for from any source. 
 
 They all repaired to Wapaughkonnetta with their 
 families, and had a full supply till they were ready 
 to leave for the west, and myself and family had 
 plenty of the same till we left, as the Shawnees did. 
 
 The Secretary certainly acted nobly in this matter, 
 as did Gen. Vance and John Johnston, both of whom 
 interested themselves so much in behalf of the suffer 
 ing Shawnees. 
 
 On my return from Waynesville, (I may remark 
 here,) I brought a large load of provision, which 
 afforded some relief till Governor Cass large supply 
 arrived. 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 As I have given an account of the manner in which 
 this treaty was managed, I shall now make a state 
 ment of the offers the commissioner made, and the 
 price actually to be paid them as it stands in the 
 treaty, and any one may then be able to judge for 
 themselves whether the rights and interests of the 
 Shawnees were cared for or not in the arrangements 
 made in that treaty. 
 
 Gardner offered to remove all the Shawnees com 
 fortably to their new homes, west of Missouri, entirely 
 at the expense of the United States, and to support 
 them one year after their arrival in that country. 
 
 They were removed, to be sure, but it was far from 
 being comfortably done, as many of them had to furnish 
 their own teams and wagons, and bear a large part 
 of the expense of the journey, and the season being 
 so far advanced that they were overtaken by the 
 winter long before reaching their place of destination, 
 they consequently suffered very much. They were 
 fed on corn and meat for one year after their arrival, 
 but nothing else unless they procured it themselves. 
 
 He informed them that good men should be ap 
 pointed to value their improvements, and every cent 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 that they adjudged them to be worth, should be paid 
 them in money, in order to enable them to make 
 farms in their new country. 
 
 Instead of this course being taken, the commis 
 sioner only paid them thirteen thousand dollars for 
 the whole of their improvements, without ever having 
 seen a dozen of them himself, or sending any other 
 person to examine or fix a value on them ; which 
 plainly showed that little regard was paid to the In 
 dians. T-his was not half the worth of their farms, 
 and even the sum they did receive for their improve 
 ments they had to replace to the United States by 
 an article of the treaty, as soon as their land was sold 
 by the government, after being surveyed. 
 
 They were, by the offers made them, to have good 
 mills erected for them at Kanzas, in lieu of those 
 they had in Ohio. 
 
 Government did have mills erected for them at 
 their new homes, as proposed, but charged the Shaw- 
 nees six thousand dollars for them, and got the 
 money too. 
 
 They were to be furnished with grindstones, cross 
 cut saws, and a number of rifles " to shoot the buf 
 falo, elk, and deer in their new country ;" these were 
 offered them as presents, in order to induce them to 
 remove. 
 
 Well, according to agreement, they were furnished 
 with those articles, but had to pay for them them 
 selves, contrary to the agreement in that case made 
 and provided. Their large buffalo rifles were not 
 worth anything to them, for, contrary to information 
 
HAWNEE INDIANS. 223 
 
 given them by the commissioner, there were no buf 
 falo or elk within two hundred miles of their "new 
 home/ so they had no use for those guns. 
 
 They were promised houses for a blacksmith, and 
 a blacksmith-shop, in lieu of those they had for that 
 purpose in Ohio. 
 
 They were furnished such buildings at their new 
 homes, but instead of receiving them in lieu of those 
 they left in Ohio, they were charged six hundred and 
 forty-four dollars for them, and the government got 
 the money. 
 
 They were promised one hundred thousand acres 
 of land adjoining the tract equal to fifty miles square, 
 which they held under Clark s treaty of 1825, and to 
 have a good general warranty *.deed for the same, in lieu 
 of the lands they held at Wapaughkonnetta, in Ohio. 
 
 By the treaty, as signed by these Indians without 
 hearino- it read, the government was bound to make 
 them a deed, in fee-simple, for one hundred thousand 
 acres of hind, which was to be laid off within the 
 tract of fifty miles square reserved to the Shawnees, 
 in 1825, by General Clark s treaty. 
 
 By the offers made by the commissioner, there was 
 to have been a clause added to the treaty binding 
 the government to liquidate all the Shawnees debts 
 out of the money of the United States, and on this 
 egress -condition they consented to sign the treaty. 
 
 There was no such clause ever inserted in the 
 treaty ; they were nearly all allowed by government 
 tvfcer several years delay, but paid out of the Shaw 
 
 nees money. 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The above constitute the principal items in which 
 the Shawnees lost, in reference to this miserable 
 treaty of 1831. 
 
 In 1832, as stated before, Congress agreed to pay 
 them 830,000, as an additional compensation for their 
 Ohio land. The demand they made as an additional 
 sum for that land, when at Washington, on account of 
 the treaty, was $100,000, this would leave yet as due 
 them, the sum of $70,000, which they expect the gov 
 ernment to pay them, and which, in strict justice, it is 
 bound to do, and which, it is to be hoped, will one 
 day be done. 
 
 Some time in the fall, the chiefs received a notice 
 from Gardner that the sum of $13,000 was ready to 
 be paid to them for their improvements, and request 
 ing them to choose three of their friends to view 
 their improvements and make a demand for the 
 money agreeably to the worth of each man s farm. 
 The chiefs selected three of their friends of whom 
 I was one -to attend to this business for them. 
 
 This we attended to several of the chiefs accom 
 panying us round to all the improvements, ninety-six 
 in number and had the account in readiness by the 
 lime the money arrived. The Indians were not will 
 ing to receive the money from Gardner, as they said 
 he cheated them once, and they were afraid to trust 
 him again ; and the money was paid over by their 
 agent to us, and we paid to each claimant agreeably 
 to the calculations we had made. The sums paid out 
 raned from seven dollars to six "hundred dollars, 
 chiefs agreed with the traders to set apart four 
 
BHAWNEE INDIANS. 25 
 
 thousand dollars out of their improvement funds, to 
 pay their debts, as far as that sum would reach, and 
 the dividend we made for improvements only reached 
 over nine thousand dollars of the thirteen thousand. 
 
 We paid over to each man (or woman) his or her 
 money ourselves, and when all were paid, agreeably 
 to our calculation, we had left in our hands, twenty 
 dollars, which we proposed to give to the chiefs, as 
 they had spent several days in company with us when 
 we were viewing their farms. To this all the Indians 
 at once agreed. After a general consultation among 
 themselves, Way weleapy stepped up on a bench, so he 
 could be seen by the whole company, and said : " I 
 speak on behalf of all the Shaw nee people, and say to 
 our friends, who have had so much trouble in divid 
 ing our money for our farms, that every Indian in 
 the nation is well pleased with all that they have 
 done. We selected them to do this business for us 
 as we could not do it ourselves, and because we 
 knew they were our friends ; and they have not de 
 ceived us." 
 
 We then paid over the twenty dollars to the chiefs, 
 but in a short time they returned, and informed us 
 that they had concluded, as John Wolf had been sick 
 for a long time, and wished to purchase a wagon to 
 move out west in, and lacked twenty dollars to ena 
 ble him to buy the wagon, he wanted us to give 
 him the money we had just paid to them, if we were 
 willing. We agreed to it at once, of course, and 
 were much struck with the simple, straight- for ward 
 honesty of this much-abused people, and could ex- 
 15 
 
226 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 claim, how many of our own officers, after receiving 
 only about fifty cents per day and boarding them 
 selves, would thus take their hard-earned wages and 
 give it to a neighbor, in order to help him on account 
 of being afflicted ! I may remark that this John 
 Wolf was a very industrious, hard-working man, had 
 good possessions in Ohio, and was much grieved at 
 leaving them. He never recovered from his affliction, 
 mentioned above, but lived and died in Kanzas, a poor, 
 disheartened man. He realized what he told me on 
 leaving Ohio, that he could never do any more good 
 in this world. 
 
 Of the four thousand dollars which was taken 
 from the thirteen thousand dollars, which was allowed 
 to the Shawnees for their improvements, a very small 
 part was applied in liquidating the debts of those 
 who had the largest improvements, as these gener 
 ally were clear of debt, as, for instance, Oneissimo 
 (alias, Little Fox,) his improvement, I recollect, was 
 valued at six hundred dollars. His brother, Peai- 
 tchtha s improvement, at five hundred. William 
 Parks farm at five hundred, and many others, who 
 were nearly clear from debt, were among the most 
 valuable farms in the nation. If the whole thirteen 
 thousand dollars had been divided among the Shaw- 
 nees, as the nine thousand was, these men would 
 have received over forty per cent, more for their 
 farms than they did, after the four thousand dollars 
 was deducted from the amount designed to pay for 
 their labor ; but, notwithstanding, they were well 
 aware that they did not owe nny part of these debts 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 227 
 
 scarcely, themselves, and that such a course, would 
 cause them to directly contribute their own money 
 to pay the debts of the most indolent of their people, 
 even to the wronging of themselves and their fami 
 lies, still, the,y did it without a murmur. 
 
 Now, I should like to see the matter brought up 
 among our own people, as it was with the Shawnees, 
 and see if we would act as they did in this matter. 
 
 About the first of the ninth month Gardner arrived 
 at Wapaughkonnetta, in order to remove the Shaw- 
 nees to their new homes. He informed them that he 
 should take them by way of Bellefontaine, Urbana, 
 Xc j nia, Lebanon, and Lawreneeburgh, (which would 
 have been at least one hundred and fifty miles of 
 unnecessary travel). The chiefs told him that they 
 knew the road to their new homes as well as he did; 
 that they would go by Greenville, Richmond, and 
 Indianapolis, which was a straight road, and directly 
 in the right course ; but to go the route he had pro 
 posed, they never would. He continued to urge 
 them until they refused to hear him any longer on 
 the subject. A young man from West Point, who 
 was sent out, I believe, as a disbursing agent to 
 Gardner, got up on a bench and made a very flowery 
 speech to the Indians, urging them, in the most 
 earnest manner, to take Gardner s advice and go the 
 route he had proposed to them telling them that if 
 it was further it would cost them nothing, as govern 
 ment would pay all expense, and by going this route 
 they would get to see several fine towns, fine houses 
 and faims on the road, as well as many white people . 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 a great deal more than to go their own route. He 
 ended his speech, at which the chiefs manifested to 
 the young man to be highly pleased, and told him 
 that they would counsel together that night, among 
 themselves, and answer him about ten o clock in the 
 morning. The young man was highly pleased with 
 what he considered he had effected on the minds of the 
 chiefs by his speech, and waited, no doubt, impatiently, 
 for ten o clock next morning to arrive, to bring out 
 the result of his effort. 
 
 Next morning, when the council met, the chiefs, in 
 a very friendly manner, smoked with the commis 
 sioner and his young friend for some time. At length 
 Wayweleapy arose with great dignity, and remarked, 
 in as solemn a tone as he could, that he was very 
 much pleased to meet his two friends this morning ; 
 that the chiefs had counseled a long time, last night, 
 about what his young friend had said to them in his 
 speech, and that now he hoped all would be done 
 about right, and they would have no more trouble. 
 Then, observing the young man to be very much 
 elated in his mind, on account of his success, as he 
 imagined, the speaker turned to Gardner, and very 
 gravely remarked to him : "My friend, we, the 
 chiefs, are old men ; have been in council with such 
 men as Governor Cass and John Johnston : tell the 
 President, we don t do business with boys. Now, my 
 friend, I have no more to say." 
 
 When the speaker concluded his remarks, one gen 
 eral burst of laughter arose from the Indians, as well 
 
8HAWNSE INDIANS. 229 
 
 as the whites present, (as it was spoken in both lan 
 guages,) which continued for some time, at the ex 
 pense of the young man, who appeared mortified, 
 but did not reply one word, and soon left the house 
 and started for Lewistown, to the great merriment of 
 the Indians. 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 SOON as the Shawnees could make ready, after 
 receiving their money, they set off with heavy hearts 
 on their journey of eight hundred miles, across the 
 open prairie, a great part uninhabited, about the 20th 
 of the ninth month ; that is, those who belonged to 
 the Wapaughkonnetta band, about four-fifths of the 
 whole number of the tribe, but the others would not 
 remove until the following spring. 
 
 It was sorrowful to see those poor souls, as they 
 were leaving their homes and native land, to seek 
 another they knew nothing about, as they cast their 
 last look at their favored spot at old Wapaughkon 
 netta where they had reared up dwellings with their 
 own hands, planted orchards, and raised cattle, 
 horses, and hogs wnere they had good homes, and 
 above all, were content ; but now, contrary to their 
 will, they had to leave all that was dear on earth to 
 them, and seek a home far away, and, as is ever the 
 case with the Indians, they lamented most for having 
 to leave the graves of fathers, mothers, brothers, 
 sisters, and children, to the mercy of a people who, 
 while living, cared little for them, and would care 
 less for their dead. In their journey, they passed by 
 
BHAWSBE INDIANS 31 
 
 our Mission ; all called and took their )ast farewell, 
 and many of them wept bitterly as they left us, and 
 in despair, would declare that they considered they 
 were an undone people ; that their land was gone ; 
 their homes and all they had to support their families 
 on, gone ; that the winter would overtake them before 
 they could reach their new homes, and they feared 
 their women and children would perish ; and if they 
 should get other improvements in their new country, 
 they should never again have assurance that govern 
 ment would let them keep them, since they had taken 
 their lands in Ohio from them. 
 
 They were poorly fitted out for the journey, at that 
 late season of the year, and they knew right well 
 that, when they arrived at their place of destination, 
 they would have no shelter for their families, and 
 what few people were there would be strangers to 
 them, and that considering the condition they were 
 then in all ages and classes, from a hundred years 
 old (for I knew a woman then living, who was one 
 hundred and five years old, who had to leave Ohio) 
 to the infant not two days old all had to leave at 
 the bidding of the white man j^nick or well, prepared 
 or unprepared, this people who were once a free 
 people had now to obey their masters; all they 
 could say, or all they can yet say is of no avail, and 
 of what use is it to lament over their fate when a 
 stronger power has them under its control ? As they 
 have to leave their homes at the demands of the 
 stronger power, all they can do is to plead for mercy, 
 in their present unsettled and ruined condition, 
 
$32 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 and in feelings of despair, appeal to us in language 
 like the following: 
 
 Oh ! listen to a people s cry 
 
 You ve wronged for many a year; 
 No more let interest shroud your eyes, 
 
 Nor avarice close your ears. 
 From many a mountain altar 
 
 It swells on many a breeze; 
 Oh ! let your stout hearts falter 
 
 To accents such as these. 
 Did we not own this glorious land, 
 
 Each mountain, lake, and river? 
 Were they not from Thy sacred hand 
 
 Our heritage forever? 
 Where tombs arise and harvests wave 
 
 Our children used to stray; 
 We cannot find our fathers graves 
 Our fathers ! where are they ? 
 Like snow before Thy fiery glance 
 
 Like dew in the garment s ray, 
 Like bubbles, that on the ocean dance, 
 
 Our tribes are swept away. 
 Father of Heaven ! we faint, we fall, 
 
 Like leaves on some lonely flood, 
 And the earth, beneath our conquerors hall, 
 
 Still reeks ^ith thy children s blood! 
 
