JACQUES CARTIER 
 
 AND HIS 
 
 FOUR VOYAGES 
 TO CANADA 
 
 AN ESSAY 
 
 WITH HISTORICAL, EXPLANATORY AND 
 PHILOLOGICAL NOTES 
 
 By 
 HIRAM B. STEPHENS, B.C.L. 
 
 The MUSSON BOOK COMPANY, Limited 
 TORONTO 
 
I 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Preface by George Murray i-xii 
 
 Introductory Cartier s Birth, Marriage, Early Life, Prefa- 
 
 ratory Notes 1 
 
 The Manoir of Jacques Cartier 
 
 Cartier s Home, Antiquity of Buildings, Present Appear 
 ance 7 
 
 First Voyage. Authorities Sir Charles de Moiiy of La 
 Mailleraye Departure from St. Malo Arrival off New 
 foundlandThe Island of Birds Description of the New 
 Land from Cape Race to Cape Degrad St. Catherine 
 Island Course along west coast of Newfoundland De 
 scription of other Islands Meeting with Savages Their 
 Customs, Food and Dress Traffic with Indians Further 
 Explorations Homeward Bound Notes 11 
 
 Second Voyage. Authorities Preparations Officers and 
 Ships Severe Storm Landing at Bird Island Harbor 
 of St Nicholas A nticosti The Sail towards Canada Isle 
 aux Coudres Indians again Exchange of Civilities 
 The Indians try to dissuade Cartier from going further 
 inland The Stratagem fails Arrival at Hochelaga 
 Reception Visit to the Village Its situation described 
 Reception at the Village Presents Visit of the Chief- 
 Manners and Customs of the People Description of 
 River Severe Illness among the Crew The cure de 
 scribedErection of the Holy Cross Canada formally 
 taken possession of ior King of France- Seizure of Chiefs 
 Return to St. Malo Notes 41 
 
 Third Voyage. Authorities Cartier agrain commissioned 
 Roberval The Five Ships set Sail Arrival off New 
 foundland Arrival at Stadacona Meeting with Agona 
 Winter quarters Two vessels despatched back to 
 France Cartier goes to Hochelaga The Indians appear 
 
 M204062 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Hostile Preparations for Defence The narrative ab 
 ruptly concludes Voyage of Roberval to Canada 
 Saguenay Hochelaga The Fort of France-Roy and that 
 which was done there Manners of the Savages Voyage 
 from Canada into Saguenay, 5th June, 1543 The Voyage 
 as described by Jean Alphonse Xanctoigne 99 
 
 Fourth Voyage. Cartier sent back to get Roberval This 
 Voyage called in question Cartier returns Probably 
 ennobled Undergoes Examination before the Admiralty 
 Fully acquitted of all charges Probable date of 
 death Letters 127 
 
 Notes to First Voyage : 
 
 Second " 137 
 
 Third " 142 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 It is a happy omen for the future of any country 
 when its people take a pride in its history, and 
 delight in studying even its earliest annals. Of late 
 years this patriotic spirit has been notably developed 
 in Canada, and the result has affected its literature in 
 a marked degree. No possible reason can be assigned 
 why an educated Canadian should neglect to acquire 
 a full knowledge of the history of Canada. In the 
 emphatic words of the late Hon. T. D. McGree : " No 
 Province of any ancient or modern power not even 
 Gaul when it was a Province of Rome has had 
 nobler imperial names interwoven with its local 
 events. Under the French kings Canada was the 
 theatre of action for a whole series of men of first- 
 rate reputation men eminent for their energy, their 
 fortitude, their courage and their accomplishments 
 for all that constitutes and adorns civil and military 
 reputations. Under our English sovereigns from 
 the days of "Wolfe to those of the lamented Earl of 
 Elgin, our great names are connected with some of 
 the best and highest passages in the annals of the 
 empire. "We have not, therefore, a history simply 
 provincial, interesting only to the provincials them 
 selves ; but a history which forms an inseparable and 
 conspicuous part in the annals of the best ages of the 
 
two first empires in the world France and Eng 
 land." The series of works on " France and England 
 in North America," by Dr. Francis Parkman, has 
 done much to stimulate our love for romantic and 
 picturesque historical details, as well as for accurate 
 local description ; and the American historian has 
 closely kept in view the lines that he proposed to 
 follow, when, after gaining an intimate acquaintance 
 with his subject from all available sources books 
 and manuscripts he began his successful task. He 
 has studied events in all their bearings on one 
 another near or remote in the character, habits 
 and manners of those who took part in them, and, 
 in short, has, as it were, made himself a spectator of 
 the varied incidents and actions of which he has 
 given us so fascinating an account. Dr. Parkman s 
 chapter on " Early French Adventure in North 
 America," which contains his narrative of Cartier s 
 voyages and discoveries, consists of only thirty-five 
 pages ; and, though interesting, like that all he writes, 
 it is too brief to be quite satisfactory to the lovers of 
 detailed biography. There is, also, a good account of 
 Jacques Cartier, by the Rev. Dr. Benjamin F. de Costa, 
 in Vol. IV. of the " Narrative and Critical History of 
 America," edited by Justin Winsor. It is unneces 
 sary here to make mention of the best histories 
 French and English which, as a rule, devote con 
 siderable space to the Commodore of St. Malo. 
 Many students, however, have long been desirous of 
 possessing in a trustworthy English translation the 
 complete story of the adventures of Jacques Cartier. 
 This want will soon be adequately supplied by the 
 publication of four essays two in English and two 
 in French dedicated to the subject of the " Breton 
 
iii 
 
 sailor, sometimes styled the Corsair. " Some time 
 ago, four medals were offered by his Honor Lieuten 
 ant-Governor Angers to competitors for prize essays 
 on "Jacques Cartier and his Time." The medals 
 were awarded by competent judges to Joseph Pope, 
 Civil Service, Ottawa ; to Dr. N. E. Dionne, Quebec ; 
 to Hiram B. Stephens, Montreal ; and to Toiion de 
 Lougrais, Eennes, France. 
 
 It is with the third mentioned of these composi 
 tions that I have now to deal, and I will briefly draw 
 attention to the salient points of the essay in question. 
 Mr. Stephens himself, in a few prefatory words, 
 informs us that " its motif, if it may be so called, has 
 been to give all the facts concerning Jacques Cartier 
 known up to the present time ;" and he believes that 
 his " pages contain everything of value now known 
 about Cartier." First, then, an account is given of 
 the brave explorer s life, of which, as we are all 
 aware, not much can now be ascertained, apart from 
 what we learn from the " Voyages." Next, Mr. 
 Stephens has translated from the original French, 
 " with much care and trouble," the accounts of the 
 Canadian voyages of Jacques Cartier ; and he informs 
 us accurately of the dates when and the places where 
 these accounts were published. At the end of each 
 of the first two voyages he gives a vocabulary of 
 common words " in the language of the laud newly 
 discovered." From the vocabulary attached to the 
 second voyage, entitled " Language of the Districts 
 and Kingdoms of Hochelaga and Canada, otherwise 
 named by us New France," we learn that the word 
 "Canada"occurs for the first time in that narrative, and 
 signifies a " town or village " " Us appellent une ville 
 Canada." As there have been various theories regard- 
 
IV 
 
 ing the origin of the name " Canada," it may be men 
 tioned that (in addition to a short article on the word 
 in the notes appended by Mr. Stephens to the journal 
 of Cartier s second voyage) at p. 67 of Dr. de Costa s 
 account of " Jacques Cartier and his Successors," 
 numerous references are given to the works of the 
 best writers who have discussed the meaning of the 
 term. Dr. Parkman, also, has a note on " Canada " 
 at page 184 of his " Pioneers of France in the New 
 World." 
 
 Mr. Stephens has added to his translations a large 
 number of notes 011 the voyages, and these, having 
 been, as a rule, carefully condensed, must have cost 
 the writer considerable time and trouble. In his 
 notes to the third voyage, while referring to the story 
 of Eoberval s niece, who was put ashore on the 
 " Isle of Demons," with her lover and old nurse, Mr. 
 Stephens remarks : " Modern writers have used the 
 incident among them, I think, Frechette." He 
 might have added that "Marguerite," by George 
 Martin, of Montreal, is an admirable poetic version 
 of the same ghastly legend. The essay closes with 
 a list of recent works, which, in addition to those of 
 older writers, are of interest to students in con 
 nection with Cartier and his voyages. 
 
 It was fitting that some Montrealer should be a 
 competitor for the prizes offered by the Lieutenant- 
 Governor, and we should all congratulate our fellow- 
 townsman on having been one of the winners. 
 Montreal, indeed, is deeply indebted to Jacques 
 Cartier, for it is to him that she owes her name; 
 and I may here appropriately quote the passage in 
 the "Relation du Second Voyage de Jacques Cartier" 
 which records the fact. The whole journal affords 
 
us as a young French author lately wrote: "/a 
 bonne fortune tie pouvoir deguster, comme un fruit d ex- 
 quise saveur, ce beau francais du \Qieme Siecie, unfranpais 
 vieux, on plutot jeune comme Page de Rabelais et de Mon 
 taigne, exhalant en parfum la fraicheureternelledeV esprit" 
 The following is the paragraph to which I refer 
 " Apres que nous feusmes yssus (sortis) de la dicte ville 
 (Hochelaga), plusieurs homines et femmes nous vinrent 
 conduir sur la montagne cy-devant dicte, qui est par nous 
 nominee, Mont Royal, distant du diet lieu dung quart de 
 lieues. Et nous estans sur icelle montagne eusmes veue et 
 cognaissance de plus de trente lieues a Venviron (a 1 en- 
 tour) d icelle." No Montreal reader will, I am sure, 
 be displeased if I quote, in addition, from Dr. Park- 
 man, his picturesque description of the incident 
 recorded by Cartier : " A troop of Indians followed, 
 and guided them to the top of the neighboring 
 mountain. Cartier called it Mont Royal, Montreal ; 
 and hence the name of the busy city which now 
 holds the site of the vanished Hochelaga. Stada- 
 cone and Hochelaga, Quebec and Montreal, in the 
 sixteenth century as in the nineteenth, were the 
 centres of Canadian population. From the summit, 
 that noble prospect met his eye which at this day 
 is the delight of tourists, but strangely changed 
 since, first of white men, the Breton voyageur, gazed 
 upon it. Tower and dome and spire, congregated 
 roofs, white sail and gliding steamer, animate its 
 vast expanse with varied life. Cartier saw a differ 
 ent scene. East, west and south, the mantling 
 forest was over all, and the broad blue ribbon of the 
 great river glistened amid a realm of verdure. 
 Beyond, to the bounds of Mexico, stretched a leafy 
 desert, and the vast hive of industry, the mighty 
 
VI 
 
 battle-ground of later centuries, lay sunk in savage 
 torpor, wrapped in illimitable woods." 
 
 There are two authentic portraits of Jacques Car- 
 tier ; one of which is in the National Library of 
 Paris, and the other in the City Hall of St. Malo. 
 The former is reproduced on the title-page of " Note 
 sur le Munoir de Jacques Car tier" par M. Alfred Rame, 
 (Paris, 1867), which Mr. Stephens has translated in 
 pp. 7-9 of his " Essay ; " the latter is familiar to us 
 all, (appearing even on bank-notes), and engravings of 
 it will be found in Shea s editions of Le Clercq s 
 " Etablusement de la Foy" and of Charlevoix s "Histoire 
 de la Nouvelle France ; " in Faillon s "Histoire de la 
 Colonie Fran$aise" Vol. 1; and at p. 48 of Dr. de 
 Costa s essay on " Jacques Cartier and his Successors." 
 This portrait might well have been taken when the 
 gallant Commodore was gazing from Mount Royal 
 on the unrivalled scenery by which he was sur 
 rounded. With its clear-cut features, its frank, fear 
 less eyes and resolute chin, the noble face possesses 
 a strange attraction for all who see it ; and we feel 
 instinctively that the owner of that head could never 
 have been guilty of several charges that have fre 
 quently been brought against him by writers copy 
 ing their predecessors in a servile way, without due 
 investigation, or sure warrautry of facts Full jus 
 tice I believe, has never yet been done to the charac 
 ter of Jacques Cartier, but the charges to which I have 
 merely referred, are gradually with the enlightening 
 progress of research dissolving into air,like shadows at 
 the approach of day. The latest historian of Canada 
 seems almost to question Dr. Parkman s statement 
 that the Breton voyageur was the first white man who 
 looked forth from the top of Mount Royal. What else 
 
Vll 
 
 are we to conclude from the following words of Dr. 
 Kingsford, except that he means to insinuate that 
 Europeans must have visited Hochelaga previous to 
 the time of Cartier ? " Cartier ascended the moun 
 tain, and gave it its present name of Mont Royal. 
 Both in Montreal and Quebec he speaks of the 
 presence of melons and cucumbers ; neither are 
 indigenous in Canada. Cartier cannot be supposed 
 to have misrepresented what he saw, and the fact is 
 important. They could only have been propagated 
 by seed ; the inference follows, by seed imported, 
 and from Europe." 
 
 This passage reminds me that a discussion recently 
 took place in a Montreal journal, as to whether 
 Jacques Cartier can correctly be called " the dis 
 coverer of Canada." My opinion on the subject 
 (quantum valeat), coincides with that of M. Saint 
 Pierre, and many of the best Canadian historians, 
 that to all intents and purposes the claims of Cartier 
 are above those of John Cabot, who must content him 
 self with the title of " discoverer of North America." 
 It is not my business in this preface to argue the 
 question, but it seems ungrateful and unjust to the 
 French sailor to term him simply an explorer, and 
 not the genuine " decouvreur de Canada." M. Saint 
 Pierre, in the controversy referred to, well summed 
 up the services of Jacques Cartier, and I eptomize 
 the substance of his remarks, adapting his language 
 to the present occasion. All that we know of the 
 hardy Breton may be briefly stated thus : He was 
 probably the first of all civilized men who trod the 
 shores of the St. Lawrence. He gave to our noble 
 river the name it bears, and applied the Indian name 
 of " Canada " to part of the vast territory which now 
 
Vlll 
 
 forms the Dominion. He had the hardihood to trust 
 himself with but a handful of followers in the midst 
 of treacherous savages, over whom, however, he 
 seemed to exercise a kind of spell. Heedless of 
 fatigue and dangers, he travelled for hundreds of 
 miles in a wild country, until he reached a spot 
 where Nature bade him pause ; he called the spot 
 " Montreal," and on the very ground where he 
 erected his tents a fair and flourishing city has since 
 sprung up as if by magic. After his first voyage, he 
 returned several times to Canada, and was a man of 
 such undaunted courage, that, without hesitation, 
 he not $nly faced the hardships of a Canadian winter, 
 but in so doing, cut himself off for six months from 
 all retreat, amid primeval forests that teemed with 
 barbarians. During that awful winter he lost nearly 
 half of his crews by a malignant scurvy that 
 broke out owing to the privations they had endured. 
 Nevertheless, his brave spirit never abandoned him. 
 He instilled courage and hope into the hearts of the 
 most despairing of his followers, and, after incredible 
 sufferings, succeeded in bringing back his surviving 
 companions to his native town of St. Malo. "There 
 after," as Dr. de Costa writes, " without having 
 derived any material financial benefit from his great 
 undertaking, Cartier, as the Seigneur of Limoilou, 
 dwelt at his plain manor-house on the outskirts of 
 St. Malo, where he died, greatly honored and re 
 spected, about the year 1555." His best epitaph 
 may be found in his last commission, dated October 
 17, 1540, wherein the king of France says : "Having 
 confidence in the character, judgment, ability, loyalty, 
 hardihood, great diligence, and experience of Jacques 
 Cartier, &c." 
 
I cannot conclude this preface without asking the 
 reader s attention to the following words of Mr. 
 Stephens: "The appeal made to the public in aid 
 of the erection of a statue to Cartier has not met 
 with the answer it should have received ; and the 
 writer may be pardoned for confessing that his 
 original idea in writing was to endeavor to arouse 
 an interest in the matter and help the project." In 
 February, 1868, a French novelist, M. Emile Cheva 
 lier, published a book with the title of "Jacques 
 Cartier " a book, by the way, which seems to have 
 escaped the notice of Mr. Stephens, as it is not in his 
 list of works connected with the subject of the 
 essay. Here is a brief extract from M. Chevalier s 
 book : " Eh ! bien" he writes, " what I ask for 
 Jacques Cartier, our own French Cristopher Colum 
 bus one of those who ought to make a mark in our 
 historic annals one, nevertheless, of those who are 
 least known what I ask is a monument raised 
 either at St. Malo, at Rennes, or even in Paris why 
 no t ? to transmit to posterity the memory of this 
 great man. "What I ask for the honor of my fellow 
 countrymen, and in the name of a million of grateful 
 Frenchmen, who from the other side of the Atlantic will 
 bless our work, is that some one will put himself at 
 the head of a movement to render to one of our most 
 illustrious and virtuous citizens the homage which 
 thoughtlessness, rather than ingratitude, has hitherto 
 neglected to render to him. A statue to Jacques 
 Cartier to the discoverer of Canada." In 1888, 
 a work entitled " Une Fete de Noel sons Jacques Cartier" 
 by M. Ernest Myraud, was published in Quebec. It 
 was intended by the author to be " a literary para 
 phrase of Jacques Carder s second voyage," which he 
 
looks upon as undoubtedly our first historic document, 
 since in it the discovery of Canada is related. An 
 analysis of M. Myrand s work, from the pen of Mr. 
 Lemoine, of Quebec, was lately printed in two con 
 secutive numbers of the Dominion Illustrated. " More 
 than twenty years," says M. Myrand, " have passed 
 since M. Chevalier wrote twenty years of forget- 
 fulness, indifference and fatal silence. The book is 
 forgotten, the enthusiasm extinguished, the dream 
 vanished. There is no monument of Jacques Cartier 
 anywhere in the world no statue at St. Malo, at 
 Rennes or in Paris ! Must Cartier, then, suffer the 
 terrible fate of sailors thus bewailed by the poet : 
 
 Le corps se perd dans Veau, le nom dans la memoire ? 
 This shall not be at any rate, here in Canada, 
 Cartier must have his share in the immortality 
 promised by history to the memory of her heroes, 
 and his name has not been forgotten in the province 
 of Quebec." Here the writer drops from the cloud- 
 land of poetry, and subsides into the plainest prose ? 
 which I quote in the original French : " Ainsi, nous 
 avons un college electoral qui porte le nom de Jacques 
 Cartier. II y a u Montreal une place Jacques Cartier. II 
 existe encore, dans noire metropole commerciale, un carre 
 Jacques Cartier, une banque Jacques Cartier, une rue 
 Jacques Cartier. A Quebec, nous avons une division 
 municipale qui porte le nom de quartier Jacques Cartier, 
 une marche Jacques Carder, une rue Jacques Cartier. Nous 
 avons encore dans Ie college electoral de Quebec une 
 paroisse qui porte le nom de St. Gabriel, de Val- Cartier. 
 Puts encore, dans le mdme comte, le grand lac et le petit 
 lac Jacques Cartier. Enfin, la belle et pittoresque riviere 
 Jacques Cartier, qui donne son nom a la vallee qu elle 
 arrose. 
 
XI 
 
 Mais toute cette nomenclature geographique et cadastrale 
 ne sujfit pas la renommee historique du Decouvreur. 
 
 Aussi, 1 an procliain (1889) sur la facade du Palais 
 Legislatif, dans une des ouvertures du Campanile dedie a 
 Jacques Cartier, le Gouvernement de la province de Quebec 
 placera la statue, grandeur heroique, de Villustre Decouv- 
 reur. Certes, le piedestal sera digne de Vceuvre de notre 
 eminent artiste sculpteur Hcbert, car elle dominera a 
 cette hauteur, pres de quatre cents pieds, Vestuaire de la 
 riviere St. Charles, de cette historique riviere Cabir-Coubat 
 qui vit dans ses eaux, le matin du 14 septembre 1535, trois 
 petits navires pavoises aux couleurs de France, qui portaient 
 VEvangile et Vavenir du Canada ! Van prochain, done, 
 nous aurons chez nous a Quebec fa statue que le patrio- 
 tique ecrivain Chevalier cherchait vainement sur les boule 
 vards de St. Malo, de Rennes, et de Paris." 
 
 Half of the year 1890 will soon be passed, and we 
 cannot but regret with Mr. Stephens that this statue 
 has not yet been erected. There are few men of any 
 spirit who would not cheerfully contribute to so 
 worthy a project ; and it seems a scandal to Canada 
 that the bold mariner who gave a name to Montreal 
 should have no enduring monument in the province 
 of Quebec, to record his exploits and keep his 
 memory green. Who will take the matter in hand 
 and enjoy the satisfaction of fulfilling, with the 
 co-operation of all patriotic citizens, what may truth 
 fully be regarded as almost a sacred duty and public 
 obligation ? 
 
 Poor McGee s stirring ballad of " Jacques Cartier " 
 lies open before me ; and, stimulated by the vigor of 
 its familiar lines, I feel that if I were a man in 
 public life, or even a man of means and leisure, I 
 
Xll 
 
 would be proud to head the desired movement, 
 and, aided by all nationalities, carry through the 
 project, promptly, liberally and successfully. 
 
 GEO. MURRAY. 
 
 MONTREAL, Nov. 6, 1890. 
 
JACQUES CARTIER. 
 
 One of the most prominent figures in Canadian 
 history the Columbus of Canada is Jacques Car- 
 tier, the sturdy, courageous voyageur of St. Malo. 
 
 We can read of his simple courage and of his 
 enduring faith and wisdom in the accounts of his 
 voyages still preserved to us, and it is certain that 
 his most striking characteristic, as thus evinced, is 
 his strong will power and determination. His men 
 had confidence in his judgment and trusted him 
 a compliment than which no higher can be paid a 
 leader. 
 
 With regard to his life, not very much is known, 
 apart from what is given in the Voyages, though of 
 late years searches among the various archives have 
 brought to light further particulars, and it is confi 
 dently believed that the Spanish and Portuguese 
 manuscripts contain valuable details yet unpub 
 lished of this historical period. 
 
 To begin, however : The usually accepted date of 
 Cartier s birth has hitherto been the 31st December, 
 1404. An " audience " held on the 23rd December, 
 1551, mentions " Jac Cartier, Ix ans," that is sixty 
 years of age in 1551, which would make the year of 
 
his birth 1491. Another document, just come to 
 light, contains a statement, dated the 5th June, 
 1556, from Jacques Cartier, that he is sixty-four 
 years old. In an "audience" held on the 2nd 
 January, 1548, Jacques Cartier, in giving testimony, 
 swears his age to be then fifty-six years. If we are 
 to accept these official records, taken under oath, 
 Cartier must have been born during the latter half 
 of the year 1491, between the 7th June and the 23rd 
 December of that year. Going back a little, it will 
 be seen by the registers of St. Malo that Jehan Car- 
 tier was married to Gruillemette Beaudoin, having six 
 children, of whom the eldest, Jamet or Jacques, 
 was born on the 4th December, 1458. 
 
 He married Jeffeline Jansart, and had as issue, it 
 is now thought, the celebrated Jacques Cartier. As 
 stated, the day of birth has usually been accepted as 
 the 31st December, 1494, the entry being as follows : 
 " Le xxxi jour de decembre fut baptize un fils a 
 Jamet Cartier et JefTeline Jansart, sa femme et fut 
 nomme par Gruillaume Maingart, principal compere 
 et petit compere Raoullet Perdriel." A doubt exists 
 whether this was Jacques Cartier. There are no 
 particulars of his life, up to the time of his marriage, 
 worthy of mention ; that is to say, it is all specula 
 tive : his early years were doubtless passed on the 
 sea. The date of his marriage has usually been set 
 down as taking place in 1519, and this because 
 " avril 1519 " is interlined in the register of mar 
 riages just above the entry of Jacques (Cartier) and 
 Catherine (his wife). The year began at Easter 
 always at St. Malo, and taking into account the 
 fact that Easter was on the 24th April of that year, 
 it is almost certain that the date refers to the first 
 
day of April belonging- to the year 1519, according 
 to the old style, but to 1520 according to proper 
 notation (Longrais "Jacques Cartier," p. 11). His 
 wife was Catherine des (tranches, daughter of Jacques 
 des (tranches, constable of rhe town, who was pos 
 sessed of considerable property. Jacques Cartier 
 left no issue. The name of Carder s wife, " Kathe- 
 rine," occurs in the account of the "first" voyage to 
 Canada ; " first " refers to the voyage of which we 
 have a description. That Cartier made other voy 
 ages previous to this cannot be doubted. It is 
 stated he made three fishing voyages to Newfound- 
 laud (previous to going to Canada), and there -is 
 strong reason to suppose that he had been employed 
 by the Portuguese to visit Brazil, about the year 
 1527. In the recit of 1545, pp. 30 and 31, reference 
 is made to Brazil. There is also a record dated the 
 last day of July, 1528, of the baptism of Catherine 
 of Brazil. And Francis I. organized expeditions in 
 1523 and 1524 to possess himself of Brazil (Harrisse, 
 " Revue Critique," 1876, ler semestre, p. 20, note 3). 
 
 Before proceeding to give the accounts of the 
 Canadian Voyages made by Cartier, I believe it 
 advisable to give a few notes of these accounts them 
 selves, and to state that I have translated them from, 
 and compared them with, the originals with much 
 care and trouble. The notes at the end of these 
 translations, will, I think, be found of interest. 
 
 To proceed: Whether Jacques Cartier wrote the 
 accounts of his voyages himself or not would be 
 somewhat difficult to prove one way or the other 
 (see note "Did Cartier," etc.), but it is certain they 
 were written by one who took part in the expe 
 ditions. The account of the first voyage of Cartier 
 
is to be found in Ramusio s " Collection of Voyages," 
 the first edition of which was published at Venice in 
 1556, followed by editions in 1565, 1606 and 1613. 
 It appears also as " A Short and Briefe Narration of 
 the Two Navigations and Discoveries to the North- 
 weaste Partes called Newe France." London, 1580. 
 (This was adopted by Hakluyt and followed by 
 Finkertoii and Churchill in their "Voyages." A 
 copy of it is in the G-renville collection, British 
 Museum.) It was published in French at Rouen in 
 1598 in a small octavo volume of 64 pages, under 
 the title, " Discours du voyage fait par le Capitaine 
 Jacques Cartier aux Terres-neufues de Canadas, 
 Norembeque, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adjacens, 
 dite Nouvelle France, avec particulieres moeurs, laii- 
 gage et ceremonies des habitans d icelle " (reprinted 
 at Paris by Tross in 1865). An account of the voyage 
 will also be found in Lescarbot s " Histoire de la 
 Nouvelle France " (livre iii., chap. ii. a v., ed. 1612), 
 of which there are several editions, the first appear 
 ing in 1609. "Les Archives des Voyages" deTernaux- 
 Compans, 1840, also contains an account. Under the 
 title " Relation origin ale du voyage de Jacques Car- 
 tier au Canada en 1534," H. Michelaut and A. Rame 
 published in 1867 an account of the first voyage from 
 a manuscript claimed to have been newly discovered. 
 There are still further the valuable publications of 
 the Quebec Literary and Historical Society. 
 
 As to the account of the Second Voyage, it is the 
 only one of which the French version is the first in 
 print, and of this one copy alone is known to exist, 
 printed at Paris in 1545 in an octavo volume of 48 
 pages, and now in the G-renville collection, British 
 Museum. (This has been reprinted in 1863 at 
 
Paris.) In Lescarbot s " Histoire " the account of 
 the Second Voyage is interpolated with an account 
 of Champlain s doings. Lescarbot followed what is 
 known as the RofFet text. There are also at Paris in 
 the Bibliotheque Nationale (imperiale orroyale) three 
 manuscript accounts of the second voyage. M. Ter- 
 naux-Compans collated the two first, and published 
 a copy in 1841, at the beginning of the second 
 volume of the " Archives des Voyages." The Que 
 bec Literary and Historical Society took a copy of the 
 third manuscript, and having compared it with the 
 two others, as well as with the account in Lescarbot, 
 published it in 1843. The 1545 account mentioned 
 above as having been reprinted in 1863 was collated 
 with all three manuscripts. Lescarbot speaks of 
 one of these manuscripts as being tied with blue silk 
 ribbon. The Third Voyage of Cartier is related in 
 the collection of Richard Hakluyt, of Oxford, in 
 English, particulars of which voyage were obtained 
 by Hakluyt during his residence in France from 1584 
 to 1588. They are not a complete account of the voy 
 age. A letter from Jacques Noel, his grand-nephew, 
 written from St. Malo on the 15th June, 1587, and a 
 fragment of a second letter from the same source, 
 stating that a search for further particulars had been 
 fruitless, are given also. Hakluyt also gives Jean 
 Allefonce s chart for 230 leagues up the St Lawrence, 
 and an unfinished account of Roberval s voyage to 
 the 22nd July, 1543 (?). The Quebec Literary and 
 Historical Society published these in French in 1843. 
 There is no account of the Fourth Voyage if it ever 
 took place except in Lescarbot, who says : " He took 
 eight months to go and get him (Roberval) after he 
 had remained there seventeen months" (Lescarbot, 
 

THE MAGGIE OF JACQUES-CAKTIER. 
 
 (FROM THE ARTICLE BY M. RAME.) 
 
