LIVES 
 
 OF 
 
 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, 
 
 AND 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
1 RIXTBD BY BALLANTYNE AND CO., PAUL S WORK, EDINBURGH. 
 
LIVES 
 
 OF 
 
 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, 
 
 AND 
 
 FKANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 FROM THE SPANISH OF 
 
 DON MANUEL JOSEF QUINTANA, 
 
 BY MRS HODSON, 
 
 AUTHOR OF " WALLACE," " THE PAST," &C. 
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH; AND 
 
 T. CADELL, STRAND, LONDON. 
 
 MDCCCXXXII. 
 
TO 
 
 ROBERT SOUTHEY, ESQ., L.L. D., 
 
 POET-LAUREATE, &c. &c. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR, 
 
 EVERY writer of a book, from the author of 
 the Colloquies down to the humble translator of 
 another s thoughts and words, engages in a task 
 more or less arduous and toilsome ; we are all 
 apt to set some value on that which has cost us 
 labour, and to watch the success of our lucubra 
 tions with some parental yearnings. With the 
 conflicts to which the most exalted genius, the 
 most profound philosophy, the proudest literary 
 name, may, nay must be liable, you are intimately 
 acquainted ; though less aware, perhaps, of the 
 suiferings, anxieties, vexations, and disappoint 
 ments, which await more ignoble candidates for 
 fame or profit, but which may be easily guess- 
 
VI DEDICATION. 
 
 ed, when we admit that no author of medio 
 crity ever launched a book upon the world, with 
 out rating its merits at, at least, a hundred times 
 their value. In the midst, meanwhile, of so 
 much discomfiture, every writer, however hum 
 ble, enjoys one precious privilege it is that of 
 dedication ; it is the power of offering a distinct 
 and individual homage, of pouring forth a free 
 and unrestrained tribute of applause and admira 
 tion to virtue and wisdom ; it is the means where 
 by every author, however small, is permitted to 
 place himself in a kindly and sympathetic rela 
 tion with the greatest. It is likewise the most 
 unequivocal method whereby an individual may, 
 without offence or intrusion, avow his own feel 
 ings, opinions, and principles. It is no trivial 
 ambition, therefore, which lends me presumption 
 to select from among the wise and good, the best 
 and wisest. I know that I thus bespeak myself a 
 place among the faithful band, who still cling 
 with heart and soul to the faith of their fore 
 fathers, and the love of the dear land of their 
 birth ; for no enemy to the spiritual or temporal 
 weal of England would willingly lend, even thus 
 
DEDICATION. Vll 
 
 small a mite, to the vast aggregate of renown, 
 enjoyed by their uncompromising and invincible 
 champion. 
 
 I should hardly offer apology, even had I not 
 previously sought and obtained your permission, 
 for addressing my translation to you. You are 
 fond of Spanish associations, you are acquaint 
 ed with the works of Quintana, and they are 
 honoured with your approval; besides, I think, 
 that of all men living, you are the last who would 
 disdainfully reject an expression of genuine heart 
 felt esteem. I have, therefore, only to add that 
 I am, 
 
 My dear SIR, 
 Your obliged Servant, 
 
 MARGARET HODSON. 
 
 SHAROW LODGE,") 
 12th May, 1832. J 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
HE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA 
 
 TWELVE years had elapsed since the discovery of the 
 Terra Firma of America by Columbus, yet hitherto 
 Spain had not formed there any permanent establish 
 ment. That great navigator, who, in 1498, first visit 
 ed and surveyed the new continent by the coasts of 
 Paria and Cumana, intended four years later to fix a 
 colony in Verag-ua, but the imprudence of his compa 
 nions, and the invincible ferocity^ of the Indians, de 
 prived him of this glory, and the colonists forsook the 
 enterprise from its very commencement, abandoning 
 its completion to more persevering- adventurers. 
 
 Previously, in 1501, Rog-er de Bastidas had visited 
 the coasts of Cumana and Carthagena, without any 
 thought of colonizing-, and only intent on a peaceable 
 traffic with the natives. Afterwards Alonzo de Ojeda, 
 a more celebrated adventurer than Bastidas, the com 
 panion of Columbus, and distinguished amongst his 
 
4 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 countrymen for his bold and determined character, 
 likewise visited the same shores, and contracted with 
 the Indians, though he could not accomplish his ob 
 ject of establishing- himself in the Gulf of Uraba, which 
 had been already discovered by Bastidas.* Neverthe 
 less, the obstacles he experienced in his two first at 
 tempts, did not damp his resolution, and he tried his 
 fortune a third time. He and Diego de Nicuesa were 
 at once authorized by Ferdinand the Catholic to esta 
 blish colonies and governments on the coast of Ame 
 rica, appointing, as the limits of their respective juris 
 dictions, to Ojeda from Cape de la Vela to the middle 
 of the Gulf of Uraba, and to Nicuesa from thence to the 
 Cape of Gracias a Dios. The two expeditions sailed 
 from Spain, and afterwards from St Domingo, nearly 
 at the same time. Ojeda took the lead, and, on land 
 ing in Carthagena, lost, in different encounters with 
 the Indians, several of his companions, which deter- 
 
 * Bastidas, of whose voyage a summary relation may be found 
 in the third volume of the work published by the Seiior Navarrete, 
 obtained no celebrity, either as a discoverer or as a conqueror ; yet 
 his memory should be cherished by every friend to justice and 
 humanity, as having been one of the few who treated the Indians 
 with gentleness and equity, considering their territory rather as an 
 object of mercantile speculation between equals, than as a field for 
 glory and conquest. " He was," says Las Casas, " ever known to 
 treat the Indians kindly, and is grossly injured by those who say 
 otherwise." Nor is the opinion of Antonio de Herrera less advan 
 tageous ; and in his whole voyage he was never known to commit 
 the slightest violence on the Indians. These principles of modera 
 tion caused his death. Being governor of Santa Marta, he was 
 assassinated by his ferocious companions, because he restrained 
 them from robbing and destroying at their pleasure. 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 5 
 
 mined him to sail for the Gulf, from whence he endea 
 voured to discover the river Darien, celebrated already 
 for the riches it was reported to possess ; but not suc 
 ceeding-, Ojeda resolved on founding a town, which he 
 called St Sebastian, on the heights to the east of the 
 bay, the second which had been raised by the hands of 
 Europeans on the American continent. Its fate was 
 but too likely to resemble that of the former. The 
 Spaniards, without provisions for any long subsistence, 
 destitute of patience, and unaccustomed to the labours 
 of cultivation, could only maintain themselves by in 
 cursions, a resource at once uncertain and hazardous ; 
 for the Indians of the country, naturally fierce and 
 warlike, not only defended themselves, in most cases, 
 with advantage, but, that rendered terrible by their 
 poisoned arrows, they were continually assailing them, 
 scarcely leaving- them a moment s repose. Their ne 
 cessaries were consumed, their numbers diminished by 
 fatigue and hunger, and the survivors, disheartened 
 and dejected, foresaw no termination to their miseries 
 but death, nor any mode of shunning this fatal result, 
 but flight. Ojeda s sole hope rested on the arrival of 
 Martin Fernandez de Enciso, a lawyer associated with 
 the expedition, whom he had left in the Island of His- 
 paniola, preparing a vessel to follow him. Enciso, 
 however, did not arrive, and the Castilians, discon 
 tented and mutinous, insisted on their captain adopt 
 ing some measure for their relief. He agreed at length 
 to go himself in search of the expected succour, lea 
 ving in command during his absence, or until the 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 arrival of Enciso, that Francisco Pizarro, who became 
 subsequently so glorious and terrible, by his iscovery 
 and conquest of the regions of the South. Ojeda gave 
 hi. word to return within fifty days, and told them, 
 that if he did not return within that period, they 
 mig ht disperse and bestow themselves wheresoever 
 they Pleased. On this agreement, he embarked for 
 Hispaniola, but lost his way and was driven into Cuba 
 and by a series of adventures, whose detail does not 
 belong to this place, he passed at length to St Domin- 
 go , where, in the course of a few years, he died poor 
 and miserable. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Spaniards of St Sebastian, seemg 
 the fifty stipulated days elapse without the appearance 
 of any Lcour, resolved to embark in two brigantines 
 and return to Hispaniola. The two hundred who fir 
 set sail with Ojeda, were now reduced to sixty, but 
 even this number could not be contained in the two 
 barks, and they were compelled to wait yet, til famine 
 !*d wretchedness should make a still farther reduction, 
 md this melancholy object was soon accomplished, 
 when they immediately embarked. The sea instantly 
 Twalbwed one of these vessels. The terrified Pizarro 
 rirrfuge in Carthagena, and had scarcely entered 
 I port, when he descried at a distance the vessel of 
 So, accompanied by a bngantine, bearing towards 
 him - he awaited them, and Enciso, to whom by tltle 
 ^Alcalde Mayor, which he held of Ojeda , the com- 
 Ind belonged! in the absence of that ** 
 it and resolved on steering mimediately for 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 7 
 
 but those unhappy men at first refused to face, a second 
 time, the toils and sufferings from which they had fled. 
 Enciso, however, partly by authority, partly by dint 
 of promises and presents, overcame their repugnance. 
 He carried with him a hundred and fifty men, twelve 
 mares, some horses, arms, and a good provision of 
 necessaries, but they only arrived at Uraba, to learn, 
 by new misfortunes, the enmity of that soil to Euro 
 peans. The vessel of Enciso ran on a shoal, and was 
 instantly dashed in pieces, losing, with exception of the 
 men who escaped naked, nearly the whole of its freight. 
 They found the fortress and houses they had for 
 merly built, reduced to ashes. The Indians, rendered 
 bold by their own advantages and the weakness of 
 their enemies, awaited and attacked them with such 
 audacity and arrogance, as left no hope either of peace 
 or conquest ; the Spaniards renewed their clamours to 
 return to Spain. " Let us," said they, " leave this 
 hostile coast, from whence, sea and land, the skies and 
 the inhabitants, unite to repulse us." No words were 
 heard but such as were dictated by despondency, nor 
 any counsels, but those of pusillanimity and flight. A 
 second time they were on the point of abandoning the 
 establishment, and, probably, for ever, when, in that 
 general consternation, a man stepped forth, whose lan 
 guage rekindled in their hearts new spirits and new 
 hopes, and who afterwards, by his power and talents, 
 gave consistency and lustre to the vacillating colony. 
 " I remember," said Vasco Nunez de Balboa, " that 
 some years ago, passing by this coast on a voyage of 
 
8 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 discovery with Rodrigo de Bastidas, we entered this 
 gulf, and disembarked on its western shore, where we 
 found a great river, and saw on its opposite bank a 
 town, seated in a flourishing and abundant region, and 
 inhabited by people who do not poison their arrows." 
 These words seemed to restore them from death to 
 life, and to inspire them all with new courage ; to the 
 number of 100 they followed Enciso and Balboa, leap 
 ed into the brigantines, crossed the Gulf, and explored 
 the opposite coast for the friendly land, which had been 
 announced to them. The river, the place, and the 
 country, appeared such as Vasco Nunez had described to 
 them ; and the town was immediately occupied by the 
 adventurers, as the Indians, who had placed their best 
 effects and their families in safety, did not attempt to 
 attack them, but took post on a rock, where they cou 
 rageously awaited them. 
 
 The Indians consisted of about 500 warriors, at 
 whose head was Cemaco,* their Cacique, a resolute 
 
 * Father Las Casas, in the 63d chapter of his Chronological 
 History, says that, in the old memorials in his possession, this war 
 with the Indians is otherwise related. According to them, the 
 Spaniards were received in peace by Cemaco, who, knowing their 
 eager desire for gold, gave them voluntarily 8000 or 10,000 pe 
 sos. They enquired whence he had that metal. He replied, 
 " From heaven." But, on their perseverance, he said that the 
 larger pieces were obtained at a distance of twenty leagues, and the 
 smaller from the neighbouring rivers. They required him to point 
 out the places he had mentioned; and he thereupon consulted 
 his Indians, who cautioned him, that if once the Castilians were 
 instructed where to find the gold, they would never be got rid of. 
 The Cacique concealed himself in the village of one of his vassals. 
 The Spaniards traced him, seized him, and put him to the torture 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 and intrepid man, disposed to defend his land to ex 
 tremity, against that horde of invaders. The Spaniards 
 began to doubt the result of the battle, and commend 
 ing themselves to Heaven, offered, in case of victory, to 
 dedicate the town, which they proposed building in that 
 country, to Santa Maria de la Antigua, a greatly ve 
 nerated image in Seville. Enciso also made them all 
 swear to maintain each his post, even to death ; and, 
 having taken every precaution that circumstances ad 
 mitted, gave the signal for battle. With loud shouts and 
 terrible impetuosity they rushed upon the Indians, who 
 received them with no less spirit, but the Spaniards 
 combated with the force of desperation, and their su 
 periority in point of arms prevented the fortune of the 
 conflict from remaining long in doubt ; it was termi 
 nated by the slaughter and flight of the terrified In 
 dians. The Spaniards, elate with their triumph, en 
 tered the town, where they found many ornaments of 
 fine gold, abundance of provisions, and a great store 
 of cotton vestments. They next explored the country, 
 and discovered, amongst the reeds and canes of the 
 river, the precious effects which the Indians had hid 
 den, and having taken captive the few natives who 
 had not escaped, took tranquil possession of the town. 
 Enciso next sent for the Spaniards whom he had 
 left on the eastern side of the Gulf, and, full of hope 
 
 to make him surrender his secret. Overcome by pain, he disco 
 vered what he knew, and being then liberated, collected his people 
 and his friends, and attacked the Spaniards. 
 
10 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 and excitement, his followers betook themselves to 
 the foundation of the town, which, in fulfilment of 
 their vow before the battle, was called Santa Maria 
 del Antigua of Darien. 
 
 The conduct of Enciso, at the commencement, did 
 no discredit to the command and authority he exer 
 cised; yet 12,000 pieces of gold, the amount of the 
 spoil taken by the Spaniards, had excited in their 
 breasts a spirit of covetousness, and an ardent expec 
 tation and desire of gain; and his imprudent prohibition, 
 on pain of death, that any one should traffic with the 
 Indians, most strangely interfered with the strongest 
 passions of his band of adventurers. " He is a miser," 
 said they, " who covets for himself all the fruit of our 
 efforts, and abuses, to our prejudice, an authority to 
 which he has no just claim. Placed, as we are, be 
 yond the limits assigned to Ojeda s jurisdiction, his 
 command as Alcalde Mayor, is become null, together 
 with our obligation to obedience." The individual 
 most distinguished in these murmurs was Vasco 
 Nunez, for whom the opportune translation of the 
 colony had gained credit, among the boldest and most 
 influential of his companions. The majority, there 
 fore, resolved to deprive Enciso of the command, to 
 establish a municipal government, to form a chapter, 
 create magistrates, name judges; and, proceeding to 
 election, the scales of justice were allotted to Martin 
 Zamudio and Balboa. 
 
 The adventurers, meanwhile, were not entirely con- 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 11 
 
 tented with this adjustment. Enciso s party continued 
 to urge that they should never succeed without a head, 
 and required that he should still be their chief; their 
 opponents argued, on the other hand, that as they 
 were then within the jurisdiction of Diego de Nicuesa, 
 he should be sent for, and that they should place them 
 selves under his command ; while a third, and yet 
 more powerful party, insisted that the government 
 which had been formed was good, and that, in case of 
 the adoption of a single chief, they could not follow a 
 better leader than Balboa. 
 
 They were engaged in these debates, when they 
 were suddenly surprised by the repeated sound of guns, 
 which echoed from the eastern side of the Gulf, and were 
 succeeded by the appearance of gusts of smoke, such 
 as are used for signals, and to which they replied in 
 like manner. Shortly after this arrived Diego En- 
 riquez de Colrnenares, who, with two vessels freighted 
 with provisions, arms, and ammunition, and with sixty 
 men, had quitted Spain in search of Diego de Nicuesa. 
 Driven by storms on the coast of Santa Marta, where 
 the Indians had killed several of his companions, he, 
 with the remainder, descended the Gulf of Uraba, in 
 hope of gaining intelligence of Nicuesa, and as he 
 found none of the followers of Ojeda on the spot where 
 he expected them, he determined, by firing his guns 
 and making signals by smoke, to endeavour to obtain 
 an answer ; the return of his signals from the Darien 
 directed his course to Antigua, where, nobody being 
 able to satisfy his enquiry into the fate of Nicuesa, he 
 
12 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 agreed to remain, and divide amongst the colonists the 
 provisions and arms he had brought with him. This 
 act of liberality gained him universal favour, and he 
 had soon sufficient influence in the town to win over 
 the majority to the opinion of those, who demanded 
 Nicuesa for their leader. This was soon afterwards 
 decreed by the council, and Colmenares himself, toge 
 ther with Diego de Albitez and Diego de Corral, were 
 the deputed messengers ; they immediately embarked, 
 and directed their course to the coast of Veragua, in 
 pursuit of Nicuesa. 
 
 With five ships and two brigantines, and about 
 800 men, had this discoverer quitted St Domingo, 
 very soon, as we have said above, after the departure 
 of Ojeda. On arriving in Carthagena, he assisted the 
 latter in his conflicts with the Indians, and they after 
 wards separated, in order to take possession of their 
 respective governments. The various adventures, and 
 the fatal disasters, which befell the unfortunate Ni 
 cuesa, as soon as he began to coast the regions sub 
 ject to his command, form a narrative, at once most 
 melancholy and most terrible, and which offers a 
 dreadful warning to human avarice and rashness. 
 Those events, however, do not fall within the com 
 pass of our story, and it suffices to say, that of that 
 powerful armament, which seemed able to give laws 
 to the isthmus of America, and to all the neighbour 
 ing countries, at the end of a few months only sixty 
 men were left, who, lingering miserably at Nombre 
 de Dios, six leagues from Portobello, momentarily ex- 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 13 
 
 pected death, in a state of utter despondency, all hope 
 of relief having abandoned them. Such was their si 
 tuation, when Colmenares arrived with the message 
 he brought from Darien for Nicuesa. They now be 
 lieved that Heaven, weary of persecuting- them, and 
 appeased by their sufferings, had opened a way for 
 their relief, but misfortune or imprudence still oppo 
 sed their hopes, and this unforeseen summons proved, 
 in the end, the fatal snare by means of which their 
 ruin was accelerated. 
 
 Those disasters which generally serve to render 
 men prudent and circumspect, had a different eifect on 
 the noble temper, for which Nicuesa had been distin 
 guished. The generosity, gaiety, and moderation, 
 which had formerly characterised him, had given place 
 to rashness, recklessness, and even cruelty. Scarcely 
 had he accepted the authority conferred on him by the 
 Spaniards of the Darien, when, even previous to quit 
 ting Nombre de Dios, he already threatened them 
 with chastisement, and declared he would take from 
 them the gold, of which without his permission they 
 had possessed themselves. Colmenares was disgusted, 
 and still more were Albitez and Corral offended, since 
 the menaces of the governor more nearly concerned 
 them as colonists of the Darien. Their arrival in the 
 Gulf a little preceded that of Nicuesa, who added to 
 his insane bravadoes, the error of allowing these men 
 to anticipate his arrival, with such sinister annuncia 
 tions. The Spaniards of Antigua became furious at 
 these tidings, and the excitement of their minds was 
 
34 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 at the height, when they were joined by Juan de 
 Caicedo, Nicuesa s inspector, who, likewise provoked 
 by these inconsistencies, threw fresh fuel on the flame, 
 by taunting- them with their madness in having-, free 
 and uncontrolled as they were, submitted themselves 
 voluntarily to the domination of a stranger. 
 
 It was then that the two parties of Enciso and Bal 
 boa rose and united, as might be expected, determined 
 on the overthrow of the wretched Nicuesa. On his 
 arrival in the Darien the inhabitants sallied forth to 
 receive him, with loud cries and threats, prohibiting 
 his disembarkation, and ordering him back to his go 
 vernment. Zamudio the Alcalde, with others of his 
 party, led this movement, whilst Balboa, who had 
 secretly excited them to this, in public affected tem 
 perance and moderation. Nicuesa, on finding himself 
 so desperately situated, felt as if the heavens were fall 
 ing upon his head : in vain he entreated, that even if 
 rejected as their governor, they would admit him at 
 least as their equal and companion, and, if -even this 
 were too much to ask, he implored them to cast him 
 into prison and let him live there confined among them, 
 since that would be a milder fate than to be sent back 
 to Nombre de Dios, to perish from hunger or arrow 
 wounds. He reminded them of the enormous capital 
 he had sunk in the undertaking, and the deplorable 
 miseries he had endured. Policy, however, has no 
 compassion, and avarice no ear ; the general irritation 
 increased every moment, and could not be appeased, 
 and Nicuesa, contrary to the secret counsel conveyed to 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 15 
 
 him by Balboa, not to disembark but in his presence, 
 suffered himself to be misled, by some treacherous pro 
 mises, into disembarking 1 , and throwing- himself into 
 the hands of his infuriated enemies, they seized him, 
 and forced him into a brigantine, ordering- him to sail 
 immediately, and present himself at court. He pro 
 tested ag-ainst the unworthy cruelty with which they 
 treated him, insisted on his right to claim command 
 and authority in that land, and finally threatened to 
 summon them to an answer, before the tribunal of God. 
 All was fruitless. Embarked in the most ruinous lit 
 tle vessel they possessed, badly provisioned, and ac 
 companied by only eighteen men, who desired to share 
 his fate, he quitted that inhuman colony, and pushed 
 out to sea, and neither he, his companions, or his ves 
 sel, were ever seen again.* 
 
 Nicuesa being- thus disposed of, there remained only 
 Enciso, who could counterpoise the authority of Balboa 
 in the Darien. The party of that lawyer in the town, 
 however, constituted but a feeble dependence. Vasco 
 Nunez had him accused of having- usurped the juris 
 diction, with no better title than he derived from 
 Alonzo de Ojeda, brought him to trial, confiscated 
 his property, and at length, allowing himself to be 
 
 * Herrera is evidently disposed to acquit Vasco Nunez of the 
 machinations here imputed to him. He even describes him as 
 taking the part of Nicuesa in good faith, and punishing Francisco 
 Benitez with a hundred stripes, for his clamours against the landing 
 of that unfortunate man. Chap. 8, Dec. 1, Book 8. Translator s 
 Note. 
 
16 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 influenced by entreaties, and by the dictates of pru 
 dence, commanded him to be set at liberty, on condi 
 tion that he should sail with the first opportunity, 
 either for St Domingo, or for Europe. It was after 
 wards agreed to despatch commissioners to each of 
 those quarters, to report the proceedings of the colony, 
 to convey an idea of the quality of the soil, and circum 
 stances of the natives, and implore aid both in provi 
 sions and men. They chose for this office the Alcalde 
 Zamudio, and the Magistrate Valdivia, each of whom 
 was the friend of Vasco Nunez, and charged to pur 
 chase, by dint of presents, the protection and favour 
 of Miguel de Pasamonte, treasurer of St Domingo, 
 and, at that juncture, almost absolute arbitrator of the 
 affairs of America, from the great credit he enjoyed 
 with the Catholic King and his Secretary Conchillos. 
 But either these presents miscarried, or proved insuf 
 ficient to satisfy the treasurer s avarice, since there is 
 no doubt that the first despatches of Pasamonte to 
 government, on the affairs of the Darien, were all as 
 favourable to Enciso, as they were otherwise to Vasco 
 Nunez ; and to this unjust step we may trace the cause 
 of the misfortunes, and final catastrophe, of that disco 
 verer. Valdivia remained on the island, to prepare 
 and accelerate the succours necessary for the Darien ; 
 and Zamudio and Enciso went to Spain, to dissemi 
 nate, the one praises, and the other accusations, of 
 Balboa. 
 
 But who was this man, who, without title, com 
 mission, or fortune, could thus influence his compa- 
 1 
 
[N I V C. r\ --? i 
 F H 
 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 17 
 
 nions, and supplant persons, whose authority was legi 
 timate, and their right to command unquestionable ; 
 all of them no less daring, covetous, and ambitious 
 of power and rule, than himself? And why did they 
 bend to the government and coercion of an obscure, 
 private, necessitous man? Vasco Nunez de Balboa 
 was a native of Xeres de los Caballeros, of a respect 
 able though poor family. In Spain he had been a 
 dependant of Don Pedro Portocarrero, Lord of Mo- 
 guer, and afterwards enlisted amongst the companions 
 of Rodrigo de Bastidas, and accompanied that navi 
 gator on his mercantile voyage. He was, at the 
 period of Ojeda s expedition, established in the town 
 of Salvatierra, in Hispaniola, where he kept a few 
 Indians, and cultivated a small property. Loaded with 
 debts, like most of those colonists, and greedy of glory 
 and fortune, he was anxious to accompany Enciso, 
 though the edict of the admiral, prohibiting all debtors 
 from quitting the island, presented an obstacle to his 
 wishes. To elude it, he embarked secretly, and without 
 the knowledge of that commander, inclosed in a cask, 
 or, as others say, wrapped in a sail, and was not disco 
 vered till they were already out at sea. Enciso was ex 
 cessively enraged, and threatened to leave him on the 
 first desert island they should reach. However, softened 
 at length by the interposition of others, as well as by 
 the submission of Balboa, he consented to receive him. 
 He was tall, robust, of a noble disposition, and a pre 
 possessing countenance ; his age did not then exceed 
 B 
 
18 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 fi ve-and-thirty years, and his singular vigour of frame 
 rendered him capable of any degree of fatigue ; his 
 was the firmest arm, his was the strongest lance, his 
 was the surest arrow ; nay, even the blood-hound * of 
 Balboa was the most sagacious and powerful. Nor 
 did the endowments of his mind disgrace those of his 
 body ; ever active, vigilant, of unequalled penetration, 
 and possessing the most invincible perseverance and 
 constancy. The translation of the colony from St 
 Sebastian to the Darien, in pursuance of his advice, 
 
 * " We must not omit to mention a dog which Balboa pos 
 sessed, called Leoncico, from the dog Becerrico, of the island of St 
 Juan, and no less famous than his parent. This dog gained his 
 master, in this and other entries, more than 2000 pesos of gold, 
 because he received the share of a companion, in the distribution of 
 gold and slaves. And truly the dog deserved it better than many 
 sleeping partners. This dog s instinct was wonderful ; he could 
 distinguish between the warlike or peaceful Indian ; and when the 
 Spaniards were taking or pursuing the Indians, on loosing this 
 animal, and saying, There he is seek him, he would com 
 mence the chase, and had so fine a scent, that they scarcely ever 
 escaped him. And when he had overtaken his object, if the In 
 dian remained quiet, he would take him by the sleeve, or hand, 
 and lead him gently, without biting or annoying him, but if he 
 resisted, he would tear him in pieces. Ten Christians escorted by 
 this dog, were in more security than twenty without him. I have 
 seen this dog, for when Pedrarias came to this territory, in the year 
 1514, he was still alive, and Vasco Nunez lent him to him, when 
 he received his share, as I have stated. He was of a red colour, 
 had a black nose, was of a middle size, and not handsomely formed, 
 but stout and powerful exhibiting many wounds, which in the 
 course of these wars he had received from the Indians. The dog 
 was at last maliciously poisoned. Some dogs of his race were left ; 
 but nothing equal to him has been seen in these regions." O VIE - 
 DO S General History, book xxix. chap. 3. 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 19 
 
 was the circumstance which first raised him into 
 credit with his companions ; and when placed at their 
 head, and invested with the command, he was always 
 seen the first in toils and dangers, never losing- his 
 presence of mind. He maintained, in discipline, a 
 severity equal to the frankness and affability he uni 
 formly displayed in common intercourse ; he divided 
 the spoil with the most exact equity ; he watched over 
 the meanest soldier, as though he were his son or his 
 brother ; and he reconciled, in the most amiable and 
 satisfactory manner, the duties and dignity of the 
 governor and captain with the offices of comrade and 
 friend. The adhesion which the colonists then swore 
 to him, and the confidence they reposed in him, knew 
 no bounds, and all congratulated themselves on having 
 delegated the authority to a chief, so proper to com 
 mand. Until the expulsion of Enciso, he might be 
 considered as a bold and factious intriguer, who, aided 
 by his popularity, aspired to the first place among his 
 equals, and who endeavoured, artfully and audaciously, 
 to rid himself of all those who might, with better title, 
 have disputed it with him ; but as soon as he found 
 himself alone and unrivalled, he gave himself up solely 
 to the preservation and improvement of the colony, 
 which had fallen into his hands. He then began to 
 justify his ambition by his services, to raise his mind 
 to a level with the dignity of his office, to place him 
 self, in the scale of public opinion, almost in compa 
 rison with Columbus himself. 
 
20 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 The outskirts of the new establishment were inha 
 bited by different tribes, in a great deg ree similar in 
 their habits, though formerly separated by the wars 
 which continually raged among them, as well as by 
 the nature of the country, which was rude, rocky, and 
 unequal. Though no less valiant and warlike than 
 the Indians of the eastern coast, those of the Davien 
 were infinitely less cruel and ferocious. The former 
 used poisoned arrows, gave no quarter, and ate their 
 prisoners ; while the Darien Indians fought with clubs, 
 wooden swords or darts, and did not poison their 
 arrows. They spared the lives of their captors, but 
 having marked them, either by branding the forehead, 
 or by the loss of a tooth, retained them as slaves. 
 They conferred nobility on any individual of their 
 tribe who was wounded in battle ; and, recompensed 
 by an allotment of property, a wife of distinction, and 
 a military command, he was considered as illustrious 
 among his compatriots, and transmitted his privileges 
 to his sons. They were governed by Caciques, who, 
 according to ancient tradition, exercised more autho 
 rity than is generally held by the chiefs of savage 
 nations. They had physicians and priests, who were 
 called Tequinas, impostors, whom they consulted in 
 sickness and in their wars, in short, in almost all their 
 undertakings. They adored a deity whom they called 
 Tuira : and the superstition of this mild and pacific 
 race evinced itself in offerings of bread, spices, fruit, 
 and flowers ; while the more cruel and ferocious tribes 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 21 
 
 offered blood and human sacrifices on the altars of 
 their gods. 
 
 They generally made their settlements on the sea 
 shore, or on the banks of rivers, where they might 
 maintain themselves by fishing the culture of the 
 soil likewise, and the chase, varied their occupations ; 
 but their chief support was derived from their fishing. 
 Their houses were of wood and canes, tied together 
 by the bark or coarse filaments of trees the whole 
 covered by leaves or grass, as a defence from the rains. 
 These, when built on the solid ground, they called 
 Bohios and Barbacoas, when they were constructed 
 in the air, on trees, or upon the water ; and some of 
 these might, amid the general nakedness of the land, 
 have been considered palaces. None of their esta 
 blishments were on a large scale, and they changed 
 them frequently, according to the dictates of danger 
 or necessity. 
 
 The men were generally naked the women wore 
 cotton petticoats from the waist to the knee ; never 
 theless, in some districts neither sex used any covering 
 whatsoever. The Caciques, or chiefs, as a badge of 
 distinction, wore cotton mantles over their shoulders. 
 They all painted their bodies with juice of arnotto, or 
 coloured earths, especially in preparation for battle. 
 They adorned their heads with panaches of feathers, 
 their nostrils and ears with beautiful shells, and their 
 arms and ankles with bracelets of gold. They suffered 
 their hair to grow, and wave freely over their shoul- 
 
22 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 ders behind, but cut it off over the eyebrows, with 
 sharp flints. The women were very vain of the beauty 
 and firmness of their bosoms ; and when, through age 
 or child-bearing, they were threatened with the loss 
 of this charm, they supported the bosom with bars of 
 gold, fastened round the shoulders with cotton bands. 
 Both men and women were greatly addicted to swim 
 ming ; and to be continually in the water was one of 
 their favourite pleasures. 
 
 They were of very free, or rather, if the expression 
 may be used in speaking of savages, of very corrupt 
 habits. Their Caciques and chiefs wedded as many 
 women as they pleased, the remainder only one ; no 
 formal divorce was necessary, the will of both, or even 
 of one consort only, being sufficient to procure separa 
 tion, especially in case of sterility in the female, who 
 was always abandoned, and sometimes even sold, by the 
 husband. Prostitution was not deemed infamous ; it 
 was a maxim with the noble ladies, that it was rude 
 and vulgar to deny any request that was made to them, 
 and they freely surrendered themselves to their lovers, 
 more particularly if they chanced to be men of conse 
 quence. This tendency to libertinism led to the in 
 human practice of taking herbs to procure abortion, 
 when they perceived themselves pregnant. True it 
 is, that these sensual and dissipated women followed 
 their husbands to the war, combated by their sides, 
 and would die valiantly in their defence. Another 
 unnatural crime, authorized by their Caciques, was pre 
 valent to a great degree with these Indians, and several 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 23 
 
 of their youth were devoted to this most abominable 
 pollution. The public diversions were limited to the 
 Areito, a kind of dance greatly resembling those of the 
 northern provinces of Spain. An individual led the 
 dance, singing and performing steps to the tune of the 
 song, others followed in imitation, while others, again, 
 employed themselves in drinking fermented liquors, dis 
 tilled from the date and from maize, which they shared 
 with the dancers. This exercise would last whole 
 hours, and even days, until the dancers remained sense 
 less from drunkenness and fatigue. 
 
 In case of the death of a Cacique, the wives and 
 servants most attached to his person put themselves to 
 death, that they might serve him in a future life, in 
 the same relations as they held in this ; for they be 
 lieved that the souls, which omitted this act of duty, 
 either perished with their bodies, or were dispersed in 
 air. They consigned their dead to earth, though in 
 some provinces, as soon as a nobleman died, he was 
 seated on a stone, and a fire being kindled around him, 
 the corpse was kept till all moisture was dried, and 
 nothing but skin and bones remained, and in this state 
 it was placed in a retired apartment, dedicated to this 
 use, or fastened to the wall, adorned with plumes, 
 jewels, and even robes, and placed by the side of his 
 father, or of the ancestor, who had last preceded him. 
 Thus, with his corpse, was his memory preserved to 
 his family, and if any of them perished in battle, the 
 fame of his prowess was consigned to posterity, in the 
 Bongs of the Areitos. 
 
24 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 From this sketch, of the policy and customs of these 
 natives may be inferred the little resistance they could 
 have made to subjection or extermination, should the 
 European colonists once acquire strength and union. 
 They had founded their town on the bank of a river, 
 which the Spaniards took for the Darien, though it 
 proved to be only one of its most considerable mouths. 
 To the east of them was the Gulf, which separated 
 them, by seven leagues, from the coast of the Caribs 
 and those ferocious tribes ; on the north was the sea ; 
 on the west the Isthmus ; and to the south the plain, 
 cut off and limited by the different arms of the Darien, 
 and entirely occupied by swamps and lakes. For a 
 people, confiding in cultivation for their means of 
 subsistence, the valley would have been sufficient, 
 which is formed between the Sierras of the Andes 
 and the least lofty of the Cordilleras, that bound the 
 coast, from the principal mouth of the river to the 
 western point of the Gulf, and to which they gave 
 the name of Cape Tiburon. This valley, excellent 
 for planting, and the resources of fishing and the chase, 
 which the Gulf, rivers, and surrounding mountains 
 presented, would have more than sufficed to maintain 
 adventurers less covetous and restless than these. But 
 the anxiety of the Spaniards was to discover countries, 
 to acquire gold, to subdue nations ; and to this end 
 they must prepare to strive, not only with the fero 
 cious and errant tribes, who peopled the Isthmus, but 
 with the severities of the country, still more terrible 
 and repulsive than its inhabitants. And if to this, we 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 25 
 
 add the inroads continually made on the health and 
 constitution of the Europeans, by the constant heat 
 and humidity of the air, and the heavy and frequent 
 rains, we must perceive that nothing less than the 
 most unquenchable ardour, and the most marvellous 
 resolution, could support and overcome so many diffi 
 culties. 
 
 During the contest which existed for the command, 
 the Indians went and came to the Darien, brought 
 provisions and sold them for beads, knives, and toys, 
 from Castile ; but they were led thither by other in 
 centives than the desire of traffic, they came likewise 
 as spies, and, anxious to free their own country from 
 the presence of the adventurers, boasted to them of 
 the abundance and wealth of the province of Coiba, 
 distant thirty leagues westward of them. Vasco 
 Nunez sent, in the first place, to recall Francisco Pi- 
 zarro, who returned after a short skirmish with a troop 
 of Indians headed by Cemaco ; he then went himself, 
 with a hundred men, in the direction of Coiba, but in 
 marching many leagues and encountering no Indian, 
 either peaceable or warlike, finding the country depo 
 pulated by the terror which had been spread, he re 
 solved on returning to Antigua, having reaped no 
 advantage from this his second expedition. 
 
 He afterwards despatched two brigantines, for the 
 Spaniards who had been left at Nombre de Dios, which 
 on their return touched on the coast of Coiba, and 
 were there met by two Castilians, who were naked, and 
 painted with arnotta, in the Indian mode. They were 
 
26 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 mariners from the vessel of Nicuesa, who, in the fore 
 going year, had quitted that unfortunate commander, 
 when he passed from Veragua. Having been treated 
 by the Cacique of the place with the utmost hospitality, 
 they had remained with him the whole time, learned 
 the language, and made themselves acquainted with 
 the circumstances and resources of the country. They 
 described it to the navigators as rich, and abounding in 
 gold and every kind of provision ; and it was finally 
 agreed that one of the two should remain yet with the 
 Cacique, to be useful in the proper time, while the other 
 should accompany the rest to Darien, and enrich the 
 governor by his observations. 
 
 Well did Balboa appreciate the acquisition of such 
 an interpreter, brought to his hands ; and having dili 
 gently informed himself of all circumstances, necessary 
 for a due knowledge of the people, whom he intended 
 to attack, he ordered that a hundred and thirty of the 
 most vigorous and intrepid of his men should prepare 
 for the expedition. He provided himself with the 
 best arms which the colony could supply, with instru 
 ments proper for smoothing his road, through the 
 mountain-thickets and brambles, and with the mer- 
 cfrandise useful for traffic ; and thus equipped, he em 
 barked with two brigantines for Coiba. On arriving 
 there, he landed, and sought the mansion of Careta 
 the Cacique ; Careta had been prepared to expect his 
 arrival, and replied mildly to his demand for provisions 
 for the troop which followed him, and for the colony 
 of the Darien, that " whatsoever strangers had passed 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 27 
 
 by his land had been provided by him with all things 
 necessary for them, but that, in the present season, he 
 had nothing- to give, in consequence of the war he was 
 engaged in against Ponca, a neighbouring Cacique; that 
 his people now neither sowed nor reaped, and were 
 therefore as necessitous as their visitors." By means 
 of his interpreters, and in pursuance of their advice, 
 Vasco Nunez expressed himself satisfied with this 
 reply, to which, however, he gave not the least credit. 
 The Indian was at the head of two thousand warriors, 
 and Balboa conceived it better to attempt his subjuga 
 tion by surprise, than to risk an open attack ; he pre 
 tended, therefore, to set out on his return to the quar 
 ter whence he came, but in the middle of the night 
 marched back upon the town, overthrew and slew 
 whoever opposed his way, took the Cacique and his 
 family prisoners, and loading his two brigantines with 
 all the provisions he could find, carried the whole away 
 to the Darien. Careta, after this warning, resigned 
 himself to his destiny, and humbled himself to his 
 conqueror, whom he entreated to allow him his free 
 dom, and admit him to his friendship ; he offered to 
 furnish the colony with necessaries in abundance, if 
 the Spaniards would in return defend him against 
 Ponca. Such conditions could not but be agreeable to 
 the Castilian chief, who thus adjusted peace and alli 
 ance with the Indian tribe; the Cacique presenting his 
 beautiful daughter to Balboa, as his wife, in pledge of 
 his sincerity, a pledge willingly accepted, and greatly 
 valued. 
 
28 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 The two allies next resolved to march against Ponca, 
 who, not daring" to await them, took refuge in the 
 mountains, abandoning his land to the ravage and ruin 
 prepared for it by the Indians and Spaniards. Balboa, 
 however, did not at present pursue his success farther ; 
 leaving to the future the conquest, or, as he termed it, 
 the pacification, of the interior, he returned to the 
 coast, where it was more for the advantage, security, 
 and subsistence of the colony, to have his friends or his 
 vassals stationed. Careta had for a neighbour a Cacique, 
 called by some Comogre, by others Panquiaco, chief 
 of about ten thousand Indians, amongst whom were 
 three thousand warriors. Having heard of the valour 
 and enterprise of the Castilians, this chief desired to 
 enter into treaty and friendship with them, and a prin 
 cipal Indian, a dependant of Careta, having presented 
 himself as the agent in this friendly overture, Vasco 
 Nuriez, anxious to profit by the opportunity of secu 
 ring such an ally, went with his followers to visit Co 
 mogre. No sooner was the Cacique apprized of this 
 visit, than he sallied forth at the head of his principal 
 vassals and his seven sons, all still youths, and the 
 offspring of different wives, to receive the Spaniards. 
 Great was the courtesy and kindness with which he 
 treated his guests, who were lodged in different houses 
 in the town, and provided with victuals in abundance, 
 and with men and women to serve them. What chiefly 
 attracted their attention was the habitation of Como 
 gre, which, according to the memorials of the time, 
 was an edifice of an hundred and fifty paces in length, 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 29 
 
 and fourscore in breadth, built on thick posts, sur 
 rounded by a lofty stone wall, and on the roof an attic 
 story, of beautiful, and skilfully interwoven wood. It 
 was divided into several compartments, and contained 
 its markets, its shops, and its pantheon for the dead ; 
 for it was in the corpses of the Cacique s ancestors 
 that the Spaniards first beheld these ghastly remains, 
 dried and arranged as above described. 
 
 The honours of hospitality were confided to the 
 eldest son of Comogre, a youth of more sagacity and 
 intelligence than his brothers ; he one day presented 
 to Vasco Nunez and to Colmenares, whom, from 
 their manner and appearance, he recognised as chiefs 
 of the party, sixty slaves and four thousand pieces of 
 gold, of different weight. They immediately melted 
 the gold, and having separated a fifth for the king, 
 began to divide it among themselves ; this division be 
 gat-; a dispute that gave occasion to threats and vio 
 lence, which, being observed by the Indian, he sud 
 denly overthrew the scales in which they were weigh 
 ing the precious metal, exclaiming, " Why quarrel for 
 such a trifle ? If such is your thirst for gold, that for 
 its sake you forsake your own country, and come to 
 trouble those of strangers, I will show you a province, 
 where you may gather by the handful the object of 
 your desire ; but to succeed, you ought to be more 
 numerous than you are, as you will have to contend 
 with powerful kings, who will vigorously defend their 
 dominions. You will first find a Cacique who is very 
 rich in gold, who resides at the distance of six suns 
 
30 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 from hence ; soon you will behold the sea, which lies to 
 that part," and he pointed towards the south ; " there 
 you will meet with people who navigate in barks with 
 sails and oars, not much less than your own, and who 
 are so rich, that they eat and drink from vessels made 
 of the metal, which ye so much covet." These cele 
 brated words, preserved in all the records of the 
 times, and repeated by all historians, were the first in 
 dication the Spaniards had of Peru. They were much 
 excited on hearing- them, and endeavoured to extract 
 from the youth farther information of the country he 
 had mentioned ; he insisted on the necessity of having 
 at least a thousand men, to give them a chance of suc 
 cess in its subjugation, offered to serve them himself 
 as their guide, to aid them with his father s men, and 
 to put his life in pledge, for the veracity of his words. 
 Balboa was transported by the prospect of glory and 
 fortune which opened before him ; he believed himself 
 already at the gates of the East Indies, which was the 
 desired object of the government, and the discoverers 
 of that period ; he resolved to return in the first place 
 to the Darien to raise the spirits of his companions 
 with these brilliant hopes, and to make all possible 
 preparations for realizing them. He remained never 
 theless yet a few days with the Caciques, and so strict 
 was the friendship he had contracted with them, that 
 they and their families were baptized, Careta taking in 
 baptism the name of Fernando, and Comogre that of 
 Carlos. Balboa then returned to the Darien, rich in 
 the spoils of Ponca, rich in the presents of his friends, 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 31 
 
 and still richer in the golden hopes, which the future 
 offered him. 
 
 At this time, and after an absence of six months, 
 arrived the magistrate Valdivia, with a vessel laden 
 with different stores ; he brought likewise from the 
 Admiral great promises of abundant aid in provisions 
 and men, as soon as the arrival of ships from Castile 
 should enable him to fulfil them. The succours, how 
 ever, which Valdivia brought were speedily consumed ; 
 their seed destroyed in the ground by the storms and 
 floods, promised them no resource whatever, and they 
 returned to their usual necessitous state. Balboa then 
 consented to their extending their incursions to more 
 distant lands, as they had already wasted and ruined 
 the immediate environs of Antigua, and he sent Val 
 divia to Spain, to apprize the Admiral of the clue he 
 had gained to the South Sea, and the reported wealth 
 of those regions. Valdivia took with him fifteen thou 
 sand pieces of gold, which belonged to the king as his 
 fifth, and a charge to petition for the thousand men 
 which were necessary to the expedition, and to pre 
 vent the adventurers being compelled to exterminate 
 the tribes and Caciques of the Indians,* for otherwise, 
 being so few in number, they would be driven, to 
 avoid their own destruction, to the slaughter of all 
 who would not submit themselves. This commission, 
 
 * Vasco Nuiiez wrote to the Admiral that he had slain thirty 
 Caciques, and must in like manner destroy as many as he should 
 capture, as the small number of his troops left him no alternative. 
 Herrera, Dec. 1st, Book 9th, Chap. 3d. 
 
32 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 however, together with the rich presents in gold, sent 
 by the chiefs of the Darien to their friends, and Val- 
 divia, with all his crew, were no doubt swallowed by 
 the sea, as no trace of them was ever afterwards dis 
 covered. 
 
 To the departure of Valdivia succeeded immediately 
 the expedition to the Gulf, and the examination of 
 the lands situated at its inner extremity. There lay the 
 dominions of Dabaibe, of whose riches prodigious re 
 ports were spread, especially of an idol and of a temple, 
 represented to be made entirely of gold. There Ce- 
 maco, and the Indians who followed him, had taken 
 refuge, and had never lost either the wish or the hope 
 of driving away the invading horde, who had usurped 
 their country. Balboa, with 160 men, well armed, 
 embarked in two brigantines, he and Colmenares com 
 manding, and ascending the Gulf, reached the mouths 
 of the river. The little knowledge the Spaniards pos 
 sessed respecting the intersecting lands and limits of 
 this mighty source of waters, led them to suppose that 
 it was different from the Darien, and they gave it the 
 name of the Great River of St Juan, from its magni 
 tude, and the day on which they discovered it. How 
 ever, the river which bathed the coast of Antigua was 
 the same which they now entered, and which, rising 
 300 leagues from thence, behind the Cordillera of An- 
 serma, on the southern border, rushes almost directly 
 north, overwhelming every thing before it by the 
 impetuosity of its course. It flows, united with the 
 Cauca, till it reaches the rough and broken Sierras of 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 33 
 
 Antiochia, when, separated by them, the Cauca lose 
 its name in the Mag-dalena, with which its waters 
 join ; while the Darien, enclosed by the nearest Cor 
 dilleras of the Abaibe, and enriched by their many 
 waters, and those which are accumulated from the 
 side of Panama, follows her course into the borders of 
 the gulf. Here the river overflows the plains, forming 
 swamps and lakes ; and dividing- into several mouths, 
 some of greater, some of less magnitude, but all navi 
 gable l)y boats, disembogues by them into the sea, 
 whose waters she freshens for the space of many 
 leagues. Her waters are crystalline the fish abun 
 dant, and wholesome. She was at first called the Da 
 rien, from the name of a chief, whom Bastidas or Ojeda 
 encountered on first discovering it. The English and 
 Dutch, in later times, have substituted that of the 
 Atrato ; and she is now indifferently mentioned, by 
 historians and geographers, by the three different deno 
 minations of Darien, the Atrato, and St Juan.- 
 
 Having proceeded thus far, Vasco Nuiiez and Col- 
 menares reconnoitered some of her branches, and the 
 different people who inhabited the banks. The Indians 
 who beheld their approach, escaped, or, offering a weak 
 resistance, were easily overcome ; yet the hope which 
 animated the greedy Spaniard was not then satisfied, 
 and some gold trinkets, and a little provision, were all 
 the spoil obtained in this toilsome incursion. The 
 most singular objects they beheld were the Barbacoas, 
 of the tribe of Abebeiba. The earth in that quarter 
 being completely inundated, the Indians had construct- 
 
34 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 ed their dwellings upon the elevated palms which grew 
 there, and this species of edifice excited much surprise 
 in the Castilians. There was a nest of them, which 
 occupied fifty or sixty palm trees, and in which 200 men 
 might shelter. They were divided into different com 
 partments, as bed-chamber, dining-room, and larder. 
 Their wines they kept in the earth, at the foot of the 
 tree, that they might not be injured by shaking. They 
 ascended by ladders suspended from the trees, to the 
 use of which they were so accustomed, that men, wo 
 men, and children went up by them, laden with the 
 utmost weight they could carry, with as much agility 
 and despatch as on terrafirma. They kept the canoes, 
 in which they sallied forth to fish in their rivers, at 
 the tree foot ; and when they had drawn up their lad 
 ders, slept in security from wild beasts * or other ene 
 mies. 
 
 When the Castilians discovered the barbacoa of 
 Abebeiba, he was within it, and the ladders raised. 
 They cried out to him to descend without fear ; but he 
 refused, saying, that he had in nothing offended them, 
 and desired to be left in peace. They threatened to 
 cut down with axes the tree of his house, or to set 
 fire to it ; and aiding the threat by the action, began 
 attempting to strike splinters from the trunks of the 
 palms. The Cacique then, with his wife and two sons 
 descended, leaving the rest of his family above. They 
 
 * The region was much infested by beasts of prey, especially 
 tigers. 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 35 
 
 asked him if he possessed any gold ; he replied, No, 
 I have no occasion for it ;" and finding- himself still 
 importuned, told them he would go and explore some 
 of the Sierras they saw at a distance, and seek for 
 them what they required. He went, leaving as hos 
 tages his wife and sons, but did not return. Balboa, 
 after reconnoitring many other populations, all aban 
 doned by their masters, went in search of Colmenares, 
 whom he had left behind, and in conjunction with him 
 made sail for the Darien, leaving a garrison of thirty 
 soldiers in the tribe of Abenomaguez, one of the con 
 quered Caciques, to guard the district, and prevent 
 the Indians from reassembling. 
 
 This undoubtedly was a very inadequate means of 
 containing them, because the five chiefs, whose terri 
 tories had been overrun and sacked, formed a confe 
 deracy, and prepared to fall with all their forces on 
 the colony, when the Spaniards should be least on 
 their guard. The conspiracy was carried on with the 
 utmost secrecy, and the party from Antigua must have 
 perished to a man, had not the danger been discovered 
 by one of those incidents which seem to belong rather 
 to the novelist than the historian, but which certainly 
 have frequently happened in narratives concerning the 
 New World. Balboa had an Indian, whose beauty 
 and disposition attracted his affection, more than those 
 of his other concubines. Her brother, disguised under 
 the habit of those pacific Indians who brought provi 
 sions to our people, came to see her, and to attempt 
 obtaining her liberty, and considering the destruction 
 
36 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 of the Europeans as certain, told her one day to act 
 cautiously, and take care of herself ; that the princes 
 of the country could no longer suffer the insolence of 
 the invaders, and were resolved to fall upon them by 
 sea and land. A hundred canoes, 5000 warriors, and 
 abundance of provisions collected in the town of 
 Tichiri, were preparations sufficient for the blow they 
 meditated ; and in this security they had already, in 
 idea, divided the spoil, and sing-led out their captives. 
 He told her on what day the assault would take place ; 
 and went away, advising her to retire to a secure place, 
 that she might escape being confounded in the general 
 slaughter. 
 
 No sooner did the girl find herself alone, than, im 
 pelled either by love or fear, she discovered all she had 
 heard to Balboa. He commanded her to call back her 
 brother, on pretence of wishing to go away with him. 
 He came, was taken, and put to the torture, till he 
 declared all he knew. The unhappy youth repeated 
 what he had told his sister, adding, that some time 
 ago Cemaco had plotted the death of Vasco Nunez, 
 and had, for this purpose, posted warriors in disguise 
 among the labourers at work in the fields ; but that, 
 intimidated by the horse which the governor rode, 
 and the lance which he carried, they had not found 
 courage to fulfil their commission. Which failure had 
 determined Cemaco to seek a surer means of ven 
 geance, in his conspiracy with the other offended Ca 
 ciques. 
 
 All being thus revealed, Balboa marched by land 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 37 
 
 with sixty men, and Colmenares went by water with 
 as many more, to take the enemy by surprise. The 
 former did not find Cemaco as he expected, and re 
 turned to the Darien with only one of that chiefs re 
 lations, and a few other Indians. Colmenares was 
 more fortunate, for he surprised the savages in Tichiri, 
 collected there under the chief who was to head the 
 enterprise, with other principal Indians, and a multi 
 tude of inferior people. The latter were pardoned, but 
 Colmenares commanded the general to be shot with 
 arrows in his presence, and sentenced the lords to be 
 hung. And so terrified were the Indians by this exam 
 ple, that they never durst in future elevate their 
 thoughts to independence. 
 
 It was now deliberated to send new deputies to Spain, 
 to acquaint the King with the state of the colony, and 
 on the road to touch at Hispaniola, to entreat for ne 
 cessary aid, in case Valdivia might have perished on 
 the voyage, which event had no doubt taken place. It 
 is said that Balboa required this commission for him 
 self, either ambitious of gaining favour at court, or 
 apprehensive that the colony at Darien might inflict 
 upon him the punishment due to usurpation ; but his 
 companions would not consent to his quitting them, 
 alleging that, in losing him, they should feel deserted, 
 and without a guide or governor; he only was respect 
 ed, and followed willingly by the soldiers; and he only 
 was feared by the Indians. They suspected that if 
 they permitted his departure, he would never return 
 to share those labours and troubles, which were from 
 
38 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 time to time accumulating upon them, as had already 
 happened with others. They elected Juan de Caicedo, 
 the inspector, who had belonged to the armament of 
 Nicuesa, and Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, both 
 men of weight, and expert in negotiation, and held in 
 general esteem. They believed that these would exe 
 cute their charge satisfactorily, and that both would 
 return, because Caicedo would leave his wife behind 
 him; and Colmenares had realized much property, and 
 a farm in the Darien, pledges of confidence in, and ad 
 hesion to, the country. It being thus impossible for 
 Balboa to proceed to Spain, in protection of his own 
 interests, he manoeuvred for gaining at least the good 
 graces of the treasurer, Pasamonte ; and probably it was 
 on this occasion that he sent him the rich present of 
 slaves, pieces of gold, and other valuable articles, of 
 which the Licentiate Zuazo speaks in his letter to the 
 Senor de Chieves. At the same time, the new procu 
 rators took with them the fifth which belonged to 
 the King, together with a donative made him by the 
 colony ; and, happier than their predecessors, they left 
 the Darien in the end of October, and reached Spain 
 the end of May, in the year following. 
 
 Soon after this departure, a slight disturbance hap 
 pened, which, though at first it threatened to destroy 
 the authority of Vasco Nunez, served in fact to 
 strengthen it. Under pretence that Bartolome Hur- 
 tado abused the particular favour of the governor, 
 Alonzo Perez de la Rua, and other unquiet spirits, 
 raised a seditious tumult ; their object was to seize ten 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 39 
 
 thousand pieces which yet remained entire, and divide 
 them at their pleasure. After some contests, in which 
 there were many arrests and a great display of animo 
 sity, the malecontents plotted to surprise Vasco Nuiiez, 
 and throw him into prison. He knew it, and quitted 
 the town as if going to the chase, foreseeing that, 
 when these turbulent men had obtained possession of 
 the authority and the gold, they would so abuse the 
 one and the other, that all the rational part of the 
 community would be in haste to recall him ; and thus 
 it was ; masters of the treasure, Rua and his friends 
 showed so little decency in the partition, that the 
 principal colonists, ashamed and disgusted, perceiving 
 the immense distance that existed between Vasco 
 Nunez and these people, seized the heads of the sedi 
 tion, secured them, and called back Balboa, whose 
 authority and government they were anxious again to 
 recognise. 
 
 In the interim, two vessels, laden with provisions, 
 and carrying two hundred men, one hundred and fifty 
 of whom were soldiers commanded by Cristoval 
 Serrano, arrived from St Domingo. They were 
 all sent by the Admiral, and Balboa received from 
 the treasurer Pasamonte the title of governor of 
 that land ; that functionary conceiving himself au 
 thorized to confer such a power, and having become 
 as favourable, as he had formerly been the reverse. 
 Exulting in his title and his opportune success, and 
 secure of the obedience of his people, Vasco Nunez 
 liberated his prisoners, and resolved to sally forth into 
 
40 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 the environs, and to occupy his men in expeditions 
 and discoveries ; but, while engaged in making his 
 preparations, he received, to embitter his satisfaction, 
 a letter from his friend Zamudio, informing him of 
 the indignation which the charges of Enciso, and the 
 first informations of the treasurer, had kindled against 
 him at court. Instead of his services being appreciated? 
 he was accused as a usurper and intruder; he was made 
 responsible for the injuries and prejudices, of which his 
 accuser loudly complained ; and the founder and paci 
 ficator of the Darien, was to be prosecuted for the 
 criminal charges brought against him. 
 
 This alloy, however, instead of subduing his spirit, 
 animated him to new daring, and impelled him to 
 higher enterprises. Should he permit another to profit 
 by his toils, to discover the South Sea, and to ravish 
 from him the wealth and glory, which were almost 
 within his grasp ? He did, indeed, still want the 
 thousand men who were necessary to the projected 
 expedition, but his enterprise, his experience, and his 
 constancy, impelled him to undertake it even without 
 them. He would, by so signal a service, blot out the 
 crime of his primary usurpation, and if death should 
 overtake him in the midst of his exertions, he should 
 die, labouring for the prosperity and glory of his 
 country, and free from the persecution which threat 
 ened him. Full of these thoughts, and resolved on 
 following them, he discoursed with, and animated his 
 companions, selected a hundred and ninety of the best 
 armed and disposed, and, with a thousand Indians of 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 41 
 
 labour, a few bloodhounds, and sufficient provisions, 
 he set sail in a brigantine with ten canoes. 
 
 He ascended first to the port and territory of 
 Careta, where he was received with demonstrations 
 of regard and welcome, suitable to his relations with 
 that Cacique, and leaving his squadron there, took his 
 way by the Sierras towards the dominion of Ponca. 
 That chief had fled, as at the first time, but Vasco 
 Nunez, who had adopted the policy most convenient 
 to him, desired to bring him to an amicable agreement, 
 and, to that end, despatched after him some Indians of 
 peace, who advised him to return to his capital, and to 
 fear nothing from the Spaniards. He was persuaded, 
 and met with a kind reception ; he presented some gold, 
 and received in return some glass beads and other 
 toys and trifles. 
 
 The Spanish Captain then solicited guides and men 
 of labour, for his journey over the Sierras, which the 
 Cacique bestowed willingly, adding provisions in great 
 abundance, and they parted friends. 
 
 His passage into the domain of Quarequa was less 
 pacific ; whose chief, Torecha, jealous of this invasion? 
 and terrified by the events which had occurred to his 
 neighbours, was disposed and prepared to receive the 
 Castilians with a warlike aspect. A swarm of ferocious 
 Indians, armed in their usual manner, rushed into the 
 road and began a wordy attack upon the strangers, 
 asking them what brought them there, what they 
 sought for, and threatening them with perdition if 
 they advanced. The Spaniards, reckless of their bra- 
 
42 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 vadoes, proceeded nevertheless, and then the chief 
 placed himself in front of his tribe, dressed in a cotton 
 mantle, and followed by the principal lords, and with 
 more intrepidity than fortune, gave the signal for 
 combat. The Indians commenced the assault with 
 loud cries and great impetuosity, but soon terrified by 
 the explosions of the cross-bows and muskets, they 
 were easily destroyed or put to night by the men and 
 bloodhounds, who rushed upon them. The Regulus 
 and six hundred men were left dead on the spot, and 
 the Spaniards, having- smoothed away that obstacle, 
 entered the town, which they spoiled of all the gold 
 and valuables it possessed. Here also they found a 
 brother of the Cacique and other Indians, who were 
 dedicated to the abominations before glanced at ; fifty 
 of these wretches were torn to pieces by the dogs, and 
 not without the consent and approbation of the Indians. 
 The district was, by these examples, rendered so pacific 
 and submissive, that Balboa left all his sick there, 
 dismissed the guides given him by Ponca, and taking 
 fresh ones, pursued his road over the heights. 
 
 The tongue of land which divides the two Americas, 
 is not, at its utmost width, above eighteen leagues, 
 and, in some parts, becomes narrowed to little more 
 than seven. And, although, from the Port of Careta 
 to the point towards which the course of the Spaniards 
 was directed, was only altogether six days journey, 
 yet they consumed upon it twenty ; nor is this extra 
 ordinary. The great Cordillera of Sierras, which 
 from north to south crosses the new Continent a 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 43 
 
 bulwark against the impetuous assaults of the Pacific 
 Ocean crosses also the Isthmus of Darien, or, as may 
 be more properly said, composes it wholly, from the 
 wrecks of the rocky summits which have been detached 
 from the adjacent lands ; and the discoverers, there 
 fore, were obliged to open their way through difficul 
 ties and dangers, which men of iron alone could have 
 fronted and overcome. Sometimes they had to pene 
 trate through thick entangled woods, sometimes to 
 cross lakes, where men and burdens perished misera 
 bly ; then a rugged hill presented itself before them ; 
 and next, perhaps, a deep and yawning precipice to 
 descend ; while, at every step, they were opposed by 
 deep and rapid rivers, passable only by means of frail 
 barks, or slight and trembling bridges : from time to 
 time they had to make their way through opposing 
 Indians, who, though always conquered, were always 
 to be dreaded ; and, above all, came the failure of 
 provisions, which formed an aggregate, with toil, 
 anxiety, and danger, such as was sufficient to break 
 down bodily strength and depress the mind. 
 
 At length the Quarequanos, who served as guides, 
 showed them, at a distance, the height, from whose 
 summit the desired sea might be discovered. Balboa 
 immediately commanded his squadron to halt, and pro 
 ceeded alone to the top of the mountain ; on reaching 
 it he cast an anxious glance southward, and the Austral 
 Ocean broke upon his sight. Overcome with joy 
 and wonder, he fell on his knees, extending his arms 
 towards the sea, and with tears of delight offered thanks 
 
44 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 to Heaven for having- destined him to this mighty dis 
 covery. He immediately made a sign to his companions 
 to ascend, and pointing- to the magnificent spectacle 
 extended before them, again prostrated himself in fer 
 vent thanksgiving to God. The rest followed his 
 example, while the astonished Indians were extremely 
 puzzled to understand so sudden and general an effu 
 sion of wonder and gladness. Hannibal on the summit 
 of the Alps, pointing out to his soldiers the delicious 
 plains of Italy, did not appear, according to the inge 
 nious comparison of a contemporary writer, either 
 more transported or more arrogant than the Spanish 
 chief, when, risen from the ground, he recovered the 
 speech of which sudden joy had deprived him, and 
 thus addressed his Castilians : " You behold before 
 you, friends, the object of all our desires, and the re 
 ward of all our labours. Before you roll the waves 
 of the sea which has been announced to you, and 
 which no doubt encloses the immense riches we have 
 heard of. You are the first who have reached these 
 shores, and these waves ; yours are their treasures, 
 yours alone the glory of reducing these immense and 
 unknown regions to the dominion of our King, and 
 to the light of the true religion. Follow me, then, 
 faithful as hitherto, and I promise you that the world 
 shall not hold your equals, in wealth and glory." 
 
 All embraced him joyfully, and all promised to fol 
 low whithersoever he should lead. They quickly cut 
 down a great tree, and stripping it of its branches, 
 formed a cross from it, which they fixed in a heap of 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 45 
 
 stones, found on the spot from whence they first de 
 scried the sea. The names of the monarchs of Castile 
 were engraven on the trunks of the trees, and with 
 shouts and acclamations, they descended the sierra, 
 and entered the plain. 
 