 They arrived at their new homes about Christmas, 
 after having traveled a great distance through the 
 snow in that cold, open, prairie country; but as they 
 expected, found no shelter for their families to winter 
 in, and had to live in tents until they had time to 
 erect cabins, which they did as soon as the weather 
 would admit. 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 235 
 
 Gardner, the commissioner who made the treaty 
 with the Shawnees (or more properly speaking, for 
 them) superintended the removal of the tribe as far 
 as to the Mississippi river, but he so much neglected 
 his duty in providing for them, that he had to leave 
 them and return home. 
 
 The band of Hog Creek Shawnees removed out 
 the next summer after the others did. They were 
 well taken care of by Joseph Parks, who got the job 
 of removing them, and he did his duty, and they all 
 arrived in safety and without suffering ; which would 
 have been the case with the first company if they 
 had been removed early in the season, as they were 
 told would be the case, and had had a feeling, honest 
 man to remove them. 
 
34 BISTORT Of THJS 
 
 CHAPTEK XXXVI. 
 
 THREE of us visited them, early the next summer, 
 and found nearly all of them in cabins. Many of 
 them had made rails, inclosed grounds, and planted 
 some corn and beans, and procured some stock. The 
 purpose of our visit to them was to offer to erect 
 buildings and establish a school among them. We 
 had them collected in council, on the occasion, and 
 informed them that we had sold our farm and other 
 property in Ohio, where we had taught their child 
 ren, and wished to apply the proceeds to a like 
 purpose at their present homes, if they desired it, 
 and that we wanted none of their money, but would 
 do it all at our own expense, as we had ever done, 
 only we wanted to have a farm as large as we might 
 need and timber TO keep it up. To these propositions 
 they at once consented. 
 
 In the fall, the Hog Creek band arrived from 
 Ohio. They were removed under the care of Joseph 
 Parks, and by him were well cared for and removed 
 very comfortably. The Shawnees, of course, raised 
 very little grain, that season, and no meat. As th ey 
 arrived the winter before, and had their houses to 
 build and rails to split, they had but little time to 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 235 
 
 raise food for winter. Their year s supply ended at 
 Christmas, and there was no game; consequently 
 they saw no way to sustain their families until they 
 could raise a supply in the spring of 1 834. I received 
 a letter from the chiefs, certified by their agent, stat 
 ing that they were in a suffering condition for want 
 of* provisions, and asking help from us. On the 
 receipt of the information contained in the letter, I 
 forwarded it to General Vance and requested him to 
 bring their situation before Congress and ask relief 
 fronTthe government, which he did, and asked that 
 five thousand dollars should be appropriated for the 
 relief of the Shawnees ; but in this he failed. 
 
 The subject was laid before the Friends with better 
 success. A large amount of bacon and flour was 
 contributed to their relief and shipped to Indepen 
 dence, to the care of the United States agent, who 
 judiciously distributed it to those who were unable 
 to procure any provisions for themselves. 
 
 Two of us again visited the Shawnees in the 
 spring, to have buildings erected in order to resume 
 a school. We had them collected in a general coun 
 cil, and proposed to them to seltet a site for us to 
 erect a house and inclose a farm, and in order that 
 all might be conducted in harmony, we proposed to 
 mark out a tract, including as much prairie as we 
 thought would be sufficient for farming purposes, 
 and as much timbered land adjoining it as we might 
 apprehend we should ever need for all purposes. ^ 
 
 After they had consulted until the next morning, 
 they informed us, that they had agreed to our 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 proposition so far as to point out the place, if that 
 would suit us, but if not, we might select a place our 
 selves ; but as to the other proposal, they were not 
 satisfied, for if they were to mark off a piece of land, 
 as we wished, it would look bad it would look as if 
 they were afraid to trust their friends who had done 
 so much for them, but that they would say just 
 nothing about how much we were to have, but leave 
 us to farm as much prairie as we might wish to, and 
 go anywhere on their land and cut as much timber 
 as we should want. To this we agreed, and the 
 chiefs and we signed an article to tha.t effect. After 
 spending several days very pleasantly with them and 
 in making arrangements for erecting a dwelling and 
 school-house, we returned to Ohio. 
 
8HAWNEB INDIANS, 237 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 I RECEIVED a letter from the Shawnees, informing 
 me, that, of the payment of two thousand dollars 
 annually for fifteen years, by the Act of Congress of 
 1832, " as an additional compensation for their reser 
 vations at Wapaughkonnetta and Hog Creek, " they 
 had never yet received one cent ; that they had con 
 cluded to send a delegation to Washington City, on 
 the subject, and asking me to write them a letter and 
 inform them which of their chiefs, and the number, I 
 thought should compose the delegation. I consulted 
 Thomas Corwin, who was about to start to Washing 
 ton. Being a member of Congress at that time, he 
 undertook to attend to their business. As soon as he 
 arrived at Washington, he laid the subject before the 
 Secretary of War, who informed him by a note, 
 (which he sent to me,) " that at the time the Act 
 was passed, the understanding was, that it was to pay 
 the Shawnee debts, and as only about four hundred 
 dollars of those debts were allowed to be just, the 
 Department had come to the conclusion to pay out no 
 more, as the purpose Congress had in passing that 
 bill, was answered." Corwin replied to him, " that 
 as the Act specified no such thing as paying debts, 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 but simply an act as an additional compensation for 
 their lands, no such construction could be sustained," 
 and that he should bring the subject before Congress. 
 He then requested me to send the Shawnees word, 
 not to come to Washington, as the government would 
 not pay their expenses ; but to inform them, that he 
 would attend to their business for them. 
 
 This he did, and carried an amendment to the 
 " Indian Appropriation Bill," granting eight thou 
 sand dollars, that being the amount due them, up to 
 that period. 
 
 This amount was promptly paid, leaving them 
 still eleven payments, amounting to twenty-two thou 
 sand dollars. But sometime after this, government 
 admitted a claim which had been rejected by the 
 Indian department, and which originated prior to the 
 treaty of 1831, (and which, the Shawnees under 
 stood, was to be paid out of government funds,) to 
 be paid out of the money granted as the additional 
 compensation on account of the fraudulent treaty of 
 1831. Thus were four of the fifteen annual pay 
 ments of two thousand dollars each, taken by govern 
 ment from these people, and paid over to one of the 
 traders, and this was a part of one of the very claims 
 which the commissioners declared, that, if the chiefs 
 would sign the treaty, the government should pay. 
 But, alas ! how little regard was paid to the faith of 
 our nation, or to the wants of these poor people. 
 
HAW2TEE INDIANS. 
 
 839 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 EARLY in the summer, a family was sent by the 
 Friends, to superintend our Mission, then to be put 
 into operation, and a teacher was also procured, and 
 a school organized, which continued for near three 
 years. The Indians improved fast, in the arts of 
 civilization. Two other schools were commenced 
 about the same time, one of which was small, but 
 well-conducted, and under the care of the Baptists ; 
 and the other, a large, well-conducted school, under 
 the care of the Methodist Church. These schools 
 afforded the Indians an opportunity of having their 
 children well educated, free of cost. 
 
 About this time, or in the year 1834, the United 
 States undertook to drive the Seminole Indians by 
 force, into a treaty, in order to obtain their lands in 
 Florida, and then settle them in the Indian territory, 
 west of the State of Missouri. This was a trouble 
 some affair, and seemed from the nature of the coun 
 try, to be more than they were able to accomplish ; 
 for the Indians penetrated deep into the swamps, 
 where the soldiers are neither able to follow, or drive 
 them out. 
 
$40 HISTORY OF THK 
 
 It was at length concluded, that it would take 
 some of their own kind of people to accomplish what 
 our enlightened race had failed to do. 
 
 The Shawnees and Delawares were each levied on 
 for a company, and a high reward was offered for 
 volunteers from these tribes. About eighty men 
 were raised, and transported to the Seminole country, 
 as the Hessians were, by England, in the time of the 
 revolutionary war, to -fight against a people who had 
 never injured them, and to whom, they were entire 
 strangers. 
 
 After an absence of six months, they all returned, 
 but one of them had his arm badly shot by a Sem 
 inole. Very few of them received the amount of 
 pay offered them at the time they undertook the 
 service. 
 
INDIA**. 24 1 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX 
 
 THE school under the care of the Friends, was sus 
 pended for a few months in the winter of 1839-40, 
 on account of the absence of the teacher, and the 
 affliction of the family of the superintendent. 
 
 In the spring, I arrived in their country with my 
 family and a teacher, and took charge of the Mission, 
 and commenced a school, which was soon tilled with 
 very interesting children. 
 
 The children being very destitute of clothing, as 
 well as bed-clothes, I gave the information of their 
 needy condition, to the young Friends of Baltimore, 
 with an account of the very interesting school we 
 had ; in return for which, we received about one 
 hundred and fifty dollars worth of the most valuable 
 clothes, ready-made, material for clothes, books, etc. 
 We also received several hundred dollars worth from 
 the Friends of Ohio and Indiana. 
 16 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 IN the year 1841, there was a treaty held at Upper 
 Sandusky, in Ohio, with the Wyandots, who held a 
 reservation which the United States wished to ex 
 change for land in the Indian territory. To this pro 
 position, the Wyandots would not agree, unless they 
 could get a tract six miles wide off the Shawnees, at 
 the east end of their land, and the same amount of 
 the Delawares. This was of the best land the Shaw 
 nees held, and lay adjoining the State of Missouri, 
 for a distance of twenty-fire miles, including a large 
 number of their improvements, and all three of their 
 Missions ; yet, strange as it may appear, they, strongly 
 urged by some of their leading men, who were con 
 nected with the traders, agreed to sell. A letter was 
 sent to them by the commissioner who was to treat 
 with the Wyandots, urging them in the strongest 
 terms, to sell. 
 
 He informed them, that many years ago, the Shaw 
 nees were destitute of a home, and the Wyandots 
 gave them one, and did many kind actions for them, 
 and now was their time to repay them. 
 
 The letter from the commissioner was brought by 
 the chiefs to our Mission, according to the request of 
 
8KAWNEE INDIANS. 48 
 
 the writer. About seventy of the principal men of A 
 the Shawnees and Delaware nations were present. 
 When the letter was read, making known that the 
 desire of the commissioner was for them to give the 
 Wyandots a tract of land off the Shawnee reserva 
 tion, amounting to one hundred and fifty square 
 miles, and nearly as much from the Dela wares, and 
 assuring them, that the Wyandots would make them 
 a handsome present for it, but informing them that 
 our government would not purchase it of them, and 
 reminding them of former favors bestowed by the 
 Wyandots, in giving them a home, when they were 
 without one, this caused a great sensation in the 
 minds of all the Delawares present, and all of the 
 Shawnees, except a few, who were connected with the 
 Wyandots, or under the influence of certain traders, 
 who thought the Wyandots would bring a large sum 
 of money with them ; and as they had now got all 
 the Shawnees money, it would be better suited to 
 their interest, to push the Shawnees aside, and let 
 the Wyandots take their place. This was their 
 policy. There was a stormy time in council, for one 
 day. Some few urged the measure, and those few 
 were confined entirely to those who had recently 
 come from Ohio, and who had never paid anything 
 for this land, but merely held a claim upon it, 
 through the kind indulgence of those who had pur 
 chased it. 
 
 Those of the Shawnees, who had formerly lived 
 at Cape Girardeau, made vehement indignation 
 speeches. They cast very severe and just reflection* 
 
244 HISTORY OF THH 
 
 on their brethren from Ohio who manifested so much 
 liberality in giving away land, for which they had 
 never paid one cent. They were very severe upon 
 the government for urging them to give away their 
 land to these people, because it was said they had, 
 in times past, done so much for them. Among the 
 most prominent speakers who opposed the measure, 
 was Peter Cornstalk, a very old man, and son of the 
 celebrated chief, Cornstalk, a conspicuous character in 
 the Governor Dunmore war. He declared that he was 
 as old a man as the commissioner was, and that he 
 did not believe one word he said about the Wyandots 
 having done so much for the Shawnees. He thought 
 it very strange that government could remember so 
 much the Wyandots had done for them and he know 
 nothing about it. 
 
 "Strange," said he, "I must have been asleep a 
 long time." " Well," he continued, " the Wyandots 
 have given the United States a great deal of land ; 
 the United States have land plenty more, by far, 
 than the Shawnees have and he would propose that 
 they just give the Wyandots a little, and not beg it 
 of the Shawnees for them." He declared they should 
 not have one foot of their land. 
 
 This chief, although, I supposed him to be upward 
 of eighty years of age, appeared strong and well, 
 was a very fluent and powerful speaker, and although 
 Way weleapy was somewhat his superior in speaking, 
 and, withal, very desirous of accommodating the 
 Wyandots and his old friend, the commissioner, after 
 hearing the determined and masterly speech of this 
 
8HA.WNES INDIANS. 245 
 
 ancient, resolute chief, in which himself and several 
 of the Ohjo band were roughly handled, and indeed 
 threatened, he became silent and did not attempt a 
 reply. Peter Cornstalk was a war-chief, and being 
 an exciting speaker, was chosen to defend their 
 rights. Several of the Ohio chiefs, among whom 
 were Little Fox and Pamothaway (George Williams), 
 opposed the measure very obstinately. George Wil 
 liams denied the statement set forth by the commis 
 sioner, that the Wyandots had given the Shawnees 
 an acre of land. He went into a full history about 
 the Shawnees once being offered a large tract of land 
 by the Wyandots, for them to live and hunt on, to 
 pay them for helping to fight the Kentuckians ; but 
 as soon as the war was over, they were driven away. 
 This account, he said, he made from what old men 
 had told him ; and his account agrees with what we 
 read, on that subject, in the government papers. 
 