 Captain Cartier, similarly to all the leading bour 
 geois of Saint Malo in the sixteenth century, owned 
 in the lanlieue of the town a " maison," of which he 
 took his title, and where he reposed himself after 
 his maritime expeditions. He, in fact, bears the 
 title of " Sieur de Limoilou " in the founding of an 
 obit on the 29th November, 1549, at the cathedral. 
 This demesne of Limoilou, situated on the limits of 
 the parishes of Parame and Saint Coulomb, a thou 
 sand metres about the hill, is a true navigator s sta 
 tion, established, like an observatory, at the cul 
 minating point of a hill (rnamelon), which falls 
 away on one side to Saint Ideuc, on the other to the 
 ocean. From there, in the direction of the polar 
 star, which had guided him on the unknown plages 
 of Canada, Cartier saw Point de la Varde, not yet 
 disfigured by the geometrical lines of a fort ; to the 
 right he had the village Roteneuf and the bay wind 
 ing towards Saint Coulomb ; to the left, the vast 
 beach (greve) reaching or extending to the Chateau 
 of Saint Malo ; beyond all, the sea, and in the far 
 distance the outline of Cape Frehel, a welcome mark 
 
to sailors returning to port. The manoir of Cartier 
 remained almost entire in 1865, and its modest pro 
 portions announced not the residence of the man 
 who had given the King of France a kingdom larger 
 than France itself. The penury shown in faulty 
 construction and poor building materials proved 
 that the captain had gained more fame than money 
 in his adventurous voyages. The buildings were 
 placed on two sides of a square yard, enclosed for 
 the rest by high walls. Knowing the fury of the 
 west and north winds on the Brittany coast, Cartier 
 had placed his living room upstairs, and had only 
 one story sur rez de chaussee. Each floor had two 
 rooms ; the lower a kitchen and a mile, the upper a 
 redmt and the chamber of the captain. The stairway, 
 contained or placed in a round tower, abutted forth 
 (faisait saillie) on the yard, and relieved the monotony 
 of the fa9ade. The wall of the east looked on the 
 garden. To that of the west was attached a lower 
 building used as a horse stable. In front, on the 
 opposite side of the yard, was the barn, the pres- 
 soir and the cow stable. In the centre of the yard 
 was a large square well, with a fine finish of 
 granite, yielding plenty of water. Entrance was 
 made into the yard by a large door (charreliere), 
 without any ornament except a shield held by two 
 angels, in a prominent position. The field of the 
 shield was simply an open quarter. They were 
 " speaking arms." This sculpture in granite tres 
 fmeste is reproduced : 
 
 (En guise defleur or) 
 
 It is not to be believed, as a print would lead us 
 to believe (which print is in the St. Malo museum, 
 
9 
 
 and which has been reprinted by a Nantes litho 
 grapher), that this gateway was furnished with a 
 double door with columns, one destined for foot 
 travelers, the other for vehicles ; nor is it to be 
 believed that the date of 1545 was cut on the key 
 stone. All these are imaginings of the dessinateur, 
 who, finding the gateway too modest, constructed 
 one in his picture, and one belonging to a later period. 
 He gives the shield and two angels a height of six 
 feet. These might be the Cartier letters of nobility, 
 which were granted him, it is said, by Francis I.; 
 he did not exaggerate at this point the dimension of 
 these insignes nobiliares. This shield proves further 
 besides the fact of the ennobling, if it be true, that 
 Jacques Cartier did not belong to those Cartiers, 
 tieurs du Hindret et de la Boulaye, who had arms of 
 blue and silver with four blies on each and who 
 were ennobled between 1478 and 1513. 
 
 It could be denied that all the buildings of the 
 mauoir go back to the time of Cartier. Thus, the 
 form of the openings of the log-is, the mouldings of 
 the woodwork of the doors and windows appear in 
 part more modern than the sixteenth century, though 
 the sottche de I edifice belongs to the primitive plan. 
 It is necessary to say as much of the frames of painted 
 glass which garnissant (adorn) the windows of the 
 principal room to the east. These frames represent 
 in the centre, in a circular medallion, St. Bertrand 
 and St. Julien. and round these, in small square 
 divisions, landscapes, a fox hunting scene, trees, a 
 chateau, a fountain, etc. These are treated in the 
 manner of the end of the seventeenth century, and 
 in a manner negligent. They are, as a whole, very 
 mediocre works, and it is impossible to consider 
 them in any way as souvenirs. 
 

 
 
FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 In Ramusio, edition, 1556. Vol. iii., page 435. 
 
 A Shorte and Briefe Narration of the Two Navigations and Dis 
 coveries to the Northweaste Partes called Newe France, London, 
 1580. Hakluyt adopted this in his edition of 1600, and it has been 
 followed by Pinkerton and Churchill in their voyages. 
 
 Discours du Capitaine Jacques Cartier aux Terres Neuves du Can 
 ada, Norembeque, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adjacens dite 
 Nouvelle France, avec particulieres mcours, langage et ceremonies 
 des habitans d icelle. Rouen, 1598. Chez Raphael du Petit- Val. 
 Octavo, 64 p. 
 
 In Lescarbot, edition 1612. Lib. iii., chap. 2, page 240, et meg. 
 
 Relation Originale du Voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 
 1534; Documents indits sur Jacques Cartier et le Canada (nouvelle 
 se>ie) publics par H. Michelaut et A. Ram^, accompagne"s de deux 
 portraits de Cartier et de deux vues de son manoir. Paris, Tross, 
 1867- 
 
 How Sir Charles de Moily of La Mailleraye sent away two 
 ships of St. Malo to the New Land of France, and how 
 they reached the Harbor of Cape Bonne- Veue, 
 
 After Sir Charles de Moiiy of La Mailleraye and 
 Vice-Admiral of France had sworn the captains, 
 mates and sailors of the ships to be well and faith 
 fully true to the service of His Christian Majesty the 
 King, under the authority and charge of Jacques 
 Cartier, we set sail, the twentieth of April, 1534, 
 
12 
 
 from St. Malo, with two ships, each about sixty tons, 
 and manned with sixty-one men each ; we had such 
 good weather that on the tenth of May we arrived 
 at Newfoundland, into which we entered by the 
 Cape de Bonne-Veue, which is in latitude 48 and 
 longitude * * On account of the large quantity 
 of ice along the coast here, we were obliged to enter 
 a harbor we named St. Catherine, distant about five 
 leagues to the south-southeast. Here we stayed ten 
 days waiting for favorable weather, and during this 
 time we fitted up and got ready our boats. 
 
 How we arrived at the Island of Birds, and the large numbers of 
 birds found there. 
 
 The twenty-first of May we set sail with a westerly 
 wind and went north from Cape de Bonne- Yeue to 
 Isledes Oiseaux (Bird Island), which was completely 
 surrounded with ice, broken in pieces ; in spite of 
 the ice our boats went there to get birds, which are 
 present in incredible numbers as to seem to have been 
 brought and sown (sic) expressly on the island, which is 
 about a league in circuit. The birds are, however, 
 a hundred times more abundant around the island, 
 in the air and on the water ; some are as large as 
 magpies, black and white, and with the beak of 
 ravens ; they are always on the water, being unable 
 to fly high, as their wings are small, not larger than 
 half a hand, with which wings, however, they fly 
 on the surface of the water, as other birds do in the 
 air. They are very fat, and are called by the natives 
 apporrath. Our two boats were filled with them in 
 less than half an hour, as quickly as if we had been 
 loading stones, so that on each ship we salted four or 
 five casks full, without those we ate fresh. 
 
13 
 
 Of the two species of birds, one called Godetz, the other Mar- 
 gaulx, and our arrival at Carpunt. 
 
 There is besides another kiiid of bird, which flies 
 high in the air aud on the surface of the water, 
 smaller than the others, and is called godetz. They 
 gather on this island and hide themselves under the 
 wings of the large birds. There is another sort, 
 larger and white, staying in another district of the 
 island ; these are difficult of capture, as they bite like 
 dogs ; they call them Margaux. Though this island 
 is distant fourteen leagues from the mainland, yet 
 bears come there to eat the birds, and our men found 
 one as big as a cow, white as a swan, which jumped 
 into the water before them. Next day, Easter, as we 
 were sailing towards the mainland, we met with 
 this bear, swimming in the same direction as rapidly 
 as we sailed ; we gave chase in our boats and took 
 him by main force ; his flesh was as delicate as that 
 of a two-year old heifer. On Wednesday following 
 we arrived at Castle Grulf (Straits of Belle-Isle), but 
 on account of bad weather and the large quantities 
 of ice, we found it necessary to go to a harbor near 
 by, called Carpunt, whence we were unable to come 
 out till the ninth of June, when we set sail to go 
 beyond Carpunt, which is in latitude 51. 
 
 Description of the neic land from Cape Eace to Cape Deyrad. 
 
 The district from Cape Race to Cape Degrad forms 
 the point of entry to the said gulf, which latter 
 looks from cape to cape, to the east, north and south. 
 All this part is full of islands, one after the other, 
 between which there are small channels, by which 
 one can go and come in small boats, and there are 
 
14 
 
 also good harbors like Carpuiit and Degrad. From 
 the highest of these islands can be seen clearly, by 
 any one standing, the two low-lying islands near 
 Cape Race, from which place it is twenty-five leagues 
 to the port of Carpunt, and there are two channels, 
 one on the east side, the other on the south, but it is 
 necessary to beware of the east channel, as there are 
 reefs and shallows, and it is necessary to go around 
 the island to the west, half a cable s length or a little 
 less, then turn south towards Carpunt, and be 
 watchful of three reefs under the water and in the 
 channel ; towards the island, on the east side, there 
 is a depth of three or four fathoms and good bottom. 
 The other entrance looks to the east and on the west 
 one can land. 
 
 Of the Island named St. Catherine. 
 
 Leaving Point Degrad, at the entrance of the said 
 gulf going west, care must be taken regarding two 
 islands on the right, one of which is distant three 
 leagues from this point, and the other seven leagues, 
 more or less, from the first ; low and flat, and appar 
 ently part of the mainland. I named this island St. 
 Catherine, in the eastern portion of which is a dry 
 and sterile region of about a quarter of a league, to 
 reach which it is necessary to make a little circuit. 
 In this island is Castle Harbor, which looks (lies) 
 north-northeast and south-southwest, and the dis 
 tance from one to the other is about fifteen leagues. 
 From Castle Harbor to the Port des G-outtes, which 
 is the district north of the gulf already spoken of, 
 which lies east-northeast and west-southwest, the 
 distance is twelve leagues and a half, and is distant 
 two leagues from Port des Balances, and a third 
 
15 
 
 part of this crossing is thirty fathoms deep. From 
 Port des Balances to Blanc Sablon ("White Sand) is 
 twenty-five leagues to the west-southwest. It is 
 well to give warning that to the southwest of Blanc 
 Sablon there is a reef three leagues long appearing 
 above the water and resembling a boat. 
 
 Of Blanc Sablon, Isle of Brest, Bird Island; the kind and 
 number of birds found there, and of the Port des Ilettes. 
 
 Blanc Sablon is a place having no shelter from the 
 south or southwest, but south-southwest of it are 
 two islands, one called Isle of Brest, the other Bird 
 Island (Isle des Oiseaux), on which are a large 
 number of godetz and ravens with red beaks and red 
 feet, which make their nests underground, like rab 
 bits. Passing a cape a league from Blanc Sablon 
 are found a harbor and channel named Les Ilettes. 
 which is the best place of Blanc Sablon, and where 
 there are excellent fishing grounds. From Les 
 Ilettes to Port Brest the distance is about eighteen 
 leagues around, and this port is in latitude 51 3 55 
 and longitude * * Between Les Ilettes and 
 this latter place are several islands, and Port Brest is 
 itself amidst islands which surround it for more than 
 three leagues, and these islands are so flat and low- 
 lying that the mainland can be seen over them. 
 
 Now we went into Port Brest with the ships, and going further 
 west passed amongst Les Ilettes and found them so innumer 
 able as to defy counting ; we named them The Islands. 
 
 On the 10th of June, we went into Port Brest with 
 our ships to procure wood and water and get ready 
 to go beyond the gulf. On the day of Saint Bar- 
 
16 
 
 nabe, after hearing mass, we went with the boats 
 outside this port to the west to discover others, and 
 we went among the islands which are so numerous 
 that it is impossible to count them, because they are 
 found for ten leagues from Port Brest. We stopped 
 on one of the islands to pass the night, and found a 
 very large number of ducks eggs and those of other 
 birds which nest here. We named them all The 
 Islands. 
 
 Of Ports Saint Antoine, Saint Servan, Jacques Cartier, the 
 river St. James ; of the garb and costumes of the natives of 
 the island of Blanc Sablon. 
 
 Next day we passed beyond these islands, and at 
 the end of a multitude of them found a good harbor, 
 which we named Port Saint Antoine, and beyond 
 this we discovered, to the southwest, a small river, 
 which is very deep, between two other districts, and 
 there is a good harbor here. We erected a cross 
 here, and named the harbor Port Saint Servan ; and 
 southwest of this place and river, about a league 
 distant, is a small island, round-shaped like an oven, 
 surrounded with many other small ones, which are 
 a mark or means of knowing these harbors. Two 
 leagues further there is another fine stream, and 
 larger, in which we caught many salmon, and 
 named it River St. James. In this river we met 
 with a large ship from La Rochelle, which had 
 passed the night before beyond Port Brest, where 
 they desired to fish, but the seamen did not know 
 where it was. We went by the side of them and 
 sailed together to another port, further to the west, 
 about a league from the River St. James, which 
 I believe to be one of the best harbors in the 
 
17 
 
 world, and which we named Port Jacques Cartier. 
 If the land corresponded in value to the harbors, it 
 would be a benefit, but it does not deserve the name 
 of Newfoundland, consisting merely of stones and 
 wild rocks suitable for wild animals only ; and in all 
 the northern part I did not see enough soil to fill a 
 cart, though I went ashore in several places. On the 
 island of Blanc Sablon there is nothing but moss 
 and small thorn bushes, dry and half dead ; in fact, 
 I think this is the land that God gave to Cain. Here 
 are men of fine shape and stature, but indomitable 
 and savage. They wear their hair tied on the top of 
 their heads like a bunch of hay, passing through it a 
 small piece of wood, or something similar, in place 
 of a nail (pin), and they also attach there some 
 bird s feathers. They wear skins, men and women, 
 the latter being completely covered and girded at 
 the waist (which the men are not) ; they paint them 
 selves with certain red colors. They make their 
 boats of the bark of the boul tree, and take large 
 quantities of seals. And since I came there I learned 
 that this was not their place of habitation, but that 
 they come by laud from, a warmer country to secure 
 the seals and other things necessary for their sub 
 sistence. 
 
 Of other capes : Cape Double, Cape Pointu, Cape Royal, Cape 
 Milk ; Nut Mountains, and Pigeon-house Islands. 
 
 On the thirteenth we returned with our boats to 
 the ships to sail, as the weather was favorable ; 
 Sunday we heard mass ; Monday following, the fif 
 teenth, we passed outside Port Brest and made our 
 way southwards to examine land we had seen, and 
 which seemed to be two islands ; but, when we 
 2 
 
18 
 
 were about the middle of the gulf, we perceived it 
 to be the mainland, and there was a cape here which 
 was double, one above the other, for which reason 
 we named it Cape Double. At the beginning of 
 the gulf we took a sounding, and found a hundred 
 fathoms on all sides. From Tort Brest to Cape 
 Double the distance is about twenty leagues, and 
 five or six leagues from, there we took another 
 sounding and found forty fathoms. This land looks 
 northeast-southwest. Next day, the sixteenth, we 
 sailed along the coast south west-a-quarter-south, 
 thirty-five leagues from Cape Double, and found very 
 high and rocky mountains, amongst which we saw 
 some small huts (cabannes), so we called them Hut 
 Mountains ; the other lands and mountains are very 
 irregular and broken, and between them and the 
 sea the land is low. The day previous, owing to 
 the fog and dimness, we had seen no land, but in 
 the evening we perceived an opening in the land 
 which appeared to be the mouth of a river, amongst 
 these Hut Mountains ; and to the southwest of us, 
 about three leagues, was a cape without any peak 
 or point all round the top of it, but jutting out into 
 a point at its base ; it received the name of Cape 
 Pointed. North of this cape is a flat island, and as 
 we wished to explore this entrance (embouchure) to 
 see if there was a good harbor, we lowered sails to 
 pass the night here. Next day, the seventeenth, 
 we had wind from the northwest, and were obliged 
 to leave the cape and make our way southwest 
 till Thursday morning, sailing about thirty-seven 
 leagues, and found ourselves among several islands 
 shaped like pigeon-houses (dove-cots), so they were 
 named Pigeon-house Islands. 
 
19 
 
 Lescarbot here has the following interpolation : 
 Gulf St. Julien is distant seven leagues from Cape 
 Royal, which is situated to the south-one-quarter 
 southwest. South-southwest of this cape is another 
 cape, all cleft underneath and round in shape on the 
 summit. On the north is a small island half a 
 league distant, and this cape was called Milk Cape. 
 Between these two capes there are certain lowlands 
 which appear to hare streams. Two leagues from 
 Cape Royal the depth of water is twenty fathoms, 
 and there is excellent cod fishing here ; we took 
 more than a hundred in less than an hour, while 
 waiting. 
 
 Of somt iV&BKfe &?** Cape Royal end Cap Milk. 
 
 Next day, the eighteenth, the wind became so 
 contrary and violent that we felt obliged to return 
 towards Cape Royal, thinking to find a safe harbor ; 
 and with our boats we went to see what there was 
 between Cape Royal and Cape Milk Beyond the 
 low lands was a very deep gulf, in which there are 
 several islands : this gulf is shut in on the south 
 side. The low lands form one side of the entrance 
 and Cape Royal is on the other side, and the low 
 lands run out into the sea more than half a leasne. 
 The district is flat and sterile (bad land) : in the 
 middle of the entrance is an island. This gulf is in 
 latitude 48V. and in longitude * * TVe found no 
 harbor this day, and on account of nightfall returned 
 out to sea, turning the cape to the west. 
 
 Of tte Island St. Jo**. 
 
 From this day to the twenty-fourth of the month, 
 the feast of St. John, we were tempest-tossed, and 
 
20 
 
 had such bad winds and dark weather that we saw 
 no land till St. John s day, when we discovered a 
 cape lying to the southwest oi Cape Royal, distant 
 thirty-five leagues ; but the mist was so heavy and 
 the weather so bad this day that we could not 
 land. And as this was the day of St. John, the cape 
 was named St. John. 
 
 Of the islands called the Islands of Margaulx ; the birds and ani 
 mals found there. Of the Island Brion and Cape Dauphin. 
 
 Next day, the twenty-fifth, the weather was still 
 very unfavorable ; we sailed part of the day to the 
 west and northwest, and in the evening we went 
 across up to the time of the second watch since we 
 had left, and then we ascertained by our quadrant 
 that we were heading northwest-a-quarter-west, 
 distant seven leagues and a half from Cape St. John ; 
 and when we wished to sail on, the wind changed 
 to the northwest, so that we ran to the south fifteen 
 leagues, and came to three islands, of which two 
 had coasts perpendicular like a wall, so that it was 
 impossible to ascend them ; between them is a small 
 reef. These islands were more completely filled 
 (covered) with birds than a field is with grass, which 
 birds nest here. On the largest island was a large 
 number of birds that we called margaulx, which are 
 white and larger than a goose (gosling) ; these fre 
 quent one portion of the island, and on the other 
 portion were the kind called godetz ; but on the 
 banks were the godetz and large apporrath, resem 
 bling those mentioned before. We went on the 
 lower side of the smallest island, and gathered more 
 than a thousand godetz and apporrath, and loaded 
 our boats with as many as we wished, and could 
 
21 
 
 have filled thirty boats in an hour. These islands 
 received the name of Margaulx Islands. Five leagues 
 to the west from here is another island, two leagues 
 long and two wide; here we stopped for the night 
 to procure wood and water. It is surrounded with 
 sand, and there is a depth of six or seven fathoms. 
 These islands were of the best soil we had yet 
 seen ; in fact, one field here is worth the whole of 
 Newfoundland. Full of large trees are these islands ; 
 of fields of wild wheat, and of peas as fine as in 
 Brittany, which seemed to have been sown by hand ; 
 there were also barberries, strawberries, red roses, 
 grapes, and many sweet flowers and grasses. There 
 are large animals about this island, as large as an 
 ox, having tusks like an elephant, and which live 
 in the sea. We saw one sleeping on the water s 
 edge, and went towards it with our boat, thinking 
 to secure it, but as soon as it heard us it threw itself 
 in the water. We saw bears and wolves also. This 
 island was named Isle of Brion ; around it on the 
 southeast and northwest are large marshes. I think, 
 from what I could make out, that there is a channel 
 between the New Land and the Island of Brion. If 
 this should be so, it would shorten the time and jour 
 ney, provided it could be done by this route. Four 
 leagues west-southwest from this island is the main 
 land, which resembles an island surrounded with 
 small islands of sand. There there is a fine cape, 
 which we named Cape Dauphin, because it is the 
 commencement of good lands. The twenty-seventh 
 of June we made a circuit of the lands lying west- 
 southwest, which appear from a distance to be hills 
 or mountains of sand, though they are low lands and 
 of little depth. We could not approach them, much 
 
22 
 
 less effect a landing, on account of the contrary wind. 
 This day we made fifteen leagues. 
 
 Of the island called Alezay and Cape St. Peter. 
 
 The next day we coasted along these shores ten 
 leagues to a cape of red earth, which is rough and 
 indented, through an opening or cleft in which may 
 be seen a low country to the north ; and there is a 
 lowland between a sheet of water and the ocean. 
 From this cape and sheet of water to another cape is 
 about fourteen leagues, and is shaped in a semicircle, 
 consisting of sand like a ditch, over which can be 
 seen marshes and sheets of water as far as the eye 
 can see. Before arriving at the first cape there are 
 two islands quite near shore. Five leagues from 
 the second cape is an island to the southwest which 
 is very high and peaked ; this latter we named 
 Alezay ; the former cape we named Cape St. Peter, 
 as it was on his day we arrived there. 
 
 Of the Cape Orleans. Of the Canoe River (barques ). Of Cape 
 of the Savages ; the nature and temperature of the country. 
 
 From Brion island to this place there is a good 
 sandy bottom, and having taken soundings also to 
 the southwest up to five leagues of the land, we 
 found twenty-five fathoms ; a league nearer, twelve 
 fathoms ; and near shore six fathoms, more or less, 
 and good bottom. But as we wished to have more 
 knowledge of these rocky bottoms, full of stones, we 
 lowered the sails. Next day, the last but one of the 
 month, the wind came from the south-one-quartcr- 
 southwest ; we sailed west until Tuesday morning, 
 the last of the month, without discovering any other 
 
23 
 
 land, with the exception that in the evening we saw 
 some laud, apparently forming two islands, lying 
 behind us nine or ten leagues to the west and south, 
 west. This day, till sunrise next morning, we made 
 about forty leagues. We thought the land appear 
 ing like two islands was the mainland, situated to 
 the southwest and north-northeast, up to a beautiful 
 cape called Cape Orleans. All this land is low and 
 Hat, and as fine as one can see anywhere, full of fine 
 trees and prairies ; but we could find no harbor, as 
 there is nothing but reefs and sand-bars. We went 
 several times with our boats, and, amongst other 
 places, we entered a fine stream of little depth, for 
 which reason it was named Canoe River. We saw 
 several canoes with savages crossing the river, but 
 held no intercourse with them, because the wind 
 came from the sea and blew on shore, so that we 
 returned to the ships. We sailed northeast till sun 
 rise next day, the first of July, when a violent tem 
 pest arose, so that we had to lower the sails till 
 about two hours before noon, when it cleared off, 
 and we perceived Cape Orleans and another seven 
 leagues distant to the north-a-quarter-northeast, 
 which was named Cape of the Savages. Northeast 
 of this cape about half a league there is a very dan 
 gerous rocky reef. While near this cape we per 
 ceived a man who ran behind our boats as we 
 coasted along, and made signs to us that we ought 
 to return to the cape. Seeing his signs, we began 
 to go towards him, when, seeing us come, he took 
 flight. Lauding, we placed before him a knife aud 
 a woollen waistband on a stick. We returned to 
 our ships. This day we went along this coast, turn 
 ing aud winding nine or ten leagues, without find- 
 
24 
 
 ing a good harbor, as all this country is low and full 
 of reefs and sand bars. Notwithstanding which, 
 this day we went on shore in four places to see the 
 trees, which are beautiful here and very odorous ; 
 there are cedars, yews, pine, white elms, ash, wil 
 lows, and others unknown to us, but all without 
 fruit. The land, where there are no trees, is very 
 fertile and full of peas, of white and red barberries, 
 of strawberries, of wild wheat, like rye, which seems 
 to have been sown and cultivated. And the tempera 
 ture here is as favorable as one could wish, and very 
 warm ; there are many thrushes, wood-pigeons and 
 other birds ; in fact, nothing is lacking except good 
 harbors. 
 
 Of Gulf St. Lunaire and other noteworthy guJfs and capes; the 
 nature and fertility of the soil. 
 
 Next day, the second of July, we came to and 
 explored the land of the north coast opposite us, 
 which joins that already spoken of; having made 
 the circuit, we found that it contained ^ ^ ^ of 
 width and the same diameter. We named it Gi-ulf 
 St. Lunaire. "We went to the cape on the north with 
 our boats, and found the land so low that for a 
 league there was not more than a fathom of water. 
 Seven or eight leagues northeast of this cape is an 
 other cape to the north, between which is a triangular 
 gulf (bay), very deep and running far up into the 
 land ; it lies to the northeast. This gulf is sur 
 rounded with bars and shallows for ten leagues ; 
 there are not more than two fathoms of water. It is 
 fifteen leagues between the two capes. Beyond 
 these we saw a land and a cape, which lies north- 
 a-quarter-northeast as far as we could see. All 
 
25 
 
 night it was stormy and wild ; so much so that we 
 were obliged to carry reefed sails till next morning*, 
 the third of July, when the wind blew from the 
 west, and we were carried north, and discovered the 
 laud which was north-northeast of the low lands. 
 Between these low lands and the high lands is a 
 large gulf and opening, of fifty-five fathoms in many 
 places and about fifteen leagues wide. On account 
 of the depth, size and character of the land here, we 
 had hopes of finding a passage similar to that of 
 Castle Gulf. This gulf looks east-northeast, west- 
 southwest. The soil on the south side is good 
 enough and cultivable, and full of as fine prairies as 
 we had seen, level as a lake ; on the north side are 
 high mountains, covered with trees of various kinds, 
 amongst others fine cedars and firs fit to make masts 
 for vessels of three hundred tons ; and we saw no 
 part here that was not covered with these woods, 
 except two places where it was low ; these were 
 fine prairies, with two beautiful lakes. The centre 
 of this gulf is in latitude 47J. 
 
 Of Cape Hope. Of Bay (staria) St. Martin ; how seven canoes 
 of the savages came to our boat, and being unwilling to go 
 away, we frightened them by firing small cannon, so that 
 they fled in great haste. 
 
 The cape of this land to the south was named Cape 
 Hope, by reason of the hope we had of finding a 
 passage. The fourth of July we went along this 
 coast northwards to find a harbor, and went into a 
 small place exposed to the south wind, which we 
 thought it worth while to name St. Martin, and we 
 stayed here from the fourth till the twelfth. While 
 here we went with one of our boats on Monday, the 
 
26 
 
 sixth, the Feast of the Mass, after hearing Mass, to 
 explore a cape and point of land seven or eight 
 leagues from the west coast ; to see also which way 
 the land lies. Having come within about a half 
 league of the point, we perceived two groups (bands) 
 of canoes of savages going from one side to the other ; 
 and there were more than forty or fifty canoes, of 
 which a portion reached the point and jumped 
 ashore, with a great deal of noise, making signs to 
 us to land, showing us skins on pieces of wood. 
 But as we had only one boat, we were unwilling to 
 do so, and went towards the others who were on the 
 water. The others, seeing us fleeing, ordered two 
 of their largest canoes to follow us, with which were 
 gathered five of those coming from the ocean, and 
 the seven approached our boat, making signs of joy 
 and showing a desire for friendship, saying in 
 their language, " Napen tondamen assurtak" and other 
 unintelligible words. But as has been said we had 
 only one boat and did not care to trust in their signs, 
 and made them signs to go away from us, which 
 they would not do, and came with great ado to us, 
 so that our boat was soon surrounded with their 
 seven canoes. And because our signs to them to 
 retire had no effect, we fired off two small cannons 
 over them ; this astonishing them, they went back 
 towards the point, stayed there awhile, then again 
 began to come near us as before ; so that, when near 
 our boat, we shot two of our darts amongst them, 
 which frightened them so much that they fled in 
 great haste and were not willing to return. 
 
Our traffic with the savages. 
 
 The next day some of the savages came in their 
 canoes to the point and mouth of the bay whence 
 our ships had gone. Knowing of their having come, 
 we went with our boat where they w^ere, but as 
 soon as they saw us coming they fled, making signs 
 they had come to trade with us, showing the 
 skins of little value, which they wore. We like 
 wise made them signs that we wished them no 
 harm ; and two of our men went ashore to go to 
 them, taking knives and other iron tools, also a red 
 cap to present to their captain. Seeing this, they 
 landed and brought skins and began trading , show 
 ing great excitement and joy at possessing the knives 
 and iron tools, dancing and performing antics, such 
 as throwing themselves in the water on their heads 
 with their hands. They gave us all they had, re 
 taining nothing; so that they were obliged to go 
 away perfectly naked. They made signs to us they 
 would return next day, bringing other skins. 
 
 How some of the men went ashore with articles of trade and 
 three hundred savages came, who were overjoyed ; of the 
 nature of the country, its products and the gulf called the 
 Gulf (Bay} of Chaleur. 
 
 Thursday, the eighth of the month, as the wind 
 was not favorable for us to go out with our ships, 
 we got ready our boats to explore the gulf and made 
 about twenty-five leagues this day. Next day, 
 having good weather, we sailed till 110011, when we 
 had explored the greater part of the gulf and saw 
 that beyond the low lands there was a high moun 
 tainous district. But, as we perceived there was no 
 
28 
 
 passage, we coasted along, and as we sailed saw 
 some savages on the shores of a lake in the low lands, 
 making several fires. "We went there and found 
 there was a channel from the sea into the lake, and 
 we placed our boats on one of the banks of the 
 channel. The savages approached us and brought 
 us pieces of cooked seal, which they placed on pieces 
 of wood and then retired, giving us to understand 
 that they gave them to us. We sent men ashore with 
 hatchets, knives, chaplets, and other articles, in 
 which the savages took great delight, and they came 
 all at once in their canoes to the shore where we 
 were, bringing skins and other things they had to 
 exchange for our articles, and there were more than 
 three hundred of them men, women and children. 
 A number of the women had stopped, remaining in 
 the water to their knees, dancing and singing. Others, 
 who had come to where we were, came familiarly 
 rubbing our arms with their hands, then raised 
 towards heaven and danced and made signs of joy ; 
 and had so much confidence, that finally they ex 
 changed everything they had ; so that they found 
 themselves stark naked, as they had given up all 
 they had, which was of little value. "We perceived 
 that these people could be easily converted to our 
 Faith. They go from one place to another, living by 
 fishing ; their country is warmer than Spain, as fine 
 a country as one would wish to see, level and smooth, 
 and there is no part too small for trees, even if sandy, 
 or where there is no wild wheat, which has an ear 
 like that of rye and the grains like oats ; there are peas 
 as thick as if sown and cultivated, red and white 
 barberries, strawberries, red and white roses, and 
 other flowers of sweet and delightful perfume. There 
 
29 
 
 are also fine prairies, fine grasses and lakes filled 
 with salmon. They call a hatchet in their language 
 "cochi," and a knife "bacon." We named this gulf 
 the Gulf of Chaleur. 
 
 Of another tribe (nations ) of savages, their customs, food and 
 dress. 
 