 They arrived at some bohios, which formed the po 
 pulation of a chief called Chiapes, who had prepared 
 to defend the pass with arms. The noise of the mus 
 kets, and the ferocity of the war-dogs, dispersed them 
 in a moment, and they fled, leaving many captives ; by 
 these, and by their Quarequano guides, the Spaniards 
 sent to offer Chiapes secure peace and friendship, if he 
 would come to them, or otherwise, the ruin and exter 
 mination of his town and his fields. Persuaded by 
 them, the Cacique came and placed himself in the 
 hands of Balboa, who treated him with much kind 
 ness. He brought, and distributed gold, and received 
 in exchange beads and toys, with which he was so 
 diverted, that he no longer thought of any thing but 
 contenting and conciliating the strangers. There 
 Vasco Nunez sent away the Quarequanos, and ordered 
 that the sick, who had been left in their land, should 
 come and join him. In the meanwhile, he sent Fran 
 cisco Pizarro, Juan de Ezcarag, and Alonzo Martin, to 
 reconnoitre the environs, and to discover the shortest 
 roads by which the sea might be reached. It was the 
 last of these who arrived first at the coast, and enter 
 ing a canoe, which chanced to lie there, and pushing 
 it into the waves, let it float a little while ; and after 
 
46 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 pleasing himself with having been the first Spaniard 
 who entered the South Sea, returned to seek Balboa. 
 
 Balboa, with twenty-six men, descended to the sea, 
 and arrived at the coast early in the evening of the 
 29th of that month ; they all seated themselves on the 
 shore, and awaited the tide, which was at the time on 
 the ebb. At length it returned in its violence to cover 
 the spot where they were ; then Balboa, in complete 
 armour, lifting his sword in one hand, and in the other 
 a banner, on which was painted an image of the Vir 
 gin Mary, with the arms of Castile at her feet, raised 
 it, and began to march into the midst of the waves? 
 which reached above his knees, saying in a loud voice, 
 " Long live the high and mighty Sovereigns of Cas 
 tile ! Thus, in their names do I take possession of 
 these seas and regions ; and if any other Prince, whe 
 ther Christian or infidel, pretends any right to them, 
 I am ready and resolved to oppose him, and to assert 
 the just claims of my Sovereigns." 
 
 The whole band replied with acclamations to the 
 vow of their captain, and expressed themselves deter 
 mined to defend, even to death, their acquisition, against 
 all the potentates in the world ; they caused this act 
 to be confirmed in writing, by the notary of the expe 
 dition, Andres de Valderrabano ; the anchorage in which 
 it was solemnized was called the Gulf of St Miguel, 
 the event happening on that day. Tasting the water 
 of the sea, cutting down and barking trees, and engra 
 ving on others the sign of the cross, they felt satisfied 
 that they had effectually made themselves masters of 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 47 
 
 those regions by these acts of possession, and retraced 
 their way to the town of Chiapes. 
 
 Balboa next turned his attention to an examination 
 of the neighbouring countries, and to commencing an 
 intercourse with the Caciques who governed them; he 
 crossed a great river in canoes, and bent his course to 
 the lands of an Indian called Cuquera ; he made show 
 of resistance, but disheartened by the injury he re 
 ceived in the first encounter, though he fled quickly, 
 he submitted to come and implore friendship and peace 
 of the Spanish captain, persuaded to that step by some 
 Chiapeans whom Balboa had purposely sent to him. 
 He brought with him some gold; but the attention of 
 the Spaniards was still more attracted by some pearls, 
 of which, at the same time, he made them a present. 
 They asked where he had found them ; he replied, in 
 one of the islands which they saw dispersed through 
 the Gulf, and pointed it out with his hand. Vasco Nunez 
 resolved on examining it without delay, and sent to 
 prepare canoes for the voyage. But the Indians, who 
 better understood the nature of those seas, endeavoured 
 to dissuade him from his purpose, advising him to await 
 a more benign season ; they had reached the end of 
 October, and nature, at that period, in those regions, 
 always wore a fierce and alarming aspect. Deafening 
 was the tumult of the infuriated winds and tempests, 
 which strewed the earth with the frail materials of the 
 huts of the Indians ; the rivers, swollen by the rains, 
 overflowed their banks, tearing away in their violent 
 course rocks and trees ; and the tempestuous sea roar- 
 
48 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 ing- horribly amongst the rocky islets and reefs, with 
 which that Gulf is filled, hroke its waves against 
 them, menacing with inevitable shipwreck and destruc 
 tion, those audacious mortals, who should endeavour 
 to navigate it. 
 
 Nevertheless, the intrepid spirit of Balboa mocked 
 these dangers, and his impatience permitted no delay. 
 With sixty Castilians, as ardent as himself, he launched 
 into the sea in some canoes, as did likewise Chiapes, 
 who would not desert him ; but scarcely had they en 
 tered the Gulf, than the wrathful element made them 
 repent the rash impulse which they had obeyed. They 
 assembled on an islet, where, by advice of the Indians, 
 they tied their canoes together ; the sea rose till it co 
 vered the isle, and they spent the night to the waist in 
 water. In the morning, they found their barks, some 
 of them dashed to pieces, some torn open, some full 
 of water and sand, but entirely destitute of the pro 
 visions and necessaries, which they had left in them ; 
 they caulked their broken canoes, as well as they could, 
 with grass and the bark of trees, and returned hungry 
 and naked to the land. 
 
 The corner of the Gulf, into which they had as 
 cended, was governed by Tumaco, a Cacique, who at 
 tempted resistance like the others, but met the same 
 fate. He fled, and in his flight was overtaken by the 
 Chiapeans, sent by Balboa, to persuade him to return 
 in peace, and to explain to him how terrible the Span 
 iard was to his enemies, and how faithful and power 
 ful a friend, to his friends. Tumaco refused, at first, 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 49 
 
 to confide his person to the promises of these emis 
 saries, and sent one of his sons, whom Vasco Nunez, 
 having- flattered and soothed him by presents, as a shirt 
 from Castile, and other trifles, restored to his father. 
 Then he became persuaded and repaired to the Spa 
 niards, when, either moved by the good treatment he 
 received, or by the counsel of Chiapes, he despatched 
 one of his servants to his hut, to bring- from thence, as 
 a gift to the Spaniards, six hundred pieces of gold in 
 different forms, and two hundred and forty large 
 pearls, with a great number of smaller ones. The 
 avaricious adventurers were struck dumb at the sight 
 of such a treasure, and believed they had already 
 reached the fulfilment of the hopes, which the son of 
 Comogre had given them ; they only regretted that 
 the colour of the pearls had been somewhat injured 
 by fire ;* however, this admitted of remedy, and the 
 Cacique was so caressed for his generosity, that he 
 sent his Indians to fish for more, who in a few days 
 returned with twelve marcos f of them. 
 
 It was there that the Spaniards saw the heads of 
 the oars of the canoes ornamented with pearls en 
 chased in the wood, which greatly excited their won 
 der, and, at the desire of Balboa, a record was made of 
 the circumstance ; for the sake, no doubt of establish- 
 
 * Herrera says, that the colour of the pearl was injured by the 
 Indians putting the oyster in the fire, to open it, till the Spaniards 
 taught them a better method. 
 
 f Marcos is a weight of eight oz. 
 D 
 
50 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 ing- the credit of what he should himself write to go 
 vernment, no less needy and covetous than the dis 
 coverers themselves, concerning- the opulence of the 
 new country. But all this, according to Tumaco and 
 Chiapes, was nothing in comparison with the abun 
 dance and size of the pearls, which grew in an island, 
 that might he descried, some five leagues from them, 
 in the Gulf. The Indians gave it the name of Tre, 
 or Terarequi, and the Castilians called it the rich Is 
 land. Balboa anxiously desired to reconnoitre and sub 
 due it, but the fear of such a storm, as he had recently 
 experienced, induced him to defer the enterprise, till a 
 more auspicious season. Meanwhile, he dismissed 
 Tumaco, who, pointing towards the east, told him that 
 all that coast extended without limit, that the land 
 was very rich, and that the natives used certain 
 beasts to carry their burdens. That they might better 
 comprehend him, he endeavoured to trace on the earth 
 a rude figure of those animals. Some of the Spaniards 
 supposed them to be the tapir, others took them for 
 stags, but what the Indians attempted to describe was 
 the llama, so common in Peru. 
 
 Here, they repeated all the same acts of posses 
 sion as on the other coast, and called the territory of 
 Tumaco, the province of San Lucas, from the day on 
 which they entered it. Balboa resolved to return to 
 the Darien, and took leave of the two Caciques ; it is 
 said that the Chiapes shed tears on the separation, and 
 Vasco Nunez, to prove his confidence in him, left in 
 his care all the sick Castilians of his band, earnestly 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 51 
 
 charging him to be careful of them, till they should re 
 cover, and be able to follow them. With the remainder, 
 and many baggage Indians, he set out by a different 
 route from that which he had formerly held, for the 
 sake of farther discovery. The first population he dis 
 covered was that of Techoan, whom Oviedo calls 
 Theoaca, who caressed them much, and gave them a 
 great quantity of gold and pearls, provisions in abun 
 dance, Indians necessary for burdens, and even his 
 son to govern those people, and to act as guide. He 
 led them to the territory of one of his enemies named 
 Poncra, a powerful lord, and, according to the new al 
 lies, an insufferable tyrant to the whole neighbour 
 hood. Poncra fled with his people to the mountains, 
 but the discovery of three thousand pieces of gold in 
 his town, so inflamed the avarice of his pursuers, that 
 they resorted to every means for entrapping him into 
 their hands, and forcing him to declare from whence 
 he drew his wealth. Overcome at last by threats and 
 terror, he put himself, in evil hour, into the hands of 
 his enemies, who lost not a moment in completing his 
 ruin. They enquired from whence he had his gold ; he 
 answered that his ancestors had left it to him, and that 
 he knew no more. They put him to the torture ; he 
 maintained his silence, and he was then thrown to the 
 blood-hounds, with three principal Indians who chose 
 to share his fate. It is said that his limbs were de 
 formed, his countenance frightful, his actions sangui 
 nary, and his habits depraved . The guilt of his death 
 
52 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 rests more with the Indians than the Castilians, yet 
 they were not the judges of Poncra. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Spaniards who had remained with 
 Chiapes, recovered from their fatigues, rejoined their 
 captain. They passed through the country of the Ca 
 cique Bonouvama, who, not content with regaling, and 
 detaining them to rest two days in his town, accom 
 panied them to seek Vasco Nunez, and, on arriving in 
 his presence, he said, " Receive, valiant man, thy 
 companions safe and uninjured, as when they entered 
 my house. May He who gives us the fruits of the 
 earth, and who makes the lightning and the thunder, 
 preserve thee and them !" He uttered these words, 
 and others which were not distinctly understood, 
 though their import was unquestionably amicable, 
 with his eyes fixed upon the heavens. Balboa re 
 ceived him very favourably, and arranged with him 
 perpetual friendship and alliance, and having rested 
 himself and his troops thirty days, he resumed his 
 route. 
 
 Their way proved at every step more painful and 
 difficult ; they had to force their road through a rugged 
 and sterile country, or to wade to the knees through 
 marshes. The country was almost entirely depopu 
 lated, and if they occasionally met with a tribe, their 
 poverty prevented them from affording the smallest 
 succour to the adventurers. So great, in short, was 
 their fatigue and th^r necessity, that some of the 
 Tcochanese Indians died miserably on the road. As 
 they marched on, thu&^harassed and disheartened, they 
 of 
 f 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 53 
 
 one day perceived some Indians on a rock, who made 
 them signs to halt, which they did accordingly ; the 
 Indians then came to Balboa, and told him, that their 
 lord, Chiorisa, sent them to salute him in his name, 
 and to express the desire he felt to testisfy his affec 
 tion for such valiant men ; they invited him to visit 
 the town of their Cacique, and assist him in punish 
 ing- a powerful enemy, who was the possessor of much 
 gold, which the Spaniards might appropriate ; and to 
 oblige him the more, they presented him on the part 
 of Chiorisa, with gold to the amount of fourteen hun 
 dred pesos. The message was most welcome to 
 Balboa, who gave the Indians beads, toys, and shirts, 
 and promised that he would on another occasion come 
 and visit Chiorisa. They departed content with their 
 present, while the Spaniards, laden with gold, and 
 wanting nourishment, pursued their melancholy way, 
 cursing the riches which burdened, but could not 
 feed them. 
 
 They soon entered the dominions of the Cacique 
 Pocorosa,with whom they contracted alliance, and next 
 visited Tubanama, a powerful chief, feared throughout 
 the whole district, and the enemy of the tribe of Co- 
 mogre. This Indian was warlike, and his subjugation 
 was essential ; but the people of Balboa, wasted and 
 fatigued by the journey, were ill fitted to abide the 
 conflict of a battle, and preferred surprise to open 
 attack. He selected therefore sixty of his ablest men, 
 made two journeys in one day, and fell, during the 
 night, on Tubanama, whom he surprised with all his 
 
54 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 family, amongst whom were about eighty women. On 
 the report of his imprisonment, many of the neigh 
 bouring chiefs flocked to accuse him, and to demand 
 his punishment, as had been done in the case of Pon- 
 cra. He replied that these were falsehoods, and that 
 his accusers envied his power and fortune ; and, on 
 being threatened to be thrown to the dogs, or tied 
 hand and foot and cast into the river, which ran near, 
 he began to weep bitterly. He approached Balboa, 
 and pointing to his sword, " Who," said he, " that 
 had not lost his senses, would think of prevailing 
 against that instrument, which can cleave a man at a 
 stroke ? Who would not rather caress than oppose 
 such men ? Kill me not, I implore you, and I will 
 bring you all the gold I possess, and as much more as 
 I can procure !" These, and other motives, urged in 
 a tone so supplicatory, induced Balboa, who did not 
 think it politic to deprive him of life, to set him at 
 liberty. Tubanama, in return, gave him about six 
 thousand pesos of gold, and being asked where he ob 
 tained it, replied he did not know. He was suspected 
 of speaking thus to induce the strangers to quit the 
 country ; therefore Balboa commanded that examina 
 tion should be made, in every spot where there was 
 the least appearance of that metal, which being done, 
 he quitted the district of Tubanama, taking with him 
 the wives of that chief, and also his son, that he 
 might learn the Spanish language, and serve in time 
 as his interpreter. 
 
 Easter was already passed, the people were all weary 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 55 
 
 and infirm, and their chief himself was afflicted by a 
 fever ; he resolved, therefore, on hastening- their return, 
 and, borne in a litter on the shoulders of the Indians, 
 reached the land of Comogre, where he found that the 
 old chief was dead, and his eldest son governed in his 
 place. There the Spaniards were received with the 
 former manifestations of friendship and welcome, they 
 gave and received presents, and, after having reposed 
 there some days, Balboa set out for the Darien, by 
 the way of Ponca, where he met four Castilians, who 
 came to inform him that two vessels, well laden with 
 provisions, from St Domingo, had come into port. 
 This happy news made him accelerate his journey, 
 and with twenty soldiers he advanced to the port of 
 Careta ; there he embarked and sailed to the Darien, 
 which he reached on the 19th of January, 1514, four 
 months and a half after he quitted it. 
 
 The whole population sallied out to meet him. 
 Applauses, acclamations, and the most lively demon 
 strations of admiration and gratitude followed him 
 from the port to his house, and all appeared too 
 little to do him honour. Conqueror of the Mountains, 
 Pacificator of the Isthmus, and Discoverer of the 
 Austral sea, and bringing with him more than forty 
 thousand oz. of gold, innumerable cotton robes, and 
 eight hundred Indians of service ; possessor, in short, 
 of all the secrets of the land, and full of auspicious 
 hopes for the future, he was considered by the colo 
 nists of the Darien as a being privileged by Heaven 
 and fortune ; and congratulating themselves on be- 
 
56 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 long-ing to such a chief, they conceived themselves 
 invincible and happy, under his guidance and govern 
 ment. They compared the constant prosperity the 
 colony had enjoyed, the splendid prospect before them, 
 the certainty and success of his expeditions, with the 
 unfortunate enterprises of Ojeda, of Nicuesa, and even 
 of Columbus, who could never gain a firm footing on 
 the American continent ; and this glory was still en 
 hanced, when the virtues and talents of him who had 
 obtained it, were taken into consideration. One would 
 boast the intrepid spirit of his chief, another his con 
 stancy, another his promptitude and diligence ; some 
 would magnify that invincible ardour of soul, which no 
 thing could allay or depress ; next, they would praise 
 the ability and dexterity, with which he conciliated the 
 savages, tempering severity with gentleness ; and some 
 would exalt his penetration and prudence, in extracting 
 the secrets of the country, and preparing to open new 
 sources of wealth and prosperity for his colony, and 
 for the metropolis. Amongst all these eulogiums, 
 none were so hearty as those which were given to his 
 care and affection for his companions ; affecting no 
 military discipline, but behaving more like their equal 
 than their chief, he visited the sick and wounded in 
 dividually, and condoled with them as a brother ; when 
 any one sank on the road from fatigue, he was him 
 self, instead of deserting him, the first to raise and 
 encourage him. He would often go out with his cross 
 bow in search of game, to appease the hunger of those, 
 who were unable to seek food for themselves; he 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 57 
 
 himself would carry it to them, and press it upon 
 them, and by this care and kindness he so gained their 
 hearts, that they would follow him willingly and con 
 fidently whithersoever he chose. The remembrance 
 of these excellent qualities survived for many years ; and 
 the historian, Oviedo, who cannot be charged with 
 lavishing his praises on the conquerors of Terra Firma, 
 writes, in 1548, that in conciliating the love of the 
 soldier, no captain of the Indies had hitherto done 
 better, if any had ever done as well, as Vasco Nunez. 
 Having assembled in the colony the companions of 
 his expedition, he divided the spoil they had taken, 
 having previously set apart the fifth, which belonged 
 to the King. The most exact division was made be 
 tween those who shared the enterprise, and those who 
 remained in the town. Afterwards, Balboa resolved 
 to send to Spain Pedro de Arbolancha, his great friend 
 and his companion in the late expedition, to give an 
 account of it, and to convey to the King a present of 
 the finest and largest pearls they had taken, in his own 
 name, and that of the colonists. When Arbolancha 
 was departed, Vasco Nunez applied himself to the pre 
 servation and prosperity of the establishment, foment 
 ing the grain to prevent a recurrence of famine, and 
 to avoid the necessity for harrowing the earth. Already 
 they not only gathered in abundance the maize, and 
 other productions of the soil, but had likewise grain 
 from Europe, brought by adventurers, attracted from 
 all parts by the fame of the wealth of the Darien. 
 Balboa sent Andres Garabito to discover new roads 
 
58 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 to the South Sea, and Diego Hurtado to repress the 
 incursions of two Caciques who had risen. Each 
 happily fulfilled his commission, and returned to An 
 tigua, having given the necessary check to the pro 
 vinces. All, in short, at this period proceeded hap 
 pily in the Isthmus. The neighbourhood was pacific 
 and tranquil, the colony improving, and the minds of 
 men, rendered eager by the acquisition of fortune and 
 property, turned ambitiously and impatiently towards 
 the riches which they expected to find on the coasts 
 of the newly discovered sea. 
 
 But these aspiring hopes were soon doomed to va 
 nish. Enciso had filled the court of Castile with 
 complaints of Balboa ; and so much compassion was 
 excited by the miserable fate of Nicuesa, that the Ca 
 tholic King refused to listen to the exculpations of 
 Zamudio, whose arrest he commanded, but who evaded 
 it by flight or concealment. He condemned Vasco 
 Nunez for the evils and injuries inflicted on Enciso, 
 and ordered that his prosecution might be made out, 
 and that he should answer criminally for the things 
 alleged against him, that his crimes might not escape 
 without due punishment. In order to put an end at 
 once to the disturbances of the Darien, it was deter, 
 mined by government to send thither a chief, who 
 should exercise his authority with a degree of solem 
 nity and dignity, as yet unknown in the newly disco, 
 vered regions; and Pedrarias Davila was named to 
 the oifice ; he was a knight of Segovia, who, for his 
 grace and address in the chivalric games of the times, 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 59 
 
 was called in his youth the gallant, and the jouster. 
 About the period of this election, arrived Caicedo and 
 Colmenares as deputies from the colony, who brought 
 with them specimens of the wealth of the country, 
 and an account of the great hopes excited by the no 
 tices which had been given by the Indians of Comogre. 
 " Caicedo soon died, with," says Oviedo, " his body 
 swollen, and as yellow as the gold he sought." Never 
 theless, the relation made by him and his companion 
 of the utility of the establishment, was such, that it 
 increased the king s estimation of the enterprise ; and 
 he now resolved on sending out a much larger arma 
 ment, than he had meditated in the first instance. And 
 as the adventurers who went to America dreamed of 
 nothing but gold, as gold alone was the object of their 
 pursuit, as it was gold which they took forcibly from 
 the Indians, and gold by which the latter purchased 
 their friendship, gold which resounded in their letters 
 and despatches to court, and gold which at court 
 was become the sole subject of conversation and de 
 sire, the Darien, which appeared so rich in this co 
 veted metal, lost its first name of New Andalusia, and 
 was commonly called, and even named in the des 
 patches, the Golden Castile. 
 
 This was the juncture at which King Ferdinand dis 
 banded the army, which had been raised to follow the 
 Great Captain into Italy, to repair the disaster of Ra 
 venna. Many of the nobles, who, stimulated by the 
 fame of that celebrated chief, had pledged their property, 
 that they might gather laurels under his banner in Italy, 
 
60 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 flew to enlist in the expedition with Pedrarias, belie 
 ving- they might thus find amends for their disap 
 pointment, and acquire, in his company, not only glory, 
 but wealth. The vulgar idea, that in Darien gold 
 was gathered by nets, had excited such an excess of 
 avarice, as annihilated all common sense, and calm 
 judgment. The number of those who were to follow 
 the new governor was fixed at 1200 men ; yet, al 
 though many candidates were rejected, from the im 
 possibility of conveying them, those who embarked 
 amounted to 2000, chiefly youths of good family, 
 brave, and well disposed, and all desirous of becoming 
 rich in a short time, and of returning to their country, 
 increased in wealth and honours. 
 
 Ferdinand expended on that armada above 54,000 
 ducats, an enormous sum for that period, sufficiently 
 manifesting the interest and importance which he at 
 tached to the undertaking. It consisted of five ships, 
 well provided with arms, ammunition, and victuals. 
 The Licentiate, Gaspar de Espinosa, a youth, who had 
 just passed the schools of Salamanca, went out as the 
 alcalde mayor ; as treasurer, Alonzo de la Puente ; as 
 inspector, Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, the histo 
 rian ; as principal alguazil, the bachelor Enciso. To 
 these were added officers for the government of the 
 establishment, and for the better administration of the 
 royal interests. The title of City was given to the 
 town of Santa Maria del Antigua, with other favours 
 and prerogatives, demonstrative of the consideration, 
 in which the monarch held the colonists ; finally, for 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 61 
 
 the regulation and service of divine worship, brother 
 Juan de Quevedo, of the Franciscan order, and preacher 
 to his majesty, was consecrated Bishop of the Darien, 
 and went out, accompanied by priests, and such others 
 as were deemed requisite for the service of the church. 
 Pedrarias received express and particular instructions 
 as to his government, and was commanded to under 
 take nothing-, without the advice of the bishop and of 
 the royal officers ; to treat the Indians kindly, and to 
 abstain from making war upon them, unless provoked . 
 and finally, recommending- to him strongly the famous 
 requisition, originating in the expedition of Alonzo de 
 Ojeda, of which more will be said in the Life of Fra 
 Bartolome de Las Casas, being its more appropriate 
 place. 
 
 They sailed from San Lucas on the llth of April, 
 1514, touched at Dominica, and landed at Santa Mar 
 tha ; here Pedrarias had some encounters with those 
 ferocious Indians, and sacked some of their villages ; 
 and without making any establishment, as had been 
 agreed on, he descended at length into the Gulf of 
 Uraba, and anchored before Darien on the 29th of 
 June, in the same year. He immediately sent a mes 
 senger to apprize Balboa of his arrival. This emissary 
 expected to find the governor of the Golden Castile 
 seated on a splendid throne, giving laws to a crowd of 
 slaves. What then must have been his astonishment, 
 in finding him directing some Indians who were thatch 
 ing his house with straw; his dress, a cotton shirt 
 over one of linen, a pair of coarse drawers, and rough 
 
62 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 hempen sandals on his feet ; yet thus attired he re 
 ceived the message of Pedrarias with dignity, and 
 replied that he rejoiced to hear of his arrival, and that 
 he and all the inhabitants of Darien were ready to 
 receive, and to serve, him. The news quickly ran 
 through the whole population ; and in proportion to 
 the hopes and fears of each, was the event treated in 
 their conversation. They debated the mode in which 
 they should receive their new governor ; some pro 
 posed that, as warriors, they should meet him armed ; 
 but Vasco Nuiiez preferred the mode which was least 
 likely to excite suspicion, and he and his colonists sal 
 lied forth as a body of council, and unarmed. 
 
 In spite of this, Pedrarias, doubting his intention, 
 immediately on landing ordered his people to make all 
 cautious preparation ; he led by the hand his wife, 
 Donna Isabel de Bobadilla, eldest sister to the Mar 
 chioness de Moya, who had been the favourite of the 
 Catholic Queen, and was followed by 2000 men, com 
 pletely armed. Shortly after he disembarked, he met 
 Balboa and the colonists, who received him with great 
 respect and reverence, and paid him due obedience. 
 The strangers were lodged in the houses of the colo 
 nists, who provided them with bread, vegetables, and 
 the fruit and water of the country ; whilst the new 
 comers, in their turn, distributed the provisions and 
 other necessaries which they had brought from Spain. 
 But this external harmony was of short duration ; dis 
 cords, misfortunes, and misunderstanding succeeded each 
 other, and accumulated with the rapidity which might 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA- 63 
 
 be expected from the jarring- elements, of which the 
 establishment was composed. 
 
 On the day following- his arrival, Pedrarias sum 
 moned Vasco Nunez, and told him of the high ap 
 preciation in which his good services were held at 
 court, and the charge he had received from the king, 
 to treat him according to his merit, with all honour 
 and favour. He next demanded from him an exact 
 statement of the condition of the country, and the 
 disposition of the Indians. Balboa replied, with thanks 
 for the favour shown, and promised with all possible 
 sincerity to furnish the governor with the amount of 
 his knowledge. In the course of two days he pre 
 sented his information in writing, comprehending a 
 statement of what he had himself done during his go 
 vernment ; a list of the rivers, ravines, and mountains, 
 where lie had discovered gold ; the Caciques, with 
 whom, in the course of these three years, he had 
 made peace, (and they were upwards of twenty,) his 
 journey from sea to sea, his discovery of the Austral 
 Ocean, and of the rich Isle of Pearls; he published like 
 wise a farther account of his government, which was 
 laid before the alcalde Espinosa ; but Pedrarias, having 
 no confidence in that judge, owing to his youth, began 
 on his part, by close interrogations, to obtain secret in 
 formation against Vasco Nunez. Thus was Espinosa 
 offended, and still more the late governor, who saw in 
 this perfidious and rancorous proceeding, the persecu 
 tion which Pedrarias prepared for him. He had there 
 fore to look to himself, and he resolved to oppose to 
 
64 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 the authority of a governor, who was adverse to him, 
 another and equal authority, which might favour and 
 protect him. 
 
 To this end, he had recourse to the Bishop Que- 
 vedo, with whom Pedrarias, according to the instruc 
 tions he had received, was bound to consult on all 
 affairs of importance ; he showed him the utmost re 
 spect, and was most diligent and obsequious in offering 
 him his services ; he gave him a share of his plunder, 
 his labours, and of his slaves ; and the prelate, influ 
 enced by the love of gain, which was the predominant 
 passion of all the Spaniards who came to India, and 
 knowing besides, that nobody in Darien equalled Vasco 
 Nunez in capacity and intelligence, he expected to 
 become rich by his industry, and placed all his specu 
 lations under his management. He did more, which 
 was to interest Dona Isabel de Bobadilla in favour 
 of Balboa ; and the discoverer never ceased to mingle 
 the costly presents which he lavished on that lady, 
 with all the politeness and attentions of the most 
 refined courtier. 
 
 Thus, the bishop was unwearied in his endeavours 
 to exalt his character, and to magnify his services, 
 saying publicly that the state was greatly his debtor. 
 These praises were very disagreeable to Pedrarias, 
 who probably was provoked that such consideration 
 should have been merited by a new man, one sprung 
 from the dust, and who, in Castile, would scarcely 
 have dared to aspire to a place among his servants 
 The examination, meanwhile, proceeded ; the alcalde 
 6 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 65 
 
 mayor, offended at the mistrust of the governor, looked 
 with an equitable or indulgent eye upon the criminal 
 charges alleged against Balboa, and declared him ab 
 solved from them ; though he condemned him to sa 
 tisfy the claims of individuals, who considered them 
 selves wronged or prejudiced by him ; and so rigorously 
 were these satisfactions levied, that, possessing on the 
 arrival of Pedrarias more than 10,000 ounces of gold, 
 he now found himself in a state bordering on mendi 
 city. But the governor, not content with this severity, 
 proposed sending him to Spain loaded with chains, 
 that the king might punish him according to justice, 
 for the fate of Nicuesa and other crimes, which, in 
 the course of his secret examination, had been laid 
 solely to his charge. The royal officers, who, in the 
 Darien, as in the other parts of America, were always 
 the enemies of the captains and discoverers, were of 
 the same opinion ; but the bishop, who was persuaded 
 that his own hopes of wealth would disappear with 
 Balboa, assured Pedrarias that in thus sending him to 
 Castile, he was sending him to certain reward and 
 triumph ; that the recital of the services and actions 
 performed by himself, and inspired by his presence, 
 would infallibly attract the favour of the court ; that he 
 would return more than ever honoured and applauded, 
 and with the government of whatever part of the 
 Terra Firma he might prefer, which, with the practice 
 and knowledge he possessed of the country, would no 
 doubt be the richest and most abundant ; that the 
 most suitable plan for Pedrarias was, to keep him 
 E 
 
66 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 necessitous, and involved in pleas and legal contests, 
 amusing him with words and external demonstrations, 
 whilst he took time to determine how he should finally 
 dispose of him. The bishop was right : but the bit 
 terest enemy of Balboa could not have imagined a 
 more artful mode of accomplishing his ruin, than was 
 contrived by his interested protector, for keeping him 
 in Darien. Pedrarias was convinced : he restored to. 
 Vasco Nunez the goods he had seized, and began to 
 allow him, through the medium of the bishop, some> 
 part in the business of government. It was even con 
 jectured that the principal authority might again de 
 volve upon him, since Pedrarias, having fallen seriously 
 ill soon after his arrival, had quitted the town to 
 breathe a better air, and delegated his power, for the 
 interval, to the bishop and the officers. He however 
 quickly recovered, and his first act was to send out 
 different captains to explore the land, giving a parti 
 cular commission to Juan de Ayora, his second in 
 command, to proceed with 400 men towards the South 
 Sea, and to leave colonies in such spots as might seem 
 to him eligible. This was supposed to be done with 
 the intention of opposing whatever favours the court 
 might meditate conferring on Vasco Nunez, as a re 
 ward for his discovery, under pretence that the land 
 was first colonized by Pedrarias, and that Balboa had 
 done nothing more than merely look upon it, and 
 maltreat the Indians whom he found there. 
 
 But, independently of such a motive, the necessity 
 ibr relieving the colony imperiously prescribed the 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 67 
 
 step. The provisions supplied by the fleet were al 
 ready becoming scarce ; a large hut, which had been 
 erected near the sea as a storehouse, had been burned 
 down, by which a great part of them was lost, much 
 had been used, and there was but a small remainder. 
 The rations were diminished ; and want of food, dif 
 ference of climate, and anxiety of mind, began to ex 
 ercise their combined influence on the new colonists. 
 They enquired when they should reach the place, 
 where the gold was gathered in nets ; and the men of 
 Darien replied, that the nets for taking gold were 
 labours, endurances and dangers ; that thus they had 
 gained what they possessed ; and that, by like means, 
 others must procure what they coveted. Disease now 
 began to assail them, the king s ration was consumed y 
 calamity increased upon them, and those who had left 
 in Castile their property and their luxuries, in pursuit 
 of Indian opulence, wandered about the streets of 
 Darien, begging a miserable alms, and finding none to 
 relieve them. They sold their rich ornaments and 
 vestments for a piece of maize bread, or a Castile bis 
 cuit. Some became wood-cutters, and sold the result 
 of their labours for a bit of bread, to sustain existence, 
 while others fed, like the beasts, on the grass of the 
 fields. A knight rushed into the street, crying aloud 
 that he was dying of hunger, and, in sight of the whole 
 population, fell, and rendered up his soul. So many 
 perished daily, that it was impossible to preserve any 
 order or ceremony in the funerals, and carts were used 
 for carrying away the dead, as in time of pestilence. 
 
68 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 The first colonists were not reduced to such extreme 
 need, but the obduracy they showed towards the af 
 flicted betrayed the adverse feelings which the latter 
 had excited. In the course of a month 700 persons had 
 perished ; and flying from the scourge, many of the 
 principal individuals, with permission from the gover 
 nor, forsook the land, and returned to Castile, or took 
 refuge in the islands. 
 
 The captains of Pedrarias departed to reconnoitre 
 the country and to colonize ; Luis Carrillo to the 
 River de los Anades, Juan de Ayora to the South Sea, 
 Enciso to Zenu ; others, in short, at different periods 
 to different points. It is no part of my plan to fur 
 nish an account of their expeditions, to relate, in suc 
 cession, the violences and vexations which they com 
 mitted, or to detail how they robbed and destroyed, 
 and captured men and women, making no distinction 
 between friendly* and hostile tribes. The Indians, 
 who had been pacified and tranquillized by the good 
 policy and management of Balboa, were now, by re 
 peated injuries, provoked to revenge, and almost uni- 
 
 * Juan de Ayora entered the port of Pocorosa, and went to the 
 territory of the Cacique Ponca, who had voluntarily received Vasco 
 Nunez, and relied on that leader s assurance of peace and safety, as 
 his people had accompanied him in his discovery of the South Sea. 
 Feeling, therefore, secure, he went out to receive Juan de Ayora in 
 peace. The Spaniards violently deprived him of all the gold they 
 could find, and while searching his house, told him, insultingly, he 
 should ask his friends to aid him. From him they went to Co- 
 mogre, who had given Balboa so kind a reception, and had been 
 the first to indicate the South Sea to him. On learning the ap 
 proach of the Spaniards, the young Cacique met them with gold 
 and provisions, and on their reaching his house, performed for them 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 69 
 
 versally rose in their own defence ; they attacked and 
 put the Spaniards to flight, who were forced to return 
 to the Darien, where, though the excesses they had 
 committed were known, no attempt was made to 
 punish them. Even Vasco Nunez, who, in company 
 with Luis Carrillo, had sallied forth on an expedition 
 to the mouths of the river, and attacked the barbacoas 
 of the Indians, participating in the inauspicious star 
 which then reigned, was surprised by those savages 
 in the water, and was placed in much jeopardy in the 
 skirmish, so that he and Carrillo returned badly wound 
 ed to the Darien, and the latter died shortly after. 
 The terror and dismay which these continued disasters 
 excited, was such, that they had shut up in Darien 
 the house used as a foundery, a strong symptom of the 
 general anxiety. The trees of the Sierras, the high 
 grass of the fields, the billows of the sea, were mis 
 taken for Indians, who came to destroy the colony. 
 The precautions of Pedrarias, all disconcerted, instead 
 of giving confidence, served only to augment the ter 
 ror and confusion ; while Balboa, mocking them, re 
 called the days when the colony, under his command, 
 was tranquil within, and respected without, when she 
 reigned Queen of the Isthmus, and gave laws to twenty 
 nations. 
 
 Pedrarias, discontented with his situation, wrote to 
 
 all the services in his power ; but neither his hospitality, nor the 
 obligations of Vasco Nunez, prevented their taking his wives from 
 him by force. Herrera, Dec. 1, Book 10. 
 
 Pocorosa and Tubanama met with similar treatment. 
 
 Translator s Note. 
 
70 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 Castile, laying much to the charge of Vasco Nunez, 
 because he had not found in the country those riches 
 and advantages, so hoasted in the arrogant relations of 
 that discoverer. The friends of Balboa, on the other 
 hand, wrote that every thing was ruined by the ill 
 government of Pedrarias, and the insolence of his cap 
 tains ; that the royal orders were unfulfilled ; that no 
 crime was punished ; that at the period of the arrival 
 of Pedrarias, the town was well ordered, more than 
 200 huts had been erected, the people were cheerful 
 and happy, amusing themselves on their feast-days by 
 jousting with canes ; the soil was cultivated, and all 
 the Caciques so pacific, that a single Castilian might 
 cross from sea to sea, fearless of violence or insult ; 
 whereas, at present, several Spaniards were dead, the 
 rest dismayed and broken-spirited, the country de 
 stroyed, and the Indians in insurrection. All this, it 
 was added, has been caused by the process entered on 
 against Balboa. Had he been allowed to proceed in 
 his discoveries, the truth respecting the promised 
 treasures of Dabaybe would ere this have been brought 
 to the test ; the Indians would have still been peace 
 able, the soil yielding its abundance, and the Castilians 
 content. Vasco Nunez wrote in the same terms to 
 the king, bitterly and boldly accusing the governor 
 and his officers of all the evil which had befallen the 
 colony. Perhaps he acted with the more confidence, 
 as the knowledge had reached him of the signal favour 
 with which the court had distinguished the results of 
 the voyage of Pedro de Arbolancha. Until the arrival 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 71 
 
 of Caiceda and Colmenares, the Castilians had held 
 Balboa in very indifferent estimation. The Decades 
 of Angleria show the dislike and contempt with which 
 he was regarded. Assassin, mutineer, and even rebel, 
 adventurer, and bandit, are the terms in which that 
 writer invariably mentions him. But after the arrival 
 of those deputies, even though Colmenares was not 
 his friend, nor inclined to favour him in his relations, 
 yet doubtless the picture they drew of the establish 
 ment, and of the chief who directed it, began to in 
 cline the public mind in his favour, and gave him 
 consideration and value. They now called him a spi 
 rited and able chief; an intelligent leader, to whose 
 prudence and valour Europe was indebted for the con 
 solidation of her first colony on the Indian continent, 
 a species of merit unattained by all anterior discover 
 ers, and reserved for him alone. " He knows the 
 secrets of the land ! Who knows the advantage which 
 a man of his zeal, experience, and fortune, may pro 
 duce to his country ?" To this change of opinion, the 
 now favourable reports of the already gained Pasa- 
 monte, no doubt efficaciously contributed ; he wrote 
 of Vasco Nunez, as the best servant the king had on 
 the Terra Firma, and the man who had laboured most 
 diligently for the profit of his master. This was not, 
 indeed, sufficient to reverse the orders for the expedi 
 tion, already far advanced, nor to annul the command 
 conferred on Pedrarias. Yet, subsequently, when Ar- 
 bolancha arrived, bringing with him abundant trea 
 sures, and announcing the brilliant hopes which the 
 
72 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 coasts of the Austral Sea had awakened ; when it was 
 known that, with 190 men, things had been accom 
 plished for which it was believed that 1000 were ne 
 cessary, and that each of these had been effected with 
 not more than sixty or seventy at a time ; that in so 
 many encounters not one soldier had been lost ; that 
 he had rendered friendly so many Caciques, acquired 
 so many secrets ; when they heard of his religion and 
 moderation, and considered the docility and reverence 
 with which he failed not to pay to God and the king, 
 the due tribute of acknowledgment and submission 
 throughout all his prosperities ; he became the object 
 of boundless gratitude and admiration. Even Angleria 
 said that Goliath was converted into an Elisha, and 
 the sacrilegious robber, Antaeus, into a Hercules, the 
 slayer of monsters and conqueror of tyrants. Even 
 the old king, charmed with the tidings brought by 
 Arbolancha, and with the pearls he held in his hands, 
 quitted his constitutional indifference, and formally 
 charged his ministers to reward Balboa, since he had 
 served him so well. So that, had Arbolancha arrived 
 before Pedrarias had sailed, Balboa might then have 
 preserved his authority in the Darien, and results 
 would have been very different ; but the evil star of 
 Balboa already portended his ruin, and the rewards of 
 the monarch arrived in the Darien too late to avail 
 either the state or Vasco Nunez ; they only served to 
 embitter the jealousies and envies of the old and ran 
 corous governor. 
 
 On Balboa was conferred the title of Governor of 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 73 
 
 the South Sea, and the government and captaincy- 
 general of the provinces of Coibaand Panama; he was, 
 it is true, commanded to receive his orders from Pe- 
 drarias, who, on his part, was charged so to favour 
 and advance the pretensions and enterprises of that 
 chief, as might prove to him the esteem, in which the 
 king held his person. The court intended thus to 
 reconcile the respect due to the character and autho 
 rity of the governor, with the gratitude and rewards 
 earned by Balboa ; however, that which was easy at 
 court, was impossible in the Darien, where so many 
 passions were in collision. The year 1515 was consi 
 derably advanced, when the despatches reached Pedra- 
 ria he, jealous and mistrustful, was accustomed to 
 detain the letters which came from Europe, even for 
 private individuals, and he now detained the despatches 
 of Balboa, in the resolution never to fulfil their direc 
 tions. Nor was this step extraordinary. The pro 
 vinces named in them, were the most promising, as 
 well from their intrinsic riches, as from the talent of 
 the chief to whom they were consigned, while those 
 which remained subject to the authority of Pedrarias, 
 were merely those contiguous to the Gulf, and the 
 inhabitants of those to the east were fierce and in 
 tractable, while those to the west were already impo 
 verished and exhausted. 
 
 The perfidy of the governor was not so well con 
 cealed, but that it reached the knowledge of Vasco 
 Nunez and the bishop. They immediately raised an 
 outcry, and began loudly to exclaim at such tyranny, 
 
74 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, 
 
 t 
 
 especially the prelate, who threatened Pedrarias even 
 from the pulpit, and declared he would give an account 
 to the king- of a transaction so contrary to his will and 
 to his service. Pedrarias was alarmed, and called the 
 royal officers and likewise the bishop into council, to 
 determine what should he done in this case ; when, it 
 was the unanimous opinion, that the orders in the des 
 patches should not be executed, till the king-, being- 
 made acquainted with the examination of Balboa, and 
 the votes of his council, should manifest his will. 
 Nevertheless, the arg-uments with which the bishop 
 opposed this determination, were so strong- and so 
 severe, he charg-ed them with so heavy a load of re 
 sponsibility, if, for the sake of indulging their own 
 miserable passions, they should suspend the effect of 
 favours, bestowed in reward of eminent and notorious 
 services performed in the two worlds, that he struck 
 terror into them all, and especially the governor, who 
 resolved to let the despatches have their course. They 
 summoned Vasco Nuiiez, and gave him his titles, 
 previously exacting his word, that he would neither 
 use his authority, nor exercise his government, Hut 
 with the permission of Pedrarias, to which he acceded, 
 unconscious that he thereby pronounced sentence 
 against himself ; and he was now publicly denomina 
 ted governor of the South Sea. 
 
 This new and acknowledged dignity did not protect 
 him from an insult which he suffered shortly after. 
 Seeing himself poor and persecuted in the Darien, 
 and accustomed as he had ever been to command, he 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 75 
 
 anxiously sought some means to deliver himself from 
 the pupilage and dependence in which he was at pre 
 sent held ; and even prior to this period, he had sent 
 to Cuba to his friend and comrade Andres Garabito, 
 to supply him with some men, with whom, by the 
 way of Nombre de Dios, he projected going- to colonise 
 in the South Sea. Garabito returned accordingly, 
 with sixty men, and a provision of arms and other 
 effects necessary to the expedition, soon after the royal 
 despatches had been made public, and Balboa had 
 received his titles. Garabito anchored at six leagues 
 from Darien, and sent secret advices to his friend ; 
 not so secret, however, as to elude the vigilance of 
 Pedrarias. Furious with vexation, and treating the 
 transaction as criminal rebellion, he had Balboa 
 arrested, and threatened to imprison him in a wooden 
 cage, but that indignity was not put in execution. 
 The governor yielded the liberty of Balboa to the 
 representations of the bishop, and they became once 
 more, in appearance, friends. 
 
 Nor did the indefatigable protector stop here. 
 Pedrarias was, as we have already said, old, and much 
 broken in constitution ; he had, in Castile, two mar 
 riageable daughters, and the bishop now undertook to 
 form between him and Balboa a tie, which might 
 prove indissoluble ; he told him, that by keeping the 
 finest capacity in the land in idleness and obscurity, he 
 injured none more than himself; thus losing the fruit, 
 which the friendship of Balboa would produce to him. 
 That there was no doubt Balboa would, in some way 
 
76 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 or other, make known to the king the oppression and 
 contumely in which he was held, to the defiance of the 
 royal command, and the injury of his majesty s 
 interests. He had better make him his own at once, 
 marry him to one of his daughters, and aid him to 
 pursue the brilliant career, to which in appearance he 
 was destined. In the prime of life, of a good family, 
 and already bearing- the rank of governor, he would be 
 a suitable match for his daughter, and he might thus 
 enjoy repose in his old age, leaving to the robust 
 hands of such a son-in-law, the cares and convulsions 
 of war. By this means, the services performed by 
 Balboa would belong, in a manner, to Pedrarias ; 
 those restless passions and lamentable contentions 
 which divided the Darien into factions, and paralyzed 
 the progress of their conquests and discovery, would 
 thus at once be put an end to. To all this Donna Isa 
 bel de Bobadilla agreed, for, being more favourably af 
 fected to the discoverer, she allowed herself to be more 
 easily persuaded, and at length inclined the governor 
 to listen to the suggestion. The parties consulted on 
 the preliminary arrangements, and Balboa became the 
 son-in-law of Pedrarias, and the husband of his eldest 
 daughter, Donna Maria. 
 
 By this time the bishop had returned to Castile,* 
 
 * The arrival of the bishop in Castile is not made clear to have 
 happened till the year 1518; and certainly he did not show his 
 friend proper or merited respect. In a dispute with Las Casas be 
 fore the Emperor, he declared that the first governor of the Darien 
 had been bad, and the second worse. Herrera, Decade 2d, Book 
 4th, chap. 4th. 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 77 
 
 satisfied in being- the author of a measure, which must 
 secure the fortune and dignity of his friend. Pedra- 
 rias called him his son, and outwardly treated him as 
 such, writing of him with every appearance of appro 
 bation and satisfaction to the king- and his ministers. 
 In order to furnish him with employment, he sent 
 him to the Port of Careta, where he remained for a 
 season, engaged in founding the city of Acla ; anxious 
 to accomplish that establishment, that he might there 
 make suitable preparations for discoveries in the oppo 
 site sea. Having secured this first step, and settled 
 the affairs of Acla, Balboa began to exert his utmost 
 energy in the construction of brigantines, for this 
 eagerly desired expedition. He cut down the neces 
 sary wood, which, as well as the anchors, rigging, &c. 
 were all carried from sea to sea on men s shoulders, 
 crossing the twenty-two leagues of wild and rugged 
 Sierras, which form that part of the Isthmus. Indians, 
 Negroes, and Spaniards laboured alike, and even Bal 
 boa frequently lent the assistance of his own Herculean 
 arms. In virtue of such zeal and diligence, they soon 
 saw the four necessary brigantines completed and 
 armed ; but the wood being so recently cut, was im 
 mediately eaten by worms, and rendered utterly 
 unprofitable. The work was begun and completed 
 anew, and again destroyed by an inundation. Balboa, 
 with fresh auxiliaries, brought from Acla and Darien, 
 recommenced his labours, and as soon as the brigan 
 tines were fit for service, he embarked with them on 
 the Gulf, directed his course to the greater Pearl 
 
78 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 Island, where lie laid in a large quantity of provisions, 
 and navigated some leagues to the eastward, in search 
 of the rich regions, which the Indians had announced 
 to them ; he did not, however, pass the Port of Pines ; 
 and, partly from a mistrust of those unknown seas, 
 partly from a wish more effectually to complete his 
 preparations, he returned to the Isle, and gave himself 
 up to the completion of the barks, which were still 
 wanting. 
 
 Balboa had now attained the most flattering and 
 brilliant period of his life ; he had four ships and 
 three hundred men under his command ; the sea was 
 his, and the road to the treasures of Peru lay open 
 before him. Among his people was a Venetian called 
 Micer Codro, a kind of philosopher, attracted to the 
 New World by a wish to explore the natural secrets 
 of the land, and probably, likewise, hoping to make 
 his fortune, in following the track of the discoverer. 
 Presuming on the character of an astrologer and divi 
 ner, he had told Balboa, that when a certain star 
 should appear in such a part of the heavens, he was 
 destined to run a great personal risk, but that if he 
 escaped it, he would become the richest lord and most 
 celebrated captain, that had ever visited the Indies. It 
 happened that Vasco Nunez descried this fatal star, 
 and contemptuously observed to the astrologer, that 
 " the man was womanish who gave credit to diviners, 
 and above all to Micer Codro." If this anecdote be 
 true, it only serves as an additional proof of the fact, 
 that wherever there is power, or fortune, either in 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 79 
 
 possession or probability, there will imposture be busy 
 in making- its advantage of human vanity and igno 
 rance. 
 
 Affairs were thus situated, when an order suddenly 
 arrived from Pedrarias, that Balboa should come to 
 Acla, to confer on some matters of importance, essen 
 tial to his expedition. He obeyed instantly, unsuspi 
 cious of what was to follow, nor could he be deterred 
 from proceeding- by the advices he received on his 
 road. Near Acla he met with Pizarro, who advanced, 
 followed by armed men, to arrest him. " How is this, 
 Francis Pizarro ?" he exclaimed ; " this is not the 
 mode in which you have been accustomed to receive 
 me I" Pizarro made no reply ; many of the inhabi 
 tants of Acla assembled to witness this unexpected 
 scene ; and the g-overnor, commanding- that Balboa 
 should be kept under guard in a private house, ordered 
 the alcalde Espinosa to prepare a process against him, 
 with the utmost rigour of justice. 
 
 It will be asked, what motive couM have operated 
 this unlocked for reverse. All that we can discover 
 from the various relations which have reached us, with 
 regard to this miserable affair, is, that the enemies of 
 Balboa had once more revived the ill-smothered sus 
 picions and rancours of Pedrarias, making him believe 
 that his son-in-law, in so zealously preparing his ex 
 pedition, meditated to separate himself, by its means, 
 for ever from his obedience. A portion of the inci 
 dents which then occurred gave colour to this accusa 
 tion ; and it is said that Andres Garabito, the great 
 
80 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 friend of Balboa, had had some dispute with the latter, 
 on account of the Indian girl, the daughter of Careta 
 so much beloved by Vasco Nuiiez ; and that oifended by 
 what had passed between them, and eager for revenge, 
 he had, when Balboa sailed the last time for Acla, told 
 Pedrarias, that his son-in-law had departed, in the in 
 tention to revolt, and of never more yielding him obe 
 dience. Yet it is certain, that of those who were com 
 promised in this affair, Garabito alone was absolved. 
 A letter written by Hernando de Arguello, from the 
 Darien, to the governor of the South Sea, was inter 
 cepted, apprising him of the ill-will that was harbour 
 ed against him, and advising him to commence his 
 voyage as soon as possible, without caring what might 
 be said or done by those who commanded in Antigua. 
 Finally, it was already known that the government of 
 the Terra Firma was given to Lopez de Sosa ; and 
 Vasco Nunez, fearing from him the same persecution 
 he had endured from Pedrarias, had sent secretly to 
 ascertain if he was arrived in the Darien, that he might, 
 in such case, hoist sail, unperceived by the soldiers, 
 and abandon himself to the tide of his fortune, and 
 the prosecution of his discoveries. The emissaries sent 
 for this purpose, and the plan projected by Balboa, 
 reached the knowledge of his suspicious father-in-law, 
 so coloured as to induce him to believe that an escape 
 from his authority was the end proposed. The whole 
 bitterness of his hatred was revived, being eagerly 
 fomented by Balboa s enemies, the public officers ; so 
 that now, giving the reins to his vengeance, he pre- 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 81 
 
 pared to surprise his victim, and sacrifice him to his 
 own safety. He went, it is true, to see him in his pri 
 son, addressed him still as his son, and consoled him, 
 praying- him not to suffer his imprisonment to afflict 
 him, since it was merely yielded to for the purpose of 
 satisfying 1 Alonzo de la Puente, and would only serve 
 to render his fidelity more clear and conspicuous. But 
 the moment he ascertained that the ground of the 
 process was sufficiently strong-, to flatter him with a 
 hope of its terminating in the bloody catastrophe he 
 meditated, he returned to visit the prisoner, and said 
 with a hard and threatening countenance, " I have 
 treated you as my son, because I gave you credit for 
 fidelity to the king-, and to me in his name. Since, 
 however, I was mistaken, you have no long-er to ex 
 pect from me the conduct of a father, but of a judge 
 and an enemy." " If what is imputed to me were 
 true," replied the unhappy prisoner, " holding at my 
 command four ships, and three hundred men, by whom 
 I was much beloved, I should have gone straight to sea 
 without permitting any thing to impede my purpose. 
 Safe in my innocence, I returned at your command, 
 and little could I dream of being treated so rigorously, 
 and with such enormous injustice." Pedrarias heard 
 no more, but sent an order that the weight of his fet 
 ters should be increased. His accusers in the process, 
 were Alonzo de la Puente and the other fiscal officers 
 of the Darien ; his judge was Espinosa, who coveted 
 the command of the armada, which the ruin of Balboa 
 would leave without a chief. The cause terminated, 
 F 
 
82 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 and terminated in the sentence of death. In accumu 
 lation of the present charges, were brought forward 
 the expulsion of Nicuesa, and the imprisonment and 
 injuries of Enciso. Still, Espinosa, conscious of the 
 enormity of such a proceeding- towards such a man as 
 Balboa, pleaded with Pedrarias, that, in consideration 
 of his many services, the sentence of death should be 
 remitted. " No," said the obdurate old man ; " if he 
 is guilty, let him die for it." 
 
 He was then sentenced to die, without being allow 
 ed the appeal he demanded to the Emperor and the 
 Council of the Indies. He was brought from his pri 
 son, the crier announcing before him, that he was 
 doomed to this punishment as a traitor, and a usurper 
 of the lands of the crown. On hearing himself pro 
 claimed traitor, he raised his eyes to heaven, and pro 
 tested that he had never harboured any other thought, 
 than that of augmenting the kingdoms and possessions 
 of his king. Nor, indeed, was such a protestation 
 deemed necessary by the spectators, who, full of hor 
 ror and compassion, beheld the sentence executed, and 
 the bleeding head afterwards stuck ignominiously upon 
 a pole. With him, were likewise beheaded, Louis 
 Botello, Andres de Valderrabano, Herman Muiioz, 
 and Fernando de Argiiello, all of whom had shared 
 his voyages, his labours, and his destiny. Pedrarias 
 witnessed the execution from behind some canes, which 
 formed a palisade near his house, ten or twelve paces 
 from the place of punishment. Night had fallen, and 
 Argiiello remained still to be executed, and the whole 
 
VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. S3 
 
 multitude of the people entreated, with tears, that his 
 life might be spared, since God had not given day 
 light for the execution of his sentence. " Rather 
 would I die myself," said Pedrarias, " than permit one 
 of them to escape unpunished." The unhappy victim 
 was accordingly sacrificed like the others, followed by 
 the compassion of all who witnessed the act, and by 
 the indignation which such inhuman injustice was cal 
 culated to inspire. 
 
 Balboa, at the period of his death, was 42 years of 
 age. His property was confiscated, and, with all his 
 papers, taken possession of as a deposit, by the his 
 torian Oviedo, in virtue of a commission which he 
 held to that eifect from the Emperor. Some portion 
 was subsequently restored to his brother Gonzalo Nu 
 nez de Balboa, who, as well as Juan and Alvar Nunez, 
 likewise brothers of the discoverer, were favoured and 
 recommended by the Spanish government, " in con 
 sideration," says the clause in the royal orders, of 
 the services of Vasco Nunez, in discovering and colo 
 nizing that land." No explanation has been given 
 with regard to Pedrarias, either in the public des 
 patches, or in private relations. In all of them, he is 
 described as hard, avaricious, and cruel ; in all, we 
 see him totally incapable of any thing great ; in all, 
 he is depicted as the depopulator and destroyer of the 
 country, whither he was sent to be the preserver and 
 bulwark ; so that neither indulgence or doubt, how 
 ever they may be warped for his justification and ex 
 culpation, can ever wash his abhorred name from the 
 
84 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. 
 
 stain and opprobrium which has obscured it for ever. 
 For Balboa, on the contrary, no sooner were the mean 
 and miserable passions, excited by his merit and his 
 talents to pursue him to his ruin, silenced, than the 
 records of office, private memoirs, and the voice of 
 posterity, unanimously proclaim him one of the great 
 est Spaniards that ever explored the regions of Ame 
 rica. 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO 
 
THE LIFE 
 OF 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 NONE of the Captains of the Darien were qualified 
 to supply the vacuum, which the death of Balboa left 
 in the affairs of America. The fatal axe which de 
 stroyed that celebrated discoverer, had cut off, at the 
 same stroke, all those magnificent hopes, to which his 
 designs had given birth. He had translated the 
 Spanish colony to the other side of the Isthmus, to 
 the site on which Panama was founded : but neither 
 this disposition, so much more favourable for disco 
 veries to the east and south, nor the frequent reports 
 they received from the rich regions, since known 
 under the name of Peru, had availed to stimulate these 
 men, audacious and active as they were, to attempt 
 their investigation or conquest. None had resolution 
 to risk the expenses, or confront the difficulties, in 
 which this great enterprise must naturally involve 
 them. Even the extraordinary man, who was destined 
 to conquer them all, was ignorant of his own powers, 
 and, which seldom happens with men of his temper 
 of mind, Pizarro had already passed the meridian of 
 life, without having been signalized by any act, which 
 
88 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 might announce the destroyer of a great empire, and 
 the rival of Hernan Cortes. 
 
 Not, that in strength, fortitude or diligence, he was 
 overmatched by any, or even equalled by many, then 
 employed on the Terra Firma. But, content with the 
 limits assigned him as a subaltern, his character was 
 apparently devoid of ambition and daring, and well 
 satisfied in meriting the confidence of the governors, 
 he either would not, or could not, compete with them 
 in honours or fortune. 
 
 This circumspection might be derived from the 
 timidity caused by the consciousness of his own low 
 origin, if all was true which was then related on the 
 subject, and which has since been repeated by different 
 writers. A natural son of that Gonzalo Pizarro, so dis 
 tinguished in the wars of Italy, in the time of the Great 
 Captain, and who died subsequently in Navarre, a 
 colonel of infantry ; born of a mother, whose name and 
 circumstances are unknown, and, at his birth, expo 
 sed at the gate of a church in Truxillo, sustained in 
 the first moments of life by the rnilk of a sow, the only 
 creature near, to perform for him the maternal office, he 
 was at length acknowledged by his father. But this 
 was little to his advantage ; his father gave him no 
 education, did not even teach him to read, and pro 
 vided him with no other occupation, than that of fol 
 lowing some herds of swine. By a fortunate stroke 
 of destiny, it one day happened that, either by chance, 
 or from his own neglect, the swine dispersed, and were 
 lost ; he dared not return home, and joining some 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 89 
 
 travellers, went to Seville, from whence he embarked, 
 to try his fortune in St Domingo, hoping- that his lot, 
 which had been so hard in his own country, might 
 prove less adverse in the Indies. Adventures of this 
 nature doubtless carry more the air of romance than 
 of history. Gomara relates them, Herrera is silent 
 respecting them, and Garcilaso contradicts them. Some 
 of them are in opposition with the documents of the 
 time, which represent him as serving in the wars of 
 Italy in his earliest youth ; and others are probably 
 exaggerated. He was undoubtedly the natural son of 
 Captain Pizarro., his mother was a native of Truxillo, 
 named Francisca Gonzales, whose parents were known,* 
 and likewise of Truxillo. His education was, in reality, 
 entirely neglected ; it was generally believed that he 
 could neither read nor write, but if, as others assert, 
 he ever learned to read, it was very late in life, when 
 his dignity and obligations rendered it matter of ne 
 cessity. It is certain he never was able to write, or 
 even to sign. As for the rest, it ought to be given 
 and received, with such circumspection, as may leave 
 a reservation in favour of the claims of truth ; recol 
 lecting, that for Pizarro, or whomsoever else has risen 
 by his own efforts to the pinnacle of power and fortune, 
 the elevation is ever the more glorious, the lower the 
 state from which the ascent began. 
 
 The first time we see him mentioned with distinc 
 tion in history, is, at the period of the last expedition 
 of Ojeda to Terra Firma, when Pizarro was already 
 
 * Their names were Juan Mateos aud Maria Alonzo. 
 
90 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 more than thirty years old. With him he embarked, 
 and in the disasters, labours, and dangers, which accu 
 mulated upon the Spaniards, in that unfortunate expe 
 dition, he made the apprenticeship of the difficult 
 career, in which he afterwards signalized himself so 
 gloriously. There can be no doubt that he then dis 
 tinguished himself from his comrades, since Ojeda, 
 after founding in Uraba the town of St Sebastian, and 
 finding it necessary to return for aid to St Domingo, 
 left him as his lieutenant in the colony, as the person 
 to whom he might best confide its government and 
 preservation. 
 
 In the life of Vasco Nunez we have related the 
 terrible disasters which there assailed the Spaniards ; 
 how they were compelled to abandon the town, dis 
 heartened and hopeless, and how they afterwards re 
 turned thither, under the authority of Enciso, who met 
 them in the way. All these details, as well as the con 
 tentions and disgusts, which were afterwards fomented 
 amongst the colonists of the D,arien, do not belong to 
 the life of .Pizarro, who had no share in them. Con 
 tented to fulfil with fidelity and diligence the under 
 takings intrusted to him, he obtained the confidence 
 of Balboa, as he had obtained that of Ojeda, and was 
 afterwards trusted by Pedrarias, as he had been by 
 Balboa. Each of them took him with them in their 
 most important expeditions ; Vasco Nunez to the 
 South Sea, and Pedrarias to Panama. His sword 
 and his counsels were of much utility to Captain 
 Gaspar de Morales, in the voyage he made, by order 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 91 
 
 of the last governor, from the Darien to the Isle of 
 Pearls, and were no less so to the Licenciate Espinosa, 
 in the dangerous and obstinate wars, which the Spa 
 niards were forced to maintain with the warlike tribes, 
 situated to the east of Panama. But as, from these 
 skirmishes, many of them profitless, and the greater 
 part inglorious, no discovery of consequence resulted, 
 and as Pizarro did not hold the chief command in them, 
 they have no claim on our attention, farther, than as 
 they would contribute to augment the experience and 
 capacity of that captain, and the credit and confidence 
 which he held from the soldiers, who more than once 
 entreated him from Pedrarias, and marched more con 
 fidently and cheerfully when he led, than with any 
 other of their commanders. 
 
 Still, the ambition of Pizarro slumbered ; and whilst 
 many of the adventurers were enriched by these in 
 cursions with treasure, and slaves, in abundance, he, at 
 the end of fourteen years of severe and perilous service, 
 was one of the least wealthy inhabitants of Panama. 
 So that in the case of the famous contract for the dis 
 coveries in the south, whilst the ecclesiastic Hernando 
 de Lucque placed on the speculation 20,000 oz. of 
 gold, his own, or borrowed, Pizarro and Diego de 
 Almagro, his two associates, had nothing to subscribe, 
 but their personal industry and experience. 
 
 The project of this company was preceded by other 
 attempts, which, if not outwardly striking or important, 
 had at least sufficed for obtaining more positive traces of 
 the existence of the regions proposed to be explored. 
 
92 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Already, in the year 1522, Pascual de Andagoya, by 
 permission from Pedrarias, had sailed on a voyage of dis 
 covery for the south coast, in a large bark, and arriving 
 at the mouth of a wide river, called Biruquete, entered it, 
 and sometimes fighting, sometimes conferring with the 
 Indians, gained from them some account of the people 
 of Peru, of the power of their monarchs, and of the 
 wars which they maintained, in lands far distant from 
 thence. Fame had doubtlessly carried, although 
 vaguely, some rumours of the expeditions of the Incas 
 to Quito, and of the obstinate struggle which that 
 warlike people held for the dominion of the country, 
 to that spot. But to reach the theatre of war, it was, 
 according to the Indians, necessary to pass over diffi 
 cult roads and rocky sierras, and these obstacles, to 
 gether with the suffering of Andagoya from his miser 
 able health, caused them for the time to abandon the 
 undertaking, and return to Panama. 
 