 Before. the debate closed, the parties became so 
 warm on the subject, that John Perry, head chwf, in 
 a few words dissolved the council. 
 
 In a few days, however, those, who were in favor 
 of the measure, held another council, at the agency. 
 I attended this council and did all in my power to 
 prevent anything being done in the matter, as I was 
 very sure, if there was, some of these men would be 
 put to death. This I had reason to believe, from 
 what some of their best men had frequently declared 
 to me. 
 
 In this last council they seemed really to give the 
 matter up, but in a few days a few of the leaders in 
 
24G HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the business were prevailed upon by some traders, 
 who, I learned, offered the head chief one thousand 
 dollars if he would push the matter. Accordingly a 
 paper was prepared, signed by himself and a few 
 others, and sent to the commissioner at Upper San- 
 dusky, Ohio, informing him that the Shawnees had 
 agreed to the proposition, and appointed a delegate 
 to start for the same place in a few days. This I 
 learned from one of them, as he was returning from 
 the post-office, where he had been to mail the 
 papers. 
 
 On my return I found several of the chiefs, who 
 had opposed the measure, awaiting my arrival. They 
 had heard of the course pursued by the other party, 
 and I then told them all I had learned about it. One 
 of the chiefs wept like a child ; he told me that he 
 was one hundred and ten years old ; that his name 
 was Crane, and that he was one of those chiefs who 
 made the treaty with Governor Clark at St. -Louis, in 
 1825, for that very land which the others were sell 
 ing or giving away. He showed me the treaty, 
 which he had in his possession, with his name to it, 
 and asked me to assist them in preventing the sale 
 of their land. 
 
 In a few days Little Fox brought an interpreter 
 with him and begged me to assist them in stopping 
 the proceedings ; he declared that, if the Wyandots 
 got their land, they would kill the chiefs who had 
 done that act. He said that he had a good farm, his 
 brother had, his sister had, and Billy Parks had, as 
 well as many others, and that they would die before 
 
SHAWNEE ISDIAN8. 247 
 
 they would leave them. On the next day, one of the 
 chiefs came and requested me to meet them in coun 
 cil on the following day, at Peter Cornstalk s. I 
 accordingly attended, and on my arrival there, I 
 found them assembled to the number of one hundred, 
 and seated in order. When I entered, the chiefs 
 arose and shook hands with me, then resumed their 
 seats without uttering a word. All remained silent 
 until Cornstalk arose and delivered a speech declar 
 ing their determination never to leave their homes, 
 and saying many other things similar in meaning to 
 what he had said at the first council, all of which I 
 wrote down. The Shawnees, present at this council, 
 were composed mostly of the Missouri band, and 
 were very much enraged at what had been done by 
 the Ohio band. Apprehending that serious mischief, 
 if not arrested, would befall those chiefs who had 
 urged this matter to such a hasty conclusion, I in 
 formed them that, if they would all now agree to 
 drop the matter, I would endeavor to stop the whole 
 proceedings, but if they would not now pledge them 
 selves to me, that they would not hurt any of those 
 who had done this bad act, until time was allowed to 
 send a letter to Ohio and get an answer, that I would 
 do no more in the matter; but if they would, and 
 leave all to me, I thought that I could have the mat 
 ter stopped. I told t^e^m that I would send their 
 speeches and a letter of mjr own to the commissioner 
 at Sandusky ; that I knew, him as one of the best 
 men living, and that, if he were acquainted with 
 
548 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their distressing situation, he would at once stop the 
 whole proceedings. I also told them that, in my 
 letter, I would tell him all about their troubles, and 
 I knew that he would believe me. They all pledged 
 themselves that they would do as I wished, and the 
 council closed. They were true to their promise, and 
 I heard no more complaint from them. 
 
 I wrote to the commissioner, giving him a detailed 
 account of the whole affair, and transmitted to him 
 the speech of Cornstalk. He received my communi 
 cation the day before the treaty with the Wyandots 
 was to be held the account from the party favorable 
 to the sale, or gift of the land to that tribe, having 
 reached him a few days previous. 
 
 After having received my papers, he wrote me an 
 answer, the contents of which he wished me to make 
 the Shawnees acquainted with, stating that, on the 
 receipt of the letter from the Ohio chiefs, which letter 
 being approved by the agent, he convened the Wyan- 
 dot chiefs and informed them that they could be ac 
 commodated with land by the Shawnees, and that he 
 now wished to conclude the treaty, for which purpose 
 he had a house filled with bacon, beef, tobacco, and 
 flour, but just at that time he received my letter. 
 He called the chiefs together and read the letter to 
 them, and told them that he had now got the true 
 state of matters regarding the Shawnees, and that he 
 would not go another step in the matter, as he could 
 not be the means of bringing trouble on the Shaw 
 nees, and then dismissed the council. He immedi- 
 
EIIAWNEE INDIANS. 249 
 
 ately sent the account of what had transpired to mo, 
 which I made known to the Shawnees, and then 
 they let the matter rest; but the delegation being 
 ignorant of what had been sent to Sandusky City, 
 fitted out and went on their mission, but they were 
 too late. They returned and gave the matter up, 
 but the Wyandots succeeded in procuring some land 
 from the Delawares. 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER ILL 
 
 IN the spring of 1842 I left the Shawnee country, 
 and returned, with my family, to Ohio, having, with 
 my family, spent two years with them at Wapaugh- 
 konnetta, at a time when they underwent an abun 
 dance of trouble, and enduring some suffering, and 
 having been, in several instances, instrumental in 
 rendering them some assistance, and twice visiting 
 them at their far-distant homes, when among strangers; 
 and now, after mingling again with them, as I did, 
 and having taught, or kept up a large school to their 
 satisfaction, they were very loth to give us up. I 
 did not let them know, until a short time before we 
 left, of our prospect of leaving them. When they 
 learned that it was our intention soon to leave them, 
 we were visited almost daily, by some of them. One 
 of the chiefs visited us, and brought an interpreter 
 with him. He told us that they had held a large 
 council on the subject, at which many of their women 
 were present, and that they had sent him to us with 
 their. last farewell. He had my family all collected 
 in the house to themselves. After having been 
 seated in silence for some time, he shook hands with 
 us all, and then said: " My brother and my sister, I 
 
6HAWXEB INDIANS. 251 
 
 am now about to speak for all our young men, and 
 for all of our women and children, and in their name 
 to bid you farewell. They could not all come it 
 would be too much trouble to you to have them all 
 here at one time so I have been sent with their mes 
 sage. I was directed to tell you that all their hearts 
 are full of sorrow, because you are going to leave 
 them and return to your home again. Ever since 
 you have been living with us, we can all see how the 
 Quakers and our fathers used to live together in 
 peace. You have used our children well, and have 
 been "kind to us all: your doors were always opened 
 to us. We were sometimes in distress, and you 
 helped us ; many times our people were hungry, and 
 you gave them victuals. You were always kind to 
 us, and we loved you. Your children and our chil 
 dren lived together in peace at school, and learned 
 together, and they loved one another. We will 
 always remember you, and we will tell our children 
 never to forget your children. And now, my brother 
 and sister, I bid you farewell ; and Caleb and his 
 sisters, and the little boys and their little sisters, fare 
 well." He then came to me, and taking me by my 
 left arm, close to the shoulder, and holding on for 
 some time, crying like a child, in broken English said: 
 "Farewell, my brother !" then bid my wife farewell, 
 calling her his good sister, and asking that the Lord 
 might bless her for her kindness to them. Next he 
 bid all our children farewell, and talked to each in 
 Shawnee, knowing they could understand him. AH 
 wept bitterly when our least children cried aloud as 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 he held them by the hands and gave them his parting 
 adieu, telling them never to forget him and the little 
 Shawnee children, with whom they had lived in peace 
 so long. When he had gone around all the family 
 in this manner, and talked to every one, he turned 
 back, and, after again taking each one of us by the 
 hand, he left us without saying another word. 
 
 I confess, I was so overcome that I could not speak, 
 but I shall never forget that day. This was George 
 Williams, a near neighbor to us, and a sober, honest, 
 upright man. In a few days all the chiefs, except 
 Geo. Williams, came early in the morning to see me. 
 They told us, on their arrival, that George Williams 
 had been sent a few days before to deliver a mes 
 sage and bid us farewell, on behalf, and in the name 
 of the whole nation ; but now they had come on their 
 own account, as the chiefs, to pass the day with us, 
 and to talk over all their old matters with me, as wo 
 were going to leave them, for which they were very 
 sorry, because we had been with them so much ; but 
 they supposed we wanted to go to our home, and our 
 friends and they must give us up. They said, may 
 be it would be the last day we should ever spend 
 together in this world, and then proposed to me that 
 we should all go into the yard to talk, as it was a 
 pleasant day, and they would spit so much in the 
 house. 
 
 I had their horses put up and fed. There were 
 about twenty chiefs and counselors present. We 
 spent a happy day together, and I gave them a good 
 dinner. In the afternoon they saddled their horses, 
 
SHAWJSEii INDIANS. 
 
 263 
 
 and tied them near the bars, and then returned to 
 where we had been sitting. When evening drew 
 near I observed them become very solemn and 
 thoughtful, and conversing, among themselves, about 
 returning home. Soon they divided something among 
 themselves, that looked like fine seeds, which John 
 Perry had wrapped in a cloth. 
 
 They then loosened their hair and clothes. Henry 
 Clay, one of the chiefs, who acted as interpreter, in 
 formed me, that they were now ready to return home. 
 They wanted me to have everbody but my wife and 
 children, leave the house, and for us to arrange our 
 selves in order, according to our ages, so they could 
 take a last look at each one of us, and bid us farewell. 
 Henry Clay came to the door, looked in, saw us all 
 standing in order on the floor, and then returned to 
 the others, when they came into the house, one after 
 another, according to their stations. John Perry 
 came first. Each one, as he reached the door, put 
 something into his mouth, (the seed I supposed,) and 
 chewed it. John Perry first took iny hand, and 
 said, " Farewell, my brother." Then taking my wife 
 by the hand, said, " My sister, farewell." Tears 
 streamed down his aged cheek, as he bid our chil 
 dren adieu, talking all the time to them in the Shaw- 
 nee language. The others followed in the same way. 
 Some of them were crying, and trying to talk to our 
 children, as they held them by the hand. The chil 
 dren cried the whole time, as if they were parting 
 with one another. The ceremony lasted for some 
 time. When they were through, every one started 
 
264 HISTORY OF THH 
 
 directly, and mounted their horses, John Perry lead 
 ing, and the others falling in in order, one after another, 
 they set off for their homes across the prairie. Not 
 one looked back, but they observed the same order 
 as if they were returning from a funeral. This was 
 a solemn time to us. Here were the celebrated 
 Shawnee chiefs, great men among the Indians, some 
 of them called in time past, brave warriors, now here 
 in mourning in tears, and all this in sincerity, and 
 for nothing more than parting with us. They surely 
 did love us. Whether we were deserving of their 
 heartfelt love and confidence or not, they thought we 
 were ; and it was a moving, solemn spectacle for us. 
 They were several times brought to great straits, 
 and, to use their own term, I helped them. Some 
 times some of their people were hungry, and we fed 
 them. This they knew, and did not forget. After 
 some poor, little child was nearly naked, and they 
 saw our own children s clothes on it, they would not 
 soon forget that. In a few days from this time, we 
 took leave of the school children, about forty in 
 number. These children had been given up to us 
 on our arrival among the Indians, several of them 
 being the children of those who had attended our 
 school in Ohio. They had lived in our family two 
 years ; had lived very peaceably with our children, 
 had interchanged languages with them, and had 
 become very much attached to one another ; and the 
 parting scene was very affecting indeed. We took 
 leave of them in the school-house all wept, from 
 the smallest to the largest. Some of the little girls 
 
6HAWNSE INDIANS, 65 
 
 followed us to the wagon, and begged to ride across 
 the fields with our girls. We let several of them 
 ride, but when we stopped for them to get out of the 
 wagon, they refused to leave our children. We had 
 to put tli em out by force. They clung fast to our 
 little girl, and screamed as loud as they could, and 
 so did our own poor little girl. We had to tear them 
 apart, and put them out of the wagon, and go off 
 and leave them in this situation, which was a very 
 hard trial to us. 
 
 Now, I wish the reader to understand me rightly 
 in all I have said about our parting with the Shaw- 
 nees. I do not wish to have anything attributed to 
 me or mine ; that is not what I intended ; neither is 
 it the purpose for which I have kept their accounts. 
 I wish it distinctly understood, that we were employed 
 by the Society of Friends in this service. The ex 
 pense was borne entirely by the members of that 
 Society. I only contributed my part in making up 
 the money. 1 was bound to be faithful to the trust 
 reposed in me in us, I should say, and all I claim, 
 is, that we strove to do our duty. 
 
 We confess, that the gratitude so abundantly mani 
 fested by these poor souls toward us, and the con 
 sciousness of having done our duty, is a great, a 
 rich, and lasting reward, which will console us now 
 in our declining years, and we hope, will continue to 
 do so, till the end of our pilgrimage here. These 
 thoughts, we trust, will be a consolation to us in our 
 last moments, and with what other good works we 
 may do, or may have done, will, when we rest from 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 our labors, follow us to a glorious habitation, where 
 all the just of every generation have gone. 
 
 My object in penning these accounts, is, that those 
 who may read them, may see what the " Savages/ as 
 they are so wrongfully denominated, are, when treated 
 as human beings. They are such utter strangers to 
 such treatment as Christians should bestow on their 
 fellows, that if they receive ever so small a favor, 
 they can scarcely avoid magnifying it into something 
 very great. 
 
 I am sure, that to see these great and strong- 
 minded chiefs melted into a flood of tears weeping 
 in agony; holding us firmly by the hands, their eyes 
 turned toward Heaven, and in their native language, 
 invoking the Great Spirit to shower down blessings 
 upon each member of the family, as they parted 
 from us ; this, I am sure, was enough to tender any 
 heart that could be moved ; it was enough for us 
 more than we expected more than we deserved. 
 We only regret, that every one who may read this, 
 cannot have the opportunity we had, of witnessing 
 the gratitude of these Indians, of these " Savages;" 
 if they could, the term savage, if ever applied to the 
 Indians, would be spared from the Shawnees. I 
 have been acquainted with many Indian tribes, and I 
 believe that if ever our race was used as they have 
 been, we would be more vindictive more savage by 
 far, than they. A morsel of bread would not soften 
 us small favors would not reconcile us, as they do 
 these people. 
 