 Being certain there was no passage by way of this 
 gulf, we set sail from St. Martin on Sunday, the 12th, 
 to explore further. "We went eastward along the 
 coast about eighteen leagues as far as Capo di Prato, 
 where we found it shallow and a very high tide, 
 very rough water, so that we went towards laud 
 between the cape and an island to the east about a 
 league from the cape, and there we anchored for the 
 night. Next morning we set sail to follow along this 
 coast, which runs north-northeast, but a furious gale 
 sprang up and we had to return to our anchoring 
 place, where we stayed till next day, when we again 
 set sail and came to a river five or six leagues from 
 Capo di Prato ; having crossed the river, the wind 
 again became violent, and there was such a heavy fog 
 that we had to go within the river on Wednesday, 
 the 14th, and we stayed here till the 16th awaiting 
 favorable weather. On Friday, the 16th, the wind 
 blew such a gale that one of the ships lost an anchor, 
 and we were obliged to go seven or eight leagues 
 to a harbor with good bottom, which we had dis 
 covered with our boats, and the bad weather kept 
 us here till the 25th. Meanwhile we saw a large 
 number of savages, who were mackerel fishing, 
 which are very plentiful ; there were about forty 
 canoes of them, and more than two hundred men, 
 women and children, who, after meeting us on shore, 
 
30 
 
 came familiarly (freely) to our ships with their 
 canoes. "We gave them knives, glass chaplets 
 (beads), combs and other articles of little value, 
 which greatly pleased them ; they lifted their hands 
 to heaven as they sang and danced in their canoes. 
 They can with truth be called savages, as there are 
 no people poorer than these in the world, and 1 
 believe they do not possess anything to the value of 
 five pennies, apart from their canoes and nets. 
 Their whole clothing consists of a small skin, with 
 which they cover their loins (le parti vergognose) ; 
 they also put other old skins above and across their 
 bodies. They have not the same nature (character, 
 disposition), nor language as the first ones we had 
 seen. They have their heads completely shaven, 
 except a lock of hair on the top of the head which 
 they allow to grow as long as a horse s tail ; they tie 
 it to their heads with small leather cords. Their 
 dwellings are their canoes, which they turn upside 
 down and lie down under them on the bare ground. 
 They eat their meat almost raw, merely warming 
 it over coals ; the same with fish. We went, the 
 Day of the Magdalen, w T ith our boats where they 
 were, and landed freely amongst them, which 
 pleased them, and all the men danced and sang in 
 two or three bands (groups), making great signs of 
 joy at our coming. They had sent away into the 
 forest all the young women except two or three who 
 had remained with them, to each one of whom we 
 gave a comb and a tin bell, which pleased them, and 
 they rubbed the arms and chest of our captain, as they 
 thanked him. The savages, noticing we had given 
 presents to the women who remained, caused the 
 others to come out of the forest, so that they might 
 
31 
 
 also receive some as well as the others. There were 
 about twenty women who threw themselves in a 
 heap on our captain, touching and stroking him, 
 their method of caressing. He gave each of them 
 a tin bell of little value, and they immediately began 
 to dance, singing several songs. We found here a 
 large quantity of mackerel that they had caught near 
 this shore with nets made expressly for the purpose 
 of the fibre of hemp, which grows in the district 
 where they usually live : they do not go to sea except 
 when it is favorable for fishing, as I have been in 
 formed. Likewise there grows also in the same district 
 a kind of grain large as peas, similar to what grows in 
 Spain ; this they eat in place of bread ; they have an 
 abundance of it ; they call it in their language Kapaige. 
 They have also plums, which they dry as we do for 
 the winter ; they call them Honesta. They have figs 
 also, nuts, apples and other fruits, and beans which 
 they call Sahu ; the nuts, Cahehya ; figs. * * ; 
 apples, * * If we showed them an article they 
 
 did not have and did not know what it was, shaking 
 their heads, they would reply Nohda, which means 
 they have none and do not know what it is. They 
 showed us by signs how they prepared the things 
 (foods, etc.), they have and how they grow. They 
 will not eat anything that is salted ; are great thieves 
 and steal all they can. 
 
 How we erected a large cross on the point at the entrance to the 
 harbor, and the chief of the savages made a long speech. 
 Our captain secured two of the chief s sons to go with its. 
 
 On the twenty- fourth we made a large cross, thirty 
 feet high ; this was made in the presence of some of 
 the savages at the point at the entrance of the 
 
32 
 
 harbor, on the middle of which cross we put a shield 
 (escutcheon) in relief with three fleur-de-lys, above 
 which was cut in large letters ; 
 
 "VIVE LE ROY DE FRANCE," 
 
 and we erected it in their presence on the point, and 
 they looked at it keenly, both when we were making 
 it and while erecting it. Having erected it we all 
 joined hands and knelt down in adoration of it 
 before their eyes, and we made signs to them, look 
 ing and pointing to heaven, that in this was our 
 salvation. This astonished them greatly ; they 
 turned to each other and looked at the cross. Hav 
 ing gone back to our ships, their captain (chief) 
 came to us in a canoe, wearing an old black bear 
 skin, with his three daughters and his brother; 
 they did not come as close as usual. The chief 
 made a long speech, pointing to the cross and 
 making a representation of it with his two fingers. 
 Then he pointed to the district round us, as if to 
 s^y it was all his, and that we should not have 
 erected the cross without his permission. Having 
 finished we showed him a ring or hatchet (manara), 
 as if we washed to exchange it for his bearskin, 
 which attracted him, and he gradually came close 
 to our ships. One of our sailors who was in the 
 ship s boat laid his hand on the canoe, and instantly 
 jumped into it with two or three more, and obliged 
 them to go on board ship, at which they were much 
 astonished. But our captain at once assured them 
 they would receive no hurt, making signs of friend 
 ship to them, welcoming them to eat and drink. 
 After this, we gave them to understand by signs 
 that the cross was placed there as a guide and mark 
 
33 
 
 to enter the harbor, and that we wished to return 
 here shortly and that we would bring iron tools and 
 other things, and that we wished to take with us 
 two of his sons and that we would return again to 
 this harbor. And we dressed each of the sons in a 
 shift, a colored sack (waist), and a red capo, and we 
 placed a brass chain around the neck of each, which 
 pleased them immensely. They gave their old 
 clothes (?) to those who returned. "We gave a 
 hatchet and some knives to each one of the three 
 we sent back ; these having reached shore and re 
 lated what had passed to the others, about noon 
 time six of their canoes, with five or six men in each, 
 came to the ships, bringing fish to the chief s daugh 
 ters and bid them adieu, and said some words to 
 them which we could not understand. They made 
 signs that they would not remove the cross. 
 
 How we left the harbor, making our way ahead, and leaving 
 this coast behind us, we set out for a land west-northwest. 
 Next day, the twenty-fifth, there was a good wind, 
 and we left the above harbor. Being- outside, we 
 sailed to east-northeast, seeing that near the estuary 
 of this river, land is round in shape and forms a gulf 
 in the shape of a half-circle ; so that from our ships 
 we saw the whole coast, leaving which behind us 
 we set out for a land to the west-northwest ; there 
 was another gulf (bay) twenty leagues from the river 
 we had just left. 
 
 Of Capes St. Louis and Montmorend (Memoransi) and some 
 other lands ; and how one of our boats struck a reef and 
 stopped us from going further. 
 
 Monday, the twenty-seventh, at sunset we coasted 
 along this land, which lies southeast and northwest, 
 3 
 
34 
 
 and on Wednesday we saw another cape where the 
 laud begins to turn eastward. We coasted fifteen 
 leagues, and here the land turns towards the north ; 
 at three leagues from the cape there is a depth of 
 twenty-four fathoms. These lands here are flat, and 
 with less wood than any we had yet seen. There 
 are fine green prairies and stretches of country. 
 This cape was named St. Louis, being the day of 
 that saint ; it is in latitude 49| and longitude 
 This day (Wednesday), in the morning, we 
 were east of the cape, and we went northwest to ap 
 proach the land, at nightfall, and found that it 
 looked north and south. Between Cape St. Louis 
 and another named Montmorenci, fifteen leagues 
 distant, the land begins to turn to the northwest. 
 We wished to take soundings three leagues from this 
 cape, and could not find bottom with one hundred 
 and fifty fathoms. We sailed about ten leagues 
 further along this coast to latitude 50 . The Saturday 
 following, the first of August, at sunrise, we came to 
 other lands on the north and northeast, which were 
 high and serrated, apparently mountains, between 
 which there were other low lands with woods and 
 rivers. We sailed about these lands, heading north 
 west, to see if there was a gulf or passage, till the 
 fifth of the month. The distance between these lands 
 is fifteen leagues, and the centre of them is in latitude 
 50 20 , and we had great difficulty to make more than 
 five leagues, by reason of the strong tides and violent 
 winds prevalent there. We did not go further than 
 five leagues, whence we could see the land on one 
 side and the other, and here it begins to widen. 
 But as we were at the mercy of the wind, we went 
 south, endeavoring to reach a cape to the south, 
 
35 
 
 which was the furthest out in the sea of any we 
 could find, and distant from us about fifteen leagues. 
 But having come near it we found it to be rocks, 
 reefs and bars, which we had not found in parts to 
 the south, from Cape St. John ; the tide carried us to 
 the westward against the wind, so that, following 
 the coast one of our boats stuck on a reef and could 
 go no further, so we had to get out to float it off. 
 
 Having consulted together as to the most advisable thing to do, 
 ice (they} determine to turn : of the straits called St. Pierre 
 and Cape Tiennot. 
 
 Having proceeded along the coast about two hours, 
 the tide became so strong that we could make no 
 headway against it with thirteen oars, further than a 
 stone s throw. So that we got out of our boats, 
 leaving some to watch them, and ten or twelve of us 
 proceeded on shore to the cape, where we found 
 that the land turns to the southwest. Having seen 
 this, we returned to our boats, went back to the 
 ships, which had sails set with the hope of proceed 
 ing further ; but they had been beaten back by the 
 wind four leagues from where we had left them. 
 Having reached them, we held a council of the cap 
 tains, sailors, mates and the rest to decide what was 
 most expedient for us to do. After each one had 
 spoken, we saw that the east winds were becoming 
 very violent and that the sea was running so high 
 that we were beaten back, and that it was impos 
 sible to accomplish anything ; also that tempests 
 (storms) are frequent at this season in Newfound- 
 laud ; that we w r ere in a distant country, did not 
 know the risks and dangers of the return voyage, 
 and also that we had either to return at once or 
 
remain the rest of the year. Besides which it was 
 stated that if the wind changed to the north we 
 would be unable to leave at all. Having considered 
 these points, we made up our minds to return. And 
 as it was on St. Peter s day we came into this strait, 
 we named it St. Peter s Straits (Belle Isle). We took 
 soundings in several parts of it and found one hun 
 dred fathoms, and one hundred and fifty fathoms, 
 and near shore sixty fathoms. From this day till 
 Wednesday we had a favoring wind, and we coasted 
 north, east-southeast, west and northwest, for such 
 is its configuration, except along a cape of some low 
 land which turns more to the south, distant about 
 twenty-five leagues from the straits. Here we saw 
 smoke caused by the people of the country above the 
 cape, but as the? wind was not favorable to go inshore, 
 we did not do so. Seeing that we did not approach 
 them, twelve of them came to us in two canoes, 
 and came alongside as freely as if they had been of 
 our own people, telling us they came from the Grand 
 Gulf, and that their captain (chief) was named 
 Tiennot ; the latter was on the cape making signs to 
 them to return to their country (which we had left). 
 They had a large quantity of fish. We named it 
 Cape Tiennot. Beyond this cape all the land lies 
 south-southeast, west-northwest ; it is low, fertile, 
 surrounded with sand near the sea ; there are 
 marshes and shallows for about twenty leagues 
 along here, after which the land turns from the 
 west to the east and northeast, and is completely 
 surrounded with islands two or three leagues from 
 shore. And it appeared to us that there were several 
 dangerous reefs four or five leagues from land. 
 
How on the ninth of August we came within Blanc Sablon, and 
 the fifth September arrived at St. Malo. 
 
 From Wednesday till Saturday we had a strong 
 wind from the southwest, which made us point east- 
 northeast, on which latter day we reached the district 
 in the eastern part of New Land between Hut Moun 
 tains and Cape Double. Here an east wind blew 
 with great violence ; therefore, we put the cape 
 northeast by north, to approach the north coast, 
 which is, as has been said, completely surrounded 
 with islands. Being near these, the wind changed 
 to the south and took us into the gulf so quickly that 
 by the grace of Grod we came next day, the ninth of 
 August, within Blanc Sablon, which is all we have 
 discovered. The fifteenth of August, the feast of the 
 Assumption of the Virgin Mary, after hearing Mass, 
 we departed from Blanc Sablon. and happily reached 
 mid-ocean between New Land and Brittany ; and 
 for three days had most wretched weather and an 
 east wind, which, with God s help, we endured. 
 After this we had good weather, so that on the fifth 
 September of the same year we arrived at St. Malo 
 whence we had sailed. 
 
38 
 
 LANGUAGE OF THE LAND NEWLY DISCOVERED 
 CALLED NEW FRANCE. 
 
 This is as given in Ramusio, following the Prima 
 Relations. 
 
 VJIVJVl 
 
 The sun 
 
 isnez 
 
 The moon 
 
 J ww 
 
 casmogau 
 
 The stars 
 
 furve 
 
 The land 
 
 con da 
 
 The sky 
 
 camet 
 
 The wind 
 
 canut 
 
 Dav 
 
 
 The rain 
 
 onnoscon 
 
 ud,y 
 Night 
 
 aigla 
 
 Bread 
 
 cacacoray 
 
 Water 
 
 ame 
 
 A man 
 
 undo 
 
 Sand 
 
 estogaz 
 
 Tho hair 
 
 hochosco 
 
 Sail 
 
 aganie 
 
 The eyes 
 
 ygata 
 
 The head 
 
 aganoze 
 
 The mouth 
 
 heche 
 
 The throat 
 
 conguedo 
 
 The ears 
 
 hontasco 
 
 The nose 
 
 hehonguesto 
 
 The arras 
 
 agescu 
 
 The teeth 
 
 hesangue 
 
 A woman 
 
 enrasesco 
 
 The nails 
 
 agestascu 
 
 Sick 
 
 alondeche 
 
 The feet 
 
 ochedasco 
 
 The shoes 
 
 atta 
 
 The legs 
 
 anondasco 
 
 Red cloth 
 
 cahoneta 
 
 Dead 
 
 ainocdaza 
 
 A knife 
 
 agoheda 
 
 The skin 
 
 aionasca 
 
 Mackerel 
 
 agedoneta 
 
 Vergognose 
 
 ouscozon uondico 
 
 AYalnuts 
 
 caheya 
 
 He 
 
 yea 
 
 Apples 
 
 honesta 
 
 Hatchet 
 
 asogne 
 
 Beans 
 
 fahe 
 
 Mullet 
 
 gadogoursere 
 
 A sword 
 
 achesco 
 
 
 anougaza 
 
 A hranch 
 
 cacta 
 
 Figs 
 
 asconda 
 
 Green trees 
 
 haveda 
 
 Gold 
 
 henyosco 
 
 The sea 
 
 amet 
 
 The forehead 
 
 ansce 
 
 A ship 
 
 casaomy 
 
 [Compare these with those given at the end of the second 
 voyage.] 
 
 The account which Cartier gave of his First Voyage 
 was so well received that it was certain that another 
 would be soon made. 
 
 During the interval which elapsed between the 
 conclusion of the First Voyage and the setting out 
 of the second expedition, Cartier was evidently of 
 some use to the community of St. Malo. In the 
 Archives of St. Malo, B.B., 4-83, mention is made of 
 a meeting, on the 22nd February, of bourgeois, and 
 
39 
 
 amongst other names given is that of Cartier. This 
 meeting was called to consider a " collision" between 
 the employes of the procureur and the "gentils 
 homines " of the " garrison." Cartier was also present 
 at another held on the 27th February, regarding an 
 epidemic. In the Archives of St. Malo, Delibera 
 tions 1534-1535, it appears that on Wednesday, third 
 day of March, 1535, a meeting was held, whereat it 
 was stated that Cartier had stopped vessels, saying 
 he had the right to choose sailors to go with him to 
 the New Land. Some gave their consent, and it 
 would appear that Cartier chose the galleon of 
 Etienue Riehomme. These are the only records of 
 his name at this period (Lougrais " Jacques Cartier," 
 p. 24). The following is the account of the Second 
 Voyage. 
 
OND VOYAGE. 
 
 . edition 1556. Vol. Hi., page 441. 
 
 latc l with extracts from Champlain. 
 
 Also in a reprint of an edition published in Paris in 1.^45. in 
 8vo-, 48 pages, of which only one copy is known in Europe. " 
 
 Three manuscripts in the Bibliot deque Impriale at Paris, com 
 pared with the " Brief Kent " of 154r>, in the reprint mentioned 
 above, which is a copy of the only " redaction fraiu.-aise originate. 
 
 ait for chief 
 
 

 
 HI 
 
SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 In Ramusio, edition 1556. Vol. iii., page 441. 
 
 In Lescarbot, edition 1612. Lib. iii., chap, vii., et sequilur. 
 This is interpolated with extracts from Champlain. 
 
 Also in a reprint of an edition published in Paris in 1545, in 
 8vo., 48 pages, of which only one copy is known in Europe, 
 
 Three manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Imperiale at Paris, com 
 pared with the " Brief Recit " of 1545, in the reprint mentioned 
 above, which is a copy of the only " redaction francaise originale. 
 
 On Sunday, the sixteenth of May, 1535. the feast 
 of the Pentecost, Whit, (?) Easter Sunday, by order 
 of the captain and willingly, all went to confession 
 and took Holy Communion in the Cathedral of St. 
 Malo, after which we were all blessed by the bishop. 
 The "Wednesday following, the nineteenth, the wind 
 being favorable, we set sail with our three ships, the 
 Grand Hermine. of 106 tons, having on board the 
 Captain - General (Cartier), and for chief officer 
 Thomas Frosmoiid, also Claude de Pond-Briaud, son 
 of the seigneur of Montreuil, and cup-bearer to the 
 Dauphin, Charles de la Pommeraye, and others. 
 The second vessel, the Petite Hermine, of 60 tons, 
 had for captain Mace Jalobert, and for chief officer 
 William le Marie. The third vessel, the Emerillon, 
 of 40 tons, was in charge of Captain William the 
 Breton, and had for chief officer Jacques Maingart. 
 
42 
 
 We had favorable weather till the twentieth, 
 when such contrary winds and tempestuous gales 
 arose that on the twenty-fifth of June we lost each 
 other (became separated, and did not know anything 
 of each other till we reached Newfoundland (terre 
 neuve). All of us had experienced very heavy weather 
 since our separation. We reached laud on the 
 seventh of July, landing at Bird Island, which is 
 fourteen leagues from the mainland ; this abounds 
 with birds, so much so, that all the ships of France 
 could load up with them without any apparent 
 diminution. Here we secured two boat loads full 
 for food. This island is in latitude 40 40 . We set 
 sail on the eighth of July and reached the harbor of 
 Blanc Sablon, near Castle Bay, on the fifteenth the 
 place we desired and here we waited for our 
 comrades till the twenty-sixth, on which day both 
 vessels arrived together. We laid in a supply of 
 water, wood and other necessaries, and set sail on 
 the twenty-ninth at daybreak and coasted along the 
 north coast, east-northeast, till eight o clock in the 
 evening, and, lowering sails, arrived between the 
 islands situated further out than the others ; we 
 named them St. Guillaume Islands ; they are about 
 twenty leagues beyond Port Brest. The whole coast 
 we had passed was rocky and precipitous, without 
 soil, wood or valleys. The next day we sailed west 
 to visit (explore) other islands, distant twelve leagues 
 and a half. Between these islands is a bay looking 
 north full of islands and apparently having several 
 good harbors ; we named them St. Martha Islands. 
 Beyond which, about a league and a half, there is 
 a very dangerous reef, with four or five points (teles) 
 above water ; these lie across the bay in the route east 
 
43 
 
 and west from the islands St. Guillaume and other 
 islands west-southwest of the St. Martha Islands, 
 about seven leagues. These we reached at one 
 o clock, and we sailed till midnight, about fifteen 
 leagues, across a cape at the end of some low-lying 
 islands, which we named Islands St. Germain. To 
 the southwest of this cape, about three leagues, there 
 is another dangerous reef; and likewise between 
 Cape St. Germain and the St. Martha Islands there 
 is a reef, about two leagues distant, over which there 
 are only four fathoms, and on account of the dan 
 gerous nature of the coast we lowered sails for the 
 night. Next day, the last of July, we ranged along 
 the coast, which lies east and west, a quarter south 
 west, full of islands and dangerous reefs, for a dis 
 tance of seventeen and a half leagues from Cap St. 
 Germain. After the islands are passed, there is a 
 fine fertile district, full of large and high trees. This 
 coast is sandy, without any harbors, up to Cape 
 Tiennot, which is situated about seven leagues to 
 the northwest of the islands spoken of. This cape 
 we recognized from our former voyage. We sailed 
 all night west-northwest till morning, when, the 
 wind changing, we anchored in a good little harbor 
 about seven leagues and a half from Cape Tieunot, 
 which harbor is between four islands jutting out 
 into the sea. We named the harbor St. Nicholas, 
 and on the nearest island we erected (plantdmes) a 
 wooden cross as a mark. It is necessary (in sailing) 
 to have the cross to the northeast ; then turn to it 
 and have it to the right. The depth of water is six 
 fathoms, four fathoms inside ; it is necessary to look 
 out for two reefs which are on each side, about 
 half a league outside. All this coast is very dan- 
 
44 
 
 gerous, full of reefs; though seeming to possess 
 several good harbors, there are only reefs and shal 
 lows. "We remained in St. Nicholas harbor until 
 Sunday, seventh of August, on which day we set 
 sail for the land towards Cape Rapast, distant twenty 
 leagues north-northwest. Next day the wind was 
 contrary, and as we found no anchoring place on 
 this south coast, we sailed to the north about ten 
 leagues, where we reached a large and beautiful 
 bay, full of islands and good channels and protection 
 from any wind that can blow, and as a landmark 
 of this bay there is a large island, like a promontory 
 (cap de terre), further out than the others ; and in the 
 land two leagues off there is a mountain shaped like 
 a stack of wheat ; we named it the Bay of St. Law 
 rence. On the twelfth of August we left here and 
 sailed west and reached a cape to the south, lying 
 west a quarter south west from the Bay of St. Law 
 rence about twenty-five leagues. And by the two 
 savages we had taken on our first voyage we were 
 told that this was part of the land to the south, and 
 that it was an island, and that to the south of it 
 was the way or road to go to Honguedo, where we 
 had seized them in our voyage, the year previous, to 
 Canada. They also told us that two days journey 
 from the said cape and island commenced the coun 
 try and kingdom of Saguenay, on the land to the 
 north leading to Canada. Beyond the cape, about 
 three leagues, there are a hundred fathoms and more 
 of water ; and we never saw so many whales as we 
 did this day in the vicinity of the cape spoken of. 
 Next day, the fifteenth of August (we passed 
 through the straits the night before), we saw land 
 to the south, having very high mountains. "We 
 
45 
 
 named the above island Assumption Island. From 
 the cape of this island to a cape of the high lands 
 to the south, lying east- northeast and west-south 
 west, the distance is twenty-five leagues. And we 
 perceived the land to the north to be higher than 
 that on the south, for more than thirty leagues. We 
 sailed along the south coast till Tuesday noon, when 
 we had a west wind ; we put the cape to the north 
 to explore (visit) the high lands, and arriving there 
 we found a low coast close to the ocean, the high 
 mountains running east and west, a quarter west. 
 And from our two savages we learned that this was 
 the beginning of the Saguenay district, and that 
 it was habitable. Here they obtained copper (cuivre 
 rouze), which they call caignet daze. The distance 
 between the northern and southern banks is about 
 thirty leagues ; there are more than two hundred 
 fathoms of water. Our savages informed us that 
 this was the river and commencement of the grand 
 " Sileune de Hochelaga " and river of Canada ; which 
 river grows narrower going towards Canada, where 
 it was fresh, and came from so far off that no one 
 had ever reached its source that our savages had 
 ever heard tell of; and, of course, only boats could 
 be used as a means of passage. In consequence of 
 their saying this, and as they declared there was no 
 other channel, our captain did not wish to go further 
 until we had visited the remaining portions of the 
 coast and land to the north, which he had omitted 
 to visit, as we had left the Bay of St. Lawrence to 
 go to the south in search of another channel. 
 
46 
 
 How our Captain brought our ships about, in order to gain a 
 knowledge of the Bay of St. Lawrence, so as to know 
 whether there was a channel towards the north. 
 
 Wednesday, the eighteenth of August, our captain 
 brought the ships about, having the cape on the 
 other side. We followed the coast lying northeast 
 and southwest, making a half arc very high laud, 
 unlike that to the south. Thursday following we 
 came to several very high islands, naming them 
 Round Islands (Isles Rondes), distant about forty 
 leagues from the southern coast and three or four 
 leagues from the northern, beyond which there is 
 a level district full of beautiful trees, along which 
 district we sailed on Friday. Near this are several 
 dangerous sandbanks, uncovered at high water, and 
 just beyond this district, ten leagues in extent, there 
 is a river of fresh water (this is the Chischedec, most 
 probably), which runs into the sea (so strongly) so 
 that the water is as fresh as spring water for a 
 league distant. We went into our boats to this 
 river and found only a fathom and a half of water. 
 There are in this river several kinds of fish shaped 
 like a horse, which go to the land during the night 
 and stay in the water during the day so we were 
 told by our two savages, and we saw a large 
 number of these fish. Next day, the twenty-first, 
 at daybreak, we set sail and followed the northern 
 coast to explore it further, and also the Island of 
 Assumption (Anticosti) ; and when we had become 
 certain there was no channel, we returned to our 
 ships, which were at the seven islands spoken of 
 before, where there is a good harbor, sandy bottom, 
 and twenty fathoms of water. We were obliged to 
 remain here till the twenty-fourth, on account of 
 
47 
 
 storms and contrary winds, when we went to a 
 harbor on the southern banks eighty leagues distant. 
 There are three flat islands here in midstream, and 
 northwards, between these islands and the harbor, 
 there is a very large river between high and low 
 lands, which river has made dangerous sandbars 
 three leagues out ; very dangerous, with two fathoms 
 and less of water, and these bars lie from the coast 
 north-northeast and south by west. The harbor 
 on the south coast spoken of is of little value. We 
 named the islands St. John Islands, as we stopped 
 there on that day. Before reaching this harbor 
 there is an island to the east about five leagues, 
 with no channel between it and the main land, 
 except for small boats. This harbor of the St 
 John Islands is dry at every low tide ; the best place 
 to anchor is to the south at a small island, and on 
 the other side of it. "We set sail from this harbor 
 on the first of September to go towards Canada, and 
 about fifteen leagues west by west there are three 
 islands in mid-stream, beyond which there is a very 
 deep and swift- river, that of the kingdom and laud 
 of Sagueuay, as we were told by our savages. And 
 this river is between high mountains of bare rock 
 with but little soil, hi spite of which there is a large 
 number of trees of various kinds which grow seem 
 ingly as well on the bare rock as on fertile soil. 
 We saw trees large enough to make masts for a ship 
 of thirty tons, growing as green as possible, without 
 any sign of earth. At the mouth of this river we 
 met four canoes of savages coming towards us with 
 trepidation and fear ; one retreated, but another 
 came within hearing distance of one of our savages, 
 who made himself known, so that they all came to 
 
48 
 
 us without further fear. Next day, the second of 
 September, we left this river to continue our journey 
 to Canada, finding the eddies very swift and dan 
 gerous, because to the south of the river there are 
 two islands, around which for about three leagues 
 there are but two fathoms of water, filled with 
 rocks as large as casks and hogsheads. We very 
 nearly lost our galleon, only saving it by means of 
 our boats. After passing the Saguenay and these 
 islands, about five leagues southwest, there is an 
 other island to the north, very high; beyond this 
 we tried to anchor and found no bottom with one 
 hundred and twenty fathoms of line, a short dis 
 tance from shore, so were obliged to try this side of 
 the island, where we anchored in thirty-five 
 fathoms and a good bottom. Next morning we set 
 sail and passed out and found a species of fish, 
 never before heard of or seen by us ; these fish are 
 as large as a cod, and have a good body and head 
 like a greyhound ; are as white as snow, without 
 any mark, and there are a large number in this 
 river ; they live in salt and fresh water ; the savages 
 call them " adhothuys." We were told that they 
 were excellent eating, and that they were found 
 only in this river. The sixth September, with good 
 winds, we made fifteen leagues up the river and 
 came to an island near the south bank, forming a 
 small bay, on and about which there is an immense 
 number of turtles and also adhothuys. There is a 
 swift tide here, as at Bordeaux. The island is about 
 three leagues long and two wide, good soil, numerous 
 fine trees, walnut trees (hazel nuts) filled with nuts 
 as large and better tasting than ones in France, but 
 a little harder ; therefore, we named the island Isle 
 
49 
 
 aux Coudres. The seventh September, after hearing 
 Mass, we proceeded on our way np the river and 
 came to fourteen islands, seven or eight leagues 
 from Isle aux Coudres ; this is the beginning of 
 Canada. One of these islands is ten leagues long 
 and five wide, on which live people who catch all 
 kinds of fish, according to the season. Anchoring 
 between this island and the north bank, we went 
 ashore, taking with us the two savages we had 
 secured the preceding voyage. "We found there 
 several savages (gens cln pays), who took to flight and 
 would not come near us until our two began to talk 
 to them, telling them they were Taignoagny and 
 Domagaya. As soon as they were satisfied of this, 
 they showed their joy, dancing and performing 
 antics, and came to speak to us at the boats, bring 
 ing eels and other fish, with two or three loads of 
 large grain (corn), which is the bread on which 
 they live, and several large melons (sic, pumpkins 
 probably.) The same day several canoes of savages, 
 male and female, came to our ships to see and wel 
 come our two savages, all of whom were well 
 received by our captain, who feasted them as well 
 as he could, and gave them some trifling presents, 
 which pleased them greatly. Next day the seigneur of 
 Canada, his name being Douuacona and his title 
 Agouhanua, came with twelve canoes, and, leaving 
 ten behind as he came near the ships, approached 
 us with only two, accompanied by sixteen men, and 
 made a speech according to the fashion, contorting 
 the body and limbs in a remarkable way a cere 
 mony of joy and welcome. This was done near the 
 smallest of our ships, and when he came to the 
 Grande Hermrie. whero were our Captain-General, 
 
 4 
 
50 
 
 Taignoagny and his comrade, he spoke to them and 
 they to him, telling him what they had seen in 
 France and the good treatment they had received. 
 He was deeply pleased and asked our captain to 
 open his arms for an embrace their method of wel 
 coming. Then our captain went into the canoe of 
 Doiiuacona and ordered bread and wine for him 
 and his savages, which were brought, and they 
 were much gratified. No other presents were given. 
 Then they separated and Donnacona returned. Our 
 captain borrowed some of their canoes to go further 
 in search of a safe harbor for the ships, and we left 
 with the inflowing tide. We made about ten 
 leagues, following the coast line of this island, and 
 came to a very line and pleasant bay. There is a 
 little river here and a safe harbor with three 
 fathoms. We named this St. Croix, on account of 
 the day we arrived. Around this place there is a 
 people (tribe) whose chief is Donnacona, and his 
 domicile or place of living (denieurance), Stadaeona 
 is here. Fertile soil and very fruitful, numerous 
 fine trees, as in France ; oak, elm, ash, walnut, 
 yews, cedars, vines, and hawthorns, which produce 
 fruit as large as a damson, and other trees. There 
 also grows as fine hemp as in France, without any 
 sowing or cultivation. After visiting, and being 
 much pleased with this place, our captain and the 
 rest returned to the canoes, to go back on board 
 ship. And as we came out of the river we met one 
 of the chiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by several 
 men, women and children ; which chief made a 
 speech, according to their manner and custom, of 
 joy and welcome, and the women (squaws) danced 
 and sang without ceasing, standing in the water up 
 
51 
 
 to their knees. Our captain, seeing their good dis 
 position and intention, gave them knives and small 
 glass paternosters ; so that even after we had left 
 them a league or so distant, we could perceive them 
 singing, dancing and showing joy at our coming. 
 