 It happened, that shortly afterwards, died Captain 
 Juan Basurto, to whom Pedrarias had granted a similar 
 permission to that of Andagoya. Many of the inhabi 
 tants of Panama would fain take their part in these 
 hopes and projects, but were deterred by the difficulties, 
 which to them seemed insurmountable, and of which 
 they dared not make trial. But Francisco Pizarro and 
 Diego de Almagro, friends already from the Danen, 
 and associated in whatever gain and profit each had 
 acquired in the country, and whose souls were of more 
 exalted temper, resolved on facing all cost and danger, 
 and of exploring for themselves the regions which lie 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 93 
 
 towards the south. They purchased one of the barks, 
 which had been constructed in the same view by Bal 
 boa, and having 1 obtained the licence of Pedrarias, 
 equipped it with eighty men and four horses, the 
 whole force they could immediately assemble. Pizarro 
 placed himself at their head, and sailed from the port 
 of Panama, the middle of November 1524, leaving 
 Almagro to follow him with more men and provisions. 
 The vessel directed her course to the equator, touched 
 at the Isle of Pearls, and anchored in the Port de 
 Pinas, the limit of former adventurers. Here the 
 captain agreed to ascend the river of Biru, to demand 
 a supply of necessaries, and to reconnoitre the land ; it 
 was the same river into which Pascual de Andagoya 
 had entered, and who aided Pizarro, on his embarkation, 
 with such advice and information, as he believed he 
 would find useful, when he should arrive there. 
 
 However, neither the directions of Andagoya, nor 
 the personal experience of Pizarro, in similar expedi 
 tions, could exempt the new discoverers from those 
 disasters, which immediately fell upon them. They 
 saw around them a mere desert ; the few huts they 
 perceived had been abandoned; the skies poured on 
 them an incessant rain ; the earth was in some parts 
 hard and rugged ; and in others, the way was rendered 
 impracticable by trees and thorns ; so that they could 
 find no paths, but in the hollows left by brooks. There 
 was no game, no fruit, no food in short ; and they, 
 loaded with armour, and the furniture of war, began 
 to sink into a state of hopelessness and bewilderment. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Thus they remained three days, at the end of which 
 time, fatigued and disheartened by so fruitless and 
 forbidding a commencement, they went down to the 
 sea, and re-embarked. They ran ten leagues farther, 
 and found a port, where they took in wood and water, 
 and again advanced a few leagues, when they returned 
 to it, in hope of finding relief for the extreme neces 
 sity, to which they were reduced. Water had failed 
 them, flesh they had none, and two spikes of maize, 
 given daily to each soldier, was wretched sustenance for 
 those robust bodies. It is said that, when they arrived 
 at this port, they presented such miserable, disfigured 
 skeletons, that they were terrified to look upon each 
 other. And as the country showed them no other 
 aspect than that of wild sierras, rugged rocks, lakes, 
 marshes, and continued showers, with such sterility, 
 that neither birds nor animals were seen, they lost all 
 courage, and, in their desperation, clamorously demand 
 ed to return to Panama. Their captain endeavoured to 
 console them, by reminding them of the certain hope 
 he cherished of bringing them to regions, where they 
 would be abundantly repaid for the toil and hunger 
 they now endured. Meanwhile, the evil was mortal 
 and present, the hope, uncertain and distant ; and 
 although, with several of them, the arguments of 
 Pizarro succeeded in rekindling their courage, and 
 strengthening their fortitude, they were deemed by 
 the others as the last struggles of a desperate man, 
 who hardened himself against his evil destiny, and 
 who was reckless whom he involved in his ruin. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 95 
 
 Seeing- at length that their victuals were entirely 
 consumed, they agreed to separate, and that some of 
 them should proceed in the ship to the Isle of Pearls, 
 to seek a supply of provision ; and the others remain 
 where they were, sustaining- themselves as they could, 
 till the return of the vessel. It fell to the lot of one 
 Montenegro, and a few other Spaniards, to make this 
 voyag-e, whose whole provision consisted of dried cows 
 hide, and some bitter palm buds, which, with much 
 labour, they had collected on the beach. They pur 
 sued their course towards the Isles, while Pizarro, and 
 those who remained, continued to struggle with the 
 agonies of hunger, and the horrors of the climate. 
 
 Then it was that this discoverer was compelled to 
 avail himself of the lessons and experience, which he 
 had formerly gained under Balboa. He not only soothed 
 the minds of the soldiers, by plausible and friendly rea 
 sonings, of which, when necessary, he could make ad 
 mirable use, but he gained the affection and confidence 
 of all, by the attentive kindness with which he endea 
 voured to alleviate their miseries. He himself dili 
 gently sought such nourishment as was requisite for 
 the sick and enfeebled, and administered it with his 
 own hand, and performed for them the offices, not of 
 chief and captain, but of comrade and friend. These 
 attentions, it is true, could not counteract the difficul 
 ties and necessities of the situation and country. As 
 their sole aliment consisted of the few and noxious 
 roots they met with, their bodies swelled, and already 
 twenty-seven of them had fallen victims to famine and 
 
96 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 fatigue. All, indeed, must have perished, had not 
 Montenegro most opportunely returned, with a cargo 
 of flesh, fruits, and maize. 
 
 Pizarro was not then at the Port. Knowing that 
 a great light had been seen at a distance, and conclu 
 ding it was caused by the fires of the Indians, he had 
 taken that direction with some of his most able fol 
 lowers, and came, in effect, to some huts. The Indians 
 fled at the approach of the Spaniards, and only two of 
 them, less swift of foot than their companions, were 
 secured ; they found several cocoa nuts, and about a 
 bushel of maize, which they divided amongst them. 
 The poor prisoners put to their captors the same ques 
 tions, as were asked in all parts of the New World on 
 the first sight of the invaders. " Why do ye not sow ? 
 Why do ye not reap ? Why do ye wander about, 
 enduring so many difficulties, merely for the sake of 
 robbing strangers of their necessary subsistence ?" 
 But these simple queries, dictated by common sense 
 and natural equity, were listened to with the same 
 contempt as ever, and the poor captives found they 
 had only to submit to the arbitrement of force and 
 necessity. One of them soon died of a wound, in 
 flicted by a poisoned arrow, such as they use, whose 
 venom was so active as to destroy life in four hours. 
 Pizarro, on his return, met the messenger who 
 brought tidings of the arrival of Montenegro, and has 
 tened forward to embrace him. 
 
 Having held a council what they should next do, 
 they agreed to quit that Port, to which, in remem- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 97 
 
 brance of the evils they had suffered there, they gave 
 the name of the Port of Famine ; and they returned to 
 sea, that they might continue to explore the coast. 
 They sailed for a few days, at the end of which they 
 made land, anchoring- in a port, to which they gave 
 the name of Candlemas, because they reached it on the 
 day of that festivity. The land presented the same 
 desert and sterile aspect, as that they had quitted ; the 
 air was so humid, that their clothes rotted upon their 
 bodies ; the skies appalled them by incessant thunder 
 and lightnings ; the natives had fled or were concealed 
 in the woods, so that no intercourse could be had with 
 them. They, however, discovered some paths, and 
 guided by them, after a walk of two leagues, they 
 reached a village, but met not a single inhabitant, but 
 they found a quantity of maize, roots, swine s flesh, 
 and what, to them, was more satisfactory, a number of 
 golden ornaments, whose amount was six hundred 
 ounces. Their delight, however, was somewhat cooled, 
 when on looking into a kettle, which was boiling on 
 the fire, they saw human hands and feet, among the 
 flesh therein preparing. Filled with horror, and thus 
 instructed that the natives were cannibals, they, with 
 out examining farther, or delaying a moment, re 
 turned to their ship, and pursued their course of na 
 vigation. They arrived at a part of the coast which 
 they called the Burnt Village, (Pueblo Quemado,) 
 about twenty-five leagues from the Port of Pines ; so 
 little advance had they made, after so many days of 
 fatigue. There they disembarked, and perceiving, by 
 
98 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the track of the paths which they observed between 
 the mangroves, that the land was inhabited, they be 
 gan to reconnoitre, and were not long in discovering a 
 village. 
 
 They found it however abandoned, though supplied 
 abundantly with provisions, so that Pizarro, having 
 considered its situation, a league from the sea, the 
 strength of its position, standing on the brow of a 
 mountain, and the land around less sterile and repul 
 sive than the points they had recently visited, deter 
 mined to remain there, and in the meanwhile to send 
 the ship to Panama, to be repaired. Hands were want 
 ing to aid the mariners, so the captain consented that 
 Montenegro, with the best disposed and most active 
 soldiers, should make incursions into the land, and 
 seize some Indians, who should be put on board the 
 vessel, to assist in manoeuvring her. The natives, 
 meanwhile, kept closely united, watching in ambus 
 cade the motions of the Castilians, and meditating how 
 they should drive from their houses the vagabonds 
 who, with so much insolence, came to deprive them 
 of them ; therefore, they no sooner saw them divided, 
 than they rushed forth on Montenegro, showering 
 upon him their missile weapons, with great exultation 
 and loud outcries. The Spaniards received them with 
 confidence, relying on their arms, their robust strength, 
 and their valour, and all were necessary in a contest 
 with these naked savages, who allowed them not a 
 moment s breathing time, and always attacked the 
 most formidable of their adversaries, so that three Cas- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 99 
 
 tilians were killed, and many others wounded. When 
 the Indians perceived that this body of men defended 
 themselves better than they expected, they determi 
 ned to retire from the field of battle, and, by concealed 
 roads, come suddenly on the place, where they ima 
 gined the useless, the sick, or the cowardly, had re 
 mained. Thus did they, and Pizarro, at the sight of 
 them, began to suspect that they had broken and de 
 stroyed Montenegro, but, without losing- courage, he 
 sallied forth to the encounter ; the battle being- fought 
 here with no less ardour and animosity, than in the 
 former instance. He animated his people with his 
 voice and his example, and the Indians seeing him sig 
 nalized from the rest by the tremendous blows he gave, 
 fell upon him in such numbers, and pressed him so 
 furiously, that he fell, and rolled down a declivity. 
 They ran to him believing him dead, but once more 
 on foot, with sword in hand, he killed two of them, 
 kept the rest at bay, and gained time for some Castil- 
 ians to come to his succour. The combat meanwhile 
 continued, and the result was still in suspense, until 
 the appearance of Montenegro completely dishearten 
 ed the savages, who retired at length, leaving Pizarro 
 and others of the Spaniards badly wounded. 
 
 They used the balsam they were accustomed to 
 apply in similar emergencies, which was boiling oil 
 laid upon their wounds ; and, judging from the injury 
 they had suffered, that it would be imprudent to re 
 main there, they being so few, and the Indians numer 
 ous and daring, they resolved on returning to the 
 
100 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 neighbourhood of Panama. They arrived at Chicama, 
 from whence Pizarro despatched in the ship, Nicolas 
 de Rivera, treasurer of the expedition, that he might 
 take with him the gold they had gained, give an ac 
 count of their success, and relate the hopes they che 
 rished of finding the good land. 
 
 While, with so many disasters and such small ad 
 vantage, Pizarro examined those melancholy regions, 
 his companion Almagro, hastening the armament with 
 which he was to follow, hoisted sail with sixty-four 
 Spaniards, a few days previous to the arrival of Nico 
 las de Rivera at Panama. He pursued the same course, 
 conjecturing, from the signals he saw on the mountains, 
 the road which those who preceded him had followed. 
 He anchored in Pueblo Quemado, where the same In 
 dians, who had so roughly treated Pizarro and Mon 
 tenegro, valiantly resisted him also, and wounding him 
 in an eye, deprived him of its use for ever. Yet, al 
 though in the end he gained the place, he did not 
 remain there, but passed on in pursuit of his compa 
 nion, without leaving a single port unexplored. In 
 this manner he saw and reconnoitred the valley of 
 Bseza, so called from a soldier who died there ; the 
 River of Melon, which received its name from one 
 who was sent to it for a supply of water ; that of the 
 Fortresses, so called from the appearance of some Indian 
 huts seen in the distance ; and, finally, the river of St 
 Juan, from the day on which they arrived there. They 
 observed some indications of good land in these different 
 points, and they also collected a portion of gold ; but, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 101 
 
 whatever gratification Almagro and his companions 
 might receive from these circumstances, was converted 
 into sadness, when they thought on their friends whom 
 they believed lost ; so that, downcast and disheartened, 
 they resolved to return to Panama. However, on 
 touching on the Isle of Pearls, and seeing the notices 
 left by Rivera, of the point at which Pizarro remained, 
 they turned the prow immediately, and set out to join 
 him. They found him accordingly in Chicama ; the 
 two friends embraced, gave a reciprocal account of 
 their adventures, danger, and disasters ; and having 
 maturely concerted their future plans, it was agreed 
 that Almagro should return to Panama, to recruit their 
 followers, and to repair the vessels. He found in arri 
 ving these new difficulties, which were calculated, most 
 vexatiously, to thwart the designs of the two disco 
 verers. Pedrarias, who had given them permission to 
 undertake the expedition, was now as much opposed 
 to it as he had originally shown himself favourable ; 
 he was then meditating on going in person to punish 
 his lieutenant, Francisco Hernandez, who had revolted 
 in Nicaragua, and he did not wish to see the people, 
 whom he reckoned upon, diminished in number, by the 
 mania which possessed them for making discoveries in 
 Peru. This was the true reason, but he alleged the 
 unfavourable accounts brought by Nicolas de Rivera, 
 and violently reprobated the obstinacy of Pizarro, to 
 whose want of industry and great ignorance he impu 
 ted the loss of so many men ; he loudly declared, that 
 
102 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 he would revoke the commission, and prohibit the same 
 course from being followed in future. The arrival of 
 Almagro, richer in hope than in plunder or informa 
 tion, served in no degree to soften this adverse reso 
 lution, and all would have been lost, but for the pray 
 ers and entreaties "of the schoolmaster, Hernando de 
 Lucque, the friend and auxiliary of Pizarro and Al 
 magro, and most essentially interested in their disco 
 veries ;* yet all his earnestness would have been per 
 haps of no avail, had he not made Pedrarias the offer 
 of admitting him to a share in the advantages f of the 
 enterprise, without his contributing any thing to its 
 expenses ; and by this concession to his avarice, he was 
 induced to abandon his obstinacy, and to remove the 
 prohibition he had issued. He insisted, as a condition, 
 that Pizarro should be accompanied by an adjunct, 
 with authority to check or direct him ; and Lucque 
 obtained that this adjunct should be Almagro, to whom, 
 for the greater authority, was given the rank of captain. 
 However, in spite of the good faith and sound inten 
 tion with which this agreement was made, no sooner 
 was it known by Pizarro, than he openly protested 
 against such a nomination, as an insult to himself; 
 and, ill-satisfied with the excuses made, resentment 
 
 * Caspar de Espinosa was the real third with Pizarro and Al 
 magro, aud not Lucque, who only lent his name and talents to the 
 former. 
 
 f This association of Pedrarias with the company, was not of 
 long duration. When the discoverers began to feel more confidence 
 in the result of their enterprise, they contrived to elude the engage 
 ment. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 103 
 
 took possession of his heart, and rankled there in 
 secret ; we may look to this circumstance as the ori 
 gin of all those bitternesses and envious feeling s, which 
 afterwards broke out, and led to such disastrous results. 
 It is probable that Pizarro did not choose to present 
 himself in Panama, till the departure of Pedrarias to 
 Nicaragua, which was in the January of the year fol 
 lowing*. He endeavoured to procure funds for the 
 continuation of the enterprise, as those of the two 
 discoverers were exhausted, by the expenses of the 
 first armament. The indefatigable Lucque managed 
 the affair for them ; and then it was when the famous 
 contract was arranged, in which the canon obliged 
 himself to pay (which he did at the same time) 20,000 
 pieces of gold for the expenses of the expedition, while 
 Pizarro and Almagro contributed the license they had 
 received from the governor, and their own persons 
 and industry ; it being agreed, that they should divide 
 among them, in three equal parts, the lands, Indians, 
 jewels, gold, or any other property they should accu 
 mulate and acquire, definitively, in the undertaking. 
 And to augment the solemnity of this act of associa 
 tion, and to render it binding by the strongest and 
 most sacred ties, Hernando de Lucque administered 
 to them the sacrament, and dividing the consecrated 
 host in three parts, took one for himself, and gave the 
 others to his companions. The spectators, filled with 
 respect and reverence, wept on beholding that sacred 
 ceremony, never hitherto used in that part of the 
 world, as the sanction of similar projects ; while some 
 
104 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 \ 
 
 there were, who thought that even this act would be 
 insufficient to save the associates from the imputation 
 of madness, which their rash speculation had acquired 
 for them. In modern times this ceremony has been 
 more rigorously treated; and the ratification, in the 
 name of the God of peace, of a contract, whose objects 
 were slaughter and plunder, has been deemed repug 
 nant and impious.* But perhaps those who formed 
 this judgment, confined their view to the sad series 
 of disasters and violences, which followed the disco 
 very, without at the same time taking into consider 
 ation the predominant idea of the age, and that which 
 principally animated the adventurers of America. To 
 extend the Christian faith through unknown and im 
 mense regions, and to add them at the same time to 
 the dominions of their king, were, for the Castilians, 
 obligations so sacred, and services so heroic, that there 
 is nothing strange, if they implored on their enter 
 prise the blessing and favour of the Almighty. Never, 
 so please God, shall the pen which traces these Me 
 moirs lend itself, even in the most minute degree, to 
 glossing over the just horror excited by the crimes of 
 covetousness and ambition ; but to be just is our first 
 duty, and we must not impute to individuals the guilt, 
 which belongs to the times -j- in which they live. We 
 
 * " And thus, in the name of the God of peace, ratified a con 
 tract, of which plunder and bloodshed were the objects." ROBERT 
 SON S America, vol. ii. book vi. p. 151. 
 
 f This is a dangerous, a fatal argument. Evil men and evil 
 passions make evil times. It is miserable sophistry to say, because 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 105 
 
 ^modern Europeans are not so free, as we would will 
 ingly believe, from such repugnant contradictions ; 
 and not so unfrequently do we call on the God of 
 peace to take part in our sanguinary conflicts, and to 
 aid us in the wars we undertake, so little tending to 
 the general good, and commonly so totally at variance 
 with the dictates of justice, as to have acquired the 
 right to pass sentence on our ancestors for similar 
 inconsistencies. 
 
 With two ships and two canoes, laden with provi 
 sions and arms, and carrying with them the skilful 
 pilot Bartolome Ruiz, the two companions resumed 
 their enterprise, and continuing the course which they 
 had formerly pursued, arrived within a short distance 
 of the river of San Juan, which had been already 
 explored by Almagro. There they halted, because 
 the land promised to prove richer, more populous, 
 and less dangerous, than those hitherto visited. A 
 village which they attacked, and where they disco 
 vered some gold and provisions, inspired these hopes, 
 although the country, far and near, presented nothing 
 to their view but lofty mountains, marshes, and rivers, 
 so that they could not stir but through water. Pi- 
 zarro remained there with the greater part of his peo 
 ple and the two canoes ; while Almagro returned to 
 Panama, in one of the vessels, to enlist more men with 
 the gold they had acquired ; and in the other vessel 
 
 the multitude is corrupt, or violent, or dishonourable, or sacrile 
 gious, that individuals must needs follow the multitude to do evil, 
 or, in modern phrase, march with the times. Translator s Note. 
 
106 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Bartolome Ruiz reconnoitered the coast upward, for 
 the purpose of ascertaining- its extent. 
 
 The voyage of this pilot was the most advanced and 
 important step, that had been hitherto taken towards 
 reaching- Peru. He discovered the Isle of Gallo, the 
 Bay of San Mateo, the land of Coaque, and arrived as 
 far as the point of Pasaos, under the line. He met in 
 his course with a raft, skilfully constructed of canes, 
 carrying about twenty Indians, eleven of whom, on be 
 holding- the approach of the ship, leaped into the wa 
 ter ; the rest were taken ; and the Spanish pilot having 
 examined them, and the effects they had with them, 
 gave them liberty to return to land, detaining only 
 three of them, who seemed most likely to serve as 
 interpreters, and to supply him with useful intelli 
 gence respecting the country. They were bound, as 
 it should seem, on a voyage of traffic with the Indians 
 of that coast, and had with them small scales for 
 weighing gold, similar to those used by Europeans, 
 which excited no small wonder in the Castilians. 
 They had, besides, a variety of trinkets in gold and 
 silver, worked with considerable industry, strings of 
 beads, with some small emeralds and chalcedonies, 
 mantles, robes, and shirts of cotton and linen, such as 
 those which formed their dress ; and, finally, the wool, 
 both spun and unspun, of the flocks of the country. 
 Such a rencontre was, for the Spaniards, a strange 
 and delightful novelty ; but still greater was the satis 
 faction they derived from the conversation of their 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 107 
 
 captives, and their account of the greatness and opu 
 lence of their king-, Huayna Capac, and of the court of 
 Cuzco. The Castilians could with difficulty credit 
 what they heard, and suspected the Indians of exag 
 geration and falsehood ; nevertheless Bartolome took 
 them with him, treating- them very kindly, and from 
 Pasaos returned to join Pizarro, doubting- not the joy 
 which that captain would feel, at the intelligence con 
 veyed by the Indians. 
 
 Almost at the same time with himself arrived Al- 
 magro, with recruits from Panama, and with arms, 
 horses, clothing, victuals, and medicines. Fifty sol 
 diers, newly arrived from Castile, had volunteered to 
 follow him. Almagro related the caution with which 
 he had entered the city, where Pedro de los Rios, the 
 new governor, already commanded ; and although he 
 knew that, in virtue of the diligent representations 
 of the schoolmaster, Lucque, he had been expressly 
 ordered by government to favour and protect the 
 covenant, entered into by the three associates ; yet such 
 was the discredit in which the enterprise was held 
 in Panama, that Almagro found an ill reception, and 
 waited to ascertain the disposition of the governor. 
 The latter, no doubt, felt the loss of so many Casti 
 lians,* yet he continued to assure Hernando de Lucque 
 
 * At this time the schoolmaster was never named but as Her 
 nando the Madman, for the zeal with which he aided the chime 
 rical projects of his two rash associates, and as he was supposed to 
 have supplied the sum, which enabled them to commence their 
 undertaking. 
 
108 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 that he would favour him to the utmost of his power. 
 Almagro, therefore, entered the port of Panama, and 
 the governor went forth to receive him, and do him 
 honour, confirmed the sanctions given by his prede 
 cessor Pedrarias to his companion and himself, and 
 permitted him to enlist men, and to make all neces 
 sary provision. These tidings, united to the reports of 
 the Tumbecino Indians, somewhat raised the depressed 
 spirits of the people ; and the two friends, profiting by 
 the present auspicious crisis, put to sea without delay, 
 following the same course as had been pursued by 
 Bartolome Ruiz. They arrived first at the Isle of 
 Gallo, where they remained, for rest and refreshment, 
 fifteen days, and, continuing their voyage, next entered 
 the Bay of San Mateo, where they resolved to disem 
 bark and establish themselves, until they could gain 
 some authentic information, as to the regions they 
 intended to explore ; and this they hoped to accom 
 plish by means of the Tumbecinos, whom, for this 
 purpose, Pizarro had caused to be taught the Casti- 
 lian language. Besides, the spot where they were, 
 seemed to invite their stay, abounding in maize and 
 nutritive herbs. But the natives, quite as wild and 
 untractable as any they had hitherto met, deprived 
 them of all prospect of being able to maintain them 
 selves there, at least unless they could recruit their 
 numbers. They again began to deliberate what mea 
 sures they should adopt : the majority were for return 
 ing to Panama, and, at some future period, to resume 
 the enterprise with a more efficient force. Almagro 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 109 
 
 rejected the idea, representing- the disgrace of return 
 ing in poverty, and, without having done any thing of 
 moment, to expose themselves to the laughter and 
 mockery of their adversaries, and to the persecution 
 and demands of their creditors. His advice was, to 
 seek some spot abounding in the means of subsistence, 
 there establish themselves, and send the ships to Pa 
 nama for a reinforcement. The tone in which Alma- 
 gro supported his opinion, was perhaps less moderate 
 and circumspect than suited with circumstances, for 
 Pizarro, either yielding to a sentiment of weakness, 
 which never, either previously or in his after life, seem 
 ed to belong to his character, or impelled by an impa 
 tience of temper, which cannot be excused, exclaimed 
 with bitterness, that he wondered not at such being 
 the opinion of a man who, accustomed to go and come 
 to Panama, under pretext of obtaining supplies of 
 men and victuals, knew nothing of the miseries and 
 fatigues, endured for so many months, by those who 
 were left behind in rude and desert regions, without 
 sufficient strength to assist each other. Almagro 
 replied, that he was willing to remain, and that Pizarro 
 should go to Panama, if such was his inclination. The 
 minds of these associates being irritated to a pitch, 
 which placed them beyond the control of reason, they 
 passed from personalities to threats, and at length 
 seized their weapons, with hostile designs against each 
 other. They were persuaded to lay them aside by the 
 mediation of the pilot Ruiz, the treasurer Ribera, and 
 other officers of consideration, who witnessed the 
 
110 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 scene, and who succeeded in appeasing and allaying 
 this unfortunate dispute, and in inducing them to 
 embrace as friends. Happy had it been if, in that 
 embrace, the door had been closed for ever against 
 those unhappy and cruel resentments, which after 
 wards so fatally exploded ! 
 
 Peace being thus re-established, Pizarro cheerfully 
 offered to remain with the people, while Almagro, as 
 formerly, should sail to Panama for succours. They 
 first, however, reconnoitred all the stations conti 
 guous to the bay in which they were, and, undeceived 
 in their hope that they might find among them a 
 convenient resting place, they retraced their way to 
 the Isle of Gallo, a place much more suitable to their 
 purpose. Almagro then made sail for Panama, and 
 Pizarro, with eighty-five men, all that remained of so 
 large a force, took his course to the island, and soon 
 after sent the remaining vessel to be repaired at Pa 
 nama, and to return with Almagro. 
 
 These plans and dispositions of the two chiefs great 
 ly embittered the minds of the soldiers, who, not se 
 cretly, but when assembled, and openly, broke out into 
 loud murmurs against their hardness and inhumanity. 
 " Is it not enough," said they, " that we have been 
 duped and flattered through so many months, through 
 famine, sickness, our bodies swollen, and our lives 
 sacrificed ! Have we not searched this cruel coast, inch 
 by inch, without finding a spot upon it whence we 
 were not repulsed with loss and disgrace ? What dan 
 gers, worthy the Spanish name, have we faced ? What 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. Ill 
 
 riches have we found to correspond with the magni 
 ficent hopes, which allured us hither ? The little gold 
 we have now and then gathered by plunder has been 
 ostentatiously sent to Panama, as an incentive to tempt 
 more victims to destruction, while we continue wan 
 dering among these mangroves, with no better aliment 
 than the insipid fruit of these melancholy trees, or the 
 unwholesome roots of the earth, under a sky pouring 
 down perpetual rains, naked, famished, perishing, drag 
 ging on a painful life, mortally tortured by musquittoes, 
 pierced by the arrows of the Indians, or devoured by 
 the alligators. We were in number eighty men when 
 we first quitted Panama, and now, after our many re 
 inforcements, only eighty-five remain. Such a mor 
 tality ought to have sufficed them, without persisting 
 in sacrificing our miserable remnant to their inhuman 
 obstinacy and their insensate hopes. The rich land 
 which they persevere in seeking, seems to retreat in 
 proportion as we advance, and the Continent of Ame 
 rica defends itself against them, with more rigour and 
 resolution on this side, than it did even against the 
 firm and valiant bands of Ojeda and Nicuesa. So much 
 time lost, so many fruitless attempts, so many hard 
 ships, so many disasters, ought at last to convince 
 them that the enterprise is impossible, or that it is at 
 least madness to expect to accomplish it, by means so 
 inadequate." 
 
 It was not easy to reply to these gloomy expres 
 sions of discouragement, and still less to silence them. 
 The chiefs, apprehensive that the accounts despatched 
 
112 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 to Panama would become daily more unfavourable, to 
 the utter discredit of the undertaking-, agreed, that 
 Almagro should intercept all the letters conveyed by 
 the ships ; but this abuse of confidence produced then, 
 as it must ever do, much indignation and small fruit. 
 Necessity, more subtle than even suspicion, knew how 
 to open itself, in despite of the two captains, a channel 
 for the tidings wished to be conveyed. They wrote 
 a full memorial, stating- the disasters already experi 
 enced ; the many Castilians whose lives had been sa 
 crificed ; the oppression and captivity under which the 
 remainder groaned ; and concluding with the most 
 vehement and pathetic supplication, that they might 
 be sent for, and delivered from the fate which threat 
 ened them. This memorial was concealed in the centre 
 of an immense ball of cotton, sent by a soldier, on 
 pretence of having it woven into a cloak, and it arrived 
 at Panama with Almagro. It was concerted that the 
 ball of cotton should fall into the hands of the gover 
 nor s wife, who, in her examination of it, discovered 
 the writing ; and the governor, convinced by its con 
 tents of the misery to which the men were reduced, 
 resolved to send for them, and, as the past could not 
 be remedied, to prevent at least the continuance of 
 such evils. He was fortified in this resolution, by find 
 ing the allegations of the memorial confirmed by the 
 accounts of some of those who had accompanied Al 
 magro, and which were widely at variance with the 
 views of their captain. In spite of the entreaties, re 
 proaches, and even menaces, employed by the two as- 
 6 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 113 
 
 sociates in the enterprise, the governor was not to be 
 moved from his purpose, but gave the commission to 
 one Juan Tafur, his dependent, and a native of Cor 
 dova, to proceed with two vessels to collect those un 
 happy men, and return with them to Panama. 
 
 They, meanwhile, remained in the Isle of Gallo, a 
 prey to the same miseries as ever, except such as were 
 caused by the hostilities of the natives ; for the Indians, 
 to avoid them, had abandoned the island, and assem 
 bled on the terra firma. When the two vessels arri 
 ved, and Tafur exhibited the order of the governor, 
 such was the joy of the soldiers, that they embraced 
 each other as if rescued from death to life, and blessed 
 Pedro de los Rios as their father and liberator. Pi- 
 zarro was now alone discontented. His two associates 
 wrote, enjoining him, at all hazards, to stand firm, and 
 on no account to throw obloquy on the expedition by 
 returning to Panama, assuring him that he should 
 immediately receive succours of men and arms. Be 
 holding the tumultuous conduct of the soldiers, and 
 their manifest determination to abandon the enter 
 prise, he thus addressed them : " Return, then, to 
 Panama, ye who are so desirous to seek the labours, 
 indigence, and contempt, which there will be your 
 portion. I lament that ye should thus cast away the 
 fruits of an heroic struggle, at the very moment when 
 the land, announced to us by the Indians of Tumbez, 
 awaits your appearance to load you with wealth and 
 glory. Go, then, but never say that your captain was 
 H 
 
114 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 not the first man who confronted all your perils and 
 hardships, ever watchful of your safety, at the expense 
 of his own." 
 
 Nor were they to be persuaded by this mode of 
 reasoning. Pizarro then unsheathed his sword, and 
 drew a deep line on the soil, from east to west, and 
 pointing- southward as his course, " This way," said 
 he, " leads to Peru, and to wealth ; the other to Pa 
 nama, and to poverty ! Let those who are g-ood Cas- 
 tilians make their choice." 
 
 Having- said which, he passed the line, being- fol 
 lowed only by thirteen* of his people. This was a 
 magnanimous action, and rendered, by the accompa 
 nying- circumstances, peculiarly striking-. The names 
 of all these valiant Spaniards are preserved by history, 
 but among-st the most memorable of them for talent 
 and services, stand the pilot Bartolome Ruiz, one 
 Pedro de Candia, a Greek by nation, and a native of 
 the island from which he derived his name, and who 
 was destined to become more conspicuous in ensuing- 
 events, and Pedro Alcon, who in a short time lost his 
 senses, and exhibited absurdities which, in the proper 
 place, will be related. 
 
 With the remaining- many, Tafur returned to Pa 
 nama, refusing- to leave with Pizarro one of the ships, 
 though he most earnestly implored it ; scarcely con- 
 
 * Their names were Bartolome Ruiz, Christoval de Peralto, 
 Pedro de Candia, Domingo de Soria Luce, Nicolas de Ribera, 
 Francisco de Cuellar, Alonzo de Molina, Pedro Alcon, Garcia de 
 Xeres, Antonio de Carrion, Alonzo Briceuo Martin de Paz, and 
 Jdtn de la Torse. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 115 
 
 senting that he should retain with him the Indians of 
 Tumbez, and, for his sole provision, leaving him a 
 small portion of maize. Seeing- himself left with so 
 few people, he resolved to abandon the Isle of Gallo, 
 where the natives might return and exterminate them, 
 passing- over to another island, situated six leagnes from 
 the coast, and at three degrees from the line, and 
 which, not being inhabited, was unattended by the 
 same danger. 
 
 This one advantage was all that could weigh against 
 the other inconveniences of this infernal abode. To 
 this place they gave the name of Gorgona, from the 
 many swamps, rivers, and torrents of water, which 
 foamed through the island. There never did they see 
 the sun, the rain was unceasing ; the precipitous moun 
 tains, the impenetrable woods, the intemperance of the 
 heavens, and the hostility of the earth, formed an ag 
 gregate so savage and horrible, as rendered it only 
 proper as the retreat of desperation. They construct 
 ed barracks for their shelter, they built a canoe for 
 fishing in the open sea, and with the fish which they 
 caught, and the game they killed, contrived to sustain 
 themselves laboriously during the whole period they 
 were awaiting succour, which was five months. Pi- 
 zarro was, as usual, the principal provider; yet, with 
 all his diligence and all his strength, he could not suc 
 ceed in repelling the infirmities necessarily contracted 
 in that insalubrious climate, nor the discouragement 
 which attended them ; since, however the hearts of 
 these men might appear to be moulded of iron, they 
 
116 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 were, nevertheless, hearts of flesh. Day after day 
 passed, and still no succour ! The distant breakers of 
 the sea, the floating- clouds in the horizon, every ob 
 ject \vas mistaken for the vessel they expected. Hope, 
 so often deceived, was converted into impatience, and 
 at length became desperation. Already they talked 
 of building- a raft, which might float them along- the 
 coast to Panama, when they descried the expected 
 ship, whose sails at first, though evident to their eyes, 
 were scarcely recognised by their minds, so disheart 
 ened were they by long- and repeated disappointment. 
 It approached at last, and when all doubt was dissi 
 pated, they abandoned themselves to all the gladness 
 inspired by the certainty of relief, and to the satisfac 
 tion of feeling that they should not lose the fruit of 
 such long suffering. 
 
 But the succour was by no means so ample as they 
 expected and merited. The vessel contained only the 
 mariners necessary for working her ; and brought back 
 Bartolome Ruiz, whom Pizarro had sent with Tafur 
 to support, with his reputation and experience, the 
 arguments which filled his letters to the governor and 
 his associates ; but his reasoning and pleading were 
 less powerful with the former, than the pathetic com 
 plaints of the soldiery, which induced all the men 
 whom Almagro had enlisted to disband. The gover 
 nor, grieving for the loss of so many Castilians, and 
 provoked by the tenacity of the discoverer, threatened 
 to abandon him to his evil destiny, but, conquered at 
 length by the entreaties of the two associates, he per- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 117 
 
 mitted the vessel to go out, with an intimation, how 
 ever, as precise as severe, that Pizarro must return 
 within six months, to give an account of his disco 
 veries. 
 
 Having heard these particulars, Pizarro at once re 
 solved on taking the step best suited to his situation ; 
 and, leaving on the island two of his companions, whose 
 sickness and infirmities prevented them from following- 
 him, he, with all the labouring Indians belonging to 
 him, with the eleven remaining Spaniards, and with 
 the Indians of Tumbez, embarked on board the ship, 
 and followed the same course as the pilot Ruiz had 
 formerly taken. In twenty days they descried and 
 reconnoitred the island, afterwards called Santa Clara, 
 lying between Puna and Tumbez. It was a desert 
 spot, consecrated, however, to the religion of the coun 
 try, where was an idol temple, containing many trin 
 kets of gold and silver, representing hands and feet, 
 resembling our ex voto offerings on miraculous altars, 
 and presenting an encouraging symptom of the indus 
 try and wealth of the country, which the adventurers 
 were seeking. On the following day, still pursuing 
 their course of navigation, they met some rafts con 
 veying Indians dressed in shirts and mantles, and arm 
 ed in their usual manner. They were Tumbecinos, 
 and going to make war on those of Puna. Pizarro 
 compelled them all to join him, assuring them he 
 meant them no ill, and only required them to accom 
 pany him to Tumbez. In the midst of the wonder 
 and admiration which these mutual strangers excited 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 in each other, the business of reconnoitring- the coast 
 was continued ; being low and flat, and without man 
 groves or musquittoes, it appeared to the Castilians a 
 land of promise, in comparison with those they had 
 hitherto seen. The vessel at length anchored on the 
 coast of Tumbez, and Pizarro gave the Indians from 
 the rafts liberty to go on shore, the Spanish captain 
 enjoining them to tell their chiefs, that, in visiting 
 their country, he intended not to molest any one, but, 
 on the contrary, to show himself the friend of all. 
 
 A multitude of Indians lined the shore, contem 
 plating in utter astonishment the approach of this un 
 known machine, and beholding with increased sur 
 prise, their own countrymen descending from its sides, 
 and leaping on the rafts. Their wonder and curio- 
 sity arrived at its climax, when those Indians landed, 
 and, directing their course to the Curaca of the vil 
 lage, this being the appellation of their Caciques, gave 
 him an account of all they had seen among the stran 
 gers, and of what had been related to them by the 
 Indian interpreters, whom they brought with them. 
 A desire for farther acquaintance with the strangers 
 being thus excited, all the provisions that could be 
 immediately collected were sent off, on ten or twelve 
 rafts, to the ship. It happened that there was among 
 them one of those noble Peruvians, to whom, from 
 the deformity of their ears, and the ornaments they 
 wore in them, the Spaniards gave the name of Ore- 
 jones (long eared.) He requested to be of the party, 
 proposing to make minute observations on the conduct 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 119 
 
 and habits of the strangers, and report the result to 
 the king of the country. Pizarro, who received the 
 present, and those who brought it, with the utmost 
 affability and courtesy, could not but admire the com 
 posure and good sense of the Orejon, and the acute- 
 ness and intelligence indicated by the questions he 
 asked. He replied, by giving the Peruvian some no 
 tion of the object of his voyage, of the greatness and 
 power of the sovereigns of Castile, and of the essen 
 tial points of the Catholic religion. All was listened 
 to with surprised attention by the Peruvian, who, 
 entertained by the novelties which he saw and heard, 
 remained on board from morning till evening. He 
 dined with the Castilians, praised their wines, which 
 seemed to him better than those of his own country, 
 and, on his departure, Pizarro presented him with 
 some beads, three chalcedonies, and, what was infi 
 nitely more valued, an iron axe. To the Curaca he 
 sent two pigs, male and female, with four hens and a 
 cock. Thus amicably they took leave, and the Orejon 
 entreated Pizarro to send some Castilians with him, 
 that the Curaca might see them; and the captain 
 permitted Alonzo de Molina and a negro to accom 
 pany him. 
 
 On their arrival at the village, the astonishment of 
 the Indians exceeded all bounds, when they beheld 
 with their own eyes what they had been told by the 
 navigators of the rafts. They were breathless with 
 surprise ; the novelty of the animals, the shrill and 
 arrogant crowing of the cock, and the two men, both 
 
120 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 so different from themselves, yet so dissimilar to each 
 other, all was wonderful. Some, when the cock 
 crowed, enquired what it demanded ; others wanted to 
 wash the negro, and try to remove the colour which 
 stained him ; some felt the beard of Alonzo de Molina, 
 and removed part of his clothes, to examine the white 
 ness of his skin. Men, women, and children crowded 
 around them, and were more especially delighted with 
 the gestures, laughter, and grimaces of the negro, 
 while Molina replied to their questions, as well as he 
 could, by signs ; the women pressed on him their 
 caresses and civilities, and even gave him to under 
 stand, that if he would remain with them, they would 
 give him a pretty girl for his wife. But if the aspect 
 of the strangers filled the Indians with wonder, what 
 Molina beheld produced on him hardly less effect. To 
 eyes accustomed for so many months only to rude 
 sierras, mangroves, eternal swamps, naked and fero 
 cious savages, and miserable huts, as much joy as 
 amazement would naturally be excited by the sight 
 of a village well ordered, and governed by some spe 
 cies of police, of men clothed, of habitations regularly 
 constructed, a temple, a fortress, and at a distance 
 cultivated fields, canals, flocks of sheep, and abun 
 dance of gold and silver, in ornaments and utensils. 
 
 On returning to the vessel, Molina related what 
 he had seen with so much enthusiasm, that Pizarro, 
 not venturing implicitly to believe him, despatched 
 Pedro de Candia to the land, for farther information. 
 Candia possessed more ability and knowledge of the 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 121 
 
 world than Molina : he was tall, athletic, of a happy 
 disposition, and the resplendent armour in which he 
 sallied forth on his mission, and which reflected the 
 rays of the sun, rendered him in the eyes of the simple 
 Peruvians an object of high respect and veneration, 
 and as one highly favoured by his tutelar deity. He 
 bore on his shoulders a gun,* which they were indu 
 ced, by the accounts of the Indians of the rafts, to 
 request him to fire. He did so, pointing at a piece 
 of wood which happened to be near, and which he 
 pierced through, while some of the Indians dropped 
 to the ground, from terror at the explosion, and 
 others, by loud shouts, expressed the mixture of alarm 
 and amazement they felt. Flattered and caressed as 
 affectionately as Molina, though with somewhat less 
 of surprise, he examined the fortress and visited the 
 temple, on invitation of the virgins who served it. 
 They were called Mamaconas, being consecrated to 
 the sun ; and their occupation, after fulfilling the cere 
 monies of worship, was the weaving of excessively 
 fine wool. The caresses and affectionate expressions 
 of those artless and innocent creatures, were infinitely 
 less interesting to the curious stranger, than the plates 
 of gold and silver which covered alternately the walls 
 of the interior of the temple, and offered so vast a 
 
 * " The Cacique borrowed the gun, when discharged, from 
 Pedro de Candia, and poured several vases of wine into its barrel, 
 saying, Drink, since thou hast made so much noise, and art like 
 the thunder of heaven. " HERRERA, book x. decade ni. chap. 5. 
 p. 285 Translator s Note. 
 
122 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 prize to his avarice and that of his companions. Dis 
 missed at length by the Curaca, and receiving a quan 
 tity of different provisions, among which were a sheep 
 and a lamb * of the country, they returned to the ves 
 sel, where they related what they had seen, with ex 
 pressions more energetic and magnificent than those 
 of Alonzo de Molina. 
 
 Then the Spanish captain doubted no longer of the 
 grandeur and opulence of the land, which presented 
 itself before him, and he thought in bitterness of the 
 companions who had abandoned him, and whose deser 
 tion deprived him of the power to undertake any thing 
 of consequence. Doubtless, in recompense of the 
 hospitality he had received, he lamented that his dimi 
 nutive force did not allow him to seize the village, to 
 intrench himself in the fortress, or to plunder the 
 inhabitants and their temple of the so much coveted 
 riches. His good fortune for the time rescued him 
 from the temptations of that evil thought. The divi 
 sions in the empire of the Incas had not then com 
 menced. Huayria Capac still lived, and the combined 
 strength of that great state, directed by a prince as 
 able as determined, would quickly have exterminated 
 that handful of adventurers, or would, at least, effec 
 tually have deprived them of the means of destroying 
 the monarchy so much at pleasure as they afterwards 
 did. 
 
 * Two lamas. These animals are described by Herrera as small 
 camels. Translator s Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 123 
 
 The information obtained in Tumbez did not entirely 
 satisfy the desire of Pizarro, who resolved on proceed 
 ing, and making- farther discoveries. His great anxiety 
 was to obtain additional traces of Chincha, a city of 
 which the Indians related wonders. He then held his 
 cours along 1 the coast, touched at and reconnoitred 
 the coast of Payta, since so celebrated ; that of Tan- 
 garala, the point de la Aguja, the port of Santa Cruz, 
 the land of Colaque, where the cities of San Miguel 
 and Truxilla were afterwards built ; and, lastly, the 
 port of Santa, in 9 of austral latitude. Having 
 navigated and reconnoitred more than 200 leagues of 
 coast, his companions entreated him to return to 
 Panama, since the object of their long toils and suf 
 ferings was at length accomplished, in the certain dis 
 covery of a country of such magnitude and wealth. 
 Pizarro was of the same opinion ; the prow of the 
 vessel was turned westward, to retrace the same course 
 as had brought them out. 
 
 As they came and as they returned, the Indians, 
 stimulated by report, hastened from all quarters to 
 meet them, manifesting no less their innocence and 
 confidence than their curiosity. They admired the 
 wonders of the ship in which they sailed, its figure, 
 management, &c., and were struck with the immense 
 advantages in strength and industry, which these stran 
 gers possessed over them. To use the words of the 
 candid Herrera " They then judged of them by what 
 they had seen of them in Tumbez ; and the liberality, 
 welcome, feasting, and rejoicing, with which they 
 
124 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 treated the Spaniards, were a consequence of the idea 
 they held of their humanity and courtesy." 
 
 An Indian faithfully brought them a silver jar and 
 a sword which they had mislaid ; and these generous 
 people presented them with whatever seemed agreeable 
 or necessary to them mantles and collars of beads, 
 provisions, &c. Gold, indeed, they did not give them, 
 for the Castilians, in obedience to the judicious orders 
 of their captain, neither asked for nor received it, nor 
 expressed any wish for it. Seeing the amicable dis 
 position of the natives, and the abundance of the soil, 
 Alonzo de Molina, and a mariner called Gines, re 
 quested leave to remain ; which was granted by Pizarro, 
 who strongly recommended them to the Indians, lay 
 ing much stress on this act of confidence. Molina 
 remained in Tumbez, and Gines at another point some 
 what farther off. Already had Bocanegro, another 
 mariner, escaped from the vessel to the coast of Co- 
 laque, to profit by the kindness of the people, and the 
 advantages of the country ; nor had the efforts of the 
 captain been of any avail in inducing him to return. 
 In short, as if to augment still farther the ties between 
 them, Pizarro requested the Indians to give him some 
 youths, to be instructed in the Castilian language, and 
 to serve as interpreters, when he should revisit them. 
 They gave him two, both of whom were baptized ; and 
 the one was called Don Martin, and the other Felipillo, 
 sufficiently celebrated afterwards for the part attributed 
 to them, in the death of the Inca Atahualpa. 
 
 Yet, whatever conferences they held with the In- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 125 
 
 dians, and whatever of flattering kindness they recei 
 ved from them, nothing equalled in elegance and cour 
 tesy, nor exceeded in interest, the mode in which an 
 Indian chieftainess contrived to receive and entertain 
 them, in a port near Santa Cruz. She was anxious to 
 see and confer with those strangers, whom fame had 
 depicted to her as so wonderful, so valiant, and so 
 gentle. Pizarro, though apprised of her anxiety, and 
 of her good-will towards him, had not, in the first 
 instance, been able to gratify it, but promised to visit 
 her on his return ; and now, that he was on his home 
 ward voyage, he prepared to accomplish his word, and 
 the rather as Alonzo de Molina, who happened to 
 remain there for the whole of that time, had been 
 treated by that lady with such unbounded kindness 
 and attention, as he was never weaiy of describing. 
 He showed them the point where they should meet 
 the natives ; and no sooner had the vessel reached it 
 than it was surrounded by numerous rafts, bearing 
 five head of cattle and other supplies from Capillana, 
 which was the name of the Indian lady. She sent to 
 signify, that, " in order to give more confidence to the 
 strangers, she would first confide herself to the cap 
 tain, and pay him a visit in his ship, and would leave 
 with, him sufficient pledges for his security on shore, 
 as long as he might choose to stay." Pizarro, to cor 
 respond with this delicate attention, commanded the 
 treasurer, Nicolas de Rivera, Pedro Alcon, and other 
 Spaniards, to go immediately to land, with his saluta 
 tions. 
 
126 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 She received them with an urbanity consonant with 
 her original demonstrations. She invited them to be 
 seated, and made them dine with her, being- herself 
 their cup-bearer, and observing- that such was the mode 
 of treating- g-uests in her country. She next express 
 ed her intention of proceeding- immediately to the ves 
 sel, to entreat the captain to come on shore, since he 
 must be weary of the sea. They replied she would be 
 heartily welcomed ; and she set out without farther 
 delay. On her arrival on board the ship, Pizarro re 
 ceived her with all courtesy and respect, and made her 
 such presents as his means and situation could furnish, 
 while the Castilians vied with each other in showing 
 their good breeding towards the amiable Capillana. 
 She, in conclusion, observed, that she, as a female, 
 having been bold enough to enter the ship, the cap 
 tain, being a man, might trust himself on land, and 
 for his farther security she would leave on board five 
 of her principal Indians. Pizarro replied, that having 
 sent so many of his people before him, and having 
 reserved to himself so small a company, he had not 
 hitherto done so, but that now, having experienced 
 her confidence and favour, he would very willingly go 
 on shore, and that no pledges for his security were 
 necessary. The Indian then returned to her house, 
 there to prepare the solemnity, with which these much 
 honoured guests were to be received. 
 
 Already, at break of day, the ship was surrounded 
 by more than fifty rafts, waiting to convoy the captain. 
 In one of them came twelve principal Indians, who, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 127 
 
 on arriving- on board, said they should remain there as 
 security for the Spaniards, in which they persisted, in 
 spite of Pizarro s pressing entreaty that they would 
 return with him. He landed at length on the beach, 
 followed by his companions ; and Capillana, attended 
 by a very numerous, yet well ordered, train of people, 
 bearing in their hands green branches and spikes of 
 maize, came to meet them. They led them into an 
 extensive bower, where, at the upper end, seats were 
 placed for the guests, and others for the Indians at 
 some little distance ; the banquet followed, composed 
 of all the viands the country produced, variously dress 
 ed. The dance succeeded the banquet, and was per 
 formed by the Indians, male and female, whilst the 
 admiration of the Spaniards increased every moment, 
 on finding themselves amongst a people so civilized 
 and amiable. Pizarro now took his turn, and, by means 
 of his interpreters, expressed his gratitude for the 
 honour he had received, and his sense of the obligation 
 it laid him under ; and, in demonstration thereof, he 
 began to explain to them the falsehood of the religion 
 they followed, the inhumanity and barbarity of their 
 sacrifices, the nullity and absurdity of their gods ; to 
 set forth to them some of the fundamental principles 
 of Christianity, in which he promised, that on his re 
 turn, they should be instructed by persons he would 
 bring with him for that purpose. And he concluded 
 by intimating, that it was necessary they should obey 
 the King of Castile, a most powerful Christian mo 
 narch, and by exhorting them to raise, in token of 
 
128 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 obedience, the banner he put into their hands. Judging 
 according to our present ideas, the time was not par 
 ticularly apropos for this strange proposal. The In 
 dians showed better breeding, for, without disputing 
 on a preference of religion or king, they took the ban 
 ner, and, to oblige their guest, raised it thrice, though 
 they did it as a jest, not believing it in any way com 
 promised them, and well convinced there was no king 
 in the world so powerful as Huayna Capac. 
 
 The Spaniards, thus caressed and honoured, return 
 ed to their vessel ; when Pedro Alcon, seeing that all 
 was prepared for departure, implored Pizarro to let 
 him remain on shore. Alcon was one of those men, 
 who hold their own persons in a sort of adoration, and 
 who carried his mania in the adornment of his to such 
 excess, as to have incurred for him the ridicule of his 
 companions, who said he more resembled a gallant cap 
 tain of Italy, than a weather-beaten discoverer among 
 the mangroves. When he was first sent on land by 
 Pizarro, to salute the Indian lady, he thought it a good 
 opportunity for shining ; he arrayed himself in his vel 
 vet doublet, black breeches, a gold net upon his head, 
 with his cap ornamented by a medallion, and on each 
 side, his sword and dagger. Thus attired, he went 
 forth strutting like a peacock, and expecting to asto 
 nish the whole country by his figure. The presence 
 of Capillana completed the turning of his brain, for, 
 whether he was enchanted by her condescension, or 
 that her courteous dignity captivated his fancy, it is 
 certain that he no sooner beheld her, than he began to 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 129 
 
 sigh and ogle, and send forth symptoms of admiration, 
 as improper as they were absurd. She did not seem 
 to perceive or understand them, yet Alcon, having 
 marked her for his conquest, and not choosing to have 
 his flattering hopes destroyed, resolved to remain on 
 land. This, Pizarro inflexibly denied, conscious of his 
 want of discretion ; and Alcon, seeing his air-built 
 castle likely to fall to the ground, became suddenly 
 deranged, and began with loud and violent shouts to 
 insult his companions, and to endeavour to wound 
 them with a broken sword, which he chanced to have 
 in his hand ; and although the cause of his insanity 
 was love, that passion did not form the subject of his 
 ravings ; he called his companions " villainous usurp 
 ers of the land, which belonged to him and the king 
 his brother ;" from which it was plain, that ideas of 
 ambition had fermented in his brain, with those of love 
 and gallantry. To put an end to his insults and vio 
 lence, he was at length confined by a chain, and placed 
 under the deck, where he was no longer dangerous 
 or troublesome to his companions. We do not know 
 whether, in future, he was cured of his frenzy, but it 
 is likely, as we see him comprehended in the favours 
 and honours granted to the noble few, who remained 
 at Gorgona. But for this unlucky incident, all would 
 have been prosperous in this auspicious voyage. Pi 
 zarro, already impatient for its termination, did not 
 wish to linger on the coast after he left Tumbez, and 
 he directed his course to Gorgona, where he took up 
 i 
 
]30 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 one of the soldiers whom he had left behind, the other 
 having 1 died ; and, with him and the Indians who ac 
 companied him, sailed for Panama ; he entered that 
 port, after having- left it more than a year, having re 
 connoitred 200 leag-ues of coast, discovered a great 
 and rich empire, the conqueror of the elements, and 
 the astonishment of mankind. 
 
 The three associates, undoubtedly, embraced in Pa 
 nama, with all the transport excited by the magnifi 
 cent prospect of glory and riches now open to them ; 
 yet, though the discovery of the new regions was ac 
 complished, their conquest was still to be realized, an 
 achievement still more arduous and costly. They 
 were without funds, and their men were few. The 
 governor, Pedro de los Rios, resolutely refused them 
 both ; in Pedrarias they either could not, or wished 
 not, to confide, and to depend on more distant agency, 
 in an undertaking so important, was obviously to ha 
 zard the inconveniences which, in fact, they eventu 
 ally experienced. They finally agreed to apply at 
 court, to relate what had been done, to entreat com 
 petent title and authority for accomplishing, on their 
 own account, what they had begun. Their next dif 
 ficulty was, who should undertake this charge. Pi- 
 zarro, either desirous of an interval of repose, or want 
 ing sufficient confidence in himself for court negotia 
 tions, was not willing to perform the mission. Lucque, 
 being acquainted with the character of his two com 
 panions, required that either the office should be per 
 formed by a third, or undertaken at once by both of 
 
FRANCISCO P1ZARRO. 131 
 
 them. Almagro,* more frank and unsuspecting-, de 
 clared that no one ought to go but Pizarro ; that it 
 would be a shame if he, whose noble spirit had en 
 dured so long- throug-h unheard-of privations and dan- 
 g-ers, should now shrink from going to Castile to ask 
 of the king that government which he had earned. 
 That he who had visited and explored these unknown 
 regions, best knew how to describe and converse re 
 garding them, and was best fitted to dispose the minds 
 of others to grant the favour he went to solicit. Rea 
 son was evidently on the side of this disinterested opi 
 nion. Pizarro -j* yielded at length, and Lucque consent 
 ed likewise, at the same time predicting what after 
 wards happened, in these prophetic words : " Please 
 God, my sons, you do not one steal the blessing from 
 the other, as Jacob did from Esau ! I cannot but 
 wish that you had agreed to go both together." 
 
 It was, in conclusion, determined that the drift of 
 
 * Thus does Robertson describe these two men ; " Almagro had 
 as little to boast of his descent as Pizarro. But like his companion 
 in the camp, he yielded not to him in any of the soldierly qualities 
 of intrepidity, valour, indefatigable activity, or insurmountable con 
 stancy, in enduring the hardships inseparable from military service 
 in the New World. But in Almagro, these virtues were accompa 
 nied with the openness, generosity, and candour, natural to men 
 whose profession is arms ; in Pizarro they were united with the 
 address, the craft, the dissimulation of a politician, with the art of 
 concealing his own purposes, and with sagacity to penetrate those 
 of other men." 
 
 f Pizarro had probably only feigned reluctance, the better to 
 stifle any suspicions which might arise in the minds of his asso 
 ciates. Translator s Note. 
 
132 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the negotiation was to obtain the government of the 
 new region for Pizarro, the captaincy for Almagro, the 
 bishopric for Lucque, the post of Alguacilazgo mayor 
 (chief judge) for Bartolome Ruiz, and various other 
 charges and rewards for the other brave men who had 
 remained on the Island of Gorgona ; and, having with 
 much difficulty collected fifteen hundred pesos (ounces) 
 of gold for this expedition, Pizarro took leave of his 
 two associates, promising to negotiate faithfully in 
 their favour ; and taking with him Pedro de Candia, 
 and some Indians dressed in the habit of their country, 
 with specimens of gold, silver, and Indian manufac 
 tures, he embarked at Nombre de Dios in 1528 
 
 Scarcely had he touched land, when he was arrested 
 at the suit of the Bachelor Enciso, in virtue of an old 
 sentence he had gained against the first inhabitants of 
 the Darien, for debts and arrears. Such was the re 
 ception his country gave the man, who brought her 
 such magnificent hopes ; and he who was destined 
 shortly to eclipse in pomp and power the most exalted 
 of his time, was shamefully imprisoned as a vagabond, 
 and an embargo laid on all the effects he had brought 
 with him. It is true his incarceration did not last 
 long, for government, aware of his projects and dis 
 coveries, ordered that he should instantly be released, 
 and his money restored, so that he might present 
 himself in Toledo, where the court was at that period. 
 
 His appearance and discretion on this new theatre 
 did not falsify the fame which preceded him. He was 
 
FRANCISCO PIZAIUIO. 133 
 
 tall, athletic, of fine proportions, and of a good coun 
 tenance ; and although, according to Oviedo, he was 
 generally taciturn, and little disposed to converse, his 
 language was occasionally magnificent, and he had the 
 gift of imparting deep interest to whatever he related. 
 Such was the man who now presented himself before 
 the emperor, and, in describing all he had suffered 
 during those cruel years, when, for the extension of 
 the Christian faith, and the augmentation of the 
 Spanish monarchy, he had striven against desertion, 
 famine, and all the persecutions of heaven and earth, 
 combined against him, he expressed himself with an 
 eloquence so natural and persuasive, that Charles was 
 much affected, and receiving his memorials, with his 
 characteristic grace and benignity, commanded that 
 they should be laid before the Council of the Indies, 
 that the favours might be granted, and the proper do 
 cuments despatched. A more opportune occasion 
 could not have presented itself; Charles Vth, favoured 
 by victory and fortune, saw himself on the pinnacle 
 of glory. France humbled by the rout of her army at 
 Pavia, and the imprisonment of her king ; having, by 
 his severe treatment of Rome, placed Italy at his 
 disposal ; the arbitrator, in short, of Europe, and on the 
 eve of departure for Bologna, there to receive from 
 the hands of the Pope the imperial crown ; and as if all 
 these were too little, two Spaniards at his feet, the one 
 having just conquered for him a grand and wealthy 
 empire, and the other offering him a similar gift, not 
 less vast and opulent. 
 
134 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 In short, Hernan Cortes and Pizarro met on this 
 occasion ; their acquaintance had commenced at St 
 Domingo, and it is said they were friends. Cortes 
 came to contradict, by his presence, the doubts thrown 
 iipon his fidelity, and certain it is, that if any such 
 really existed, they fled like shadows before the mag 
 nificence, gallantry, and intelligence, displayed by 
 Cortes on this auspicious occasion. The brilliant 
 honours he received from the emperor and court, 
 might well serve as a noble and powerful stimulus to 
 Pizarro, to animate him to deeds of equal grandeur. 
 The money with which the conqueror of Mexico is 
 said to have then aided the discoverer of Peru, was 
 perhaps even less useful than his wise and skilful coun 
 sels. Useful also as a lesson was the ingratitude then 
 experienced by Cortes, to whom, notwithstanding the 
 honours and rewards lavished upon him, was not con 
 fided the political command of a kingdom, in the con 
 quest of which he had presented an example of valour 
 and talents, as sublime as extraordinary. Pizarro was 
 present when his own contract was framed, constitu 
 ting him Pacificator of the regions he had discovered, 
 and, in which, he refused to admit of a superior or 
 even of an equal. 
 
 The ambition hitherto dormant or suspended in his 
 soul, was now roused into action, with a violence which 
 impelled him to break through all the ties of honour, 
 friendship, and gratitude. Not only did he cause himself 
 to be named for life Governor and Captain-General of 
 200 leagues of coast in New Castile, the appellation 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 135 
 
 then given to Peru, but he claimed for himself the title 
 of Adelantado or Captain, and that of Alguacilazgo, 
 mayor or Chief Judge of that district ; dignities, which, 
 according to his compact, he was bound to procure, the 
 one for Almagro, and the other for Bartolome Ruiz. 
 The government of the fortress of Tumbez, succes 
 sion to the government in case of Pizarro s demise, 
 letters of nobility, and the legitimation of a natural 
 son, were honours and rewards insufficient to remove 
 from the mind of Almagro a sense of the immense 
 distance and superiority, to which, in relation to him 
 self, his comrade had raised himself. Bartolome Ruiz 
 might naturally be more easily appeased with the title 
 of First Pilot of the South Sea, and that of Chief 
 Notary of the City of Tumbez for his son, when he 
 should be of age to fill the post, since these were a 
 more suitable recompense of his merits and services. 
 Pedro de Candia was made Captain of the Artillery, 
 which was to serve in the expedition ; and of the fa 
 mous band of Gorgona, all who were not previously 
 gentlemen were now declared such, and those who 
 already held that quality were made Knights of the 
 Golden Spur. Fernan de Lucque alone had reason to 
 remain satisfied with his share, and with the good faith 
 of his associate. Happily for him, the ecclesiastical titles 
 and dignities to which he aspired, in no way clashed 
 with the pre-eminence and prerogatives of the new 
 governor, and to this circumstance he obviously owed 
 his election to the bishopric, about to be established in 
 Tumbez, and being named, in the interval of the bulls 
 
136 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 being prepared in Rome, Protector-General of the 
 Indies in that region, with an annual stipend of one 
 thousand ducats. 
 
 Pizarro likewise obtained for himself the habit of 
 the order of St Jago, and, not content with his family 
 arms, required new emblazonments with the symbols of 
 his discoveries. The black eagle, embracing two columns, 
 which was the device of the emperor; the city of 
 Tumbez, walled and turreted, with a lion and tiger at 
 its gates ; and in the distance, on one side, the sea, 
 with the rafts there used, and on the other, flocks of 
 sheep and other animals of the country. Such was 
 the new blazonry added to the arms of the Pizarros. 
 The border had a scroll, thus inscribed : Caroli Cce- 
 saris auspicio, et labore, ingenio, ac impensd Duds 
 Pizarro, inventa et pacata. One is offended by the 
 pride, and revolted by the ingratitude, exhibited in this 
 legend ; yet is there something imposing in the chival- 
 ric vaunt, so truly Spanish, with which Pizarro con 
 siders that which he was only about to undertake as 
 already achieved, and a country as conquered and sub 
 jugated, which he had only just discovered. He had, 
 by his compact with government, obliged himself to 
 quit Spain for his expedition at the end of six months, 
 and when arrived at Panama, to begin his voyage for 
 the newly discovered land, after an equal interval. It 
 would have been desirable for him to have been allowed 
 time, to profit by the means he possessed, but he was 
 anxious that his success should as quickly as possible 
 be made known in the Indies, lest any advantage 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 137 
 
 should be taken of his absence ; and therefore, as soon 
 as he had collected a few people, he sent on before 
 him about twenty men, who arrived, towards the end 
 of the same year, at Nombre de Dios, and this dili 
 gence was most fortunate, for Pedrarias was preparing 
 at Nicaragua to resent having been separated from the 
 company, into which he had been at first admitted, and 
 had resolved, with new associates, to take the enter 
 prise upon himself; nor was it without infinite diffi 
 culty, that Nicolas de Rivera andBartolome Ruiz found 
 means to escape his fury ; they had been sent in a ship 
 to Nicaragua by Almagro, for the purpose of publish 
 ing the wonders of Peru, and of exciting the minds of 
 men to join the expedition immediately on the arrival 
 of Pizarro. 
 