 The school which we left, was continued under the 
 
8HAWNEK INDIANS. 257 
 
 cnre ol others who succeeded us, with great advantage 
 to the Shawnees. The Shawnees generally, advanced 
 in improvements, but they were not healthy many 
 of their chief men died, among whom, were John 
 Perry and Wayweleapy, and several other chiefs. 
 In the year 1844, they were visited by a great flood, 
 which swept off their houses, and a large amount of 
 grain ; many of their farms were laid waste. In 
 consequence of this, they were likely to be in want, 
 information of which, coming to the Society of 
 Friends, a large amount of money was raised, and 
 provisions procured for their use, till they could raise 
 u supply for themselves. 
 
 17 
 
HISTORY OF THB 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 I DO not know that it will be necessary for me to 
 take notice of any more treaties with the Shawnees, 
 before finishing my book. I hope not. After ex 
 amining all the treaties between our government and 
 that nation, I can find only one which has the 
 appearance of fairness, as containing a contract in 
 which we pay a just equivalent for the property 
 purchased, and that is the treaty of 1817, held by 
 Governor Cass and Me Arthur. In that treaty, these 
 commissioners evidently had justice and the welfare 
 of the Shawnees in view, and the result was, that 
 they provided them with a good tract of land, and 
 had it secured to them as their own. This is the 
 first treaty, I believe, which was ever made with the 
 Shawnees, without demanding land of them ; and 
 those demands were always based upon this ground : 
 " To manifest their good-will to the United States, 
 and to indemnify the government for the expense of 
 some war," which had been carried on in their coun 
 try until, after their villages and other property had 
 been destroyed, they were compelled, in order to 
 save their families, to sue for peace ; and in that 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 259 
 
 situation they would agree to almost any terras that 
 might be proposed. 
 
 General Wayne admitted that the Shawnees had 
 an indisputable right to the soil. Cass and McArthur 
 acknowledged that the United States were under obli 
 gations to them for services rendered, and did not, 
 as usual, make them give a large amount, as evi 
 dence of their regard for the United States. There 
 are three men, one of whom is dead, who may justly 
 be considered as the faithful friends of the Indians, 
 and who ever strove for the interest of the Shawnees; 
 they ever had the love and confidence of the nation. 
 These men were, Lewis Cass, John Johnston, and 
 General Joseph Vance. These men were ready at 
 all times to aid the Shawnees were men in high 
 standing in government had great influence, and 
 used it in behalf of this people and to the latest 
 period of their existence, as a nation, I have no doubt, 
 they will be held in grateful remembrance, as among 
 its foremost friends. 
 
260 HISTORY OP THB 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 I HAVE omitted noticing a letter from a confedera 
 tion of chiefs, of which the Shawnees, as one of them, 
 with thirteen other bands, signed it on the 16th of 
 August, 1793, at the mouth of Detroit river, which 
 was sent by a runner to the United States commis 
 sioner at the rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie. 
 This letter will show that the Shawnees had a claim 
 to the lands in question equal to the other bands. 
 This agrees with the idea of Tecumseh, but in which 
 he was overruled by Gen. Harrison. The letter is as 
 follows, viz: 
 
 " To the Commissioners of the United States : 
 Brothers, we have received your speech, dated 31st 
 of last month, and it has been interpreted to all the 
 different nations. We have been long in sending you 
 an answer, because of the great importance of the 
 subject. But we now answer it fully, having given 
 it all the consideration in our power. 
 
 " Brothers, you told us that after you had made 
 peace with the king, our father, about ten years ago, 
 that it remained to make peace between the United 
 States and the Indian nations who had taken part 
 with the king. For this purpose, commissioners 
 
8HAWNEB INDIANS. 261 
 
 were appointed, wlio sent messages to all those In 
 dian nations, inviting them to come and make peace ; 
 and, after reciting the periods at which you say trea 
 ties were held at Fort Stanwix, Forts Mclntosh and 
 Miami, all of which treaties, according to your own 
 acknowledgment, were for the sole purpose of 
 making peace, you then say Brothers, the commis 
 sioners who conducted the treaties in behalf of the 
 United States, sent the papers concerning them to 
 the general councils of the States, who, supposing 
 them satisfactory to the nations treated with, pro 
 ceeded to dispose of the lands thereby ceded. 
 
 " Brothers, this is telling us plainly what we always 
 understood to be the case, and it agrees with the 
 declaration of those who made the treaties, viz : 
 That they went to meet your commissioners to make 
 peace, but, through fear, were obliged to sign the 
 papers laid before them ; and it has since appeared 
 that deeds of cession were signed by them instead of 
 treaties of peace You say, after some time it ap 
 pears that a number of people in your nation were 
 dissatisfied with the treaties of Forts Mclntosh and 
 Miami, therefore the council of the United States 
 appointed Governor St. Glair their commissioner, with 
 full powers, for the purpose of removing all causes 
 of controversy relating to trade, and settling bounda 
 ries between the Indian nations, in the northern de 
 partment, and the United States. He accordingly 
 sent messages, inviting all the nations concerned to 
 meet him at a council-fire he kindled at the falls of 
 the Muskingum river. While lie was waiting for 
 
262 
 
 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 them, some mischief happened at that pface, and the 
 fire was put out : so he kindled a council-fire at Fort 
 Harmar, where near six hundred Indians attended. 
 The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the 
 treaty of Fort Stanwix, and the Wyandots renewed 
 and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mclntosh ; some 
 Ottawas, Chippewas, Potlawatomies and Sacs, were 
 also parties to the treaties of Fort Harmar. 
 
 Now, brothers, these are your own words, and it 
 is necessary for us to make a short reply to them. 
 
 "Brothers, a general council of all the Indian 
 confederacy was held, as you well know, in the fall 
 of the year 1788, at this place ; and that a general 
 council was invited by your commissioner, Governor 
 St. Chiir, to meet him, for the purpose of holdin* a 
 treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned by you 
 to have been ceded by the treaties of Stanwix and 
 Fort Mclntosh. 
 
 " We are in possession of the speeches and letters 
 which passed, on that occasion, between those de 
 puted by the confederated Indians, and Governor St. 
 Clair, the commissioner of the United States. These 
 papers prove, that your said commissioners, in the 
 beginning of the year 1789, after having been in 
 formed by the general council of the preceding fall, 
 that no bargain or sale of any part of these Indian 
 lands, would be considered as valid or binding unless 
 
 O* 
 
 agreed to by a general council, nevertheless, collect 
 ing together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, 
 they with them held a treaty for the cession of an 
 immense country, in which they were no more 
 
S1IAWNEE INDIANS. 263 
 
 interested than as a branch of the great confederacy, 
 and who were in no manner authorized to make any 
 grant or cession whatever. . 
 
 " Brothers: how then was it possible for you to 
 expect to enjoy peace and quietly hold these lands, 
 when your commissioner was informed, long before 
 he held the treaty of Fort Harmar, that the consent 
 of a general council was absolutely necessary to 
 convey any part of the land to the United States? 
 The part "of these lands, which the United States 
 now wish us to relinquish, and which, you say, are 
 settled, have been sold by the United States since 
 that time. 
 
 "Brothers: you say the United States wish to 
 have confirmed all the lands ceded by the treaty of 
 Fort Harmar, and also a small tract at the falls of the 
 Ohio, claimed by General Clark for his warriors, and 
 in consideration for which, the United States would 
 give such a large sum of money, or goods, as was 
 never given at any time for any quantity of Indian 
 land since the white people first set their foot in this 
 country ; and because these lands furnished you with 
 skins and furs with which you bought clothing and 
 other necessaries, the United States will now furnish 
 the like constant supplies. And, therefore, beside 
 the great sum to be delivered at once, they will, 
 every year, deliver you a large quantity of such 
 goods as are best suited to the wants of yourselves, 
 your women, and your children. 
 
 "Brothers: money to us, is of no value, and to 
 many of us unknown, and as no consideration what- 
 
264 HISTORY OJf THB 
 
 ever can induce us to sell the lands on which we get 
 sustenance for our women and children, we hope we 
 may be allowed to point out a mode by which your 
 settlers may be easily removed and peace thereby 
 maintained. We know that these settlers are poor, 
 or they would not have ventured to live in a country 
 which has been in continual trouble ever since they 
 crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum 
 of money, which you have offered to us, among 
 these people ; give to each also a proportion of that 
 which, you say, you would give to us annually, over 
 and above this large sum of money ; and we are 
 persuaded they would most readily accept it in lieu 
 of the land which you sold them. If you add, also, 
 the great sums you must spend in raising and paying 
 armies with a view of forcing us to yield up our 
 country, you will certainly have more than sufficient 
 for the purpose of repaying these settlers for all their 
 labors and improvements. 
 
 " Brothers : you have talked much to us about 
 concessions. It appears strange that you should 
 expect any from us, who have been only defending 
 our just rights against your invasions. We want 
 peace. Restore to us our country and we will be 
 your enemies no longer. 
 
 "Brothers: you make one concession by offering 
 us your money, and another by having agreed to do 
 us justice after having long and injuriously withheld 
 it we mean, in the acknowledgment you have now 
 made, that * the king of England never did, nor 
 never had any right to give you our country/ by the 
 
BHAWNZB INDIANS. 265 
 
 treaty of peace. And you want to make this act of 
 common justice a part of your concessions, and 
 seem to expect that, because you at last acknow 
 ledged our independence, we should, for such a 
 favor, surrender to you our country. 
 
 " You have talked a great deal about pre-emption, 
 and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands as 
 ceded to you by the king of England at the treaty 
 of peace. Brothers : we never made any agreement 
 with the king, nor with any other nation, that we would 
 give to either the exclusive right of purchasing our 
 lands, and we declare to you, that we consider our 
 selves free to make any bargain or cession of lands 
 whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the white 
 people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them 
 but the king should purchase of us, and that he has 
 given that right to the United States, it is an affair 
 which concerns you and him, and not us; we have 
 never parted with such a power. 
 
 "Brothers: at our general council, held at the 
 AuglaizB, last fall, we agreed to meet commissioners 
 from the United States for the purpose of restoring 
 peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and 
 confirm our boundary line to the Ohio river, and we 
 determined not to meet you until you gave us satis 
 faction on that account. This is the reason we 
 never met. . 
 
 " We desire you to consider, brothers, that our 
 only demand is the peaceable possession of a small 
 part of our once great country. Look back and 
 review the lands from whence we have been driven 
 
2ti6 HISTORY OF THfl 
 
 to this spot. We can retreat no further, because the 
 country behind affords hardly food for its present 
 inhabitants, and we have, therefore, resolved not to 
 leave our homes in this small space to which we are 
 now confined. 
 
 " Brothers: we shall be persuaded that you mean 
 to do us justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall 
 remain the boundary line between us. If you will 
 not consent to this, our meeting will be altogether 
 unnecessary. This is the great point which we hoped 
 would have been explained before you left your 
 homes, as our message, last fall, was directed princi 
 pally to obtain that information. 
 
 " Done in general council at the foot of the rapids 
 of the Miami, on the 13th day of August, 1793. 
 
 " NATIONS. Wyandots, Chippewas, Nantikokees, 
 Delawares, Senecas of Glaize, Mohikans, Shawnees, 
 Pottawatomies, Messisagues, Miamis, Comwiss, 
 Creeks, Ottawas, Missouris, Cherokees, and the 
 Seven Nations of Canada." 
 
 The concerned reader, on looking over this list, all 
 of whom, except the last nation, were American 
 Indians, will at once ask himself where are these 
 people now? 
 
INDIANS. 
 
 267 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 IN the year 1853, Congress passed an Act, grant 
 ing to the Shawnees, the sum of $66,000, as an 
 additional compensation for their lands at Wapaugh- 
 konnetta and Hog Creek, in Ohio. This amount 
 was shortly paid to them at their homes in Kanzas, 
 by the superintendent and agent, in cash. 
 
 Thus, after a delay of more than twenty years, 
 the government complied with the demands of jus 
 tice so far, as to grant the amount of pay that the 
 Shawnees and our Society on their behalf, demanded 
 for them in 1832, except four thousand dollars. This 
 satisfied the Indians, and government was none the 
 loser, as the interest of the money at tive per cent, 
 would overreach the debt in that time. 
 
 A lawyer, on the arrival of the money in the 
 Shawnees country, arrived there too, with a demand 
 of fifty per cent, of the whole sum, as his fee 
 for urging the claim at Washington, before the 
 Department and the committees of Congress, al- 
 thouo-h the testimony on which the claim was based, 
 had been in the Department ever since 1832; but he 
 got only a few thousand dollars, and that from indi 
 viduals ; the superintendent refusing to allow his 
 
HISTORy OF 
 
 cla m to be taken from the money, on the ground,, 
 th by Congress granting the amouut, the demand 
 the Indi. Ba was recognized as 
 
 bound to a this 
 
8HAWNEB INDIANS. 269 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 THE Sbawnecs, in the year 1854, numbered 
 about nine hundred souls, including the white men, 
 who have intermarried into the nation, and are there 
 by adopted as Indians. This number is perhaps, 
 not more than twenty. 
 
 This tribe owns about one million six hundred 
 thousand acres of land, or, about 1700 acres each. 
 Many of them have good dwelling-houses, well pro 
 vided with useful and respectable furniture, which is 
 kept in good order by the females, and they live in 
 the same manner as the whites do, and live well too. 
 They have smoke-houses, stables, corn-cribs, and 
 other out-buildings. They have a good supply of 
 horses, cattle, hogs, and some sheep. They have 
 many farm wagons, and work oxen some carriages 
 and buggies, and are generally well supplied with 
 farming implements, and know how to use them. 
 They raise abundance of corn and oats, and some 
 wheat. Their houses are generally very neat; built 
 of hewn logs, with shingled roofs, stone chimneys, 
 and the inside work very well finished off, and mostly 
 done by themselves, as there are a number of very 
 
270 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 good mechanics among the younger class. Their 
 fencing is very good, and, taken altogether, their 
 settlements make a very respectable appearance, and 
 would lose no credit by a comparison with those of 
 their white neighbors in the State adjoining them, 
 leaving out now and then, a farm where slaves do the 
 labor, and thus carry on farming on a large scale. 
 