 How our captain went back on board shij> and then went to see 
 tlie island, its size and nature, and t/ien brought the ships 
 to River St. Croix. 
 
 Ai ter we had arrived with our canoes at the ships 
 and returned from the River St. Croix, the captain 
 gave orders to borrow the canoes to go and land on 
 the island to see the beautiful trees and the nature 
 of the island, which was done, and we found it full 
 of beautiful trees, the same as ours (in France). 
 And we also found a very large number of vines, 
 such as we had never before seen ; therefore, we 
 called it the Isle of Bacchus. It is twelve leagues 
 long, covered with trees, no cultivated laud ; but 
 there are some small dwellings (wigwams) belong 
 ing to those engaged in fishing, as we have already 
 spoken of. Next day we set out with our ships to 
 take them to the St. Croix river, where we arrived 
 the fourteenth of the mouth. And there came to us 
 Domiacona, Taiguoagny and Domagaya, with 
 twenty-five canoes filled with savages corning from 
 the place we had just left and were going to Stada- 
 cona, their home (demeurance), and they all came to 
 our ships with signs of joy, except our two savages, 
 Taignoaguy and Domagaya, who were changed in 
 some manner and had no courage ; would not come 
 on board our ships, though entreated to do so several 
 times ; for which reason we distrusted them. The 
 captain asked them if they were willing to go to 
 
52 
 
 Hochelaga with him, as they had agreed ; they 
 answered yes, and that they were determined to go ; 
 then all withdrew. Next day, the fifteenth, our 
 captain went ashore to place buoys to ensure the 
 safety of our ships, to which place came several 
 savages, amongst others Doimaeona, our two sav 
 ages, and their band, but these all kept apart from 
 us on a point on the border of a stream, none of them 
 approaching us, while those not of their band came 
 to us. When the captain was informed that they 
 were there, he ordered a number of his own men to 
 accompany him and went over to the point to Don- 
 nacona, Taignoagny, Domagaya, and the others. The 
 captain went amongst them and Taignoaguy came 
 forward and said Donnacoua was grieved for the 
 reason that the captain and his men carried so many 
 weapons of war, while they for their part carried 
 none. To which the captain replied that it was the 
 custom in France, and that lie (Taignoagny) knew it 
 well, and in spite of these words, Donuacona and 
 our captain were very friendly together. "We there 
 fore perceived that what Taignoagny said originated 
 with him and his comrade. Before separating, our 
 captain and Donnacona gave mutual assurances of 
 strong friendship, and all of Donnacona s people gave 
 three shouts in a loud voice horrible to hear and 
 we took our leave and went on board for that day 
 and the next one. The sixteenth we placed our two 
 largest ships within the bay and river, where there 
 is at full tide three fathoms of water, and at low 
 tide half a fathom, and we kept the other boat 
 (galleon), the Emerillon, to take us to Hochelaga. 
 And immediately (as soon as) that our ships were in 
 the harbor and anchored, Donnacona, Taignoagny, 
 
53 
 
 and Domagaya, and more than five hundred men, 
 women and children came, and Doiinacoiia, with 
 ten or twelve of the chiefs, came on board and were 
 feasted by the captain and were given some trifling 
 presents. Taignoagny said Dounacona was grieved 
 because he (T.) was going to Hochelaga, and that 
 he (D.) said the river was of no value (i.e., dangerous), 
 to which our captain made reply that he was going 
 if it were at all possible, because he had the orders 
 of his master, the King, to go as far as he could ; but 
 if Taiguoaguy was willing to go as he had promised, 
 a present would be given him, with which he would 
 be highly pleased, and that they would only go to 
 Hochelaga and then return. To which Taiguoagny 
 made answer he would not go at all. Then they 
 withdrew to their wigwams (maisons). The next 
 day, the seventeenth, Donnacoua and others came, 
 bringing eels and other fish in quantities, of which 
 there are a large number caught in this river, as will 
 be told hereafter. When they had come opposite 
 our ships, they performed their customary dancing 
 and singing. When this was finished, Donnacoua 
 put all his men on one side and made a circle in the 
 sand, placing therein our captain and his men, and 
 commenced a speech, holding a young girl, ten or 
 twelve years old, by one of his hands. Then he 
 came and gave her to our captain, immediately on 
 which all the savages gave three cries and yells as 
 a token of joy and alliance. The chief then presented 
 two small boys still younger, one after the other, and 
 the same ceremonies and cries ensued. Our captain 
 thanked the chief for these presents. Then Taiguo 
 agny told the captain that the girl was the daughter 
 of the chief s sister and one of the boys was the 
 
54 
 
 brother of him who spoke (Taignoagny). And these 
 were given with the hope that we would not go to 
 Hochelaga. To which our captain made reply that 
 if they were given with the hope that he would not 
 go to Hochelaga, they would have to take them hack, 
 and that he would not take anything to deter him 
 from going, as he had his orders to do so. On which 
 words, Domagaya, companion of Taigiioagny, told 
 the captain the presents had been made through 
 affection and as a pledge of friendship, and that he 
 was pleased to go to Hochelaga with him, for w T hich 
 reason Domagaya and Taignoagny had bitter words 
 together. Therefrom we saw that the latter was 
 unreliable (worthless), that he was traitorous and 
 malicious, as we had previously thought, on account 
 of evil actions we had seen him do. Our captain 
 placed the young savages on board ship and caused 
 to be brought two swords, a large wide brass basin 
 and a wash basin, and gave them to Donnacona, 
 who was much pleased and thanked our captain, 
 and he gave orders to all his people to dance and 
 sing and entreated our captain to have a cannon 
 discharged, of which Taiguoagny and Domagaya 
 had told him, and which he had never seen or heard. 
 The captain consented and gave orders to fire a dozen 
 with their shot through the woods beyond the 
 savages. At which they were so astonished, they 
 thought the heavens had fallen upon them, and took 
 to howling so terribly that it seemed to be the case 
 that hell was empty. Before they withdrew, Taig 
 noagny sent word that those on the Emerilloii, 
 which was out in the channel, had killed two of 
 their men by the shot ; on hearing which all retired 
 in great haste, as if we had wished to kill them also. 
 
55 
 
 The story was not true, as no shot had been fired 
 from the Emerillon. 
 
 How Donnacona, Taignoagny and otters devised a cunning plan 
 and disguised tfiree men as dtvih, pretending to come from 
 their deity Cudragny, to prevent us from going to Hochelaga 
 
 Next day, the eighteenth, in order to prevent us 
 going to Hochelaga, they thought out a grand 
 scheme as follows : They dressed up three men as 
 devils with horns as long as the arm, and they were 
 covered with the skins of black and w r hite doo-s. 
 Their faces were painted black as coal, and they 
 were placed in a concealed canoe. The band came 
 to us as usual, the others waiting in the woods 
 without appearing for about two hours for the time 
 and tide for the arrival of the above canoe ; at which 
 time they all came out of the forest and showed 
 themselves before our ships without approaching 
 any nearer. According to their plan, Taignoagny 
 saluted our captain, who asked if he wanted our 
 boat ; the former replied not for the present, but 
 that by-and-by he would come on board, and imme 
 diately the canoe, with the three disguised as devils 
 with long horns on their head arrived, and the one 
 in the centre made a strange speech as they ap 
 proached. They passed aloiiff by our ships in their 
 canoe without turning their eyes upon us, and con 
 tinued till they struck hard upon the shore with 
 their canoe ; then immediately Douuacona and his 
 people took the canoe and the three men w T ho lay in 
 the canoe as if dead and carried all into the woods, 
 about a stone s throw distant, and not a single 
 savage was left in front of our ships. From within 
 the woods they began a talking and a preaching 
 
56 
 
 which we could hear 011 the ships, and this went on 
 for about half an hour; after which Taignoagny 
 and Domagaya came forth, walking towards us, 
 hands joined, their hats under their arms, and 
 attracting much attention ; and Taignoagny began 
 to talk, uttering three times Jesus, Jesus, Jesus" and 
 lifting his eyes towards heaven, and then Domagaya 
 began to say "Jesus Maria." Jacques Cartier looked 
 towards heaven also. He, noting their behavior 
 and actions, asked them what was the matter and 
 what was new. They replied they had sad news, 
 saying, "Neiiuy is it good" (i.e., it is not good). 
 The captain repeated his question and they replied 
 that their god called Cudragny had spoken at 
 Hochelaga, and that the three men (devils) had 
 come from him with the information that there was 
 so much snow and ice there that all would die. 
 On hearing these words we all laughed and told 
 them that their god Cudragny was but a fool, did 
 not know what he said, to tell his messengers so, 
 and that Jesus would preserve them from cold if 
 they would believe in Him. Then Taignoagny 
 asked the captain if he had spoken to Jesus, who 
 answered that the priests had, and that we should 
 have fine weather. They thanked the captain and 
 returned into the forest to inform the others, who 
 immediately came out of the woods, pretending to 
 be pleased with the words of the captain. To prove 
 it, they came at once before the ships and together 
 gave three cries or yells their sign of joy, danced 
 and sang ; but in contradiction Taignoagny and 
 Domagaya told our captain that Donnacoiia was 
 unwilling that any of them should go with the 
 captain to Hochelaga. The captain told them that 
 
if they had not determined to go with him with 
 good heart, they could remain behind, and that he 
 would not be prevented from going. 
 
 How our captain and all the nobtes (gentils homines), icith fifty 
 sailors, departed from Canada with the galleon (SmeriUon) 
 and the two boats, to go to Hochdaga, and what was done 
 by tliem on the river. 
 
 Next day, the nineteenth of September, we set sail 
 with the galleon and two boats to go up the river 
 with the tide, finding on both banks as fine lands 
 as one could hope to see. Springs of water and 
 beautiful trees, and so many vines loaded with 
 grapes along the river that it appeared as if they 
 had been planted by man rather than otherwise, 
 but they are neither cultivated nor pruned ; the 
 grapes are neither so large nor sweet as ours. We 
 found numerous huts (maisons) on the banks, in 
 which live those who fish, and these savages came 
 to us in as great friendliness as if we belonged to 
 the country, bringing us numbers of fish ; and for 
 what we gave them extending their hands to heaven 
 and making manifestations of joy. We reached a 
 place about twenty-five leagues from Canada, called 
 Ochelay, which is a strait with a strong and dan 
 gerous current and full of rocks. 
 
 Amongst others came a grand chief, who made a 
 great speech in coming alongside, telling us by 
 signs with his hands and other ceremonies that the 
 river was very dangerous a little in advance of us, 
 and warning us to take care. He presented to our 
 captain two of his children, of whom the captain 
 took the little girl, seven or eight years old, and 
 refusing to take the boy, aged two or three years, as 
 
58 
 
 he was toe small. Our captain feasted the chief and 
 his band as well as he could and gave some little 
 presents, after which they went oil shore. The 
 chief and his wife came afterwards to see his little 
 girl and brought gifts to our captain. From the 
 nineteenth to the twenty-eighth we had been 
 sailing up the river without losing an hour, during 
 which time we saw as fine a country and soil as 
 could be wished for, full of fine trees, such as 
 oak, elm, walnut, cedar, spruce, ash, osiers, birch, 
 willows, and plenty of vines, which vines were so 
 loaded with grapes that our sailors came on board 
 with as many as they could carry. There are large 
 numbers of cranes, swans, outards, geese, plover, 
 pheasants, partridges (grouse), blackbirds, thrushes, 
 doves, goldfinches, canaries (sic), nightingales, soli 
 tary sparrows and other birds, as in France, and 
 very numerous. The twenty-eighth September we 
 arrived at a large lake five or six leagues wide and 
 twelve long ; and we sailed all day without finding 
 any where more than two fathoms of water, with no 
 tide, and we came to the end of the lake, where 
 there appeared to us to be no passage or outlet. It 
 appeared to be shut in without any river, and we 
 found only a fathom and a half of water ; so we 
 concluded to anchor outside and look for a channel 
 with our boats. We found four or five rivers all 
 running into the lake and flowing from Hochelaga. 
 There are bars in these channels made by the cur 
 rent, over which there is but one fathom of water. 
 After passing these bars there are four or five 
 fathoms this at the dryest time of the year as we 
 saw by the waves of these waters that they are 
 more than three fathoms deep. These rivers sur- 
 
59 
 
 round five or six pretty islands, forming the end 
 (upper) of this lake. About fifteen leagues further 
 up they form one river. This day we were on one 
 of these islands and met five savages who were trap 
 ping wild animals, and they came to our boats as 
 familiarly as if they had seen us all their lives, 
 showing 1 110 fear ; and our boats coming to shore, one 
 of the savages took our captain in his arms and car 
 ried him ashore as easily as if he were a child of 
 five years, so large and strong was this man. TTe 
 found a large number of wild rats, which live in 
 the water and are good to eat. They gave some to 
 our captain, who gave them knives and beads in 
 return. AVe asked them by means of signs if this 
 was the way to Hochelaga. They replied yes, and 
 that we had still three days journey. 
 
 How the captain fitted up the boats, in order to go to Hochelaga, 
 and left tJie Emerillm on account of the dijffimltu of the 
 passage ; how ice readied Hochelaga and the reception 
 given us on our arrival. 
 
 Next day, the twenty-ninth of September (old 
 style), our captain seeing it was impossible to pro 
 ceed with the Emerillon, provisioned and fitted up 
 the boats, taking provisions for as long a time as 
 possible, and as much as the boats would hold, set 
 out on the voyage, accompanied by the following 
 nobles (getilils hommes) : Claude du Pont Briaud, 
 cup bearer of the Dauphin ; Charles de la Pomme- 
 raye, Jehan Gouion, Jehan Poullet, with twenty- 
 eight sailors, amongst whom were Mace Jallobert 
 and Guillaume le Breton, who had charge of the 
 two other ships under the captain, to go up the river 
 as far as we could : and we voyaged with good 
 
60 
 
 weather till the second of October, when we arrived 
 at Hochelaga, distant from the place where we had 
 left our galleon (Emerillon) forty -five leagues. 
 While on the journey we were given fish by the 
 savages, also other edibles ; they showed much joy 
 at our coming. To attract them to us and hold 
 their friendship our captain gave them knives, 
 beads and other trifles, pleasing them greatly. On 
 our arrival at Hochelaga more than a thousand 
 savages gathered before us, men, women and chil 
 dren ; they received us as well as a parent does a 
 child, showing great joy. The men danced in a 
 group together, the women in another, and the chil 
 dren in another, and after this they brought us a 
 great number of fish and much of their bread, made 
 with large grain (corn), which they threw into our 
 boats in such quantities that it seemed to be falling 
 from the air. Our captain, seeing this, went ashore 
 with several others. As soon as he had landed, they 
 all gathered round him and the others, welcoming 
 them warmly ; and they brought their children in 
 their arms to touch the captain and others, making 
 an occasion of joy which lasted more than half an 
 hour. Our captain, seeing their good-will, caused 
 the women to sit down in rows and gave them tin 
 bells and such trifles, and to some of the men he 
 gave knives. Then he returned to the boats to sup 
 and pass the night. All night the savages remained 
 on the shore near our boats making fires, dancing 
 and crying out " Aguyaze," which is their word of 
 welcome and joy. 
 
61 
 
 Hmr the captain and the others, with twenty well armed sailors, 
 icent to the town of Hochelaga ; the situation of the village. 
 
 Next day, early, the captain put on his regimentals 
 and put his men in proper order to go and see the 
 town and dwelling place of this (people) tribe, and 
 the mountain adjacent to the town. With the 
 captain went the (gentils homines) nobles and twenty 
 sailors ; he left the rest to guard the boats, and took 
 three men of the said town of Hochelaga to lead 
 the way to it. "We found the road a well beaten 
 one and as fine a soil as one could wish to see, filled 
 with oaks as fine as in the forests of France, the 
 ground underneath which trees was covered with 
 acorns, paving walked about a league and a half, 
 we met one of the chiefs of the town, accompanied 
 by several savages, which chief made us stop at a 
 fire he had made on the road, which we did, and 
 then he made a long speech, as is their custom of 
 showing joy and friendship, and greeted our captain 
 and his associates warmly. The captain gave him 
 a couple of axes, knives and a crucifix, which he 
 made him kiss and hang it round his neck ; for 
 which the captain was thanked. We marched 
 further, and about half a league further from there, 
 we began to see ploughed land and large fields of 
 their wheat, which is like the grain of Brazil, as 
 larsre or larger than a pea. on which they live, as we 
 do, on wheat, and amidst these fields is situated the 
 town of Hochelaga, near to and touching a moun 
 tain, which is around it, very fertile and cultivated, 
 from the summit of which one can see far off. We 
 ailed this mountain " le Mont Royal." The town 
 is round in shape and enclosed with three rows of 
 
62 
 
 timbers (stakes) in the shape of a pyramid, crossed 
 on top, having the middle stakes perpendicular, and 
 the others at an angle on each side, well joined and 
 i astened (cons?i) in their fashion. It is of the height 
 of two lances and there is only one entrance to the 
 town through a gate (door) which can be barred. 
 At several points within the enclosure there are 
 stages (platforms) and ladders to get up on them, 
 which stages are provided with rocks and stones as 
 a means of defence. There were in the town about 
 fifty huts or houses, each fifty steps or more in 
 length and twelve or fifteen wide, all made of wood 
 covered with bark and strips of wood as large as a 
 table, sewn well together artificially in their way ; 
 within there were several rooms. In the centre of 
 the town there was a large space used as a fireplace, 
 where they eat in common, each man retiring after 
 wards to his rooms with his wife and children. 
 Likewise they have lofts or granaries in their 
 houses, where they store their corn, out of which 
 they make their bread, which they call "Carra- 
 conny." The following is their method of making 
 it : They have mortars of wood similar to those 
 used for making hemp, and they pound the corn 
 into flour (en pouldre], then gather it into dough, 
 make it into cakes, which they place upon a large 
 hot rock, then cover it with hot stones ; and thus 
 they bake their bread instead of an oven. They 
 make also much soup with this corn and beans 
 and peas, of which they have a plenty ; also large 
 cucumbers and other fruits. They have large 
 vessels in their houses, like casks, in which they 
 place their fish, which they smoke during the sum 
 mer and eat during the winter ; and of these they 
 
63 
 
 lay in big stores, as we know by experience. All 
 their food is eaten without a taste of salt. They 
 sleep on bark, spread on the ground with wretched 
 skins of animals, of which they also make their 
 clothes, such as squirrels, beavers, martens, foxes, 
 lynxes, deer and others ; but the greater part of the 
 savages go almost naked. The most precious article 
 to them is " Esurgny," which is white as snow, and 
 which they secure in the river in the following 
 manner: When a man has merited death, or when 
 they have taken any of their enemies prisoners, they 
 kill them and make incisions in the thighs, shoul 
 ders, etc. ; let the body down to the bottom of the 
 river, leave it there ten or twelve hours, bring it 
 up and find in the incisions the said shellfish 
 (cornibotz), out of which they make beads, and make 
 use of these as we do of silver or gold, and consider 
 them the most precious of all things iu the world. 
 These will stop bleeding at the nose, as we proved 
 in our own experience. All this tribe live by 
 ploughing and fishing alone, as they do not esteem 
 the goods of this world, having no knowledge of 
 them, and never leave their country, and are not 
 nomadic (ambitlataires) like those of Canada and the 
 Saguenay, notwithstanding which the Canadians 
 are subject to them, as are eight or nine other tribes 
 living on the banks of this river. 
 
 How ice arrived at the town and the reception accorded 
 us ; how the captain gave presents, and other matters 
 which will be seen in this chapter. 
 
 After we had arrived near the town a large number 
 of the savages came about us and greeted us warmly 
 
64 
 
 according to their fashion. We were conducted by 
 our guides to the centre of the town, where there is 
 an open space about a stone s throw square, and 
 here they made us signs to come to a halt, and sud 
 denly gathered the girls and women, of whom a 
 certain number had infants in their arms, and they 
 came and rubbed our faces, arms and other portions 
 of our bodies that they could touch, crying with 
 joy to see us, greeting us as warmly as they knew 
 how, and making signs to us it would please them 
 if we would touch their infants. After this, the 
 men made the women withdraw and sat down on 
 the ground around us, as if to enter into some mys 
 tery (jouer un mystere). Suddenly several women 
 returned, each of whom brought a square mat similar 
 to tapestry ; they spread them out and made us sit 
 down on them. This being done, their king and 
 chief, whom they call Agouhanna in their tongue, 
 was carried in by nine or ten men. He was seated 
 on a large deer skin, and they placed him on the 
 mats near our captain, making signs to us he was 
 their king and chief. Agouhanna was about fifty 
 years of age, no better dressed than the others, 
 except that he had a red crown on his head, made 
 out of the skin of a hedgehog. All his limbs were 
 disabled. Having saluted our captain, welcoming 
 us, he showed his arms and limbs to the captain, 
 making signs that he would be pleased to have him 
 touch them, and the captain rubbed them with his 
 hands ; and immediately were brought to the 
 captain several sick people blind, lame, those with 
 only one eye, cripples, and some with their eyelids 
 hanging down on their cheeks ; setting and laying 
 themselves down near our captain, so that he miiit 
 
65 
 
 touch them ; as if they thought God had sent him 
 to cure them. Our captain, seeing their simplicity 
 and faith, read the Gospel of St. John, namely the In 
 princijno ("In the beginning, etc."), and, making the 
 sisrn of the cross over the sick, prayed to God to 
 give them knowledge of our holy faith, and grace 
 to receive Christianity and Baptism. Then the 
 captain, for a couple of hours, read to them the 
 Passion of our Saviour ; and, although they could 
 not understand, they paid great attention, looking 
 up to heaven and making motions as they saw us 
 do ; after which the captain put all the men on one 
 side, the women on another, and the children on 
 another, and gave to the leaders hatchets, knives to 
 others, beads to the women, and then he threw 
 among the young people small rings and tin images 
 of the Agnus Dei, with which they were much 
 pleased. Then the captain ordered the trumpets 
 and other musical instruments to be sounded, at 
 which they were astounded. Then, taking our 
 leave, we went out, and the women came before us 
 bringing us fish, soup, beans and other things to 
 feast us ; but as their food was not to our taste, 
 having no flavor (salt), we thanked them, making 
 signs to them that we were not hungry. After we- 
 were outside the town, several men and women 
 came to lead us up the mountain, which we had 
 named Mont Royal, distant about a quarter ol a 
 league. Having reached the summit, we could see 
 more than thirty leagues round about. Towards 
 the north, a range of mountains, lying east and west, 
 and also one to the south. Between these ranges 
 the soil is fertile, level, and easy of cultivation, and 
 in the middle of the plain we could see the river 
 5 
 
66 
 
 further than the place where our boats were ; also a 
 rapid as impetuous as possible, impossible of ascent 
 by us, though we saw it was large and deep beyond 
 this, going towards the southwest, and passing 
 three beautiful round mountains, which we could 
 see, and estimated to be distant about fifteen leagues 
 from us. Those who had guided us made signs 
 that there were three rapids in the river, but we 
 could not make out how far distant, as we could 
 not speak to them. We made out, however, that 
 after passing these rapids here near us, one could 
 navigate for more than three months up the river ; 
 and beyond they showed us a large river flowing 
 near the mountains to the north, which comes from 
 the west like our river (St. Law T rence). We thought 
 it to be the river that passed by the country of the 
 Saguenay. Without our asking any question or 
 making any sign, one of the savages took the chain 
 of the captain s silver whistle and the case for a 
 dagger, made of metal yellow like gold, which he 
 hung on the side of one of our sailors, and told us 
 they could get that up that river, and that there 
 were Agouiandas there, meaning ferocious people, 
 armed to their finger-ends, showing us the shape of 
 their arms (armures), which are made out of cord and 
 wood, tied and woven together, and we were given, 
 to understand that these Agouiandas carried on war 
 continually, tribe against tribe, but we could not 
 make out how far it was to their country. Our 
 captain showed them some copper (cuivre rouge), 
 which they call " caignet daze," and pointing 
 towards the country spoken of, asked them by signs 
 if any. came from there, and they shook their heads, 
 meaning no ; and they made signs that it came from 
 
67 
 
 Saguenay. Having seen and heard these things we 
 returned to our boats, attended by a large number of 
 these people, and part of them, seeing our men were 
 weary, made horses of themselves and carried us. 
 Reaching our boats, we went to our galleon (Emer- 
 illoii) to make sure it was all right. Oar departure 
 caused these people great regret ; they followed us 
 as long as they could along the river. We reached 
 our Emerillou on Monday, the fourth day of October. 
 On Tuesday we set sail to return to the Province of 
 Canada, to the River St. Croix (St. Charles), where 
 our ships were. On the seventh we came to the 
 mouth of a river which comes from the north, run 
 ning into the river (St. Lawrence), at the mouth of 
 which are four small islands full of trees. We 
 called this river the River of Faith ; and as one of 
 the islands juts out in advance of the others, and 
 can be seen from a distance, the captain erected a 
 large cross on the point. He gave orders to get the 
 boats ready to go up this river with the tide, to 
 know its character (nature), which was done, and 
 we rowed all day up the river, and as we discovered 
 nothing, we returned and resumed our journey. 
 
 How we arrived at the St. Croix ; the condition in which 
 toe found our ships ; how the chief of tlie country came 
 to see our captain ; how our captain ivent to see him ; 
 and a custom of this tribe. 
 
 Monday, the eleventh October, we arrived at the 
 river St Croix, where were our ships, and found our 
 mates and sailors who had remained behind. They 
 had made a fort in front of the ships out of large 
 pieces of timber placed perpendicularly side by side, 
 guns at all points, and were in a good condition of 
 
68 
 
 defence against the power of the whole country. 
 As soon as the chief was told of our arrival, he came 
 the next day, the twelfth, with Taignoaguy, Dom- 
 agaya and others ; a grand fite was given to our 
 captain, and all were joyous at our return. The 
 captain received them well, though they had not 
 deserved it. Doimacoiia entreated the captain to go 
 next day and visit Canada, which he promised to 
 do. Next day, the thirteenth, the captain, with the 
 nobles and fifty sailors in proper order, went to see 
 Donnacona and his people, distant from our ships a 
 league. They call their village (demewance) " Stada- 
 cona." On reaching it, the people came from their 
 houses about a stone s throw, and there gathered 
 together, sat down in their usual way and fashion, 
 the men on one side and the women on the other, 
 dancing and singing continually. Our welcome and 
 greetings over, the captain gave the men knives 
 and other articles of little value, and causing the 
 women and girls to pass before him, he gave each 
 one a ring of tin. They thanked the captain, who 
 was then led by Donnacona and Taignoagny, to 
 see their houses, all filled with provisions for the 
 winter, and Donnacona showed us the scalps of five 
 men s heads, spread out on a board, like the skin of 
 an animal. Donnacona told us these had been taken 
 off the " Tondamaus " to the south, at war with them 
 continually. He told us that two years previously 
 these Tondamaus came even to the river to attack 
 them, at an island opposite Sagueuay, where they 
 (Donuacona s men) were passing the night waiting 
 to go to Honguedo to make war, with about two 
 hundred men, women and children. They were 
 surprised during the night in the fort they had built, 
 
69 
 
 which the Tondamaus set on fire oil all sides, and as 
 they came out all except five were killed, who 
 escaped, and they were very bitter over this severe 
 loss, averring that they would be revenged. We 
 then returned to our ships. 
 
 How the people of this country live ; their condition, belief 
 and customs. 
 
 This people have no belief in G-od, for the reason 
 they believe in one they call " Cudragny, and they 
 say he often speaks to them and tells them what to 
 do. They say also that when he is provoked he 
 throws dirt in their eyes. They also believe that 
 when they die they go to the stars and go down 
 below the horizon like them, and they go away to 
 pretty fields full of fine trees, flowers and delicious 
 fruits. After they had told us all, we showed them 
 their error and told them Cudraguy was a bad spirit 
 who misuses them. We told them there was only 
 one Grod, who lived in Heaven, who gives us all we 
 need, and is creator of all, and in Him only ought 
 we to believe, and that it was absolutely necessary 
 to be baptized or else go to hell, and we told them 
 other points of our belief. These they easily accepted, 
 and called their Cudragny, Agouiauda (malicious). 
 They several times entreated the captain to baptize 
 them, and Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaya, and 
 all the tribe came, but not knowing their wish and 
 that they had only taken the faith for a time, the 
 captain made excuses to them. He told Taignoaguy 
 and Domagaya that he would explain it to them, and 
 that he would return in another voyage and would 
 bring with us priests and chrism (holy oil), giving 
 
70 
 
 as an excuse that baptism could not be effected with 
 out the chrism, which they believed, as several 
 young people had witnessed the ceremony in Brit 
 tany ; and they were very joyous at our promise to 
 return. This people (tribe) live in community of 
 goods (communaute de liens] like the Brazilians ; cover 
 themselves but scantily with the skins of wild 
 animals. In winter they wear stockings and shoes 
 (moccasins) made of skins, and in summer they go 
 barefoot. They believe in the order of marriage, but 
 have two or three wives ; if the husband dies, none 
 of the wives remarry, and remain in mourning all 
 their lives. They paint their faces with charcoal and 
 grease to the thickness of the back of a knive blade, 
 and are thereby known as widows. They have one 
 vicious custom regarding their young women, who, 
 as soon as they reach a certain age, are put into 
 a house free to all men who wish to go, until they 
 make a choice of a husband. And these affairs we 
 saw ourselves ; we saw the houses as full of young 
 women as the boys schools in France are of hoys. 
 And furthermore, these houses are used for gambling 
 purposes, where they hazard all, even the skins 
 covering their persons. They do not work hard ; 
 plough their land with little sticks, half as large as 
 a little sword, where they sow their corn, which they 
 call "Osizy." This is as large as a pea, and the same 
 as grows in Brazil. They have likewise great quan 
 tities of large melons (pumpkins), cucumbers and 
 gourds, peas and beans of all colors, unlike ours (in 
 France). They have a grass (plant) of which they 
 gather a large quantity for the winter s use, which 
 is held in great favor and used by the men only and 
 in the following manner : They dry it in the sun 
 
Yl 
 
 and carry it in a little pouch of skin around their 
 nocks, with a horn (cornet) of stone or wood (a pipe); 
 they make this grass into powder and put it into one 
 of the ends of the horn, then place a hot coal on the 
 top of it and suck at the other end, filling their 
 bodies with smoke so that it comes out from their 
 mouths and nostrils like from the pipe of a chimney ; 
 they say this keeps them healthy and warm, and 
 they never go anywhere without having these 
 articles. "Wo tried this smoking, putting some of the 
 smoke in our mouths, which was as hot as pepper. 
 The women work far more than the men at the fish 
 ing, which is important, as well as other labors. 
 And all men, women and children endure cold 
 better even than the wild animals ; for in the greatest 
 cold we experienced, which was very severe, the 
 majority of them came naked over the snow and ice 
 daily to the ships, which we would hardly have 
 believed if we had not seen it. They catch, during 
 the time of snow and ice. numbers of moose (?), 
 deer, bears, hares, martens, foxes and others. They 
 eat their meat raw, after drying it in smoke, and in 
 the same way their fish. With what we had seen 
 and could make out of this tribe, it seems to me it 
 would be easy to tame (civilize) them. May G-od in 
 His mercy bring this about. Amen. 
 