 He meanwhile remained in Seville, employed in 
 preparing for his voyage. He had, in the interim,- 
 visited Truxillo, in the intention, no doubt, of em 
 bracing his parents, and of proving the satisfaction, so 
 natural to mankind, of exhibiting themselves in splen 
 dour and prosperity in the native home, where the 
 humility of their origin had caused them formerly to 
 be despised. His family, who had probably never 
 spared him a thought, during the long interval which 
 had elapsed since his departure, would unquestionably 
 then receive him with the caresses and respect, due to 
 one who was become the honour and boast of them all. 
 Four brothers, three by the father s side, and one by 
 his mother, prepared to follow him, and share his la 
 bours and fortunes. With them he returned to Seville, 
 
138 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 and with them, as soon as he found the preparations 
 for his expedition sufficiently advanced, he embarked 
 with the five ships which composed his armament. 
 
 He still wanted much to enable him to fulfil his 
 promises to government ; his means were so limited, 
 and the enterprise in such discredit, in spite of his 
 magnificent hopes, that he had not been able to com 
 plete the levy of 150 men, whom he was to have ta 
 ken with him from Spain. The appointed term drew 
 nigh ; already the council of the Indies, jealous of his 
 failure in the stipulated complement, or perhaps insti 
 gated by some enemy of Pizarro, talked of examining 
 whether the vessels prepared for departure were pro 
 vided with such men and stores, as the contract re 
 quired. An order was despatched for examining the 
 vessels, and for their detention in case of failure. Pi 
 zarro, apprehending this, and anxious to escape delay, 
 set sail in his own vessel, in spite of contrary winds, 
 leaving the charge of the remaining squadron to -his 
 brother Hernando Pizarro, and Pedro de Candia, warn 
 ing them, in case they should be examined, and taxed 
 with the number of men being incomplete, that they 
 should say the remainder had sailed with Pizarro. 
 Thus he who, on leaving India, had been seized and 
 imprisoned for debt in Seville, was now, for want of 
 means to incur the expenses to which he had pledged 
 himself, obliged to quit Spain like a wretched fugitive. 
 The vessels were visited, and Hernando Pizarro, 
 Pedro de Candia, and others, were judicially question 
 ed as to the priests who accompanied the expedition, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 139 
 
 and on some other points, which, being- answered to 
 the satisfaction of the inspectors, permission to sail 
 was granted, and the remaining vessels followed the 
 course of their captain, who awaited them at Gomera. 
 There united, they prosperously continued their na 
 vigation to Santa Marta, where Pizarro allowed some 
 refreshment to his people, which did not prevent some 
 of them from disbanding, utterly disheartened by the 
 melancholy accounts they received of the regions whi 
 ther they were bound. He hastily quitted the place 
 as an enemy s land, and sailed to Nombre de Dios, 
 where he disembarked at last with only 125 soldiers. 
 At the news of his arrival, his two companions 
 came, impatient to receive him, and the meeting be 
 tween them was worthy of their ancient friendship, 
 and the ties which united them. Not that Almagro 
 forbore to express his discontent when alone with 
 Pizarro, " It was certainly strange," he said, " that 
 when all had been equal, he should find himself ex 
 cluded from the favour of the court, and confined to 
 the government of Tumbez, a reward, in fact, little 
 proportioned to the ancient friendship which had ex 
 isted between them, to the faith which had been sworn, 
 to the toils he had suffered, and to the property he had 
 wasted on the undertaking ; and, what was still more 
 grievous, for a man so anxious to be honoured by his 
 king, was the slight he received in the eyes of the 
 world, in being thus robbed of his just hopes, and 
 treated with an indifference bordering upon contempt." 
 Pizarro, on the other hand, asserted that he had done 
 
140 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 him ample justice ; that the government could only 
 be given to one ; that he himself had done no small 
 service in opening the negotiation, since all, in future, 
 would come easily to them : Peru was large enough 
 for both ; and, finally, that as it was his intention that 
 both should command as one, they should lay aside 
 their suspicions, and remain satisfied. 
 
 Such an explanation, in truth, was very insufficient, 
 yet the simple and pacific temper of Almagro would 
 probably have smoothed all difficulties, if Pizarro had 
 not brought his four brothers with him. How could 
 it be presumed, after what had passed, that the gover 
 nor would postpone their interests, for those of his old 
 friend ? Nor, even supposing this, how, in the mean 
 time, was the pride and arrogance of these new men, 
 who thought every thing below their pretensions, to 
 be restrained ? It must not be denied, that to the intre 
 pidity and merit they afterwards evinced, many of the 
 great things performed in the course of the conquest 
 were attributable ; yet, it is no less certain, that to 
 their pride, to their ambition, and to their turbulent 
 passions, may be principally ascribed the civil wars 
 which subsequently broke out, and that appalling 
 whirlpool of disasters, scandals, and crimes, which de 
 voured the whole of them. 
 
 Three of these men were, as we have already said, 
 brothers by the father, Hernando being legitimate, 
 and Juan and Gonzalo, the other two, born, as was 
 the governor, out of wedlock ; Francisco Martin de 
 Alcantara, the fourth, was his mother s brother. Of 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 141 
 
 these, the most distinguished and the most influential 
 was Hernando, not so much from any superiority 
 derived from his legitimacy and primogeniture, as 
 from certain great and opposite qualities, which met in 
 his person ; he was in countenance disagreeable, but 
 of a fine and noble person, his manner was urbane and 
 elegant, his conversation pleasing, his valour equal to 
 all hazard, his activity indefatigable ; whatever sudden 
 event might happen, however unforeseen, he saw, 
 with the glance of an eagle, how it might be met, and 
 with equal rapidity put his thought in execution. In 
 Spain no courtier was more flexible, artful, and lavish ; 
 in America, no Spaniard was more haughty and ambi 
 tious. He looked upon the court merely as the instru 
 ment of his views ; he considered men solely as a me 
 dium of his interests, or as the victims of his resent 
 ments. He was temperate and humane towards the 
 Indians, but odious and terrible to the Castilians. He 
 was crafty, dissembling, and false ; uncertain in his 
 friendships ; implacable in his vengeance. His con 
 spicuous qualities eclipsed those of his brother the 
 governor, to whose elevation and dignity he would 
 have sacrificed every other object, and he appeared in 
 America as an evil genius, destined to vitiate the great 
 enterprise, by the venom of his malice, and the impe 
 tuosity of his passions. 
 
 It was impossible, that a man, thus constituted, 
 should consent to depend on Almagro, whose face, 
 naturally plain, was much disfigured by the loss of an 
 eye, who was mean in person, whose language was 
 
14)2 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 rustic and simple, and who was greedy of honours, in 
 proportion as he considered them unfairly withheld ; 
 in short, he rather invited the contempt, than the 
 esteem, of those who regarded only his exterior ; and 
 only in that light, did the new comers, Hernando 
 Pizarro and his brothers, look upon him, especially 
 when they experienced the poor allowance he allotted 
 them, and found him reduced to necessity, by the 
 great expenses he had incurred. The inward con 
 tempt of their hearts soon betrayed itself in their 
 manners, and even in their language. Almagro, at 
 length provoked by their behaviour, became daily 
 more cold and indifferent, as one who will no longer 
 exert himself for the ungrateful ; and this mutual dis 
 position was farther envenomed, by the rumours, sus 
 picions, and suggestions, daily carried between them by 
 friends, enemies, and partisans. The feelings of both 
 parties had at length arrived at such a height, that 
 Almagro began to contemplate bringing into the com 
 pany two additional individuals, to support him against 
 the Pizarros ; and the governor began to treat with 
 Hernando Ponce and Hernando de Soto, rich inhabi 
 tants of Leon in Nicaragua, who, being proprietors of 
 two vessels, and being soldiers experienced in Indian 
 affairs, would aid him with their persons and property, 
 so as abundantly to supply the defection of Diego de 
 Almagro. 
 
 Meanwhile, the discontents, which seemed ripe for 
 explosion, were at last appeased by the warnings and 
 remonstrances of Hernando de Lucque and the Licen- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 143 
 
 tiate Espinosa. The latter was, at this period, in 
 Panama, and, besides being the friend of each, held, as 
 it afterwards appeared, a more considerable interest in 
 the undertaking-, than even Hernando de Lucque ; each 
 employed his mediation, and the differences were ad 
 justed, by an agreement, whose principal conditions 
 were, that Pizarro should bind himself, neither to ask, 
 for himself, or his brothers, any favour of the king, 
 until a government was conferred on Almagro, which 
 should commence from the confines of his, and that 
 all the effects, in gold, silver, jewels, slaves, in short, 
 whatsoever goods were acquired by the conquest, 
 should be divided into equal shares among the three 
 original associates. 
 
 The minds of the adventurers being somewhat con 
 ciliated by this arrangement, the preparations advanced 
 with more activity, and the first step towards the ex 
 pedition could now be taken. Almagro remained, as 
 at first, in Panama, to complete the necessary provi 
 sion and ammunition, and to receive the people who 
 should be drawn, by the fame of the conquest, from 
 Nicaragua, or other quarters ; but Pizarro set sail, 
 with three small vessels, well victualled and provided 
 with warlike stores, and conveying under his orders 
 183 men. With this miserable armament, more fit 
 for a pirate than a conqueror, he went forth to attack 
 the largest and most civilized empire of the New 
 World. There was, undeniably, in this undertaking, 
 much perseverance, prodigious valour, and, at times, 
 no small proof of skill and capacity ; yet, must it be 
 
144 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 confessed, that fortune was more powerful than all 
 these ; for, had they acquired more exact statements 
 of the extent and force of the country, it is not to be 
 believed that they would have proceeded on the 
 adventure, with means so inadequate. But the Spa 
 niards of that day informed themselves of the riches 
 of a country, and not of its means of resistance. This, 
 to their impetuosity, was of no importance. Thither 
 they went, and, if fortune frowned, there they perish 
 ed, or, if she was auspicious, crowned themselves with 
 power and riches. In the one case, heroes, in the 
 other, madmen. 
 
 The nrsj^aojnt at which the expedition landed, was 
 the Bay of San Malaga there it was determined that 
 the major part of the men and horses should pursue 
 their way along the shore, while the vessels continued 
 coasting-, so as to keep nearly in sight of each other. 
 They conquered, with accustomed perseverance, the 
 obstacles which met them in that part of the country, 
 from the rivers and beds of sedges which they had per 
 petually to cross ; and arrived at length in the village 
 of Coaque, surrounded by mountains, and situated 
 near the Line. The Indians beheld them without 
 jealousy, as conscious of meriting no harm from those 
 strangers ; but the march was already become com 
 pletely hostile, the village was forcibly entered, and 
 the houses and inhabitants plundered of whatever 
 could be found. The terrified Indians dispersed among 
 their rocks and valleys. They discovered the Cacique 
 concealed in his own house ; and on being led before 
 5 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 145 
 
 the captain, he said, he should not have ventured to 
 present himself, lest they should kill him, seeing how 
 much ag-ainst his will, and the will of his people, the 
 Spaniards had entered his village. Pizarro encouraged 
 him, saying he had no design to injure him, and that 
 had he come out in peace to receive him, nothing 
 would have been taken. He admonished him to recall 
 his people to the place, and they shortly after return 
 ed, in obedience to their Cacique s command, and sup 
 plied the Castilians, for a time, with necessaries ; but, 
 observing with what little regard they were treated, 
 they once more dispersed and disappeared, without its 
 being possible to collect or allure them again. 
 
 The booty was considerable, since of pieces of gold 
 and silver alone, they amassed as much as 20,000 
 ounces, without counting the quantity of emeralds,* 
 which amounted to a treasure. They made a heap of 
 the whole, deducted the king s fifth, and then divided 
 the rest in due proportion. The rule invariably ob 
 served in these sallies of plunder, was, that each one 
 brought in his individual spoil, to add to the mass 
 which was to be distributed, and it behoved them to 
 
 * " Many of these emeralds were, it is said, injured by being 
 tried with a hammer to distinguish them from other green stones 
 which much resembled them. This had been done by advice 
 of Reginaldo de Pedraza, a Dominican, who, with other friars of 
 his order, accompanied the expedition, and who had assured the 
 people that a genuine emerald was harder than steel. The soldiers 
 in their murmurs did not spare the friar, but alleged that under 
 this pretence he had procured for himself several of these precious 
 stones." Herrera, Decade 4th, book 7th, chap. 9th. 
 K 
 
146 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 be punctual, for an infraction of the rule was punished 
 by death, and the vigilant avarice which guarded the 
 whole, would not have pardoned the abstraction of a 
 small part. 
 
 The two vessels sailed from thence, one for Nica 
 ragua, the two others for Panama, to exhibit the 
 pieces of gold, and other rich and valuable property, 
 and by their means to stimulate others to join the 
 expedition. Pizarro related his good fortune to his 
 friends, and entreated them to send out men and 
 horses in the vessels ; he, meanwhile, remained to 
 await their arrival, in that land of Coaque, where the 
 Spaniards again experienced all the miseries and trials 
 of their anterior peregrinations. This seemed nature s 
 last effort against them in defence of Peru, and it was 
 most rigorous and grievous. They had arrived in 
 health, but very soon some were swollen, some crip 
 pled, others dead. And as if this scourge were insuf 
 ficient, the greater part of them were attacked by a 
 disease, as painful as it was horrible, which covered 
 their bodies and faces with large white pustules, which 
 at once tortured and disfigured them, and for which 
 they were ignorant of any means of cure ; those who 
 cut or punctured them, bled violently, and, in some 
 instances, even to death ; the others endured this pest, 
 with what patience they could command ; it was com 
 municated from one to another, and, in each new 
 case, seemed to increase in malignity. In the vete 
 rans all their ancient miseries and sufferings seemed 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 147 
 
 now renewed ; while the men from Nicaragua, recall 
 ed, with tears, the delights of the country they had 
 left, and cursed the hour, in which, led by such 
 treacherous hopes, they had rashly quitted it. Pizarro 
 soothed them as well as he could, but time passed on, 
 the vessels came not, and the people, disheartened 
 and despairing, entreated with cries and groans to be 
 conveyed to some less adverse region. 
 
 At the end of seven months a vessel appeared, 
 bringing them necessaries and refreshments. In it 
 arrived Alonzo de Riquelme, treasurer of the expedi 
 tion, and the other royal officers who were not able 
 to embark with Pizarro from Seville, from the haste 
 and caution with which he began his voyage, but ha 
 ving at length arrived in the Indies, they came with 
 some volunteers to join him. Cheered by this suc 
 cour, and still more by the hope held out by Almagro, 
 of his being assisted shortly by a large reinforcement, 
 he determined to pass on, and by Pasao, the Carraccas, 
 and other adjacent places inhabited by the Indians, 
 reach at length Puerto Viejo, where, fronting the Isle 
 of Puna, and near to Tumbez, they might consider 
 themselves at the gates of Peru. In some places they 
 were received peaceably, either from fear of their 
 arms, or from a hope of getting rid easily of such 
 troublesome guests ; in others, they encountered hos 
 tilities, which always ended in the destruction or in 
 jury of the natives, for the obstacles placed by them 
 in the way of these audacious strangers, had little 
 effect in checking their progress ; far more arduous 
 
148 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 were those opposed to them by nature, and these they 
 had already conquered. 
 
 The confidence of Pizarro was considerably increased 
 by the arrival of thirty volunteers from Nicaragua, and 
 among- them Sebastian de Belalcazar, one of the cap 
 tains afterwards most signalized in Peru. Some of 
 them, wearied already by their voyage, proposed set 
 tling in Puerto Viejo, but the governor had different 
 views ; his design was to pass to the Isle of Puna and 
 pacify it, either amicably or by force, and from thence 
 proceed to Tumbez, and if that people should resist 
 him, to subdue them by the aid of the islanders, for 
 the ancient animosity still subsisted between these 
 people ; and upon it the conqueror founded his plan, 
 which, in spite of the reasons which induced him to 
 adopt it, had not the result he expected ; since, after 
 all, it did not obviate the inconvenience and danger of 
 having them both at once for his enemies, and having 
 two wars upon his hands instead of one. 
 
 The warfare with the islanders might have been 
 avoided, by somewhat more of confidence on the part 
 of the Spaniards, but their suspicions had been awaken 
 ed too effectually by the former reports made by the 
 interpreters to Pizarro, respecting the good faith of 
 the inhabitants of Puna. The Castilians were con 
 veyed to Puna on rafts, supplied by the Indians, under 
 the security of Tomala, the principal Cacique, who 
 came to Terra Firma to dissipate the doubts of Pizarro, 
 as to his good intentions, and the Spaniards were ca 
 ressed, regaled, and amused by every species of friendly 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 149 
 
 demonstration. Nothing-, however, was adequate to 
 remove suspicion from minds so prejudiced, that they 
 regarded these tokens of benevolence as mere treach 
 eries, by which the Indians were compassing their 
 destruction. Were these doubts just, or were they 
 not ? The decision is difficult, since we can only refer 
 to the relation of the conquerors, partial, of necessity, 
 and who would naturally so state the case, as to justify 
 their own proceeding s ; and in this affair there are 
 many motives for doubt, since the interpreters, who 
 so much envenomed the Castilians, were Tumbecinos, 
 the natural enemies of the islanders, and consequently 
 inclined to procure them all possible evil, at the hands 
 of these powerful visitors. However it might be, 
 Pizarro being one day informed that the principal 
 Cacique held an interview with sixteen others, and 
 jealous lest the security of the Spaniards should be 
 compromised in this conference, he sent to have them 
 all secured, and on their being dragged into his pre 
 sence, he bitterly reviled them, for the bad faith they 
 kept with him. In conclusion, he commanded that, 
 with reservation of Tomala, the rest should be given 
 up to the Tumbecinos, who had accompanied him to 
 the island, under the shield and protection of the Casti 
 lians. No sooner did they see their victims in their 
 power, than they threw themselves upon them like 
 wild beasts, cutting off their heads from behind, as a 
 butcher slaughters oxen. 
 
 The men of Puna seeing themselves thus massacred 
 by the strangers, and sacrificed to their natural ene- 
 
150 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 mies, their chief taken, and their Caciques beheaded, 
 ran to arms, and, to the number of 500, attacked the 
 Spaniards, not only in the camp which they had 
 formed, but even in the ships, which, being- forsaken, 
 appeared more easy to assail ; but they quickly learned 
 the difference between the Spanish weapons and their 
 own, and the comparative powers of Spanish and In 
 dian warriors. What could those half-naked wretches 
 do with their missile weapons, made from the palm, 
 against bodies of iron, and swords of steel, against 
 the violent charge of horses, and the noise and de 
 struction of guns ? They, nevertheless, maintained 
 their courage, although repulsed on all sides with loss, 
 and returned frequently to the attack with fresh fury, 
 dispersing, in the intervals, to shelter themselves in the 
 marshes, and among the mangroves of the country. 
 This war, if such it may be called, lasted several days ; 
 but the Spaniards, excepting the trifling spoil picked 
 up in the first encounters, gained only anxiety, fatigue, 
 and occasionally wounds. Pizarro knew the disadvan 
 tage of all this, and therefore caused Tomala to be 
 brought before him, and told him, that he might already 
 perceive the evil his Indians had drawn upon them 
 selves, by their perfidy and double dealing; that it 
 was his business as their chief to restrain them, and 
 he now exhorted him to command them to lay down 
 their arms, and return peaceably to their dwellings ; 
 when this command should be obeyed, the Castilians 
 would desist from warfare. The Indian replied, that 
 he had given no motive for their conduct, that which 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 151 
 
 bad been imputed to him being- false. That it was 
 certainly very grievous for him to see his territory 
 trampled on by his enemies, and his people massacred; 
 nevertheless, to oblige him, he would issue the com 
 mand he desired, and cause the Indians to lay down 
 their arms ; which he did repeatedly, but his people 
 would not obey him, and, with furious cries, declared 
 they would never keep peace with men, who had dealt 
 so ill by them. 
 
 In this state of things arrived Hernando de Soto, 
 from Nicaragua, with two ships, conveying some re 
 cruits of horse and foot. This captain was considered, 
 from that period, as the second person in the army, 
 although Hernando Pizarro already occupied the post 
 of Lieutenant-General, which had been offered to Soto, 
 in the conferences formerly held in Panama. Soto 
 dissembled his sense of this indignity, with the tem 
 perance and presence of mind that characterised him, 
 and his address, capacity, and valour, conspicuous on 
 every occasion of importance, quickly won for him the 
 distingnished place, which he ever possessed in the es 
 teem of both Indians and Spaniards. The succours 
 he brought with him seemed sufficient to Pizarro for 
 greater undertakings, with the more reason, as the 
 Spaniards were already heartily tired of their fruitless 
 war, many of them still suffering from the contagious 
 disorder already described, and all eager to see them 
 selves established elsewhere ; these considerations de 
 termined him on quitting the Island, and passing- to 
 the Terra Firma. 
 
152 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 If the war made by the people of Puna might be 
 more than excused, that of Tumbez, on the contrary, 
 could not have been foreseen. To appearance, all con 
 curred to render any breach on the part of that people 
 improbable ; the treaty established between them and 
 the Spaniards, on the first visit of the latter, the fa 
 vourable opinion they then conceived of their guests, 
 the good reception they gave those who had joined 
 them, all these considerations were favourable to 
 peace. They had accompanied the Spaniards to Puna, 
 they had been permitted to trample and desolate the 
 land of their enemies at their pleasure, they had been 
 indulged in the ferocious satisfaction of slaughtering 
 their Caciques ; and 600 captives reserved at Puna, 
 destined partly for sacrifice, and partly for the labours 
 of the field, were set at liberty by Pizarro, as the fruit 
 of his first victory, and sent, with all that appertained 
 to them, to the continent. Such benefits ought to have 
 secured the good-will and friendship of those natives, 
 but undoubtedly they had failed to do so, for the 
 Spaniards were received by the Tumbecinos with all 
 the hollowness and treachery, that the most rancorous 
 foe could have imagined or practised. The Spaniards, 
 on finding themselves assaulted, had reason to feel as 
 much surprise as indignation, and for the loudest ac 
 cusations against those faithless barbarians. But the 
 root of the matter was not in the Indians, but in 
 themselves. When they first came, they were, from 
 their novelty, objects of interest, they were amiable 
 in their actions, courteous in their words, generous in 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 153 
 
 giving, grateful in receiving 1 , indifferent to riches, and 
 strict observers of hospitality. Now, armed and fero 
 cious, ill-treating- the poor Indians, plundering the 
 rich, and exercising- all the rigours of violence, they 
 appeared in the eyes of the Indians, whom the fame of 
 their actions at Coaque had reached, as cruel and per 
 fidious banditti, not only unworthy of their homage 
 and respect, but as deserving to be ensnared by any 
 species of subtlety. In fact, the Spaniards had no right 
 to complain of the Tumbecinos, whom the instinct of 
 their own preservation would of course instigate to 
 rid themselves of such odious aggressors, by any means 
 in their power. 
 
 The passage from the Island to the Terra Firma 
 was performed partly in the vessels, and partly on the 
 rafts, which conveyed the horses and baggage. The 
 rafts arrived first, and the Indians approached the three 
 foremost, courteously aiding their passengers to land, 
 and leading them away, as if to conduct them to their 
 quarters in the town, which they no sooner reached, 
 than they threw themselves upon them, tore out their 
 eyes, hacked off their limbs, and threw them, still pal 
 pitating, into the great pots which were boiling on the 
 fire. The other rafts continued advancing, some with 
 more, some with less caution, and the Indians plun 
 dered them of all the effects they carried, the gover 
 nor s equipage being involved in their spoil. The men 
 who landed, seeing themselves without captain or 
 guide, and thus suddenly assaulted, cried aloud for 
 aid. At these outcries, and the sounds of tumult, 
 
154 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Hernando Pizarro, who, with his horse, had just 
 landed at some little distance, rushed to their succour ; 
 his men followed him, and, at the sight of him, the 
 Indians ventured not to maintain their ground, but 
 fled before him, so that the people were enabled to 
 descend in safety from their rafts, and soon after 
 Pizarro arrived with the ships. 
 
 They found the town not only deserted, but com 
 pletely ruined. The war with the people of Puna, 
 newly inflamed by the divisions in the empire, had re 
 duced it to a far different state from that, in which the 
 Spaniards had found it on their first visit. They were 
 greatly disheartened by the appearance of the ruins, 
 and, most of all, those from Nicaragua, on comparing 
 the fatiguing- adventure they were embarked on, and 
 the scene of desolation they beheld, with the delights 
 of their own Paradise, for such was the name given to 
 their beautiful province. An Indian in the meantime 
 appeared, who implored Pizarro not to plunder and 
 destroy his house, one of the few remaining. " I have 
 been," he said, " in Cuzco, am acquainted with war, and 
 doubt not but the land will soon all be yours." The 
 governor immediately commanded that his habitation 
 should be marked by a cross, that it might be respect 
 ed, and pursued his way, listening to what the Indian 
 related of Cuzco, of Vilcas, of Pachacamac, and of 
 other towns of that region ; of the greatness of their 
 king, of the abundance of gold and silver, used not 
 only in the meanest utensils, but in lining the walls of 
 the palaces and temples. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 155 
 
 Pizarro took care that this intelligence should be 
 circulated among- his Castilians, but they had become 
 incredulous, and received it as an invention of their 
 chief, meant to renew their ardour for the enterprise. 
 The same idea had already been awakened in the Isle 
 of Puna, by a paper found in the luggage of an Indian, 
 who had belonged to the marine, Bocanegro, and sup 
 posed to have been written by him, containing these 
 words, " Know you who visit this land, that it con 
 tains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay." 
 The artifice was in truth sufficiently gross, and had no 
 effect but to close the belief and the ears of those on 
 whom it was practised, against the surprising- things 
 which the Indian afterwards related, and which others 
 who followed him repeated. 
 
 Pizarro enquired what had been the fate of the two 
 Spaniards left at Tumbez on his first voyage, and was 
 informed that a little previous to the arrival of his army, 
 both had died, one at Tumbez and the other at Cinto. 
 Of their death there was no doubt, since they never 
 appeared ; but with regard to the scene and circum 
 stances of this misfortune, the accounts varied accord 
 ing- to the views or passions of the relater. Some said 
 they were killed, for their insolent freedoms with the 
 women of the country ; others, that accompanying- the 
 Tumbecinos to battle against the people of Puna, they 
 had fallen by the lances of the Islanders ; and others 
 again, that having been sent for to the presence of 
 Huayna Capac, their conductors, learning on the way 
 the death of that monarch, slew them both. 
 
156 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 In whatever mode this evil had happened, and in 
 spite of the cruelty and perfidy used by the Tumbeci- 
 nos to the Castilians, on their landing- from Puna, 
 Pizarro found it convenient to grant their petition for 
 peace, and to permit them to return, and inhabit their 
 desolate town. He already resolved in his mind the 
 idea of founding- thereabouts a town, where he might 
 leave his sick or wounded soldiers, and as the place 
 was well situated for the entrance of succours from 
 other parts of America, it would likewise be a secure 
 place of refug-e, in case of discomfiture. He resolved, 
 therefore, on pacifying- the neighbourhood, that he 
 mig-ht not leave an enemy at his back. In this object, 
 he not only made peace with the Indians of Tumbez, 
 but went out himself with the bulk of his army to re 
 connoitre the plains, while he sent a portion of his 
 force, under Hernando de Soto, to explore the Sierra. 
 The Indians of the valleys were easily subdued, owing 
 to the report which had reached them of the Castilian 
 power and valour, and still more of the severities used 
 by those strangers towards whomsoever they suspected, 
 with or without reason, of attempting to oppose them. 
 Soto met some resistance from the mountaineers, who 
 despised his people as being few in number, but as soon 
 as they tried their strength against them, they took 
 to flight, and the Castilians followed them, till they 
 discovered part of the royal road, which the Inca, 
 Huayna Capac, had caused to be constructed over 
 those heights. The spoils they acquired by their en 
 counter with the Indians, and the traces of gold and 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 157 
 
 silver they discovered every where, excited the eager 
 ness and the hopes of their companions, when they 
 returned to head-quarters, so that the governor, ob 
 serving- this good disposition, determined to profit by 
 it, and put his plans in execution. 
 
 He proceeded to lay the foundation of the city of 
 San Miguel, in the Valley of Tangarala, at 30 leagues 
 from Tumbez, 25 from the Port of Payta, and 120 
 from Quito : it was the first Spanish town in those 
 regions, and proving unhealthy, was afterwards trans 
 ferred from the original site, to the banks of the river 
 Piura, from whence it took its name. Pizarro re 
 gulated with great exactness, according to the instruc 
 tions he brought with him, the policy and rules of 
 government of this new settlement, furnishing it with 
 wise directions for its preservation and defence, in the 
 midst of so many enemies, and which were suitable to 
 the importance of a place, that was to serve him as a 
 foundation and support, in all his future operations . 
 At the same time he made a division of territory, as 
 had been the custom of the Spaniards in all the other 
 parts of the Indies. In this division Tumbez fell to 
 Hernando de Soto ; either, that the governor thought 
 proper thus to indemnify that officer for the charge of 
 second in command, which he had conferred upon his 
 own brother, or that he took this method of proving 
 his appreciation of Soto s person and services. He, 
 at the same time, divided the gold which had been 
 recently acquired, and, with the king s fifth, the ge 
 neral despatched to Panama the vessels which were 
 
158 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 at Payta, and wrote to his companion Almagro, to 
 come to him as speedily as possible, with whatever 
 force he could collect. Pizarro suspected him of 
 preparing- an armament and enlisting- men, for the 
 purpose of setting- forth, on his own account, as a dis 
 coverer, and entreated him in his letters, hy all of 
 confidence that had formerly existed between them, 
 to forget misunderstanding s, cast aside his doubts, 
 and come immediately to him. Having- thus disposed 
 his affairs, he was still, for a short time, detained by 
 preparing his people. It was also necessary for him to 
 obtain more extensive information, as to the strength, 
 resources, and customs, of the people he had to con 
 tend with ; and he hoped by some delay to give time 
 for the arrival of new reinforcements, essential to the 
 success of his enterprise, considering the inadequate 
 numbers he had with him. But these reinforcements 
 did not arrive, and, not choosing to lose reputation 
 with the Indians by lingering longer, nor the opportu 
 nity offered him by the divisions of the two Incas, he 
 at length moved from the Valley, and with only 167 
 soldiers, of whom 67 were mounted, he took his road 
 over the heights, and marched towards Caxamalca. 
 
 The monarchy, now marked by the Spaniards for 
 destruction, extended from north to south, along that 
 coast of the new continent above 700 leagues ; and 
 its origin, according to the tradition of the Indians, 
 ascended to an epoch of about four centuries. That 
 country had been, time immemorial, inhabited by scat 
 tered, rude, and savage tribes, whose civilisation ori- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 159 
 
 ginated from the austral regions, among 1 the people 
 who inhabited the vicinity of the great lake of Titicaca, 
 in the district of Callao. These Indians were probably 
 more warlike, active, and intelligent than their neigh 
 bours ; and as there is scarcely any people, who do not, 
 either from pride or superstition, trace themselves to a 
 heavenly origin, so did the Peruvians relate, that there 
 once suddenly appeared among- them a man and woman, 
 whose aspect, dress, and language, inspired them with 
 wonder and veneration. He called himself Manco 
 Capac, she Mama Oello, and they proclaimed them 
 selves Children of the Sun, whose worship and adora 
 tion they inculcated ; saying 1 they had been instructed 
 by their father in all the ways of good policy and of 
 virtue, and came, by his order, to teach them upon 
 earth. They assembled around them some of the wan 
 dering adjacent tribes, Manco teaching 1 the men to 
 cultivate the fields, and Oello instructing- the women 
 in the arts of spinning and weaving-, and others proper 
 to the sex. The submission and obedience they thus 
 gained were correspondent to the benefits of which they 
 were the source, and when they found themselves se 
 cure of dominion and influence, they founded a city on 
 a mountainous site, at 80 leagues from the lake. This 
 city was Cuzco, the future seat, and head of the em 
 pire of the Incas. There they built their palace, there 
 they raised a temple to the Sun, there they worshipped 
 him with the most imposing pomp and solemnity, and 
 caused his laws to be administered with additional 
 strictness and majesty. The kingdom remained in 
 
160 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the line of their descendants, who were ever regarded 
 as the pure race of the Sun ; the princes marrying 
 their sisters, and the offspring of these unions being- 
 alone eligible to the throne. 
 
 From Manco to Huayna Capac they counted a suc 
 cession of twelve princes, who, partly by persuasion, 
 and partly by arms, extended their religion, dominion, 
 and laws, through the immense region which runs 
 from Chili to the Equator, gaining or subduing all 
 the people they encountered, either in the mountains 
 of the Cordilleras, or on the plains of the coast. The 
 Inca, who most extended the empire, was Topa Yupan- 
 gui, who carried his conquests southward as far as 
 Chili, and on the north to Quito ; although, according 
 to most authors, it was not he who conquered the 
 latter province, but his son Huayna Capac, the most 
 powerful, wealthy, and able of all the Peruvian princes. 
 He defeated by his valour the designs of his rivals, 
 who, on the death of his father, would have disputed 
 the empire with him ; he suppressed and appeased the 
 rebellion in some of the provinces, subdued others to 
 his dominion, personally visited all, to secure the 
 maintenance of good order, gave wise laws, corrected 
 abuses in the habits of his people, and surrounded his 
 throne with a degree of greatness and splendour un 
 known till his time, and he was more entirely the ob 
 ject of the veneration and respect of his subjects, than 
 any of the monarchs his ancestors. In his reign were 
 established, or greatly perfected, three grand mediums 
 of communication, necessary to provinces so distant 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 161 
 
 and various, the use of a general dialect, the esta 
 blishment of posts for the prompt conveyance of in 
 telligence, and lastly, the two great roads which extend 
 from Cuzco to Quito, a distance of more than 500 
 leagues. Of these two roads, one passes over the 
 sierras, the other crosses the plains, and both were 
 provided, at proper and convenient distances, with 
 lodgings or quarters, which were called Tambos, 
 where the monarch, his court and army, even though 
 amounting to 20 or 30,000 men, might find rest and 
 refreshment, and even renew, if necessary, their arms 
 and apparel. These were works truly royal, undertaken 
 and executed by the Peruvians to the glory of their Inca ; 
 but that, which in the beginning was so serviceable, 
 was destined to become, eventually, most prejudicial, 
 by the facility it afforded to the march of the Spaniards, 
 and their operations for the conquest of the country. 
 Huayna Capac died in Quito, leaving the empire to 
 Huascar, his eldest son, born of the Coya or empress, 
 his sister. But, as by his marriage with the daugh 
 ter of the principal Cacique of Quito, he had likewise 
 a son, whom he much cherished, called Atahualpa, a 
 youth of great qualities and equal hopes, he left, as 
 his heritage, the province which had belonged to his 
 maternal ancestors, not foreseeing the sad effects con 
 sequent on such a partition. Some suppose that this 
 dismemberment was not the act of Huayna Capac, 
 but of Atahualpa, who, seeing himself beloved by his 
 father s army, and having by flatteries and promises 
 gained over the two principal generals, Quizquiz and 
 
102 FRANCISCO PIZARRO, 
 
 Chialiquichiama, endeavoured to become, by their 
 means, lord of the country which had belonged to his 
 ancestors. This difference in traditions regarding facts 
 so recent, serves either to prove the Spaniards lack of 
 accurate information, or the influence of their passions 
 over what they related, according as the narrator de 
 sired to exculpate or to criminate the resistance of 
 Atahualpa to the will of his brother ; who, resolutely 
 determined to maintain the integrity of the empire, 
 commanded the army to return to Cuzco, and Atahu 
 alpa, on pain of being treated as an enemy, to hasten 
 to his presence, to pay his due homage, and to restore 
 the wives, jewels, and treasures, of the late Inca. 
 
 The threats which enforced this command, instead 
 of intimidating Atahualpa, only stimulated him to sup 
 port by force his pretensions, or his rights ; and being 
 the first to hoist the standard of civil war, he marched 
 out of Quito with his army, directing his course to the 
 capital; in his progress he took military possession of 
 the provinces, gaining his people over to his party, 
 and augmenting his army as he advanced. He enter 
 tained a hope that his brother, who was younger than 
 himself, and of a milder and more pacific temper, see 
 ing his resolution, and fearing his power, would be in 
 duced to leave him in possession of what he now held, 
 and to confederate with him. But Huascar sent an 
 army to meet him, whose generals, reinforced by the 
 people of some valleys who had deserted from Atahu 
 alpa, gave him battle near the Tambo of Tomebamba, 
 and after three days of obstinate conflict, conquered 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 163 
 
 and made him prisoner. Carried to the Tambo, and 
 there strictly guarded, his spirit did not abandon him. 
 He watched his opportunity to profit by a relaxation 
 in the vigilance of his guard, and while they were ab 
 sorbed in the tumult and drunkenness of victory, he, 
 by means of a bar of copper given him by a woman, 
 broke the wall of his prison, and escaped to his people. 
 In order to inspire them with courage to follow him 
 and return to the combat, he made them believe that 
 the Sun, his father, had liberated him, converting him 
 into a lizard, to enable him to pass through a small 
 hole, and that he promised him the victory if he should 
 renew the combat. This cunning, and still more, his 
 valour and perseverance, aided by his popularity, soon 
 put him in a condition to attack his conquerors, and 
 reverse the fortune of war. He attacked and defeated 
 them, and such was the slaughter on both sides, that 
 long years afterwards, the traveller who passed over 
 the field of battle, could still trace the miserable relics 
 of the multitude who there perished. 
 
 Thus victorious, Atahualpa profited by his advan 
 tage with the acuteness and intrepidity of a superior 
 mind, and no longer allowed any limit to his preten 
 sions or his desires. The borla, or red tuft, the royal 
 insignia of the Incas, with which he adorned his brow- 
 in Tomebamba, announced to the agitated Peruvians 
 how important was the conflict between the brothers, 
 and that, in their hatred, the fate of the whole em 
 pire was compromised. Atahualpa, by his birth, had 
 no right to seat himself on a throne, which was the 
 
164 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 sacred and exclusive inheritance \)f the legitimate sons 
 of the Sun. He, however, supplied the defect of title 
 by his arrogance and audacity, and his words and ac 
 tions were better suited to an offended and irritated 
 sovereign, than to an intriguing usurper. He threw 
 a stain upon his victory and his good fortune, by the 
 acts of severity, or rather of cruelty, which followed 
 him throughout his march ; he laid waste Tomebamba, 
 punished the tribes which had deserted his party, and 
 one of them, that of the Cannaries, against whom he 
 had some additional pique, failed to appease him by 
 every demonstration of humiliation and repentance. 
 He commanded their men to be butchered by thou 
 sands, and their hearts to be strewed upon the fields, 
 saying, " I should like to see what sort of fruit will 
 spring from the hollow hearts of traitors." He now 
 pursued his march to Cuzco, taking up his quarters at 
 Caxamalca, from whence he might observe the motions 
 of his competitor, and attend to the progress and views 
 of the Castilians, whose entrance he was aware of, 
 and who already began to cause him uneasiness. 
 
 It became indispensable for Huascar to assemble a 
 new army, and to go forth in person for the defence 
 of his throne. The forces of the two brothers were 
 then nearly equal, though, neither in experience, qua 
 lity, or confidence, could those of Cuzco compare with 
 those of Quito. Atahualpa sent forward the greater 
 part of his army under the command of his generals, 
 Quizquiz and Chialiquichiama, and these proving more 
 skilful, or more fortunate than the leaders of the enemy, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 1()5 
 
 surprised a detachment, to which, unhappily, Huascar 
 belonged, and made him prisoner. With this misfor 
 tune his troops dispersed and disbanded ; the victors 
 proceeded to occupy the capital, and Atahualpa, ap 
 prised of his success, ordered that his brother should 
 bo brought alive into his presence. 
 
 Meanwhile, Pizarro, at the head of his little squad 
 ron, advanced to meet him. The march was slow, 
 owing- to the difficulties of the road, and the circum 
 spection necessary in passing- through unknown people, 
 whose good-will it was important to gain and secure, 
 as well as their confidence and respect. Thus, though 
 from San Miguel to Caxamajca the journey may be 
 performed in twelve long days, the Spaniards were 
 nearly two months in marching that distance, nor was 
 that extraordinary, considering the obstacles they had 
 to overcome. As they advanced, reports became louder 
 of the strength and valour of the monarch whom they 
 sought. If this intelligence served to stimulate the 
 hopes and ambition of some, it awakened the misgi 
 vings of others, who reflected on their own weakness 
 and deficiency in numbers. Pizarro was ready to meet 
 this disposition, and with a resolution, truly brilliant 
 and characteristic, he informed his soldiers that those 
 of them who wished to return and settle in San Mi 
 guel, had his cheerful permission, and that he would 
 appoint Indians to labour for them, as he had done for 
 those who remained, since he had no desire to retain 
 those who followed him with coolness or fickleness ; 
 confiding more in the valour of the few who adhered 
 
166 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 to him with their whole heart, than in numbers of 
 such as were timid or wavering 1 . Four horse and 
 five infantry were all who availed themselves of this 
 license, which appears, perhaps, to have been dictated 
 by rashness rather than valour, to those who consider 
 the value of every single man, in discoveries and con 
 quests of such a nature, and how difficult it was to 
 supply a vacancy. 
 
 The army being purged of these few cowards, the 
 rest followed the lead of their captain, stoutly and will 
 ingly. Fortunately, they were received peaceably in 
 all the towns ; and if equivocal notices or sinister in 
 terpretations at any time excited their doubts, they 
 were quickly dissipated by the friendly disposition of 
 the Indians, and the hospitality observed towards them. 
 They told Pizarro that, in a town called Caxas, there 
 were some of Atahualpa s warriors awaiting the Cas- 
 tilians. He sent thither a captain with some soldiers 
 to reconnoitre cautiously, and after another day s 
 march, took up his quarters in the town of Zaran, 
 there to await the results of the recognisance. The 
 captain found in Caxas a collector of tribute, who re 
 ceived him frankly and amicably, and gave him much 
 information as to the course taken by the king, and as 
 to his mode of collecting his contributions, with other 
 particulars of the customs of the country. The Spa 
 nish captain, who not only reconnoitred Caxa, but 
 Guacabamba, a town near the former, and much larger, 
 returned full of wonder at the great causeways which 
 crossed that district, the bridges over the rivers, at 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 167 
 
 the canals, and the fortresses he had seen, at the stores 
 of clothing and provision for the army, and, finally, 
 at the manufactory of vestments established at Caxas, 
 where multitudes of women and children spun and 
 wove garments for the army of the Inca. He related 
 likewise, that at the entrance of the town, he had 
 seen some Indians hung up by the feet, in punishment 
 for having behaved improperly with a female, and with 
 the connivance of the porters who kept the gates. 
 This rigorous justice, this authority and power, exer 
 cised by the laws with an obedience so punctual; these 
 preparations for war, made with so much foresight and 
 intelligence; an order and policy so well observed, and 
 so different from any thing they had seen in the re 
 gions through which they had hitherto wandered, gave 
 the Spaniards to understand that the nature of their 
 enterprise was changed, that the people they were now 
 to deal with were well worthy of respect, and that there 
 was something awful in the power of the monarch, 
 towards whose presence they were proceeding. 
 
 At this time an Indian arrived in the army, who 
 said he came from Atahualpa, and brought a present 
 to the Spanish general of two stone drinking vessels, 
 skilfully carved, with a cargo of dried geese, with 
 which, when ground to powder, he should perfume 
 himself, according to the custom of the country. He 
 added, that the Inca charged him to say, that he 
 wished to be in friendship with him, and would await 
 him in peace at Cjijs&male**- The quality and poverty 
 of the present, from a monarch so powerful, might 
 
168 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 have created misgivings in a mind less circumspect 
 than that of Pizarro ; yet he affected to receive it with 
 esteem and satisfaction, telling- the Indian, that he was 
 gratified by such a demonstration of friendship on the 
 part of so great a prince, and charged him to assure 
 his master, that having heard of the war he was 
 engaged in with his enemies, he had hastened with his 
 companions and brethren to serve him, and still more 
 particularly to perform an embassy to him on the part 
 of God s vicar on earth, and of the King of Castile, a 
 great and powerful prince. In conclusion, he com 
 manded that the Indian, and those who accompanied 
 him, should be treated with every flattering mark of 
 attention, adding, that if he chose to remain some 
 days with his army, he would be cordially welcome. 
 But as he desired to return immediately to his lord, 
 he commanded them to give him a linen shirt and a 
 cap, with knives, scissors, and other trifles, from 
 Castile, with which the emissary seemed highly de 
 lighted. The vases, with a quantity of cotton and 
 linen cloths, interwoven with gold or silver, collected 
 in the different towns through which they had passed, 
 were sent by Pizarro to San Miguel, the governor 
 sending at the same time an account of the terms on 
 which he was with the Inca, and charging the Spa 
 niards to preserve peace with the neighbouring Indians 
 at any cost. 
 
 Following his route through several towns, where 
 he was peaceably received, Pizarro reached at length 
 the banks of a noble river, thickly peopled on the 
 
1 
 
 - 
 FRANCISCO PIZAERO. 169 
 
 other side. Fearing- some impediment, he ordered 
 his brother Hernando to swim across with some sol 
 diers, to make a diversion among- the Indians, while 
 he, in the meantime, should pass with the remainder 
 of his people. The inhabitants of the towns took to 
 flight the moment they perceived the Spaniards in the 
 act of crossing- the river ; with difficulty, they over 
 took a few of the natives, whom Hernando Pizarro 
 endeavoured to tranquillize ; but as none of them 
 would answer his interrogatories respecting Atahu- 
 alpa, he caused one of them to be put to the torture, 
 who confessed, that the mind of the Inca being hostile 
 to the Castilians, he was resolved to make an end of 
 them, and was awaiting their approach, having posted 
 his warriors at three points, one at the foot of the 
 sierra, the other on the summit, and the third at 
 Caxamalca. He added, that not only had he heard 
 this, but being himself a man of consequence, he knew 
 it was authentic. The governor, on receiving this in 
 formation, had some trees felled immediately, and 
 passed on three pontoons with his people and artillery, 
 leaving the horse to swim across. He halted in the 
 fortress of one of the towns, and sent to summon a 
 Cacique from the neighbourhood, who came to him, 
 from whom he learned that Atahualpa was stationed 
 a little beyond Caxamalca, at Guamachuco, with up 
 wards of 50,000 warriors. This was the fact, so that 
 the torture inflicted on the Indian was a very super 
 fluous cruelty, as it had only elicited a falsehood. 
 Such various and conflicting intelligence perplexed 
 
170 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the mind of the governor, who, therefore, resolved to 
 possess himself at once of the truth, to which end he 
 employed a confidential Indian to spy out the station, 
 forces, and movements, of Atahualpa ; choosing- for 
 the occasion, a native of San Miguel, who, however, 
 preferred being invested with the more ostensible 
 office of messenger, alleging, that so he might con 
 verse with the Inca, and gain more adequate intelli 
 gence. Pizarro approved his advice, and ordered him 
 to bear his salutations to the Inca, to assure him that 
 he and his men were proceeding on their way with 
 out committing any violence, in the intention of kiss 
 ing his hands, and of fulfilling their embassy, and like 
 wise of assisting him in the war in which lie was en 
 gaged, if he would accept their services. The Indian 
 departed with his credentials, charged at the same 
 time to send back advice by one of the companions he 
 took with him, respecting the warlike preparations he 
 might perceive. 
 
 After three days of easy unimpeded travelling, they 
 reached the sierras, which intervened between them 
 and Caxamalca ; they were rugged and precipitate, 
 and of difficult ascent, almost indeed impracticable,* 
 
 * " Pizarro s declaration of his pacific intentions so far removed 
 all the Inca s fears, that he determined to give him a friendly re- 
 ception. In consequence of this resolution, the Spaniards were 
 allowed to march in tranquillity across the sandy desert between 
 St Michael and Motupe, where the most feeble effort of an enemy, 
 added to the unavoidable distresses which they had suffered in pass 
 ing through that comfortless region, must have proved fatal to 
 them." ROBERTSON, p. 170, book 6th, vol. 2d. Translator s 
 Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 171 
 
 if the pass was defended. To the rig-lit, lay the great 
 road, which led without obstacle or interruption to 
 Chincha, and they were much inclined to take this 
 direction, and abandon the idea of ascending the heights; 
 but the general, firmly convinced that the whole suc 
 cess of his expedition hung upon his holding a con 
 ference, as soon as possible, with the Inca, made them 
 understand, how unsuitable it was to Spaniards to re 
 coil in the face of difficulties, and thereby compromise 
 their reputation. What would the Inca think of them, 
 when he should learn that they had swerved from their 
 road, after announcing that they were marching in a 
 direct course to meet him ? He would say they were 
 afraid. Thus, they should become contemptible, and 
 such contempt would be their ruin, since, if the peo 
 ple were not held in wonder at their valour, and in 
 dread of their daring, it would be impossible to live 
 among them. It was therefore necessary they should 
 cross the mountain, since,, on this occasion, the most 
 arduous course was not only the most glorious, but 
 also the safest. All, with one voice, replied, that 
 wherever he led they would follow, boldly and cheer 
 fully, and accomplish their duty, whereinsoever the 
 occasion required. They were now at the foot of the 
 sierra. Pizarro, with forty horse and sixty infantry, 
 began the ascent, leaving behind the rest of his sol 
 diers with the baggage, charging them to follow his 
 steps leisurely, according to the orders and advices he 
 should give them. It has been said that the ascent 
 was difficult and rugged ; the horses were led, for it 
 
172 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 was impossible for them to pass mounted, and so steep 
 was the path in some places, that they ascended as if 
 by ladders ; a fortress erected on a very sharp rock 
 served as the point of their direction, and they reached 
 it towards noon. It was built of stone, and placed on a 
 foundation of hewn rock, except on the side by which 
 the ascent was effected. They marvelled much, that 
 Atahualpa had left this point forsaken, since a hun 
 dred resolute men might from thence have routed an 
 army, by merely hurling stones upon them; but it 
 was not extraordinary that the Inca, who, according 
 to all appearance, expected them in peace, should not 
 have guarded that precipice, nor obstructed their road. 
 The governor informed his rearguard that they might 
 follow his march in all security, advancing himself in 
 the evening towards another fortress a little farther 
 on, situated on a spot almost entirely abandoned. There 
 he passed the night, but ere the day closed, there ar 
 rived in his presence an Indian, sent by the messenger 
 whom he had despatched to the Inca. He came with 
 advice^ that throughout the road no warriors had been 
 visible, nor any other obstacle ; that he had gone for 
 ward to fulfil his commission, and that he had been 
 given to understand, that on the day following two 
 envoys from Atahualpa would present themselves to 
 the general. Pizarro, on hearing this, not wishing to 
 be found by these ambassadors with so scanty a force, 
 sent to order his rearguard to hasten to join him. 
 Meanwhile, he advanced on his way, till he reached 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 173 
 
 the summit of the sierra, where he directed his tents 
 to be pitched, that he might await his companions. 
 
 They arrived, and shortly afterwards the messen 
 gers of the Inca, who, in their sovereign s name, pre 
 sented the Spanish leader with ten head of cattle, and 
 requested to know the day on which he proposed to 
 arrive at Caxamalca, that he might be supplied on his 
 road with sufficient provisions. To these civilities 
 Pizarro no less courteously replied, that he should go 
 thither with all possible speed. He commanded that 
 the messengers should be caressed and regaled, and 
 questioned respecting the country, and the war which 
 the Inca was maintaining. According to them, the 
 Inca remained in Caxamalca without troops, since his 
 army was employed against Cuzco ; they related at 
 large the differences of the two brothers, and the glo 
 ries of their king, and among them his victory over 
 Iluascar, and the having made him prisoner by means of 
 his captains, who were on their way with their captive, 
 and the great riches he had possessed. To this, as if it 
 had been said with an intention to intimidate him, the 
 Castilian captain arrogantly replied, that the King, his 
 master, numbered among his servants many greater 
 lords than Atahualpa, and captains likewise who had 
 won great battles, and subjected to him many more 
 powerful kings. It was this monarch who had sent 
 him to give the Inca and his vassals notice and know 
 ledge of the true God, and such was the object which 
 led him to seek his presence. That he desired to be 
 his friend, and to serve him in his wars, if it should 
 
174 FRANCISCO P1ZARRO. 
 
 be agreeable to him, and that he was willing- to remain 
 in his dominions, although it had been his purpose to 
 accompany his companions to explore the other sea. 
 In fine, that he desired peace, if peaceably received, 
 but would not refuse war if offered. 
 
 These messengers being despatched, on the follow 
 ing night arrived the Indian who had first sought 
 Pizarro on the part of the Inca, and had presented him 
 with the stone vases ; he now came with more autho 
 rity ; he had a considerable train, who bore vases of 
 gold, in which he drank his wine* to the health of the 
 Castilians, telling them he was come to join them on 
 their progress to Caxamalca. He likewise presented 
 them with ten head of cattle, asked them various ques 
 tions, and conversed as fluently as formerly, exalting 
 to the skies the power of his master. After the In 
 dian had been a few days with the Castilians, the mes 
 senger, who had been despatched by Pizarro, previous 
 to the ascent of the sierra, returned ; and no sooner 
 entered the camp and perceived the other Indian, than 
 he rushed furiously upon him and began to abuse him. 
 The governor separated them immediately, and de 
 manded of the new comer the cause of his audacity. 
 " How can you expect," said he, " that I can, with 
 patience, see you honouring and caressing a wretch, 
 who is here but as a spy and a betrayer, whilst I, your 
 ambassador, have neither seen the Inca, nor had food 
 given me, and have hardly escaped with life, so ill have 
 
 * Chicha. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 175 
 
 I been treated !" He related that he had found Caxa- 
 malca abandoned, and Atahualpa and his army en 
 camped ; that he was not allowed to see the Inca, on 
 pretence that he was fasting, and absorbed in his de 
 votions ; that he had conversed with a relation of the 
 Inca s, to whom he had described the greatness, valour, 
 and power of the Spaniards, but that the Indian had 
 expressed himself contemptuously, as despising- them 
 for their small number. To this the other Indian re 
 plied, that if Caxamalca was deserted, it was for the 
 purpose of leaving the houses at liberty for the ex 
 pected guests, and that, if the Inca was encamped, it 
 was because such was his custom, so long as he was 
 engaged in war. " Thou hast not been able to see 
 him," he added, addressing himself to his adversary, 
 " because he was fasting, and at such a time he never 
 sees nor speaks to any one ; but hadst thou waited, and 
 informed him by whom thou wert sent, he would have 
 received and heard thee, and commanded thee to be 
 taken care of, since there is no doubt that his inten 
 tions are pacific." 
 
 Who was to be believed ? The governor, following 
 the bent of his character, more wary than confiding, 
 inclined rather to credit the friendly Indian, than him 
 who came as a messenger ; he dissembled nevertheless, 
 being a great master in that exercise, reprehended and 
 checked his emissary, and continued his courteous pro 
 ceedings to the other ; and, without farther delay, 
 rapidly pursued his journey towards Caxamalca, from 
 whence he was not far distant. There arrived, at this 
 
176 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 period, fresh messengers from Atahualpa, with provi 
 sions, for which Pizarro expressed much gratitude, 
 and sent by them to solicit the friendship of the Inca, 
 entreating- him to act with good faith, and assuring 
 him, that on his part, there should be no failure in an 
 honourable correspondence. 
 
 A little farther on, they descried Caxamalca, with its 
 well cultivated and abundant fields, its flocks feeding 
 in the intervals, and still more distant, the army of 
 the Inca, encamped on the brow of a mountain, in 
 tents of cotton, and with an accuracy of preparation as 
 yet unknown to the Spaniards. About a league before 
 he reached the city, the governor proclaimed a halt, 
 that he might call in his people, whom he divided into 
 three columns, assigning to each its captain ; and re 
 suming his march, he entered Caxamalca, at the hour 
 of vespers, on the 13th of November 1532. He had, 
 assuredly, small encouragement, when he found the 
 place utterly deserted, except by a few women, who 
 regarded the strangers with melancholy and ill-omened 
 looks, as foreseeing their manifest destruction. Con 
 sequently, Pizarro, after having reconnoitred the town, 
 and examined the different points which offered him 
 the most security, fixed on the square, or Plaza, as 
 the best military station, being entirely surrounded by 
 a wall, of sufficient strength and height, with only two 
 gates, which opened on the streets of the city ; and 
 the houses in the midst of this place, offered him the 
 best possible position for guarding against any sur 
 prise, or defending himself in case of attack from the 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 177 
 
 numerous host of the Inca. If Pizarro, as would seem 
 apparent, had instantly conceived the plan of drawing 
 thither the Inca, to entrap his person, and get him at 
 once, and wholly in his power, it must be confessed 
 that his military talent was as prompt in conception, 
 as his heart was hard and inexorable in execution. 
 
 Seeing- that Caxamalca was deserted, and that there 
 was no sign of the Inca s arrival, he determined on 
 dispatching Hernando de Soto with fifteen horse, and 
 the interpreter Felipillo, with his salutations to the 
 Indian sovereign, and to request him to make such 
 arrangements as he might deem opportune, that he 
 might come in person to kiss his hands, and discharge 
 the commission entrusted to him by his master the 
 King of Castile. Soto departed, and the general, con 
 templating the multitude of Indians by whom the 
 Inca was surrounded, sent after him twenty more horse 
 to support him, under the command of his brother 
 Hernando, who had warned Pizarro of the danger in 
 which Soto s party would be involved, should the pro 
 fessions of Atahualpa prove insincere. Each troop 
 was enjoined to observe the utmost circumspection, 
 and to strictly abstain from molesting or troubling any 
 one on the way. 
 
 Hernando de Soto approached the encampment in 
 sight of the Indians, who beheld with admiration the 
 mixture of fierceness and docility displayed by the 
 steed on which he rode. On his reaching the camp, 
 and being asked who he was, he replied, " that he came 
 on an embassy to the Inca from his friend and servant 
 M 
 
178 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the Governor of the Christians." Then the Inca came 
 forth, nobly accompanied, and exhibiting in his whole 
 appearance much gravity and majesty. He seated 
 himself on a gorgeous throne, and sent to demand of 
 the ambassador what he required. Soto alighted from 
 his horse, and approaching with all reverence and re 
 spect, said, " that his captain, Don Francisco Pizarro, 
 greatly desired to kiss his hands to be admitted to his 
 presence, and to give him an account of the causes which 
 had brought him to that country, with other matters 
 which it behoved his majesty to know ; that his captain 
 had, to this effect, sent him to bear his salutations to the 
 Inca, and to entreat him to sup that night with him in 
 Caxamalca, or to dine with him on the following day ; 
 since, though but a stranger in the land, he should 
 leave nothing undone which might testify his respect 
 and reverence for so great a prince." The Inca re 
 plied, through the medium of a principal Indian who 
 stood by his side, " that he accepted the good-will of 
 the Spanish captain, and that, as it was then late, he 
 would proceed the next day to Caxamalca." Soto 
 offered to be the bearer of any message he would send, 
 and asked if he had any farther orders to commit to 
 him. " I shall go," replied the Inca, " with my army 
 in array, and under arms, but be under no alarm on 
 that account." By this time Hernando Pizarro arri 
 ved, and repeated what had been already said by Her 
 nando de Soto to Atahualpa ; who, being informed that 
 he who spoke was brother to the governor, raised his 
 eyes, which hitherto, for the greater solemnity, had 
 
FRANCISCO PJZARRO. 179 
 
 been cast down, and said, " that Mayzabelica, one of 
 his captains on the river Turicara, had informed him 
 that he had killed three Castilians and a horse, for 
 having" ill treated the neighbouring Caciques. That, 
 nevertheless, he was willing to show himself their 
 friend, and would visit the general on the following 
 day." To this the Spaniard arrogantly replied, " that 
 Mayzabelica lied, since all the Indians of that valley 
 were like women, and that a single horse could sub 
 due the whole band, as the Inca would discover when 
 he should see them combat ;" but added, " that the 
 governor was much his friend, and very desirous to aid 
 him against whoever should make war against him." 
 " Four days from hence," replied the Inca, " are some 
 very brave Indians, against whom you may go to the 
 aid of my people." " The governor," said Hernando, 
 " will send ten horse, and they will be sufficient. Thy 
 Indians will merely be required to hunt the .enemy 
 from their hiding-places." Atahualpa smiled, for ig 
 norant as he was of the arms and strength of the 
 Castilians, he could regard such language merely as a 
 puerile vaunt. 
 
 Meantime arrived some women with vases of gold, 
 containing the chicha, or wine made of maize, and by 
 order of the Inca offered it to the Spaniards, who 
 refused it, from a repugnance to that beverage. How 
 ever, being pressed, and unwilling to appear uncour- 
 teous, they accepted it ; and wishing to repay one 
 civility by another, it being observed that the Inca 
 had never taken his eyes from the horse of Hernando 
 
180 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Soto, that captain leaped upon the saddle, gave him 
 the spur, and began to make him curvet in such a 
 manner, that he was all in a foam. Atahualpa beheld 
 with wonder and attention, but without the least ap 
 pearance of fear or mistrust, even when Soto approach 
 ed him so near, that the breath of his steed shook the 
 threads of the royal borla ; and it is even said, that he 
 reproved and punished some of his people, when, ter 
 rified by the animal, they fled at his approach. At 
 length the ambassadors were despatched, and desired 
 to tell their general, that the Inca would come next 
 day to visit him, and that he and his people might 
 take possession of three of the great apartments which 
 were in the place, leaving for the Inca that in the 
 midst. 
 
 Returned to Caxamalca, they gave an account of 
 their mission, expatiating on the power and influence 
 of the Inca, and the strength of his army, which they 
 calculated amounted to 30,000 warriors. Their re 
 port much intimidated several of the soldiers, who 
 considered that there were 200 Indians for each Cas- 
 tilian ; but their general, less alarmed by this apparent 
 force, than delighted to see the Inca thus throw him 
 self incautiously into his hands, told them not to dread 
 that multitude, who, instead of profiting the Indians, 
 would prove their destruction; and that, if the Spa 
 niards were but the men he had hitherto found them, 
 he would answer to them for a happy victory. 
 
 The following day, Atahualpa having apprised the 
 Spanish general that he was about to pay his pro- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 181 
 
 mised visit, and that, according- to the example of the 
 Castilians, who came armed to his camp, he likewise 
 would bring his people armed, gave the signal for 
 march, and put his army in motion for Caxamalca. He 
 divided his army in three bodies, according to the dif 
 ferent arms borne by each. One, of about 12,000 men, 
 formed the van, some armed with slings and the rest 
 with small copper clubs, armed with acute points ; 
 another of about 5000 followed, who bore long spears 
 called aillos, each prepared with a running noose, with 
 which they were accustomed to entrap or entangle 
 either men or wild beasts. A body of lancers were 
 the last, or rear-guard, and with them came the bag 
 gage Indians, and the innumerable women who fol 
 lowed the camp. In the midst came the Inca, in his 
 litter plated with gold, and adorned by beautiful 
 plumes, and borne on the shoulders of the principal 
 Indians ; his seat was of gold, and upon it was a cushion 
 of the finest wool, sprinkled with precious stones. All 
 was magnificent, yet nothing shed over his person so 
 much dignity, or rendered it so conspicuous, as the 
 scarlet borla which drooped over his forehead, and 
 covered his brows and temples, the august insignia of 
 the successors of the Sun, venerated and adored by 
 that immense people. Three hundred men marched 
 before the litters, to sweep from the road all stones, 
 sticks, and every the most trifling obstacle. The 
 Orejones were formed on each side of the monarch, 
 and with them some superior Indians, likewise, for 
 pomp s sake, borne on litters. It was a regularly 
 
182 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 ordered march, to the sound of horns and drums, re 
 sembling- a religious procession, and moved so deli 
 berately that it was four hours in accomplishing the 
 league which divided the camp from Caxamalca. 
 
 The evening began to close, when Pizarro, seeing 
 the Indians halt about a quarter of a league from the 
 city, and begin to spread their cotton tents, as if with 
 an intention to encamp, became apprehensive lest all 
 his plans and preparations should be frustrated; he 
 therefore sent to entreat the Inca to hasten his march, 
 so as to come to him before nightfall. To this peti 
 tion Atahualpa* condescended, and answered that he 
 would set out on the instant, and likewise that he 
 would come without arms. Leaving the bulk of his 
 army on that spot, and taking with him from five to 
 six thousand Indians of his vanguard, he pursued his 
 way to the city, accompanied likewise by the greater 
 part of his principal lords. In the interval, the Spa 
 nish chief gave the final instructions to his captains, 
 
 * Herrera, who adopts the opinion that Atahualpa, confident in 
 the disparity of numbers between his own forces and the Casti- 
 lians, determined on the destruction of the latter, describes him as 
 sending the following dissembling message to Pizarro, " that he 
 should have arrived much earlier, but had been retarded by the 
 great dread his people entertained of the horses and dogs, and 
 therefore he entreated him, as a mark of his complaisance, to order 
 that these animals should be tied up, and the people confined within 
 their lodgings, that when he should reach Caxamalca his Peruvians 
 might not be alarmed, since the nearer he approached the city, the 
 more fear they exhibited ; and that although he had commanded his 
 followers to accompany him unarmed, it was impossible to prevent 
 their being armed in some degree, and therefore he prayed Pizarro 
 to restrain his people from giving them provocation." Transla 
 tor s Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 183 
 
 and completed his arrangements for the accomplish 
 ment of his purpose with the least possible risk. He 
 commanded that both infantry and cavalry should lie 
 in wait ; posted on an eminence, on one side of the 
 place, some musketry, under Pedro de Candia ; and a 
 few crossbows, in a turret of one of the houses ; the 
 horses, with small bells hung- from their breast leathers, 
 for the purpose of adding- to the noise, were divided 
 in three bands of twenty each, under the command of 
 Hernando Soto, Hernando Pizarro, and Sebastian de 
 Belalcazar. Pizarro kept with himself twenty shield- 
 bearers, men of great strength and address, and of 
 approved valour, who were to follow and aid him in 
 every exigence. He exhorted all to preserve the most 
 scrupulous silence and quietness, until he should give 
 the signal to the artillery. He then posted himself, 
 with his twenty champions, within the houses opposite 
 to the gate, to await the arrival of Atahualpa. 
 