 The Shawnees have a large and commodious 
 meeting-house, where they hold a religious meeting 
 on the first day of each week. They have also a 
 graveyard attached to the meeting-house lot. They 
 hold religious meetings often at their own houses 
 during the week, generally at night. They hold 
 their camp-meetings and their other large meetings, 
 in their meeting-house, as well as their public coun 
 cils, and also their temperance meetings; for they, 
 in imitation of their white brethren, and as a means 
 of arresting the worst evil which ever overtook the 
 Indians, organized a society on this subject, and 
 have their own lectures, in which they are assisted 
 by some of the missionaries. The younger class of 
 them are most interested in this work, which is doing 
 much good among them. Many of them have united 
 themselves to religious societies, and appear to be 
 very zealous observers of the forms and ceremonies 
 of religion, and notwithstanding many of them, like 
 too many of their white brethren, appear to have the 
 form of godliness but not the power, yet it is apparent, 
 that there are those among them, who are endeavor 
 ing to walk in the just man s path, which, to one 
 who has been acquainted with them for a number of 
 
SIIAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 years, even when in their wild and savage state, 
 affords great satisfaction. 
 
 As regards the settlements of the Shawnees in their 
 present situation, they are all located about thirty 
 miles of the east end of their tract ; their settle 
 ments of course, reaching a little short of one-third 
 of the distance back from the Missouri State line. 
 The watercourses will show the situation of their 
 timbered land, as all the streams have more or less 
 timber on them. In the bottom land, the timber is 
 fine, and composed of black walnut, burr oak, hack- 
 berry, hickory, black oak, cottonwood, mulberry, 
 etc. The upland timber is mostly black oak, and 
 stands from one to four or five miles from the bottoms. 
 Along the margin of the timbered lands, are the 
 Shawnees settlements, having timber for buildings, 
 rails, and firewood on one side, and on the other side, 
 are their farms, and the delightful prairies for graz 
 ing and for hay, for their stock in winter, which 
 prairies consist of the very richest of loose soil, and 
 are very productive for grain of every description, as 
 well as for tame grass. The soil here, is not excelled 
 perhaps, by any in the United States. The Shawnees 
 have generally made good selections for locations for 
 their settlements. There are many good springs of 
 water on their lands, and stone plenty for every pur 
 pose, abounds in every section of their country, 
 which is in a very mild and healthy climate. 
 
 They have mostly settled near the Kanzas river 
 timber. The Mill Creek, Bull Creek, and Walka- 
 rutka timber and their tributaries, and, of course, 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their settlements are mostly in the north-east corner 
 of their land. 
 
 In passing along the California and Sante Fe 
 roads, which run on the divide between the streams 
 of the Blue and Osage rivers, and the Kansas 
 river in casting the eye on either side, a hand 
 some view is presented on both hands, of good dwell 
 ings, handsome farms, bordering on the forest, and 
 fine herds of cattle and horses grazing in the rich 
 prairies, as we pass, and beautiful fields of grain 
 sown, planted and cultivated by the Indians them 
 selves ; and should the weary traveler see proper to 
 call, and spend a night with these people, and mani 
 fest that interest for them, which he will be very sure 
 to do, in viewing them in their present condition, and 
 comparing it with what it once was, he will be well 
 cared for. The Shawnees generally sow a large 
 amount of grain, and often spare a large surplus after 
 supplying their own wants. 
 
INDIANS. 273 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 AI*AS ! for this people, who were told that, in case 
 they would sell their lands in Ohio, and remove to 
 this very land, that it should be their home forever 
 theirs unmolested, and never to be within the limits 
 of any state or territory of the United States. I say, 
 who would have believed it at that lime, if he had 
 been told that, in less than twenty-five years, the 
 United States should consider this term " forever " 
 at an end? and that about 1854 it would, with 
 out the consent of the Indians without consulting 
 even its own people and in the face of all the Indian 
 treaties, establish a territory of the United States, 
 over just as much of that Indian territory as was 
 north of the -slave line, and so construct the law as to 
 have slavery right there? 
 
 I heard a very intelligent Indian chief declare, 
 recently, that he had been engaged, in the course of 
 his life, in making three treaties with the United 
 States ; that in all these treaties they used this term, 
 " forever," and that it lasted longer this time than in 
 either of the other treaties; and now it had only 
 lasted for about twenty -one years. 
 18 
 
274 HISTORY" OF THE 
 
 Resolutions are now passed in the State of Mis 
 souri, in sight of the Indians, urging on Congress to 
 extinguish the Indian titles in their lands, and urging 
 members of Congress to bring that (to them) desirable 
 object about. The avaricious grasp of the white man 
 has fixed its eye on these rich acres, and the fine Indian 
 farms ; and men are traversing this Territory in every 
 direction, to select places for locating on this land 
 they are "coveting that which is not theirs," nor 
 never can be, but at the sacrifice of the pledged faith 
 of a great, rich, and Christian-professing nation. 
 But all these pledges and assurances to these people 
 must fall before avarice, and a thirst for power ; and 
 already is the work commenced "officially." A com 
 missioner has been here from the government, and 
 asked for such surplus land as the Indians might 
 wish to sell. The answer he got was, that the 
 Shawnees were unanimously agreed to sell one mil 
 lion of acres, off the west end, and as unanimously 
 resolved not to sell the east end, where their homes 
 are. 
 
 The commissioner returned, and made his report 
 to the President, and here is one important and 
 ominous paragraph which occurs in his report: 
 
 "With but few exceptions, the Indians were op 
 posed to selling any part of their lands, as announced 
 in their replies to the speeches of the commissioner. 
 Finally, however, many tribes expressed their will 
 ingness to sell, but on condition that they should 
 retain tribal reservations on their present tracts of 
 land. This policy was deemed objectionable, and 
 
SHAWNTSE INDIANS. 75 
 
 not to be adopted if it could be avoided ; and with 
 such tribes the time of treating was deferred until 
 next spring, with the hope that the Indians, by that 
 time, might see that their permanent interest required 
 an entire transfer of all their lands, and a removal to 
 a new home. Some tribes declined to dispose of any 
 portion ; and all, with the exception of the Wyandots 
 and Ottawas, who expressed an opinion on the sub 
 ject of an organization of a civil government in that 
 Territory, were opposed to the measure. They have, 
 with few exceptions, a very crude and unintelligible 
 idea of the white man s laws dreading them as en 
 gines of tyranny and oppression and they dread as 
 well as fear them. Before die commissioner left the 
 country, quite a change was perceptible among the 
 Indians ; and it is believed that, with few exceptions, 
 the tribes will, next spring, enter into treaties and 
 dispose of large portions of their country, and some 
 of them will sell the whole of their land. The idea 
 of retaining reservations, which seemed to be gen 
 erally entertained, is not deemed to be consistent with 
 their true interests, and every good influence ought 
 to be exercised to enlighten them on the subject. If 
 they dispose of their lands, no reservations should, if 
 it can be avoided, be allowed. There are some In 
 dians in various tribes, who are occupying farms, and 
 comfortably situated, and who are in such a state of 
 civilization that, if they desired to remain, the privi 
 lege might well, and ought, perhaps, be granted, and 
 their farms, in each case, be reserved for their 
 homes. Such Indians would be qualified to enjoy 
 
7G .HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the privileges of citizenship ; but to make reserva 
 tions for an entire tribe, on the tract which it now 
 owns, would, it is believed, be injurious of the future 
 peace, prosperity, and happiness of these people. 
 The commissioner, as far as he judged it prudent, 
 endeavored to enlighten them on this subject, and 
 labored to convince them that it was not consistent 
 with the true interest of themselves and their pos 
 terity, that they should have tribal reservations within 
 their present limits. 
 
 "Signed by the Commissioner, 1853." 
 The opinion of this commissioner of Indian affairs 
 is, that every influence should be used to encourage 
 the Indians on the subject of selling all their lands. 
 The obvious meaning of this is, to enlighten their 
 understanding so as to convince them that it would 
 be to their advantage to leave " all " their lands here 
 and seek another home. Well, that can t be done; 
 they are too far advanced in knowledge and com 
 mon sense for that. Any other way than to threaten 
 them (as heretofore) with the terror of our laws be 
 ing placed over them, which they can scarcely be 
 made believe, if we are Christians, as we profess to 
 be, that we will do that, as they have some idea what 
 Christianity is. And to tell these Shawnees that 
 they have not land enough, they will tell you that 
 they have each about 1700 acres, and want no more. 
 Tell them they need better land : they will say there 
 is none better anywhere. Tell them of game plenty 
 somewhere, which they can kill : they say they would 
 rather have their cattle, hogs, houses, orchards, and 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 277 
 
 cornfields, than all the game in the plains. And, 
 finally, tell them they are too near the whites, and 
 they will say that that is to their advantage, for there 
 is where their market is. Tell them of what you 
 will, and they will believe just as much of it as this : 
 they believe the whites want their country because 
 it is rich. 
 
 Were they disposed to enlighten us, how they 
 could retort on us, and say: "Leave off your sins 
 by righteousness, and your iniquities, by showing 
 mercy to the poor oppressed nations you have within 
 your grasp." 
 
 No real friend to justice, to mercy, to the poor, nor 
 to our own nation, can ask these poor, abused people 
 to leave again their homes and seek another, to make 
 room for the avaricious white man, who, like the 
 horse-l*ech in Scripture, are continually crying 
 Give, give, and never satisfied. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 THERE are now in the Shawnee nation four Mis 
 sions, one under the care of the Methodist Church 
 South, one under the care of the Northern Methodist 
 Church, one under the care of the Baptist Church, 
 and the other under the care of the Society of 
 Friends. They are all conducted on the manual 
 labor system ; about one hundred and forty children 
 are generally in attendance at those schools. At the 
 first-named Mission there are large and commodious 
 buildings of brick, and other out-buildings, and five 
 or six hundred acres under cultivation; at the other 
 Methodist Mission, a farm of about one hundred 
 acres is under cultivation, and comfortable log build 
 ings are erected. At the Baptist Mission are good 
 comfortable buildings, and, I suppose, near one hun 
 dred acres adjoining to, and at some distance from, the 
 farm, where the school is kept; and at the Friends* 
 Mission are a la^rge frame house and barn, and other 
 out-buildings, and about two hundred acres under 
 cultivation. 
 
 There are slaves at the Southern Methodist Mission. 
 The Indians are much divided on that subject, and 
 it is to be deplored that this evil was ever introduced 
 
8 II AW NEE INDIANS. 279 
 
 among this people, and more so, that this should be 
 done by missionaries, whose object was, and I sup 
 pose, still is, to draw off the minds of the Indians 
 from the evil of their ways in every sense of the 
 term. 
 
 Some of the Shawnees have already got slaves, 
 but are mostly those white men who have married 
 into the nation ; but as some of their teachers have 
 them, who can wonder if more of these confiding 
 people go and do likewise. 
 
 It is to be apprehended that there will be much 
 difficulty among the Shawnees on that subject, as 
 many of them do not believe in the system at all, and 
 as the subject is agitating every section of the coun 
 try, what a picture one of these Missions would 
 present to the world ! and there are just such pic 
 tures here among the Indians. What a stumbling- 
 block this is! Such inconsistencies as are now to be 
 seen here at some of these places ! How infidels can 
 retort on professing Christians on account of such 
 conduct! 
 
 What a heterogeneous company compose one 
 of those Missions ! Rich slave-holding preachers, 
 exhorters, and school-teachers; Indian chiefs, preach 
 ers, and scholars, too, rich in lands and other pro 
 perty the whites receiving pay for their own labor, 
 (and for the blacks too), the Indians receiving the 
 benefit; all members of the same church, eat their 
 bread and drink their wine at the same communion 
 table, and unite in the same family devotion ! But 
 then, too, there is another class of human beings at 
 
?80 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the same Mission, but alas for them, they are black 1 
 These, as some have it, are the descendants of Ham, 
 are under Canaan s curse, and have no part nor lot 
 in this matter, only to serve their brethren, the de 
 scendants of Japhet. " These reap down the fields, 
 and their wages are withheld from them." 
 
 Such a course, as this, does not suit me. I have 
 long been concerned for the welfare of the poor 
 Indians, and labored for their instruction, too, but 
 sooner than mate slaves of another race of men, for 
 whom, I believe, Christ died as well as for me or for 
 the Indians, and who are as precious in his sight as 
 I am, as an Indian is, or as a slaveholder is, and 
 who has as much interest in an inheritance in the 
 New Jerusalem as any of us have, I would let them 
 alone ; for I do most conscientiously believe we had 
 better not say one word to them about religion, unless 
 we strive to direct them in the ways of righteous 
 ness, truth, and justice toward all men, lest we make 
 hypocrites of them at last. If this ever reaches any 
 of those Missions, I hope it will be received in the 
 right spirit, as from a friend. 
 
ftHAWNEE INDIANS. 281 
 
 CHAPTER XLYIIL 
 
 ON the eighth of the second month, 1854, the 
 Shawnees met in general council, at their meeting 
 house, to decide on the subject of forming themselves 
 into a "body politic" by the adoption of a Constitu 
 tion, preparatory to the forming of a code of laws for 
 the government of themselves and the protection of 
 their persons and property. On the question of, 
 whether the nation was then in favor of the measure, 
 it was referred to a council composed of the head 
 chief (Joseph Parks, a sensible, intelligent man, who 
 has long been in public business) and eleven of their 
 oldest and best counselors. The question elicited a 
 very warm and animated discussion, in which Parks, 
 Blackhoof, and George McDougal participated, all 
 of whom have been in active life for thirty years past. 
 These men are all who are living of what they term 
 "the old stock of the Ohio Shawnees." They have 
 been in all the vicissitudes of life, through which the 
 nation has passed since it was in its wild, savage, 
 and uncultivated state ; they have seen their people 
 emerging from a barbarous state (for a long time 
 slowly and tardily), have themselves advanced 
 ahead Joseph Parks at first, next Blackhoof, and 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 afterward McDougal. These, as I remarked, are the 
 only chiefs of the old set now living, except Letha, 
 who is too infirm to attend to business. These three, 
 entirely to their credit, took the lead ; Parks has for 
 many years, by his noble example in that of farming 
 r.nd raising stock, of advising his people to pursue a 
 like course, of schooling his children and encouraging 
 others to the same course, in advising and remon 
 strating with them against using strong drink, and 
 in almost every other quality which constitutes or 
 crowns a great man in the eyes of Christians ; he has 
 always fed the hungry and ministered to the wants 
 of the poor, the destitute, and the afflicted. His 
 house has been the resort of all classes ; the sums he 
 has bestowed on his people in this way, within the 
 last thirty years, would amount to a fortune, and still 
 he is very wealthy. 
 