 How the savages brought fish and other food daily to our 
 ships ; and how, influenced by Taignoagnij and Dom- 
 agaija, they ceased coming and held no talk with us. 
 
 From day to day the people came to our ships, 
 bringing large quantities of eels and other fish in 
 exchange for our goods, such as knives, beads and 
 other trifles which pleased them very much ; but we 
 
12 
 
 perceived that Taignoagny and Domagaya were evil 
 disposed and gave them to understand that our goods 
 were of no value, and that they ought to receive 
 hatchets instead, notwithstanding that the captain 
 gave them numerous presents which they kept ask 
 ing for. The captain was warned by a chief of the 
 village of Hogauchenda to beware of Donnacona, 
 Taignoagny and Domagaya, as they were traitors. 
 Others of Canada also warned us, and we also saw 
 that, out of malice, they wished to obtain from us 
 the three children that Donnacona had given the 
 captain, and they managed to keep many of the 
 people away from the ships. In consequence of this 
 the captain was on his guard ; and through the 
 influence of Taignoagny and Domagaya, the savages 
 kept away from us four or five days, except a few 
 who came, however, in great fear and trembling. 
 
 How the captain, fearing treachery, strengthened the fort ; 
 hoiu they held a talking, and the return to us of the 
 girl who had fled. 
 
 Seeing their unfriendliness and fearing treachery, 
 and that they might come in a large body against us, 
 the captain had the fort strengthened with large and 
 deep ditches, with a drawbridge and more timbers. 
 Orders were given to have the night-watch in the 
 future consist of fifty men for the four watches, and 
 at each watch trumpets were blown ; and Donnacona, 
 Taiguoagny and Domagaya, noticing the strengthen 
 ing of the fort and the good watch kept, were 
 grieved to be in the bad graces of the captain, and 
 sent men several times, pretending they were else 
 where, to see if we would show displeasure ; but we 
 paid no attention whatever and gave no sign. Don- 
 
73 
 
 nacona, Taiguoagny and Domagaya came several 
 times to speak to the captain, the river being between 
 them, asking the captain if he was angry, and why 
 he did not go to Canada to see them. The captain 
 told them they w r ere traitors and malicious, as he had 
 been informed, and as he had perceived in several 
 ways, such as their not, keeping their promise to go 
 to Hochelaga, and also their taking away the girl 
 they had given him, and other falseness which he 
 spoke of; but, in spite of all, if they wished to act right 
 and forget their unfriendliness, he woutd forgive 
 them and they could come 011 board and be welcomed 
 as before. For these words they thanked the captain 
 and promised to bring back the girl who had fled, 
 within three days. The fourth of November Dom 
 agaya and six others came to the ships to tell the 
 captain that Doiiuacoua had gone into the country in 
 search of the girl, and that he would bring her the 
 following day. He said, further, Taignoagny was 
 very sick and asked the captain to send him a little 
 salt and bread, which the captain did, and sent word 
 to Taignoaguy that it was Jesus who was angry with 
 him on account of the evil tricks he wished to play 
 us. Next day, Donnccona, Taignoagny, Domagaya 
 and others came, bringing the girl, giving her back 
 to the captain, w r ho paid no attention, and said he 
 did not want her, and for them to take her back 
 again. To which they replied, making the excuse 
 that they had not told her to run away, but that she 
 had done so because she had been beaten, and they 
 renewed their request to the captain to take her, and 
 brought her themselves to the ship, after which the 
 captain ordered bread and wine to be brought and 
 treated them ; they then took their leave, after which 
 
74 
 
 we continued to exchange visits in as friendly a 
 manner as previously. 
 
 Of the depth and length of the river, the animals, bird*, 
 fish and other things we saw, and the position of the 
 places. 
 
 The river (St. Lawrence) begins after Assumption 
 Island, Honguedo and the Seven Islands are passed. 
 The distance across is between thirty-five and forty 
 leagues, with over two hundred fathoms in depth in 
 places. The safest navigation is on the southern 
 side ; to the north, about seven leagues distant from 
 the Seven Islands, are two large rivers which come 
 from the mountains of Saguenay and make several 
 very dangerous bars in the river. At the mouths of 
 these rivers we saw several whales and sea-horses. 
 Beyond these islands there is a small river which 
 forms marshes for three or four leagues, in which 
 are an extraordinary number of birds. From the 
 mouth of the river to Hochelaga it is more than 
 three hundred leagues. The commencement is at 
 that river that comes from Saguenay, which latter 
 comes out from between high mountains on the 
 north and enters before the district of Canada is 
 reached, and is very deep, straight, and of dangerous 
 navigation. After passing this river, the district of 
 Canada is reached, where there are several peoples 
 (tribes) in villages not stockaded. There are several 
 small and large islands, amongst them one more than 
 ten leagues long, full of beautiful high trees and 
 many vines. There is a channel on both sides, the 
 better one being on the south side. On the west side 
 is a fine, safe harbor for ships, where there is also a 
 narrow and deep strait with a strong current. But 
 
Y5 
 
 it is only a third of a league in length, beyond which 
 there is high laud, all cultivated as fiue soil as can 
 be seen anywhere, and this is the village and home 
 of Douuacoua and of the two savages we had taken 
 on our first voyage. It is called Stadacoua, and 
 before coming to this place there are the homes 
 (demeurance) of four tribes, namely, Araste, Stamatau, 
 Tailla, which is on a mountain, and Satadiu, then 
 Stadacoua, under which high place to the north is 
 the river and bay of St. Croix, where we stayed from 
 the fifteenth of September up to the sixth of May, 
 1536. Our ships had been left here, as has been 
 mentioned. Beyond this is the village and tribe of 
 Tequenondabi. which is on a mountain, and Hoche- 
 lay, which latter is a level country. The land 
 on both banks of the river up to Hochelaga and 
 beyond is as fertile and level as can be seen any 
 where. There are some mountains a distance from 
 the river (St. L.), from which mountains flow several 
 rivers into the (main) river. All this country is well 
 covered with trees of various kinds and vines, except 
 around the villages which have been cleared to build 
 their houses and for cultivation. There are large 
 numbers of deer, bears and other animals. We saw 
 the tracks of an animal with only two feet, which 
 tracks we followed a long distance over sand and 
 mud, its feet are larger than the palm of the hand ; 
 hares, martens, foxes, squirrels, very large rats 
 (musk), beavers, wolves, rabbits, and others. The 
 savages cover themselves with skins, having- no 
 other garb. There are cranes, swans, outardes, white 
 and grey wild geese, plovers, ducks, blackbirds, 
 thrushes, doves, goldfinches, canaries (linnets or 
 finches), linnets, nightingales, solitary sparrows and 
 
76 
 
 other birds, as in France. As has been mentioned in 
 previous chapters, fish of all the kinds ever heard of 
 abound in the river ; for, from its mouth up to its 
 end (i.e., as far as they went), in proper season will 
 be found nearly all kinds of salt and fresh water 
 fish ; also will be found in Canada large numbers of 
 whales, cod, sea-horses, and adhothuys, a kind of fish 
 we had never seen or heard of. They are as large as 
 a cod, white as snow, have a body and head like a 
 greyhound, and stay in brackish water between the 
 river of Saguenay and Canada. There will also be 
 found in June, July and August plenty of mackerel, 
 mullet, barr (sartres), large eels and other fish, also 
 as good as in the river Seine, and plenty of lampreys 
 and salmon. In Canada are bass, trout, carp, bream, 
 and other fresh water fish. And all the fish are taken 
 in large numbers in their season by the tribes for 
 food. 
 
 Information given us by the savages after our return from 
 Hochelaga. 
 
 Since our return from Hochelaga with the Emeril- 
 lon and the two boats, we held friendly intercourse 
 with the tribe nearest our ship, except that we had 
 some difficulties with a few ill-disposed savages, 
 concerning which the others were grieved and pro 
 voked, and we were told by Donnacona and others 
 that the river spoken of before was called the 
 Saguenay river, and goes (comes from) as far as 
 Saguenay, which is to the west-northwest. After 
 eight or nine days journey only boats can be used in 
 it ; but the proper way to the Saguenay is by the 
 river as far as Hochelaga, then by a river which 
 comes from the Saguenay. Between the said rivers, 
 
11 
 
 a mouth s travel distant, is a tribe, attired iu cloth as 
 we are, and there are numerous tribes and villages, 
 good people, possessing large quantities of gold and 
 copper ; and all the land between Hochelaga and 
 Saguenay is an island, surrounded by rivers. And 
 further on this river enters two other large lakes ; 
 then is found a fresh-water sea, of which no one had 
 seen the end, at least amongst those who had been 
 told of it by the people of Saguenay. They told 
 us they had never been there ; also that at the 
 place where we had left our galleon (Emerillon) 
 when at Hochelaga, there is a river which goes to 
 (comes from) the south-west, and a month s journey 
 up it leads to a country where there is no ice or 
 snow, but that the inhabitants are constantly at war. 
 And in this country there are oranges, almonds, wal 
 nuts, apples, and other kinds of fruit in great abun 
 dance. They informed us that the peoples there 
 dressed in skins as they themselves did. In answer 
 to one question, whether there was any gold or 
 copper there, thoy answered no. I think this 
 country to be towards Florida, judging from their 
 description. 
 
 Of a severe sickness which visited the people of Stadacona and 
 with which from our going amongst them we were also 
 attacked and so severely that twenty-Jive of our people 
 died. 
 
 In December we became aware that death was 
 visiting the tribe of Stadacoua to so sreat a degree 
 that already more than fifty had passed away, for 
 which reason we forbade them coming to our fort or 
 amongst us. In spite of this we were sorely visited 
 with the epidemic, unknown and mysterious to us ; 
 
the sick lost flesh and their legs became swollen, 
 muscles contracted and black as coal ; covered with 
 purple blood blisters. Then the disease affected the 
 hips, thighs and shoulders, arms and neck. In each 
 instance, the mouth was so diseased that the flesh 
 fell off , even to the roots of the teeth, and nearly all 
 the teeth fell out. And so much did the sickness 
 prevail amongst us that, in February, out of one 
 hundred and ten souls that we had been, not ten 
 were free from it ; and one could not assist another. 
 Our condition was pitiable, considering the place 
 where we were ; for the savages came every day in 
 front of our fort, though but few of us saw them. 
 We had eight dead, and fifty others were so sick we 
 had given up all hope of them. Our captain, seeing 
 how prevalent the sickness and suffering were, made 
 all pray, and caused an image of the Virgin Mary to 
 be placed against a tree at a distance of an arrow s 
 flight from our fort across the snow and ice, and he 
 gave orders to say Mass there the following Sunday, 
 and all those who could go, the well and the sick, 
 went in a procession singing the seven psalms of 
 David, the litany, praying the Virgin Mary that her 
 child Jesus should have pity on us. Having said 
 Mass, our captain made a vow to make a pilgrimage 
 to Notre Dame des Roquemadou, if God should per 
 mit him to return to France. This day Phillipe 
 Kougemout, a native of Amboise, died (passed away) 
 at the age of twenty-two years ; and because we 
 knew nothing of the disease, the captain caused the 
 body to be opened, to see if we could gain any 
 knowledge how to save the rest, if possible. It was 
 seen that the heart was white and shrivelled, sur 
 rounded with considerable brown water, the liver 
 
79 
 
 healthy, but the lung was black and mortified, and 
 all the blood gone from above the heart ; for when 
 the body was opened, a large quantity of black dis 
 eased blood came out from above the heart. Like 
 wise the spleen near the chine had a cut about the 
 size of two fingers breadth, as if done with a stone. 
 One of the thighs was cut, which was very black on 
 the outside, but the flesh was of good color under 
 neath. He was then buried as best we could. Grod 
 in his grace, have mercy on his soul and forgive 
 all his sins. Amen. And the sickness continued 
 from day to day to such a degree that soon on 
 all the three ships there were not three well men, and 
 on one of the ships there was not a man well enough 
 to go below deck to get water either for himself 
 or the others. Several more died, and on account of 
 our lack of physical strength, we buried them merely 
 under the snow, as the ground was frozen so hard 
 we could not dig it in our weak state, and we were 
 in great fear lest the savages should perceive our 
 distress and defenceless condition, and to conceal it 
 from them when they came near our fort, our cap 
 tain, whom God had preserved, worked before their 
 eyes with two or three men, sick and well, who fol 
 lowed him. "When they were outside the fort, he pre 
 tended to be desirous of beating them, shouting and 
 throwing sticks at them, sending them on board ship 
 and making signs to the savages that he had need of 
 his men on board the ships, some to caulk, some to 
 make bread and do other work, and that it was not 
 good for them to be idle on shore. This they be 
 lieved, and the captain had noises made on board the 
 ships with sticks and stones, as if caulking were 
 being done. At this time we were so cast down by 
 
80 
 
 the sickness that we should have lost all hope of 
 ever returning to France, if God, in his infinite 
 mercy and goodness, had not had pity on us and 
 given us knowledge of a remedy for all sickness, the 
 best ever found on this earth, as will be related in 
 another chapter. 
 
 The, length of lime we were in the mow and ice at St. Croix, and 
 the number of persons that died from the time the sickness 
 began up to the middle of March. 
 
 From the middle of November till the fifteenth of 
 April we were continuously shut in by the ice, 
 which was more than two fathoms thick. On the 
 ground there was more than four feet of snow, being 
 higher than the sides of our ships, for the same 
 period of time. Our drinkables were frozen in their 
 casks ; the ice was four inches thick on the hull and 
 rigging, and all the river, being fresh water up to 
 Hochelaga, was also frozen. During this time we 
 lost by death twenty-five souls, all good men, and 
 now there were not more than fifty whom we con 
 sidered strong and vigorous ; the remainder all sick, 
 with the exception of three or four who were free 
 altogether. But Grod, in His holy mercy, had pity 
 on us and gave us knowledge of a remedy and cure 
 as detailed in the following chapter. 
 
 How by the grace of God we had knowledge of a tree by which 
 we were cured after using it ; the method of using it. 
 
 One day the captain, seeing the sickness so 
 prevalent, and his men so overcome by it, being 
 outside the fort and walking on the ice, saw a 
 baud (group) of the people of Stadacona approach 
 ing, in which was Domagaya, whom the captain 
 
81 
 
 had seen very ill with the disease ten or twelve 
 days previously. He had then one of his knees 
 swollen to the size of a child of two years; all 
 his muscles contracted ; his teeth had fallen out, and 
 his jaws had been mortified and diseased. Our cap 
 tain seeing Domagaya healthy and well, was over 
 joyed, hoping to learn from him how he was cured, 
 so as to cure his own men. When they had come 
 near the fort, the captain asked him how he had been 
 cured. Domagaya replied he had taken the juice 
 and grounds of the leaves of a tree, which had cured 
 him, and this was the peculiar remedy for the 
 malady. The captain asked if there was any of the 
 remedy thereabouts, as he wished to cure his servant 
 (valet), who had caught the disease in Canada, while 
 they were with Donnacona not wishing to let him 
 know how many of his men were sick. Then Dom 
 agaya sent two women to get some ; they brought 
 nine or ten branches and showed us how to take 
 off the bark and leaves and to put all to boil in 
 water, then to drink of it for two days and put the 
 grounds on the swollen limbs. They told us this 
 tree cured all sickness ; they call the tree in their 
 language " ameda/ At once our captain made a 
 drink of it to give those who were sick, though there 
 were none anxious to try it except one or two, who 
 took the risk. As soon as they had done so the 
 effect was miraculous, for the reason that all the 
 sickness with which they were affected left them 
 after drinking two or three times, and they became 
 well ; so much so that some who had had venereal 
 disease for five or six years previous to this sickness 
 were cured completely. Having perceived this, there 
 was so much haste to get the remedy that it looked 
 
82 
 
 as if they would kill one another in order to be the 
 first to get it ; so that a tree, as large as an oak in 
 France, was consumed in six days, which produced 
 an effect that had all the doctors of Louraiu and 
 Montpellyer been present, with all the drugs of 
 Alexandria, they could not have affected as much in 
 a year as this tree did in six days, for it was so bene 
 ficial that all those who were willing to use it were 
 cured and recovered their health, thanks be to Grod. 
 
 How Chief Donnacona, Taignoagny and others went deer hunt 
 ing ; did not return for two montfis ; and on their return 
 they brought icith them a large number of people we were 
 not accustomed to see. 
 
 While sickness and death reigned in our ships, 
 Donnacona, Taignoagny and others went to hunt 
 deer and stags (daims), which they call in their lan 
 guage aiounesta and asquenoudo, for the ice had 
 disappeared from the river channel so they could 
 navigate it. Domagaya and others told us they 
 would be absent about fifteen day s, which we 
 believed, but they did not return for two months, 
 which made us suspect that they had gone to get 
 together a large number of people to give us trouble, 
 as they had perceived our. weakened state ; although 
 we had put affairs in such good shape that, if all the 
 people of the country had been there, they could 
 have done nothing more than look at us. While 
 they were away, large numbers came daily to our 
 ships as usual, bringing the fresh meat of deer and 
 stags, and fresh fish of all kinds, which they sold us 
 at a high price, or else preferred to take it away, as 
 they needed them themselves, the winter had been 
 so long. 
 
83 
 
 How Donnacona returns to Stadacona with a large number 
 of people ; plays sick to avoid coming to see the captain, 
 thinking the captain would go to him. 
 
 The twenty-first day of April Domagaya came to 
 us with several savages, fine looking and strong, 
 whom we had not been accustomed to see. He said 
 Dounacoua would come the next day and bring deer 
 meat and other venison. The next day, the twenty- 
 second, Donnacoua arrived. He had brought to 
 Stadacona a large number of people; we knew not 
 for what reason or purpose ; but there is a proverb, 
 "He who is watchful, loses nothing," which we 
 were, of necessity, as we w^ere so weakened by sick 
 ness and the loss of men that we were (on our depar 
 ture) obliged to leave one of our ships at St. Croix. 
 The captain was apprised of his coming- and that he 
 had brought such a number of people. Domagaya 
 came and told the captain of it, without wishing to 
 cross the river between us and Stadacona as usually 
 done, which led us to believe there was some 
 treachery afoot. Seeing which, the captain sent his 
 body servant, Charles G-uyot, who was more so than 
 any other liked by the savages, to see what was 
 going on, and he was to go and see Doniiacona, with 
 whom he had lived a considerable length of time, 
 and he took a trifling present for him. As soon as 
 Bounacona knew of his coming he pretended to be 
 ill and went to bed, telling the servant he was sick. 
 He went to see Taignoaguy, and found the houses 
 everywhere so full of savages that one could hardly 
 move, which was strange and unusual ; and Taig- 
 noagny did not wish the servant to go in other 
 houses, and returned half way with him and told 
 him that if the captain wished to take a chief named 
 
84 
 
 Agouhanna, who had vexed him, with him to France, 
 the chief would be given up to him. It would be 
 done if the captain wished it, and the servant could 
 return next day with his answer. When the captain 
 was informed of the number of people at this place, 
 for a purpose unknown to him, he determined to 
 play them a trick and seize Taignoaguy, Domagaya 
 and other important ones. He was determined also 
 to take the Chief Doiinacona back to France to relate, 
 to the King the wonders of the world he had seen in 
 the western countries. He had assured us he had 
 been in the Saguenay kingdom, where are infinite 
 gold, rubies and other riches ; and there are white 
 men there as in France, and dressed in woollen 
 clothing. And he had seen another country where 
 the people do not eat or digest, etc. He also had 
 been, so he said, in the country of the Picquemyans, 
 and other countries where the inhabitants have only 
 one leg, and other curious matters long to relate. 
 This chief, Donnacona, is an old man, and had 
 travelled, as long as he could remember, through 
 countries, across rivers, streams and by land. After 
 the servant had delivered his message and told what 
 Taignoagny had said, the captain sent him back the 
 next day to tell Taignoagny to come and see him, 
 express his wishes, and that he would be well 
 received and welcomed. Taignoagny sent word he 
 would come the next day, and that he would bring 
 Donnacona and the other chief (Agouhanna) who 
 had displeased him. This did not happen, and two 
 days passed without their coming. During this time 
 no one from Stadacona came to the ships, as they 
 were accustomed to do, but fled from us as if we had 
 wished to kill them. Thus we became aware of 
 
85 
 
 their ill-will, and because they perceived that the 
 people of Sicadiu came about us, to whom we had 
 abandoned the bottom of the ship we left behind us, 
 for them to procure the old nails. The third day 
 following, they of Stadacona came from the other 
 side of the river ; the majority of them crossed with 
 out difficulty in their canoes, except Donnacoua, who 
 was unwilling to do so, and Taignoagny and 
 Domagaya talked together for more than an hour 
 before they agreed to cross. Finally they came to 
 speak to the captain, and Taiguoagny entreated the 
 captain to take the chief (Agouhaiiua) to France. He 
 refused, saying the King had forbidden him to bring 
 man or woman to France, but he could take back 
 two or three children to learn the language ; how 
 ever, he would take the chief to Newfoundland and 
 leave him on an island. The captain said this to 
 reassure them and to secure Donuacona, who had 
 remained on the water. These words pleased Taig 
 uoagny greatly, who was very anxious never to go 
 back to France. He promised to come the next day, 
 that of the Holy Cross, with Dounacona and the 
 other savages of Stadacoua, 
 
 How, on the day of the Holy Cross, the Captain erected a cross 
 in our fort ; how Chief Donnacona, Taignoagn//, Domagaya 
 and the tribe came : the capture of the chief. 
 
 The third of May, the fete of the Holy Cross, as a 
 solemn tribute, the captain had a cross erected, about 
 thirty-five feet high, under the cross bar of which 
 there was a shield (escutcheon) of wood, of the arms 
 of France, and on it was written in Attic letters : 
 
 FRANCISCUS PRIMUS DEI GRATIA FRANCORTJM REGNAT. 
 
 About noon came men. women and children of 
 
Stadacona telling us that Donuacoua, Taignoagny, 
 Domagaya and others were coming, which gave us 
 much satisfaction, as we hoped to seize them. They 
 came about two o clock ; and when they had como 
 down to the ships, our captain went to greet Don- 
 nacona, who warmly received him, but kept his eye 
 on the forest and was in great fear. Then came 
 Taignoagny, who told Donnacona not to enter the 
 fort. One of the savages brought fire from the fort, 
 and a fire was lit by the chief. The captain invited 
 him to come and eat on board ship, as customary. 
 He likewise asked Taignoagny, who said he would 
 go by and by. They entered the fort. Previous to 
 this the captain was informed by Domagaya that 
 Taignoagny had spoken badly (suspiciously), and 
 had told the chief not to go on board the ships. Our 
 captain seeing this, went outside the enclosure and 
 saw the women departing by advice (warning) from 
 Taignoagny, so that a large number of men only 
 remained. Then the captain ordered his men to 
 seize Taignoagny, Domagaya, and two other leaders 
 he pointed out, after the others went away. Soon 
 the chief came into the fort with the captain, but 
 immediately Taignoagny came in to bring him out. 
 Our captain seeing there was no other way, gave the 
 order to seize them, when his men came out and 
 seized the chief and the others, as had been designed. 
 The Canadians (savages) seeing the capture, began 
 to run and flee like sheep before the wolf, some 
 across the river, others into the forest, each one look 
 ing out for his own safety. The capture effected, 
 and the others having fled, the captives were put in 
 a secure place. 
 
87 
 
 How the Canadians (savages ) came during the night doicn to 
 the ships, seeking their people, during which night they 
 yelled and hoicled like wolves ; the discussion and demand 
 made next day ; their presents to our captain. 
 
 As soon as it was night, they came down to the 
 ships in large numbers, howling all night ceaselessly 
 like wolves, " Agouhanna ! Agouhanna ! " thinking 
 to speak to him ; but the captain would not have it 
 for the time being, nor till up to noon next day, for 
 which reason they thought we had killed and 
 hanged them. About noon they returned in about 
 as large a number as we had seen of them together 
 at one time during the voyage ; keeping themselves 
 hid in the woods, except some who cried out at the 
 top of their voices for Donuacona. Then our captain 
 gave orders to put the chief iu an elevated position 
 that he might speak to his people. The captain told 
 him he would be well treated, and that after he had 
 related to the King of France what he had seen in 
 the Saguenay and other places, he could return in 
 ten or twelve months, and that the King would 
 make him a grand present ; all which pleased Don- 
 uacoua greatly, and he told his people, who gave 
 three wonderful cries, in token of joy. Donuacona 
 and his people made speeches to each other, which 
 we could not understand, as we did not know the 
 Jauguage. Our captain told Donnacoua to have some 
 of his people come on board, as they could talk better 
 together, and that they would be safe. Donuacona 
 did so, and a boat load of them came on board. 
 They renewed their talks, praising our captain, and 
 presented him with twenty-four strings or necklaces 
 (colliers) of esurguy, which is their most precious 
 possession, valuing it more than gold or silver. 
 
88 
 
 Having talked enough, and seeing there was 110 
 escape for their chief, and that he was obliged to go 
 to France, he ordered them to bring him food for his 
 voyage. Our captain presented Donnacona with 
 two brass fry pans or buckets, hatchets, knives, beads 
 and other trifles which pleased him. He sent them 
 to his wives and children. The captain also gave 
 presents to those who had come to talk with Don- 
 iiacona, for which they were grateful. They then 
 left and went back to their homes (logis). 
 
 How next day, the fifth of May, the people returned to speak to 
 their chief, and how four women came on board with 
 provisions. 
 
 On the fifth of May, very early in the morning, the 
 savages came in very large numbers to speak to their 
 chief and sent a boat, which they call in their 
 language, " Casiiouy," in which were four women ; 
 no men, for fear we would keep them. They brought 
 a large quantity of provisions ; namely, corn, meat, 
 fish and other kinds of their food. These women, 
 having reached the ships, the captain told them to 
 tell the other women that he would return within 
 twelve moons (months), and would bring Donnacona 
 back to Canada. This he said to content them ; they 
 were greatly pleased, and made signs that if he 
 would do this they would make him many presents. 
 Then each of them gave the captain a collier of 
 esurgny, and then went to the other side of the 
 river, where were the people of Stadacona, and 
 departed, taking leave of their chief. 
 
 Saturday, the seventh, we set sail from the harbour 
 of St. Croix and anchored below the Island of 
 Orleans, about twelve leagues from St. Croix, and on 
 
Sunday we reached Isle aux Coudres, where we 
 remained till Monday, the sixteenth, waiting for the 
 river to become calmer, as it was too rough and 
 dangerous for us to descend the river, and waiting 
 for good winds ; during which period several canoes 
 of people subject to Donnacona came from the river of 
 Sagueuay, and when Domagaya told of their capture 
 and how Dounacoua was being taken to France, 
 they were much astonished. They came alongside 
 to speak to him, and he told them he would return 
 in twelve moons ; that he was treated well by the 
 captain and the rest, for which they all with one 
 voice thanked the captain, and gave Donnacona three 
 packages of beaver and seal skins, also a large knife 
 of copper, which is found in Sagueuay, and other 
 articles. They gave the captain also a collier of 
 esurgny, in return for which the captain gave them 
 ten or twelve hatchets, with which they were over 
 joyed, and thanked the captain. The channel on the 
 north side of this island is safer than the southern, 
 which is full of rocks, reefs and bars. The sixteenth 
 of May we set sail from Isle aux Coudres and 
 anchored near an island fifteen leagues further down ; 
 this island is about five leagues in length. We 
 stayed here all night, hoping to pass through the 
 dangers of Saguenay the next day, which are great. 
 In the evening we saw a large number of hares, and 
 named the island Hare Island. During the night 
 the wind became so violent and unfavorable that we 
 thought it expedient to return to the Isle aux Coudres, 
 which we had left, because there was no other 
 channel between the islands ; and we were here till 
 the twenty-first, when we had a good wind and went 
 as far as Houguedo, which channel had not been 
 discovered before. And we ran across the Cape di 
 
90 
 
 Prato (Cape Farilloii), which is the commencement 
 of the Bay of Chaleurs ; and as the wind was favor 
 able, we carried sail day and night. And next day 
 we came to the Island of Brion, which we wished to 
 do to shorten our voyage. These two lands lie south 
 east and northwest, a quarter east and west ; the 
 distance between them is fifty leagues. The Island 
 of Brion is in latitude 47|. Thursday, the twenty- 
 sixth, fete of the Ascension of our Saviour, we came 
 to a country of low sandy ridges, eight leagues south 
 west of the Isle of Briou, above which are large 
 lauds full of trees, and there is an enclosed sea, into 
 which we could not discover any channel or entry. 
 Friday, the twenty-seventh, on account of the wind 
 blowing on shore, we returned to the Isle of Brion, 
 where we stayed till the 1st of June, and visited a 
 high land to the southwest, apparently an island, 
 along which we coasted twenty-two leagues and 
 a-half, during which we discovered three islands 
 near the sandy ridges, which are islands, and the 
 said high and level land (above them) is the main 
 land and points northwest ; after which we returned 
 to the cape of the said land, which cape has three 
 peaks (points) of great height. There is a great 
 depth of water, and such a swift tide that it could 
 not be more so. "We arrived this day at Cape Lor 
 raine, which is in latitude 46J, to the south of 
 which cape is a low lying land, apparently the 
 mouth of a river, but possessing no good harbour ; 
 beyond which, to the south, w r e saw another cape, 
 which we named Cape St. Paul, in latitude 4*71. 
 On Sunday, the fourth of June, the fete of the 
 Pentecost, we came to the coast east-southeast of 
 Newfoundland, about twenty-two leagues distant 
 
91 
 
 from Cape St. Paul. As the wind was unfavorable, 
 we stopped at a harbour, which we named the Bay 
 of the Holy Ghost, until Tuesday, when we coasted 
 along to the St. Pierre Islands. During this journey 
 we saw several islands and very dangerous reefs 
 lying in the route, east-southeast and west and north 
 west, two, three and four leagues out in the sea. 
 While we were at the St. Pierre Islands, we met 
 with several ships from France and Brittany. We 
 remained hero from the eleventh of June, the fete of 
 St. Baruabe, till the sixteenth, when we set sail, 
 reached Cape Race, and entered a harbour named 
 Rougnouse, where we took in water and wood for 
 our voyage, and left there one of our boats. From here 
 we set sail on the nineteenth. With the favoring 
 winds we had, we reached, on the 6th day of July, 
 1530, the harbour of St. Malo, by the grace of God, 
 whom we beseech, having finished our voyage, to 
 grant us His mercy and paradise to coine. Amen. 
 