 The Indians at length entered the place, arrayed 
 after their manner, and the Inca, being in the midst 
 of them, stood upright on his litter, as if examining 
 the scene, and looking out for the strangers whom he 
 came to meet. At this period the Dominican, Val- 
 verde, presented himself, attended by an interpreter, 
 sent by the governor to bear his intimations and de 
 sires, in form. Valverde bore in one hand a cross, in 
 the other a Bible ; he paid his due reverence to the 
 Peruvian monarch, and blessed him with the cross, 
 after which he told the Inca that he was God s priest, 
 whose office it was to preach and to teach what God 
 
184 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 had caused to be written in that book, pointing- to the 
 Bible which he carried ; and, as it is said, he added 
 something in explanation of the mysteries of the 
 Christian faith, of the donation of those regions made 
 by the Pope to the Kings of Castile, and of the obli 
 gation the Inca lay under to obedience ; concluding, 
 by saying, that the governor was his friend, and re 
 quested peace with him, and offered the same to him, 
 with the same good-will he had hitherto manifested. 
 He, as a priest, counselled him to accept this offer, 
 inasmuch as war was a great offence to God. He then 
 invited Atahualpa to visit the governor in his apart 
 ment, who there waited to confer with him on these 
 several points. Having spoken to this effect, he pre 
 sented the Bible to the Inca, who received it, turned 
 over a few leaves, and then flung it, with manifest 
 impatience and displeasure, to the ground. Neither 
 the book, nor the greater part of the priest s discourse, 
 could have been in the slightest degree intelligible to 
 him, even if they were well interpreted, which one 
 cannot but doubt. That, however, which he did per 
 fectly well understand, was the intimation of the pa 
 cific intentions of the strangers, since he exclaimed, 
 as he hurled the book from him, " I am perfectly ac 
 quainted how you have behaved on the road, how you 
 have treated my Caciques, and plundered the cottages." 
 The priest endeavoured to exculpate his countrymen, 
 throwing the blame on the Indians ; but the Inca re 
 iterated his accusation, threatening to make the Spa 
 niards restore what they had taken ; then, Valverde, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 185 
 
 having recovered his book, returned to the governor 
 to report the bad success of his conference. Ancient 
 records* vary as to the spirit in which he did this, but 
 all agree that the attack was no longer delayed, nor 
 further dissimulation preserved. The Inca again rose 
 from his seat and spoke to his followers, on which a 
 murmuring sound, and some symptoms of commotion 
 were observed among them, which was probably the 
 immediate cause of precipitating the action, an action 
 which has come down to posterity with its atrocious 
 and revolting character. 
 
 Pizarro gave the signal, and Pedro de Candia in 
 stantly discharged his muskets ; the crossbows were 
 not idle, the drums and trumpets began to sound, and 
 the horse rushed furiously on the barrier of naked men 
 that surrounded the Inca, and broke through it in 
 three places, while the infantry followed, making a 
 merciless slaughter with their lances, crossbows, and 
 swords. At this shock of arms, men, and horses, as 
 overwhelming and terrible as it was sudden, the In 
 dians felt as if the sky was falling upon them, and the 
 earth trembling under them ; and there did not remain 
 among them a single unappalled heart, or arm which 
 
 * According to Robertson, the Inca concluded a reply, couched 
 in very temperate terms, by asking Valverde where he had learned 
 things so extraordinary. " In this book," said Valverde, reaching 
 out to him his breviary. The Inca opened it eagerly, and turning 
 over the leaves, lifted it to his ear, " This," said he, " is silent, it 
 tells me nothing ;" and threw it with disdain to the ground. The 
 enraged monk, running towards his countrymen, cried out, " To 
 arms, Christians, to arms ! the Word of God is insulted ; avenge 
 this profanation on these impious dogs !" Translator s Note. 
 
186 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 was not unnerved. All, distracted and amazed, either 
 received their death in motionless terror, or confusedly 
 sought a path for escape, and found none. The gates 
 were guarded, the walls high. In their confusion and 
 despair they trampled down and suffocated each other, 
 while the Castilians destroyed and slaughtered them 
 at will. It is impossible to give the name of battle 
 to this carnage ; flocks, butchered in their fold, would 
 have made more resistance than these unhappy crea 
 tures, opposed to their blood-thirsty enemies. Such 
 was the struggle and agony, such the force, with which 
 these victims pressed upon each other, that at length 
 the wall gave way on one side, opening a way for 
 escape. Through this passage they fled, pursued by 
 the Castilians, till night and heavy rain drove back 
 the latter. The confusion and slaughter had raged 
 most violently round the spot where the Inca was 
 stationed. Pizarro, with his twenty shield-bearers, 
 attacked that side, intent on seizing at all risk the 
 person of that prince, well persuaded that on effecting 
 this stroke the whole success of the affair would de 
 pend. There no one thought of flight ; they con 
 tinued immovably to support the litter of their mo 
 narch ; they were wounded and killed, but as one 
 dropped, another filled his place with an intrepidity 
 and contempt of danger which surprised and even 
 fatigued the Spaniards. It is indeed strange that those 
 poor Indians, capable of dying with such constancy, 
 had not made the slightest attempt at resistance or 
 self-defence. When Pizarro saw that some of his 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 187 
 
 companions, ceasing to destroy the Indians, were press 
 ing- on the litter, he forbade them in a loud voice to kill 
 the Inca, but ordered them to take him alive, while he 
 himself rushed forward to seize his prey, and reaching 
 the litter, he, with a vigorous hand, grasped the robe of 
 the Inca, and brought him to the ground. This ter 
 minated the action ; for the Indians thus losing the 
 object of their respect and duty, all dispersed and fled. 
 Two thousand of them were killed, while the Cas- 
 tilians lost not a single man, nor was one of them 
 wounded, except Pizarro, who received a slight hurt 
 in the hand accidentally from a Castilian, while he 
 was eagerly extending his arm to seize Atahualpa. 
 
 The captive Prince was at first treated by his con 
 querors with all the consideration and respect due to his 
 dignity. On the report of his being alive and unhurt, 
 which was purposely spread by the Spaniards, several 
 Indians assembled, to the number, it is said, of five 
 thousand, to console and to serve him ; and, as in the 
 examination made, the day following the action, of the 
 Indian encampment, among the rich spoil of gold and 
 silver, webs of linen, and fine cotton, several principal 
 women were found, some of whom were of the royal 
 blood, and some Mamaconas, or virgins consecrated to 
 the Sun, they were taken to Caxamalca for the ser 
 vice and aid of their Prince, and composed for him a 
 species of court, which, considering his captivity, was 
 not quite unsuitable to his ancient majesty and dignity. 
 This was likewise enhanced by the respectful courtesy 
 with which the governor treated him ; he soothed and 
 
188 FRANCISCO PIZAKRO. 
 
 condoled with him, making- consolatory reflections on 
 his reverse of fortune, offering to serve him in all 
 things conformably to his greatness, and assuring him 
 that should any of his wives have fallen captive to a 
 Spaniard, he would seek for and restore her to him, 
 and that he wished to be informed in every particular 
 of his will, as it was his sincere desire to accomplish 
 it. The Inca expressed himself gratified by these 
 offers of Pizarro, and from the time he fell into the 
 power of the Spaniards, in no instance, either in man 
 ner, language or conduct, did he lose sight of a digni 
 fied equanimity, or in the slightest degree depart from 
 the gravity and decorum becoming to his character, 
 frequently saying, when his misfortunes were alluded 
 to, or when he witnessed the groans and sobs of his 
 people, that nothing extraordinary had happened to 
 him, " since it was a warrior s fate to conquer, or to 
 be conquered. 11 
 
 The undissembled avarice of the Spaniards excited 
 in him sanguine hopes of liberty ; and, a few days after 
 his capture, he began to treat of his ransom with his 
 conquerors. He offered to cover the floor of his 
 chamber, which was spacious, with gold arid silver ; 
 and, when he saw his offer treated as a jest, and laughed 
 at as a thing impossible, he stood upright, and, raising 
 his arm as high as he could, made a mark in the wall, 
 and said firmly, that he would not only cover the floor, 
 but fill the chamber, up to that mark, with treasure. 
 The chamber was twenty-two feet long, and sixteen 
 wide, and the Inca had raised his arm to the height of 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARIIO. 189 
 
 three yards. Then the governor, being 1 unwilling to 
 slight the immense offer of treasure placed at his option, 
 and believing it necessary to flatter the hopes of the 
 Inca, however falsely, in order to obtain possession of 
 it, gave his word, with all the solemnity Atahualpa 
 required, to set him free the moment he should fulfil 
 his promise. The faith of each being thus exchanged, 
 a red line was drawn round the wall of the apartment 
 at the height indicated by the Inca, and messengers 
 despatched to the different towns of his realm, com 
 manding, that whatever gold and silver could be found 
 in the temples and palaces, should be sent without de 
 lay to Caxamalca, for the Inca s ransom. To this 
 order was added another, no less essential, forbidding 
 the Indians to make war on the Spaniards, with whom 
 only peace was prudent, and that they were to be 
 every where respected and obeyed as the Inca him 
 self. 
 
 The manner in which the orders of the Inca were 
 executed in the case of the three Spaniards, who, at 
 his request, were sent to arrange and accelerate the 
 arrival of these treasures, was a striking proof of the 
 subordination and policy of the country. Pizarro ac 
 ceded to this desire, with the double object of securing 
 the immense booty, and of obtaining exact informa 
 tion respecting the capital. For this negociation, he 
 named three private soldiers, Pedro Mog uer, Francisco 
 Martinez de Zarate, and Martin Bueno, who, borne on 
 the shoulders of the Indians, and stretched on ham 
 mocks, journeyed the two hundred leagues from Caxa- 
 
190 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 malca to Cuzco, not only without danger, but attended 
 by the homage and reverence of the whole country, 
 and pampered and regaled with all that was rich and 
 luxurious in the land. They expressed themselves 
 astonished at the good sense of the Indians, the good 
 order of their houses, and the neatness, convenience, 
 and abundance of their roads. On arriving at Cuzco, 
 their admiration was still farther excited, by the regu 
 larity maintained in that city, by the prodigious wealth 
 of the temples, by the police and manufactures. Here 
 they were met by an augmentation of flattery, applause 
 and homage ; they were regarded as superior beings, 
 Sons of the Divinity, come to remedy all the evils of 
 the state. The virgins of the temple served them, the 
 priests humbled themselves before them, and the mul 
 titude worshipped them. And how did the conduct of 
 these men correspond with the good faith, generosity, 
 and high estimation, with which they were received ? 
 In what manner did they endeavour to preserve, for 
 themselves and countrymen, this exalted opinion and 
 respected name ? They mocked and insulted the re 
 verence this simple people paid them ; they sacrificed 
 the modesty of the virgins to their base and brutal 
 passions ; they seized on whatever their avarice coveted ; 
 they committed every species of sacrilege in the tem 
 ples, and every outrage on the inhabitants, who soon 
 discovered, that far from being Sons of the Deity, 
 they were a new plague, sent to them as a scourge 
 from heaven. They were only restrained, by respect 
 to the mandate of Atahualpa, from avenging themselves 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 191 
 
 by the death of these men. However, they con 
 trived to hasten as much as possible the stipulated 
 accumulation of gold for Caxamalca, and thus delivered 
 themselves from their abhorred oppressors. In con 
 templating- this singular case of glaring insolence, 
 rudeness, and temerity, one may ask which were the 
 barbarians, the Europeans or the Indians, and the an 
 swer is easy. Pizarro s ill-judged selection of agents 
 has been severely blamed, as it compromised so deeply 
 the interests and honour of the Castilian nation ; and, 
 whether he was actuated by any confidence he reposed 
 in these men, for the particular commission they bore, 
 or that they were better versed in the language of the 
 country, or, in short, whatever might be the motive for 
 his choice, remains a mystery, and the accusation is 
 unanswered, constituting an addition to the charges 
 with which posterity loads the memory of this chief. 
 
 However that error happened to be committed, 
 the immediate result of it was, that the Indians of 
 Cuzco concealed all the gold they could collect, from 
 hatred to the Castilians, and those of Pachacamac 
 followed their example. The temple of that name 
 was the richest in Peru, and the greediness to obtain 
 it, sharpened by a fear lest the civil dissensions of the 
 Empire might cause its wealth to be dissipated, insti 
 gated Pizarro to request it from Atahualpa. He con 
 sented, but, on condition, that the treasure brought 
 from thence should be employed in filling up what 
 ever void might remain in the original stipulation for 
 his ransom. This being agreed, the governor ordered 
 
192 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 his brother Hernando, with twenty horsemen and 
 twelve muskets, to set forth on the expedition; at 
 the same time he charged him to reconnoitre the land, 
 and to discover if the reports of the hostile assem 
 blages and intentions of the Indians were well 
 groundecQ This captain accordingly sallied forth, the 
 beginiiiiig, _pf ^ Jhe_j:.ear_J. i 533 ; and in the hundred 
 leagues between Caxamalca and Pachacamac, he 
 encountered only pacific Indians, or those who, in 
 compliance with their chief s orders, were laden with 
 gold and silver for Caxamalca ; but before the Spa 
 niards reached Pjichacamac, intelligence had preceded 
 them of the outrages and scandals committed at 
 Cuzco ; and the priests of the temple, to avoid suffer 
 ing similar disorders, and to avert the spoliation of 
 their ancient and venerable sanctuary, seized the trea 
 sure, hiding as much of it as they could. They like 
 wise sent to a place of refuge all the virgins of the 
 sun, to save them from the abominable violence of the 
 insolent strangers. So that, on Hernando Pizarro s 
 arrival, the temple was already divested of its most 
 valuable effects. That, however, which it had been 
 impossible to remove, was not so trifling, but that, 
 with the presents made by the neighbouring Caciques, 
 the Spaniards carried to Caxamalca twenty-six loads 
 of gold, and two thousand marcos, or one thousand 
 pound weight of silver. 
 
 Such a spoil might suffice to appease the most in 
 satiable avarice, but the Spaniards would have been 
 still better satisfied, by gaining over the warrior Chia- 
 
 3 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 193 
 
 liquichiama, the first of Atahualpa s generals, and from 
 his valour, capacity, credit, and services, the second 
 person in the Empire ; he was in Xauxa, at the head of 
 25,000 war Indians, when Hernando Pizarro arrived 
 in Pachacamac. His intentions were dubious, and the 
 Spanish captain immediately felt the importance of 
 reducing- to obedience a man in such authority, and 
 the necessity of having a constant eye upon him, and 
 depriving him of the power to excite or accomplish 
 new troubles and hostilities. Confiding in the pacific 
 dispositions of the Inca, and still more in his own im 
 petuous valour, he advanced with his little squadron 
 forty leagues farther, to see and confer with the Indian 
 chief. The Indian was at first suspicious, and for 
 several days maintained his reserve ; but such were 
 the arts of Hernando Pizarro, such the promises and 
 securities under which he scrupled not to bind him 
 self, that Chialiquichiama at length joined him, bring 
 ing with him many loads of gold, which he had col 
 lected to send to Caxamalca. Borne on a litter, 
 followed by the principal Indians, obsequious to his 
 slightest will, the immense suite of his attendants, 
 the wealth and ostentatious luxury which surrounded 
 him, all clearly bespoke the honour and dignity to 
 which he had risen in the monarchy. Yet, this proud 
 satrap, on arriving at the gate of the city, which con 
 tained the captive Inca, would not enter it without 
 uncovering his feet, and taking on his shoulders a mo 
 derate load, which he took from an Indian, a custom 
 of that country, demonstrative of respect and submis- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO 
 
 sion ; and, when ushered into the presence of Ata- 
 hualpa, he raised his hands to the Sun, as an action of 
 thanksgiving for having- been permitted to behold his 
 prince, whom he approached with every expression of 
 fervent attachment, kissing his face, hands, and feet, 
 and weeping- and deploring bitterly the disastrous fate 
 which had overtaken him. The Spaniards witnessed 
 with wonder such marks of humble loyalty and affec 
 tionate devotion in so great a man, and still more 
 were they surprised to see Atahualpa, never, for one 
 moment, depart from his accustomed gravity and 
 solemnity, majestically receiving this adoration, and 
 without replying- a single word, silently accepting the 
 worship due from a mortal to a god. 
 
 Previous to the arrival of Hernande-z, circumstan 
 ces had occurred to change considerably the corre 
 sponding- situation, in which the Inca and the Casti- 
 lians stood, and contributed to cause, or accelerate, the 
 tragical denouement which followed. One of these, 
 was the death of the Inca Huascar, whom the gene 
 rals of Atahualpa having conquered, sent alive to their 
 lord, to decide upon his fate. He received the tidings 
 of this victory, and of his brother s approach, shortly 
 after his own route and imprisonment in Caxamalca, 
 and said, he could hardly forbear laughing at the 
 caprices of fortune, adding, that he had in one clay 
 been conquered and conqueror, captured and captor. 
 But, on deliberating what course he should pursue in 
 this emergency, and reflecting, that, if Huascar was 
 brought to the Spaniards, he might, by exceeding 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 195 
 
 his promises, obtain their favour, and by the advan 
 tage his legitimacy, his youth, and his very inexpe 
 rience gave him, complete his own destruction, he 
 determined to remove this stumbling-block, and sa 
 crificing nature to expediency, he sent an order for his 
 brother s death. But, it is said, that he wished, before 
 the execution of the sentence, to make trial of the 
 manner in which Pizarro would take the death of that 
 prince. He feigned great affliction, and being asked 
 the cause, replied, that his captains, after having con 
 quered and taken his brother, had killed him without 
 his knowledge, a catastrophe which caused him much 
 grief, since, although enemies and rivals in the Em 
 pire, still, they were brothers. The governor con 
 soled him, saying, that these were vicissitudes of for 
 tune incident to war; and betrayed no symptom of 
 suspecting his captive of this transaction, although 
 inwardly rejoicing at the stroke, which had thus deli- 
 livered him from one of his enemies, even through the 
 instrumentality of his own prisoner. Atahualpa, 
 satisfied by this show of indifference, despatched the 
 cruel order, and the unfortunate Huascar, imploring 
 justice from heaven, and mercy from man, exclaiming- 
 with loud cries against the iniquity of his brother, and 
 devoting him to the vengeance and punishment of the 
 Spaniards, was drowned, by his brother s ministers, in 
 the river Andamarca, and flung into a rapid current, 
 that his corpse might not be discovered and buried. 
 The manner of his death was the more deliberately 
 cruel, as, according to the superstition of those people, 
 
196 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 those who died by fire or water, and did not receive 
 the rite of sepulture, were devoted to everlasting per 
 dition. This prince, who had scarcely attained his 
 twenty-fifth year, was worthy, clement, and liberal, 
 and, therefore, much beloved by his adherents ; but, 
 inexperienced either in war or government, he was 
 incapable of coping with a rival, who exceeded him in 
 activity, valour, and talent, aided by the best generals 
 of the country. Victory declared for Atahualpa, but 
 it is not, at this period, possible to pronounce to which 
 side reason and justice inclined, though the Spaniards 
 of that day, with one accord, loudly declared in favour 
 of the right of the Prince of Cuzco. And thus it was 
 natural they should decide, who so shortly after his 
 death, denounced it as a capital crinre, in the process 
 they afterwards fulminated against his ill-starred con 
 queror. Without dwelling on a question, at present 
 of little interest, it is certain, that each paid dearly for 
 their sanguinary discord, since the tragic end of both 
 brothers, and the total ruin of the Peruvian Empire 
 and religion, were the bitter fruits of their fatal quar 
 rel, and of the error committed by their father, in the 
 partition of the monarchy. 
 
 The other novelty which occurred at this juncture, 
 was the arrival of Captain Almagro in Peru, and his 
 speedy visit to Caxamalca. He came, dignified by the 
 King with the title of Marshal, bringing with him 
 four ships and 200 men, amongst whom were several 
 excellent officers, who came from Nicaragua, with 
 Francisco de Godoy, to serve in Peru, and who placed 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 197 
 
 themselves, on the road, under the orders of Almagro. 
 It soon appeared evident, that the two ancient compa 
 nions and mutual discoverers would not remain long 
 tog-ether, without a renewal of half-smothered jealou 
 sies and rancours. Scarcely had Almagro opened a 
 communication with the governor, than it was hinted 
 to the latter, that his friend being stronger and better 
 appointed than himself, had no thoughts of uniting 
 with him, but meditated discoveries and conquests on 
 his own account ; to Almagro, on the other hand, it 
 was insinuated, that the governor plotted to get rid of 
 him, and that, if he were not strictly on his guard, he 
 would fall into his snares. This once, however, each 
 recollected what was due to his own character, and to 
 mutual obligations. Pizarro sent messengers to Alma 
 gro, to welcome his arrival, and to pray him to hasten 
 forward with the cavalry which accompanied him, and 
 come to partake his good fortune. Almagro, disco 
 vering that these evil reports originated in one Ro- 
 drigo Perez, a scrivener by office, and who had served 
 him as secretary, prosecuted him for the abuse of his 
 charge, and he was hung for his malice and bad faith. 
 Happy had the two associates been, had they conti 
 nued to conduct themselves with similar frankness and 
 resolution. Almagro and his soldiers pursued their 
 march to Caxamalca, where they arrived, not only 
 without encountering any impediment on the road, 
 but well treated, served and caressed every where by 
 the Indians. The governor sallied forth to receive 
 him, and when they had exchanged such demonstra- 
 
198 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 tions of friendship and affection as became their 
 ancient brotherhood, they entered the city together, 
 when Almagro went immediately to pay his homage 
 to the Inca, and to offer himself to his orders. The 
 Inca, although probably vexed at heart to see the 
 number of his enemies augmented, received him with 
 the same courteous manner as he practised with the 
 other Castilians. Every thing for the moment wore 
 a tranquil and flattering aspect, both for the Spaniards 
 and the captive Prince; confidence and hilarity 
 reigned among them. The prisoner was happy in the 
 hope of speedy liberation, his captors in the prospect 
 of power and opulence. 
 
 Soon afterwards arrived Hernando Pizarro* with 
 the treasure of the temple of Pachacamac, and with the 
 Peruvian general. The governor and principal cap 
 tains of the army went forth to meet him ; but at the 
 unexpected sight of Almagro, the haughty Hernando 
 could no longer keep his long-nourished aversion in 
 check, and allowed so much scope to his demonstra 
 tions of disgust, that he did not vouchsafe the least 
 compliment or salutation. All were shocked at his 
 rudeness, and especially the governor, who reproved 
 his brother in private, and then led him to the apart 
 ment of the marshal, where Hernando apologized for 
 his neglect, and Almagro accepted his excuses with 
 his natural facility and sincerity ; so that this misun 
 derstanding vanished for the time, at least to appear- 
 
 * May 25, 1533. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 199 
 
 anee. These are, in themselves, trifling incidents, yet 
 absolutely necessary to a faithful delineation of histo 
 rical characters ; and they are the more indispensable 
 in the present narrative, since these disgusts, however 
 slight in the beginning, were the sparks that kindled 
 that fearful blaze, which at length consumed all the 
 actors in this sad and sanguinary drama. 
 
 As the cargoes of the ransom arrived at Caxamalca, 
 they were secured in a place destined to that purpose. 
 The distances were large, the loads small, the cham 
 ber spacious, so that the treasure appeared of small 
 bulk in the eyes of the covetous Castilians. They 
 became impatient on finding the promised accumula 
 tion delayed, and feared lest the hopes which had 
 sparkled before the eyes of their fancy should disperse 
 in smoke. They were disposed to throw the blame 
 of this delay upon the Inca ; and suspecting him of 
 wishing to gain time for an insurrection of his pro 
 vinces, which should lead to the destruction of the 
 Castilians before the arrival of the ransom, they pro 
 posed putting him to death, as the best means of avert 
 ing whatever doubt and suspense they might yet have 
 to contend with. From this danger Atahualpa was 
 saved by Hernando Pizarro, who would not listen to 
 the proposal. 
 
 The followers of Almagro signalized themselves in 
 this impatience, as considering themselves entitled to 
 a part of this rich booty ; as did also the royal officers, 
 who, having been prudently left by Pizarro in San 
 Miguel, came with Almagro to Caxamalca, to enter 
 
200 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 on their respective charges, and to be present at the 
 division of the plunder. When the Castilians beheld 
 the multitude of Indians who arrived laden with the 
 treasures of Cuzco, making-, with that already collected, 
 a prodigious accumulation, so that the heap had sud 
 denly reached almost to the level of their covetous- 
 ness, they began to feel the most lively impatience 
 for the moment of distribution, and although appa 
 rently the treasure had not yet filled up the stipu 
 lated space, they became anxious to receive their 
 respective shares. Pizarro was willing to gratify this 
 desire, which, perhaps, was felt in an equal degree by 
 chiefs and soldiers ; but it was necessary, in the first 
 place, to remove the difficulty caused by the claims of 
 Almagro s people, who expected to enter into this 
 partition on the same footing with the first comers, 
 who overthrew the Inca in Caxamalca. They could 
 not certainly establish an equal right, but to have 
 refused them any participation, would have been both 
 discourteous and dangerous. The two generals at 
 length held a council, with the principal chiefs of the 
 army, when it was agreed that 100,000 ducats should 
 be taken from the heap for Almagro s party, which 
 satisfied them, and the distribution took place without 
 farther obstacle. 
 
 This ceremony was performed with the most impo 
 sing solemnity. Pizarro judicially proved the power 
 and authority he held by royal warrant, to superin 
 tend and regulate such divisions according to the 
 services and merits of each individual, to the best 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARKO. 201 
 
 judgment of himself as governor ; and, solemnly pray 
 ing the divine aid to enable him to do strict justice, 
 he began the work. He caused the precious metals 
 to be weighed and examined by founders and assay - 
 ers ; he then set apart the royal fifths, and also the 
 amount of an additional donative made to the king, 
 including the jewel called Escaiio, with others, which, 
 from their workmanship or their rarity, were deemed 
 meet to be exhibited at court ; the 100,000 ducats for 
 the Almagristas, with the sums due to the founders, 
 assayers, c. for their different labours.* The re 
 mainder was shared among the general, captains, and 
 soldiers, in proportion to their different merits and rank, 
 or to the conditions agreed to by each in his contract. 
 There was not that equality in the portions which 
 historians have asserted ; they, however, greatly differ 
 in their relations ; but by the judicial act of reparti 
 tion, we know, that, generally speaking, the portion 
 of each horseman was about 9000 pesos (ounces} of 
 gold, and 300 marcos }- in silver, and that of each of 
 the infantry about half the above. The distinguished 
 captains and soldiers were rewarded in proportion. 
 The share of Pizarro amounted to 57,220 pesos of 
 gold, and 2350 marcos of silver, without reckoning 
 the tablet of gold from the litter of the Inca, which 
 
 * The spoil divided, after deducting 262,000,259 pesos of gold 
 for the royal fifth, the rights of the assayers, founders, and markers, 
 the 100,000 ducats of the Almagristas, the jewel called Escaiio, 
 and other remarkable jewels, amounted to 1,528,500 pesos of 
 gold. See HERRERA, vol. v. book iii. decade v. chap. iii. 
 
 f A mar co is 8 oz. 
 
202 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 was generally valued at 25,000 pesos. An enormous 
 booty ! and if we consider the small number of sol 
 diers among- whom this distribution was made, quite 
 unexampled in the history of these plunderings and 
 incursions, misnamed wars and conquests. If we con 
 sider such a reward as due to valour, constancy, acti 
 vity, and enterprise, the Castilians no doubt deserved 
 it, for of these qualities they had exhibited the most 
 exalted proofs ; not indeed against men, for they were 
 able to make little or no resistance, but against the 
 soil, climate, and the elements, which had frequently 
 put their fortitude and endurance to the most cruel 
 proof. But public opinion, guided by reason and 
 equity, in proportion as it honours ajid respects that 
 opulence which is the offspring of application, talents, 
 and industry, has branded with the stamp of eternal 
 reprobation, the precocious and bloody fruits of vio 
 lence and rapine.* 
 
 Pizarro had fulfilled the promise he had made his 
 companions, that he would enrich them, even beyond 
 any wish they had the power to form. He now became 
 
 * In fact, the acquisition of gold and silver in such immense 
 quantities did not much enrich them, at least those who remained 
 in America. The things they desired rose in proportion to the 
 abundance of the metals whereby they were to be obtained. A 
 quire of paper cost ten pesos, a pair of boots thirty, a black cap 
 100, a horse 3000, 4000, sometimes 5000 ducats. The merchants 
 were accustomed to buy gold of twenty carats at fourteen, and of 
 fourteen at seven. Silver was valued in proportion. So that the 
 possessors of this great wealth could hardly procure by its means 
 those conveniences which elsewhere were within reach of the most 
 moderate fortune. Author s Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 203 
 
 eager that this fact should be made manifest in Ame 
 rica and Spain. He therefore determined on sending 
 his brother, Hernando Pizarro, to the king, with his 
 fifths, and the donative added by the army, with a 
 relation of all that had happened, and of the state in 
 which affairs then stood. He went likewise charged 
 to obtain for the governor a fresh accession of honours, 
 dignities, and favours. The Marshal Almagro also 
 wrote to the king, representing his services, and peti 
 tioning, as their reward, that the government of the 
 territory stretching beyond that which had been con 
 ferred on Pizarro should be given to him, with the 
 title of Adelantado. From motives of courtesy and 
 expediency, he openly committed this negotiation to 
 Hernando Pizarro. Having, however, small confi 
 dence in the good-will or activity of such an agent, he 
 at the same time secretly empowered his two friends, 
 Cristoval de Mena and Juan de Sosa, to go to Spain and 
 back his pretensions, in case Hernando Pizarro should 
 neglect them. Hernando Pizarro set sail, in company 
 with some captains and soldiers,* who prudently re 
 solved to return to their country, there to enjoy in 
 tranquillity the wealth which fortune had showered 
 upon them. They reached Panama, from whence the 
 tidings of the treasures of Peru were speedily spread 
 over the Indies. On arriving at Seville, the magni 
 ficent amount of the king s fifths, the great wealth 
 brought home by those who returned, and the im- 
 
 * The number of these prudent men is stated to be sixty. 
 
204 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 mense remittances sent by those who remained to 
 their families, glutted, as Gomara says, Seville with 
 money, and filled the whole world with wonder and 
 emulation. 
 
 The treasures of the Inca being distributed, it was 
 now time to deliberate respecting- his person. He 
 pleaded to be set at liberty, since his part of the com 
 pact between them had been fulfilled ; but far other 
 intentions were maturing in the mind of his obdurate 
 and artful conqueror. It is undoubtedly true, that in 
 the position in which the Spaniards then stood, and 
 in the supposition that they had already irrevocably 
 decreed the destruction of the empire, whatever plan 
 they had pursued with regard to Atahualpa must have 
 rendered them liable to serious inconveniences. To 
 set him at liberty, was impolitic to keep him pri 
 soner, would have rendered him a source of continual 
 embarrassment to deprive him of life, was an odious 
 cruelty and injustice. When, through their own 
 fault, or that of others, the ambitious find themselves 
 in such a predicament, it costs them little to force 
 themselves a path, even though they trample down 
 humanity and justice. Thus did Pizarro in the pre 
 sent emergency ; and if he had not already in his heart 
 condemned the Inca to death, certain it is that the 
 sentence was passed from the moment that his first 
 passion, that of gain, was appeased, and he could de 
 liver himself wholly to the suggestions of ambition. 
 Unfortunately, Atajniaipa had already given the ex 
 ample, and ted the way, leaving, by the sacrifice of 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 205 
 
 Huascar, only one victim, whose destruction would 
 bring- the enterprise of his adversaries to its comple 
 tion. This resolution was at first kept secret, and in 
 the mean time, as some apology for the deed, and to 
 render it less hateful, reports were raised of seditions, 
 of movements among the Indians, and of the projects 
 of their generals to save the prisoner.* The Indians 
 
 " The fears and suspicions of Pizarro were artfully increased 
 by Filipillo, one of the Indians whom Pizarro had carried off from 
 Tumbez in the year 1520, and whom he employed as an interpre 
 ter. The function which he performed admitting this man to 
 familiar intercourse with the captive monarch, he presumed, not 
 withstanding the meanness of his birth, to raise his affections to a 
 Coya, or descendant of the Sun, one of Atahualpa s wives ; and 
 seeing no prospect of gratifying that passion during the life of the 
 monarch, he endeavoured to fill the ears of the Spaniards with such 
 accounts of his secret designs and preparations as might awaken 
 their jealousy, and excite them to cut him off. While Almagro 
 and his followers openly demanded the life of the Inca, and Fili 
 pillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappy 
 prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During 
 his confinement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to 
 Hernando Pizarro and Hernando Soto ; who, as they were persons 
 of superior birth and education to the rough adventurers with 
 whom they served, were accustomed to behave with more decency 
 and attention, to the captive monarch. Soothed with this respect 
 from persons of such high rank, he delighted in their society ; but 
 in the presence of the governor he was uneasy and overawed. This 
 dread soon came to be mingled with contempt. Among all the 
 European arts, what he admired most was that of reading and 
 writing ; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he should 
 regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine 
 this, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him to write the 
 name of God on the nail of his thumb. This he showed succes 
 sively to several Spaniards, asking its meaning ; and to his amaze 
 ment, they all without hesitation returned the same answer. At 
 length Pizarro entered, and on presenting it to him, he blushed, 
 and with some confusion was obliged to, acknowledge his igno 
 rance. From that moment Atahualpa considered him as a mean 
 
206 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 of service, or Yanaconas, gave colour to such rumours ; 
 for being-, as it were, the refuse of the natives of the 
 land, they hated their more fortunate countrymen, 
 and saw only their own future benefit in the over 
 throw of the empire, and the destruction of its govern 
 ment. The Inca s guards were doubled, and the gene 
 ral, Chialiquichiama, was arrested as the fomentor of 
 these inquietudes ; and in spite of the firmness and 
 truth with which he denied the charge, and demon 
 strated its falsehood, he would certainly have been 
 burned by order of the governor, had not Hernando 
 Pizarro, not then departed for Spain, averted the sen 
 tence. Suspicions of war and rumours of insurrection 
 increased ; Almagro s soldiers sought the ruin of the 
 Peruvian Prince, believing that while he lived they 
 should never attain an equality with the people of Pi 
 zarro. The royal officers likewise eagerly desired his 
 death, simply from fear, and conceiving that such a 
 step would fill the Indians with terror, and completely 
 smooth their road. Amongst these, the most factious, 
 the most restless, and the most cruel, was Alonzo 
 Riquelme, the treasurer, who, by his incessant and 
 
 person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not 
 address enough to conceal the sentiments with which this disco 
 very inspired him. To be the object of a barbarian s scorn, not 
 only mortified the pride of Pizarro, but excited such resentment in 
 his breast, as added force to all the other considerations which 
 prompted him to put the Inca to death." ROBERTSON, vol. ii. 
 book vi. p. 182. 
 
 Herrera says, that Hernando de Soto amused the Inca by teaching 
 him chess and games of dice. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 207 
 
 vehement exertions, aided by the authority of his 
 office, appeared rather to demand than to advise it. 
 
 The governor had no other desire, for he earnestly 
 wished to seem forced to an action which he conceived 
 to be his interest ; and as aggressors would always 
 assume the appearance of justice, even to those whom 
 they injure, Pizarro, in the midst of these rumours 
 and jealousies, visited the Inca, and told him he won 
 dered greatly, that, having been so well treated under 
 the honour and good faith of the Castilians, he should 
 manoeuvre for destroying them, with the army which 
 was publicly known to be marching on Caxamalca. 
 Prince Atahualpa believed that the governor was 
 joking, and entreated him not to practise those jests 
 upon him ; but perceiving, by the voice and counte 
 nance of Pizarro, the reality and continuance of his 
 displeasure, seeing his imprisonment aggravated and 
 his guards doubled, " I know not," said he to the Spa 
 niards, " how you can believe me so devoid of sense, 
 as, while in your hands, and laden with your chains, 
 to commit treason against you, and command my 
 troops to advance against you, knowing that, at the 
 moment of their appearance, you would cut off my 
 head. You are certainly unacquainted with my power, 
 if you believe that my subjects would move against 
 my will. If I do not give the order, neither the birds 
 fly, nor do the leaves on the trees stir, in my land." 
 
 But, alas ! such arguments, however sound and un 
 answerable, could not suffice to exculpate him with 
 one already resolved on pronouncing him guilty ; and 
 
208 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 after that gloomy conference, followed as it was by 
 unprecedented acts of rigour, the miserable Inca might 
 too clearly predict the fate which was preparing for 
 him. In vain did he remind Pizarro and the Casti- 
 lians, that, after having taken his treasure under the 
 seal of a solemnly pledged faith, they were offending, 
 by their present conduct, against every rule of jus 
 tice. 
 
 The governor affected to employ, in a transaction 
 so serious, the utmost circumspection and deliberation, 
 and sent Hernando de Soto, with another captain and 
 some horse, to reconnoitre those parts of the country 
 where the enemy was reported to be, and to act accord 
 ing to circumstances. After a diligent search, they 
 encountered only Indians of service, going peaceably 
 on their way to Caxamalca. Probably this expedition 
 was arranged merely as a means of sending Soto to a 
 distance, since he was .the only support which the 
 departure of Hernando Pizarro had left the Inca ; for 
 these two captains had especially won his good-will, 
 he preferred their conversation, and they were the 
 favourite associates of his amusements. 
 
 Soon after Soto left Caxamalca, there arose a great 
 tumult among the Castilians, who clamorously asserted 
 that the enemy approached, and that the danger was 
 becoming imminent. By this time the plan was ma 
 tured, and all ready for the commencement of a process, 
 where the only jurisdiction was that of force. Ata- 
 hualpa was accused of the murder of his sovereign and 
 brother, Huascar, and of plots against the security of 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 209 
 
 the Spaniards ; and these charges being- proved in a 
 summary manner, the case was then laid before Fra 
 Vicente Valverde, a man even less instructed in the 
 formalities of justice, than in the divine maxims of the 
 gospel. This priest averred that there was ample 
 ground for the condemnation of the Inca, and offered 
 to sign the sentence, if necessary. Thus supported, 
 the two generals pronounced the doom of their pri 
 soner, and adjudged the unhappy prince to be burned 
 alive. On this atrocious fact being known in the 
 army, many Spaniards nobly protested against it, ap 
 pealing loudly to justice, equity, and gratitude, in favour 
 of the royal captive.* They were indignant that such 
 an inhuman act should dim the lustre of their actions, 
 and could not endure that so foul a stain should be 
 eternally fixed on the Spanish name and character. 
 
 * All historians unite in this opinion, and echo the same senti 
 ments which animated the army. Herrera manifests very clearly, 
 that if the death of the Inca was disculpable in a political view, it 
 was not so in justice or morality. Gomara, after lamenting that 
 he had not been sent to the Emperor, and ascribing his execution 
 to the clamours of Almagro s party, says, " But we may cease to 
 revile them for this deed, since time and their crimes have punished 
 them, and all of them have met an evil end." Oviedo says, among 
 other things, " It is notorious that the governor guaranteed his 
 life ; and even had no such engagement existed, he ought to have 
 respected it, since no captain, without the warrant of his king and 
 
 lord, can dispose of the person of a prince whom he has taken 
 
 These reports were raised by those who wished his death ; he was 
 a victim to evil designs, and to the ill counsel of the governor ; the 
 process was badly composed, and worse written ; the foremost in 
 this transaction were a restless, worthless priest, and a scrivener 
 without sense or conscience, and other such persons, who agreed in 
 this crime." Author s Note. 
 
210 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 They chose a protector for the Inca, and appealed in 
 form to the Emperor in his behalf, demanding that 
 Atahualpa and his cause should be sent to Spain. Many 
 were of this opinion, and at their head some of the 
 most distinguished men in the army. Their honour 
 able efforts were vain ; they were threatened with the 
 name and punishment of traitors, and so silenced. The 
 sentence was intimated to the Inca, who prepared to 
 die. At first he loudly exclaimed against the perfidy 
 with wilich he was treated ; then, his thoughts revert 
 ing to his family, he demanded, with tears, what crime 
 he, his wives, or his children, had committed ? The 
 burst of natural feeling having subsided, he resigned 
 himself nobly and firmly to his doom, requesting to be 
 interred at Quito, with his ancestors of the maternal 
 line. His executioners allowed the day to close, as 
 though they would not permit the eye of day to look 
 upon the consummation of their crime ; and, two hours 
 after nightfall, the Inca was brought forth for punish 
 ment, the Fra Valverde offering him his consolations 
 by the way, piously anxious, no doubt, to assist at the 
 last scene of a tragedy, to the commencement of which 
 he had been in many ways instrumental. He per 
 suaded Atahualpa to become a Christian, and to re 
 quest baptism ; adding, in aid of his persuasions, that 
 in doing so he would escape the flames. The last ar 
 gument was well understood by the poor Inca, who 
 yielded, and baptism was administered, in such form as 
 the time and circumstances would permit. This done, 
 the successor of Manco Capac was delivered into the 
 
FRANCISCO PJZARRO. 211 
 
 hands of his executioners, and, being bound to a stake, 
 Jie was immediately strangled. 
 
 Atahualpa was, at the time of his death, thirty 
 years of age, and, according to Gomara, a contempo 
 rary writer, whose information must be derived from 
 the witnesses, or even actors in these events, " he was 
 well disposed, wise, courageous, frank, cleanly in person, 
 and of good appearance." The idea left of him by the 
 narratives of those times, is, in truth, highly favour 
 able, in spite of the vices of dissimulation, cruelty, 
 injustice, and tyranny, which have been laid to his 
 charge. These odious qualities seem very inconsist 
 ent with the virtues and graces he manifested during 
 his long imprisonment, and which gained him the af 
 fection and friendship of many Spaniards, who, as we 
 have said above, loudly arraigned the sentence pro 
 nounced against him, as most iniquitous and barbarous. 
 They agree equally ill with the eulogiums bestowed 
 on him after his death, when he is seldom named but 
 as the Great Monarch, the Good King, and other 
 phrases, all of the same import. Finally, they have 
 their strongest contradiction in the love and devotion 
 impressed on the hearts of his Peruvians for his per 
 son and memory, who considering, that, more than any 
 other of their princes, he had reflected the great gifts 
 and virtue of his father, Huayna Capac, wept, in his 
 deplorable death, the catastrophe of the empire. As 
 soon as this event was known in Caxamalca, the wives 
 of the Inca, the Indian women who served him, and 
 his whole family, began to pierce the air with their 
 
212 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 lamentations, and to invoke heaven with the most 
 dismal cries. Those who were most attached to him 
 rushed forth, frenzied and desperate, resolving to bury 
 themselves with him ; and as the Spaniards prevented 
 them, they dispersed about the neighbourhood, and 
 some with cords, some with their own hair, hung them 
 selves to follow him. Thus they satisfied their ado 
 ration of their unhappy Prince, and many others would 
 have perished in like manner, had not the soldiers 
 followed and restrained them, by order of Pizarro. 
 
 The corpse was decently interred among other 
 Christians, but in a few days secretly removed by the 
 Indians, and carried either to Quito or to Cuzco. Its 
 final destination could never be ascertained, though, 
 from greediness of the treasure supposed to be buried 
 with him, the most minute and diligent search was 
 made in each of those places for the discoveiy of his 
 sepulchre. When the mournful tidings reached the 
 other provinces of Peru, the same loyalty and devoted 
 affection were every where evinced ; the Indians of 
 both sexes putting themselves to death, that they 
 might serve their idolized Inca in the other world. 
 The sentiment, in short, was general throughout the 
 empire ; and when the constancy and good faith with 
 which he had conducted himself in prison became 
 known, and the positive and efficacious orders by which 
 he had prohibited his people from taking up arms in 
 his favour, and making war on the Castilians, they 
 contrasted his behaviour with the iniquitous course 
 pursued by the Europeans, and not only the friends 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 213 
 
 and partisans of Atahualpa, but those who had been 
 otherwise, raised a cry of horror against the Castilians, 
 envying- the fate of those Incas, who had not lived to 
 be overtaken by times so cruel and disastrous. 
 
 This act consummated the destruction of that great 
 monarchy. From the moment of the Inca s imprison 
 ment, and of the dispersion of his army, the captains 
 who commanded it were scattered indifferent directions, 
 and exercised a thousand oppressions and violences >" 
 all fear of authority was at an end ; the harmony which 
 had reigned in the state was broken ; all ties of union 
 burst at one stroke ; the whole frame of order was 
 disconcerted, and there remained no curb on the ambi 
 tion of the great, nor on the license of the multitude. 
 The stores and public property were plundered, pri 
 vate possessions invaded ; all was confusion and dis 
 order : and the work of civilisation, which had cost ages 
 of wisdom and perseverance in completing, was de 
 stroyed in a moment. All religion was disregarded, 
 all habits corrupted ; even the virgins of the sun, so 
 sacred and revered, now quitted their cloisters, and, 
 abandoning themselves to libertinism, became the in 
 discriminate prey of their own countrymen or of the 
 strangers, and the derision and contempt of both. 
 Such mutation and confusion in that lately well-ordered 
 state, and in that strict accord of laws divine and hu 
 man, filled every good man s heart with grief for what 
 he saw, and dread for the future, for small reason was 
 there to hope that the evil would end here ; and these 
 misgivings were just, for no sooner was the Inca dead, 
 
214 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 than disorders, scandals, and usurpations, reached the 
 most fearful height ; the classes, so long- kept in sub 
 jugation, rose against their superiors, and exercised 
 retaliation and vengeance ; no province was at peace 
 with the adjacent one, nor scarcely even any man with 
 his neighbour ; and the keystone which sustained the 
 edifice giving way, the whole structure fell with a tre 
 mendous shock, and became a ruin. 
 
 This rapid dissolution of the Empire was favourable 
 to the designs of the conqueror, who thus saw a more 
 easy entrance opened before him to the new monarchy 
 he proposed to found ; but, if the death of Atahualpa 
 smoothed the difficulties which might oppose them 
 selves to his capacity, valour, and- enterprise, there 
 quickly arose others calculated to excite in the Casti- 
 lians serious doubt and anxiety ; the accumulation of 
 gold and silver, coming to Caxamalca for the ransom of 
 the Inca, was now detained, the service of the Indians 
 began to slacken, provisions to diminish, commands to 
 be evaded, and threats of insurrections and hostilities 
 were again heard : whatever contempt the Spaniards 
 might nourish for a people who had suffered them 
 selves to be easily overthrown, and their king taken 
 and put to death, was surpassed by the abhorrence 
 which the natives felt for them. The extent of coun 
 try was immense, the Indians many, the Castilians 
 very few. Pizarro, therefore, meditated the creation 
 of a new Inca, who might serve as his principal in 
 strument for the subjugation of the Indians, the cen 
 tral point of their interests and wills, and avert from 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 215 
 
 him and his followers those dissensions and wars which 
 he could devise no other means to escape. He, there 
 fore, summoned such of the Orejones as were on 
 the spot, for this purpose, and gave them to under 
 stand, that it was not his intention to destroy the 
 monarchy, and that he requested their counsel, as to 
 the person whom they considered most worthy to 
 assume the royal borla. These men, who had been 
 promoted and dignified by Atahualpa, named a son of 
 that prince, called Toparpa. His extreme youth and 
 inexperience adapted him to the purposes and ends of 
 the Spanish general, who expressed his approbation, 
 and the son of Atahualpa was acknowledged, and 
 crowned as king, with all accustomed ceremony, in 
 Cuzco, though with less than former pomp and ma 
 jesty. Thus, the barbarians who overran Italy in the 
 latter times of the Roman Empire, used to create such 
 pantomimic Caesars ; and Toparpa, by the side of 
 Pizarro, was a lively representation of Avitus and 
 Anthemius by the side of Ricimer, and of Julius 
 Nepos and Augustulus by that of Orestes. 
 
 Pizarro resolved to pursue his march to the capital ; 
 but it was first necessary to secure San Miguel de 
 Piura and its district, as it might be deemed the key 
 to Peru. For this mission he made choice of Captain 
 Sebastian de Belalcazar, who received his instructions, 
 and departed immediately on his destined journey. 
 This election did honour to the discernment and pene 
 tration of the Castilian general. Whether we contem 
 plate Belalcazar as tmployed in the bloody and obsti- 
 
216 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 nate wars maintained against the Indians of Quito, or 
 undertaking new and bold discoveries in the equinoc 
 tial regions, or occasionally, performing a part in the 
 events of Peru, he exhibited so acute a capacity, so 
 correct a judgment, a spirit so intrepid and warlike, 
 and such indefatigable activity, as left him without 
 any superior, even among the most celebrated disco 
 verers. 
 
 The Spaniards having at length completed a resi 
 dence of seven months in Caxamalca, now directed 
 their march to Cuzco by the royal road of the Incas ; 
 they had attained the number of 480 men, which, as 
 they were become accustomed to the Indians, they 
 considered a moderate army. They carried with them 
 the new Inca, who was borne on a litter, and followed 
 and served by such Orejones as were at the time of 
 departure in Caxamalca. In this procession, the 
 general Chialiquichiama, who was likewise carried on 
 a litter, in demonstration of his consequence and 
 authority, was very conspicuous. The governor, 
 having no sufficient motive for depriving him of his 
 liberty, had set him free, counselling him to continue 
 quiet and tranquil. In such unbroken harmony, did 
 the Spaniards and Indians proceed among the lovely 
 valleys formed by the sierras, without meeting, for 
 some days, any subject for jealousy on the road. All 
 was peace. The Indians of the different villages by 
 which they passed, came out to receive them with all 
 submission and respect, and the Castilians marched 
 forward, enriched, and satisfied with the past, and 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 217 
 
 joyous and animated by the hope of a yet more pros 
 perous future. 
 
 But immediately on having passed the province of 
 Guamachuco, and on reaching" that of Andamarca, 
 advice was received that a large body of Indians was 
 posted with apparently hostile intentions, a little in 
 advance. The Spanish general thought it expedient 
 that a son of the Inca Huayna Capac should go for 
 ward, and endeavour to appease them ; but those who 
 accompanied him returned in affliction to announce, 
 that, disregarding his birth, the enemy had put him to 
 death, as a traitor to his country. This opened the 
 eyes of the Castilians to the certainty that a desperate 
 war was kindling against them, and that, in spite of 
 all their precautions, they must open themselves a 
 way to the capital, by force of arms. 
 
 The first eifect of this event was the imprisonment 
 of Chialiquichiama, whom Pizarro, either for security 
 or revenge, again loaded with fetters. At the same 
 time the army began to march with more caution, and 
 in better order ; Almagro and Hernando de Soto lead 
 ing the vanguard, while Pizarro followed with the 
 remainder of the army and the baggage. But the 
 Indians did not suffer themselves to be seen in arms, 
 till the Castilians entered the village of Xauxa, sixty 
 leagues from Caxamalca; there, conceiving themselves 
 secure on the farther bank of the river, which runs 
 through the midst of the valley, they began to insult 
 and provoke their enemies : " What do you want in 
 our country ? Why return ye not to your own ? Ye 
 
218 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 ought to be satisfied with the injuries ye have already 
 done us, and with the murder of Atahualpa !" The 
 river, great in itself, and then swollen by the melted 
 snows, which had carried away the bridge, was, in 
 their opinion, a secure defence, behind which they 
 might utter their reproaches and revilings with impu 
 nity ; but on seeing the Spaniards throw themselves 
 boldly into the river, despising equally the fury of 
 the current, and the clamours and threats which were 
 poured upon them, and not possessing courage to 
 await the attack of the horse, they took flight, some 
 towards the north, others towards the west, sufficient 
 numbers remaining on the field, to exercise, and even 
 to weary, the swords of the Castilians. 
 
 With this sad affair, and the similar result of sub 
 sequent encounters, the valley was cleared of the In 
 dians, and the Castilians took possession of the trea 
 sures of tht 1 temple belonging to the place; a great 
 number of webs of linen and cotton, and several beau 
 tiful women, amongst them two daughters of Huayna 
 Capac. Here Pizarro resolved on founding a town, 
 attracted by the fertile and lovely district, the large 
 population which belonged to it, and the proportionate 
 distance it held to all other important places. Previ 
 ously to executing this idea, he sent Hernando de 
 Soto with sixty horse, to make a rapid recognisance of 
 the road from Cuzco. In pursuing his march, he 
 descried in the distance, at Curibayo, a host of Indians 
 armed in defence of the pass, of which he apprised the 
 governor, and urged him to send forward the ne\t 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 219 
 
 Inca to endeavour to pacify them by his presence ; 
 but Toparpa, at this period, fell seriously ill, and his 
 death quickly succeeded, leaving- Pizarro disconcerted 
 by his loss, and doubtful how he might repair it, 
 having- experienced the utility of his presence, al 
 though but a mock king-, in removing- all difficulties 
 and obstacles which had arisen on the march. 
 
 Soto had no need of the aid he had required, for, on 
 approaching- the station of the Indians with his horse, 
 he dispersed them easily, by the mere terror with 
 which they regarded those animals. But not subdued, 
 they determined to post themselves in a rude and 
 difficult pass in the Sierra of Vilcaconga, seven leagues 
 from Cuzco. There they reinforced themselves, and 
 laid in provisions, fortifying themselves after their 
 manner, and adding to the natural inaccessibility of the 
 road ; making- hidden holes, armed with pointed 
 stakes, for disabling the cavalry. The Castiliangpfup- 
 posing- them in flight, followed the fugitives, passed 
 Curambo, crossed the river Abancay, and by the royal 
 way of Chinchasuyo, reached the point where the In 
 dians awaited them. Seeing- them entangled in this 
 dangerous pass, the Barbarians, considering them 
 already destroyed, raised their war cries, and attacking 
 them fiercely with darts, sling-s, arrows, and wooden 
 scimitars, shewed themselves in every part of the 
 mountain, as if bent to conquer or die. The Spanish 
 soldiers recoiled at the sight of this great multitude, in 
 the formidable position they had had the sagacity to 
 select, and struck, above all, by their appearance of 
 
220 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 desperate resistance. Soto, seeing them thus uncer 
 tain, " It suits us not," said he, " to halt here, and 
 still less to abandon the conquest. While we linger, 
 the difficulty and danger increase momentarily, since 
 the enemy will become emboldened, and will multiply 
 in numbers. On the contrary, our victory smooths 
 all difficulties from before us. Follow me." Having 
 thus addressed his men, he rushed foremost upon the 
 enemy, who received him and his people with a spirit 
 equally resolute and animated. The combat was most 
 obstinate on the part of the Indians. Those, who 
 beheld them pierced through, and their throats cut like 
 lambs, in Caxamalca, would hardly suppose that the 
 lions, now so bravely standing at bay, could be of the 
 same nation. It is true, that many of them fell, but 
 many Spaniards and horses likewise perished ; and in 
 the immense disproportion of numbers between the 
 two ^people, every drop of Castilian blood that was 
 shed, seemed an irreparable loss. Night separated 
 them. The Indians posted themselves near a fountain, 
 and the Castilians on the borders of a rivulet ; they 
 were, nevertheless, within musket shot of each other, 
 and the Peruvians were prepared for the attack by 
 day -break. Hernando de Soto, who, on mustering his 
 people, found that he had lost five Spaniards, with 
 eleven wounded, and two horses, with fourteen others 
 wounded, considering, moreover, how ill they were 
 supplied with necessaries, and how few pgople were 
 left him, and not being certain, in spite of the advices 
 he had despatched of his situation, on his march, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 221 
 
 whether he should receive succour in time, began to 
 suffer intense anxiety with respect to the difficulty of 
 his position, and to repent his improvident temerity. 
 While his thoughts were thus painfully employed 
 with doubts and misgivings, which the obscurity of 
 the night augmented, the Castilian trumpet was heard 
 at the foot of the mountain, announcing, by its echoes, 
 the approach of aid and deliverance. The trumpet 
 of the combatants responded from above, and, at its 
 sound, the reinforcement, commanded by the Marshal 
 Almagro, hastened to join the troops of Hernando de 
 Soto. They embraced each other with such feelings 
 of joyous welcome as we may well imagine, and 
 awaited the dawn for the renewal of the conflict. The 
 surprise and dismay of the Indians, on perceiving at 
 daybreak that the enemy s force was doubled, and 
 that the victory, of which they had felt so secure, was 
 about to escape them, were great ; yet they di$ not 
 lose courage, but stood the first attack of the Casti- 
 lians, who, being so greatly increased in numbers, and 
 fighting with fresh ardour and confidence, easily 
 routed and put them to flight. The camp being thus 
 gained, the victors agreed to await there the rest of the 
 army, which was marching rapidly to join them. 
 
 Meanwhile, Pizarro having left in Xauxa instruc 
 tions for the formation of the new settlement he had 
 there projected, he constituted the treasurer Riquelme 
 his lieutenant, in order to rid himself of the presence 
 of that turbulent, ungovernable man. At the same 
 time he sent a detachment to the coast of Pachaca- 
 
222 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 mac to examine the feasibility of erecting a town on 
 that shore, and then passed to Vilcas, the central 
 point of the Empire of the Incas, being- placed at an 
 equal distance between Quito and Chile. There, he 
 had fresh cause to admire this magnificent monarchy ; 
 for Vilcas, with Cuzco and Pachacamac, was one of 
 three favoured places, where the Incas had lavished, to 
 the utmost excess, the proofs of their power and splen 
 dour, not only on the temple and adoratories, but on 
 the royal apartments and houses of recreation, which 
 they had erected in that delicious region. He went 
 from thence, without any interruption, to meet the 
 vanguard of his army, who expected him. But he, 
 who from Caxamalca hitherto, could boast of having 
 marched on with a decorum and gravity becoming a 
 civilized conqueror, pacifying the natives, projecting 
 settlements, and abstaining from all barbarous and 
 unworthy conduct, gave, on arriving at Vilcaconga, 
 fresh proof of the little reliance his justice and huma 
 nity merited, when he might lay them aside with op 
 portunity and security. The hostile movements of the 
 Indians, in the various encounters which had occurred 
 with them, betrayed, by their order and consistency, 
 that they were directed by some experienced head, 
 well exercised in the art of war. It was known in the 
 Spanish camp, that the multitude of insurgent Indians 
 was led by Quizquiz, one of the ablest generals .of 
 Atahualpa, and joined with Chiliquichiama in the war 
 against Huascar. A rumour was raised of secret com 
 munications between the two captains, and it was 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 223 
 
 even said that Chialiquichiama had sent advices to 
 his friend, that the Castilian force was divided, and 
 how he might best profit by that fortunate occasion. 
 This intelligence was not sufficiently proved to justify 
 the rigour afterwards exercised on the unfortunate 
 general. The danger of Hernando de Soto and his 
 sixty horse, had filled the minds of the Spaniards with 
 as much wrath as anxiety. To this, we may add, that 
 Chialiquichiama enjoyed the fame of having won five 
 battles for his king, and the declaration of the Indians, 
 that had be been with Atahualpa in Caxamalca, the 
 tragical scene there acted could not have taken place ; 
 and to sum up the causes which made him obnoxious 
 to those who held him in their power, we may men 
 tion the talent and capacity, which, during their inter 
 course, his oppressors had noted in him. They feared 
 the difficulties he might occasion them if he recovered 
 his liberty, and even asserted that a great body of In 
 dians were marching upon them, with the purpose of 
 setting him free. All this was more than sufficient 
 to render him culpable in the eyes of the jealous con 
 queror; and Pizarro, to rid himself at once of all 
 doubt, doomed him to be immediately burned. Thus 
 ended the sad series of injustices committed on this 
 warrior, who probably owed his deplorable death to his 
 high reputation. Chialiquichiama, at the stake to 
 which they had fastened him, might triumph over his 
 executioner, reproaching him with treachery, injus 
 tice, and shocking inhumanity, to one who had never 
 given him the slightest pretence for his conduct. 
 
224 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Immediately after this rigorous act, the army began 
 their march for Cuzco : the Indians, however, pre 
 viously to witnessing- the loss of their ancient capital, 
 resolved to make trial of their fortune in a narrow 
 pass of the valley of Xaquixaguama, through the hol 
 low of a mountain which defends it on the eastern side. 
 Here they awaited the Castilian vanguard, which, under 
 Almagro, Soto, and Juan Pizarro, began to skirmish 
 with them, and to push them hard, wounding several of 
 them with their lances. They supported themselves,, ne 
 vertheless, with tolerable firmness, animated by their 
 injuries, and protected by the nature of the ground ; 
 when Mango Inca, one of the sons of Huayna Capac, 
 who had sallied from the city with a good body of his 
 people to join the combatants, suddenly despairing of 
 the destiny of his country, went over to the Spaniards, 
 and presented himself to the governor, who received 
 him with every species of honours and flatteries. 
 Then the Indians, losing all hope, quitted the combat, 
 and rushed in fury and despair on Cuzco, determined 
 to burn that emporium and conceal its treasures. Her- 
 nando de Soto and Juan Pizarro, flew, by order of the 
 governor, to intercept them ; but they could not hin 
 der the complete sack of the Temple of the Sun, and 
 the abstraction of its wealth; the removal of the sacred 
 virgins who dwelt in it, nor the setting fire to several 
 parts of the city. With equal rapidity the Peruvians 
 escaped from the scene of ruin, conveying with them 
 all the youth of both sexes, and leaving only the aged 
 and useless behind them. Such was the state in which 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 225 
 
 the Spaniards found the capital of the empire, into 
 which Pizarro made his entrance towards the end of 
 November 1533, and took possession, with the usual 
 formalities, in the name of the King 1 of Castile. 
 
 The Spaniards having-, at such small cost, gained 
 possession of that opulent city, their first anxiety, 
 after having- quenched the flames which the Indians 
 had kindled, was to search for the riches which had 
 been there treasured up. Much had been carried away 
 and concealed by the Peruvians, yet still abundance 
 remained. They completely stripped the temples of the 
 planks of gold which lined them, sacked the fort and pa 
 laces, and searched the houses, with a diligence inspired 
 by the most greedy avarice. They next ransacked the 
 sepulchres, and the bones of the dead were destined 
 to be once more exposed to light, and to yield to the 
 hands of those eager strangers the jewels which had been 
 interred with them. The most anxious search was for 
 the sepulchres of Huayna Capac, Atahualpa, and other 
 Incas, whose treasures, exaggerated by report, increa 
 sed the impatient desire of these covetous men. They 
 entreated the Indians to guide them to them; but 
 they, crafty and reserved, either replied with subter 
 fuge, or made no answer. Hence arose insults and 
 threats ; these were followed by blows, and finally by 
 torture ; yet neither insolence nor cruelty could wrest 
 information from them ; from some because they were 
 ignorant, and from others because they were stronger 
 than their tormentors ; and thus did those venerable 
 monuments escape for ever the rapacity of the con- 
 p 
 
226 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 querors. The produce of this plunder, added to the 
 spoil collected on the way, and placed in one common 
 mass, in pursuance of the established custom, was of 
 greater amount than the booty of Caxamalca ; there 
 were, however, more to share it, so that it was divided 
 into much smaller portions. It is said that when the 
 King s fifth was subtracted, the remainder was divided 
 into four hundred and eighty parts, and that each 
 individual received 4000 pesos. This enormous mass 
 of precious metal, put suddenly into traffic on one 
 spot, and the want and scarcity of such comforts and 
 commodities as might be exchanged for it, had the 
 natural effect of depreciating it. The silver was ne 
 glected, as heavy and embarrassing, precious stones 
 were abandoned to whomsoever would take them ; so 
 that these men, so greedy of gold and silver, seeing 
 the vessel of their avarice burst from repletion, now 
 learned that their coveted treasure served rather as a 
 load and a vexation, than a satisfaction and a profit. 
 