 After having digressed thus far in the remarks I 
 
 CD O 
 
 have been led into, respecting Joseph Parks, I shall 
 recur to the council on the subject of a Constitution. 
 Parks acted as president of the council, or conven 
 tion. He informed the council that he should not 
 say much to them on the subject, but leave the mat 
 ter very much to them, as they knew he had urged 
 on the Shawnees, for years, to make laws for their 
 government, and in this way to alter their manner 
 of getting along. He said he had been head chief 
 now for several years, that strangers often visited the 
 different Missions that are among the Shawnees, and 
 these people would ask him what kind of laws the 
 Shawueee had the answer was, none ; they would 
 
8HAWNEK INDIANS. 283 
 
 ask if they had any chiefs, and who was their head 
 chief the answer was that they had, and that Joseph 
 Parks was their head chief. The reply generally 
 was " Well, he is a good chief." "Now," said he, 
 "suppose I am a good chief, what can I do? how 
 can I work without tools ? You have sent me out to 
 work without anything to work with. How can you 
 expect me to do your work without giving me in my 
 hands tools to do your work with?" He said that 
 our young men (some of them) would go into the 
 State, and get liquor, carry it out by him, hold up the 
 bottle to his face, and say, "Here is my whisky ! 
 spill it, if you dare !" " Well," said Parks, " I had 
 no authority to do anything, and these fellows know 
 it. Now, you make laws, and I will very soon let 
 these men see whether I will do anything with them 
 or not." 
 
 Blackhoof next spoke, and said, " That he was 
 now an old man, that he had been in councils ever 
 since he was a young man ; that he heard his fore 
 fathers say, that the time would arrive when the 
 white people would come from the east, and try to 
 buy the Indians land, and tell them that they would 
 remove them beyond the great Mississippi river, and 
 there, give them a home. That the white man was 
 emigrating too fast from the east, and the red man 
 would soon have no place to hunt game on, but the 
 white men would soon be all round them. And our 
 forefathers said, the whites would tell us, after we got 
 there, that we will all be happy there, for there 
 we will have all the country to ourselves, to hunt 
 
$84 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 in, and that we never would be disturbed there any 
 more, and that the red men would have to do like 
 white men ; that is, to go to work and raise such 
 things as we shall need to live upon, and raise our 
 families ; raise corn, wheat, and stock, etc. They 
 told us, that there would be good white people, that 
 would teach our children how to read and write, and 
 work too, and learn us all to live like white people do. 
 That all good and reasonable white people would 
 respect us. 
 
 They used to tell us, that all good Shawnee people 
 would give their children to such people to be edu 
 cated ; all who wish their children well would do that 
 would trust them to good white teachers ; that if we 
 would thus give our children up to be educated in 
 this way, that when they should grow up to be men 
 and women, that they would be respected by good 
 white people, and become wise and good ; but that 
 all the bad Indians would always hate these men and 
 women, worse than they would the whites. 
 
 * Now," said Blackhoof, "it has turned out just 
 so. These were the words of our forefathers, and 
 they have all proved to be true. I myself saw the 
 evils of drinking whisky ten years ago, and I quit 
 drinking, and I have prospered ever since ; and all 
 who have left off drinking any length of time, are 
 now doing well. They not only have plenty to do 
 them now for the present, but they look forward to 
 be provided with plenty to sustain them in their old 
 age, when they are unable longer to labor, and there 
 fore, they work hard now. My friends, this is the 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 course we had better all pursue in future, anf then 
 the white people would look upon us as they io on 
 their own people, and respect us ; but as it is, they do 
 not, for they look upon the drunkard with a scornful 
 eye, and upon him who breaks his promise with con 
 tempt, and hate him. 
 
 " My brothers, it is now high time that we should 
 try and do something for ourselves. I mean in this, 
 that we should frame laws and regulations for the pro 
 tection of our good citizens, and not allow those who 
 do not work to impose on us. You may say you 
 have chiefs elected once every year. I ask you what 
 we have chiefs for? Well, the truth is, we have 
 chiefs, but what for? I, for my part, do not know. 
 I will try and explain this. We have chiefs to do 
 the nation s business. You send us out to work for 
 you, but you have never given us anything to work 
 with. You might as well send us to the field to hoe 
 your corn without hoes. Suppose you were to do 
 that, how could you expect us to hoe your corn ? bat 
 still you would turn round and grumble at us for not 
 doing your work. Just so now, are your chiefs situ 
 ated ; you ask us to attend to your business, and 
 have given us no authority to do it, and you turn on 
 us and complain, because your business is not attended 
 to, and because we do not stop this bad way, we are 
 all getting along. If one man owes another any 
 thing and won t pay, how is the creditor to get his 
 money ? You may say, go to the chiefs and they 
 will assist him. Now, let me ask you, what 
 power have the chiefs to do anything for him ? I 
 
286 HISTORY OF TFB 
 
 answer, none at all. This is just like sending a man 
 out to work without anything to work with. Now, 
 let us make laws, and give our chiefs some authority 
 to work, and they can work ; they will make a good 
 crop for the nation. I hope all will agree to go to 
 work and make laws for our government, and author 
 ize the chiefs to put these laws in force, so all of us 
 may be protected in the possession of our property 
 and in our persons. This is my wish, and it is all I 
 have to say at this time on the subject." 
 
 Here I may remark, that Blackhoof is a son of the 
 old celebrated chief of that name, about whom, I 
 have said much in a preceding chapter. He was born 
 in 1795, and is now about 60 years of age. I have 
 been acquainted with him for nearly thirty years ; he 
 has always been counted an honest man, but not till 
 a few years past, much inclined to work, but ever a 
 friend to education, has sent all his children to school, 
 and some of them are doing very well. He used to 
 be very intemperate at times, but has entirely left off 
 drinking strong drink, owns a good farm, well im 
 proved, with orchard and good house, as well as 
 good stock of horses, cattle, etc. His wife is a neat 
 housekeeper, and an industrious woman, but neither 
 of them ever learned to understand or speak our lan 
 guage, although they have become so well acquainted 
 with the customs and manners of the white people, 
 and dress as the whites do. He is not a man of 
 extraordinary ability, in comparison with his father, 
 still, he is a good speaker, and a very kind-hearted 
 man. 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 287 
 
 George McDouga! followed in the same strain, 
 detailing the manner of their getting along while they 
 followed their wandering life ; the hardships they met 
 with before the labors of their friends commenced 
 for their instruction, and drew a picture of their con 
 dition when in a savage state, and then contrasted it 
 with their present condition, in which he was very 
 happy and eloquent, and mixed his several compari 
 sons with a good deal of wit. He said, " he had 
 tried both places that he liked the ways of the 
 white men much the best anyhow ; he liked not only 
 the ways of white people best, but he liked them the 
 best anyhow, and that if he knew he would live 
 thirty years longer, that he would have a white wife 
 if he could get one." This caused a great laugh 
 among the Indians. 
 
 This man is near sixty years of age, is a very 
 shrewd man, very lively, can speak our language 
 some, and is a good speaker ; used to be very intem 
 perate, but has very much reformed, and now is a 
 temperate man, well-informed, and a very honest 
 man. 
 
 Several others took part in the discussion, and the 
 debate closed the same day. But before it closed, 
 George Bluejacket objected to the measure, and re 
 ferred the council to the situation of the Wyandots, 
 " who," he said, " had laws, and by that had learned 
 many bad practices from the whites, such as card- 
 playing, cheating, lying, and the like, and had got 
 worse ever since." This man never had any educa 
 tion. Charles Bluejacket, (his brother,) replied, and 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 among other things, wished to know how his brother 
 came to know so much about the bad ways of these 
 Wyandots and nothing of their good ones. He said 
 he was thankful that, of the twelve counselors, only 
 two were of his brother s opinion. Charles is edu 
 cated, and is a very orderly, sensible man, has a good 
 farm and buildings, and a well-furnished house, and 
 lives well, and has good stock. He received his edu 
 cation with the Friends; he is about thirty- five years 
 of age, and is a religious, sober man. The question 
 on agreeing to a Constitution (after several others 
 had taken part in the discussion) was carried by ten 
 for, and two against it, so it was adopted. 
 
 I shall add a few of my reflections on the subject 
 of again disturbing these people, in their happy and 
 prosperous condition, which, I hope, may reach the 
 feelings of some, so they can mingle their feelings of 
 sympathy with mine, for these poor Indians, before 
 they are entirely gone from the earth. 
 
 Most of the Shawnees who are now living, have been 
 raised up entirely to the pursuits of agriculture, and it 
 is the only way to procure a support for themselves 
 and families that they know anything about. They 
 know no more about a wild, roving life (many of 
 them) than we do; and for them now to be driven 
 from their location and pursuits, to seek a subsistence 
 from the wild animals of the forest or the plain, they 
 would do no better than the white people would in 
 such circumstances. 
 
 It is my settled opinion that, if the Indians in what 
 is called the " Indian Territory," do sell off a part 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 of their lands, and the whites get settled among 
 them, that it will matter little what the Indians may 
 now resolve to do, or what they retain as reservations 
 for themselves to live on, or how firmly they may 
 establish their minds on a determination (at the time 
 they may sell a part of their lands,) to forever con 
 tinue on the remainder, they will ultimately have to 
 leave, and seek a home somewhere else. This has 
 ever been the case, and our government gets no bet 
 ter, that is certain. 
 
 We have been the cause of the destruction of 
 nearly a whole race of men, by introducing strong 
 drink among them, by our avaricious thirst for their 
 land, and by the desolating wars we have carried 
 into their country. 
 
 They have at last arrived at a crisis. What next 
 are they to do ? The few remaining fragments of 
 tribes, who are concentrated in what is called the 
 " Indian Territory," are now where, they were told, 
 was the place set apart as an asylum for them, as 
 long as any of them should live a place of refuge for 
 them and their posterity forever. This they learned 
 from the American government. This, they were 
 told, was to be kept out of the reach of the white 
 man s grasp. 
 
 This country was purchased of its original owners 
 expressly for that very purpose, marked out by metes 
 and bounds for them, "never to be put under the 
 white man s control never to be trod by the white 
 man s foot" to be entirely under the unmolested 
 management of the Indians themselves. The Eng- 
 19 
 
J90 
 
 HISTORY OF THH 
 
 lish vocabulary was exhausted to find language 
 adequate to portray to these people the sympathy 
 felt for them by the American government and the 
 American people ; and they were induced to believe 
 that it was even so, that it was for their welfare, that 
 the feelings of the people of the United States were 
 so much awakened, notwithstanding they had here 
 tofore manifested not much feeling for them, still 
 they were credulous enough to believe them, and 
 agreed, again, to leave their pleasant streams their 
 native hunting-grounds their beloved homes and, 
 hardest of all, the graves of their fathers, and seek 
 another home, to go to this " promised land" with the 
 consolatory assurance of at last reaching a " Goshen," 
 a land of rest. This cheered them on, as they ex 
 pected this place would be to them a place of final 
 refuge, where they could dwell in safety alone. 
 
OQ1 
 
 8HAWNEK INDIANS. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX 
 
 I, the rear 1660, there were about forty different 
 tribes of Indians who inhabited the country ea. 
 
 number about one hundred and 
 souls. Of these, small remnants of a few tnbcs are 
 still living in the States of New York and Michigan 
 and number little over twelve thousand; and ot the 
 remainder who existed as tribes at the t,me mentioned 
 above, about fifteen tribes are now livmg west of the 
 State of Missouri and Arkansas; many of these are 
 but very small remnants of what were once numerous 
 tribes. The whole number of these would probably, 
 not exceed fifty thousand. At least, one-half of the 
 tribes who inhabited that country two centuries since, 
 are now totally eztinet-the races who compos 
 them entirely gone from the earth. ... . . 
 
 So hard has been the fate of these people that, m 
 the lapse of two centuries, they have disappeared 
 before the whiie man until they are now reduced to 
 little more than one-fourth their number at that 
 period ; while the whites have increased from a few 
 thousands to twenty millions ; and even the blacks 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 have increased, in the same lime, from a few hundreds 
 to over three millions, and that, too, in a state of 
 abject slavery. 
 
 All this has happened. Now, here is a serious 
 question for Americans to solve : What has been the 
 cause of this great disparity in the fate of these races 
 r men ? Who is to answer for this ? There must 
 be some cause, but what is it? Is it the climate? 
 The answer is : It cannot be that, as the climate is 
 congenial to the Indians, and they were prosperous 
 3 before the whites arrived in their country Is 
 caused by the bad treatment of the white people ? 
 Ah . to this solemn question we are compelled to 
 answer in the affirmative. 
 
 This attempt, at this time, again to purchase from 
 e Shawnees their homes and send them to another 
 in a strange land, has thrown them into great com- 
 motion, although many of them are aware of their 
 right to the soil here, and that government will not 
 force them from it if they refuse to sell ; still many 
 others are fearful that the United States will ulti 
 mately have all their country, and only have to refer 
 ick to past events to justify that fear, as they are 
 .ow thrown into such a situation that they arc becom 
 ing fearful of some of their own people, lest they may 
 be betrayed by them. Being at present a sojourncr 
 among them, engaged in the Friends Mission, I find 
 that they are becoming very much unsettled in their 
 minds, which is calculated to be of vast injury to 
 hem, as it will unsettle them and paralyze their 
 efforts in improving their lands. 
 
6HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 They know very well that they have been driven 
 from one place to another, to make room for the 
 whites, always with assurances that each removal 
 will be the last. So often have they been treated m 
 this way, that they, if again sent off, will utterly 
 despair, and give over ever more striving for anoti 
 home where they can remain ; and if they are to 
 leave here, as good policy, it seems to me, as any, 
 would be to avoid all hypocrisy and false pretensions 
 in the matter, and turn them over the line and give 
 them up to their fate ; then they would be no longer 
 deceived (or not again deceived). They can in 
 turnincr to the west, see nothing but savages and wile 
 beasts before them. If they leave their present 
 manner of life for a wild one, they know very wel 
 they cannot live, and to pursue such a course as they 
 now do, in that country, they are well aware, with 
 them will be out of the question. 
 