 LANGUAGE OF THE DISTRICTS AND KINGDOMS OF 
 
 HOCHELAGA AND CANADA, OTHERWISE NAMED 
 
 BY us NEW FRANCE. 
 
 1. Segada. 
 
 2. Tigneny. 
 
 3. Hasche. (Asche). 
 
 4. Honnacon. (Hannaion). 
 
 5. Ouiscon. 
 
 6. Indahir. 
 
 7. Ayaga (Aiasa). 
 
 8. Addegne (Addigue). 
 
 9. Madellon. 
 10. Assem. 
 
 (These Indian words are as given in the reprint and 
 in Rarnusio, also those which follow.) 
 
92 
 
 The names given to the various parts of the 
 human body : 
 
 The head, 
 
 Aggourzy, 
 
 (Aggonzy). 
 
 The forehead, 
 
 Hetguenyascon, 
 
 (Hergenmascon). 
 
 The eyes, 
 
 Hegata, 
 
 (higata). 
 
 The ears, 
 
 Ahontascon, 
 
 (abontascon). 
 
 The mouth, 
 
 Escahe, 
 
 (esahe). 
 
 The teeth, 
 
 Esgongay, 
 
 (esgongai). 
 
 The tongue, 
 
 Osuache, 
 
 (osnache). 
 
 The throat, 
 
 Agouhon, 
 
 (agouhon). 
 
 The chin, 
 
 Hebehin, 
 
 (hebelim). 
 
 The face, 
 
 Hogouascon, 
 
 (hegouascon). 
 
 The hair, 
 
 Aganiscon, 
 
 
 The arms, 
 
 Aiayascon, 
 
 (aaiayascon). 
 
 The armpits, 
 
 Hetnanda, 
 
 
 The ribs, 
 
 Aissonne, 
 
 
 The stomach, 
 
 Aggruscon, 
 
 
 The belly, 
 
 Escheheuda, 
 
 
 The thighs, 
 
 Iletnegradasoon, 
 
 
 The knees, 
 
 Agochinegodaseon, 
 
 
 The legs, 
 
 Agouguenehonde, 
 
 
 The feet, 
 
 Ohchidascon, 
 
 
 The hands, 
 
 Aignoascon, 
 
 
 The fingers, 
 
 Agenoga, 
 
 
 The nails, 
 
 Agedascon, 
 
 
 The genital organ (man) 
 
 Aynoascon, 
 
 
 " " " (woman), 
 
 Castaigne, 
 
 
 A man, 
 
 Aguehan, 
 
 (Aguehum). 
 
 A woman, 
 
 Agrueste, 
 
 (Agrueste). 
 
 A boy, 
 
 Addegasta, 
 
 
 A girl, 
 
 Agnyaquesta, 
 
 
 An infant, 
 
 Exiasta, 
 
 
 A dress, 
 
 Cabata, 
 
 
 A waistcoat, 
 
 Coioza, 
 
 fcaioza). 
 
 Socks, 
 
 Henondoua 
 
 (hemondoha). 
 
 Shoes, 
 
 Atha, 
 
 
 Shirts, 
 
 Anigona, 
 
 (amgoua). 
 
 A hat, 
 
 Castnea, 
 
 
 Corn, 
 
 Osizy, 
 
 
 Bread, 
 
 Carraconny, 
 
 
 Water, 
 
 Ame, 
 
 
 Flesh, 
 
 Quaheriascon, 
 
 
 
93 
 
 Fish, 
 
 Queion, 
 
 
 Plums, 
 
 Honnesta, 
 
 
 Figs, 
 
 Abscond a, 
 
 
 Grapes, 
 
 Ozaha, 
 
 (ozoba)- 
 
 Nuts, 
 
 Quaheya, 
 
 (quahoya). 
 
 A hen, 
 
 Sahomgahoa, 
 
 
 Lamprey, 
 
 Zysto, 
 
 
 A salmon, 
 
 Ondaccon, 
 
 
 A whale, 
 
 Airmehonne, 
 
 
 An eel, 
 
 Esgneny, 
 
 
 A squirrel, 
 
 Caisgnem, 
 
 
 A snake, 
 
 Undeguezi, 
 
 
 Turtles, 
 
 Heuleuxime, 
 
 
 Wood, 
 
 Conda, 
 
 
 Leaves, 
 
 Hoga, 
 
 
 Their deity, 
 
 Cudragny, 
 
 (cudonagny). 
 
 Give me a drink, 
 
 Quazahoa quea, 
 
 
 Give me a lunch, 
 
 Quazahoa quascahoa. 
 
 
 Give me supper, 
 
 Quazahoa quutfream. 
 
 
 Let us go to bed, 
 
 Casigno agnydahoa, 
 
 
 Good day, 
 
 Aignaz, 
 
 
 Let us play, 
 
 Casigno candy, 
 
 
 Come and speak to me, 
 
 Asigni quaddadia, 
 
 
 Look at me, 
 
 Quagathoma, 
 
 
 Be quiet, 
 
 Aista, 
 
 
 Let us go to the boat, 
 
 Casigno casnouy, 
 
 
 Give me a knife, 
 
 Quazahoa agoheda, 
 
 
 A hatchet, 
 
 Addogne, 
 
 
 A bow, 
 
 Ahena, 
 
 
 An arrow, 
 
 Quahetam, 
 
 
 Let us go and hunt, 
 
 Quasigno donassent, 
 
 (donascat) 
 
 A deer, 
 
 Aionnesta, 
 
 
 Stags (moose?) 
 
 Asquenondo, 
 
 
 A hare, 
 
 Sourhamda, 
 
 
 A dog, 
 
 Agayo, 
 
 
 Geese, 
 
 Sadequenda, 
 
 
 The road , 
 
 adde, 
 
 
 Cucumber seed, 
 Melon seed, 
 
 j- casconda, 
 
 
 To-morrow, 
 
 Achide, 
 
 
 The sky, 
 
 quenhia, 
 
 
 The earth, 
 
 damga, 
 
 
 The sun, 
 
 ismay 
 
 (isnay). 
 
94 
 
 The moon, assomaha, 
 
 The stars, signehoham, 
 
 The wind, cahoha, 
 
 The sea, agogasy, 
 
 The waves of the sea, coda, 
 
 An island, cohena, cahem, 
 
 A mountain, ogacha. 
 
 Ice, honnesca, 
 
 Snow, canisa, camsa. 
 
 Cold, athan, 
 
 Warm, odazan, (odazani)(odayan) 
 
 Fire, azista, 
 
 Smoke, quea, 
 
 House, canocha, (canoca) (quanocha). 
 
 Beans, Sahe, 
 
 Town (village), canada, 
 
 My father, addathy, 
 
 My mother, adanahoe, 
 
 My brother, (addagnin) (addagrim). 
 
 My sister, adhoasseue, 
 
 Those of Canada say that in a country a month s journey distant 
 from Hochelaga, can be had cinnamon and cloves. They call cin 
 namon, adhotathny ; cloves, canonotha. 
 
 In the manuscripts of this Second Voyage are given 
 additional words, the principal ones being : 
 
 That is worthless, 
 
 sahanty quahonquey, 
 
 Adieu (good-by), 
 
 hedgaguehanygo, 
 
 Sing, 
 
 theguehoaca, 
 
 Laugh, 
 
 cahezem, 
 
 Cry, 
 
 agguenda, 
 
 Dance, 
 
 thegoaca, 
 
 Freshwater, 
 
 ame, 
 
 My friend, 
 
 agnaise, 
 
 Run, 
 
 thedoathady, 
 
 Thesrnoke hurts my eyes, 
 
 quea quanoague eguta, 
 
 Some one is dead, 
 
 Camedane, 
 
 The title of Donnacona as ) 
 Chief is J 
 
 Agouhanna, 
 
 Bad, wicked, 
 
 agojuda, 
 
 Ugly, 
 
 aggousay, 
 
 What they smoke, 
 
 quiecta, 
 
95 
 
 Grass, 
 
 hanneda, 
 
 Rats, large as rabbits and 
 mielling of musk, 
 
 Jhoutthe, 
 
 Too old to walk, 
 
 agoudesta, 
 
 My cousin, 
 
 hegay, 
 
 My nephew, 
 
 ynadiu, 
 
 My wife, 
 
 ysaa, 
 
 My child, 
 
 aguo, 
 
 Walk, 
 
 quedaque, 
 
 Where do you come from ? Canada undagneny, 
 
 Give it to some one, 
 
 taquenonde, 
 
 Keep it for me, 
 
 sodanadega mesganiy 
 
 Where is he gone ? 
 
 quanehoesuon, 
 
 Shut the door, 
 
 asnodyau, 
 
 Go and get water, 
 
 sagethemme, 
 
 Go and find somebody, 
 
 ached ascone, 
 
 High, 
 
 estahezy, 
 
 Small, 
 
 estahagza, 
 
 Large, 
 
 houganda, 
 
 Hail, 
 
 hocquehin, 
 
 Evening, 
 
 angau, 
 
 Night, 
 
 aubena, 
 
 Day, 
 
 adeyahon, 
 
 When they make an excla 
 
 1 
 
 mation, they say, 
 
 V ajzgondec. 
 
 As is related in the account of the Second Voyage, 
 Cartier took back with him to France several 
 Indians, and an effort was made to instruct them, so 
 that they might act as interpreters. They were bap 
 tized on the 25th March, 1538. The change of climate 
 and living proved unhealthy for them, and all died 
 except, one young girl, before any service could be 
 had of them. A new expedition was determined 
 upon under Francois de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval, 
 whom the King, by letters of the 15th January, 
 1540, and 7th February, registered at Paris, the 26th, 
 named as his lieutenant-general in the " new lands 
 of Canada, Hochelaga and Sagueuay, and there 
 abouts," to establish " la foi chretienne." On Febru- 
 
ary 6th he took the oath in presence of Cardinal de 
 Tournon. 
 
 On February 27th, Paul d Angelhon, known as 
 Saiuterre, was appointed his lieutenant, and, on 
 March Oth, Roberval was authorized to impress 
 criminals for his expedition. Ivoyal letters, given at 
 St. Prix, the 17th October following, and sigued by 
 Henry the Dauphin, on the 20th, appointed Jacques 
 Cartier " Captain-General and Master Pilot" of all 
 the ships and vessels sent on this expedition. 
 
 [The sending out of this expedition had been de 
 layed by troubles in France ; the Emperor Charles 
 had invaded Provence, and the city of Marseilles was 
 in a state of seige. He had troops also in Picardy. 
 The Spaniards also were hostile. Francis, however, 
 concluded a truce of ten years with the Emperor on 
 the 18th June, 1538.] 
 
 On November 3rd, orders were given for fifty addi 
 tional criminals to be impressed for the expedition, 
 and on December 12th, it is to be noted that the 
 King complains of delay in the starting out of the 
 expedition. At present we have no record of any 
 thing of interest till the 19th of May, 1541, when 
 certain criminals arrive at St. Malo for the " voyage 
 to Canada." Amongst them was one young fiancee 
 of eighteen years, guilty of no crime, who followed a 
 brutal criminal. 
 
 And on this day Jacques Cartier made his will, 
 which is to be found in two places, in the register of 
 the sheriff (Greffe d office) of St. Malo, dated 12th 
 November, 1541, and in the Archives d lle-et-Vilaine, 
 under date 17th November. 
 
 And on the day following, the 20th, Cartier ap 
 pears as a witness in a suit concerning a common 
 brawl, in which he had no active part. 
 
There was some trouble between Roberval, who 
 was imperious, and Cartier, the particulars of which 
 are as yet unknown. Roberval was at St. Malo 
 about the time of Cartier s departure, if not on the 
 day itself, and it is probable he made loans at this 
 time in Cartier s name, for the non-payment of 
 which Cartier and his relatives were afterwards 
 reproached. 
 
 Five vessels, totalling about four hundred tons, 
 having been got ready, Cartier set out from St. 
 Malo on the 23rd May, 1541, leaving Roberval in 
 France; the latter was to follow him with the 
 balance of the material for the founding of the pro 
 jected colony. 
 
 On July 10th, it is recorded that the King thought 
 it strange Roberval had not left. 
 
 On August 18th, Roberval writes from Honfleur 
 he will leave in four days. This is according to 
 Gosselin, and that he sailed from Houfleur on 
 August 22nd, 1541. Other authorities state he sailed 
 from La Rochelle. 
 
 Cartier, after a long and stormy voyage, reached 
 Ste. Croix, the St. Charles, on the 22nd or 23rd of 
 August, but preferred to winter his vessels four 
 leagues further, at the mouth of a river near Cap 
 Rouge, where he built a fort, giving it the name of 
 Charlesbourg Royal, in honor of Charles, Duke of 
 Orleans. He sent back to France two of his vessels, 
 under command of Mace Jalobert, his brother-in-law, 
 and Etienne Noel, his nephew. These left on the 
 2nd September with letters for the King. These 
 were met at St. John by Roberval. 
 
 Cartier himself went up the river the 7th Septem 
 ber, above Hochelaga, to explore the rapids and falls 
 7 
 
98 
 
 which impede navigation, returning and wintering 
 at the fort. 
 
 During the fall of 1541, Roberval sent Sainterre 
 back to France, and the latter was sent back by the 
 King on January 26th, 1542, with provisions. 
 
 In the meantime, Jalobert and Noel had arrived 
 in France with news of the death of La Bouille, 
 Cartier s right-hand man. 
 
 Cartier, having no news of Roberval at the end of 
 May, 1542, set sail for France, and, it is claimed, met 
 Roberval with three ships and two hundred men at 
 St. John, who had arrived on the 17th June, 1542, 
 having left France on the 16th April. This is in 
 accordance with one account. Cartier refused to 
 return with him and, setting sail during the night, 
 reached St. Malo and paid off his men. 
 
 The other account of Roberval is, as stated above, 
 he set sail from France August 22nd, 1541, and win 
 tering somewhere, receiving provisions from the 
 King, during the summer of 1542, built France Roy. 
 On September 9, 1542, he pardons Sainterre for 
 mutiny, and, after wintering, is brought back by 
 Cartier in the summer of 1543. The writer is not 
 inclined to accept this account, believing rather that 
 he left France on the 16th April, 1542. Still the 
 accounts are so incomplete as yet, and there yet 
 remain registers to be gone over, that no decided 
 opinion can be given as yet. The following is the 
 account of the Third Voyage : 
 
THIRD VOYAGE. 
 
 In Hakluyt, Vol. iii., page 232, ed. 1600. 
 In Pinkerton s Voyages. Vol. xii., 665, 1812. 
 Voyages de Descouvert au Canada. Quebec, 1843. 
 Hakluyt was reprinted in 1809. Churchill s Voyages also con 
 tain Cartier s Voyages. 
 
 The Third Voyage of Discovery made by Captain James 
 Cartier, 1540, unto the Countries of Canada, Hochelaga, 
 and Saguenay. 
 
 King Francis the First, having heard the report of 
 Captain Cartier, his Pilot-General, in his two former 
 voyages of discovery, as well by writing as by word 
 of mouth, touching that which he had found and 
 seen in the western parts discovered by him in the 
 parts of Canada and Hochelaga, and having also seen 
 and talked with the people, which the said Cartier 
 had brought out of these countries, whose name 
 Donnacona, and others ; which after that they had 
 been a long time in France and Britain (?), were bap 
 tized at their own desire and request, and died in 
 the said country of Britain (?), and albeit His Majesty 
 was advertised by said Cartier of the death and 
 decease of all the people which were brought over 
 by him (which were 10 in number), saving one little 
 
100 
 
 girl about ten years old, yet he resolved to send 
 Cartier, his pilot, thither again, with John Francis 
 de la Roche, Knight, Lord of Boberval, whom he 
 appointed his lieutenant and governor in the coun 
 tries of Canada and Hochelaga, and the said Cartier 
 captain-general and leader of the ships, that they 
 might discover more than was done before in the 
 former voyages, and attain (if it were possible) unto 
 the knowledge of the country of the Sagueuay, 
 whereof the people brought by Cartier, as is declared, 
 made mention unto the King that there were great 
 riches and very good countries, and the King caused 
 a certain sum of money to be delivered to furnish 
 out the said voyage with five ships, which thing was 
 performed by the said Monsieur Boberval and Car- 
 tier. After that they had agreed together to rig the 
 said five ships at St. Malo and Brittany, where the 
 two former voyages had been prepared and set forth- 
 And the said Monsieur Boberval sent Cartier 
 thither for the same purpose. And after that Cartier 
 had caused the said five ships to be built and fur 
 nished and set in good order, Monsieur Boberval 
 came down to St. Malo and found the ships fallen 
 down to the road, with their yards across, full ready 
 to depart and set sail, staying for nothing 
 else but the coming of the General, and the payment 
 of the furniture (equipment). And because Mon 
 sieur Boberval, the King s lieutenant, had not as yet 
 his artillery, powder and munitions and other things 
 necessary come down, which he had provided for 
 the voyage in the countries of Champaigne and 
 Normandy, and because the said things were very 
 necessary, and that he was loth to depart without 
 them, he determined to depart from St. Malo to Boan 
 (Boiien) and to prepare a ship or two at Houfleur, 
 
101 
 
 whither he thought his things were come. And that 
 the said Cartier should depart with the said five 
 ships which he had furnished, and should go before. 
 
 Considering also that the said Cartier had received 
 letters from the King, whereby he did expressly 
 charge him to depart, and set sail immediately upon 
 the sight and receipt thereof, on pain of incurring 
 his displeasure, and to lay all the fault upon him. 
 And after the conclusion of these things, and the said 
 Eoberval had taken muster and view of the gentle 
 men, soldiers and mariners which were retained and 
 chosen for the performance of the said voyage, he 
 gave unto Cartier full authority to depart and go 
 before, and to govern all things as if he had been 
 there in person ; and himself departed from Honfleur 
 to make his further preparation. 
 
 After these things thus despatched, the wind com 
 ing fair, the foresaid five ships set sail together, well 
 furnished and victualled for two years, the 23rd May, 
 1540. And we sailed so long with contrary winds 
 and continual torments, which fell out by reason of 
 our late departure, that we were on the sea with our 
 said five ships full three months before we could 
 arrive at the haven and port of Canada, without ever 
 having in all that time thirty hours of good wind to 
 serve us to keep our right course ; so that our five 
 ships through those storms lost company one of 
 another, all save two that kept together, to wit, that 
 wherein the Captain was, and the other wherein 
 went the Viscount of Beaupre, until at length, at the 
 end of one month, we met altogether at the haven 
 of Carpont in Newfoundland. 
 
 But the length of time we were in passing between 
 Britainy and Newfoundland was the cause that we 
 
102 
 
 stood in great need of water, because of the cattle, as 
 well as goats, hogs, as other beasts, which we carried 
 for breed in the country, which we were constrained 
 to water with cyder and other drink. 
 
 Now, therefore, because we were the space of three 
 months sailing on the sea and staying in Newfound 
 land, waiting for Monsieur Roberval, and taking in 
 of fresh water, and other things necessary, we 
 arrived not before the haven of Sante Croix in Can 
 ada (where in the former voyage we had remained 
 eight months) until the 23rd day of August, in which 
 place the people of the country came to our ships, 
 making show of joy for our arrival ; and namely he 
 came thither which had the rule and government of 
 the country of Canada, named Agona, which was 
 appointed king there by Donnacona, when in the 
 former voyage we carried him into Frauce ; and he 
 came to the captain s ship with six or seven boats 
 and with men, women and children. 
 
 And after the said Agona had enquired of the 
 captain where Donnacona and the rest were, the 
 captain answered that Donnacona was dead in France, 
 and that his body rested in the earth, and that the 
 rest stayed there as great lords, and were married, 
 and would not return back unto their country. The 
 said Agona made no show of anger at all these 
 speeches, and I think he took it so well because he 
 remained lord and governor of the country by the 
 death of the said Donnacona. After which confer 
 ence the said Agona took a piece of tanned leather of 
 a yellow skin, edged about with esnogny (which is 
 their riches, and the thing which they esteem most 
 precious, as we esteem gold), which was upon his 
 head instead of a crown, and he put the same upon 
 
103 
 
 the head of our Captain, and took from his wrists two 
 bracelets of esuogny, and put them upon the Captain s 
 arms, coiling him about the neck, and shewing unto 
 him great signs of joy, which was all dissimulation, 
 as afterwards it well appeared. The Captain took his 
 said crown of leather and put it again upon his head, 
 and gave him and his wives certain small presents, 
 signifying unto him that he had brought certain new 
 things, which afterwards he would bestow upon him 
 for which the said Agona thanked the Captain. And 
 after that he had made him and his company eat and 
 drink, they departed and returned to the shore with 
 their boats. 
 
 After which things the said Captain went, with 
 two of his boats, up the river beyond Canada and 
 the port of Sainte Croix, to view a haven and a small 
 river which is about four leagues higher, which he 
 found better and more commodious to ride in and 
 lay his ships than the former. And, therefore, he 
 returned and caused all his ships to be before the 
 said river, and at a low water he caused his ordnance 
 to be planted to place his ships in more safety, 
 which he meant to keep and stay in the country, 
 which were three ; which he did the day following, 
 and the rest remained in the road in the midst of the 
 river (in which place the victuals and other furni 
 ture were discharged which they had brought) from 
 the 26th August until the 2nd September, what time 
 they departed to return to St. Malo, in which ships 
 he sent back Mace Jaloberte, his brother-in-law, and 
 Stephen Noel, his nephew, skillful and excellent 
 pilots, with letters unto the King, and to advise him 
 what had been done and found, and how Monsieur 
 de Roberval was not yet come, and that he feared 
 
104 
 
 that by occasion of contrary winds and tempests he 
 was driven back again into France. 
 
 The said river is small, not past fifty paces broad, 
 and ships drawing three fathoms water may enter 
 in at full sea ; and at a low water there is nothing 
 but a channel of a foot deep or thereabout. 
 
 On both sides of the said river there are very good 
 and fair grounds, full of as fair and mighty trees as 
 any be in the world, and divers sorts which are 
 about ten fathoms higher than the rest, and there is 
 one kind of tree above three fathoms, about which 
 they in the country call Hauneda, which has the most 
 excellent virtue of all the trees in the world, where 
 of I will make mention hereafter. Moreover, there 
 are great store of oaks, the most excellent that ever 
 I saw in my life, which where so laden with mast 
 that they cracked again ; besides this there are fairer 
 arables (maples?), cedars, beeches and other trees, 
 than grow in France ; and hard unto this wood, on 
 the south side, the ground is all covered with vines, 
 which we found laden with grapes as black as mul 
 berries, but they be not so kind as those of France, 
 because the vines be not tilled, and because they 
 grow of their own accord. Moreover, there are many 
 white thorns, which bear leaves as big as oaken 
 leaves and fruit like unto medlars. To be short, it 
 is as good a country to plough and manure as a man 
 should find and desire. 
 
 "We sowed seeds here of our country, as cabbages, 
 turnips, lettuces, and others, which grew and sprung 
 up out of the ground in eight days. 
 
 The mouth of the river is towards the south, and 
 it windeth northward like unto a snake ; and at the 
 mouth of it, towards the east, there is a high and 
 
105 
 
 steep cliff, where we made a way in manner of a 
 pair of stairs, and aloft we made a fort to keep the 
 nether fort and the ships, and all things that 
 might pass as well by the great as by this small 
 river. 
 
 Moreover, a man may behold a great extension of 
 ground apt for tillage, straight and handsome and 
 somewhat inclining- towards the south, as easy to be 
 brought to tillage as I would desire, and very well 
 replenished with fair oaks and other trees of great 
 beauty, no thicker than the forests of France. 
 
 Here we set twenty men to work, which in one 
 day had laboured (worked) about an acre and a half 
 of the said ground, and sowed it, part with turnips, 
 which at the end of eight days, as I said before, 
 sprang out of the earth ; and upon that high cliff we 
 found a fair fountain (spring), very near the said 
 fort ; adjoining whereunto we found good store 
 of stones, which we esteemed (thought) to be 
 diamonds. 
 
 On the other side of the said mountain and at the 
 foot thereof, which is towards the great river, is all 
 along a goodly mine of the best iron in the world, 
 and it reacheth even hard unto our fort, and the land 
 which we tread on is perfect refined mine (ore), 
 ready to be put into the furnace ; and on the water s 
 side we found certain leaves of fine gold, as thick as 
 a man s nail. And westward of the said river there 
 are, as hath been said, many fair trees, and toward 
 the water, a goodly meadow full of as fair and good 
 ly grass as ever I saw in any meadow in France ; 
 and between the said meadow and the wood are 
 great store of vines ; and beyond the said vines the 
 laud groweth full of hemp, which groweth of itself, 
 
106 
 
 which is as good as may possibly be seen, and as 
 strong. And at the end of the said meadow, within 
 100 paces, there is a rising ground which is of a kind 
 of slate-stone, black and thick, wherein are veins of 
 mineral matter, which shew like gold and silver ; and 
 throughout all that stone, there are great grains of 
 the said mine. And in some places we have found 
 stones like diamonds, the most fair, polished, and 
 excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see ; 
 when the sun shineth upon them, they glitter as it 
 were sparkles of fire. 
 
 The said Captain, having dispatched two ships to 
 return to carry news according as he had in charge 
 from the King, and that the fort was begun to be 
 builded, for preservation of their victuals and other 
 things, determined, with the Yiscount of Beaupre 
 and other gentlemen, masters and pilots chosen for 
 counsel, to make a voyage with two boats furnished 
 with men and victuals, to go as far as Hochelaga, of 
 purpose to view and understand the fashion of the 
 saults of water, which are to be passed to go to 
 Saguenay, that he might be readier in the spring to 
 pass farther, and in the winter time to make all 
 things needful in a readiness for their business. 
 
 The aforesaid boats being made ready, the captain 
 and Martin de Painpont, with other gentlemen and 
 the remnant of the mariners, departed from the said 
 place of Charlesbourg Royal the 7th September, in 
 the year aforesaid 1540. And the Viscount de Beau 
 pre staid behind for the guarding and governing all 
 things in the fort. 
 
 And as they went up the river, the Captain went 
 to see the Lord of Hochelay, which dwelleth bet 
 ween Canada and Hochelaga ; which, in the former 
 
107 
 
 voyage, had given unto the said Captain a little girl, 
 and had oftentimes informed of the treasons which 
 Taignoagny and Domagaia (whom the captain in his 
 former voyage had carried into France) would have 
 wrought against him ; in regard of which his cour 
 tesy the said Captain would not pass by without 
 visiting of him ; and to let him understand that the 
 Captain thought himself beholden unto him, he gave 
 unto him two young boys, and left them with him 
 to learn their language, and bestowed upon him a 
 cloak of Paris red, which cloak was set with white 
 and yellow buttons of tin, and small bells, and with 
 all he gave him two basins of laton (brass), and cer 
 tain hatchets and knives. Whereat the said lord 
 seemed greatly to rejoice, and thanked the Captain. 
 This done, the Captain and his company departed 
 from that place. 
 
 And we sailed with so prosperous a wind, that 
 we arrived the eleventh day of the month at the 
 first sault of water, which is two leagues distant 
 from the town of Tutonaguy. And after we were 
 arrived there, we determined to go and pass as far 
 up as possible with one of the boats, and that the 
 other should stay there till it returned, and we 
 double manned her to row up against the course or 
 stream of the said sault. 
 
 And after we had passed some part of the way 
 from our other boat, we found bad ground and great 
 rocks, and so great a current that we could not 
 possibly pass any farther with our boat ; and the 
 Captain resolved to go by land to see the nature and 
 fashion of the sault. 
 
 And after that we were come on shore, we found 
 hard by the waterside a way and beaten path, going 
 
108 
 
 towards the said saults, by which we took our way. 
 And on the said way, and soon after, we found an 
 habitation of people, which made us great cheer, and 
 entertained us very friendly. And after that we 
 had signified unto them, that we we going towards 
 the saults, and that we desired to go to Saguenay, 
 four young men went along with us to show us the 
 way, and they brought us so far that we came to 
 another village or habitation of good people, which 
 dwell over against the second sault ; which came 
 and brought us of their victuals, as pottage and fish, 
 and offered us of the same. 
 
 After that the captain had enquired of them, as 
 well by signs as words, how many more saults we 
 had to pass to go to Saguenay, and what distance 
 and way it was thither, this people showed us, and 
 gave us to understand, that we were at the second 
 sault, and that there was but one more to pass, that 
 the river was not navigable to go to Saguenay, and 
 that the said sault was but a third farther than we 
 had travelled, shewing us the same with certain 
 little sticks, which they had laid upon the ground 
 in a certain distance, and afterwards laid other small 
 branches between them both, representing the 
 saults ; and by the said mark, if their saying be true, 
 it can be but six leagues by land to pass the said 
 saults. 
 
 After that we had been advertised by the said 
 people of the things above mentioned, both because 
 the day was far spent, and we had neither drank 
 nor eaten the same day, we concluded to return 
 unto our boats, and we came thither, where we found 
 great store of people, to the number of 400 persons 
 or thereabout, which seemed to give us very good 
 
109 
 
 entertainment, and to rejoice of our coming; and, 
 therefore, our Captain gave each of them certain 
 small trifles, as combs, brooches of tin and copper, 
 and other small toys ; and unto the chief men, every 
 one his little hatchet and hook, whereat they made 
 certain cries and ceremonies of joy. 
 
 But a man must not trust them for all their fair 
 ceremonies and signs of joy, for if they had thought 
 they had been too strong for us, then they would 
 have done their best to have killed us, as we under 
 stood afterwards. 
 
 This being done, we returned with our boats, and 
 passed by the dwelling of the Lord of Hochelay, 
 with whom the Captain had left the two youths as 
 he came up the river, thinking to have found him ; 
 but he could find nobody save one of his sons, 
 who told the Captain he was gone to Maisouna, as 
 our boys also told us, saying, that it was two days 
 since he departed. But in truth he was gone to Can 
 ada, to conclude with Agona what they should do 
 against us. 
 