 But in attending to these cares, proper to the 
 leader and adventurer, Pizarro did not neglect the 
 political and religious obligations incumbent on him, in 
 his office of governor. He immediately regulated the 
 city according to the form of Castilian policy, esta 
 blished a council, named judges, overthrew and destroy 
 ed the idols of the country, and marked out a spot 
 for the erection of a temple for preaching the gospel, 
 and the worthy celebration of divine worship. Yet in 
 the midst of the peace and prosperity which reigned 
 at this crisis, his satisfaction was embittered by the 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 227 
 
 tidings of an armament, preparing- at Guatemala, for 
 Peru, and the disquieting suspicion that these same 
 Spaniards were destined to confound or trouble his 
 measures, and bring his sovereignty into dispute. 
 
 The leader and governor, at that period, in Guate 
 mala, was Pedro de Alvarado, one of the principal con 
 querors of New Spain, and perhaps, of all his compa 
 nions, most beloved by Hernan Cortes. Few could dis 
 pute with him the palm of valour and perseverance, 
 none that of urbanity and liberality ; the Mexican 
 Indians called him Tonatio, thus comparing him with 
 the sun for his beauty; and he was distinguished by his 
 own countrymen, for his elegance and the polish of his 
 manners. His conduct and habits corresponded with 
 the attractions of his person; he talked, it must be con 
 fessed, somewhat too volubly, yet his expressions were 
 bland and gracious, and his flattery insinuating ; he 
 gave much, and promised more. Unfortunately, his 
 heart contrasted widely with this seductive outside ; 
 vain, ungrateful, and even false, the Spaniards could 
 not endure his arrogance, nor the Indians his oppres 
 sions ; increasing age, and the affairs in which he was 
 engaged, developed those vices of his character, which 
 did not early betray themselves. He had tranquillized 
 and subdued the province of Guatemala, whither he 
 was sent by Cortes, put a close to the war of the 
 capital, and having become powerful and celebrated 
 by the renown and wealth acquired in this conquest, 
 he went to Court, in the year 1527, to boast of his 
 services, and demand the appropriate guerdon. The 
 
228 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 good fortune which had accompanied him in the Indies, 
 did not forsake him in Spain ; his amiable exterior, 
 and perhaps, likewise, his presents, won for him the 
 favour of the Commendator Cobos, the Emperor s 
 secretary. He returned to New Spain decorated with 
 the habit of St Jago, and with the rank of leader 
 ( Adelantado) and captain-general of Guatemala, where 
 he espoused a lady of good family* and pretensions, 
 who became subsequently celebrated for the idolatry 
 of her affection for him ; he was followed by a multi 
 tude of knights and distinguished men, whose hopes 
 rested solely on his favour and fortunes. Hence arose 
 such an excess of vanity and arrogance, as could 
 scarcely be contained within the limits of the new 
 world. His pretensions were lofty, his projects mag 
 nificent, and his preparations and armaments eclipsed, 
 in ostentation and grandeur, those of Hernan Cortes 
 himself. 
 
 He had promised in Spain to prepare an armament 
 for discoveries in the South Sea, and to explore a new 
 opening- for the navigation of the Spice Islands, a pro 
 ject at that season much espoused by the Court. And, 
 in effect, as soon as he arrived in his province in the 
 year 1530, he began to take measures for realizing his 
 offer, with an ardour becoming one whose word was 
 pledged, proportioned to the hopes entertained at 
 
 * Alvarado had engaged himself to wed Cecilia Vasquez, first 
 cousin of Cortes, but on coining to Spain, and seeing himself in 
 favour with Cobos the secretary, he forgot the promise made to his 
 general, and espoused Donna Beatriz de la Cueva, a lady proposed 
 to him by his protector. Author s Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 229 
 
 Court, and to his own vanity and ambition. No ex 
 pense, no effort, no oppression was spared, nothing- 
 omitted that might forward his enterprise ; and, in an 
 incredibly short space of time, he had eight sail ready, 
 of different bulk, one of which was a galleon of 300 
 tons, which, compared with the other vessels then 
 usual in those seas, must have appeared colossal, and 
 was therefore called San Cristoval. The preparation 
 of arms, horses, provisions, and "all warlike supplies, 
 was proportioned to the importance of this armament, 
 the largest which had, at that period, been built and 
 fitted out in the ports of the Indies. Great was the 
 eagerness and anxiety of all classes and officers to be 
 employed on this occasion. The great Cortes, now 
 Marquis del Valle, wished to have a share in this en 
 terprise ; but this, Alvarado resolutely opposed, and 
 after having in Spain rejected him for his relation, he- 
 now in the Indies refused him for his companion. 
 
 The preparations were now nearly completed, when 
 the fame of the riches of Peru began to spread through 
 America. Then the Adelantado, seeing himself mas 
 ter of so superior a force, as might, he thought, enable 
 him to give the law wherever he appeared, changed 
 his project, and abandoning the uncertain discoveries 
 of the South Sea, publicly proclaimed his determina 
 tion of steering for Peru. This proclamation greatly 
 stimulated the eagerness and ardour of a multitude of 
 adventurous spirits, who flew from all parts to seek a 
 share in the golden hopes which were thereby excited. 
 In vain did the royal officers oppose this change of 
 
230 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 object, representing- the unhappy effects likely to fol 
 low a step so unprincipled, so contrary to the orders 
 of government, and so totally inconsistent with the 
 obligations he had contracted ; in vain did the Audiencia 
 of Mexico send him order after order, commanding 
 him to abstain from troubling the discoverers of Peru 
 in their conquests and pacifications ; and in vain did 
 the city of Guatemala represent to him the deserted 
 state in which that province would be left, without 
 arms, without soldiers, and without himself; aban 
 doned in helplessness to the warlike tribes, which 
 threatened her within and without. Deaf to every 
 remonstrance, he made no pause in his preparations. 
 He replied to the royal officers, that his commission 
 for the South Sea restricted him to no particular 
 course or limit, that it left him at liberty to shape his 
 own plan ; he replied to the audience, that Don Fran 
 cisco Pizarro lacked force sufficient to finish the enter 
 prise he had commenced, and he went therefore to his 
 aid ; he informed the Junta of Guatemala, that, for the 
 security of the province, he should carry away with 
 him the principal Caciques and native lords, whom he 
 had caused to be taken for that purpose ; and lastly, 
 he told those with whom he could converse without 
 restraint, that he sought a richer and greater country, 
 that of Guatemala being too narrow for his views. 
 
 About this time, the pilot, Juan Fernandez, who 
 had partaken in the events of Caxamalca, arrived from 
 Peru, and gave Alvarado a full account of the enor 
 mous treasures w r hich had been shared, of the march 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 231 
 
 of Pizarro over the sierras upon Cuzco, and of the ex 
 pedition to Quito, where were the treasures of Huay- 
 na Capac and of Atahualpa. All this lent spurs to the 
 desires of the Adelantado, who, taking the pilot into 
 his service, immediately set sail with his fleet, com 
 posed of twelve barks of all sizes, carrying 500 well 
 armed soldiers, 227 horses, and a great body of Indians, 
 some as hostages, others as auxiliaries, and the greater 
 part as servants. This was expressly at variance with 
 the orders, which strictly prohibited such translations 
 of the natives ; but at that period Alvarado owned no 
 restraint of duty, obligation, or law. He was accom 
 panied by several cavaliers and distinguished persons, 
 principally of those who had followed him from Spain, 
 to try their fortune in the Indies. Amongst these 
 were conspicuous Gomez and Diego de Alvarado, 
 Juan de Rada, the same who afterwards became re 
 markable for his part in the bloody tragedies which 
 ensued, and Garcilaso de la Vega, father of the histo 
 rian. More than two hundred men were compelled to 
 remain behind, for want of vessels to convey them. On 
 arriving in the Port of la Posesion, he was met by 
 Captain Garcia Holguin, whom he had apprised of his 
 expedition to Peru, and who now brought him com 
 plete information of the actual state of things there, 
 and confirmed the intelligence of Juan Fernandez. 
 The squadron again set sail, and on the way entered 
 the harbour of Nicaragua ; there, to supply his defi 
 ciency of vessels, he forcibly possessed himself of two 
 which were at anchor. Captain Gabriel de Rojas had 
 
232 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 kept them in readiness to carry two hundred men to 
 the aid of his old friend Pizarro, who had urged him 
 very earnestly to come and partake his fortunes. 
 Neither the respect justly due to Rojas, nor his re 
 monstrances, could avert this outrage ; and that captain 
 had no other resource left, but to set off immediately 
 with a few Spaniards to join his friend in Peru, and 
 give him an account of the indignity he had endured, 
 and the loss he had sustained. 
 
 Alvarado, in the course of his voyage, reached the 
 Caraccas, near Porto Vecchio, and there disembarked 
 his men ; it is asserted that at that period, and even 
 previously, he had indicated an intention of coasting 
 forward, and postponing the commencement of his 
 discoveries till he arrived on the other side of Chincha, 
 where he knew the government of Don Francisco 
 Pizarro ended. But whether this was done from po 
 licy and to save appearances, or in sincerity, his army, 
 by this time weary of navigation, and dreaming only 
 of the opulence and grandeur that awaited them in 
 Quito, unanimously besought their general to conduct 
 them thither, and accordingly they directed their 
 march towards Quito. 
 
 They soon had cause to repent the step they had 
 taken. It is true that the first few days of their march 
 all seemed to favour them, and in some of the Indian 
 towns, which lay in their route, they had an opportu 
 nity of acquiring wealth, which might have contented 
 minds less sick than theirs with the fever of avarice 
 and ambition. But when they found themselves en- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO: 233 
 
 tangled in those immense deserts, without guide or 
 interpreter, beholding only rocks and rivers, and the 
 plains even rendered nearly impervious by thorns and 
 thickets, through which they could only hew them 
 selves a way by force of iron and severe labour, when 
 weakened by hunger, their blood burned up by parch 
 ing thirst, and attacked by fevers which proved fatal 
 to their victims on the second day, or deprived them 
 for a period of their senses, they then began to curse 
 the hour and the impulse, which led them to agonize 
 and perish in this horrible country. The general,* 
 himself seized by the fever, struggled ten days against 
 its malignity, and only by dint of much care escaped 
 with life. They at length reached a less rugged dis 
 trict, where they found some Indian tribes and settle 
 ments, divided and dispersed, without any mutual con 
 nexion or intelligence, of different language and man 
 ners ; they had some gold, and of that the Spaniards 
 possessed themselves. But having thus proceeded for 
 the space of five months, heaven, and earth, the climate 
 and the soil, renewed their persecution, and began by 
 the most implacable rigour to manifest the wrath of 
 nature against these audacious invaders. The country 
 seemed to close upon them, they were obliged to strive 
 with the currents of broad and rapid rivers, or to force 
 their irksome way over snow-capped sierras. The 
 
 * Herrera says, that while suffering from this malady, Alvara- 
 <lo, in his delirium, rushed forth with his sword drawn, and among 
 other acts of madness, killed a horse, at a time when that animal 
 was worth, in Peru, three or four thousand pesos. Translator s 
 Note. 
 
234 FRANCISCO PIZARHO. 
 
 army marched in three bodies ; the vanguard was led 
 by Diego de Alvarado, the Adelantado followed with 
 the second ; and the Licentiate Caldera, a lawyer, who 
 enjoyed the principal favour and confidence of the 
 general, brought up the rear with the baggage. When 
 they began to penetrate into the recesses of the moun 
 tains, a violent wind arose, and the snow descended in 
 broad thick flakes. The first Castilians, who accom 
 panied Diego de Alvarado, being lighter, and capable 
 of more expedition than the rest, succeeded, though 
 with immense exertion, in accomplishing the six 
 leagues which brought them through this appalling 
 portion of their march, and they reached a town, seat 
 ed on the plain, where they were, able to take some 
 rest and refreshment after the labours of their march. 
 From thence, Diego de Alvarado sent to advertise his 
 brother of the dangers of the pass, and of the necessity 
 for crossing it, in order to arrive at that more hospi 
 table region, which the vanguard had already attained. 
 Having received this advice, and seeing he had no 
 means of avoiding the rigours and perils of the pass, 
 the Adelantado pursued his march. The wind conti 
 nued to blow with even increased violence ; the mor 
 tality of the men, which had previously been consider 
 able from their past miseries and fatigues, was now 
 much enhanced by this cruel cold. The Spaniards 
 being more robust, better clothed, and habituated to a 
 variety of temperature, were best able to resist ; but 
 the wretched Indians, natives of the gentle and tem 
 perate climes of Guatemala and Nicaragua, sank under 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 235 
 
 the severity of the storm ; some lost their sight, some 
 their fingers, some their hands and feet, some were 
 frozen to the spot ; all, in short, suffered horribly 
 Supporting themselves against the rocks, they called 
 with lamentable cries on their masters for succour, 
 till their voices were frozen, and their life extinguished 
 by the frost. Thus, night found them, and their tor 
 ments and consternation were augmented ; since, with 
 the exception of a few tents, which the richest and 
 most luxurious spread for their shelter, the remainder 
 had to pass the interval, without fire, without protec 
 tion, while nothing was heard but cries, groans, and 
 maledictions. The Adelantado listened in anguish to 
 these sounds, and already doubtful of the issue of the 
 rash adventure into which his ambition had driven him, 
 he trembled for the approach of that dawn, which would 
 unveil the dreadful scene his imagination already de 
 picted. Light, at length, came, and at the sight of such 
 a multitude of frozen Indians and Negroes, all, without 
 order or counsel, with the confusion of men routed 
 in battle, turned blindly back upon the path which led 
 them thither. Then Alvarado, disheartened and de 
 spairing, beholding his own ruin in this retrograde 
 movement, ran from one to the other, telling them it 
 was indispensable they should pass that sierra ; that 
 they would have the same sufferings to endure from 
 the cold, in retracing their road, as in marching for 
 ward ; that they ought not to be deterred by pusillani 
 mity from advancing to that good region where the 
 vanguard awaited them. To conciliate them, he told 
 
236 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 them that such as wanted gold might supply them 
 selves from the public aggregate, with no other con 
 dition than that they should pay the king s fifths ; but 
 those who had already cast away their treasures, to rid 
 themselves of their burden, mocked his offer, and were 
 far from availing themselves of a bribe so unseason 
 ably tendered.* The rearguard under Caldera, which 
 had suffered no less from the cold than their precur 
 sors, now joined them, and they so animated each 
 other, that it was finally resolved they should march 
 forward and seek an issue from this dreadful pass. That 
 day, however, was more bitter than its predecessor, 
 and, consequently, the agonies and disasters were even 
 more terrible ; the horses began tq be benumbed, seve 
 ral Spaniards died. A robust soldier dismounted to 
 alter the bridle of his horse, and the man and the ani 
 mal were immediately frozen. Gomez, the assayer, 
 died with his horse, both being embarrassed by the 
 great weight of emeralds he had accumulated, and of 
 which his covetousness would not permit him to dis 
 burden himself ; thus he paid the penalty of his mad 
 ness. But the piety of Huelmo merited a better fate ; 
 he was already much in advance, when he heard the 
 cries of his wife and two young daughters, and, flying 
 to their succour, gave up all hope of safety, to remain 
 and perish with them. Meanwhile, the storm of wind 
 and snow continued to redouble in violence ; he who 
 lagged behind, or strayed one moment from his com- 
 
 * A Negro offered a Castilian a packet of gold. " Begone !" he 
 exclaimed j " the real gold is food !" 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 237 
 
 rades, was lost ; he who was of lightest weight suc 
 ceeded best ; all, as if in emulation one of the other,, 
 threw away gold, arms, vestments, jewels, which lay 
 scattered over the snow. That, which had cost so 
 many sacrifices, and even crimes ; that very prize, for 
 which all the horrors and dangers of that rash march 
 had been undertaken, was despised, nay, even abhorred 
 as vile and pernicious, so imperious is the influence 
 which the occasions and necessities of the present mo 
 ment hold over man I Disheartened, subdued, half- 
 dead, in short, the Spaniards at length quitted those 
 snowy mountains, and reached the town of Pasipe, 
 near Riobamba, leaving dead on their route eighty- 
 five Castilians, six female Spaniards, many Negroes, 
 two thousand Indians, almost all the rest disabled ; to 
 say nothing of the mortality of the horses, nor the 
 abandonment of arms and treasures ; an immense loss, 
 for which the survivors could only console themselves 
 by the hopes of meeting with a rich country and more 
 genial clime. These hopes, however, quickly vanish^ 
 ed ; for scarcely had they become a little recovered 
 from their fatigues, and resumed their march, when on 
 arriving at the great road of the Incas, which crossed 
 the country, the fresh track of horses \liich they sud 
 denly perceived, gave them to understand that it had 
 been recently travelled by other Spaniards. This was 
 an overwhelming blow for the ambitious Alvarado, 
 when, in the midst of such great calamities, he began 
 to suppose that the country had already been discover- 
 
238 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 ed, and overrun by other Castilians, and that he must 
 either forego his enterprise, or maintain it by force. 
 
 He was not deceived in his sinister conjecture. The 
 Marshal Almagro, who knew in Vilcas, through the 
 medium of Gabriel de Rojas, the march and project of 
 Alvarado, flew like lightning- to intercept him ; and 
 reinforcing- his little troop with some men from San 
 Miguel de Piura, and the detachment under Belalca- 
 zar, whom he had immediately summoned to join him, 
 posted himself at Riobamba, and sent out eight horse 
 to reconnoitre the country. This party of scouts fell 
 in with Diego de Alvarado, who, with a similar pur 
 pose, had gone out with a pretty considerable force. 
 Almagro s people were few, and compelled to surren 
 der themselves prisoners ; but they were treated with 
 the utmost courtesy and urbanity by Diego de Alva 
 rado, and conducted to his brother, who received them 
 equally well, saying that he came not out to seek dis 
 sensions, but to discover new territories for his king, 
 whom they were equally bound to serve. They rega 
 led and entertained them nobly, and afterwards sent 
 them to the marshal with a letter, manifesting the 
 same moderate sentiments, informing him that they 
 would come and join him at Riobamba, where all 
 should be arranged amicably, and to his satisfaction. 
 
 Almagro sent three messengers with his reply, of 
 fering his welcome to the new comers, expressing his 
 sympathy for the distresses they had endured in the 
 snowy ravines, and adding, that as he nothing doubted 
 the good-will of so loyal a knight as Alvarado, he 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 239 
 
 begged to inform him that the greater part of those 
 kingdoms appertained to the jurisdiction of Don Fran 
 cisco Pizarro, and that he himself was in daily expec 
 tation of a patent, constituting him governor of all the 
 country to the east of his friend s boundary. With 
 this insinuation, let fall as if carelessly, did he close at 
 once the door of both sovereignties against the designs 
 of Alvarado ; thus giving that leader to understand, 
 that in like manner as he defended the government of 
 his companion, would he defend that which he ex 
 pected for himself. Alvarado, perplexed and doubting 
 of the part which might now be most expedient for 
 him, replied, that on his nearer approach to Riobamba, 
 he would send proper messengers with his answer, and 
 thither he pursued his march. 
 
 Hitherto, their communications carried an air of 
 much courtesy ; but, nevertheless, when the distance 
 between the camps was diminished, the two parties 
 practised that war of intrigue ever frequent in civil 
 discords, even when the minds of the adversaries are 
 least embittered by mutual rancour. Alvarado s party 
 boasted its strength ; that of Almagro, more cautiously, 
 and with more effect, insinuated that the rich provinces 
 of the government might still be shared, and that it 
 would be wiser, by joining them, to partake peaceably 
 in the distribution, than to follow their general, ex 
 ploring unknown regions, and perhaps new snowy 
 ravines and sierras, which would put a fatal and miser 
 able end to their enterprise. Desertion now commen 
 ced. The interpreter Felipillo quitted Almagro to join 
 
240 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Alvarado, while Antonio Picado, secretary to the general 
 of Guatemala, passed over to the marshal ; the latter 
 could not patiently endure this desertion, but imme 
 diately ordered the bulk of his army to march with 
 banners spread, and approach Riobamba in order of 
 battle ; his inflamed spirit no longer capable of regard 
 ing- appearances, he resolved to commence hostilities 
 on the instant, unless his secretary was delivered up 
 to him. Almagro, who had but a hundred and eighty 
 men to oppose to the four hundred who were about to 
 attack him, was not intimidated, but confiding in the 
 resolution of his people, and in the intelligence he held 
 with the enemy s camp, awaited his adversary, boldly 
 animating his troops by his own confidence. 
 
 Yet, to prevent as far as possible the collision now 
 threatened, the marshal, with the authority of a man 
 who commanded in the country, sent to desire Alva 
 rado to halt, and he would meet him with his van 
 guard ; this was agreed to. Then the Adelantado 
 demanded that his secretary should be given up to 
 him. " Picado is free," replied Almagro, " and may 
 go or remain ; he shall be subjected to no force on 
 either part." And in order to give the sanction of 
 legal formalities to his own claims, he sent for the 
 judge and notary of the new colony of Riobamba, 
 which had just been founded, to confirm his primary 
 possession. These officers judicially intimated to the 
 Adelantado, that he should return to his own govern 
 ment of Guatemala, and forbear to usurp that of an 
 other ; and, in case of non-compliance, they denounced 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 241 
 
 him as answerable for all the evils and miseries of the 
 conflict which would ensue. " I am the King s Gover 
 nor and Captain-General," replied Alvarado, " and 
 may go and come at my pleasure, through all those 
 parts of Peru, which have not been placed under the 
 domination of some other governor. If the marshal 
 has established a colony in Riobamba, I intend not to 
 molest him, nor have I any other design than to pur 
 chase with my money such necessaries as are indispen 
 sable for my army." 
 
 Thus did Alvarado lower his tone ; neither his ar 
 rogance, his vanity, nor his strength, could preserve 
 him from a discouraging consciousness of his own rash 
 folly. Against the unanimous opinion of his friends 
 he had quitted Guatemala ; in the face of general dis 
 approbation he had marched to Peru. He found his 
 people wavering, and doubtful, and averse to hostilities, 
 while his adversaries were daring and inflexible, and 
 did not exhibit the slightest symptom of weakness. 
 In short, he yielded, and sent back two of his captains 
 with Almagro s messengers, to confer with him and 
 bring matters to an agreement, and on the day follow 
 ing an interview took place between the two generals 
 in Riobamba, whither the Adelantado went, accom 
 panied by a few horse. 
 
 The marshal received him with all possible honour 
 and courtesy, and immediately on meeting, Alvarado 
 thus expressed himself: 
 
 " The great services I have rendered the crown are 
 public throughout the Indies, and equally public are 
 
242 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the rewards and honours conferred on me by the KingC 
 Governor and Captain-General of so wealthy and 
 powerful a kingdom as Guatemala, I might well be con 
 tent to repose in the enjoyment of such high dignity 
 and confidence ; but, to sit still in idleness, ill suits the 
 temper and profession of a soldier, whose whole life 
 has been spent in toil and danger, and who still feels 
 himself fit for service. I desired to merit new honours 
 from my King, and added celebrity from the world. 
 Having his Majesty s license for making farther dis 
 coveries by sea, I changed my original intention of 
 shaping my course to the Western Islands, tempted 
 by the reports which had reached me of the wealth of 
 these regions of the South. As I advanced within 
 them, I w T as ignorant that I was trespassing within the 
 limits of the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro. But 
 as the decrees of God are not in accord with my in 
 tentions, and seeing that the land is already occupied, 
 I, for my part, Seiior Marshal, will create no disturb 
 ance, nor cause any disservice to my King." 
 
 Almagro, in a few words characteristic of his natural 
 simplicity and brevity, applauded the conduct of Alva- 
 rado, observing, that he looked for no other resolution 
 on the part of so brave and honourable a knight. Then 
 Belalcazar and the other principal captains of Almagro 
 joined them, and kissed the hands of the Adelantado, 
 whose officers paid the same compliment to the mar 
 shal, and there was no contest any longer existing be 
 tween them, but that of urbanity and knightly cour 
 tesies. Antonio Picado presented himself to his for- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 243 
 
 mer general, and received his pardon, as did Felipillo 
 that of the marshal. 
 
 The two parties now began to treat on the conduct 
 they should mutually adopt ; and by the counsel of 
 the Licentiate Caltiera, Lope Idiaquez, and other prin 
 cipal cavaliers of either band, it was agreed that the 
 Adelantado should renounce all claim to that discovery 
 and conquest, and leaving his men and his ships in 
 Peru, should return to Guatemala, receiving for the 
 expenses he had incurred, and for the vessels, 100,000 
 pesos of gold. This agreement was publicly and le 
 gally ratified by a formal instrument ; and although 
 this transaction was considered derogatory by some of 
 the chiefs of Alvarado s army, who lost rank by it, 
 the greater part of the soldiers rejoiced, as, by its means, 
 they escaped a civil war, and remained in a rich land. 
 An observation to this effect was made to them by 
 their general, when he took leave of them, adding, 
 with much grace and politeness, that they lost nothing 
 in him but merely his person, gaining much in that 
 of the marshal, whom he besought them to serve will 
 ingly and faithfully, as a chief whose valour and gene 
 rosity he was convinced would deserve their zeal. This 
 noble confidence was realized, and even exceeded, by 
 the liberality of Almagro. The officers of Alvarado 
 presented themselves to offer their homage and obe 
 dience to their new leader, who welcomed them with 
 so much cordiality and affability, and subsequently 
 evinced for them so much consideration and confi 
 dence, that he made them truly his own, not only 
 
244 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 during- life, but even after his death. We may be as 
 sured that this great train, and the court paid him by 
 so many cavaliers, as from henceforth surrounded 
 Almagro, were, from the measureless pretension they 
 excited in him, and by the envy they produced in his 
 rivals, a very principal cause of the evils which en 
 sued, and which ended only in the ruin of both chief 
 and captains. * 
 
 The two generals sent advice of this treaty to the 
 governor, who received the messengers with lively 
 demonstrations of joy, and rewarded them splendidly 
 for their intelligence. Almagro, on returning to the 
 upper provinces, left Belalcazar as his deputy-governor 
 in the lower ones, and with him several of the sol 
 diers of Alvarado, leaving an order for transferring 
 the colony, commenced in Riobamba, to the palace of 
 the Incas in Quito. He sent a captain to colonize 
 Porto Vecchio, with the purpose of protecting the dis 
 trict from the evils to which the arrival of new adven 
 turers subjected it ; and proceeding with Alvarado to 
 
 * Alvarado himself, in the letter which he wrote to the Em 
 peror from Guatemala, in the May of the year following, giving an 
 account of his expedition, confesses the influence which the gifts 
 and promises of Almagro held with his people ; " So that," said 
 he, " had I persevered in the prosecution of my conquests, not 
 thirty men would have followed me. " And he foresaw the event, 
 when he adds, speaking of the men whom he left with the marshal, 
 " whereby the condition of the marshal is so much changed, that 
 I fear lest the arrival of Hernando Pizarro, with the dispatches 
 which it is said he brings from your Majesty, may produce among 
 them some great discord, which may involve the whole in ruin."i 
 Author s Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 245 
 
 San Miguel de Piura, passed from thence to the Valley 
 of Chimo, where he left Miguel Estete, with directions 
 to found a town, afterwards named Trujillo. These 
 affairs being arranged, the marshal and the Adelantado 
 pursued their way to Pachacamac, where Pizarro then 
 was. Nothing could exceed the demonstrations of 
 respect and regard, nor the bland and flattering cour 
 tesies exchanged by the three leaders, though there 
 were not wanting some malignant spirits, who would 
 fain have poisoned the mind of the governor by sinister 
 hints and whispers, advising him to look to himself, 
 as Almagro and Alvarado were conspiring to deprive 
 him of his government and authority. He treated 
 this absurd suggestion as it deserved, and received 
 the apologies offered him by Alvarado with suavity 
 and dignity ; and on that general recommending to 
 his protection certain of his officers and men, he re 
 plied that they should find him so heartily disposed to 
 show them favour, as should amply satisfy both them 
 and their late leader. They visited together the great 
 temple of that valley, and, from the nails and other 
 vestiges remaining about the walls, Alvarado might, 
 even yet,form some ideaof the riches which had adorned 
 it. About this time arrived Hernando de Soto, charged 
 with the conveyance of the hundred thousand pesos for 
 Alvarado, who, having received them, took leave of 
 Peru ; rich, indeed, in gold and the magnificent presents 
 of the governor and marshal, but he returned alone, 
 without an army, without a fleet, and, it may be added, 
 without honour. It is true that his expedition escaped 
 
246 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the disastrous result which might, from its temerity 
 and madness, have been anticipated ; yet he had quit 
 ted Guatemala with the arrogant ostentation of a 
 mighty conqueror, and returned to it like a merchant 
 laden with chests of gold. 
 
 These events occurred in the end of the year 1534, 
 and the beginning of the year following ; while Pizarro 
 diligently employed himself in reconnoitring the dif 
 ferent points of the adjacent country, proper for the 
 site of a city, destined to be the capital of the new 
 empire. The Valley of Limac, or Rimac (both these 
 names having been given it by historians), offered him 
 all the conveniences he could desire for this purpose ; 
 a central position among the provinces, proximity to 
 the sea, a mild climate, fertility and amenity of soil, 
 and the advantage of a good port. He resolved on 
 fixing the great establishment he projected on this 
 spot, and made choice of a site at two short leagues 
 from the sea, and four from Pachacamac, near a river, 
 which, though not large, was fresh and delightful. 
 Hither he removed all the colonists of Xauxa, par 
 titioned out the areas of the several houses, and cele 
 brated the ceremony of the foundation, with all suitable 
 solemnity, on the 18th of January, 1553. He gave 
 the city the name of Los Reyes, probably because in 
 seeking on the day of that festival for a place proper 
 for his purpose, he discovered the site where the foun 
 dation was now laid. Yet the name of the river and 
 valley where the city was built, has prevailed over the 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 247 
 
 first, and the capital of Spanish Peru has long been 
 known by no other appellation than that of Lima. 
 
 Pizarro afterwards marched to the Valley of Chimo, 
 to examine the colony there projected by Almagro, 
 on his return from his last expedition, and with the 
 management of which he had charged Miguel Estete. 
 The governor highly approved of the site selected, 
 confirmed all that had been done, and, as a tribute of 
 respect to his native land, called it Trujillo. Here he 
 occupied some time in regulating the state of the pro 
 vinces ; he confirmed Sebastian de Belalcazar in his 
 charge, redivided the land, won the aifection of all the 
 neighbouring people, and endeavoured, by gentle means, 
 to obtain peace with the Indians. Well did he know 
 the use of such arts when he found them necessary ; 
 and now, especially, that, old and declining, he was less 
 fitted for active and impetuous enterprises, he began 
 to addict himself, by preference, to the business of 
 founding towns, assigning limits, making laws, and 
 distributing rewards ; in short, taking upon himself 
 the life of a prince, the object to which all his efforts 
 and labours had been directed, from the hour on which 
 his ambition was first awakened. Thus, the present 
 period may be considered as the most fortunate of his 
 life, if prosperity is to be weighed by satisfied ambi 
 tion. It may likewise be deemed the most substan 
 tially glorious, as none can dispute that the fame 
 acquired in preserving and constructing, is far more 
 valuable than any which may be acquired by destroy 
 ing. But this epoch was of short endurance ; the 
 
248 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 seeds of civil discord already sown, were beginning to 
 produce those malignant fruits, which proved in the 
 end so mortal to the partakers. 
 
 Pizarro was still in Trujillo, when an unknown youth 
 appeared there, declaring himself charged with the 
 royal warrant, constituting Don Diego de Almagro 
 governor of the country beyond Chincha. On hearing 
 this annunciation, Diego de Agiiero, a captain who had 
 served with Almagro in the expedition of Quito, flew 
 instantly to secure the reward due to the bearer of 
 such tidings, and overtook Almagro at the bridge of 
 Abancay, near Cuzco ; and, without holding any order 
 or commission to that effect, gave him the notice and 
 congratulations, as from Don Francisco Pizarro. To 
 this Almagro replied with his characteristic sincerity, 
 " I thank you for the trouble you have taken, and 
 am deeply grateful for the reward conferred on me by 
 the King. I rejoice in it, chiefly as the means of pre 
 venting any adventurer from entering the land, which 
 I and my companion have conquered. For the rest, 
 I am already as much the governor as Don Francisco 
 Pizarro, since my commands are never disobeyed." 
 He gave Agiiero a reward of 7000 pesos, and con 
 tinued his way to Cuzco. There he went to reside, 
 with ample powers from Pizarro, to act in his name, 
 and, in his name, to assume the command in that dis 
 trict, with a warrant for discovering, for himself or 
 others, as far as a place called Chiriguana to the south ; 
 the expenses to be mutually borne. He was accom 
 panied by the two brothers of Alvarado, and several of 
 
FRANCISCO PJZARRO. 249 
 
 the officers of that general s army, who had placed 
 themselves at his disposal, reposing- all their hopes in 
 his friendship, offers and fortune. Consequently, for 
 them the tidings of Agiiero were no less joyful than 
 for their leader, since they now saw him invested with 
 power and authority to realize all his promises. He 
 was received, on arriving at Cuzco, with all honour 
 and respect, by Hernando de Soto, the two Pizarros, 
 Juan and Gonzalo, and other principal people. Shortly 
 afterwards, the above-mentioned youth arrived, with 
 a single transcribed copy of the royal order, the ori 
 ginal being in the hands of Hernando Pizarro ; and 
 the ill-judging marshal so forgot his interests as to 
 decline using his powers ; although, as Cuzco was not 
 within the limits of the first government, but formed 
 a part of that which was now conferred upon him, he 
 was thereby throwing the authority which he had the 
 King s warrant for assuming, into contempt. At that 
 time Pizarro was well aware that Cuzco lay beyond the 
 limits of his command. He complained, no doubt, of 
 being thus deprived of the richest jewel of his con 
 quest ; he regretted not having previously secured it 
 to himself by an anterior division of the land, and re 
 pined that another should carry away so rich and glo 
 rious a prize. Acting afterwards on the advice of 
 friends, more attached to him than to the marshal, 
 and still farther impelled perhaps by his ambition, and 
 love of command, he retracted the powers which he had 
 given to his companion, alleging in his letters, writ 
 ten as well to Almagro as to persons in the city, that 
 
250 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 he withdrew them, merely on considering- that they 
 might be embarrassing- to the marshal in the prosecu 
 tion of his discoveries ; and that, besides, should the 
 King s warrant arrive, containing the terms which 
 were reported, it would not be well that Almagro should 
 be found governing under his orders. He sent the 
 governing powers to Juan Pizarro, with, however, an 
 express order, that he should use them only in case 
 Almagro should attempt to exercise those which he 
 had been furnished with ; but otherwise to leave the 
 command with Hernando de Soto, who had hitherto 
 been intrusted with it. He sent this dispatch in all 
 haste by Melchior Verdugo, who arrived at Cuzco 
 long after the marshal, to whom he could not perform 
 his mission, as he found him acting quite independ 
 ently of the sanction of Pizarro, transacting business 
 in his own name, conversing, disposing, and promising, 
 as in full authority. The two Pizarros took offence ; 
 the city was divided into factions ; the greater num 
 ber followed the brothers ; but the principal and best 
 of the officers and inhabitants, weary of their pride 
 and insolence, inclined to the marshal. Provocations 
 and sparks of discord flew from one to the other ; men s 
 passions became inflamed ; and on one occasion, the 
 two parties appeared in the market-place, ready to rush 
 to arms, and disposed to steep their quarrel in Spanish 
 blood. The prudence and presence of mind of Soto, 
 aided by the moderation of Almagro, succeeded, for 
 the time, in appeasing the tumult. Soto persuaded 
 the Pizarros and their principal partisans to confine 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 251 
 
 themselves to their houses, while the marshal like 
 wise remained within his own, the better to induce 
 the others to obedience. 
 
 An account of these conflicts reached Lima, with 
 all the exaggeration, which evil tiding-s receive from 
 distance, when related in the tone and language of 
 resentment. Pizarro supposing the lives of his bro 
 thers in danger, resolved to go immediately to Cuzco, 
 taking with him the Licentiate Caldera, and Antonio 
 Picado, whom he had made his secretary. He had 
 various intelligence on the road, receiving in the first 
 place a message, brought by Luis Moscoso from Al- 
 magro, with an account of what had happened, and 
 afterwards a letter from one Carrasca, urging him to 
 hasten forward, if he wished to find his brothers alive. 
 He became enraged, and sent for Moscoso, whom he 
 severely rebuked for his departure from truth ; but, 
 on the other steadily maintaining that it was the letter 
 which conveyed the falsehood, Pizarro sent him, with 
 Antonio Picado, to procure some certain information 
 of the state of things ; and being satisfied that all was 
 quiet, he marched forward to Cuzco. He declined 
 being received with any sort of ceremony, and went 
 straight to the church, where the marshal hastened to 
 meet him. They embraced with tears, when Pizarro 
 broke silence. " See," said he, " how thou hast forced 
 me to cross these roads, without bed or tent, or other 
 food than maize. Where was your judgment, when, 
 having the means in your own hands for maintaining 
 quiet, you must involve yourself in contentions with 
 
252 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 my brothers, whom I have commanded to respect you 
 as myself?" " There was no necessity for this haste," 
 replied Almagro, " since I informed you on the in 
 stant of all that had passed. Your brothers have done 
 ill in this case, not being- able to conceal the displeasure 
 which the honours conferred on me by the King- has 
 caused them." Hernando de Soto, with a train of 
 cavaliers, now arrived to welcome Pizarro ; and when 
 he reached his own apartments, he upbraided his bro 
 thers for their conduct, who on their side excused 
 themselves, by alleging- that the marshal already con 
 sidered himself g-overnor of Cuzco, and prepared to 
 divide the land among his friends, and that in such 
 circumstances they had done no, more than his honour 
 and service demanded from them.* 
 
 The behaviour of Pizarro at this period was not 
 derog-atory to his early friendship, nor to the decorum 
 due to himself and to his ancient companion ; not so 
 that of the marshal, to whom, in fairness, we must 
 attribute much lig-htness and inconsideration, and 
 more especially a failure in the respect due to his 
 governor and his friend. As no positive or weighty 
 cause of offence had hitherto been given or received, 
 and as each now hoped that the prize in dispute might 
 
 * Herrera makes the following curious apology for dissimula 
 tion. " Pizarro embraced him as though forgetting the past ; for 
 dissimulation, which is of difficult use to the ignorant, partakes 
 somewhat of prudence, the queen of all mortal virtues, and con 
 tains in itself a sort of apparent virtue ; since men, not being all 
 equally good, neither can nor ought to disclose their minds with 
 equal openness, lest by so doing they might prejudice themselves 
 and others." Translators Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 253 
 
 become his, without farther contention or violence, 
 they were mutually the more easily disposed to listen 
 to the proposals for conciliation, interposed by the 
 Licentiate Caldera and other mediators; so that the 
 friendly companionship of the two generals was re 
 newed and confirmed at the altar. Mass was after 
 wards celebrated before them ; they divided the host 
 between them, adding- many oaths and solemnities 
 consonant with the religious act. They each de 
 nounced against themselves, in case of failure in 
 sincerity and good faith, in the preservation and con 
 stancy of their friendship and co-operation, or in the 
 equal partition of their profits, ever) evil due to per 
 jury, either in this world er the next, as loss of 
 property and honour, loss of life, and perdition of soul. 
 For the honour of the religion of each of them, I am 
 inclined to believe, in spite of the suspicions betrayed 
 by historians, that tfefey proceeded on both sides in 
 good faith, and that they intended to fulfil the vows 
 then made. It is truly to be deplored, that promises 
 so sacred, and a friendship so repeatedly vowed and 
 ratified, were doomed to be broken in a manner so 
 cruel and sanguinary. But, alas ! these religious 
 acts, whatever of awe and reverence they may ex 
 cite in the moment of celebration, have but too 
 little effect in stifling the passions and the interests of 
 men.* The heart continues the same, and, on the 
 slightest incentive, returns to its first dispositions, 
 
 * If it be so, alas for those, who venture frequently and lightly 
 to appeal to that authority, which being sacred, may not be mocked 
 with impunity ! 
 
254 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 without meriting- the charge of falseness or sacrilege, 
 although it justly incurs the stain of perjury. 
 
 The march of the marshal for Chili was now pub 
 licly announced ; he preferred taking that direction, 
 both on account of the riches those provinces were 
 reported to possess, and because they fell within the 
 imits of his own allotted government. All those 
 adventurers whose fortunes were not yet made, 
 enlisted under his banners ; and even some who had 
 already been enriched, joined him, in the hope of im 
 proving their fortunes. His amiable temper and his 
 unlimited generosity .gained him all hearts, so that 
 there were few who did .not wish to follow him. A 
 hundred and -eighty loads of silver, and twenty of 
 gold, were sent from his house, to bo divided among 
 the captains who lacked the means of equipping them 
 selves, without his asking any farther pledge, than 
 their promise to repay him-pti$ of the gains they 
 should acquire, in the land whither they were bound, 
 and even this repayment he left to the decision of 
 their own will. From many even this promise was 
 not received. This more than royal profusion, with 
 which he prepared for his expedition, deprived him of 
 the means for prosecuting his projects in Castile ; he 
 was negotiating the marriage of his son Don Diego 
 with the daughter of a counsellor of the Indies, and 
 also the purchase of an estate in Spain., He requested 
 his companion to order him 100,000 pesos for his 
 equipage, with which Pizarro willingly complied. 
 Disembarrassed of this care, he began to hasten his 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 255 
 
 expedition ; he named Rodrigo Orgonez his lieu 
 tenant-general, and sent forward Paulo Topa, a prin 
 cipal Indian, of whom we shall speak hereafter, bro 
 ther of the Inca Mango, and of the high priest, 
 accompanied by three Castilians, to soothe and pre 
 pare the minds of the natives ; and leaving proper 
 instructions for the captains who remained in Cuzcoand 
 Lima, to assemble their troops, and hasten to follow 
 him, he commenced his march. 
 
 In the farewell interview of the companions, Al- 
 magro told Pizarro, that loving him truly as a brother, 
 and having no wish equal to that of the preservation 
 of their mutual attachment and harmony, and that 
 they should be placed beyond the risk of all interrup 
 tion, he intreated him, as his brother, his friend, and 
 his companion, to send back his brothers to Castile, 
 giving them, from whatever belonged to himself, as 
 much treasure as would satisfy their utmost desires. 
 " In doing this," he said, " thou shalt gain universal 
 applause, since there is not an individual exempt from 
 the insults of these cavaliers, who shelter themselves 
 under the impunity of their nearness to thee." To 
 this, the governor replied, " that they loved him as 
 their father, and would never give the slightest cause 
 for offence."* The counsel of Almagro sounded no 
 doubt harsh in the ears of a brother, and difficult also 
 
 * " Pizarro," says Herrera, " although crafty and reserved, yet in 
 many instances betrayed a wavering and irresolute mind." Per 
 haps he could not influence the conduct of his brothers, in spite of 
 the respect he attributed to them. Author s Note. 
 
256 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 to follow, when we consider the character of the 
 governor ; but it was honourable, prudent, and in 
 spired by an instinctive dread of the torrent of misfor 
 tunes, of which those men were the destined cause. 
 
 No sooner had Almagro commenced his expedition, 
 than the governor made a division of the lands of 
 Cuzco, and, constituting his brother Juan his lieute 
 nant in the city, returned to Lima, to animate the 
 work he had there set on foot, which, at that time, 
 seemed the favourite occupation of his thoughts, and 
 his primary care. As at this epoch all was tranquil in 
 Peru, the Indians peaceable, the Spaniards satisfied, 
 the will of the general respected and obeyed as the 
 supreme law ; and as his will, in accordance with the 
 serenity of the times, was neither hard nor severe, we 
 may cite this as another honourable and fortunate 
 period of his life, in which he enjoyed, without bitter 
 ness or alloy, the exalted fortunes to which he had 
 raised himself. It was indeed a singular spectacle, to 
 behold that man, whose education had been so utterly 
 neglected, so devoid of all learning, disputing with 
 artificers on the dimensions of the streets, the height 
 and area of the temples, public edifices, and houses ; 
 defend, on principles based on policy, commerce, and 
 salubrity, the plan and position of his projected empo 
 rium, and teach his companions and the new comers to 
 enjoy and appreciate, by anticipation, the advantages 
 of the paradise he was preparing for them. Nor did 
 he forget the occasional distribution of gifts, which 
 purchased him friends and opinion ; and however 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 257 
 
 Almagro exceeded him in this particular, yet was not 
 Pizarro considered niggardly,* but, when expedient, 
 he knew how to give with grace and magnificence. 
 To the Licentiate Caldera, to the Priest Loaisa, to the 
 two brothers Henriquez, to Luis and Tello de Guz 
 man, and Hernando de Soto, on taking leave of the 
 latter on his journey to Spain, and, in short, to many 
 other knights and soldiers, did he make princely pre 
 sents, with the unostentatious cheerfulness which 
 became a great conqueror. 
 
 In Lima he found awaiting him the Bishop of 
 Panama, commissioned by the king to regulate the 
 limits of the two governments, his own and that of 
 Almagro ; but as the original provisions, which were 
 
 * He knew likewise how to give privately, with secrecy, and 
 discretion, so as to avoid humbling by his gifts those whom he 
 succoured. Of this virtue in him many traces remain, which 
 reflect great honour upon him. He frequently played with the 
 necessitous, allowing them purposely to win, so that they were at 
 once relieved from distress, and had the pleasure of boasting that 
 they played better than he. The circumstance of the wedge of 
 gold, which he carried during a game at ball, for the purpose of 
 relieving a soldier, is cited by all historians. The wedge was heavy, 
 and he carried it in his bosom to give to the soldier, who did not 
 appear ; and another party offering to play at ball with him, he, 
 without taking off his waistcoat, or disincumbering himself of the 
 weight he bore, played, till at the end of three hours the soldier 
 arrived, whom he called aside, and giving him the gold, said, he 
 would rather have given him thrice as much, than have endured 
 the fatigue his delay had caused him. But nothing that has been 
 related in favour of his affability and kindness, does him more 
 honour than the instance of his plunging into the river Barranca, 
 and seizing one of his Yanacona Indians by the hair, who had 
 fallen in accidentally, and was carried away by the torrent. His 
 captains reproached him warmly for his temerity, to which he re 
 plied, that they did not know how to take proper care of a ser 
 vant. Author s Note. 
 
258 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 to serve as the basis of this division, were in the hands 
 of Hernando Pizarro, who was not yet arrived, nothing- 
 could as yet he done in this important arrangement. 
 The bishop meanwhile insinuated, that his commis 
 sion seemed to him almost superfluous, from the 
 happy correspondence established between the two 
 governors, in their late solemn act of concord. In 
 fact, neither of the two parties desired it ; and the 
 bishop, dissatisfied with the harmony and good faith 
 which at that time presided over affairs in the new 
 country, made use of the pretext to return to his 
 church, declining the noble present the governor 
 would fain have made him, and receiving only an 
 alms of 1000 pesos of gold for the hospitals of Pana 
 ma and Nicaragua. 
 
 It was likewise at this season that Pizarro intrusted 
 Captain Alonzo de Alvarado with a commission to ex 
 plore and pacificate the Chiachapoyas, a nation lying to 
 the east ; being desirous to extend the Spanish dominion, 
 and the propagation of the gospel, still farther in that 
 region. The various events which befell Alvarado in 
 his expedition would be out of place here ; suffice it 
 to say, that he exhibited, throughout his enterprise, 
 the prudence, temperance, and honour, which ever 
 belonged to his character, and which he preserved 
 even amid the fury of the civil wars. 
 
 At length Hernando Pizarro returned from Castile 
 to Lima. In Castile he had been followed and admi 
 red with an eagerness proportioned to the immense 
 wealth he had brought to the metropolis, and the dis- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 259 
 
 coveries and conquests he announced. All Spain was 
 roused by his arrival, almost as it was in the days when 
 Columbus came to offer the New World to the Catho 
 lic sovereigns. Now, indeed, were the hopes then ex 
 cited accomplished, perhaps even exceeded. The mes 
 senger, who had himself held so conspicuous a part in 
 the scenes he described, was loaded with favours and 
 honours, and rewarded by the court, even to the mea 
 sure of his own desires. The prerogatives of a ser 
 vant of the royal household, the order of St Jago, a 
 patent for levying 120 Castilian soldiers, the distinc 
 tion of admiral of the fleet in which he returned to 
 the Indies ; finally, the recommendation of his person, 
 under an express charge issued to all governors, com 
 mandants, or other public functionaries, to arrange 
 matters for his convenience, and the expediting the 
 preparations for his return to Peru, were not consi 
 dered favours in any way disproportioned to his merits. 
 On his brother, the governor, the title of Marquis 
 was conferred, with an extension of his government 
 sixty leagues farther along the south coast. To the 
 marshal, whose cause he at the same time pleaded, 
 stimulated thereto by the zealous exertions making 
 for the interests of that chief by the captains Mena 
 and Sosa, was conceded, with the title of Adelantado, 
 the government of 200 leagues of coast in a right 
 line, east, west, north, and south, stretching from the 
 limits of the jurisdiction of Don Francisco Pizarro, 
 with the privilege of naming his own successor. In 
 the despatches, the name of New Castile was given to 
 
260 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the territory subjected to Pizarro, and New Toledo 
 to that of Almagro. But these names have not re 
 mained. The letters with which the king- replied to 
 the two discoverers were most gracious, and highly 
 appreciatory of their services, promising- to hold them 
 ever in honour and consideration. Father Valverde 
 was recompensed by the bishopric of Cuzco, to which 
 he was presented by his Holiness. In short, as Her- 
 nando Pizarro promised mountains of gold, and as the 
 court was in much need of it, he undertook to return 
 speedily with all the gold he could amass, not only of 
 the royal fifths, but also the product of an extraordi 
 nary service, which he pledged himself to obtain from 
 the conquerors. Thus he returned to Peru, escorted 
 by a considerable number of cavaliers and soldiers, 
 willing to join him in acquiring 1 honours and riches in 
 the Indies. He reached Lima shortly after the return 
 of his brother from Cuzco, and Almagro s departure 
 for Chili. 
 
 It is alleged, that, on seeing the provisions made by 
 the court, the governor experienced within himself a 
 renewal of all that envy and emulation towards his 
 companion, which had been for a time allayed ; and 
 that, jealous lest Cuzco should escape him, he re 
 proached his brother for having consented that the 
 government of New Toledo should be conferred on 
 Almagro. To which Hernando replied, that so noto 
 rious at court were the marshal s services, that even 
 this appeared to the king and council a reward short 
 of his deserts ; that, in fact, Cuzco would be compre- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 261 
 
 hended in the seventy leagues now added to his 
 government, and many other advantages, of a nature 
 which ought fully to satisfy him. But the two bro 
 thers spared no industry in rendering these vast pos 
 sessions more and more securely their own. In the 
 first place, they delayed putting into the hands of 
 Juan de Rada, Almagro s captain, the original de 
 spatches in favour of his general, which he repeatedly 
 entreated from them, being- eager to join his leader 
 with the reinforcement he had remained in Lima to 
 assemble. Hernando Pizarro refused them, under 
 different pretexts, and at length told him he would 
 give them up to him in Cuzco. Thus he gave time 
 for the Adelantado to become more and more distant, 
 and that the royal warrant might reach him at so 
 remote a point, and probably find him so involved in 
 difficulties and treaties, as to render it impossible for 
 him to return. Meanwhile, the governor thought it 
 expedient that Hernando should take on himself the 
 government of Cuzco, which was at that season in the 
 hands of Juan Pizarro, since, in case of contradiction 
 on the part of Almagro, and supposing he should 
 return with hostile intentions, he wished that the 
 direction and authority over that district might be 
 found in firm and capable hands. 
 
 While preparation was making for his departure, 
 Hernando Pizarro, anxious to fulfil the promises he had 
 made to the court, pressed the conquerors to grant the 
 king an extraordinary contribution, to aid him against 
 his enemies in the wars in which he was engaged in 
 
262 FRANCISCO PIZARRO, 
 
 Europe. They were far from lending- a willing- ear to 
 his persuasions : they said they had done enough for 
 the king-, in sending- him the large fifths gained by 
 their blood and labour, while the king had in nothing 
 assisted them ; that they were not inclined to contri 
 bute more of their property, while he and his brother 
 were alone the recipients of royal rewards and favours. 
 How many rewards and honours had they been nat 
 tered with on setting forth ? He, in reply, asked in 
 what his brother and himself had been separately 
 rewarded ; for his part, all he had gained was the order 
 of St Jago, and for his brother the title of marquis. 
 He threatened to compel them to restore the ransom 
 of Atahualpa, which, proceeding > from a king, of right 
 belonged to the king ; and giving the reins to his proud 
 and insolent temper, he railed on them as vile un 
 grateful men, unworthy the favours of fortune. This 
 was delicate ground, and the governor now interposed, 
 and, taking his part in the contest, defended his com 
 panions against his brother s insults, declaring, that 
 they deserved as much as those who assisted Don 
 Pelagio in the restoration of Spain ; and adding, that 
 as Castilian loyalty was incompatible with any oppo 
 sition to the interests of the king, he entreated them 
 to manifest theirs generously on the present occasion, 
 nattering them, at the same time, that the Indies 
 would be given up to them in perpetuity, whereas 
 they now held them but as a deposit. These words, 
 uttered with the affability ever at his command when 
 it behoved him to use it, disposed the rich conquerors, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 263 
 
 then in Lima, to generosity, so that they collected a 
 great quantity of money for the offered service. Her- 
 nando Pizarro hastened his departure for Cuzco, from 
 whose inhabitants he hoped to receive an equal dona 
 tive, while he had, at the same time, an eye to general 
 affairs. 
 
 Urgent, indeed, was the necessity for the superin 
 tendence of some spirit, combining activity and firm 
 ness, for, at that crisis, difficulties, dangers, and even 
 disasters, crowded on each other with alarming rapi 
 dity. The brother of Pizarro believed, that his task 
 would be confined to the defence of Cuzco against the 
 uncertain pretensions of Almagro ; but it appeared, 
 that not Cuzco only, but all Peru, began to vacillate 
 under the hands of the Spaniards ; and a general insur 
 rection of the natives, which burst forth almost at the 
 same moment with the civil discord, placed all the 
 wealth and dominion, which had cost so much labour 
 in acquiring, in mortal peril. But to throw as much 
 light as possible on the present state of things, we 
 must recall the reader s attention to the Indians, of 
 whom we have not for some time spoken. 
 
 Though the generals of the Inca beheld their mas 
 ter defeated, and a prisoner in Caxamalca, they did 
 not despond, neither did they lose sight of what was 
 due to him and to their country. Though unable to 
 inspire the multitude they commanded with a greater 
 degree of courage and steadiness, and though they 
 could not prevail against the superior arms and disci 
 pline of their enemy, yet, so far as their own power 
 
264. FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 and efforts could avail, they perseveringly exerted 
 themselves to maintain the liberty of their country. 
 They fought bravely, wherever they met with soldiers, 
 and all died free and independent, without acknow 
 ledging the yoke of any foreign lord. Irruminavi, who 
 was in the army of Atahualpa when that prince was 
 surprised, escaped to Quito with the 5000 men he 
 commanded, and placed that province in such a state 
 of defence, that sometimes conqueror, sometimes con 
 quered, he succeeded for a considerable time in keep 
 ing Belalcazar at bay; he yielded, in truth, to the 
 superior dexterity and means of his adversary, but 
 deprived him effectually of the fruit of his victory, 
 and disappointed him of the treasure to which he so 
 eagerly aspired.* The brave chief died amid tor 
 ments, without betraying the slightest symptom of 
 weakness. We have already seen how Chialiquichiama 
 perished under the power of Pizarro, and his punish 
 ment was considered a proof of the dread of his name, 
 valour, and influence, and of the hopelessness of the 
 invaders to shake his fidelity. 
 
 Quizquiz covered and defended the upper provinces, 
 frequently led his Indians to battle, and, when he 
 witnessed the loss of Cuzco, caused himself to be 
 
 * Irruminavi, on the dispersion of his followers, afflicted and 
 dejected, concealed himself in a small hut, where he was recognised 
 by a guide, and discovered to Valle, a captain of Sebastian de 
 Belalcazar, who took him, without the Indian betraying the slight 
 est weakness ; and thus ended the war of Quito. Belalcazar, to 
 wring from him the knowledge of hidden treasure, put him to the 
 most cruel tortures, which he bore with unshrinking constancy, 
 and died, leaving the avarice of his tormentor liflappeased. 
 
FRANCISCO P1ZARRO. 265 
 
 elected captain by the most valiant Mitimaes of the 
 neighbouring country, who were the original Gua- 
 manconas of the provinces of Quito, and at their head 
 once more tried the fortune of war in the first in 
 stance, at the bridge of Apurima, near Cuzco, against 
 the governor, and afterwards against the Castilians of 
 Xauxa, commanded by Gabriel de Rojas, who was at 
 that season in the valley. The latter combat was 
 most obstinately fought : the Castilians conquered, 
 but none of them escaped unwounded ; one of them 
 was killed, and likewise three horses, and sixty Yana- 
 conas taken, whom Quizquiz had immediately put to 
 death, as his most inveterate enemies. He then pro 
 ceeded to Quito, whither he had offered to lead his 
 Mitimaes. There he had an encounter with Belal- 
 cazar, where he was again conquered ; and his cap 
 tains then advised him to make peace with the Spa 
 niards, since he might now perceive that they were 
 invincible. He called them cowards ; and the dispute 
 for and against a surrender becoming violent, one of 
 his principal officers struck him with a lance, and the 
 others despatched him with their axes and clubs. 
 
 These bloody and terrible examples were calculated 
 to repress the ardour of those patriots, who would 
 fain have stood forth as the champions of Peruvian 
 independence ; and still more as the Spaniards, after 
 the death of Toparpa, continued the farce of electing 
 an Inca, to act as their principal slave, to command as 
 king, and even to punish, in their name, the natives 
 of the country. Danger however sprang up, as fre- 
 
266 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 quently happens, from this very precaution. Don 
 Francisco Pizarro, shortly after his arrival in Cuzco, 
 had placed the royal tuft, with all the established 
 Peruvian ceremonies, on the brow of that Mango Inca, 
 who, on the encounter which preceded his- entrance 
 into the capital, had passed over to him so opportunely. 
 As all agreed, that to him, as the son of Huayna 
 Capac, the kingdom by legitimate claim belonged, his 
 election gave general satisfaction. The Indians re 
 mained tranquil under his command, and the Inca so 
 judiciously conducted himself, as to seem deserving of 
 the dignity to which the governor had raised him. 
 This tranquillity lasted, till the .inflamed passions of 
 the two Spanish generals exploded in Cuzco ; then 
 the Indians likewise divided, some following one 
 party, some the other, and it appears extraordinary 
 that the Inca Mango should adhere to the side of 
 Almagro, rather than to that of his benefactor. In vain 
 did the Spanish leaders, after their own reconciliation, 
 endeavour to procure a reunion of the Indians like 
 wise, since, even in an assembly of the most distin 
 guished of them, persuasions, entreaties, or even au 
 thority, were of no avail in putting an end to their 
 divisions. Nothing was gained, and the Inca and his 
 relations remained at variance.* Afterwards, when 
 
 * A brother of the Inca, a mere boy, with great spirit rebuked 
 some of the lords who were present at this junta, for not address 
 ing the Inca on their knees, in conformity with custom, and ex 
 pressed his displeasure so vehemently, that Don Francisco Pizarro 
 resented it, and threatened the youth in very unmeasured language. 
 Author s Note. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 267 
 
 Almagro set out on his expedition to Chili, he re 
 quested Mango to appoint two of his lords to accom 
 pany him. He granted him, as we have already said, 
 his brother, Paullo Topa, and the Vilehoma, or High 
 Priest ; hinting, that he sent away the one from poli 
 tical jealousy, and the other, as he considered him of 
 a, restless character, and dangerous from his power 
 and influence. This, however, was mere pretence, at 
 least as regarded the high priest, who, before he 
 departed, concerted with Mango the plan of an insur 
 rection ; and, the moment he heard of its commence 
 ment, returned in all haste to participate in and 
 direct it. 
 
 When an opportune moment for his purpose ar 
 rived, the Inca secretly convoked the principal lords 
 of the three neighbouring provinces ; and having, 
 according to the custom, performed many sacrifices 
 and ceremonies, he commented on the present state of 
 things, and required their counsel as to the most ex 
 pedient measures for their deliverance from the sub 
 jection in which the strangers held them. He reminded 
 them of the union of gentleness with justice, which 
 had characterised the dominion of the Incas, his fore 
 fathers, and of the prosperity, which, under their rule, 
 smiled upon all their affairs ; he pointed out the dis 
 order and confusion which had reigned throughout, 
 since the arrival of the Castilians ; the sacrilegious 
 robbery of the temples, the corruption of manners, 
 the prostitution of their sisters and daughters, the 
 slavery of the men whom the Spaniards employed in 
 
268 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 incessant search after the precious metals, and in the 
 observance of their insolent caprices. The strangers 
 had allied themselves with the Yanaconas, the vilest 
 class in the land, and had excited them to insult their 
 lords, and even to treat him* with contempt ; that 
 several of the Mitimaes did the same, so that nothing- 
 was wanting but to deprive him of the royal borla. 
 " What had Peru done, to provoke those arrogant 
 men to enter the country in arms, to murder Atahu- 
 alpa, Chialiquichiama, and others, who constituted 
 the flower and splendour of the kingdom ?" He 
 warned them of the progressive and fearful augmenta 
 tion in power and number of these oppressors, assu 
 ring them that if they now delayed finding some remedy 
 for this calamity, it would soon be too late to think of 
 it. A more opportune occasion than the present could 
 not occur ; the best and most valiant of the Spaniards 
 were at a distance with Almagro, and it was probable 
 might never return from Chili ; the remainder, divided 
 and separated by great distances, might be simulta 
 neously attacked and overcome, so that one could not 
 come to the relief of the other. It was therefore 
 indispensable to profit by the conjuncture immediately, 
 and risk every thing to compass the ruin and over 
 throw of beings, as unjust as they were cruel. They 
 answered at first with tears and groans only, but affcer- 
 
 * It seems that Pizarro s Indian interpreter had permitted himself 
 to treat the Inca with much insolence, and even used words of such 
 menacing import, that Mango Capac had quitted his house, to take 
 refuge in that of Almagro. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 269 
 
 wards replied unanimously, that he was the son of 
 Huayna Capac, and they would, to a man, die for him ; 
 that he should deliver them from their bitter bondage, 
 and that the Sun and the Gods smiled upon him. They 
 next beg-an to consult on the dispositions they ought 
 to make ; and the first article on which they agreed, 
 as the basis of the whole plan, was the removal with 
 all possible caution of the Inca from Cuzco. 
 
 Their meetings were not so secret that at length 
 the Yanaconas did not get scent of them, and expose 
 them to the Spaniards. Thus, when Mango had twice 
 contrived to escape from Cuzco, he was twice taken 
 back, and the last time placed under a strong guard to 
 prevent his repeating the attempt a third time. The 
 Indians began to apprehend for him a catastrophe like 
 that of Atahualpa ; but, happily, the Castilians neither 
 respected nor feared him, and, besides, Juan Pizarro by 
 no means held of his brother authority for so bold a 
 measure. In this state of affairs Hernando arrived, 
 and, whether instigated by compassion or contempt, by 
 policy or avarice, as his enemies supposed, his first 
 act was to set Mango at liberty. The Inca behaved 
 with reserve and circumspection in the beginning ; he 
 contrived to gain the ear of the new governor by his 
 arts and flatteries ; his sympathy, by his sorrowful ex 
 pressions ; and his confidence, by a bearing at once 
 obsequious and ingenuous. But the main key which 
 gave him admission to the favour of Hernando Pizarro, 
 was an offer of treasure ; he dwelt particularly on a 
 statue in gold of his late father, of the size of life. 
 
270 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Avarice is no less credulous than blind; Hernando 
 Pizarro believed him, and actually permitted him will 
 ingly to go and fetch the statue. Mango therefore 
 quitted Cuzco openly, being accompanied by several 
 Indians, by two Castilians, and the commandant s in 
 terpreter. In the course of eight days Hernando dis 
 covered the error he had committed, and proceeded, 
 with eighty horse, to seek the Inca in Calca, a place 
 not far from the capital. On approaching it, he met 
 the two Castilians, who acquainted him how they had 
 been dismissed, Mango having ordered them to depart, 
 as he had no need of them. Hernando, however, ap 
 proached Calca, where he was attacked by the Indians, 
 who kept him all night on the alert, and he found it 
 expedient to retrace his steps to Cuzco the following 
 morning, his march being incessantly harassed by the 
 natives, till he nearly reached the city. 
 