 In many of the treaties with Indian tribes, and 
 particularly after they have been engaged* in a war 
 which had been very destructive to the Indians, and 
 which, in some cases, was caused by the conduct ol 
 bad designing white men, there is an article placed in 
 a very conspicuous place in the treaty (generally tl 
 first article) declaring, that for the manifestations 
 good-will the said Indian tribes l^ve for the 
 States, for their many acts of kindness toward them, 
 and the benevolent course pursued in regard tc 
 and to defray the expense of the late war, etc., the 
 said tribes hereby cede the following tract, or tracts, 
 of land, etc. Now all this saying about ceding tl 
 
HISTORY OF TUB 
 
 lands as a token of respect and of the good-will the 
 liana have for the very people who have just con 
 quered them, is altogether hypocritical in them ; they, 
 on such occasions, have not much good feeling for 
 their conquerors, neither do they believe that their 
 late enemies have shown them much protection in 
 destroying all they could of their people. This is 
 all wrong to compel them to sign such an article. It 
 is contrary to the nature of an Indian s character to 
 say such things as these. The truth would be told 
 much belter, in. these treaties, to let them say, that 
 because they have been overpowered in the late war, 
 and to save themselves from destruction and their 
 families from suffering, they agree to cede their lands 
 away m order to pny for those desolating wars that 
 have Deen carried into their country, in which their 
 men have been killed, and the corn and whatever 
 irfse they had provided for their women and children 
 have been destroyed, and unless they submit to the 
 terms ofcrtheir conquerors, they shall all perish 
 together. 
 
 In giving the account of the treatment the Shaw- 
 nees have received at the hands of the government 
 and people of the United States, I have endeavored 
 to give a true statement of facts as they transpired - 
 is no picturo^ut, I trust, a fair account. I sup 
 pose that the Shawnees have fared about like the 
 other tribes have, although they had reason to look 
 more favors than most others had, as many of 
 them were fast friends and allies to the United States 
 during the last war with England. But still, could 
 
INDIANS. 95 
 
 we be furnished with a history of each of those 
 Indian tribes, which once dwelt east of the Missis 
 sippi river, and the whole was contained in one volume, 
 what a startling volume of alarming facts it would 
 present! what disclosures of fraud would be made! 
 what deception, wrongs, and cruelty would it contain ! 
 what a commentary would it afford on our Christian- 
 professing, missionary people ! This, in all proba 
 bility, never will be done, but nevertheless, the facts 
 of their multiplied wrongs are still standing as open 
 accounts against us as a nation, and remain unac 
 counted for ; restitution is not made ; many whole 
 tribes have become extinct under our treatment of 
 them, and are forever out of our reach, and the 
 remainder fast following them ; and now, to crown 
 the whole matter, an onset is to be made on them to 
 send them off to seek another home ; and to aggra 
 vate the crime, we are to tell thorn it is to better 
 their condition that we wish them to leave where 
 they now are "and seek a more desirable home." 
 Well, now why do we say a more desirable home, 
 when they are perfectly satisfied with their present 
 home? This is hypocritical, to tell them we wish 
 them removed to better their condition; that is not 
 what we are after, it is their land we want, we know 
 it is rich, or we would let the present owners remain 
 on it at their .wish 
 
 Names of Indian tribes who inhabited the country 
 east of the Mississippi river in the year 1660, and 
 who have become entirely extinct from the earth : 
 
596 HISTORJT OF THfl 
 
 Narragansets, Caneamens, Abenakes, Penobscot 
 Passamaquoddy, Androscoggio, Sukokces, Mohawk 
 Penacoaks, Massachusetts, Pakanookets, Pequods, 
 Lenmlenapes, Mohikans, Nanticokes, Corces Pow- 
 hattans, Illinois, Tuscaroras, Uchees, Natchez, Mobi- 
 hans Yemassees. In all, twenty-four tribes missing 
 I he following are the names of the tribes, still in 
 existence, who, at the above period, resided east of 
 3 Mississippi river, and now reside west of that 
 river most of whom are mere remnants of tribes, to 
 wit: Mianus, Muncees, Delawares, Shawnees, Creeks 
 Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Menomenees, Sac and Fox 
 Chippewas, Winnebagoes, Cherokees, Weas, Stock- 
 bridge, and Senecas. In all, eighteen tribes 
 
t Q7 
 
 SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 CONVERSATION, purporting to be between a south 
 ern Missionary and an educated Indian, on the subject 
 of the use of slaves at Christian Missions among the 
 Indians. 
 
 Ind. How many races of men are there in the 
 
 world ? 
 
 Miss. Only one race; all are descendants of Adam. 
 
 Ind. After the flood, did not all come from Noah? 
 
 Miss. Certainly they did, but Noah descended 
 from Adam. 
 
 Ind. How was it then, if all came of one man, that 
 some are black? 
 
 Miss. That is a hard question for me to answer, 
 but we know it is so. Noah had three sons, Shem, 
 Ham, and Japhet, and as Ham signifies black, I sup 
 pose his posterity must be the Negroes, although he 
 himself was of the same complexion as his brothers, 
 as they had the same parents. 
 
 Ind. Well, I want to know how, if he was white, 
 his posterity became black ? 
 
 Miss. Noah was said to be a good man, but he 
 drank too much wine, on a certain occasion, and be 
 came drunk, and Ham made sport of him, and when 
 
298 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 his father awoke out of his sleep, he found this out 
 somehow, he became angry at Ham for his bad con 
 duct, and cursed him for it, nnd said: "Blessed be 
 the Lord God of Shem and Japhet," but, said he, 
 "Cursed be Canaan, a servant of servants shall he 
 be to his brethren." 
 
 Ind. This was not Ham, though, but one of his 
 sons. How did this happen, that Canaan was cursed 
 for what his father had done, and his other children 
 let go unpunished? but if Canaan was cursed, and 
 his posterity after him, with servitude, how was it 
 that they were made black too? but as the curse was 
 only against Canaan, how can we contend that his 
 posterity were cursed with servitude, as well as him 
 self? 
 
 M I.SS. That is rather too hard a question to answer, 
 but we think they were black, from the fact, that 
 Canaan s father s name signifies black. We are sat- 
 fied to have it so anyhow, and as Ham had his portion 
 in Africa. 
 
 Ind. Is that the reason you make slaves of the 
 blacks ? 
 
 Miss. That is the best reason we can give you. 
 
 Ind. Well this happened many years ago, did 
 it not, nearly four thousand years back ? but 
 did there not a circumstance take place since that, 
 to bring about a change in the order of things? 
 What did Jesus Christ come into the world for, but 
 to put an end to all such things, and to establish right 
 eousness, peace, and justice on the earth, and to do 
 p.way that of one race of men being punished for the 
 
8HAWKEB INDIANS. 
 
 sins of another, and that of people oppressing one 
 
 another ? What docs ihe Testament say about that? 
 
 Miss. Yes, he did ; and the Testament says, to 
 
 put an end to sin, and finish transgression. This we 
 
 all confess. , * 
 
 Intl. If he came for that purpose, and fulfilled his 
 mission, how does it happen that sin yet abounds in 
 the world ? I should like to be informed about that, 
 Miss. Because bad people don t keep his command 
 ments. 
 
 * Ind I wish now to be informed, how it happens, 
 that the black people can be held in bondage by 
 crood missionaries ; that I am very anxious to know . 
 I don t understand it, and as you are here to teach the 
 Indians, I want you to explain all about it, as I think 
 it is wrong, and I don t see how it is right for even 
 missionaries to do wrong. 
 
 Miss. I hardly know how to explain this to In 
 dians as I can scarcely understand it myself, but I 
 have heard our best men say, that the blacks arc 
 much enlightened by being with us, if they are m 
 bondage, as they see so much light from us by our 
 godly worth before them ; and that they will, if set 
 free after a few more generations, know better how- 
 to appreciate freedom as well as Christianity. 
 
 Ind. Now, as each generation comes in, in a state 
 of bondage, they remain so as long as they live, and 
 die so, how is the following generation to get any 
 light, more than their parents did ? I should like to 
 know that. 
 
 Mas. I cannot explain that so ignorant people can 
 
^/ ^ HISTOEr OF THE 
 
 understand, only by telling them, that as we progress 
 m the right path, and our lights shine with more 
 ilhancy than our fathers did, so, of course, it will 
 illuminate their path better, as they follow us in the 
 ways of religion and truth. 
 
 Ind. I can t see how you have made much pro 
 gress since the days of John Wesley and Adam 
 Dlarke, for they utterly condemned slavery ; how can 
 you follow them, and hold slaves ? 
 
 J/iwf. We let our works show the progress we 
 have made our church Discipline shows that. 
 
 Ind. I can read very well, and I know that your 
 Discipline says, that you are fully aware of the great 
 evil of slavery. Do you believe with them, that 
 slavery is a great evil a sin ? 
 
 Miss. Of course, we have to do that, or we should 
 condemn these men ; we suppose, if we believe them 
 and the Testament, it is an evil a sin to hold a 
 slave. 
 
 Ind. Does your Church South, own Wesley and 
 Clarke, as your great men ? 
 
 Miss. We are bound to do that, although they con 
 demn slavery as an evil, we expect to bring good out 
 of it at last, by enlightening our slaves. 
 
 Ind. Must we continue to do evil, that good may 
 come of it? must we sin, that grace may abound? 
 I want that explained. 
 
 Miss. I can t answer that, so Indians can under 
 stand, what is to be done in such a case as this. 
 
 Ind. Is the course you are pursuing, in accordance 
 with the fast, which the Prophet exhorts us to 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 observe ; that is, to loose the bonds of wickedness, 
 break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free? 
 
 Miss. That would be difficult for me to explain to 
 you, being an Indian, so as to satisfy you, how we 
 can be keeping such a fast as that, while we have 
 slaves, and I would rather not have much to say about 
 that. 
 
 2nd. Why don t you learn your slaves to read the 
 Testament anyhow; you tell the Indians, it is- the 
 Lord s Book, you might learn them that much at 
 your Sabbath school, and not lose much of their time ; 
 as it is the Lord s Book, let them learn to read it on 
 the Lord s Day, anyhow. 
 
 Miss. I don t like "to say much about this matter 
 to the Indians, and it don t concern them anyhow, so 
 we learn them to read it. 
 
 Ind. Do any of your slaves belong to your 
 Church ? 
 
 Miss. Yes, some of them do. 
 
 Ind. Do you have them in full fellowship, with 
 you and your Indian members at the communion 
 table, and in your family devotions ? 
 
 Miss. No, we never do, such a course would not do. 
 
 Ind. When Jesus commands us, to do to others as 
 we would have others do to us, does, he mean the 
 blacks too, as well as others ? 
 
 Miss. I suppose he does mean them too. 
 
 Ind. Would any of you missionaries wish to be 
 slaves ? 
 
 Miss. I suppose not, and now I have answered 
 you so much, that I hope you will excuse me. 
 
302 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 Ind. I find that you are tired of answering my 
 questions, bufc as you are here for the purpose of 
 teaching us a knowledge of the Scriptures, by ex 
 plaining them to us, and of what our duly is, I wish 
 to ask you a few more things, which I want you to 
 explain to me. Here are four Missions among the 
 Shawnces: the Baptist, Quakers, and what you call, 
 " the Northern Methodist," and your own. The 
 three first, do not hold slaves, because they think 
 slavery is wrong, and so they tell us ; but you hold 
 them, and of course, you think it is not wrong, or you 
 would not dare to have them in bondao-e. NOAV, 
 
 C3 
 
 what I want to know, is, if it is wrong for the others 
 to hold slaves, how can it be "right for you to hold 
 them ? They tell us it is contrary to the Bible, to 
 oppress anybody,, and as you have the same kind of 
 a Bible, what is the reason you don t see as they do? 
 
 Miss. All I can say to that, is, that, of course, we 
 ought to know what is right for us to do, before we 
 teach others, lest we might lead them in a wrong 
 path. 
 
 Ind. What kind of people was it that the Babylon 
 ians held as slaves, for which they were so bitterly 
 complained of, for making merchandise of? Were 
 they the descendants of Canaan, and all black ? I 
 would like to hear that explained. 
 
 Miss. I hope not to have to explain such things as 
 that, as it would be hard for me to make ignorant 
 people understand it ; we can t attend to all these 
 things, and hold slaves. 
 
 Ind, Well, you have not told me whether the other 
 
BHAWtfEE ItfDIAJTS. 303 
 
 missionaries were wrong for not holding slaves, and 
 advising us to the same course ? 
 
 Miss. I am not sure about that myself, but just say, 
 that the Indians can but judge us all, by our works. 
 
 lud. Would you advise us to follow their example, 
 or yours, in that matter? 
 
 Miss. I must beg you not to ask me any more 
 such questions, but think of what I have told you 
 already; I can t answer that question. 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 As a warrior and speaker, Cornstalk is the first 
 we see much account of among the Shawnees. He 
 lived to a considerable old age, but was at last bar 
 barously murdered by the Americans. I find in 
 " Howe s History of the Great West," these re 
 marks : " The chief, Cornstalk, was a man of true 
 nobility of soul, and a brave warrior. That when 
 he returned to Piqua town, after the battle of Point 
 Pleasant, lie called a council of the nation to consult 
 what should be done, and upbraided them in not 
 suffering him to make peace as he desired, on the 
 evening before the battle. What/ said he, will 
 you do now ? The Bigknife is coming on us, and 
 we shall all be killed now you must fight, or we 
 are undone ; but no one answering, he said, then 
 let us kill all our women and children, and go and 
 fight till we die; but no answer was made, when 
 rising, he struck his tomahawk into a post of the 
 council-house, and exclaimed, I ll go and make 
 peace ! to which all the warriors agreed, Ough, 
 Oui> - h, and runners were immediately dispatched to 
 Dunmore to solicit peace. 
 
 "In the year 1777, he was atrociously murdered at 
 
BHAWJSEiC INDIANS. 
 