 And when we were arrived at our fort, we un 
 derstood by our peeple that the savages of the coun 
 try came not any more about our forts as they were 
 accustomed, to bring us fish, and that they were in 
 a wonderful doubt and fear of us. Wherefore our 
 captain having been advertised by some of our men 
 which had been at Stadacona to visit them, that 
 there was a wonderful number of the country people 
 assembled together, caused all things in our fortress 
 to be set in good order, etc. 
 
 [The rest is wanting.] 
 
110 
 
 The voyage of John Francois de la Roche, Knight, Lord of 
 Roberval, to the countries of Canada, Saguenay and 
 JJochelaga, with three tall ships and two hundred persons, 
 both men, women and children, begun in April, 1542, in 
 which parts he remained the same summer, and all the 
 next winter. 
 
 Sir John Francis de la Roche, Knight, Lord of Ro- 
 berval, appointed by the King as his lieutenant- 
 general in the countries of Canada, Saguenay, and 
 Hochelaga, furnished three tall ships, chiefly at the 
 King s cost, and having in his fleet 200 persons, as 
 well men as women, accompanied with divers gen 
 tlemen of quality, as namely, with Monsieur Saine- 
 terre, his lieutenant, 1 Espiney, his ensign, Captain 
 Gruinecourt, Monsieur Noir Fontaine, Dieu Lamont, 
 Frote, la Brosse, Francis de Moire, la Salle, and 
 Royeze, and John Alphonse of Xanctoinge, an ex 
 cellent pilot, set sail from Rochel, the 16th April 
 1542. The same day, about noon, we came athwart 
 of Chef de Boys, where we were enforced to stay the 
 night following. On Monday, the 17th of the said 
 month, we departed from Chef de Boys. The wind 
 served us notably for a time, but within a few days 
 it came quite contrary, which hindered our journey 
 for a long space, for we were suddenly enforced to 
 turn back, and to seek harbour in Belle Isle on the 
 coast of Bretaigne, where we stayed so long and had 
 such contrary weather by the way, that we could not 
 reach Newfoundland until the 7th of June. 
 
 The 8th of this month we entered into the Road 
 of St. John, where we found seventeen ships of 
 fishers. While we made somewhat long abode here, 
 Jaques Carthier and his company, returning from 
 Canada, whither he was sent with five sails the 
 
Ill 
 
 year before, arrived in the very same harbour. Who 
 after he had done his duty to our General, told him 
 he had brought certain diamonds, and a quantity of 
 gold ore, which was found in the country ; which 
 ore the Sunday next ensuing was tried in a furnace 
 and found to be good. 
 
 Farthermore, he informed our General that he 
 could not with his small company withstand the 
 savages, which went about daily to annoy him, and 
 this was the cause of his return into France. Nev 
 ertheless, he and his company commended the coun 
 try to be very rich and fruitful. But when our Gen 
 eral, being furnished with sufficient forces, com 
 manded him to go back again with him, he and his 
 company, moved as it seemed with ambition, because 
 they would have all the glory of the discovery of 
 those parts themselves, stole privily away the next 
 night from us, and without taking their leaves, 
 departed home for Bretaigne. 
 
 We spent the greatest part of June in the harbour 
 of St. John, partly in furnishing ourselves with fresh 
 water, whereof we stood in very great need by the 
 way, and partly in composing and taking up a quar 
 rel between some of our countrymen and certain 
 Portugals. At length, about the last of the aforesaid 
 mouth, we departed hence and entered into the 
 Grand Bay, and passed by the Isle of Ascension 
 (Anticosti), and finally arrived four leagues west 
 ward of the Isle of Orleans. In this place we found 
 a convenient harbor for our shipping, where we cast 
 anchor, went ashore with our people and chose out 
 a convenient place 1o fortify ourselves in, fit to com 
 mand the main river, and of strong situation against 
 all invasion of enemies. Thus, toward the end of 
 
112 
 
 July, we brought our victuals and other munitions 
 and provisions on shore, and began to travail in 
 fortifying ourselves. 
 
 Of the Fort of France- Hoy, and that which was done there. 
 
 Having described the beginning, the midst, and 
 the end of the voyage made by Monsieur Roberval 
 in the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, 
 and other countries in the west parts, he sailed so 
 far (as is declared in other books) that he arrived in 
 the said country, accompanied w r ith 200 persons, sol 
 diers, mariners and common people, with all furni 
 ture necessary for a fleet. The said general at his 
 first arrival built a fair fort, near and somewhat 
 westward above Canada, which is very beautiful to 
 behold, and of great force, situated "upon an high 
 mountain, wherein there were two courts of build 
 ings, a great tower, and another of 40 or 50 feet long, 
 wherein there were divers chambers, an hall, a 
 kitchen, houses of office, cellars high and low, and 
 near unto it were an oven and mills, and a stove to 
 warm men in, and a well before the house. And 
 the building was situate upon the great river of 
 Canada, called France Prime, by Monsieur Roberval. 
 There was also at the foot of the mountain another 
 lodging, part whereof was a great tower of two 
 stories high, two courts of good building, where at 
 the first all our victuals, and whatsoever was brought 
 with us was sent to be kept ; and near unto that tower 
 there is another small river. In these two places, 
 above and beneath, all the meaner sort was lodged. 
 
 And in the month of August, and in the begin 
 ning of September, every man was occupied in such 
 work as each one was able to do. But the 14th of 
 
113 
 
 September our aforesaid general sent back into 
 France two ships which had brought his furniture, 
 and he appointed for admiral Monsieur de Saine- 
 terre, and the other captain was Monsieur Gruine- 
 court, to cany news unto the King, and to come 
 back unto him the year next ensuing, furnished 
 with victuals and other things, as it should please 
 the King; and also to bring news out of France how 
 the King accepted certain diamonds which were 
 sent him, and were found in this country. 
 
 After these two ships were departed, consideration 
 was had how they should do and how they might 
 pass out the winter in this place. First they took 
 a view of the victuals, and it was found they fell 
 out short ; and they were scanted so that in each 
 mess they had but two loaves weighing a pound 
 a-piece, and half a pound of beef. They ate bacon 
 at dinner with half a pound of butter ; and beef at 
 supper and about two handfuls of beans without 
 butter. 
 
 On the Wednesday, Friday and Saturday, they did 
 eat dry cod, and sometimes they did eat it green at 
 dinner with butter, and they ate of porpoises and 
 beans at supper 
 
 About that time the savages brought us great stores 
 of aloses (shad, or salmon trout), which is a fish 
 somewhat red like a salmon, to get knives and other 
 small trifles for them. 
 
 In the. end many of our people fell sick of a cer 
 tain disease in their legs, veins and stomach, so that 
 they seemed to be deprived of all their limbs, and 
 there died thereof about fifty. 
 
 Note, that the ice began to break up in April. 
 Monsieur Roberval used very good justice, and 
 
114 
 
 punished every man according to his offence. One, 
 whose name was Michael G-aillon, was hanged for 
 his theft. John of Nantes was laid in irons and 
 kept prisoner for his offence, and others also were 
 put in irons, and divers were whipped, as well men 
 as women ; by which means they lived in quiet. 
 
 The Manners of the Savages. 
 
 To declare unto you the state of the savages. They 
 are people of a goodly stature and well made, they 
 are very white, but they are all naked ; and if they 
 were apparelled as the French are, they would be 
 as white and as fair ; but they paint themselves for 
 fear of heat and sunburning. 
 
 Instead of apparel they wear skins upon them like 
 mantles, and they have a small pair of breeches, 
 wherewith they cover their privities, as well men as 
 women. They have hoseu and shoes of leather, ex 
 cellently made; and they have no shirts, neither 
 cover they the head, but their hair is trussed up 
 above the crown of their heads and plaited or braid 
 ed. Touching their victuals they eat good meat but 
 all unsalted, but they dry it, and afterwards they 
 boil it, as well fish as flesh. They have no certain 
 dwelling-place, and they go from place to place, as 
 they think they may best find food, as aloses in one 
 place, and other fish, salmons, sturgeons, mullets, 
 furmullets, barz, carps, eels, pimpermeaux, and other 
 fresh water fish, and store of porpoises. They feed 
 also of stags, wild boars, bugles, porkespiues, and 
 store of other wild beasts ; and there is as great store 
 of fowls as they can desire. 
 
 Touching their bread, they make very good ; and 
 
115 
 
 it is of great mill ; and they live very well ; for they 
 take care for nothing else. 
 
 They drink seal oil, but this at their great feasts. 
 
 They have a king in every country, and are won 
 derful obedient unto him ; and they do him honour 
 according to their manner and fashion. And when 
 they travel from place to place, they carry all their 
 goods with them in their boats. 
 
 The women nurse the children with the breast, 
 and they sit continually, and are wrapped about the 
 bellies with skins of fur. 
 
 The voyage of Monsieur P.oberval from his fort in Canada into 
 Saguenay, the 5th June, 1543. 
 
 Monsieur Roberval, the King s lieutenant in the 
 countries of Canada, Sagueuay and Hochelaga, de 
 parted toward the said province of Saguenay on the 
 Tuesday, the oth day of June, 1543, after supper ; 
 and he with all his furniture was embarked to make 
 the said voyage But upon a certain occasion they 
 lay in the road over against the place before men 
 tioned ; but on the "Wednesday, about six o clock in 
 the morning, they set sail, and sailed against the 
 stream, in which voyage their whole furniture was 
 of eight barks, as well great as small, and to the 
 number of three score and ten persons, with the 
 aforesaid general. 
 
 The general left behind him in the aforesaid place 
 and fort thirty persons to remain there until his re 
 turn from Saguenay, which he appointed to be the 
 first of July, or else they should return into France. 
 And he left there behind him but two barks to carry 
 the said thirty persons, and the furniture which was 
 there, while he staid still in the country. And for 
 
116 
 
 effectuating hereof, he left as his lieutenant a gentle 
 man named Monsieur de Royeze, to whom he gave 
 commission, and charged all men to obey him, and 
 to be at the commandment of the said lieutenant. 
 The victuals which were left for their maintenance 
 until the said first day of July were received by the 
 said Lieutenant Royeze. 
 
 On Thursday, the 14th June, Monsieur 1 Espiney, 
 La Brosse, Monsieur Frete, Monsieur Longeval and 
 others, returned from the general, from the voyage of 
 Saguenay. 
 
 And note, that eight men and one bark were 
 drowned and lost, amongst whom was Monsieur de 
 Noire Fontaine, and one named La Vasseur of Con 
 stance. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 19th of June aforesaid, there 
 came from the general, Monsieur de Villeneuf, Tale- 
 bot, and three others, which brought six score pounds 
 weight of their corn, and letters to stay yet until 
 Magdalen-tide, which is the 22nd day of July. 
 
 [The rest of this voyage is wanting.] 
 
 Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the 
 Grand Bay, in Newfoundland, up the river of Canada, for 
 the space of 230 leagues, observed by Jean Alphonse of 
 Xainctoiyne, chief pilot to Monsieur Roberval, 1542. 
 
 Belles Isles are in 51 degrees and 40 min. ; Belles 
 Isles and Carpont are N.N.W. and S.S.E. and they 
 are ten leagues distant ; Carpont is in 52 deg. ; Car 
 pont and Belle Isle, from the Grand Bay, are N.E. 
 and S.W., and the distance from Belle Isle to the 
 Grand Bay is seven leagues. The midst of the Grand 
 Bay is in 52 deg. and a half, and on the north side 
 
117 
 
 thereof there is a rock ; half a league from~the isle, 
 over against Carpout, toward the east, there is a 
 small flat island, and on the side towards the N.E. 
 there is a flat rock. And when thou comest out of 
 the harbor of Carpout, thou must leave this rock on 
 the starboard side, and also on the larboard side 
 there are two or three small isles ; and when thou 
 coinest out of the N.E. side, ranging along the shore 
 towards the west, about two pikes lengths in the 
 midway, there is a shoal which lyeth on the star 
 board side ; and sail there by the north coast, and 
 leave two parts of the Grand Bay towards the south, 
 because there is a rock which runneth two or three 
 leagues into the sea. And when thou art come 
 athwart the haven of Butes, run along the north 
 shore about one league or an half off, for the coast is 
 without all danger. Belle Isle, in the mouth of the 
 Grand Bay, and the Isles of Blanc Sablon, which are 
 within the Grand Bay, near unto the north shore, lie 
 N.E., W., and S. W., and the distance is 30 leagues. 
 The Grand Bay at the entrance is but seven leagues 
 broad from land to land, until it come over against 
 the Bay des Chasteaux, and from thenceforward it 
 hath not past five leagues in breadth ; and against 
 Blanc Sablon it is eight leagues broad from laud to 
 laud. And the land on the south shore is all low 
 land along the sea coast ; the north shore is reason 
 able high land. Blanc Sablon is in 51 deg. 40 min. 
 The Isles of Blanc Sablon and the Isles de la De 
 moiselle are N.E., "W.S.W. and take a little of the 
 W.S.W. and they are distant 36 leagues. These 
 isles are in 50 deg 45 min., and there is a good haven, 
 and you may enter by an high cape which lyeth along 
 toward the N.E., and within the distance of a pike 
 
118 
 
 and a half, because of a rock which lyeth on your 
 larboard side, and you may anchor in ten fathom 
 water over against a little nook ; and from the 
 great headland unto the place where thou doest an 
 chor, there is not above the length of two cables. 
 And if thou wouldst go out by the west side, thou 
 must sail near the isle by the starboard, and give 
 room unto the isle upon the larboard at the coming 
 forth, and when thou art not past a cable s length 
 out thou must sail hard by the isles on the larboard 
 side, by reason of a sunken flat that lyeth on the 
 starboard, and thence shalt sail on to the S.S.W. until 
 thou come in sight of a rock which shineth, which 
 is about half a league in the sea distant from the 
 isles, and thou shalt leave it on the larboard (and 
 from the Isles of Damoiselle unto Newfoundland, the 
 sea is not in breadth above 36 leagues, because that 
 Newfoundland, even unto Cape Breton, runneth not 
 but N.N.E. and S.S.W.). 
 
 Between the Isles de la Demoiselle and the Isles 
 of Blanc Sablon, there be many isles and good har 
 bors ; and on this coast there are falcons and hawks, 
 and certain fowls which seem to be pheasants. The 
 Isles de la Demoiselle and Cape Tieuot are N.E. and 
 S.S.W. and take a little of the N.E. and S.W., and 
 they are distant 18 leagues. Cape Tienot is in 50 
 deg. 15 min., and there the sea is broadest. And it 
 may be to the end of Newfoundland, which is at the 
 entrance of Cape Briton, 70 leagues, which is the 
 greatest breadth of this sea. And there are six or 
 seven isles, between the Isles de la Demoiselle, and 
 Cape Tienot. 
 
 Cape Tienot hath in the sea, five or six leagues 
 distant from it, a sunken island, dangerous for ships. 
 
119 
 
 The Cape Tienot arid the midst of the Island of As 
 cension are N.E. and S.S.W., and they are 22 leagues 
 distant ; the midst of the Island of Ascension is in 
 49 deg. and a half. The said isle lyeth N.W. and 
 S.E., the N.W. end is in 50 deg. of latitude, and the 
 S.E. end is in 48 deg. and a half, and is about 25 
 leagues long, and four or five leagues broad ; and 
 from the N.W. end of the isle unto the firm land of 
 the north side, the sea is not above seven leagues 
 broad, and unto the firm land on the south side are 
 about 15 leagues. Cape Tienot and the Isle of As 
 cension toward the S.E. are N.E. and S TV., and are 
 distant 30 leagues. 
 
 The said Cape of Tienot and the N.W. end of the 
 Isle of Ascension are east and west, and take a little 
 of the N.E. and S.W.. and they are distant 34 leagues. 
 
 The Isle of Ascension is a goodly isle and a g-ood 
 champaigue land, without any hills, standing all 
 upon white rocks and alabaster, all covered with 
 trees unto the sea shore, and there are all sorts of 
 trees as there be in France, and there be wild beasts, 
 as bears, luserns, porkespicks. And from the S.E. 
 end of the Isle of Ascension unto the entrance of 
 Cape Breton is but 50 leagues. The N.W. end of the 
 isle and the Cape des Monts nostre Dame, which is 
 on the main land towards the south, are N.E. and 
 "W S.W., and the distance between them is 15 leagues. 
 The Cape is in 49 degrees, which is a very high land. 
 The Cape end of the Isle of Ascension towards the 
 S.E. are E. and W., and there is 15 leagues distance 
 between them. 
 
 The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48 degrees, and 
 the coast lyeth north and south, and taketh a quarter 
 of the N.E. and S.W. unto the Bay of Heate ; and 
 
120 
 
 there are three isles, one great one and two small. 
 From the Bay of Heate until you pass the Monts 
 nostre Dame all the land is high and good ground, 
 all covered with trees. Oguedoc is a good "bay and 
 lyeth N.N.AV. and S.S.E., and it is a good harbour ; 
 and you must sail along the shore on the north side, 
 by reason of the low point at the entrance thereof, 
 and when you are past the point bring yourself to 
 an anchor in 15 or 20 fathoms of water towards the 
 south shore ; and here within this haven are two 
 rivers, one which goeth toward the N.W. and the 
 other to the S.W. And on this coast there is great 
 fishing for cods and other fish, where there is more 
 store than is in Newfoundland, and better fish. And 
 here is great store of river fowl, as mallards, wild 
 geese, and others ; and here are all sorts of trees, rose 
 trees, raspberries, filbert trees, apple trees, pear trees, 
 and it is hotter here in summer than in France. 
 
 The Isle of Ascension and the Seven Isles which 
 lie on the north shore lie S.E. and W.S.W. and are 
 distant 24 leagues. The Cape of Oguedoc and the 
 Seven Isles are N.N.W. and S.S.E. and are distant 35 
 leagues. The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 
 Seven Islands are north and south, and the cut from 
 one over to the other is 25 leagues, and this is the 
 breadth of this sea and from thence upward it bc- 
 ghmeth to wax narrower and narrower. The Seven 
 Islands are in 50 degrees and a half. The Seven 
 Islands and the Point of Ongear lie N.E. and S.W., 
 and the distance between them is 15 leagues, and 
 between them are certain small islands. And the 
 point of Ongear and the Mountains nostre Dame, 
 which are on the south side of the entrance of the 
 river, are north and south, and the cut over from 
 
121 
 
 the one to the other is ten leagues, and this is here 
 the breadth of the sea. The Point of Oiigear and the 
 river of Caen lie east and west, and they are distant 
 12 leagues. And all the coast from the Isle of As 
 cension hither is very good ground, wherein grow 
 all sorts of trees that are in France, and some fruits. 
 The Point of Ongear is 49 deg. and 15 min., and 
 the River of Caen and the Isle of Eaquelle lie 
 N.E. and S.W., and they are distant 12 leagues. 
 The Isle of Ixaquelle is in 48 deg. and 40 min. 
 In this River of Caen there is great store of 
 fish ; and ht-re the sea is not past eight league 
 broad. 
 
 The Isle of Ixaquelle is a very low isle, which is 
 near unto the south shore, hard by a high cape, 
 which is called the Cape of Marble. There is no 
 danger there at all, and between Eaquelle and the 
 Cape of Marble, ships may pass ; and there is not 
 from the isle to the south shore above one league, 
 and from the isle to the north shore about four 
 leagues. The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of 
 Saguenay are N.E. and W.S.W.,and are distant 14 
 leagues, and there are between them two small 
 islands near the north shore. The entrance of Sague 
 nay is in 48 deg. and 20 miu., and the entrance hath 
 not past a quarter of a league in breadth, and it is 
 dangerous toward the S.W., and two or three leagues 
 within the entrance it beginneth to wax wider and 
 wider, and it seemeth to be as it were an arm of the 
 sea ; and I think that the same runneth into the sea 
 of Cathay, for it sendeth forth there a great current, 
 and there doth run in that place a terrible race or 
 tide. And here the river from the north shore is not 
 past four leagues in breadth, and it is a dangerous 
 
122 
 
 passage between both the lands, because there lie 
 banks of rocks in the river. 
 
 The Isle of Raquelle aud the Isle of Hares lie N.E. 
 and S.W., and take a quarter of the east and west, 
 and they are distant 18 leagues. The entrance of 
 Saguenay and the Isle of Hares lie N.N.E. and S.S.W., 
 and are distant five leagues. The entrance of Sagueuay 
 and the Isle of Raquelle are N.N.W. and S.S.W., 
 and are distant three leagues. The Isle of Hares is 
 in 48 deg. 4 min. From the Mountains of notre 
 Dame unto Canada and unto Hochelaga, all the laud 
 on the south coast is fair, a low land and goodly 
 champaigne, all covered with trees unto the bank of 
 the river. And the land on the north side is higher, 
 and in some places there are high mountains. And 
 from the Isle of Hares unto the Isle of Orleans the 
 river is not past four or five leagues broad. Between 
 the Isle of Hares and the high laud on the north 
 side the sea is not past a league and a half broad, 
 and it is very deep, for it is above 100 fathoms deep 
 in the midst. To the east of the Isle of Hares and 
 the Isle of Filberts lie N.E., W., and S.W., and they 
 are distant 12 leagues. And you must always run 
 along the high land on the north shore, for on the 
 other shore there is uothiug but rocks; and you 
 must pass by the side of the Isle of Filberts, and the 
 River there is not past a quarter of a league broad, 
 and you must sail in the midst of the channel, and 
 in the midst runneth the best passage either at an 
 high or low water, because the sea runneth there 
 strongly, and there are great dangers of rocks, and 
 you had need of good anchor and cable. The Isle of 
 Filberts is a small isle, about one league long, and 
 half a league broad, but they are all banks of sand. 
 
123 
 
 The Isle of Filberts stands in 47 deg. 45 min. The 
 Isle of Filberts and the Isle of Orleans lie N.E. and 
 S.W., and they are distant ten leagues, and thou 
 must pass by the high land on the north side, about 
 a quarter of a league, because that in the midst of 
 the river there is nothing but shoals and rocks. 
 And when thou shalt be over against a round cape, 
 thou must take over to the south shore S.TV\ J S , 
 and thou shalt sail in five, six, and seven fathoms; 
 and there the river of Canada beginueth to be 
 fresh, and the salt water endeth. And when thou 
 shalt be athwart the point of the Isle of Orleans, 
 where the river beginneth to be fresh, thou shalt 
 sail in the midst of the river, and thou shalt 
 leave the isle on the starboard, which is on the 
 right hand ; and here the river is not past a quarter 
 of a league broad, and hath 20 and 30 fathoms 
 water. And toward the south shore there is a ledge 
 of isles all covered with trees, and they end over 
 against the point of the Isle of Orleans. And the 
 point of the Isle of Orleans toward the N.E. is in 47 
 deg. 20 min. And the Isle of Orleans is a fair isle, 
 all covered with trees even unto the river side ; and 
 it is about five leagues long and a league and a half 
 broad. And on the north shore there is another 
 river, which falleth into the main river at the end 
 of the island ; and ships may very well pass there. 
 From the midst of the isle unto Canada the river 
 runneth west, and from the place of Canada unto 
 France Roy the river runneth TV.S.^V., and from the 
 west end of the isle to Canada is but one league, 
 and unto France Roy four leagues ; and when thou 
 art come to the end of the isle, thou shalt see a great 
 river which falleth 15 or 20 fathoms down from a 
 
124 
 
 rock, and maketh a terrible noise. The fort of 
 France Roy is in 4*7 (leg, 10 min. 
 
 The extension of all these lands, upon just occa 
 sion, is called NEW FRANCE, for it is as good and as 
 temperate as France, and in the same latitude. And 
 the reason wherefore it is colder in winter is because 
 the fresh river is naturally more cold than the sea; 
 and it is also broad and deep ; and in some places it 
 is half a league and above in breadth ; and also be 
 cause the land is not tilled nor full of people ; and 
 it is all full of woods, which is the cause of cold, 
 because there is not store of fire nor cattle. And 
 the sun hath its meridian as high as the meridian at 
 Eochel, and it is noon here, when the sun is at 
 S.S.W. at Rochel. And here the north star by the 
 compass standeth N.N.E., and when at Rochel it is 
 noon, it is but half an hour past nine at France 
 Roy. 
 
 From the said place unto the ocean sea and coast 
 of New France is not above 50 leagues distance, and 
 from the entrance of Norumbega unto Florida are 
 300 leagues : and from this place of France Roy to 
 Hochelaga are about 80 leagues, and unto the isle of 
 Rasus 30 leagues. And I doubt not but Norumbega 
 entereth into the river of Canada, and unto the sea 
 of Saguenay. And from the fort of France Roy 
 until a man come forth of the Grand Bay is not 
 above 230 leagues : and the course is N.E. and 
 W.S.W., not above five deg. and 20 min. difference, 
 and reckon 16 leagues and a half to a degree. 
 
 By the nature of the climate the lands towards 
 Hochelaga are still better and better, and more fruit 
 ful ; and this land is fit for figs and pears ; and I 
 think that gold and silver will be found here, 
 
125 
 
 according as the people of the country say. These 
 lauds lie over against Tartary, and I doubt not but 
 they stretch toward Asia, according to the roundness 
 of the world. And, therefore, it were good to have 
 a small ship of 70 tons to discover the coast of New 
 France on the back side of Florida ; for I have been 
 at a bay as far as 42 degrees between Norumbega 
 and Florida, and I have not searched the end thereof, 
 and I know not whether it pass through. And in 
 all these countries there are oaks, and bortz, ashes, 
 elm, arables, trees of life, pines, prusse trees, cedars, 
 great w alnut trees, and wild nuts, hazel trees, wild 
 pear trees, wild grapes, and there have been found 
 red plums. And very fair corn groweth there, and 
 peason grow of their own accord, gooseberries and 
 strawberries. And there are goodly forests wherein 
 men may hunt ; and there are great store of stags, 
 deer, porkepicks, and the savages say there be uni 
 corns. Fowl there are in abundance, as bustards, 
 wild geese, cranes, turtle doves, ravens, crows, and 
 many other birds. All things which are sown there 
 are not past two or three days in coming up out of 
 the ground. I have told in one ear of corn 120 
 grains, like the corn of France. And you need not 
 to sow your wheat until March, and it will be ripe 
 in the midst of August. The waters are better and 
 perfecter than in France, and if the country were 
 tilled and replenished with people, it would be as 
 hot as Kochel. And the reason why it snoweth 
 oftener there than in France is because it raineth 
 there but seldom ; for the rain is converted into 
 snows. All things above mentioned are true. 
 
 John Alphonse made this voyage with Monsieur 
 Koberval. 
 
THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 
 
 Some time after March 25, 1543, Cartier was sent back to get 
 Rolerual, which he did, returning at the end of eight months. 
 
 [See Lescarbot, ed. 1612, page 416 : " Car je trouve par le compte 
 du dit Quartier qu il employa huit mois Taller quSrir apres y avoir 
 demeure dix-sept mois." See Transactions Quebec Literary and 
 Historical Society, 1862, p. 93.] 
 
 This voyage has of late been held by some to have 
 never been made, and the most recent authority on 
 Cartier (Lougrais), is of this opinion. All that can 
 be said at present is that it is a matter of opinion. 
 
 After he had retired from the sea, he occupied 
 during the winter, in the town of St. Malo, a house 
 situated "next St. Thomas Hospital," of which 
 nothing now remains. There is or was a street in 
 St. Malo, named after him. During the summer he 
 withdrew to the seignorial domain of Limoilou, at 
 the village of the same name. In an Act of the 
 Chapitre of St. Malo, of the 29th September, 1549, he 
 was made Sieur de Limoilou, and it is claimed, on 
 the 5th February following, was made a noble. After 
 the return of Eoberval, he had to undergo an exam 
 ination as to the expenditure of money. He was 
 acquitted on all charges by the sentences of the tri 
 bunal of the Admiralty on the 21st June, 1544. 
 
128 
 
 On the 21st October, 1542, Cartier was present at 
 a baptism in St. Malo, of the daughter of the Gover 
 nor. He was also at a baptism on the 25th March, 
 1543, Easter ; on the 6th August, 1544 ; 27th April, 
 1547 ; 8th December, 1547 ; 20th December, 1548 ; 
 and others, the last one recorded being on the 17th 
 November, 1555. 
 
 On the 10th April, 1543, Cartier was chosen inter 
 preter of Portuguese, another evidence that he had 
 been in the Portuguese employ. On the 17th De 
 cember, 1544, he is called upon to give testimony in 
 a marine enquiry instituted by order of the King. 
 In 1545 he gives evidence in small cases before a 
 magistrate, and also during the years 1546 and 1548. 
 
 On April 3, 1544, he and Roberval are summoned 
 to appear before the King, with the result as stated 
 above. 
 
 According to 1 Abbe Manet, on the 29th November, 
 1549, Cartier and his wife founded an obit in the 
 Cathedral of St. Malo ; and Lougrais has discovered 
 the book of obits of the cathedral, in which Cartier 
 and his wife are inscribed for a simple obit of three 
 masses on the 16th of October of each year. 
 
 It may be of interest to state that the account runs 
 that Roberval made a voyage in 1549 and never came 
 back. The proof is to the effect that he was assas 
 sinated in Paris. 
 
 On Sunday, 17th of September, 1553, " a savage of 
 the countries of the New Land " was baptized, 
 but Cartier did not act as godfather. The fact shows 
 that voyages were kept up. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 5th of June, 1555, Cartier appears 
 as a bond-giver in a tutelle. On the 16th June, 1556, 
 Car tier s name appears as a witness, and also on 
 
129 
 
 Friday, the 17th of July, and again on the 27th No 
 vember, in small cases. 
 
 And now the end approaches ; the great navigator 
 is going on the eternal voyage, and on the 1st Sep 
 tember, 1557, he set sail for the celestial world. On 
 the margin of one of the precious registers of St. 
 Malo, only recently come to light, his passing away 
 is thus recorded : " Ce diet mercredy au matin environ 
 cinq heures deceda Jacques Cartier." " On the said 
 Wednesday, about five o clock in the morning, died 
 Jacques Cartier." A plague or epidemic was raging 
 in the district, and Cartier probably fell a victim. 
 
 And he had no son to follow in his work, so that 
 his mantle fell on Charnplain half a century later. 
 
 There are two portraits of Cartier, one in the city 
 hall of St. Halo and one in the National Library at 
 Paris. The former is familiar to many, as there are 
 many copies and prints of it, one of which is to be 
 found in the first volume of " Histoire de la Colonie 
 Fraucaise," by Faillon. A reproduction of the other 
 is to be found on the title page of " Note sur le 
 Manoir de Jacques Cartier, par M. Alfred Same," 
 Paris, 1867. 
 
 [Hakluyt, in the third volume, gives the two following letters. 
 They are to be found immediately after the third voyage of Cartier.] 
 