 War was now openly declared, and the Indians be 
 haved with equal spirit and perseverance. The con 
 flict, though unequal, was less so than formerly ; the 
 natives were more habituated to the sight of the horses 
 and the sound of the arms, they were less liable to 
 sudden impulses of terror and surprise, and knew 
 better how to supply the inequality of their arms, by 
 the multitude of their people, and the want of robust 
 frames, by ardour and impetuosity. They poured like 
 a torrent on the approaches to Cuzco ; they gained the 
 great exterior fortress by a sudden assault, and like 
 wise made themselves masters of a strong house in the 
 Plaza, in which the Castilians had endeavoured to in- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 271 
 
 trench themselves; they occupied the houses, barricaded 
 the streets, and, making- apertures in their walls, they 
 communicated easily by these means, and seemed to 
 multiply themselves. The Spaniards, reduced to two 
 hundred, and a thousand Yanaconas, who fought among 
 them, found no resource but that of assembling in the 
 Plaza, and there, quartered in two houses and in their 
 tents, defended themselves as well as they could, from 
 the stones, arrows, and darts, which were showered 
 upon them like the most pitiless hail-storm. Sometimes 
 they ventured from their places of shelter, and still the 
 Indians held the advantage, pursuing them through the 
 streets, and overthrowing those they overtook, destroy 
 ing their intrenchments,and forcingthem to have again 
 recourse to the refuge of their lurking-places, while 
 the Indians, resuming their order, repeated their attacks 
 and insults. The Castilians at length gained the 
 strong house of the Plaza, and even succeeded in 
 driving the enemy from the city, though but to a very 
 short distance ; and while the Indians retained the 
 great exterior fortress in their power, they had the 
 means to annoy them to much advantage. It therefore 
 behoved them to gain that likewise, wnich at length 
 they effected, but it cost the life of Juan Pizarro, 
 whose head was mortally struck by a stone, when, for 
 a moment s refreshment from the heat and fatigue of 
 the conflict, he had laid aside his helmet. Of the four 
 brothers he had the least pride and arrogance, and there 
 fore his loss was regretted by all his companions in arms. 
 Whilst the combat for the fortress lasted, there was 
 
272 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 also a struggle in the city, and the Indians, rushing 
 into it by throngs, set fire to it in several parts. The 
 houses being, in the manner of the country, thatched 
 with straw, blazed in a moment, and the Spaniards saw 
 their dwellings and effects swallowed by the flames, 
 while the smoke so blinded them, as to render it im 
 possible for them to fight, with any effect, for their 
 protection. Days, and even months, passed in this state 
 of warfare ; the hoped for aid came not. The barba 
 rians threw at them the heads of the Christians they 
 slew in different points of the country, and the imagi 
 nation of the Spaniards, terrified and excited, began to 
 figure the same strife and danger as having extended 
 throughout the territory, with eve v n more of bloodshed. 
 There was heroism in their defence, though to conti 
 nue in Cuzco seemed madness, and more than once 
 were they on the eve of abandoning the city, and re 
 turning, by the plains, to Lima. The council inclined 
 to this opinion, and even urged it ; but Juan Pizarro, 
 whose life paid for his intrepidity, his brother Gonzalo, 
 Gabriel de Rojas, and Hernando de Ponca, all men of 
 unyielding courage, opposed it vehemently, denoun 
 cing it as an act of baseness, and declaring that they 
 would rather die than consent to it. This opinion 
 prevailed, as was natural among men so valiant, and 
 the preservation of Cuzco was attributable no doubt 
 to the truly heroic resolution of those captains. 
 
 In this state of things, Hernando Pizarro judged 
 it expedient to go and attack the Inca in the Tambo 
 of the valley f Yucay, a point situated about six 
 i 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 273 
 
 leagues from Cuzco, where, in consideration of the 
 strength of the station, Mango had fixed his residence. 
 He himself undertook the expedition, and with seventy 
 horse, some infantry, and a crowd of friendly Indians, 
 he approached the Tambo, and put to flight different 
 bodies of the enemy, who sallied forth to the encounter. 
 But when they reached the wall of the Tambo, the 
 thick cloud of stones which showered upon them, 
 threw their horses into such disorder, that it was neces 
 sary for them to retire to the plain, which lay near the 
 gate of the place, to recover themselves. Then, the 
 Indians, regaining courage, rushed forth with loud 
 shouts with great intrepidity, and in such overwhelm 
 ing numbers, that the Spaniards began to lose heart, 
 and still more when they saw the river, which flowed 
 near the Tambo, rush from its bed, rolling its waves 
 upon them, and baffling and overthrowing their horses. 
 Their confusion was augmented by the firing of mus 
 kets against them, whereby they were informed that 
 the Indians were not only possessed of Castilian 
 arms, but knew how to use them. On the close of 
 night, the Spanish general ordered a retreat, which was 
 accomplished with great difficulty and fatigue, their 
 enemy, at every step, impeding and molesting them, 
 and the road being covered with sharp thorns and strong 
 penetrating reeds. The Indians had foreseen all, and 
 the Spanish chief returned to Cuzco, not only with the 
 disgrace of a fruitless enterprise, but with the gloomy 
 conviction that the adversary were becoming, day by 
 day, more resolute and terrible. He had still farther 
 
274 FRANCISCO PIZARRO* 
 
 experience of this in another sally, which he after 
 wards made with eighty horse and some infantry. The 
 Indians had relaxed in their siege, and numbers of them 
 had retired to their own districts ; therefore Hernando 
 Pizarro supposed that it would now be an easy task to 
 surprise the Inca in the Tambo, where he had already 
 attacked him unsuccessfully. The force he commanded, 
 the secrecy of his march, and its rapidity, were not 
 sufficient to save him from a second defeat, as morti 
 fying as the former one. He found himself suddenly 
 confounded and stunned by a terrible sound of horns 
 and drums, and the war-cry of more than 30,000 
 Indians, who awaited him near the wall of the Tambo, 
 protected in some places by fosses, in others by ram 
 parts and trenches, and likewise by a dam they had 
 recently made in the river. Mango was seen at a 
 distance mounted on horseback, with his lance in his 
 hand, governing and marshalling his people in that in 
 accessible camp, while some of the Indians who were 
 armed with swords, shields, and morions, taken from 
 our soldiers, quitted their intrenchments, rushed upon 
 our horses, and threw themselves furiously on the 
 Castilian lances. Hernando was at length compelled, 
 with a considerable loss of auxiliary Indians, to retire 
 to the capital, where, in a few days, the Indians, under 
 the direction of the Inca, came upon him unexpected 
 ly, and attacked with such spirit, that the entrance was 
 with great difficulty defended against them, and many 
 Spaniards were wounded in the struggle. This ardour, 
 audacity, and military tact, though as yet rude and 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 275 
 
 imperfect, bore testimony to what the Indians were 
 capable of doing in their own defence, if headed by 
 chiefs worthy of the spirit which animated them. But 
 at that period their army wanted captains, as, in the 
 commencement of the conquest, the captains wanted 
 an army. 
 
 Lima suffered an attack at the same time as Cuzco ; 
 not, in truth, so effectual, nor with so much peril 
 and injury to the Spaniards, because the country, 
 being more level, left to the horses, those objects of 
 the dread of the Peruvians, their full power and scope, 
 and the proximity to the port enabled the Spaniards 
 to reinforce themselves with supplies of men and pro 
 visions. But the anxiety and alarm which the go 
 vernor felt, neither for himself nor the colony, tor 
 mented him for Cuzco and his brothers. No one came 
 to him from thence ; the Indians not only watched the 
 roads, but also the whole country ; wherever the Cas- 
 tilians were met by them, alone, or few in number, 
 they were put to death ; the different detachments 
 sent out, either as scouts or for aid, shared the same 
 fate, except some few who contrived to escape, breath 
 less and terrified, to Lima, and some others who were 
 reserved as slaves for the service of the Inca ; so that 
 the number of Spaniards, who in this manner had 
 been sacrificed to the safety or vengeance of the In 
 dians, amounted to seven hundred. Then did the 
 haughty conqueror begin to feel the temerity he had 
 been guilty of, in extending his people over that im 
 mense country, and to fear lest the rich prize he had 
 
276 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 acquired by such severe efforts should escape his hands. 
 Almagro was far distant, and so likewise were the 
 other establishments of Spanish America, and he dared 
 not abandon the central and important position he held, 
 to go to the succour of Cuzco. It was at length de 
 termined that Alonzo de Alvarado, whom he summoned 
 from the Chiachapogas, should proceed with 500 men, 
 horse and foot, to rescue the capital from danger ; 
 and the governor wrote at the same time to Panama, 
 Nicaragua, Giiatemala, New Spain, and St Domingo, 
 urging on them the risk in which the affairs of Peru 
 were involved, and earnestly entreating for succour. 
 By the strong expressions used in these letters, an 
 idea may be formed of the doubt and agitation which 
 possessed Pizarro. In writing to Alvarado, he told 
 him, that if he rescued the land, he would leave it to 
 him, and retire himself to Panama, or Spain. From 
 all quarters at once, arrived the reinforcements so 
 eagerly expected. Hernan Cortes sent him two ves 
 sels, with arms, men, and horses, adding friendly pre 
 sents to these necessaries ; amongst them, canopies, 
 tapestry, ornamental furniture for his house, white 
 linen, costly clothing, and also a mantle of rich fur, 
 in which, during the remainder of his life, Pizarro 
 always appeared on days of ceremony. From Panama 
 the licentiate Caspar de Espinosa sent him a con 
 siderable number of Spaniards, and among them a body 
 of crossbows. In like manner arrived from other 
 quarters reinforcements of equal or still greater mag 
 nitude. All this help reached Peru, at a time when 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 277 
 
 her conquerors had, by their own might, delivered 
 themselves from danger ; and the governor was even 
 reflected on as pusillanimous, for believing himself so 
 resourceless. But, assuredly, it was not the temper 
 of a pusillanimous man which inspired him with the 
 resolution, in the moment of greatest exigence, to 
 send all the vessels from the port, thus at once shaking 
 the pride and confidence of the Indians, and depriving 
 his own people of their hope of escape by sea. He 
 was under an obligation to defend and maintain the 
 territory he had conquered and governed ; and, view 
 ing his precautions in this light, they were not un 
 becoming or uncalled for by his position, even though 
 his words might savour too strongly of discourage 
 ment. However we may consider the matter, it was 
 to this earnestness that Pizarro was indebted for see 
 ing himself in a few days at the head of a numerous 
 army, composed principally of veterans, and at the 
 moment when he most needed them, not against the 
 Peruvians, but against his compatriots, who were pre 
 paring to dispute the empire with him. 
 
 For nine months had this sharp struggle between 
 the Spaniards and natives continued, when it was 
 rumoured in Cuzco that the Adelantado was return 
 ing. The different events of his expedition to Chili 
 have no immediate connexion with this memoir, be 
 sides that they bear too great a similitude to the 
 labours and sufferings which have been invariably 
 endured by the Castilians, in the prosecution of their 
 discoveries and incursions through those unknown 
 
278 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 regions. On their way, rugged roads, snowy ravines, 
 cruel whirlwinds ; in which Almagro and his men 
 suffered no less, than did his rival Alvarado in the 
 rocky passes of Quito, and where he left a fifth of his 
 army frozen to the ground. On reaching the desired 
 point, robust and ferocious Indians, who held them in 
 incessant combat, and whom, if they could sometimes 
 defeat them, it was not easy to subdue. There, too, they 
 found sandy deserts, absolutely devoid of water, and 
 with all the accompanying miseries which would have 
 awaited them in the burning wastes of Arabia. On 
 the other hand, no important discovery, no useful 
 settlement. Chili, therefore, was reserved for the 
 valour of Valdivia, and for the muse of Ercilla. That 
 brilliant and flourishing army which quitted Cuzco, 
 elate with the most animating hope, after having 
 persevered in a march to the southward of three 
 hundred leagues, and finding that the farther they 
 advanced the more sterile and inhospitable the country 
 became, and beholding around them unpeopled wastes, 
 frozen sierras, little means of nourishment, and still 
 less gold, grew disgusted with an enterprise, so la 
 borious, painful, and profitless, and earnestly entreated 
 to return. Those who commanded them partook their 
 feelings ; the easy acquisition of treasures, power, and 
 renown, made by others, and even by themselves, in 
 the fields of Mexico, Guatemala, and of Peru, made 
 them look with discontent and disdain on any thing less 
 than the surrender of empires, or the sack and plunder 
 of temples and palaces. Almagro had in his hands the 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 279 
 
 original provisions of his government, which Juan de 
 Rada had brought him, having at length succeeded 
 in obtaining them from Hernando Pizarro at Cuzco. 
 He was thus powerfully stimulated to return, by his 
 own impatience to take possession of his government, 
 and by that of his captains to become wealthy and 
 powerful beneath his shadow. One told him, that if 
 he chanced to die where he was, nothing would re 
 main to his son but the name of Don Diego. Others 
 counselled him, that, being already effective governor 
 of New Toledo, he should return thither instantly ; 
 that Cuzco was included in his limits, and that they 
 all longed to go and settle in that city, and enjoy its 
 abundance and its luxuries. With such, and similar 
 arguments, the head of that man being already ren 
 dered giddy by the honours and rewards the court had 
 conferred upon him ; a father, too, who had idolized his 
 son, and a general as condescending and facile as he 
 was liberal to his officers, could not, in this emergency, 
 stand firm against the suggestions of ambition ; he 
 gave the order for retrogression, and the army set 
 forth on their return to Cuzco. 
 
 Just as he passed the desert which divides Peru 
 from the kingdom of Chili, he heard of the general 
 insurrection of the Indians, and the dangers and dis 
 asters of the Spaniards. It appeared to him, that the 
 state of affairs gave his return the colour of necessity, 
 and he accelerated his march, in order to supply, on 
 his part, such remedy and aid as the predicament re 
 quired. As, previous to his departure on his expe- 
 
288 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 dition, so close a connexion had existed between him 
 self and the Inca, he sent him from Arequipa, where 
 he halted a few days, a message, expressive of the 
 astonishment which the news he had received had 
 occasioned him ; requesting to be informed of the cause 
 of this change of affairs, and assuring him that he re 
 turned with every inclination to favour him, so far as he 
 could with justice do so. Mango replied, that he rejoiced 
 in his arrival ; he threw the fault of the insurrection 
 on the avarice of Hernando Pizarro, and, in testimony 
 of his respect for Almagro, offered to suspend hosti 
 lities till he should have personally conferred with 
 him ; and so in fact he did. 
 
 This negotiation, which lasted some days, reached 
 the knowledge of the Castilians of Cuzco, who learned 
 almost at the same time the arrival of Almagro at 
 Peru, and that there was an army in the valley of 
 Xauxa : it was that of Alvarado, sent, as we have said 
 above, by the governor for the protection of Cuzco, 
 and which, for reasons to be afterwards explained, had 
 lingered there for five months. Hernando Pizarro s 
 first thought was, to destroy the good understanding 
 which existed between Almagro and the Inca, doubt 
 less instigated by a desire to deprive the Adelantado of 
 the merit and glory of having appeased and subdued 
 him. He sent a mulatto youth with a letter to Mango, 
 warning him not to make peace with Don Diego de 
 Almagro, since not he, but Don Francisco Pizarro, 
 was the governor. Mango gave the letter to two 
 Castilians of Almagro s, who happened at the moment 
 
sir 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 or 
 
 of its arrival to be with him, replying 1 , at the same 
 time, that the intimation from Cuzco was a falsehood, 
 since the true lord of that city was Almagro ; and he 
 ordered that the messenger should be punished, as a 
 liar, by the loss of his hand. The two Castilians ear 
 nestly interceded for him, and Mango at length con 
 tented himself with the amputation of a finger ; and 
 with this mark of displeasure, and the Inca s reply, he 
 returned to those who sent him. 
 
 The next endeavour of the commandant of Cuzco 
 was to discover the design of the Adelantado, who 
 had by this time reached Urcos, a place about six 
 leagues from the city. He affirmed, and not without 
 apparent reason, that, had the intentions of Don Diego 
 been sound, he would, on entering Urcos, have ap 
 prised him of his arrival, or he would have marched 
 forward amicably to the capital, to place it and its 
 inhabitants in security, and there to hold friendly 
 counsel on all important matters ; that his halting so 
 near, and putting himself in communication with the 
 enemy, rather than with his compatriots, was no good 
 sign. It was then agreed, that he, with his brother 
 Gonzalo, and other captains, accompanied by the 
 greater part of the people, should march towards 
 Urcos, and endeavour to investigate the designs of 
 Almagro ; of which they became yet more suspicious, 
 on observing the insolence, and hearing the shouts of 
 the war Indians, who harassed and impeded their 
 march, and cried aloud, that since Almagro was come 
 they would soon massacre all the Castilians in Cuzco. 
 
"282 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 In fact, the Indians had the credulity to suppose, 
 that the Adelantado would join the Inca in the de 
 struction of the inhabitants of the capital. The Spa 
 nish general, through the medium of the frequent 
 messages passing between himself and Mango, had 
 invited the latter to a conference in the valley of 
 Yacaz. For this interview Almagro quitted Urcos 
 with half his people, leaving the other half with Juan 
 de Saavedra, with an order that all should be kept 
 quiet till his return ; but these projected interviews 
 were frustrated, because the Indians who belonged to 
 the two divisions of the Chilian army, remarked that 
 there were frequent and friendly conferences between 
 the Castilians of Cuzco and the new comers, not only 
 free from all signs of mutual animosity, but, on the 
 contrary, marked by many symptoms of mutual cor 
 diality and good-will. On this ground they built their 
 doubts of the sincerity of Almagro, and apprised the 
 Inca of their observations ; who thereupon, instead of 
 keeping his appointment, sent to declare war against 
 both sides, but commenced his attack against the 
 natives and the Spaniards of Chili. 
 
 Then Almagro, finding difficulties increase upon 
 him,* and that now, instead of one enemy, he had 
 
 * Meanwhile Almagro, in the valley of Yucay, suffered no small 
 anxiety, from learning that Captain Ruy Diaz, whom he had sent 
 out some days ago to treat with Mango, and endeavour to soothe 
 him, had been stripped by the Indians, who shaved off his beard 
 and hair, and having dyed his whole body and face with arnotto, 
 fastened him to a stake, and, amongst other mockeries and insults, 
 shot fruit at him with their slings, forcing him and his companions 
 to swallow large quantities of their wine. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 283 
 
 two to contend with, turned directly towards Cuzco, 
 and commanded Juan de Saavedra to join him. This 
 captain had, in the interim, held a conference with 
 Hernando Pizarro, when the latter sallied forth on the 
 reconnoissance of which we have spoken above, with 
 out any positive result from the proposals made on 
 either side ; neither did they as yet venture to decide 
 the matter by force of arms, though both parties 
 eagerly desired the conflict. Saavedra restrained him 
 self, in obedience to the orders left by his general; 
 and Pizarro, to avoid the blame of being the aggres 
 sor. Meanwhile Almagro sent a message to Her 
 nando Pizarro, with advice of his being arrived in 
 the intention of succouring the Spaniards of Peru, 
 and of aiding his friend the governor in his present 
 difficulties ; that he likewise meant to take posses 
 sion of the government given him by the king, 
 since he could do so without infringing the compacts 
 and capitulations he had entered into with him and 
 his brother, from whom he desired not to separate 
 himself, but to maintain the friendship and compa 
 nionship then existing between them. Lorenzo de 
 Aldana and Vasco de Guevara, who bore this mes 
 sage, Hernando Pizarro implored, on the faith of 
 countrymen and ancient friends, that they would dis 
 close to him the real and secret intention of the Ade- 
 lantado. They averred, in reply, that he was resolved 
 truly never to separate himself from the company and 
 friendship of his brother, nor to give occasion for 
 tumults and disaffection. " If such be his intention," 
 
284 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 said Hernando, " we oiFer him our homage, and all 
 shall be referred to his will." In short, it was agreed 
 by the two Pizarros, to return for answer to the gover 
 nor, that his lordship was welcome that they feared 
 no interruption of their mutual harmony that they 
 besought him to enter the city, where he would be 
 joyfully received ; and Hernando added, that he would 
 give up the half of his apartments to Almagro. 
 
 Such a reply soothed, to appearance, all hostile 
 feelings, leaving no room for doubt or displeasure : 
 but all was hollow. The character held by Hernando 
 for duplicity and falseness, and the contempt and 
 mockery with which, even at that time, he spoke of 
 the person of the Adelantado, and which, indeed, had 
 been ever his custom, embittered his fair words and 
 invalidated his smooth professions. For these reasons 
 Almagro summoned Saavedra to join him ; and the 
 better to facilitate that movement, he directed his 
 own march towards the camp of Las Salinas, where 
 Saavedra met him ; and the two divisions having 
 formed a junction, marched for Cuzco in order of war, 
 with pikes presented and banners displayed ; and halt 
 ing before the gates, without relaxing from the order 
 of march, the Adelantado sent the royal warrant to 
 the regency of the city, demanding that, in virtue of 
 that instrument, he should be received in Cuzco as 
 the governor. 
 
 He had with him 500 soldiers, all proved men, led 
 by experienced and valiant captains each greedy of 
 honour and riches faithful to the interests of iheit 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 285 
 
 chief, and determined to spend their lives in defending 1 
 them. In the city, on the contrary, there were only 
 200 able men, and those divided in opinion ; many of 
 them inclined to Almagro, from his kind and liberal cha 
 racter ; and almost all the principal men, wearied and 
 offended by the pride and insolence of the Pizarros, 
 and, consequently, little disposed to incur the risks of 
 a civil war, for the sake of individuals so odious. Yet 
 did not the two brothers suifer their spirits to droop ; 
 they betook themselves, with diligence and activity, 
 to animating their valiant men by praises, to exciting 
 the lukewarm, to confirming the wavering they re 
 minded them of the respect due to their brother made 
 promises to some, presents to others, in short, omitted 
 nothing that diligence, skill, or effort, could contri 
 bute to the defence and security of the place they were 
 now to dispute. When the commissioners reached 
 Hernando Pizarro with the royal warrant, he referred 
 them to the council, saying, it would be there decided 
 what ought to be done. The poor counsellors were 
 at a loss how to speak or act ; within they had tyrants, 
 whom it was very unsafe to offend ; and without, they 
 were awed by a power, as they conceived invincible. 
 They declared, that the provisions with respect to the 
 government of the Adelantado were clear, though not 
 as regarded the city, of which no mention whatever 
 was made ; that they were not men of letters, or geo 
 graphers, to pronounce whether or no Cuzco came 
 within the limits. But as the question was import 
 ant, it ought to be maturely examined ; and that it 
 
286 FRANCISCO P1ZARRO. 
 
 might be the more quietly debated, they proposed a 
 few days suspension of arms. 
 
 The Adelantado, to whom this declaration was con 
 veyed through the medium of Gabriel de Rojas and 
 the Licentiate Prado, deputed by the city to confer 
 with him, at first declined the suspension of arms, and 
 also the lodgings, to which he was invited within the 
 city ; but at length, as a mark of his respect for the 
 commissioners, he acceded to the truce, on condition 
 of remaining where he was, and that Hernando Pizarro 
 should not attempt to advance upon the fortifications 
 there situated. We may believe that this truce \fas 
 agreed to in good faith by Almagro. Not so by the 
 captains, whose unbridled passions dragged him to 
 wards the precipice, while the followers of the Pizarros 
 equally endeavoured to stimulate their leaders to a 
 crisis. Almagro s partisans judged, and not without 
 reason, that the truce was proposed merely to gain 
 time for the arrival of Alvarado, who had already, ac 
 cording to report, reached the bridge of Abancay ; 
 that it was essential to be beforehand with him, and 
 availing themselves of the darkness of the night, to 
 attack the city, and take the two brothers. This cer 
 tainly could not be considered, by the strict rules of 
 military honour, a justifiable step; but they had to deal 
 with dangerous and insidious foes, who were little punc 
 tilious in adjusting such questions with their own pride 
 or convenience. Almagro, almost in spite of himself, 
 yielded to the arguments of his officers, and, perhaps 
 against his inclination, gave the order for attack, 
 
FRANCISCO PJZARRO. 287 
 
 earnestly charging them to abstain from massacre, 
 pillage, or any other violence towards the inhabitants. 
 The surprise was effected with the utmost facility, 
 the night being dark and rainy, and scarce a sentinel 
 on his post, all the soldiers of the garrison being 
 fatigued by watching on the preceding nights, and out 
 of humour from the existing differences. Only in the 
 house of the two Pizarros were there twenty soldiers, 
 and some muskets mounted at the gate. The Adelan- 
 tado, with the greater part of his captains and people, 
 proceeded to the church. Rodrigo de Orgoiiez, with 
 a sufficient band, took his course to the house of the 
 Pizarros, while Juan de Saavedra and Vasco de Guevara 
 occupied the ways which led to it, to prevent the arrival 
 of succour. The two brothers, on hearing the noise, flew 
 to arms, and, dividing their few soldiers between them, 
 began to defend the doors and windows of the house, 
 with an ardour and intrepidity worthy a better cause, 
 and better success. Orgoiiez advised Hernando Pizarro 
 to yield, and offered him the kindest treatment. " I 
 will never surrender myself to such soldiers," he re 
 plied, disdainfully, and continued the conflict. " You 
 are but the deputy-governor of a city," said Orgoiiez, 
 " while I am the general of the kingdom of New 
 Toledo. But this is wandering from the point in dis 
 pute. Will you surrender, or will you persevere in a 
 vain defence ?" He chose the latter alternative, and 
 fought with all the fury of desperation. Then Or 
 goiiez, deeming it disgraceful that the struggle should 
 be so long in suspense, ordered his people to set fire 
 
288 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 to the roof of the house, which, being- of straw, blazed 
 immediately. This act dismayed the adherents of 
 Hernando, but not himself, whose ferocious counte 
 nance exhibited a resolution to die, even thus, rather 
 than yield to the superior force of his enemy ; he 
 persisted in combating amidst the flames and suffo 
 cating smoke. Two large burning beams fell upon 
 the combatants, the house was about to bury them in 
 its blazing ruins. At length, all who defended it, 
 rushed forth upon the enemy in one body, covered 
 with their shields, and were immediately disarmed and 
 taken, and the house was no sooner quitted, than it 
 fell with a terrible crash to the ground. 
 
 If Almagro may be taxed with having betrayed 
 much rashness and inconsiderateness since his return 
 from Chili, it cannot be denied, that the noble and 
 moderate manner in which he used his first advantage 
 threw lustre on his character. He spared the two 
 prisoners the humiliation of appearing in his presence ; 
 he ordered that their confinement should be alleviated 
 by every consolation, and even indulgence ; and when 
 the junta had fulfilled the royal dispositions, and re 
 ceived and acknowledged him as governor, he announ 
 ced his determination to abstain from all innovation 
 alteration in the state of things, and named as his 
 lieutenant in the city, Gabriel de Rojas, a knight and 
 captain, who did not belong to his party, but who was 
 highly esteemed and of great influence with all; thus 
 proving that he did not intend to govern as the chief 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 289 
 
 of a faction, but as a public magistrate, and a lover of 
 the commonwealth. 
 
 After the assault and possession of Cuzco followed 
 the route and capture of Alonzo de Alvarado on the 
 bridge of Abancay. This general, who, five months ago, 
 had been sent by Pizarro to succour the menaced 
 capital of the Indies, had remained during- the whole 
 of that period at Xauxa, appeasing- the natives. He 
 apologized for his procrastination, by averring that 
 such were the orders of the governor ; but his enemies, 
 desirous to criminate him, allege, that he lingered 
 there to promote the private interests of his friend An 
 tonio Picado. Certain it is, that his succour was long 
 on the road, that Cuzco delivered herself, without it, 
 from the Indians, and fell, through his neglect, into 
 the power of his adversary. On the notice of his ap 
 proach, Almagro sent to him, by confidential messen 
 gers, to intimate, that as he was trespassing on the 
 limits of his government, he should either pay due 
 submission to him who ruled in that land, or return 
 to the district of Don Francisco Pizarro s government. 
 At the head of this embassy were the two Alvarados, 
 brothers of the governor of Guatemala, and friends 
 and high in the confidence of Almagro ; by them, he 
 wrote a friendly letter to Alonzo de Alvarado, inviting 
 him to join him, and making him the most tempting 
 offers. But the ambassadors could obtain nothing, 
 although they were at first received with much cour 
 tesy and urbanity by the adverse general. Whether 
 
290 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 their importunities provoked him, or that he feared 
 their intrigues, or that he resolved on detaining them 
 as hostages for the security of the two Pizarros, 
 Alonzo de Alvarado forbade their making any pro 
 posal, and soon after caused them to be disarmed 
 and thrown into prison, contrary to the laws of public 
 faith, and of the character with which they were in 
 vested. Such an act could of course lead only to a 
 new rupture ending in open hostilities. 
 
 When Almagro, having waited eight days for his 
 friends, found that they did not return, he immediately 
 suspected the fact, and called a council of his captains 
 to deliberate what must be done in this predicament. 
 All advised war, following the opinion of General 
 Orgoiiez, who resolutely proposed that they should, in 
 the first place, put the two captive Pizarros to death, 
 and then march against Alonzo de Alvarado, in whose 
 army they had so many friends, who would, on seeing 
 the banners of Almagro, pass over to them, and would 
 aid them to set at liberty the two brave men, whom, 
 being taken in Almagro s service, he was engaged by 
 every honourable consideration to rescue from the 
 enemy. Their chief, however, shrunk from the idea 
 of bloodshed; and besides, a remembrance of his ancient 
 ties to Francisco Pizarro had still much weight with 
 him, though he utterly abhorred the two brothers, 
 especially the insolent Hernando. For similar rea 
 sons, he would not hear of their death, saying, that 
 greatness was better preserved by firm and moderate 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 291 
 
 counsels, than by vehement and violent ones.* 
 " Well," replied Orgonez, " you may now applaud 
 yourself on your mercy. But be assured, that if once 
 Hernando Pizarro finds himself free, he will revenge 
 himself on you to his full content, unrestrained by any 
 emotions of pity or respect." Words, which foretold 
 to Almagro the fate that awaited him, whenever he 
 should fall into the hands of that inexorable spirit. 
 Resolved on the combat, the Castilians quitted Cuzco, 
 to meet Alvarado on the bridge of Abancay. The 
 two armies were equal in numbers, though there was 
 a great disparity between them in strength, the troops 
 of Alvarado being disunited in opinion, and little dis 
 posed to fight. Pedro de Lerma, the officer of most 
 reputation among them, held intelligence with Orgo 
 nez ; Alvarado, suspecting him, ordered him to be ar 
 rested, but he contrived to escape, cross the river, and 
 gain the opposite army. The confidence of Almagro s 
 troops was augmented by this circumstance, though 
 they were previously in spirits from the credit which 
 they were conscious of possessing for valour, and from 
 their excellent equipment and discipline. Alvarado, 
 according to the nature of the post he occupied, dispo 
 sed his people judiciously. In his front lay the river ; 
 he placed at the bridge, and at the two frequented 
 fords, such a number of men as he deemed sufficient, 
 for their defence, giving the charge of the bridge to 
 
 * Let the reader keep his eye upon the gentleness, compunction, 
 and humanity of Almagro s conduct, and then form an impartial 
 judgment between him and the Pizarros. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Gomez de Tordoga, of the opposite ford to Juan Perez 
 de Guevara, and of the higher one to Garcilaso, whilst 
 himself, with the remainder of his force, continued in 
 reserve, to act where most required. When Almagro 
 reached the river, he would still have sent a message 
 of peace to Alvarado, requesting the release of his two 
 friends. But to this, his General Orgoiiez would not 
 consent, maintaining that in practising such futile 
 ceremonies, not only time, but courage and credit, were 
 lost. He then made his dispositions for passing the 
 river, admonished the soldiers in a few words, that 
 they had but the alternative of victory or death, that 
 cold hearts were of little use in war, that they were 
 not now to combat with the Indians, but with Spa 
 niards as firm and valiant as themselves, and whom, 
 they must redouble their efforts in order to conquer. 
 This said, he threw himself into the river at the head 
 of eighty of the best horse, and followed by the most 
 renowned of the captains. It was night, and the river 
 was deep and swollen, and the pass very dangerous, yet, 
 in the midst of the darkness and the noise, the voice 
 of this fearless man was heard crying, " Courage, cava 
 liers ! On 1 Now is our time !" thus guiding and 
 animating the soldiers who followed him. As the 
 cavalry reached the opposite bank, they alighted, form 
 ed in order of battle, and using their lances as pikes, 
 they closed upon the enemy, and the strife commen 
 ced. Little resistance was made, for Captain Guevara, 
 who defended that post, was in the outset wounded in 
 the thigh, and disabled. Almagro, who, with sixty 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 293 
 
 horse and some infantry, had waited for the proper 
 moment to attack the bridge, on finding from the 
 sound of the muskets, and the clash of the combatants, 
 that Orgoiiez was on the opposite bank, rushed to the 
 attack with his wonted impetuosity, and sweeping all 
 before him, gained the bridge, and joined his people. 
 Alonzo de Alvarado, with his reserve, and all the men 
 he could collect, restored the battle near the bridge, 
 facing with great intrepidity the pikes and crossbows. 
 It was still night ; in the shouts of the one army the 
 name of the king was heard, together with that of 
 Almagro, while the war-cry of the other was Pizarro ! 
 And such echoes as might have belonged to peaceful 
 rejoicings, were now used successfully as the stimu 
 lants to fury and desperation. Orgonez was severely 
 wounded by a stone in the mouth, yet, though the 
 blow was violent, and destroyed his teeth, while the 
 blood bubbled from his mouth, he, rendered only still 
 more furious, waved his sword, exclaiming, " In this 
 spot will I be buried or conquer !" Then, rushing 
 into the midst of the enemy, he called to his men to 
 cut down and slay without pity or intermission, since 
 it was a shame those insolent Pizarros should be so 
 long and valiantly supported. His soldiers, inflamed 
 by these words, fought like lions, and the resistance of 
 their adversaries began to weaken. Alvarado, who, at 
 daybreak, beheld the disorder of his army, and per 
 ceived that many of his people were mixed with those 
 of Almagro, was greatly dismayed, and disentangling 
 himself from the melee, betook himself with a few 
 
294 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 others to a rising- ground, where he remained irresolute 
 what step he should take. At length he determined 
 to form a junction with Garcilaso, who defended the 
 upper ford, and who had not yet taken part in the 
 combat. But the indefatigable Orgoiiez, whose atten 
 tion was every where, darted upon him with his caval 
 ry, cut off his passage, routed his people, and took him 
 prisoner. At the same time the quarters of Alvarado s 
 army were gained, without any resistance, by the cap 
 tain sent to take them ; and Garcilaso, informed of 
 these events, came over to Almagro, so that, ere the 
 sun declined, the camp was in the hands of that leader, 
 and the victory decisive in his favour. 
 
 This was the first battle fought between these two 
 parties, afterwards so irreconcilably embittered against 
 each other. Happily much blood was not shed on this 
 occasion, either by conquerors or the conquered, nor, af 
 ter the action, was the mind shocked by those revengeful 
 executions, too apt to be prescribed on these occasions, 
 by inexorable reasons of state, or a rancorous thirst of 
 blood. Almagro, as humane as he was generous, would 
 not consent to the sentence of death, already fulmina 
 ted by the fiery Orgoiiez against the captive general, 
 on his being led into Cuzco. He commanded that 
 whatever belonged to the vanquished should be re 
 stored, and that what could not be otherwise recovered, 
 should be made good out of his own property ; in 
 short, such was his humanity and courtesy, that he 
 attached many of them to him ; and if many of them 
 subsequently failed him, either from weakness or in- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 295 
 
 constancy, yet they never lost the impression made on 
 their affections, by his benign and noble disposition. 
 When Diego de Alvarado, now liberated from his pri 
 son, came to embrace and give him joy of his victory, 
 he entreated him, with a generosity highly creditable, 
 on his part also, to suspend the terrible order of Or- 
 goiiez. " It is already done," said Almagro, in a tone 
 of heartfelt satisfaction and enjoyment, sufficiently 
 demonstrative of the goodness of his heart, and proving 
 how little he was fitted for that wild crisis, on which 
 ambition had thrown him. In the conference he held 
 with Alonzo de Alvarado, his language was rather that 
 of a man who justifies his proceedings, and explains 
 the reasons which have actuated his conduct, than of an 
 angry and haughty conqueror, in whose power it was 
 to accuse and condemn. He rebuked him, but with 
 great moderation, for the wrong he had done to his 
 ambassadors, and he concluded by assuring Alvarado 
 that he should be treated as became his merit ; that, as 
 to his future disposal of himself, he must make his 
 own election ; but that he might from henceforth 
 number him amongst his friends, whatever his ultimate 
 decision should be. 
 
 In spite of the benevolent disposition and expres 
 sions of Almagro, the implacable and resolute Orgo- 
 nez, in the council of war which was held after the 
 battle, declared that it was expedient that the two 
 Pizarros, General Alvarado, and the Captain Gomez 
 de Tordoya, should lose their heads, and themselves 
 march immediately on Lima to get rid of the governor, 
 
296 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 and of the principal leaders of his party at the same 
 time. " These," said he, " are in truth severe pre 
 cautions, but the only ones from which we can hope for 
 security, since experience has proved to us a thousand 
 times, that in America, those only need aspire to 
 command and distinction, who allow no weak scruples 
 to interfere with their object, who are prompt in seiz 
 ing, and tenacious in grasping- their advantage. If, now 
 that the Pizarros are in our power, we neglect our 
 opportunity, they will not follow the example when 
 Almagro and his friends shall be at their disposal." 
 The prisoners were at that crisis in imminent danger. 
 The authority of Orgonez, the energy of his character, 
 gave infinite effect to his words, flattering as they 
 were to the pride of the captains, who were elated by 
 their recent victory, while his arguments were power 
 fully aided by the odium, in which the objects of his 
 wrath and his proscription were justly held. In 
 short, opinions were almost unanimous in favour of 
 this rigorous counsel, yet, influenced by the prayers 
 and intercession of Diego de Alvarado and other me 
 diators, Almagro refused to ratify the sentence, and 
 the army returned to Cuzco fifteen days after the 
 battle, having gathered no fruit from their victory. 
 
 Hernando Pizarro, meanwhile, upbraided his adverse 
 fortune, believing that this rout had at least closed 
 upon him the door of his prison for a considerable 
 time, and left him to brood in vain impatience over 
 his projects of vengeance. Diego de Alvarado went 
 to visit and console him, with the courteous attentions 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 297 
 
 and amiable sympathies natural to that officer s cha 
 racter. They played to amuse the weary hour, and 
 played for a large stake, as was then, and still is, usual 
 in America. Alvarado lost, at different times, to the 
 amount of eighty thousand pesos, which he sent to 
 Hernando Pizarro ; the latter returned the money, re 
 questing his antagonist would use it himself. From 
 that hour Alvarado exerted himself in his behalf with 
 redoubled force and energy, now doing that from gra 
 titude, which had hitherto been a mere impulse of 
 compassion and gentleness of nature. He was the 
 principal protection of the prisoner against the fierce 
 and incessant suggestions of Orgonez, and there is 
 little doubt that, but for his interposition, Almagro, in 
 spite of his own disinclination to severity, would have 
 sooner or later acceded to the counsels of his general, 
 and sacrificed his captives. 
 
 But it is now time to return to the Marquis Gover 
 nor. He took indeed no part, personally or directly, in 
 the events we have related, yet were his name, great 
 ness, and fortune, ever in the midst of them, as the 
 principal aim at which the efforts of the conquerors 
 had been directed, both in Cuzco and at Abancay. 
 
 The first intelligence he received of the surprise of 
 the capital and the imprisonment of his two brothers, 
 was sent him by Alonzo de Alvarado, together with the 
 result of his first communications with Almagro, and a 
 request that he would furnish him with orders for the 
 direction of his conduct. He received the letters of 
 Alvarado in Guareo, at the head of four hundred Spa- 
 
298 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 niards, the aggregate of the reinforcements which had 
 been sent him from different parts of India. He was 
 greatly shocked by these unexpected tidings, and could 
 not dissemble his perturbation from the eyes of those 
 around him ; but soon recovering himself, and reflect 
 ing that no blame could attach to him from this rup 
 ture, " I feel," said he, " naturally afflicted by the 
 misfortunes of my brothers. Yet still more deeply do 
 I lament, that two such old and dear friends should, 
 in our old age, be involved in the miseries and violences 
 of civil war, and the many evils of which it is the 
 parent, to the disservice of God and the King." He 
 gave his army an account of tl^e advices he had re 
 ceived ; replied to Alvarado with thanks for his intel 
 ligence, adding, that although matters had arrived 
 at this pitch of exasperation, he still hoped that the 
 Almighty would restore peace between him and his 
 friend, and that he (Alvarado) must await his arrival 
 with as large a body of troops as he could collect ; and, 
 in the interim, he charged him to abstain from coming 
 to a rupture with the Adelantado. He then sum 
 moned the principal officers of his camp, and laying 
 before them the injury done to the King by these dis 
 orders committed by his adversary, and saying that as 
 to himself, as his Majesty s Lieutenant and Governor, 
 belonged the task of suppressing and punishing those 
 insurgents, who threw the land into confusion, and 
 broke the peace of cities, he had now to ask their aid 
 in the performance of this duty. He concluded by 
 offering them all such services and advantages as he 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 299 
 
 was accustomed to grant, and they to experience. 
 After this artful preamble, he called upon them as 
 honourable cavaliers, and loyal servants to their King, 
 to speak openly their opinions. The position of the 
 greater part of these soldiers was, in truth, very deli 
 cate. They had been sent to defend the country against 
 the insurrections of the Indians, and were scarcely 
 arrived, when they found themselves about to be im 
 plicated in a civil war, and were invited to take up 
 arms against their countrymen. Ignorant of the 
 events and passions which agitated the Castilians of 
 Peru, they had no means of judging on which side jus 
 tice lay. It was natural that they should take their 
 view of the subject from the colouring given to it by 
 those with whom they were ; all their information was 
 derived from the first discoverer of the country, its 
 principal conqueror, its governor by the King s war 
 rant, and who, far from the spot in which the events 
 in question had happened, was to be supposed guiltless 
 of any share in the malice, which had given rise to 
 them. They knew that a city inhabited by Castilians 
 had been surprised and forcibly entered by a Castilian 
 captain ; that two individuals so important as the two 
 Pizarros, had been thrown into prison, without any 
 message, any proposal, any disculpation on the part of 
 the aggressor. Thus reasoning, there was little doubt 
 but they would take part in the troubles of the general 
 who addressed them, and that their inclinations would 
 lean to his service. Yet their reply savoured more of 
 impartial reason than of personal zeal. They all pro- 
 
300 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 posed, as the safest step, that messengers should be 
 sent to the Adelantado, to bring- about, if possible, a 
 more peaceable state of things ; that the letters should 
 be couched in terms of friendly persuasion ; while they, 
 on their side, should send to Lima for men and arms, 
 in case it should at length prove necessary to come to 
 a rupture ; nor were there wanting those, who pro 
 posed, that the first thing to be done was to ascertain 
 whether Cuzco did really fall within the government of 
 Don Almagro, since in that case there was no cause 
 for dispute. This proposal struck home at the diffi 
 culty, but it at the same time grievously wounded 
 self-interest and envious passions, and was treated with 
 neglect. 
 
 The governor, wishing at once to make a show of 
 following the opinion of his people, and to satisfy his 
 own, sent on Nicolas de Ribera with a pacific message 
 to Almagro, entreating him to release his brothers, and 
 to suffer the limits of the two governments to be ami 
 cably ascertained and established. He, at the same 
 time, prepared to follow the road over the mountain, 
 to effect his junction with Alvarado. Meanwhile, 
 however, the news arrived of the rout at Abancay, 
 the imprisonment of that general, and the total dis 
 persion of his army. Pizarro, disconcerted by this un 
 locked for disaster, found it necessary to change his 
 plan, and to expect from time and manoeuvring what 
 he could no longer hope to attain by force. He feared 
 every moment to see the conquering army fall upon 
 him, and cut off for ever, by one decisive stroke, his 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 301 
 
 hopes and his designs. These apprehensions of Pizarro 
 prove the soundness of the counsel of General Orgo- 
 iiez, when he demanded that Almagro should march 
 directly from Ahancay to Lima, and so fall upon the 
 adversary with promptitude and certainty. Pizarro, 
 in this emergency, resolved to negotiate, thereby gain 
 ing time to recover himself, while, by fair words and 
 apparent hopes, he should allay the ardour and enfee 
 ble the power of his enemy, the more securely to 
 struggle with him hereafter. He despatched an em 
 bassy to Cuzco, composed of the most distinguished 
 persons of his camp, while he himself returned in all 
 haste to Lima, to levy troops and form an army equal 
 to that of his rival. 
 
 He sent, as the principal negotiator on this occa 
 sion, the Licentiate Caspar de Espinosa, one of the 
 most ancient and principal conquerors of Terra Firma, 
 highly respected at Panama, the old friend of the rival 
 governors, and, according to subsequent proof, a com 
 panion likewise in the profits of their adventures. He 
 believed that the respect and consideration in which 
 he was held by each, would enable him to bring affairs 
 to a favourable termination, with the more reason, 
 when it became known that he and the other commis 
 sioners carried sufficient powers for fixing the limits 
 of the two governments, and for obtaining the release 
 of prisoners. On arriving at Cuzco, where they were 
 affably and courteously received, Espinosa began to 
 open his commission, and proposals were reciprocally 
 exchanged. Almagro consulted with his people, and 
 
302 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the commissioners, on permission, with Hernando 
 Pizarro, who eagerly agreed to the first conditions of 
 Almagro, owing, as he said, to the necessity which 
 obliged him, as soon as possible, to set off for Castile 
 with the King s fifths. The Licentiate was not blinded 
 by this apparent zeal and sudden acquiescence, but im 
 mediately replied, that if, as an aggrieved man, Her 
 nando was merely smoothing the way at present to 
 the recovery of his liberty, that he might afterwards 
 kindle a new war for the indulgence of his own resent 
 ments, he had better seek other means for his purpose, 
 though so the concord might be retarded ; that there 
 was nothing so unworthy as to give fuel and scope to 
 such passions, nor so destructive to the interests of 
 all, more especially those of the two governors. The 
 prisoner was stung to the quick; but being, when it 
 suited him, a deep dissembler, he expressed himself 
 obliged by the good-will of the mediator, and placing 
 the whole negotiation in his hands, declared and pro 
 tested that he would, on his part, no way infringe on 
 any agreement he might think meet to ratify. 
 
 Still Espinosa was able to communicate on more 
 frank and ingenuous terms with the Adelantado. Al 
 magro added proposal to proposal, in proportion as he 
 found his demands were acquiesced in ; then Espinosa 
 implored him to reflect on the judgment the world 
 would pass, when, after beholding him and Pizarro for 
 so many years in such perfect amity and union, the 
 scene should now change, and they should appear as 
 the envenomed foes of each other, the fomenters of 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO* 303 
 
 sedition and civil wars, staining and obscuring-, by their 
 blind and fatal ambition, the honours which their laud 
 able and generous friendship had acquired for them. 
 "But," he added, " setting apart the scandal you are in 
 evitably incurring, where is your judgment, when you 
 thus place in peril your authority, and your very exist 
 ence ? Do you believe that the King will behold with 
 indifference the dangers and evils your discords will pro 
 duce, and will he not, the moment he shall be apprised 
 of the state of affairs, determine on the means of re 
 medy ? Do not deceive yourself. Sooner or later, he 
 will send those, who, invested with his authority, shall 
 compel you to peace, shall bring you to a strict account, 
 and perhaps moreover to punishment ; even though your 
 judge be exempt from the ambition, pride, and covet- 
 ousness, too common amongst those delegates of justice 
 who are sent into these regions, still you will be com 
 pelled to endure investigations, prosecutions, and afflic 
 tions, from men of a different profession, who, accord 
 ing to their custom, will exaggerate your errors and 
 the public disasters, to increase their own credit and 
 services. God forbid that I should behold you in this 
 miserable predicament, subjected to the caprice and will 
 of a stranger, exposed to suffer, in your authority, in 
 your property, and too probably even in your life, the 
 rigorous degree of justice, or the blind and violent 
 determination of the passions ! Think well, I entreat 
 you, on my words ! Are not these regions wide enough 
 to give sufficient exercise to your ambition, that for a 
 few leagues, more or less, you would offend Heaven, 
 
304 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 provoke the wrath of your King-, and fill the world 
 with scandal and violence ?" To these words, which, 
 as being uttered by a lawyer, were the more worthy of 
 remark, Almagro replied that these arguments should 
 have been first tried with Pizarro, whose government 
 was more doubtful, according to the limits assigned by 
 the royal provisions, and which included even Lima, 
 to say nothing of Cuzco, the present point in dispute, 
 and which most indubitably belonged to him, and with 
 regard to which, in right of his just claim and war 
 rant, he would lose his life rather than yield. " If so 
 it be, Signer Adelantado," replied Espinosa, " I may 
 say with our old Castilian proverb, the conquered 
 conquers, and the conqueror loses. " 
 
 Almagro might have added, to justify his little incli 
 nation to agreement, that although Espinosa and his 
 companions had been furnished with full powers to 
 negotiate, yet one Hernan Gonzalez, who came with 
 them, had secret instructions for revoking what they 
 should do. This manoeuvre, as unseasonable, as it was 
 derogatory to the honour and sincerity, which should 
 preside over the dealings of men who rank with the 
 great and valiant, was detected by the friends and 
 counsellors of Almagro ; no wonder, then, if the know 
 ledge of such a fact should chill and embitter all those 
 benevolent feelings, which would have inclined him to 
 peace. 
 
 It is far from improbable that the zeal and influence 
 of Espinosa might have ultimately succeeded in pre 
 venting an explosion ; but when they were on the point 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRQ. 305 
 
 of ratifying- certain articles, respecting which each of 
 the contending- parties had come to an agreement, he 
 fell dangerously ill, and died in the course of a few 
 days. His loss was felt deeply by all those who sin 
 cerely desired peace, for in him they reposed all their 
 hopes of obtaining it ; it was regretted also by those, 
 who had learned to appreciate him for his truly esti 
 mable qualities. But not so the soldiers who had 
 fought under Balboa, who never forgot his having 
 been an instrument in the iniquity of Pedrarias ; twenty 
 years of service, fatigues, and discoveries in Terra 
 Firma, the prudence and moderation of his conduct, 
 had never effaced, nor ever will efface, tlie stain left 
 on his name by that unjust sentence. 
 
 On the death of Espinosa, Almagro despatched 
 ambassadors to Francisco Pizarro, proposing, that in 
 order to avoid revolts and dissensions, it would be most 
 expedient to nominate conscientious persons, who 
 might wisely and deliberately examine the cause pend 
 ing between them, and declare what of right fell to 
 each, while they, the principal parties, should solemnly 
 oblige themselves to make restitution of all that did 
 not appertain to them. He informed Pizarro, at the 
 same time, that he was on the eve of setting out for 
 the Lower Provinces, with the object of sending the 
 King the gold for his fifths, and of pacifying the dis 
 trict in his progress. He then removed with his army 
 to the coast, taking with him his prisoner Hernando 
 Pizarro, and leaving in Cuzco, under the charge of 
 Gabriel de Rojas, the deputy-governor of the city, 
 
306 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Gonzalo Pizarro, and the General Alvarado. This move 
 ment could not but strike the mind of his antagonist 
 as a fresh provocation, while the pride and arrogance 
 of his captains could not but tend to give additional 
 colouring to the fact. Immeasurably elated by the sur 
 prise of Cuzco and the victory of Abancay, their most 
 moderate boast was, that they were going to send the 
 governor of New Castile to command in his territory 
 of the Mangroves, and that there should no longer 
 remain in Peru a single pizarra (slate) to stumble over. 
 With these threats and bravadoes they descended to 
 the plains, established their head-quarters in Chincha, 
 and agreed on founding a city, which should secure the 
 coast, and act as a point of shelter for the reception of 
 the reinforcements of people and arms on their first 
 arrival, for the royal despatches, and also for any neces 
 saries which might be required for the Upper Provinces. 
 This plan was immediately put in execution, the city 
 was colonized and called Almagro, and from its locality, 
 name, and all accompanying circumstances, seemed 
 intended to outvie that of Lima, to insult and depre 
 ciate Pizarro, and to serve as a new ground for the 
 pride and ostentation of its founders. 
 
 Meanwhile, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonzo de Alva 
 rado found means to suborn their guards, and to escape 
 from Cuzco, with a few Spaniards who chose to follow 
 them ; they took their way over the sierras, and, after 
 braving some most discouraging difficulties, they 
 reached Lima, and embraced the governor, whose joy 
 at their deliverance was extreme. When these tidings 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 307 
 
 arrived in the camp at Chincha, they produced so dis 
 heartening an effect, that Almagro repented having* 
 rejected the rigorous counsels of Orgonez, and became 
 inclined to put them in execution on the person of 
 Hernando Pizarro. Never was that captain in such 
 imminent danger ; but Diego Alvarado still shielded 
 him, and contrived to soothe and temper the irritation 
 of the leader, and to invalidate the reasons urged for 
 his destruction : he did still more in saving this fiery 
 spirit from the fatal results, towards which his turbu 
 lent and restless temper were continually hurrying 
 him. It happened one day that the Ensign-General 
 of Almagro fell into a dispute with him, which rose 
 to so high a pitch, that the former, losing all restraint 
 over his passions, rushed upon him with his dagger, 
 and would have struck him to the heart, had not Al 
 varado been in time to arrest the blow, and appease the 
 conflict. 
 
 The governor gave ear to a proposal for placing the 
 negotiation in the hands of an arbitrator, and the two 
 contending parties agreed at length to refer their 
 differences to the judgment of Father Francisco Boba- 
 dilla, provincial and commendator of the order of 
 mercy, whom they each respected as a learned, just, 
 and honourable man. Most unfortunately for him 
 self, the first who thought of him was Almagro, in 
 direct contradiction to the opinion of Orgonez, who, 
 seeing clearly on this point, as on all the rest, said, 
 openly, that the Father Bobadilla was more attached 
 to Don Francisco Pizarro than to Almagro, that the 
 
308 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 decision of a case like the one in dispute, should not 
 be confided to a privileged individual like this eccle 
 siastic, but to persons who had not only the fear of 
 God, but that of men also, to restrain them ; adding-, in 
 his frank and resolute manner, that true security did 
 not consist in frivolous conventions, but in being- so 
 prepared ag-ainst offence or injury, as to keep an enemy 
 always in awe. To this, Almagro replied, that if he 
 could not hope for justice from a man of such qualities 
 as were ascribed to Father Bobadilla, he could hardly 
 expect to find it upon earth. The event proved that 
 Org-oiiez did not deceive himself, and the good eccle 
 siastic grievously disappointed the hopes of the Ade- 
 lantado. 
 
 It is true that he at first professed the greatest im 
 partiality, and he began by insisting that the two com 
 petitors should meet and converse in his presence. 
 This seemed the best mode of attacking the evil at 
 the root, if there still existed the faintest vestige in 
 their hearts of their mutual friendship ; since, in 
 meeting, conversing, and embracing, they might, by 
 mutual explanation, have dissipated the suspicions 
 and fatal effects of the calumnies, brought and carried 
 between them by mischief-makers. These interviews 
 were appointed at Mala, where the Provincial had 
 fixed his residence, and established his tribunal ; and 
 where he caused all such oaths to be administered, and 
 solemn forms to be observed, as were deemed neces 
 sary pledges for the security of each party ; thus bind 
 ing themselves, not only the governors, but also their 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 309 
 
 Respective generals, that the troops should not move 
 from the points they occupied, whilst the conference 
 lasted. Rodrigo Orgoiiez took this oath, but with an 
 unwilling and misgiving heart, and deeply suspicious 
 of the good faith of the enemy. " Senor Adelantado," 
 said he to Almagro, uplifting his right hand, " I hate 
 these meetings ! Pray God they end better than I 
 expect !" But he guessed on this occasion, with the 
 same sagacity which had invariably marked his pre 
 dictions ; and only by something like a miracle, did 
 the Adelantado escape the snare that had been laid 
 for him. 
 
 The first of the two who presented himself in Mala, 
 was Pizarro, followed, in observance of his obligation, 
 by only twelve on horseback of his principal and most 
 confidential friends. Shortly afterwards the Adelan 
 tado marched in, accompanied by an equal number ot 
 cavaliers, and on his arrival being known, Father 
 Bobadilla, the governor, and several captains, came to 
 the door of the house to meet him ; he alighted and 
 approached Pizarro with his hat in his hand, and made 
 his obeisance, to which the other replied, by touching 
 his helmet and coldly saluting him. In former times 
 they had always embraced when meeting, and had 
 often shed tears, either of pleasure or agitation ; al 
 ways, whether in their quarrels, or in their endear 
 ments, their mutual friendship was apparent. Now, 
 falseness, resentment, and suspicion, had hardened 
 their hearts, beyond all power to satisfy or appease 
 them. Pizarro received the cavaliers who accom- 
 
310 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 panied Almagro with somewhat more civility, and 
 observing- that they were unarmed, he asked them 
 why they came ; to which they courteously replied, for 
 his service. 
 
 The Provincial requested the two governors to enter 
 his house, which they did, and being placed at some 
 little distance from each other, the conference was 
 begun, by Pizarro breaking the silence, and demand 
 ing of the Adelantado, " Why did you seize upon the 
 city of Cuzco, which I gained, and discovered by such 
 severe exertions ? Why have you removed from it its 
 Indians and Yanaconas ? Why, in short, not content 
 with these injuries and oppressions, have you, to 
 crown the whole, arrested and imprisoned my bro 
 thers ?" " Consider what you say," replied the Ade 
 lantado, and think well, ere you repeat that you, in 
 your own person, gained the city of Cuzco ! You well 
 know who really gained it. I occupied Cuzco, be 
 cause it is one of the cities of my government, accord 
 ing to the royal patent given in my favour. My in 
 tention was to have entered my city by virtue of that 
 instrument, rather than by force of arms. Your 
 brothers defended it, and I did myself justice by seiz 
 ing them." " If my brothers, youths as they are, 
 strove in its defence," interrupted Pizarro, " I will 
 defend it against you more effectually." " For these 
 causes," pursued Almagro, " I entered Cuzco, and 
 caused myself to be received as governor." " These 
 were very insufficient causes for your violence in 
 seizing my brothers, and for your rupture with Don 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 311 
 
 Alonzo de Alvarado at Abancay. Now, therefore, 
 restore me Cuzco, and liberate my brothers, or else 
 consider well the calamities which will follow." 
 " Cuzco is mine," said Almagro ; " it belongs to my 
 government, and I will keep it, till the king com 
 mands me to restore it. With regard to the liberty 
 of your brothers, you have lawyers here, and they 
 may deliberate on the justice of the question, and I 
 will be ruled by their sentence, on condition that they 
 present themselves before the king with the process." 
 " Agreed," replied Pizarro. 
 
 The altercation was thus pursued between the rival 
 chiefs, when the friends of Almagro discovered that 
 Gonzalo Pizarro had approached Mala; and it was 
 even asserted that an ambuscade * of crossbows was 
 placed among some reeds, waiting till the signal of a 
 trumpet should rouse them to their evil enterprise. 
 Suddenly a horseman alighted before the door, and 
 entering the house, Juan de Guzman, for it was he, 
 went directly to the apartment where the conference 
 was held, and contrived to warn Almagro of his dan 
 ger. Almagro did not linger, but, descending the 
 stairs, leaped on his steed, his friend following his 
 example, and disappearing at full gallop. The gover 
 nor despatched after him Francisco de Godoy,f to 
 
 * Gonzalo Pizarro, with all secrecy, laid an ambuscade among 
 some canes or reeds, close to Mala, consisting of a body of cross 
 bows, under Captain Castro, and gave an order that two trumpets 
 should sound a signal immediately on the Adelantado s arriving in 
 Mala. HERRERA, decade vi. book iii. chap. iv. 
 
 f It is said, that Francisco de Godoy, one of Pizarro s captains, 
 shocked at the duplicity and bad faith exercised towards Almagro, 
 
312 FRANCISCO PJZARRCX 
 
 enquire the reason of such an abrupt retreat; but 
 the tricks of the game were discovered, and the Ade- 
 lantado, who, from the conversation of Francisco 
 Godoy himself, was enabled to penetrate still farther 
 the bad faith of his adversary, drily replied, " that the 
 lawyers were sufficient to collect and present the 
 papers, and hear the decision, and that his presence 
 was unnecessary." 
 
 To this disgraceful plot succeeded the sentence of 
 the compromising judge, who became daily more inve 
 terate against the interests of the Adelantado. The 
 Provincial having examined the writings, and heard 
 the pilots, whose experience made v them be considered 
 as the most important evidence on both sides, he pro 
 nounced a sentence such as might have been dictated 
 by Pizarro himself; for having, as he said, on the 
 best and most mature deliberation, made a division of 
 the territories and limits of each government, he com 
 manded Don Diego de Almagro to restore the city of 
 Cuzco to Don Francisco Pizarro, who was in peace 
 able possession thereof, when the former, who was 
 neither its judge nor governor, had taken it by force 
 of arms, manifestly against the will of the king ; that, 
 
 having no other mode of warning him of the snare laid for him, 
 on seeing him enter the house of the Provincial, began to sing 
 these words of a Castilian ballad, 
 
 " Time it is, oh cavalier, 
 Time it is thou wert away." 
 
 The Adelantado understood him, and was therefore more prepared 
 to quit the house, immediately on receiving the intimation of Juan 
 de Guzman. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 313 
 
 moreover, he must restore the gold and silver belong 
 ing to the king s fifths ; that within six days he must 
 put into his hands the treasure, that it might be appa 
 rent that justice was to be done, and that the gold and 
 silver might be sent to court. This was the princi 
 pal, or rather the most essential, article in this partial 
 sentence, which was, of course, highly lauded by Pi- 
 fcarro and his adherents ; while, on the contrary, Alma- 
 gro s procurator interposed an appeal to the king, and 
 his council of the Indies ; to which the judge replied, 
 as might be expected, that there could be no appeal 
 from his sentence, having been chosen arbitrator by 
 both the parties interested. 
 
 But when the tidings of this decision reached the 
 army, the excitement of the soldiers was indescribable, 
 on thus seeing themselves stripped, at one blow, of 
 all that had been acquired by such miseries, efforts, 
 and dangers. At first they manifested their bitter 
 and disappointed feelings by the deepest gloom and 
 silence ; but speedily they roused to the recollection, 
 that they still held in their hands those same arms by 
 which these things had been conquered, and then, 
 bursting into fury, they vowed they would resist the 
 monstrous injustice of the ecclesiastic; and next, 
 turning their wrath against their own general, they 
 loudly, and in crowds, inveighed against his imbeci 
 lity and want of firmness. " To these," said they, 
 " the Pizarros owe their triumph ; by these, they 
 occupy the rich provinces of Peru, whilst we shall 
 be sent to exist between the Charcas and Collas, 
 
314 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 where we cannot even find wood for fuel. If we must 
 needs lose Cuzco, would it not have been better to 
 have crossed the river Maule, and have entered the 
 provinces of the Straits of Magellan ? Those, at 
 least, would not have been disputed with us." Such 
 was the tumult and confusion, that the Adelantado 
 found it impossible to appease them, but, indeed, it 
 was requisite he should begin by commanding him 
 self. So confounded and irritated was he by his gross 
 ill treatment, that, in a state bordering on distraction, 
 he broke out into expressions derogatory to his cha 
 racter and dignity. " Can any one," he exclaimed, 
 " be ignorant of the share I have had in the discovery 
 of this New World, of the labours, peril, and expend 
 iture, which, for thirty years, I have consumed in the 
 service of the king, and upon this undertaking ? They 
 insultingly call me old and blind, but they ought to 
 remember, that if this blind old man had not risked 
 himself, with the firmness and ardour of which the 
 whole world is witness, Pizarro must have returned, 
 dejected and defeated in his projects, to Terra Firma ; 
 and now, a false and perfidious friar has beguiled me 
 into a reference to his judgment, of an affair to which 
 only lawyers and jurists are competent, that he may 
 betray me, by an iniquitous sentence, into the hands 
 of my enemy." 
 
 This indignation of the Adelantado could not excite 
 surprise. Bobadilla had voluntarily remarked, that 
 were he constituted judge of those differences, he would 
 so settle the limits of the two governments, that Al- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 315 
 
 magro s should commence with the new city bearing 
 his name, and include half the territory from thence 
 to Lima. The friar swore by the habit which he 
 wore, to this assertion ; and the good Almagro, belie 
 ving him, would hear of no one else passing judgment 
 in this negotiation. It is probable that Bobadilla was 
 prompted in this case by Pizarro, and that the Ade- 
 lantado had fallen simply into a trap, which his adver 
 sary had purposely laid for him. Orgoiiez seeing his 
 governor so afflicted, consoled him in his character 
 istic manner, telling him he ought not to take this 
 transaction so much to heart, since he himself was to 
 blame, for not having listened to the faithful coun 
 sels of his true friends ; that, in this emergency, the 
 remedy lay in cutting off the head of Hernando Pi 
 zarro, retiring upon Cuzco, and there fortifying him 
 self. " Thus, you will openly show your enemy, that 
 you renounce all peace with him. He may, it is true, 
 follow us with his army ; yet, powerful as it is, the 
 roads are not so smooth, nor so well provided, but we 
 may contrive, at one point or other, to discomfit him." 
 This desperate measure was repugnant to Almagro, 
 who hated bloodshed, and he replied to his general, 
 that he would see if Bobadilla would consent to the 
 appeal, as he would fain use every effort for the avoid 
 ance of civil war, and its torrent of evils. 
 