 $0$ 
 
 Point Pleasant. As his murderers were approaching, 
 his son, Eli-nip-se-co, trembled involuntarily. His 
 father encouraged him not to be afraid, for that the 
 Great Man above, had sent him there to be killed, 
 and die for him. As the men advanced to the door, 
 Cornstalk rose up and met them ; they fired, and 
 seven or eight bullets went through him. So fell the 
 great Cornstalk warrior, whose name was bestowed 
 on him by the consent of the nation, as their great 
 strength and support. Had he lived, it was believed 
 that he would have been friendly with the Ameri 
 cans, as he had come over to visit the garrison at 
 Point Pleasant to communicate the design of the 
 Indians, of uniting with the Britishers. His grave 
 is to be seen at Point Pleasant, to the present day." 
 The same author gives some account of Logan, the 
 Mingo chief, in connection with Cornstalk, which, aa 
 he was the last who survived of his race, and who 
 was engaged with the Shawness in Dunmore s war, I 
 will insert the account, which is as follows : 
 
 " Logan, the Mingo chief, still indignant at the 
 murder of his family, refused to attend the council, 
 or to be seen a suppliant among the other chiefs ; 
 yet, to Gen. Gibson, who was sent as an envoy to 
 the Shawnee towns, in a private interview, after 
 weeping as if his very heart would burst, he told the 
 past history of his wrongs in the following words: 
 
 "I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he en 
 tered Logan s cabin hungry, and I gave him no 
 drink ; if ever he carae cold and naked, and I gave 
 him not clothing ? 
 20 
 
306 
 
 Off XHK 
 
 " During the course of the last long and bloody 
 war, Logan remained in his tent, an advocate of 
 peace. Nay, such was my love for the whites, that 
 those of my own country pointed at me as they passed 
 by, and said : Logan is the friend of the white man/ 
 I had even thought to live with you, but for the inju 
 ries of one man. Colonel Craesap, in cold blood, and 
 unprovoked, cut off the relations of Logan not 
 sparing even my women and children. There runs 
 not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living 
 creature. This called on me for revenge. I have 
 sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted 
 my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams 
 of peace ; yet do not harbor the thought that mine is 
 the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not 
 turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to 
 mourn for Logan ? Not one." 
 
 This brief effusion of mingled pride, courage, and 
 sorrow, elevated the character of the native American 
 throughout the intelligent world, and the place where 
 it was delivered (old Chillicothe) can never be for 
 gotten, as long as touching eloquence is admired by 
 men. 
 
 The last years of Logan were truly melancholy. 
 He wandered about from tribe to tribe, a solitary and 
 lonely man ; dejected and broken-hearted, by the loss 
 of his friends and the decay of his tribe, he resorted 
 to the stimulus of strong drink to drown his sor 
 rows. He was at last murdered in Michigan, near 
 Detroit. He was at the time sitting with his blanket 
 over his head, before a camp-fire, his elbows resting 
 
HAWSES INDIES. SOT 
 
 on his knees, and his head upon his hands, buried 
 in profound reflection, when an Indian, who had taken 
 some offense, stole behind him and buried his toma 
 hawk in his brains. Thus perished the immortal 
 Logan, the last of his race ! 
 
 This same man had, on one occasion, as " the 
 friend of the white man," saved the life of Colonel 
 Kenton, after he had, the third time, been sentenced 
 by the Indians to be burned to death. 
 
 How exceedingly cruel it was, after all he had 
 done, after having his whole family destroyed by the 
 Americans, that he was so little cared for, that he 
 could, in his own native strain, lament that "there 
 were none to mourn for poor Logan not one!" 
 Where was Colonel Kenton then, who was snatched 
 from the flames, by this poor Indian, and who was 
 then living ? 
 
 Some of the descendants of Cornstalk are now 
 living on Kanzas river. One of his sons lived to an 
 advanced age. He was a war-chief and a very in 
 teresting speaker. He had given over his wandering 
 life before he died, and was for several years a very 
 sober, peaceable man. 
 
HisiORr OF THH 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ON the fifth of the fourth month, 1054, the Shaw 
 nees, to the number of about one hundred, met the 
 United States agent in council, at their meeting 
 house, to which council they were called, by him, to 
 hear a proposition from government, relative to the 
 purchase of their lands. They were called to order 
 about one o clock, p. M. He made a few remarks to 
 them, introductory to the reading of the instructions 
 he had received from the Indian Department at 
 Washington City, in which he informed them, " That 
 their great father, the President of the United States, 
 was very desirous to know if they were willing to sell a 
 part, or all of their land here; that he was continually 
 urged by his white children to buy more land for 
 them, as they had become so numerous that they 
 wanted more room, and had, indeed, become very 
 impatient, and many of them were now at the line, 
 waiting only for the Shawnees to sell, to get over ; 
 that they were becoming so anxious to remove here 
 that he did not know but those behind might soon 
 crowd on, that they would be over anyhow. He said 
 that the Shawnees had only one great friend, and 
 that was the President ; that he wanted to protect his 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 309 
 
 red children ; that they had better take his advice, 
 for if he was to withhold his protection from them, 
 the whites would take possession of their country, and 
 if they did, the Shawnee nation would not be in 
 existence five years," etc. 
 
 He said, though, that the Shawnees could do as 
 they pleased, they could keep all their land, or sell a 
 part, or all ; that the United States would not take it 
 from them without their consent. 
 
 He then produced a power of attorney, (from the 
 office of Indian affairs) authorizing eight delegates, 
 appointed by the Shawnee nation, to proceed to 
 Washington, with full power to conclude a treaty 
 with the United States, for the sale of such part, or 
 all their lands, as they might agree to sell, in the 
 same way, and to be as binding as if the whole nation 
 were present and agreeing to the same. 
 
 The agent put the question whether they were in 
 favor of sending a delegation as proposed. 
 
 The vote stood : for the delegation, 52 ; against it, 
 32 in all, 84. The agent, then, named eight per 
 sons as delegates, to wit : Joseph Parks, (well known 
 in former treaties,) Blackhoof, George McDougal, 
 Henry Bluejacket, George Bluejacket, Charles Blue 
 jacket, Long-tail, John Bobbs, and Graham Rodgers. 
 These were all declared by the agent to be the choice 
 for delegates, though no vote was taken on their ap 
 pointment ; neither was a vote taken by the agent 
 whether the Shawnees were willing to sell all their 
 land or not. The agent, it was said, as well as the 
 delegation now announced as having been appointed, 
 
310 HISTORY OF THK 
 
 understood that they would be bound by the resolu 
 tion of the nation, in presence of the Commissioner 
 of Indian Affairs, the preceding fall, which was, "that 
 they would sell one million of acres off the west end 
 of their land, but would retain the other for the-ir own 
 use," which contained nearly all their improvements. 
 
 This was, perhaps, as good a delegation as they 
 could have selected in the nation. Six of them were 
 of the Ohio band, all men of intelligence, and well 
 calculated to watch their own interests ; and the other 
 two belonged to the Missouri band, and were very 
 good Indians, and one of them very intelligent. 
 
 The Shawnces were very much alarmed at the 
 idea of holding this treaty at Washington, instead 
 of having it, as usual, in their own country ; they 
 dreaded the result, lest government might overpower 
 them and get all their land. 
 
 The delegation made a treaty at Washington City, 
 and they were true to their trust, and guarded well 
 the interests of their people. They, by that treaty, 
 ceded to the United States one million acres of land, 
 to be taken off the west end of their land, for sixty 
 cents per acre, in cash, to be paid in large install 
 ments, and the best of all is, that the treaty provides 
 that none of this money shall be taken to pay claims 
 which may be held against the nation. The part 
 retained by them is about thirty miles west by twenty- 
 five south ; out of this the Shawnees have the liberty 
 to select for each individual, of every age, two hun 
 dred acres, wherever they may choose to select it, 
 within this last-mentioned tract, as a permanent home 
 
SHAWNEE INDIANS. 311 
 
 for them each family selecting the tracts as near 
 together as convenient. The Shawnees, by the treaty, 
 cede all this tract to government, (as it is now in their 
 name deeded by government,) then, in order to make 
 their lights good for these two hundred acres each, 
 the United States, after the selections are made, are 
 to deed to each one his or her tract of two hundred 
 acres, in fee-simple, and then, in five years, (unless 
 the Shawnees, who now live in the south end of Kan- 
 zas Territory, choose to settle on it,) it is to be sold, 
 and the proceeds go to the Shawnee nation. 
 
 I consider the Shawnees made a treaty, in this 
 case, which was worth more to them than all the 
 treaties they ever made, if they can only get leave to 
 remain on this land which is among the uncertain 
 things which are in the future. 
 
 In this treaty, government paid the Shawnees, for 
 damages from the whites, the sum of $27,000. 
 
312 
 
 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 CHAPTER IIII. 
 
 OSAGE WEDDING. 
 
 WHILE residing as agent among the Osage Indians, 
 in 1850, I was invited, with my family, to attend a 
 wedding. The marriage was between two half-breeds, 
 both of whom were educated one at the Harmony 
 Mission, and the other at the Osage Catholic Mission. 
 The marriage was to be consummated at the Catholic 
 Mission, after their order. The young man s parents 
 resided about five miles distant from the Mission. 
 
 The parties, very politely, both invited us to be 
 present on the occasion, and offered to send their ox- 
 teams and wagoners, and haul us, but we had con 
 veyances of our own. About ten in the morning, all 
 parties repaired to the Catholic church. The cere 
 mony was administered by the priest, "and advice on 
 the occasion, and prayer, etc., attended to, when the 
 meeting was dismissed and the company set off for 
 the "dinner-place." The married couple rode fore 
 most, and next, their two attendants all dressed 
 very nicely and costly, and on fine horses then the 
 company promiscuously, some in horse-wagons, some 
 in ox-wagons, others on horseback, and many on 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 313 
 
 foot dogs by the score, too. Altogether the com 
 pany extended for a considerable distance, and made 
 a very antic appearance indeed. 
 
 On arriving at the residence of the young woman, 
 and observing this singular company all gathered in 
 and around the house, I was struck with the novel 
 sight: there were dragoons, in uniform, from Fort 
 Scott, Frenchmen, Cherokees, Quapaws, Senecas, 
 Caws, Osages, Negroes, and American citizens, all 
 there, mingling together, conversing in seven or eight 
 different languages, and having- as many different 
 complexions. Every kind of dress, from the richest 
 silk and broadcloth to the old dirty blanket. There 
 were ponies, mules, jacks, horses, oxen, and dogs, to 
 any number, and fighting each other all round. 
 
 All seemed to enjoy themselves well, except one 
 man, a half-breed Osage and generally a clever fel 
 low, who had got whisky, was drunk, and very mad ; 
 for some time he appeared to be dangerous, but at 
 length, finding that the agent would have him arrest 
 ed, he became quiet and there was no more trouble 
 with him that day. 
 
 Soon dinner was ready. There was placed in the 
 yard a table, about sixty feet long, which was lite 
 rally loaded with dishes and victuals of an excellent 
 quality, and very well done up, too, but then there 
 was trouble there, for the hundreds of dogs, which 
 had made their appearance on the ground, by this 
 time wanted to be eating, too. Provision though had 
 been made for this anticipated contingency, so those 
 little fellows had to wait till their turn might come 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 round; there was a tall young Osage gentleman, 
 dressed in a clean white blanket from his hips down, 
 and his upper-half naked and checkered oft with 
 antique figures made with red paint, his face and his 
 head painted as red as paint could make them, and 
 not a hair on his head except a small knot on the top. 
 There he sat, large as life, about the middle of the 
 table, with a nice long whip, made for the occasion, 
 and which was long enough to reach to each end of 
 the table. This whip he used very dextrously, and 
 many a poor dog suffered by it. There he sat, with 
 all the dignity imaginable, in his new office. 
 
 While the dinner- table was being made ready for 
 the whites and the more favored class of guests, there 
 were, I should guess, about twenty cooking-fires, 
 in and about the yard, where the common Indian 
 women were cooking their own dinners. They had a 
 number of large beeves killed. Those who were 
 cooking at these outside fires, had large pieces of 
 beef stuck upon stakes before the fires, and were 
 broiling them before these fires ; large kettles of soup 
 were boiling over the coals, and any quantity of cof 
 fee making, too, in kettles. Now there was no dog- 
 master allotted to these places, and those half-starved 
 creatures must eat somewhere. The man at the table 
 beat them away from there, and then they would 
 run straight to the other cooking-places. The Indian 
 dogs are generally remarkably tractable, but here 
 were many young ones who were not used to such 
 crowds and were not well trained, and probably felt 
 a good deal like many of their owners did, that, as 
 
8HAWNEE INDIANS. 316 
 
 there was plenty, on every hand, they would make 
 sure of one full meal anyhow. 
 
 The women had a hard time, and were to be pitied. 
 The children would be continually dipping their 
 little dirty hands into everything, which was bad 
 enough to bear, but then, the dogs would push their 
 noses right in the soup, or pull at the broiling beef; 
 but they paid dear for their morsel, for the cook 
 being furnished with a long heavy paddle, with which 
 she kept the soup or coffee in motion, would just as 
 sure paddle the dog on the head or back, as ever he 
 put himself about the victuals, and not be much 
 troubled either, as she would put her paddle right 
 back, and not be at the trouble of cleaning it at all. 
 
 When the dinner was ready, the newly-married 
 couple were seated very cleverly at the table, and most 
 of the whites and half-breeds too ate at the same table ; 
 which was well attended to by the cooks, and all 
 were very orderly, though a great deal of talking 
 went round, and I may add, that the eating con 
 tinued until dark. I believe I never saw as much 
 provision consumed in one afternoon before. 
 
 Great respect was shown to us, and indeed they 
 gave the preference to the white people entirely. 
 
 After the first table was through with dinner, an 
 old black man, who could understand and converse in 
 the Osage language as well as an Indian could, and 
 could make all the fun / desired, drew out his 
 fiddle, and the young people had a real dance till we 
 left, near night, and, as I learned from others, nearly 
 the whole night. * 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE SHAWNEE INDIANS. 
 
 Those of the Indians, who had to cook and eat on 
 the ground, appeared just as happy as those who 
 were more favored, and such as were not invited at 
 all took no offense at being slighted. 
 
 There was a great expense attending this marriage, 
 which, according to the Osage rule, has to be borne 
 by the young man who has been so fortunate as to 
 get a wife. 
 
 There was an old Indian woman who went about, 
 the whole afternoon, among the crowd, shouting and 
 chanting in the Osage language, which I could not 
 understand. This woman, as I was informed, was 
 hired for that purpose, and paid for her services a 
 horse and many other articles. 
 
 I believe about four hundred people ate dinner at 
 that singular wedding. 
 
 I learned that some of the Indians remained on 
 the ground until everything fit to eat was consumed. 
 
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