 Meanwhile, nothing stood in greater jeopardy than 
 the life of Hernando Pizarro, threatened continually 
 by the fury of the soldiers, and never for an instant 
 secure against the operation of any sudden, fatal 
 
316 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 impulse which might be awakened in the bosom of 
 Almagro. Of all this his brother was uneasily con 
 scious, and therefore, postponing- the sentence of Boba- 
 dilla, he requested and proposed that some new means 
 of concord might be sought, of which the liberty of 
 the prisoner should form a principal condition. He 
 desired to accomplish this at any cost, and with the 
 more determination, from being internally resolved to 
 accomplish not one of his promises, when he should 
 by their means have gained this material point. And 
 as the Adelantado, though quick in feeling an injury, 
 and tenaciously ambitious, proceeded with good faith, 
 and abhorred any violent or sanguinary deed, he at 
 length gave ear to the proposed negotiation, now again 
 set on foot, and which was carried on in the midst of 
 difficulties and altercations, which it would be tedious 
 to relate. All, however, was brought to a termination, 
 by the mutual agreement of the rival governors, on 
 certain important articles, whereby it was stipulated 
 that Cuzco should remain in the power of Almagro, 
 till the king should command otherwise, and Her- 
 nando Pizarro be set at liberty, having first solemnly 
 pledged himself to depart immediately for Castile, in 
 fulfilment of the charges he held from the court. 
 
 To the deliberations which took place on this mat 
 ter, Orgoiiez was not invited ; he was present, how 
 ever, when, in virtue of the articles agreed to, they 
 were preparing to liberate Hernando Pizarro. The 
 Adelantado excused himself for the reserve he had 
 used towards him, and justified his determination by 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 317 
 
 his desire for peace. But Orgonez, as ingenuous as 
 faithful, could not help reminding him, that the man 
 who had broken his word in Castile, was not likely to 
 prove more punctilious in the Indies ; that where there 
 was an absence of confidence, no friendship could ex 
 ist ; that both being founded on truth and virtue, were 
 inconsistent with such companions as fraud and malice. 
 There was a time when arms might not have been 
 necessary, but now it behoved them to put them 
 selves in preparation, since the perfidious and perjured 
 never lacked excuses for their breach of promises ; 
 and having, with his hand, imitated the act of deca 
 pitation, " Orgonez, Orgonez !" he exclaimed, " for 
 the love of Almagro thou wilt be made thus much 
 shorter !" Another valiant soldier cried, " Seiior Ade- 
 lantado, hitherto thou hast never trailed a pike, but, 
 alas ! thou shalt ere long trail one with two chains." 
 All the camp was in commotion when the decision 
 was published, for all, convinced of the perfidious, 
 implacable, and revengeful character of Hernando 
 Pizarro, re-echoed, as one man, the opinion of Orgo 
 nez ; and by anonymous scrawls and writings, all 
 manifested their conviction, that, in this instance, 
 peace had been bought at the cost of safety. 
 
 But the die was cast ; Almagro was resolved, and 
 all was now expectation. Almagro himself proceeded 
 to the place of his captive s confinement, and com 
 manded his release, and they embraced on meeting. 
 The Adelantado prayed Hernando to forget the past, 
 and to be content that peace and tranquillity should 
 
318 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 henceforth reign among them. Hernando Pizarro 
 replied, that he desired nothing- more earnestly, and 
 that from him the concord should suffer no interrup 
 tion. He then took the oaths, to which, by the late 
 compact, he was obliged ; which ceremony complied 
 with, Almagro took him to his house, and enter 
 tained him splendidly. There the captains and cava 
 liers of the army came to visit and converse with him, 
 and, accompanied by Don Diego, son of the Adelan- 
 tado, by the two Alvarados, and other knights, es 
 corted him to his brother s camp. By him they were 
 received with all the demonstrations of joy and wel 
 come, suitable to the accomplishment of this desired 
 event ; he regaled them nobly, presented them, more 
 especially the young Don Diego, with gifts and jewels, 
 and took leave of them with the most gracious courtesy. 
 They returned to their camp, where the greater part 
 of the army suspected that the peace would not be of 
 long duration; Almagro, on the contrary, persisted 
 in his singular confidence, and felt confirmed in it, 
 when he learned the nattering reception of his son by 
 Pizarro.* Full of these deceitful hopes, he marched 
 his army to the valley of Zangalla, whither he trans 
 lated the city he had begun to found at Chincha, and 
 employed himself wholly in collecting his fifths, for 
 the purpose of sending them to the king. 
 
 Totally different were the dispositions of the oppo- 
 
 * Almagro was a man of most invincible simplicity and credu 
 lity. The most outrageous and repeated breach of faith could not 
 conquer bis propensity to believe. 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 319 
 
 site camp. No sooner did the two brothers find them 
 selves alone, than Hernando demanded of the go 
 vernor, vengeance for the injuries done to them both 
 in the seizure of Cuzco, the spoliation of their pro 
 perty, his own tedious imprisonment, and other out 
 rages of Almagro. He told him, it would be an 
 impeachment of his honour to have borne all this 
 without revenge, and that he ought to pursue and 
 seize the Adelantado. The governor agreed in his 
 reasons for complaint, and in the justice of the punish 
 ment he invoked, but he hesitated with regard to 
 taking it upon himself. " I fear," said he, " the dis 
 pleasure of the king." " And did he fear it, who had 
 the insolence to enter Cuzco by violence, and throw 
 me into prison ?" was the indignant reply of Her 
 nando. It was no longer possible to restrain the 
 bloodthirsty and vindictive spirit of this man, even 
 had the intentions of the governor been really of a 
 better complexion than his own, which one cannot 
 for a moment suppose, when one reflects on the long 
 and complicated chain of frauds and artifices by which 
 the negotiations had been conducted, so as to bring 
 matters to the point at which they were now arrived. 
 The governor assembled his officers, and in their pre 
 sence he pronounced a decree, qualifying as crimes all 
 the operations of the Adelantado, from his return 
 from Chili ; constituted himself the avenger and cas- 
 tigator of these alleged evils, and commanded that his 
 brother, Hernando Pizarro, should not quit the king 
 dom till the land was tranquillized, and this act of 
 
320 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 justice performed, since he had need of his assistance, 
 and could send the fifths to the king- by another con 
 fidential officer. Hernando affected scruples with re 
 gard to the last clause of the sentence, alleging- the 
 especial order he had brought from court ; and to 
 complete this disgusting farce, which deceived no one, 
 caused the command to be twice or thrice repeated ; 
 and was even threatened by his brother with his resent 
 ment, if he persisted in disobedience. 
 
 The governor then formally intimated to the Ade- 
 lantado, that, in compliance with a royal decree, re 
 cently arrived, regarding the limits of the two govern 
 ments, he should quit the district, which he (Pizarro) 
 had conquered and colonized, to its rightful governor ; 
 otherwise, on him must rest the guilt of all the mise 
 ries and destruction which would result from his 
 resistance. Though greatly perturbed by a blow so 
 unexpected by him, Almagro replied, that, in com 
 pliance with the royal despatch, he should not stir from 
 the spot which it had assigned to him ; that it was 
 that very instrument which constituted him governor, 
 and that the responsibility would rest with those who 
 interfered with him. This mutual defiance was, in 
 fact, a declaration of war, for which both parties pre 
 pared, with all the animosity of inflamed passions, and 
 a sense of reciprocal aggravation. 
 
 The two armies were unequal both in strength and 
 confidence. Pizarro s host boasted double the num 
 ber of Almagro s, and the men were well disciplined, 
 led by experienced captains, all faithfully attached to 
 
 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 321 
 
 the cause for which they fought some from a belief 
 that it was the most legitimate, and others, seduced 
 and fascinated by the magnificent promises of the 
 governor, who, becoming with age more inflexible 
 and obstinate in his purposes, redoubled his eiforts in 
 the vindication of his disputed authority, of which he 
 grew more and more jealous. 
 
 Almagro, on the contrary, debilitated by age, and 
 by the bodily sufferings which had of late assailed 
 him, with a character infinitely less firm, though far 
 more amiable, wearied and dispirited by fruitless nego 
 tiations, could no longer inspire his people with those 
 hopes and ardours, which he possessed not himself. 
 Orgonez was endowed with those qualities of the 
 mind which his chief wanted, and possessed them in 
 an eminent degree ; but he, again, lacked the autho 
 rity and influence of a principal leader, the grand 
 centre of operations and interests ; and by a singular 
 fatality, his opinions, which were ever the soundest 
 and most secure, were invariably combated by Diego 
 de Alvarada, who, more bland and gentle, and there 
 fore more acceptable to Almagro, never failed to pre 
 vail in the end. The other captains, though brilliant 
 in action, and of the most tried valour, had less sub 
 ordination, and less unity of interests and views, than 
 those of Pizarro ; and, lastly, the soldiers, inferior 
 in number, some intimidated by the imposing force 
 of the enemy, and others gained by his artifices, and 
 ready to abandon their colours when they should come 
 to an action, did not compose a body so likely to act 
 
 x 
 
322 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 with resolution and success, as those of the opposite 
 army. 
 
 Who then can wonder, that all the operations of 
 Almagro s troops, from the hour that war broke out, 
 until the battle of Las Salinas brought it to a close, 
 formed one series of errors and disasters ? They lost 
 the heights of the Sierra of Guaytara,* where, with 
 a handful of people, they might have defeated their 
 adversaries, by whom, however, they allowed them 
 selves to be surprised. They likewise lost an oppor 
 tunity of routing them, when, entangled in a pass of 
 the sierra, they saw the troops of Pizarro attacked by 
 the intense and cruel cold of that region, frozen, ago 
 nizing, and striving with vertigoes and mortal con 
 vulsions, and presenting an easy victory to their too 
 improvident enemy. They wanted spirit to adopt the 
 suggestion of Orgonez,-]- who, seeing that the Pizarros 
 resolutely pursued the way towards Cuzco, proposed 
 to return impetuously upon Lima, then deserted by 
 the troops, there recruit and refresh the people, write 
 
 * On this occasion, the shouts of Pizarro s army were scarcely 
 heard, when Captains Francisco de Chaves and Salinas, with the 
 Inca Paullo Topa, (brother of Mango Capac,) leaving behind them 
 soldiers, arms, and horses, fled with the utmost speed. 
 
 f But Captain Vasco de Guevara, Christoval de Soto, and se 
 veral others, urged Orgoiiez to attack the Pizarros at the moment 
 when they were entangled in the snowy denies, and already con 
 quered to his hands, by the inclemencies and sufferings of their 
 march. " This good and secure counsel," says Herrera, " was 
 rejected by Orgoiiez ; why, we know not, except it was through 
 the influence of his evil star, for he was faithful, valiant, and expe 
 rienced." 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 323 
 
 ta Spain an exact narrative of the state of affairs, and 
 restore thing s to an equilibrium by occupying- the 
 new capital of the empire, while the enemy became 
 master of the old. This advice, which gave unques 
 tionable evidence of the military skill and experience 
 of Orgonez, was perhaps the last remaining chance 
 for Almagro^ But, although some of the captains ap 
 proved it, others opposed it, who, fearing they should 
 lose the fruit of past exertions in the desertion of Cuz- 
 co, could not consent to abandon to their adversaries 
 all the treasure of that city, nor remove to a distance 
 from its luxuries and enjoyments. Most unhappily 
 the opinion of the latter party prevailed ; and they 
 neither destroyed the bridges over the rivers, which 
 lay in the line of march of their enemy, nor did they 
 annoy or molest them, in any of the difficult passes 
 and ravines. Finally, when returned to Cuzco, in 
 stead of labouring at such intrenchments and fortifi 
 cations as were necessary for the defence of the few 
 against the many, confident in their valour, or rather 
 impelled by an evil destiny, they presented an open 
 camp to the assault of an enemy, who, if somewhat 
 inferior in cavalry, was greatly superior in crossbows 
 and military order. 
 
 When Pizarro found that his people had driven the 
 enemy from the heights of Guaytara, he led them to 
 the valley of lea, where they might rest and recover 
 themselves, after the difficulties and sufferings of their 
 march over the mountain. There he placed the army 
 under the command of his brothers, committing the 
 
324 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 destruction of his ancient friend, and now hated rival, 
 to their hands. Hernando bore the rank of gover 
 nor, superintendant, and head of the expedition; 
 Gonzalo the title of Captain-general. The governor 
 recommended them to the captains and soldiers, excu 
 sing himself, for not commanding them in person, on 
 the plea of his old age and infirmities. He nattered 
 and animated the host, with the hope of a secure vic 
 tory over their adversaries, already, as he said, con 
 quered and fugitive, and whose defeat ought less to be 
 considered as a battle, than as a just punishment of 
 men who were enemies of their king. They replied 
 with loud shouts, announcing their ardour and unani 
 mity ; and in this cheerful disposition the signal was 
 given to march, the army taking the road to Cuzco, 
 and the governor that to Lima. 
 
 There were not wanting, even in this moment of 
 extremity to which the aifairs of the Spaniards of 
 Peru were now arrived, some among those people, so 
 apparently forgetful of all obligation, who yet found 
 courage to represent to the two brothers, that enough 
 of Spanish blood had been already shed in the commo 
 tions of the country, and in the prosecution of these 
 unhappy quarrels. That they ought to think on what 
 was due to God, to the king, and to their country, and 
 suspend their preparations for war ; pledging them 
 selves that, by pacific means, all should be regulated 
 according to the wishes and interests of the Pizarros. 
 But it was too late for this ultimate and generous 
 effort of humanity and reason, to find any acceptance 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 325 
 
 from those proud and revengeful men. Hernando 
 Pizarro replied, that Don Diego Almagro commenced 
 the war ; that, as for himself, he was residing tranquil 
 and unsuspecting in Cuzco, fearing no enmity, when 
 the Adelantado, with banners spread and drums beat 
 ing, declared himself the enemy of the Pizarros ; it 
 was then necessary to teach the Adelantado what sort 
 of men he had offended, and for this purpose he was 
 now fully resolved to seek his enemy, and let the for 
 tune of arms decide on which side success was me 
 rited. The governor, less violent, but equally obdu 
 rate, also silenced these benevolent suggestions. He 
 who boasted that " his jurisdiction reached to the 
 Straits of Magellan," already grasped in imagination 
 this immense command, and panted after the ruin of 
 his adversary, that he might once behold himself the 
 sole governor of these mighty regions. Such appre 
 hensions of the displeasure of court, as might have 
 checked the boldness of his measures, were despised 
 as distant and uncertain ; and the 600,000 pesos of 
 gold he had amassed to send to the king, he doubted 
 not would operate as sufficient exculpation and justi 
 fication of whatsoever act he might commit ; his de 
 sires, therefore, were utterly uncurbed, and his hopes 
 unrebuked: ambition in him was a feverish thirst, 
 more insatiable even than that of vengeance in the 
 heart of his brother. This rancorous disposition in 
 the chiefs, was farther stimulated by the officers and 
 soldiers the one anxious to wash off the affront re 
 ceived at Abancay the others eager to possess the 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 wealth, and taste the delights, in which the soldiers 
 of Almagro now revelled, and which were now pro 
 mised to them, as the reward of their labours, dan 
 gers, and fidelity. The door, in short, was closed 
 against all sound and virtuous counsel, and all rushed 
 headlong on the horrors of civil war.* 
 i The fortunes of the rival governors came to a de 
 cision in the field of Las Salinas, half a league from 
 Cuzco, where the two armies met. These American 
 battles w^ere considered in Europe as little more than 
 slight skirmishes, yet on them hung results of infinite 
 magnitude, and they exhibited scenes in which human 
 passion was depicted with more distinctness and energy, 
 than in our wise and scientific manoeuvres and grand 
 operations. Mass was performed very early in the 
 camp of the Pizarros, as if that appearance of devotion 
 could purify and sanctify their cause. After the cere 
 mony, Hernando, armed at all points, in a rich surcoat 
 of orange damask, and a magnificent white plume on 
 the crest of his helmet, by which he could be distin 
 guished afar, both by friends and enemies, led his 
 troops to the charge, and crossing a river, and a swamp 
 which lay beyond it, joined battle with the enemy. 
 The forces were not equal; true it is, that Almagro had 
 a superior number of cavalry and of auxiliary Indians, 
 
 * On the march of Hernando Pizarro to Cuzco, that leader was 
 congratulated by the different deserters from Almagro s camp, on 
 the infirm and languishing condition of the Adelantado " Alma 
 gro," said they, " is so ill, he must be nearly dead already." 
 " God," replied Hernando, " will not do me such a disfavour, as to 
 let him die ere I have him in my hands." 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 327 
 
 but there were in the camp of the Pizarros, double 
 the number of Spaniards, and a body of crossbows, 
 just arrived from Europe, gave them, in that essential 
 matter, great advantage, and determined the fate of the 
 day. For as soon as they had succeeded in crossing 
 the river and swamp which had opposed their advance, 
 and found themselves within range of their foe, these 
 dexterous marksmen, animated by Hernando Pizarro, 
 who cried out to them to shoot at the grove of lances, 
 immediately placed hors de combat fifty cavaliers of 
 the first line of the adversary s army. The ground 
 was unfavourable to the effective and impetuous ad 
 vance of the horse, on wh^h part of his troops Alma- 
 gro especially depended V Orgoiiez, fearful of being 
 surrounded by the superior numbers of the enemy, 
 had selected a position more proper for resistance than 
 attack ; in this perhaps he erred, and gave an oppor 
 tunity for flight and dispersion, whereby that was lost 
 which audacity might have saved. His troops, galled 
 by that certain and well sustained fire, quickly began 
 to give way. Some left their ranks and ran for refuge 
 behind some ruined walls there were in the camp ; 
 others fled to the city ; while several, without once 
 drawing the sword, passed treacherously over to the 
 enemy, following the base example set them by Pedro 
 Hurtado, Almagro s Ensign-General. From the mo 
 ment that the order of battle was lost, the contending 
 forces became mixed and confused, and all that was 
 now distinct in the conflict, were the personal efforts 
 of the principal men. Pedro de Lerma, observing 
 
328 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 Hernando Pizarro at a distance, rushed towards him, 
 calling- him loudly a perjured traitor, and encountered 
 him so powerfully, as to throw Hernando s horse upon 
 its knees, and would have undoubtedly killed the rider, 
 but for his excellent armour. Others performed 
 equally brilliant acts, showing themselves, in this al 
 ready hopeless struggle, worthy of better fortune. 
 Orgoiiez, who forgot not any of the duties of a gene 
 ral, performed individually all that might be expected 
 from his ardour and intrepidity ; he killed with his 
 lance two of the enemy s soldiers, and hearing a third 
 cry, Victory, he instantly closed with him, and by a 
 thrust in the breast with his dagger, laid him prostrate. 
 Perceiving that some of his men were quitting the 
 battle, he galloped after them to bring them back. 
 Wounded in the forehead by a crossbow, and his horse 
 killed under him, he still contrived to raise and disen 
 tangle himself, and to maintain a defensive combat 
 against the multitude, who surrounded and called on 
 him to surrender. He at length enquired if there was 
 present any knight, into whose hands it was fit he should 
 yield himself. One Fuentes, an adherent of Hernando 
 Pizarro, replied in the affirmative, and that he might 
 w r ith propriety surrender to him. He did so ; and the 
 moment he was unarmed, having resigned his sword, 
 Fuentes threw himself upon him, and stabbed him in 
 the throat with his dagger. Thus died a man, deser 
 ving, by his valour and martial frankness, of a worthier 
 strife and a better fortune. They killed him, it is true, 
 under the faith of a surrender, which throws the more 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO* 329 
 
 obloquy and dishonour on the deed of his assassin ; but 
 judging- equitably, he met no worse fate than he him 
 self had prepared for his conquerors, if they had fallen 
 into his hands. He was a native of Oropesa, had fought 
 in the wars of Italy, and was an ensign at the sack of 
 Rome ; a little before his death, the King had confer 
 red on him the title of Marshal of New Toledo. 
 
 Already, the Captains Salinas, Lerma, and Guevara, 
 had fallen, being either dangerously wounded, or dead, 
 and the troops of Almagro, weakened and disheartened 
 by such a torrent of disasters, were thrown into irre 
 mediable consternation by the capture and death of 
 their general. Victory declared for the Pizarros, the 
 camp remained theirs, and the city was immediately 
 entered by the conquerors. Filled with fury and arro 
 gance, and breathing vengeance, nothing was to be 
 hoped from them on the score of generosity or cle 
 mency. At the same moment that the head of Orgo- 
 xiez was placed on a hook in the Plaza, the prisons 
 were crowded by the most distinguished officers of the 
 defeated army ; the soldiers sacked their houses, and 
 some satiated their rancour, in cold blood, on the un 
 happy prisoners, who had no longer the means of de 
 fence ; thus, by a treacherous blow, fell Captain Ruy 
 Diaz, whom a friend, in the hope of rescuing him, had 
 placed behind him on his horse. Thus perished Pedro 
 de Lerma, who, covered with wounds and half dead, 
 was taken from the field by a friend, and carried to his 
 house, but where he could not defend him from a 
 treacherous barbarian, who stabbed him in the bed on 
 
330 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 which he lay dying-. The disgust and horror of this 
 disastrous tragedy, were augmented by the openly 
 expressed delight with which it was regarded by the 
 Indians. They were seen crowding from all the adja 
 cent districts, and standing upon the neighbouring 
 heights, enjoying the bloody spectacle with which their 
 oppressors regaled them : on the commencement of the 
 battle, the sky was rent by their loud shouts of sur 
 prise and joy ; and when, after the combat had termi 
 nated, the camp remained silent and abandoned, they 
 descended upon the scene of carnage in flocks, like 
 flights of carrion birds, to strip the dead and despatch 
 the wounded, and their insolenqe being increased by 
 impunity, they even entered and plundered the camp 
 of the conquerors. 
 
 And what, meanwhile, had become of the unhappy 
 Adelantado ? The day before the battle, as if endued 
 with a prescience of his disastrous fate, after the review 
 of his troops, at which, though unable to stand, he 
 was present in his litter, he proposed to his general, 
 even yet, to seek means of peace, and of avoiding the 
 shedding of blood ; but, when his proposal was indig 
 nantly rejected by Orgonez, he nobly animated the 
 soldiers previous to the battle, and placed the royal 
 standard in the hand of Gomez de Alvarado, remind 
 ing him of his friendship and obligations. Being ren 
 dered, by indisposition and weakness, incapable of as 
 sisting in the combat, he placed himself on a declivity, 
 from whence he could behold the battle, and where, 
 with unimaginable despair and agony he saw his friends 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 331 
 
 routed and overthrown, and himself abandoned to all 
 the fury of an implacable foe. He fled for refuge to 
 the fortress of Cuzco, where he was found after the 
 battle, by Alonzo de Alvarado, and taken to the city, 
 where he was consigned to the same prison in which 
 his captor and the two Pizarros had formerly suffered 
 confinement. X A captain, who happened to be there, 
 and who saw Almagro for the first time, being- struck 
 by his mean appearance and disagreeable aspect, raised 
 his crossbow to kill him, saying-, " This is for the man 
 who has slain so many cavaliers !" The animosity of 
 the soldier, had its course been allowed, would have 
 had the effect of generosity, for, from how many bitter 
 nesses, sorrows, and humiliations, would that action 
 have delivered him, had not Alonzo de Alvarado ar 
 rested the uplifted arm ! 
 
 At first, on his entreaty, Hernando Pizarro went to 
 visit him. He consoled him, gave him hopes of life, 
 assured him that he expected his brother s arrival; that 
 they were both of one mind, but if the governor de 
 layed his coming, he would take care that Almagro 
 should be conveyed where they might meet. He sent 
 presents to him in his prison, advised him to be of 
 good cheer, and he even sent to enquire in what mode 
 he could most conveniently travel to meet his brother, 
 and whether he preferred a litter or a chair. To which 
 the prisoner replied, that he should be easier in a chair. 
 And from these smooth words he hoped, from day to 
 day, to find himself in a condition to treat of his affairs 
 with his ancient friend and companion. But, in the 
 
332 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 interim, they were forming against him a criminal pro 
 cess ; every accusation which could tend to aggravate 
 and add weight and colour to the cause, was admitted, 
 and such a multitude of people presented themselves 
 with charges against the prisoner, by way of paying 
 homage to his persecutor, that the secretaries wanted 
 hands to write, and the process covered two thousand 
 pages. Thus given up to judicial enquiry, which, 
 when built on ground like the present, is a far worse 
 degradation than the punishment which is its final act, 
 the miserable prisoner stood on the very borders of the 
 grave, quite unconscious of his danger. Two months 
 and a half were already passed since the battle, when 
 the conqueror began to think it time to conclude a 
 drama, as gross as it was cruel. He sealed the process, 
 condemned the accused to death, and sent to inform him 
 of the sentence which had been pronounced against him. 
 The anguish and consternation with which Almagro 
 received these terrible tidings, were proportioned to 
 the security and confidence in which his mind had re 
 posed till that moment ; and that man, who with such 
 unshrinking intrepidity had confronted death, on the 
 sea, from torrents, in the desert, and in the conflict, had 
 not the heart to meet it from the hands of the execu 
 tioner. When we have made every allowance for ad 
 vanced age, his infirmities, the dejection into which his 
 misfortunes had thrown him, for the solitude and cheer- 
 lessness of a tedious and rigorous imprisonment, still, 
 we cannot contemplate, without a degree of shame and 
 indignation, surpassing even our pity, that miserable 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 333 
 
 old man prostrated before his inexorable enemy, and 
 entreating-, for the love of God, that he would spare 
 him, reminding- him of his own forbearance, who had 
 abstained from shedding- the blood of any of the Pizar- 
 ros, or of their friends and adherents, when he held 
 them in his power { and calling- on him to reflect that 
 it was chiefly through his means that his brother, Fran 
 cisco Pizarro, had attained that pinnacle of wealth and 
 honour on which he now stood ; he besoug-ht him 
 to consider, that, ag-ed, sick, and infirm, few days of 
 wretched life would, in the course of nature, remain 
 to him, and concluding- by imploring- to be permitted 
 to lang-uish out those few in prison, weeping over the 
 remembrance of his sins. The tone of despair in which 
 this prayer was uttered, might have softened stones, 
 though it touched not the heart of Hernando Pizarro, 
 who, with an apathy and obduracy worthy his inhuman 
 disposition, replied contemptuously, that he wondered 
 to see a man of his character so afraid to die ; that he 
 was neither the first man who had so finished his ca 
 reer, nor would he be the last. That it was natural 
 to suppose, that a knight, and one who boasted his 
 illustrious actions, would suffer magnanimously, and 
 meet the fate, for which there was no remedy, with 
 fortitude. 
 
 But Almagro, who had exhibited such pitiable pusil 
 lanimity in thus begging his life from his proud and 
 bitter foe, once convinced of the fruitlessness of his 
 humiliation, and finding death inevitable, composed 
 himself to that event, with a calmness and decency 
 
334 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 far more suited to his character than the previous 
 weakness. Having devoted some time to the con 
 cerns of his soul, he executed a will, wherein he con 
 stituted the King, and his son Don Diego, his heirs, 
 declaring that he possessed a large sum of money in 
 the joint company of Don Francisco Pizarro : he en 
 treated the King to show kindness to his son, and in 
 virtue of the royal patent which he held, to name him 
 governor of New Toledo, leaving, as administrator in 
 that charge, until his son should be of age, his dear 
 and faithful friend, Diego de Alvarado, who then per 
 formed for him all those offices which loyalty and 
 affection could inspire. 
 
 When the unfortunate Almagro had accomplished 
 these sad and solemn duties, he turned to Captain 
 Alonzo de Toro, who was unquestionably one of his 
 most inveterate enemies, and said, " Now, Toro, thou 
 shalt be satisfied with my flesh." Almagro was 
 strangled in his prison, from whence his corpse was 
 brought into the market-place, and there beheaded. 
 It was afterwards borne to the house of one of his 
 friends, Captain Hernan Ponce de Leon, where it lay 
 for a short time, and was then interred in the church, 
 being followed to the grave by Hernando Pizarro, and 
 all the captains and knights of Cuzco. 
 
 Almagro was a Manchegan, the son of humble and 
 obscure parents, and at the period of his death had 
 attained the age of sixty-three. He went to the Indies 
 with Pedrarias Davila, and in Darien he attached and 
 associated himself with Francisco Pizarro, with whom, 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 335 
 
 from that time, he lived in a community of gains and 
 interests, which had its probable origin in some con 
 formity of habit and character, f His person and man 
 ners were such as they have been depicted in the 
 course of this narrative. Indians and Spaniards, all 
 alike, vied in weeping and deploring his end, the 
 former declared he never oppressed or ill-treated them ; 
 the latter lost a most generous chief, whom they fol 
 lowed yet more from inclination, than interest. There 
 were some who loudly called his destroyer tyrant, and 
 menaced him with vengeance. Even amongst the 
 partisans of Hernando Pizarro, the execution was con 
 sidered not only cruel, but unjust, and they shrank 
 from it as the indication of a fierce and evil spirit. 
 Then, in regretting Almagro, were forgotten his un 
 dignified manner, his puerile vanity, his rashness and 
 imprudence, while memory dwelt only on his amiable 
 disposition, his inexhaustible generosity, his facile 
 clemency, and the affection with which his heart ever 
 yearned towards his captains and soldiers. Nor can we 
 refrain from sympathizing in the grief of this grate 
 ful multitude. Yet whatever affection the amiable 
 qualities of the Adelantado, and compassion for his 
 melancholy fate are calculated to inspire, we must 
 still render their strict dues to reason and equity ; and 
 while we shed tears of sorrow over his disastrous death, 
 we are constrained to confess, that in the commencement 
 of the civil war he was undoubtedly the aggressor. 
 Even had Cuzco fallen under the limits of his govern 
 ment, which is far from certain, he ought to have 
 
336 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 shunned the extremity of redressing himself by force 
 of arms. He imprudently referred this disputed right 
 to the arbitration and decision of force, because at the 
 moment he was the strongest ; he became the weak 
 est in his turn, and then force overwhelmed him. 
 v The odium of this execution fell, in the first in 
 stance, entirely on the head of Hernando Pizarro, as 
 its actual and visible minister, but subsequently fixed 
 itself with redoubled rancour on the governor, as the 
 principal author of that tragedy, performed in his 
 name, and under his authority, and which, during the 
 whole time employed on the process, he never made 
 the slightest effort to avert. Immediately on receiving 
 notice of the victory of Las Salinas, he began his 
 march towards Cuzco, there to enjoy his triumph, and 
 display his power. On quitting Lima, he assured 
 those who urged on him moderation and clemency, 
 that they need not fear him on that score, that Al- 
 magro should live, and that they should return to 
 their ancient mutual friendship. He made similar 
 professions to the young Don Diego, who humbly 
 besought him to spare the life of his father, when the 
 captains, by command of Hernando, conveyed him to 
 Xauxa ; and to the gracious words in which his pro 
 mise was couched, he added consolatory expressions, 
 giving orders, on taking leave of him, that he should 
 be supplied with whatever he might want, and be 
 treated in his house with the same observance and 
 respect as his own son, Don Gonzalo. Worthy and 
 laudable demonstrations, had the effect and sincerity 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 337 
 
 held any correspondence with them, and if, at the 
 same time, the fatal process had not been in uninter 
 rupted progress towards its barbarous result. He re 
 mained in Xauxa, for the space of time which he cal 
 culated would be required for ridding- him of his com 
 petitor, the tidings of whose death reached him, after 
 he had resumed his inarch, and arrived near the Bridge 
 of Abancay. His friends relate that he remained for 
 some time with his eyes fixed on the ground, and 
 shedding tears. Others declare, that when the pro 
 cess was closed, his brother sent it to him, requesting 
 to know his will upon the subject, to which he re 
 plied, that Hernando must so act, as to render it im 
 possible for the Adelantado to excite any more tu 
 mults. At all events, the two facts but little contra 
 dict each other; those great actors, whom we call 
 politicians, have always a supply of tears at need. 
 
 On entering Cuzco, he was received with all the 
 pomp and applause which his power placed at his 
 command. The changes which the favours of for 
 tune can produce in a man s conduct, were then con 
 spicuous ; the Indians, whom he had hitherto re 
 ceived with indulgence and kindness, he now treated 
 with harshness and asperity ; and in answer to the 
 complaints they made of the outrages they suffered 
 from the Castilians, told them they were liars. He 
 wore the same threatening aspect, and showed himself 
 even yet more unfavourably disposed towards the sol 
 diers of Chili, as the partisans of Almagro, forgetting 
 the great services they had done the king ; treating 
 
338 
 
 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 their wants and necessities with neglect and contempt. 
 Diego de Alvarado presented himself before him, as 
 the executor of his friend, the Adelantado, and re 
 quested him to command that the province of New 
 Toledo should be cleared, in order that the nomina 
 tion made by the Adelantado, in favour of his son, 
 might be carried into effect. Alvarado, in making 
 this demand, behaved with all the politeness and urba 
 nity which were habitual tj him, taking, at the same 
 time, occasion to observe, that for the present he 
 waived any part in the dispute relative to the city of 
 Cuzco, until the king s pleasure should be known. 
 But neither the circumspection, nor the mild yet 
 manly conduct of Alvarado, prevented his meeting 
 with an insolent and unbecoming reception. The re 
 ply was, " My government has no limit, but extends 
 from the straights of Magellan to Flanders." Thus, 
 intimating the boundles ness of his ambition, and 
 showing that excessive prosperity had entirely annihi 
 lated that prudence and happy constitution of mind, 
 for which he had formerly been remarkable. 
 
 So jealous was he of command, that having been 
 told that Belalcazar had solicited, at the Court, the 
 right of governing all the Lower Provinces, he in 
 stantly vowed a hatred against him, which ended only 
 in death. {Neither the services of Belalcazar, nor the 
 respect and reverence he had ever experienced from 
 him, nor the submission with which he sent to ex 
 culpate himself from the imputation, were sufficient to 
 erase from the mind of Pizarro the suspicions and 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 339 
 
 Unxieties to which the report had given birth. At 
 the time it reached him, he had no army to send 
 against Belalcazar, his own being then employed 
 against Almagro, but he commissioned Lorenzo de 
 Aldana, one of his captains, to proceed to Quito, and 
 cautiously deprive Belalcazar of the authority which 
 had been delegated to him, for the government of that 
 country, and, above all, to secure the person of that 
 officer, and send him, well guarded, to Lima. His 
 desire at that moment was, that the King should con 
 fer the government of the Lower Provinces on his 
 brother, Gonzalo, and herein lay the weight of Belal- 
 cazar s crime. It happened that this indefatigable 
 and adventurous soldier was then engrossed by con 
 quests and discoveries on the other side of the Equa 
 tor, unaware of the disgrace his ancient commander 
 had prepared for him at Quito, so that Aldana esta 
 blished himself there, without the slightest opposi 
 tion, and maintained the district under the subjec 
 tion of its first discoverer. 
 
 When Pizarro arrived in Cuzco, he was not met by 
 his brothers, who were engaged in the province of Cal- 
 lao, quelling Indians and seeking mines. But as Her- 
 nando now felt the necessity of returning to Castile, 
 to fulfil his promises, and the charge which the court 
 had given him, he hastened his journey, and collected 
 as much gold and silver as he could, by fair or foul 
 means, for himself and for the king; for he well 
 knew that an accumulation of treasure would be re 
 ceived at court, as the most effective apology for his 
 deeds. On taking leave of the governor, he advised 
 
340 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 him to send the son of Almagro to Castile, lest he 
 should become the head and rallying point of the sol 
 diers of Chili, and induce them to some sinister at 
 tempt upon his person ; that he would do ill to per 
 mit those resentful and warlike men to assemble in 
 parties, and that he ought to prohibit more than ten 
 of them inhabiting the same place. Above all, that 
 he should look to himself, and be always well escort 
 ed. The Marquis ridiculed his counsels, and told 
 him to mind his own affairs, and banish such appre 
 hensions, since the heads of those men were pledges 
 for the safety of his. Time discovered how well 
 founded were the doubts of Hqrnando, and that his 
 advice to send the youth, Don Diego, to Castile, was 
 that of a far-sighted man. Hernando departed, and 
 the mass of gold he carried with him could not enable 
 him to defy the disquietude which had arisen from 
 his proceedings in the civil war. He dared not touch 
 at Panama, fearing that the government there would 
 exact an account of his conduct and arrest him, for 
 which, in fact, they were prepared. He sailed to 
 wards New Spain, and disembarking at Guatulco, was 
 taken near Guaxaca, and carried to Mexico. But 
 the Viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who had re 
 ceived no orders respecting his person, and possessed 
 no clear intelligence of his crimes, allowed him to 
 prosecute his way to Castile, where the justice of the 
 charges imputed to him might be fully examined. 
 He embarked at Vera Cruz, but when arrived at the 
 Azores, would not have ventured farther, till he had 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO, 341 
 
 consulted his friends if he might proceed securely. 
 They replied in the affirmative, and in this confidence 
 he found courage to enter Spain, and to present him 
 self at court. 
 
 He did not immediately receive the punishment he 
 merited, nor the welcome which his friends had led him 
 to expect. The fame of his violences had preceded him, 
 and already that same Diego de Alvarado, once so 
 constant in protecting him, and now with equal de 
 termination bent upon his ruin, was denouncing his 
 crime, arid demanding justice. It was this man, the 
 dearest friend of the unhappy Almagro, who had re 
 ceived into his bosom the inmost thoughts and last 
 breath of that old and persecuted soldier, who had 
 promised to be the guardian of his son, and to whom 
 he had confided the hopes he still nourished for that 
 dear object of his dying affection, and perhaps also the 
 interests of his revenge. The desperation of Alva 
 rado, on finding all the efforts and supplications he had 
 employed to save Almagro were useless, was equal to 
 the confidence he had built on the ground of his for 
 mer more successful offices in behalf of the conqueror. 
 He now reproached himself as the murderer of his 
 friend, by the persevering opposition he had made to 
 the rigorous counsels of Orgoiiez ; he wept his own 
 blindness, and loudly denounced Hernando Pizarro 
 as an ungrateful tyrant, saying, that in reward for 
 having preserved his life, he had robbed him of his 
 friend. Never would he admit of consolation in his 
 poignant affliction. After having in vain exerted him- 
 
342 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 self to obtain from the governor a recognition of the 
 claims of the young Almagro, he came to Spain to 
 solicit an acknowledgment of their validity from the 
 King, leaving every where throughout his journey that 
 just odium on the conduct of the Pizarros, which was 
 due to their cruelty and iniquity. When Hernando 
 arrived at court, the war was at first carried on by 
 demands, denials, accusations, and legal prosecutions. 
 Such proceedings agreed ill with the vehement im 
 patience of Alvarado, and not choosing to risk his 
 hope of avenging his dead friend on a course so prolix 
 and uncertain, he appealed to arms, and challenged 
 Pizarro to single combat, obliging himself to prove 
 by his good sword, that Hernando Pizarro, in his treat 
 ment of the Adelantado Almagro, had acted with 
 cruelty and ingratitude ; that he was a bad servant to 
 his king, and an unworthy knight. Hernando s reply 
 has not transpired, but the brave and noble Alvarado 
 died of an acute illness five days subsequent to the 
 challenge ; and a death so opportune, the dark cha 
 racter of his adversary being considered, could hardly 
 be unattended by suspicion. Thus fell, a victim to 
 his friendship and exalted sentiments, this amiable 
 and faithful man, so affectionate and steady in his 
 attachments, so frank and noble in his hatred, and 
 whose character, in the midst of the perfidies and 
 atrocities committed around him, relieves the disgust 
 ed mind by one object of consoling contemplation, 
 and reconciles us with human nature. 
 
 His fierce and arrogant opponent was not destined 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO, 
 
 343 
 
 long to profit by the security and tranquillity which 
 this death promised him. The judges of the process 
 decreed his arrest, and he was consigned to the tower 
 of Madrid ; afterwards, on the removal of the court 
 to Valladolid, he was confined in the castle of La 
 Mota de Medina, where, till the year 1560, as though 
 buried and forgotten, remained that man, whose name, 
 from his immense wealth and turbulent passions, had 
 resounded through both worlds. 
 
 But the principal victim demanded by the manes 
 of Atahualpa and Almagro was yet to be sacrificed, 
 and the imprudent confidence of Pizarro, the offspring 
 of his pride and arrogance, was momentarily pushing 
 him on the point of the sword which was whetted for 
 him. After the death of his competitor, all apparent 
 ly smiled on the ambition which governed him, and in 
 the ninety leagues of territory, stretching from the 
 Charcas to Popayan, no will save his was acknow 
 ledged. The court continued to treat him with the 
 most marked respect, making him Marquis de los 
 Charcas, and granting him a patent to collect 16,000 
 vassals for his estate. His brothers, one in Spain, 
 was averting from him the shafts of animosity and 
 vengeance ; while the other, sent by him to Quito as 
 governor, secured him on that side, and even pre 
 pared to exalt his name and extend his dominion 
 through the rich territory, as they were then suppo 
 sed, of Quito and of Canela. He, meanwhile, broken 
 and infirm from age and toil, became absorbed by his 
 favourite occupation of founding and colonizing, and 
 
344 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the results of these later labours of his life are the 
 foundation of La Plata,, of Arequipa, of Pasto, and of 
 Leon Guanuco. The war of the Inca Mango, which 
 was not terminated, caused him some little vexation, 
 as he naturally wished to behold the whole country 
 pacified and submissive ; yet did it not excite in him 
 any serious anxiety, from the little strength of the 
 native prince, whose hardihood was much checked by 
 the defeats he had suffered in anterior combats with 
 the Castilians. In short, even when he received in 
 formation that a minister of the king- was on his way 
 to Peru, to enquire into the late events, his friends 
 wrote to assure him that, in the despatches with which 
 that commissioner was charged, tne highest consider 
 ation was expressed for his person, and that he need 
 suffer no disquietude on this occasion, since this mis 
 sion was rather designed to honour and favour him, 
 than for any other purpose. 
 
 These boasts, propagated by himself or by his parti 
 sans, with more of vanity than prudence, served only 
 to precipitate his fall, since they filled with bitterness, 
 even to overflowing, the already irritated minds of the 
 captains and soldiers of Chili. In fact, one cannot re 
 flect, without pain and indignation, on the misery and 
 abandonment to which, from the period of their chief s 
 death, these brave men were consigned. The soldiers, 
 famished and naked, wandered through the Indian vil 
 lages soliciting alms. Many of the officers, attracted 
 by love for the young Almagro, went to Lima, looking 
 to this youth for remedy and hope. But he, depri- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 345 
 
 ved of his inheritance, driven by Pizarro from his 
 house, and cast off by others, in pledge of their adu 
 lation for the ruling- powers, was at length received 
 by two old friends of his father s, who risked every 
 thing- to serve him ; thus was he supplied with the 
 means of a barely decent subsistence ; but the relief 
 was individual, and he could not repay the good- will 
 and constancy of the poor cavaliers, who clung to 
 his fortunes, by any alleviation of their necessities, 
 necessities such as could hardly be exceeded. They 
 were destitute of food, of shelter, of fuel, subsisting 
 miserably on casual charity ; amongst twelve of the 
 principal men there was but one cloak, of which they 
 availed themselves alternately. Such was the state 
 to which those proud conquerors, once masters of the 
 treasures of Cuzco, were reduced, and who, in the re 
 pletion of their opulence, held in scorn the rich terri 
 tories of the Charcas and of Chili. The bitter com 
 parison they now drew between the prosperity and 
 luxury in which others revelled, whose valour and 
 services were so inferior to their own, with the misery 
 into which they had fallen, so exasperated the sense 
 of their own evils as to render them quite insupport 
 able. The fury of passion, and the blindness of an ar 
 rogant spirit, can alone explain this want of common 
 prudence and caution, in a brain so sagacious as that 
 of the Marquis. When in civil discords one party 
 declines, and by the loss of its chief loses also its or 
 der and direction, it becomes the interest of the con 
 queror to calm the perturbed spirits, to conciliate 
 
346 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 enmities, and to throw, as much as in him lies, obli 
 vion on the past, and to remove every opportunity of 
 awakening- remembrance by partial disputes and tu 
 mults. Persecution, prolonged after victory, has no 
 other effect than the feeding- of angry passions, and 
 eternizing- the spirit of party. Pizarro should have 
 sent Don Diego to Spain, and separated the followers 
 of his father, by giving- them, according to his bro 
 ther s counsel, commissions sufficient for their support. 
 He might then have accomplished the number of his 
 days in peace, and in all the lustre of power and glory 
 to which his destiny had raised him. 
 
 He acted otherwise, and fell ^ and that unfortunate 
 country fell with him, being for three years a prey to 
 the flames of civil war, for which he alone was to 
 blame. 
 
 Sometimes, it is true, he lent a thought to the evils 
 endured by these Castilians, and even meditated 
 devising some remedy for them. To this end he pro 
 jected the colony of Leon de Guanuco, and gave the 
 charge of completing this establishment to Gomez de 
 Alvarado, intending to grant allotments there to the 
 people of Almagro ; but the jealousy of the inhabi 
 tants of Lima almost wholly frustrated that wise 
 design. On another occasion, he sent to intimate to 
 Juan de Saavedra, Cristoval de Sotelo, and Francisco 
 de Chaves, that he would give them some Indians for 
 their support ; but they, already goaded almost to 
 madness by their sufferings, replied they would sooner 
 perish than accept relief from him. They had heard 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 347 
 
 of the arrival of Vaca de Castro, the king s minister, 
 and resolved that two of them should go to meet him 
 in St Miguel de Piuva, and, presenting themselves to 
 him in mourning habits, should pray for justice on the 
 cruelties practised by the Pizarros on their old com 
 mander, and on themselves. For this commission 
 they selected a worthy knight, called Don Alonzo de 
 Montemayor, and they agreed, that having taken this 
 step, all should remain quiet, until the appearance of 
 Vaca de Castro. But the rash animosity of some 
 amongst them, defied restraint, and if not with open 
 and avowed hostility, they at least kept up a warfare 
 of ill dissembled affronts and insults. One morning 
 three halters were seen hanging from the gibbet, one 
 directed to the Marquis, the other to his secretary 
 Picado, and the third to the chief judge, Doctor Ve 
 lasquez. This insolence was attributed to the Chi 
 lians. The Marquis being stimulated by his people 
 to punish and persecute the supposed delinquents, 
 replied that they had already a sufficiently evil por 
 tion, being poor, conquered, and destitute; but the 
 secretary, Antonio Picado, felt disposed to no such 
 forbearance. A few days subsequent to the above- 
 mentioned insult, he rode through the street in which 
 Don Diego Almagro resided, in a French embroidered 
 habit, making his horse curvet, and acting in a con 
 spicuously contemptuous manner, still more provo 
 king on the part of a man, who was suspected of being 
 constantly inflaming the evil passions of the governor 
 against the Chilians. By this bravado, and other simi- 
 
348 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 lar demonstrations, they were induced to believe, that, 
 after all their labours aud sufferings, their destruction 
 had been resolved on, and that they should either be 
 doomed to death, or exile ; and as it was about this 
 time that reports began to circulate through Lima of 
 the favourable inclination, entertained by the judge 
 who was expected, to the interests of the Marquis, 
 and to which the real or assumed satisfaction of 
 Pizarro and his people lent confirmation, they consi 
 dered themselves as called on to act, for their own 
 preservation, with resolution and promptitude, aftd to 
 appeal to that which alone remained to them, their 
 own valour and desperation. 
 
 They began to arm themselves, each as he could, 
 and to go in bodies. Don Diego, and Juan de Rada, 
 his principal guardian and counsellor, were now 
 always followed by a determined and valiant escort. 
 Juan de Rada was a native of Navarre, one of the 
 ancient captains of the Adelantado, and he was the 
 man, who, as well from the distinguished qualities of 
 valour and capacity which his deeds had proved, as 
 from the implicit confidence reposed in him by the 
 young Almagro, obtained the chief authority among 
 those men of iron. It was known that he had pur 
 chased a coat of mail, and that he wore it constantly, 
 a fact that was much and suspiciously remarked, and 
 coming naturally under the notice of the friends of the 
 Marquis, they apprised him of it, urging him to be 
 upon his guard, and never to go out unaccompanied. 
 He however, for the time, contented himself with 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 349 
 
 summoning Juan de Rada, who, aUhough somewhat 
 disturbed by the unexpected orderf obeyed it, refusing 
 the escort which many of his friends earnestly pressed 
 upon him. He presented himself before the Marquis, 
 who was then in his garden looking at some orange 
 trees, and, as soon as he was informed who he was, 
 for the shortness of his sight prevented him from 
 recognising him immediately, he said, " How is this, 
 Juan de Rada ? I hear thou hast purchased arms to 
 assassinate me." " It is certainly true, my lord, that 
 I have procured two breastplates and a coat of mail 
 for my own protection." -" But what cause have you 
 for requiring such protection at this particular period?" 
 
 Because we are publicly told, that your lordship 
 
 has collected lances for the purpose of destroying us 
 all. Your lordship may do well to complete your 
 work. Having begun with the head, why should you 
 respect the feet ? It is said likewise, that your lord 
 ship intends putting the judge to death, who is co 
 ming on the King s authority. If such be your resolu 
 tions, and you have decreed the annihilation of the 
 Chilians, I at least plead for an exception ; put Don 
 Diego on board a vessel, and banish him, for he is 
 innocent of offence, and I will follow his fortunes 
 whithersoever they may lead." 
 
 The Marquis, vexed and agitated by the words of 
 De Rada, replied, with much vehemence, " Who can 
 have imbued thy mind with this vile and traitorous 
 calumny ? Never have I harboured such thoughts, 
 and, far more than yourselves, do I desire the arrival of 
 
350 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 the judge. With regard to arms, know that when I 
 went forth the other day to the chace, there was not 
 a single lance amongst the whole number of my fol 
 lowers. I therefore sent my servants to buy one, and 
 they purchased four. Please God, Juan de Rada, to 
 send us the judge, that there may be an end of these 
 things ! And may God declare for the just !" " By 
 heaven," replied Juau de Rada, somewhat appeased, 
 " I have spent more than five hundred pesos on the 
 purchase of arms, in the notion that you meditated 
 destroying us." " No, God knows, Juan de Rada, I 
 had no such intention." The captain was then de 
 parting, when an idiot, whom tjie Marquis kept for 
 his amusement, said, " Why do you not give him some 
 of these oranges ?" They were then highly appre 
 ciated, being the first known in Peru. " Thou sayest 
 well," replied the Marquis, and gathering six from the 
 nearest tree, presented them to De Rada, saying in 
 his ear, that if he was in need he would give him 
 assistance. De Rada thereupon kissed his hands, and 
 returned to his friends and relieved them from the in 
 tolerable anxiety his absence caused them. 
 
 This scene, in which each party seemed to explain 
 himself ingenuously, and which concluded in a mode 
 so pacific and amicable, produced no other effect but 
 to prolong the confidence of the governor, and to ani 
 mate the conspirators to hasten the catastrophe they 
 meditated. They still feared to be destroyed when 
 ever the Marquis should relapse into his animosity 
 and his suspicions ; while he, on the contrary, satis- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 351 
 
 fying himself that they no longer thought of any thing 
 beyond self-defence, and having ceased to harbour any 
 ill design against them, held himself in perfect secu 
 rity. Hints and warnings of the machinations of the 
 conspirators poured in upon him, especially on the two 
 days preceding the catastrophe. Twice was he warned 
 by a priest, to whom one of the Chilians had unbosomed 
 himself. He replied, that these were idle and ground 
 less fears, raised and circulated by the Indians, or of 
 some one desirous of gaining a horse by his informa 
 tion. He was supping at the time in the house of 
 Francisco Martinez, his brother, yet he returned to 
 table without farther enquiry, although it is true he 
 did not swallow another morsel. That same night, 
 as he was preparing to retire to rest, one of his pages 
 told him that it was reported through the city that 
 the soldiers of Chili would assassinate him the fol 
 lowing day. Greatly incensed, he said, " Begone 
 with thy rapacity ! These things are no business of 
 thine." The next morning, the morning of his last 
 day, the warning which the page had given him was 
 urgently repeated to him, yet he contented himself 
 with coolly ordering his chief judge, Dr Juan Velasquez, 
 to arrest the chiefs of the Chilians. He had, on an-, 
 other occasion, given a similar order, and with the 
 same indifference, as though it were matter of slight 
 moment, and not involving his personal safety. The 
 doctor, who had frequently assured him that while the 
 staff of justice, which he bore in his hand, was in 
 trusted to him, he need harbour no apprehension, now 
 
352 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 repeated his assurances of security, and promised to 
 furnish himself with all necessary information. It 
 is a fact worthy of remark, that while he treated 
 this business with so much apathy, neither his bro- 
 ther Martinez de Alcantara, nor his secretary Picado, 
 to both of whom his existence was so essential, nor 
 his other friends, conscious as they must have been of 
 these rumours, should have united to accompany him, 
 and to form such a guard around his person, as might 
 have frustrated the designs of his determined enemies. 
 But, no doubt, the blind confidence which he mani 
 fested, infected others, and he persisted in closing his 
 ears against all the representations of prudence, as if 
 it were a blot or degradation to greatness, to suppose 
 .that danger could approach it. Thus, in many cases, 
 : have valiant men been the instruments of their own 
 destruction, from an excess of arrogance, as, on the 
 other hand, the pusillanimous, by the excess of their 
 fears, are wont to precipitate their own fate. 
 
 Meanwhile the conspirators, though firmly resolved 
 on the governor s death, had neither fixed on the 
 hour nor the day. On that morning, the principal men 
 among them were together in the house of Don Diego, 
 Juan de Rada being still asleep, when Pedro de Milan 
 entered, exclaiming, " What are you about ? In the 
 course of two hours from this time we shall all be cut 
 in quarters. This has been declared by the treasurer 
 Riquelme," 
 
 Juan de Rada instantly leaped from his bed and 
 eized his arms, the rest following his example. He 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 353 
 
 animated those around them by a few words, announ 
 cing- to them, that the action on which they had re 
 solved, as suitable to their views and to their ven 
 geance, was now become indispensable to their pre 
 servation from imminent danger. All replied accord 
 ing- to his desire, and rushed precipitately into the 
 street. Already floated from several windows of the 
 house the white flag, at whose signal the more dis 
 tant conspirators were to arm, and join their compa 
 nions. They entered the Plaza, when one of them, 
 Gomez Perez, turned aside to avoid plunging his feet 
 in a pool of water, caused by the overflow of a chan 
 nel ; Juan de Rada instantly entered the pool, and 
 turning to him angrily, said, " How shalt thou dip 
 thy hands in human blood, who fearest to moisten thy 
 feet in water ? Begone ! Return ! Thou art not fit 
 for us." And listening to no remonstrance, he forced 
 Gomez to retire, who had therefore no share in the 
 catastrophe. The deed of these men was, without 
 doubt, atrocious and criminal, but not base or peffi- 
 dious. At noon-day, and with deafening shouts, of 
 Long live the King ! Death to tyrants ! they crossed 
 the Plaza, and rushed upon the house of their enemy, 
 like those, who, with banners spread, drums beating, 
 and every open demonstration of war, assault some 
 place of strength. None sallied forth to obstruct their 
 progress ; and whether it was from indifference, or 
 dislike to the ruling government, of those who were 
 in the Plaza, and perhaps there were upwards of a thou 
 sand, not one opposed their design, but looked upon 
 
354 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 them and permitted them to proceed, coldly remarking 
 one to the other, " Those men are going- to kill either 
 Picado or the Marquis." 
 
 A considerable number of the friends and depend 
 ants of the gwernor were at that period paying- their 
 court to him. One of the pages, that happened to be 
 in the Plaza, seeing the conspirators, and recognising 
 Juan de Rada, flew to the house of the Marquis, which 
 he entered, crying, " To arms ! to arms I The men 
 of Chili are coming to murder my Lord Marquis !" 
 On this outcry, they all hurried, in great alarm, to the 
 first landing of the staircase, to enquire the cause ; 
 when the conspirators, who had already entered the 
 inner court, repeated their appalling shouts. The 
 Marquis, undismayed, turned into his chamber to arm 
 himself, and taking off the scarlet robe of ceremony 
 in which he had been arrayed, put on a breastplate, 
 and took up some weapon he found at hand ; by his 
 side remained his brother Francisco Martinez de Al 
 cantara, a knight called Don Gomez de Luna, and two 
 pag^es ; all the rest, some by one means, some by an 
 other, had disappeared, while only Captain Francisco 
 de Chaves, with two of his servants, still continued in 
 the hall, the door of which was barred ; and had it so 
 remained, as the Marquis had commanded, the deed 
 now about to be done would have been more difficult. 
 Already the assassins ascended the staircase, led by 
 Juan de Rada, who, excited to enthusiasm by seeing 
 himself arrived at that day, and on the point of accom 
 plishing that act, to which he had long been so keenly 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 355 
 
 stimulated, at once by friendship and by hatred, re 
 peated the name of the dead Almagro, in echoes of 
 ferocious triumph/ They began to batter the door, 
 when Chaves, either stunned or terrified, caused it to be 
 opened, and they then entered the hall, looking- eagerly 
 for their victim. Chaves exclaimed, " What are you 
 about, seiiors ? Would you involve yourselves and 
 me in the displeasure of the Marquis ? I was ever 
 your friend Beware how you ruin yourselves !" He 
 was silenced by a mortal stroke, and his two pages 
 perished with him. 
 
 They passed on, and reached the door of the gover 
 nor s chamber, who, with the few that remained with 
 him, stood prepared to defend it ; in truth a most un 
 equal combat : on the one side, an old man, more than 
 sixty years of age,* two men, and two youths ; on the 
 other, nineteen robust and valiant soldiers, in whom 
 fury and desperation augmented their strength and 
 daring. The Marquis, nevertheless, defended himself, 
 and resisted their entrance, with a vigour and dexte 
 rity worthy of his best days, and of his ancient prowess. 
 " What outrage is this ? What brings you here, assas 
 sins ? Down with the traitors !" he exclaimed, while 
 they cried, Die then ! and let us not waste our 
 time !" Thus mutually wounding and threatening 
 each other, the deadly struggle continued, without 
 either side giving ground. At length, Juan de Rada 
 pushed forward his comrade Narvaez, who was before 
 
 * Historians differ as to his age at the time of his death. Her- 
 rera says he was 63, others 65. 
 
356 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 him, and threw him on Pizarro, that he and his people 
 might be prevented, by this embarrassment, from keep 
 ing the door, and longer preventing their entrance. 
 This manoeuvre enabled him to gain the doorway, 
 and from that moment it was impossible the fate of 
 the combat could hang many minutes in suspense. 
 Martinez de Alcantara fell dead, the pages also were 
 both killed, and Don Gomez lay on the ground severe 
 ly wounded. The Marquis, though alone, and having 
 to make front against all sides, yet kept up the mortal 
 struggle a short time longer ; when, bleeding, breath 
 less, and exhausted, scarcely able to lift his sword, a 
 desperate wound in the throat brought him at length 
 to the ground. He still breathed, and desired to confess, 
 when one of his assassins, happening to have in his 
 hand a pitcher of water, threw it rudely in his face, 
 and the violence of this disgraceful outrage dismissed 
 the soul of the Conqueror of Peru. 
 
 Not content with his deplorable end, some of the 
 conspirators prepared to drag him through the mar 
 ket-place, and expose his remains to the last con 
 tumely of the gibbet. The entreaties of the bishop 
 rescued him from this extremity of outrage ; and the 
 corpse, wrapped in a white winding-sheet, was borne 
 TO the church in haste and secrecy by his servants. 
 There they dug a hole, to which, without pomp or 
 ceremony, they consigned him, fearing every moment 
 lest the Chilians should come to take away his head, 
 and hang it on the malefactors hook. His houses 
 and rich wardrobe were plundered of treasure, amount- 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 357 
 
 ing to 100,000 pesos. His two infant children,* who 
 had fled, terrified and bewildered, during- the horrors 
 of the assassination, were sought for and placed in 
 safety, by the same faithful adherents who had per 
 formed the last sad duties to the corpse of the father. 
 His death remained, for a season, unresented and una 
 venged. Some of his captains had armed, on hearing 
 the tumult, with the intention of protecting him ; but, 
 on reaching the market-place, were told that he was 
 dead, and retired to their houses. All then subsided 
 into a melancholy quietude ; and while Lima was still 
 
 * He had no legitimate children ; the most distinguished of hi? 
 concubines was Donna Inez de Huayllas Nusta, daughter of Huayna 
 Capac, and sister of Atahualpa ; by her he left two children, Don 
 Gonzalo and Donna Francisca, who are termed legitimate in the 
 testaments of their father. Gonzalo died young, whereby the suc 
 cession and rights of the conqueror passed to Donna Francisca, 
 who, some years afterwards, was brought to Spain at the King s 
 command, by Martin Ampuero, an inhabitant of Lima, who, after 
 the death of Pizarro, had married Donna Inez. On her arrival 
 she received some honours from the Court, from respect to her fa 
 ther, and she subsequently espoused her uncle, Hernando Pizarro, 
 and became the companion and consolation of his captivity. From 
 this marriage sprung three sons and a daughter, in whose descend 
 ants the family of the discoverer and conqueror of Peru still exists, 
 and is now known in Trujillo by the title of Marquis de la Conquista. 
 
 It is not known when Donna 
 
 Inez died. It is related of her, that at the period when the re 
 volted Indians were threatening Cuzco, she plotted to escape to 
 them, and to carry with her a chest full of emeralds, collars, and 
 ornaments of gold, which she had possessed from the time of her 
 father Huayna Capac. The Marquis being informed of this, sum 
 moned and questioned her. She declared that she had no intention 
 to escape herself, but that one of her coyas, named Asapaesin, en 
 treated her to let her join her brother, who was among the besiegers. 
 Pizarro pardoned Inez, but sent for the coya, whom he caused to be 
 immediately strangled. Author. 
 
358 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 
 
 absorbed in silent terror, Juan de Rada solemnly pro 
 claimed his young pupil s accession to the govern 
 ment, who went immediately to the palace of the late 
 Marquis, as the seat of authority. 
 
 Then, could the old Almagro have raised his head 
 from the grave, to behold his son seated on that 
 throne, and shadowed by that canopy, a few gleams 
 of satisfaction and triumph might have visited his 
 melancholy tomb. But how short the duration ! how 
 bitter the reverse ! he would have seen him at the 
 head of a furious party, without talent to direct, or 
 vigour to restrain them ; his ferocious captains, divi 
 ded into factions, disastrously destroying each other, 
 while he was powerless to appease them ; instigated 
 by them to raise the standard of rebellion, and to enter 
 on a criminal strife with the troops of his king, and 
 finally, defeated and a captive, expiate under the hands 
 of the executioner the rashness and errors of his mis 
 guided youth. He was buried, at his own desire, in 
 his father s sepulchre ; and from their mingled dust an 
 admonitory whisper seems still to remind mankind, 
 how precarious is that power which has guilt for its 
 basis.* 
 
 * Who can contemplate the end of the bold, persevering, talented 
 men, who have figured in these pages, and derive no useful moral 
 from their history? We are apt to exclaim, with a sigh, " And 
 was such, then, the fate reserved for so much merit, such brilliant 
 intrepidity, such indefatigable endurance, such incalculable ser 
 vices !" It is indeed a grave and striking lesson, and well illus 
 trates the remonstrance of the Most High Avith his offending Is 
 raelites, " Are not my ways* equal ?" Balboa, the Pizarros, the 
 Almagros, 1 were all men. of violence cruel, insolent, oppressive, and 
 
FRANCISCO PIZARRO. 359 
 
 perfidious. We would fain give unmixed regret to the elder Alma- 
 gro; but the atrocious doom of Atahualpa, of which he Avas the 
 active instigator, forbids it. Nuiiez de Balboa expiated the wrongs 
 of Enciso and Nicuesa ; the Pizarros atoned by their blood for a 
 dark series of cruelties and perfidies. Gonzalo Pizarro, after the 
 death of his eldest and most renowned brother, after a long and des 
 perate train of conflicts with the troops of the Emperor, attended 
 by various success, was defeated, taken, and suffered the punishment 
 of a traitor. Translator s Note. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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