 A Letter written to Jf. John Growte, student in Paris, by 
 Jaques Noel, of S. Malo, the nephew of Jaques Cartier, 
 touching theforesaid discovery. 
 
 Master G-rowte, your brother-in-law, Giles "Walter, 
 shewed me this morning a map printed at Paris, de 
 dicated to one M. Hakluyt, an English gentleman, 
 wherein all the West Indies, the kingdom of New 
 Mexico, and the countries of Canada, Hochelaga and 
 
130 
 
 Saguenay are contained. I hold that the river of 
 Canada, which is described in that map, is not marked 
 as it is in my book, which is agreeable to the book of 
 Jacques Cartier ; and that the said chart doth not 
 mark or set down The Great Lake, which is above 
 the saults, according as the savages have advertised 
 us, which dwell at the said saults. In the foresaid 
 chart, which you sent me hither, the Great Lake is 
 placed too much toward the north. The saults or 
 falls of the river stand in 44 degrees of latitude ; it 
 is not so hard a matter to pass them as it is thought. 
 The water falleth not down from any high place, it 
 is nothing else but that in the midst of the river 
 there is bad ground. It were best to build boats 
 above the saults ; and it is easy to march or travel 
 by land to the end of the three saults ; it is not 
 above five leagues journey. I have been upon the 
 top of a mountain, which is at the foot of the saults. 
 where I have seen the said river beyond the said 
 saults, which shewed unto us to be broader than it 
 was where we passed it. The people of the country 
 advertised us that there are ten days journey 
 from the sault into this great lake. We know not 
 how many leagues they make to a day s journey. 
 At this present I cannot write unto you more at 
 large, because the messenger can stay no longer. 
 Here, therefore, for the present I will end, saluting 
 you with my hearty commendations, praying God 
 to give you your heart s desire. From S. Malo, in 
 haste, this 19th day of June, 1587. 
 
 Your loving friend, 
 
 JAQUES NOEL. 
 
131 . 
 
 Cousin, I pray you do me so much pleasure as to 
 send me a book of the discovery of New Mexico, and 
 one of those new maps of the "West Indies dedicated 
 to M. Hakluyt, the English gentleman, which you 
 sent to your brother-in-law, Giles Walter. I will 
 not fail to inform myself if there be any mean to find 
 out those descriptions which Captain Cartier made 
 after his two last voyages into Canada. 
 
 Underneath the aforesaid imperfect relation that which follow eth 
 is written in another Letter sent to M. John Growte, student 
 in Paris, from Jaques A"oel of S. Malo, the Grand-Nephev: 
 of Jaques Cartier. 
 
 I can write nothing else unto you of anything that 
 I can recover of the writings of Captain Jaques 
 Cartier, my uncle, deceased, although I have made 
 search in all places that I possibly could in this 
 town ; saving of a certain book made in manner of a 
 sea-chart, which was drawn by the hand of my said 
 uncle, which is in the possession of Master Cremeur, 
 which book is passing well marked and drawn, for 
 all the river of Canada, whereof I am well assured, 
 because I myself have knowledge thereof, as far as 
 to the saults, where I have been ; the height of 
 which sault is in 44 degrees. I found in the said 
 chart, beyond the place where the river is divided 
 in twain, in the midst of both the branches of the 
 said river, somewhat nearest that area which runneth 
 toward the N."W., these words following, written in 
 the hand of Jaques Cartier: "By the people of 
 Canada it was said, that here is the land of Saguenay, 
 which is rich and wealthy in precious stones." And 
 about one hundred leagues under the same, I found 
 written these two lines following in the said card, 
 
* 132 
 
 inclining toward the S. W. : "Here in this country 
 are cinnamon and cloves, which they call in their 
 language, Canodeta." Touching the effect of my 
 book, whereof I spake unto you, it is made after the 
 manner of a sea-chart, which I have delivered unto 
 my two sons, Michael and John, which at this present 
 are in Canada. If, at their return, which will be, 
 God willing, about Magdalentide, they have learned 
 any new thing worthy the writing, I will not fail to 
 
 advertise you thereof. 
 
 Your loving friend, 
 
 JAQTJES NOEL. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 [The dates given are in the " old style " of reckoning. In France 
 the " old style " prevailed until 1582, in England till 1752.] 
 
 Cartier. Lescarbot spells this uniformly Quartier, and is followed 
 by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. The majority of 
 authorities and writers, as well as usage, commend the former 
 method. The writer is of the opinion that the letter Cis intended. 
 See autograph. 
 
 Ramusio has "armate ciascuna." Lescarbot says "arme de 
 soixante-et-un homines." The Rev. B. F. DaCosta says the ships 
 were ab<3ut fifty tons each, and were manned with 162 chosen men. 
 Ramusio and Lescarbot both say sixty tons, " sixty-one men each." 
 Faillon says sixty-one in all. Ramusio says sixty-one in each, so 
 Hakluyt. DaCosta says 162 men. 
 
 Newfoundland. The name Terra Nora and Terre Neuve was given 
 on all the old maps to the whole of the northern region of this con 
 tinent, and in a statute of Henry VIII. is named " Newland." It 
 has, of course, not the same meaning at present, being applied to 
 only an inconsiderable portion. Verazzano gave the name of Terre 
 Neuve to Florida (Lescarbot). 
 
 Cabot was and should be, apart from fishermen, accredited as the 
 discoverer of Baccalaos (land of codfish) or Newfoundland. DeBry. 
 Grand Voyages, iv., p. 69. Belle-forest Cosmographie Universelle, 
 tome 11, 2175, published at Paris, 1576. Du Xoureau Monde, Cliau- 
 veton, page 141, Geneva, 1579. Singularity de /a France Antartique, 
 Thevet. Cabot made a map of these coasts, Labrador, where he first 
 touched, and further north. He gave names to points in Hudson s 
 Bay. It must not be forgotten that, by the right of discovery, 
 
134 
 
 America belonged to the English nation, for Cabot saw the conti 
 nent fourteen months before Columbus. 
 
 Savages brought from the " Newfound Hand" were shown in Eng 
 land in 1502. (Purchas, page 915, ed. 1617.) See additional note. 
 
 Cape de Sonne-veue. Capo di Buona Vista. Ramusio. Bonavista. 
 
 Golfe Si. Lunaire. Lescarbot says this is Tregate. 
 
 Longitude. * * * * Ramusio does not give it In those days 
 longitude was reckoned from Ferro, supposed to be the most wes 
 tern part of the world, and " proceeded first over the old world and 
 thus made its journey of 360 degrees." 
 
 League. Equal to about 3.052 statute miles. 
 
 Island of Birds. Funk Island. 
 
 Apporratli, Lescarbot has Apponath. " The Acadians call them 
 Barricadieres. " 
 
 Newfoundland. In an edition of Ptolemy, published at Basle, 
 1540, is a map " Typus Orbis Universalis," in which is seen in the 
 extreme north of the new world, " Terra Nova siva Bacalhos," and 
 below it to the southward is an island designated " Corterati," with 
 a great stream in its rear (the St. Lawrence perliaps), thus charac 
 terised " Per hocfretum iterpated ad Molucas." (A copy of this map 
 is in the Harvard College Library.) 
 
 Godetz, Margaulx.Lescarbot has godets, margaux. The godets 
 are probably godwits. " Now known as godes." Godes means sea- 
 birds. 
 
 Castle Gulf. Golfs des Chateuaulx, Lescarbot. Golfo di Castelli, 
 Ramusio. Straits of Belle Isle. 
 
 Degrad.Or " De Grat." 
 
 Carpunt. Carpont. Kamusio. 5lN. 
 
 Cape Race. Capo rasso. Ramusio. Cap Raze. Lescarbot. 
 
 Isle Ste. Catherine. Island of Belle Isle. 
 
 Castle Harbor. Tort des Chateaux. Lescarbot. Porto di Castelli. 
 Ramusio. 
 
 Port des Gouttes. Baie Verte, Labrador. 
 
 Port des Balances. Porto dello ballanze- Ramusio. Baie Royal, 
 Labrador. 
 
 Blanc-Sablon. Bianco Sabbione. Ramusio. 
 Isle de Brest. Isle au Bois, Labrador. 
 Les Ilettes. L Isolette. Ramusio. "Havre de Labrador." 
 Isle des Oiseaux.I&le Verte, Labrador. 
 
135 
 
 Longitude * * *. Not given by Ramusio. 
 
 Duck s Eggs. " These are the eggs of a bird called Moignac, bv 
 the voyageurs of Labrador." 
 
 Port Brest, Saint Serran. Breton names of places; now Baie du 
 Vieux Fort, and Rocky Bay. 
 
 Port Jacques Cartier. Shecatica Bay. 
 
 River St. James. Bay of Nepetepick. 
 
 St. Antoine.~LobsteT Bay, or Baie des Homards. 
 
 Oven. Forno, Ramusio. Fourneau, Lescarbot 
 
 Boul tree. Lescarbot says it is similar to the oak. It is the birch. 
 
 Cape Double. Now la pointe Riche, Newfoundland. 
 
 Cape Pointed. Capo puntito. Ramusio. Now Cow Head. 
 
 Hut Mountains. Monti delle grange. Ramusio. Montagues des 
 cabannes, south of Bay Ingomachoix, on the west coast of Nova 
 Scotia. 
 
 As Cartier was married to Catherine des Granches, the mountains 
 were in all probability, named thu, and the name given by Ramu 
 sio is an error. Lescarbot 
 
 Pigeon House Mands. Dell Isole Columbare. Ramusio. Lescarbot 
 calls them Isles Rame es. 
 
 Fifteenth. Lescarbot has twenty-fifth an error. 
 
 Cape St. John. Now Cap de PAuguille, (Eel Cape.) 
 
 Brion Island. turned, after the Admiral who was patron of the 
 expedition. This is said by Dr. Kohl, in his Discovery of Maine, 
 (p. 326), to be Prince Edward Island. 
 
 Goose. Oche. Ramusio. Oysons. Lescarbot (Goslings.) 
 
 Islands of Margaux.Vfi Costa says these are the Bird Islands. 
 
 / think there is a channel, etc. There is some doubt as to the cor 
 rectness of this text The Relation originate quoted bv Da Costa, 
 says: "Between the new land and the land of the Bretons." Lescarbot 
 says at page 274, ed. 1612, speaking of Jacques Cartier, " ne sachant 
 pas au vray qu il y eut passage par le Cap-Breton," i.e., not knowing 
 the fact that there was a channel by way of Cape Breton. See last 
 chapter of Second Voyage. 
 
 Gulf St. Julien.Ronne Baie, 
 
 Cape Royal. Cape Nord de la Baie des Isles. 
 
 Cape Milk Pointe Sud de la Baie des Isles. 
 
 Alezay. This is presumed to be what is now known as Prince 
 Edward Island ; or, it may be one of the Magdalen Islands. 
 
136 
 
 Canoe River, Riviere des Barques. Fiume delle barche. Ramnsio. 
 Now Miramichi river. 
 
 Cape St. Peter. A cape of one of the Magdalen Islands. 
 
 * ofvMth, etc. A hiatus here in Ramusio. 
 Cattle Gulf. Straits of Belle-Isle. 
 
 " Napeu iondamen assurtah." Belle-forest translates this: "We 
 wish to have your friendship," on which Lescarbot remarks, " I do 
 not know where he got this, but to-day (i.e. circa, 1600), they do 
 not speak thus." 
 
 Hatchets, Ramusio has " manerette," which is given in the Indian 
 vocabulary at end of Second Voyage. In another place "manerettes" 
 of tin are spoken of, these could hardly be hatchets. Probably 
 trinkets is the proper word. 
 
 Warmer than Spain. Lescarbot says : " The author has equivo 
 cated, or has wished to make a standing rule from a single expe 
 rience of heat, because the Gulf (Bay of Chaleur) being 48A cannot 
 be so warm, in that country at least. The Indian name was 
 Mowebaktabfuik, or the Biggest Bay. 
 
 Wild wheat. Vetches perhaps. 
 
 Capo di Prato. Cap du Pre. Lescarbot. Now Cape Farillon. It 
 may simply mean Cape Meadow, otherwise a curious interest 
 centres about this name. It is stated to have been named after 
 Albert de Prato, who wrote a letter from Newfoundland to Cardinal 
 Wolsey, addressed " Reverend in Christo Patri Domino Cardinali et 
 Domino Legato Anglian." The date is " apud le Baya Saint Johan 
 in Terris Novis die X Augusti 1527. Revr. Pair. vest, humilis, 
 servus Albertus de Prato." He was probably Canon of St. Paul s. 
 Those interested may find this letter in Purchas (vol. iii., p. 809), 
 together with one from John Rut. One writer, D Avezac, claims 
 that this Albert de Prato was the piemontais massacred by the 
 savages, whereas there is much stronger reason fo^r believing that 
 this pilot piemontais was none other than Verrazani. (See note " De 
 Prato.) Consult Memoir of Cabot, pp. 273, 278. 
 
 Above and across their bodies. Lescarbot has it, " a la mode des 
 Kgyptiens." 
 
 Our captain. dirtier. He is thus spoken of in the first and 
 second voyages. 
 
 Grain as large as peas. Mil <>u mahis, Lescarbot; del miglio, 
 Ramusio. Indian corn. Compare mahis and maize. (See note 
 under "large grain," 2nd voyage.) 
 
137 
 
 Kapaige Lescarbot notes that the language has changed since 
 the time of Cartier. 
 
 Twenty-fourth, Lescarbot has it, first of August 
 
 Fifteen league*. Lescarbot has it, sixteen. 
 
 Straits St. Pierre. Between Anticosti and Gaspe. Da Costa says, 
 they were between Anticosti and Labrador ian error.) 
 
 Cape Tiennot, Cape Montjoli ; near here is the river Xatachquoin. 
 
 5th September. Da Costa says the 1st, but gives no authority. 
 
 SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 The bishop who blessed them on leaving was " le venerable Denis 
 Briconnet" 
 
 Fourteen leagues from mainland. Ramusio has it forty-four. 
 
 Eight o clock in the er&ring. Ramusio has it, till half-past one. 
 
 Ha\T( SL Nicholas. Mingan. 
 
 Cape TiennoLC&pe Mountjoli. 
 
 Two reefs Lescarbot has it, four. 
 
 Seventh of August. Lescarbot has 8th ; two manuscripts Sth, one 
 7th ; Ramusio, 7th. 
 
 Bay of St, Laurence. St. John river (on the Labrador coast?); 
 the name afterward? given to the present Gulf and river. Gomara, 
 writing in 1555, says : " It has been navigated two hundred leagues 
 up, on which account many call it the Straits of the Three Brothers. 
 Here the water forms a square Gulf, which extends from San 
 Lorenco to the point of Baccallaos, more than two hundred leagues." 
 
 Twelfth of August. Ramusio 12th, two manuscripts 13th, one 14th ; 
 Lescarbot 14th. 
 
 Assumption Island. Anticosti at present Indian name, Natiscotec. 
 Jean Allefonce persists in calling it Ascension Island. 
 
 High Lands. Gaspe ; old name Gachep. 
 
 Silettne df Hochelaga. Fiume " in Ramusio ; fleuve in Lescarbot 
 
 Shaped like a horse. Lescarbot calls them, hippopotanie or river 
 horses." 
 
 St. John Islands. Lescarbot calls them, Le Pic. Bic Islands. 
 
 Canada. The origin of this word is, and probably ever will be, a 
 matter of dispute. Dean Trench has said its origin and meaning 
 are unknown a hasty conclusion. Amongst others given are the 
 
138 
 
 expressions, Aca-nada (nothing here), Cabo de nada (Cape Nothing) 
 and que nada da ( yielding nothing), which were used by the 
 Basques. Also, Cannata or Kannata, an Iroquois term for a collec 
 tion of huts. Compare the expression in the Indian vocabulary at 
 the end of the second voyage, Canada-undagneny (where do you come 
 from ?) In this case, the actual word Canada is found in print in 
 1545 and 1556 ; tending to prove it to be an Indian word. These 
 are the first times this word is found in print, I believe. Lescarbot 
 writes of the word Canada as follows : It is properly the name of 
 both banks of that large river, to which has been given the name 
 of Canada, * * *. Others have called the river Hochelaga, the 
 name of a district above the Croix, where Jacques Cartier wintered. 
 The people of Gachep (Gaspe), of the Bay of Chaleur * * call 
 therftselves Canadoccea, that is Canadaquois (as we saylroquois, etc.), 
 and he goes on to say that the name of the river should bo the River 
 of Canada, rather than Hochelaga or St. Lawrence, and that the 
 country on both sides of the river is Canada. " This word Canada, 
 (he continues) being properly the name of a province, I cannot 
 agree with Belle-forest, who says it means land, nor with Captain 
 Jacques Cartier, who says it means a town (ville). I believe both 
 are mistaken, and that their mistake was due to the fact that, speak 
 ing to these tribes by means of signs, some one of the French asked 
 the savages how (by what name) they called their country, pointing 
 to one of their villages, or circle of ground, they replied that it was 
 Canada, not meaning their village or ground was called thus, but 
 the whole country." Garneau says in his Histoire du Canada, that 
 Canada means a collection of huts. 
 
 When Canada is spoken of by Cartier, it is to be applied only to 
 that part commencing above Isle aux Coudres at the Island of Or 
 leans, and extending to Ilochelaga. The other portions of this new 
 country were named Saguenay, Honguedo, Hochelaga. Saguenay 
 was the district from the Gulf to Isle aux Coudres ; Ilochelaga was 
 the district about the present site of Montreal ; while Honguedo 
 was applied to that district now known as, Gaspe. 
 
 Two savages * * preceding voyage. There is mention of a 
 chief s sons. 
 
 One of these islands is ten leagues long. The Island of Orleans, at 
 first called the Isle of Bacchus by Cartier, and then changed by 
 him to its present name in honor of the Due d Orleans. It also bore 
 the name of St. Laurent down to 1770 in public Acts ; also called 
 Baccalaos by LaHontau, Minigo by the Indians ; and Isle de Ste. 
 Marie and " Isle des Sorciers." There is a history of the island by 
 Turcotte. 
 
139 
 
 Large grain." For their seeds and graines, mays is principall, of 
 which they make their bread, which our English ground brings 
 forth, but will hardly ripen ; it grows, as it were, on a reed and mul- 
 tiplyeth beyond comparison ; they gather three hundred measures 
 for one. It yeeldeth more bloud, but more grosse than our wheate. 
 They make drinke thereof also, wherewith they will be exceedingly 
 drunke; they first steep and after boyle it to that end. In som e 
 places they first cause it to bee champed with maids, in some places 
 with olde women, and then make a leaven thereof, which they 
 boyle and make this inebriating drinke. The canes and leaves 
 serve for their mules to eat They boyle and drinke it also for 
 paine in the backe. The buds of mays serve instead of butter and 
 oyle." Purchas, page 911, edition 1617, London. 
 
 St, Croix. This is undoubtedly the River St Charles. Efforts 
 have been made to prove that Cartier wintered at the river now 
 named after him, but without success at all. Throughout the first 
 and second voyages the writer has given this name in his transla 
 tiona whim perhaps, but it is a pity that the name of St Croix 
 had not been retained. (See additional note, "Where Cartier 
 wintered.") 
 
 After we had returned, etc. Lescarbot here says, in effect, that the 
 lateness of the season obliged Cartier to seek suitable winter quar 
 ters, finding himself in a distant land, in a river never before ex 
 plored, which he was determined to do ; for which reason he had 
 not stopped at Saguenay, Isle aux Coudres, nor Orleans (where he 
 put on shore the two savages brought back from France. He found 
 a suitable place to winter, and went back to the island of Orleans to 
 bring up the ships which he had left there. 
 
 The idand. Orleans. 
 
 Taignoagny. Lescarbot has it, Taguragny. 
 
 How Donnacona,etc. Why these people wished to prevent Cartier 
 can be only accounted for by supposing that those at Hochelaga 
 were their enemies, or that they wished to retain Cartier with them 
 on account of the trinkets they were receiving, or perhaps these 
 two suppositions combined were the reason. 
 
 Cudriagny. Cudruaigni, Rarnusio ; Cudonagny, Lescarbot This 
 was their deity, concerning whom they had some very peculiar 
 notions. Consult Lescarbot and others. 
 
 Cornet. This is a shell, and the word is still in use. 
 
 Ochelay. Ochelai, Ramusio ; Achelaci, Lescarbot. This was pro 
 bably near to the present site of Three Rivers. Champlain states 
 
140 
 
 this to have been fifteen leagues above Quebec. (See note, " Where 
 Cartier wintered/ ) 
 
 A large lake. Lake St. Peter. 
 
 Four or five rivers. Sorel Islands ; these " rivers " were the chan 
 nels between the different islands. 
 
 Fifteen leagues. Probably an error. The islands are only about 
 that distance from Montreal. 
 
 Second of October. 19th, Kamusio; 19th, reprint; 2nd, manu 
 script. 
 
 Forty-five leagues. This is full measure, with a vengeance. 
 
 Half-a-league.lhe exact site of Hochelaga is a matter of doubt. 
 The writer has dug up Indian relics on Peel street, Montreal. Con 
 sult Sir Wm. Dawson s paper in Canadian Naturalist. (See note, 
 " The site of Hochelaga," in this volume. When Champlain visited 
 the locality in 1603, the village and its dusky inhabitants had dis 
 appeared. This renders difficult credence in the theory that the 
 relics found since 1860, near Sherbrooke street, were those of the 
 Hochelagans. 
 
 Huts or houses. Usually the " houses of savages * * * were 
 nothing but poles set round and meeting in the top, ten foot broad, 
 the fire in the middest, covered with deeres-skins." Purchas, 930, 
 ed. 1617. " The savages dwell in houses made of fir trees, bound 
 together in the top and set around like a dove-house, this * * 
 at the entry to the Gulf of St. Lawrence." 
 
 Esurgny. Other names given are Enogny, Esuogny, and Esnogny. 
 Lescarbot, speaking of this word (page 732, ed. 1612), says he had 
 great difficulty in understanding it, and that Belle-forest did not 
 understand it at all. To-day (he continues) they have none, or have 
 lost the method of making (finding) it. They adorn themselves 
 with trinkets from France, that is the women ; they call these 
 trinkets Matachiaz. At Port Royal, Newfoundland and Tadousac, 
 they make use of the quills of the porcupine, which they dye black, 
 white and red, etc. Sir William Dawson has tried to explain 
 " esurgny." 
 
 Some mystery. That is to give a historical representation or reli 
 gious ceremony. These mysteries were probably frequent in France 
 where < !artier had evidently seen them ; they were given on special 
 occasions, and the connection between them, miracle plays, and the 
 stage, is a dose one. Consult any good history of English literature, 
 and consult the "Abbot," by Sir Walter Scott. 
 
 Three months. The manuscripts have "leagues." Lescarbot and 
 Kamusio have " months " (lunes.) 
 
141 
 
 Up the river. Lescarbot has an interpolation following this : 
 "And I remember that Donnacona, chief of the Canadians, told us 
 he had visited a country, a month s journey distant from Canada, in 
 which grow cloves and cinnamon ; and cinnamon they call adotathui, 
 cloves canonotha." 
 
 A large rirer.A. branch of the Ottawa, back of the island of 
 Montreal. 
 
 Agouiandas. Agajoudas, Lescarbot ; agouiondas, Kamusio. 
 Caignel-daze. Caignedaze, Lescarbot. 
 
 Rirer of Faith St. Maurice. Champlain gave it its present 
 name. 
 
 How the savages, etc. This chapter and the following one are not 
 in Kamusio nor Lescarbot, but are in the three manuscripts. 
 One more than ten leagues long. Orleans. 
 
 Adhothuys This has been asserted to be the Beluga Catadon, or 
 white whale, of which bones have been found in the post-pliocene 
 clay of the St. Lawrence. 
 
 Fresh-water sea. Lake St. John ? 
 
 Notre Dame de Roquema do. Lescarbot, page 376, says : " Or to 
 call it more correctly, to Boque atuadon, that is to say, of lovers. It 
 is a bourg of Querci, visited by many pilgrims." 
 Ameda. Anneda, Lescarbot 
 
 This remedy was made of the leaves and bark oiVepinelte blanche. 
 Stags. (Daims) Moose or Caribou. 
 Aiounesta. Ajounesta, Lescarbot. 
 
 Leave one of our ships. Parts of this, it is claimed, were discovered 
 in 1843, and some of them sent to the Museum at St. Malo. (See 
 note, Remains of La Petite Hermine.) 
 
 Charles Ouyot.In Eamusio, and the reprint, Jehan Poullet is 
 mentioned as going with him. 
 Agouhanna. Agona, Lescarbot ; Agonna, Kamusio. 
 White mm This is probably untrue. It might be referred to the 
 Eskimos. 
 
 Pic 9 wmyans.-Picqueniaux, Lescarbot; Picquemjans, Ramusio 
 and manuscripts. 
 
 Licadin. Stadin in two manuscripts ; Litadin in one manuscript ; 
 Stadin in Lescarbot : Lidaten in Ramusio. 
 
 Tlie bottom of the ship How does this agree with the finding of 
 certain portions of it in the year 1843 ? 
 
142 
 
 Canadians. This occurs " ians" in reprint, probably the first time 
 iii print of this word. Ramusio h.is Canadiani and Canidiani. 
 
 Colliers. Lescarbot calls them echarpes, scarfs. These colliers 
 were a favorite ornament of dress of Indians. In recent times 
 those of ihe Rocky Mountains made them of the teeth of the 
 grizzly bear, killed by the wearer, such colliers being considered 
 an evidence of bravery and skill. 
 
 Casnou. Casnoui, Ramusio ; caswini, Lescarbot 
 
 Twenty-two leagues and a-half. Ramusio and reprint say two 
 leagues and a half. 
 
 46^. Ramusio has 45. 
 
 Bay of the Holy Ghost Port aux Basques. 
 
 Two, three and four leagues out in the sea. Ramusio and the reprint 
 say twenty-three leagues. 
 
 Cap Torraine. Cap Nord, Cape Breton. 
 
 Kognouse- Baie des Tre passe s. 
 
 Isles St. Pierre. St. Pierre de Miquelon. 
 
 Cape St. Paul. This name appears on the map of Maijolla, 1527, 
 and on that of Viegas, drawn in 1533. Now Cap d Aspe. 
 
 6th July. Da Costa states the date to have been the 1st July. 
 
 THIRD VOYAGE. 
 
 The savages brought back on the second voyage by Cartier were 
 Donnacona, Taiguragny, Domagaya. and seven others. The King 
 ordered them to be religiously instructed, which was done in Bre- 
 tagne. Cartier was godfather to one. Donnacona received the 
 name of Francois. They lived for about four years, all dying except 
 a little girl ten years old. 
 
 The date of departure of Cartier on his third voyage is given in 
 Hakluyt and the Quebec Historical and Literary Society s volume, 
 " Voyages et dtcouvertes, etc., Quebec, 1843," as the 23rd May, 1540. 
 As Cartier only received his letters patent on the 17th October, 
 1540, this is a mistake for 1541 . Roberval s account is that he him 
 self set sail on the 16th April, 1542, and that Cartier had been sent 
 the year previous, that is, in 1541. Faillon, in his Histoire de la 
 Colonie Fran^aise, states that Cartier sailed on the 23rd May, 1541. 
 This must be regarded as the correct date. See note further on : 
 " Dates of the Third Voyage." 
 
143 
 
 The Rev. B F. Da Costa, D. D-, author of the essay on Jacques 
 Carder, in the Narratire History of America, edited by Justin 
 Winsor, states that Cartier took with him on his third voyage the 
 Grande Hermine" and the " Emerillon." In the commission 
 given to Cartier (see note " Sieur de Roberval") it is distinctly 
 stated that the latter vessel was old, and permission was granted to 
 dismantle her, in order to aid in the equipment of the other 
 
 Thevet, in his Cownographie Unirerselle (Paris, 1575), publishes a 
 story of Roberval s neice being put ashore with her old nurse on the 
 " Isle of Demons" (see Gastalde s map, published in this vol.), for 
 becoming the victim of her lover. The latter was allowed to join 
 them. Her nurse and her lover died. More than two years after 
 she was taken home to France in a fishing vessel. The story was 
 first told in the Heptameron of Marguerite (see Narrative and Criti 
 cal History of America, vol. iv., page 66 ; and Transactions Royal 
 Society of Canada, vol. i-, page 40). Modern writers have used the 
 incident, among them, I think, Frechette. 
 
 Carrier s Eoutf. Among the copies made by the late Ben Perley 
 Poore for Parkman is a map of the St. Lawrence Gulf, with the 
 route of Cartier in 1534 pricked out. The map is signed N. B., and 
 is supposed to have been made by N. Bellin, the map-maker who 
 supplied Charlevoix with his maps. Of this map, in answer to a 
 query, Mr. Parkman writes me as follows : " The map is in one of 
 a collection of volumes of manuscripts given by me to the Massa 
 chusetts Historical Society, in whose library it now is. The map is 
 a colored sketch, very small, and, in my opinion, of little value as 
 authority. The points on the Gulf visited by Cartier in his first 
 voyage are indicated on it, but it gives no new information." In 
 another letter he says : " I send you a tracing of the Cartier * 
 the facsimile was made for me from the original in the Depot des 
 Carles de la Marine, Paris. F. PARKMAN." 
 
 Captain Horc.M page 517 of Hakluyt s Prindpall Navigations, 
 ed. 1589, is an account of the voyage of Captain Hore, which is brief 
 but very interesting. I condense it as follows : In the year 1530 
 Master Hore, with two ships, the " Trinitie" and " Minion," set sail 
 from Gravesend about the end of April. He had six score persons 
 with him "whereof 30 were gentlemen." They reached Cape 
 Breton in two months, and mention is made of the great number of 
 birds, similarly to Cartier s account. They sow " stores of beares, 
 both blacke and white." Coming to a fire made by the savages ( 
 they found " the side of a beare on a wooden spit left at the same 
 by the savages that were fledde. There in the same place they 
 
144 
 
 founde a boote of leather, garnished on the otter side of the calfe 
 with certaine brave trailes, as it were of raw silke, and also found 
 a certaine great warm mitten." The query is, to whom the " boote 
 belonged. The account speaks of the famine they suffered, as their 
 supplies gave out, and "they found small reliefe, more than that 
 they had from the nest of an osprey, that brought hourly to her 
 young great plentee of divers sorts of fishes." They had to subsist 
 upon roots and herbs, but their famine increased and their hunger 
 became such that "the fellowe killed his mate while bee stouped to 
 take up a roote for his relief, and cutting out pieces of his body 
 ; " broyled the same on the coles and greedily devoured 
 them." This continuing, " the company decreased," till the captain 
 heard of the cannibalism, upon which he made a " notable oration," 
 saying, among other things, that it was better to have perished in 
 body, and to have everlasting life, than to have lived "for a 
 poore time" and been doomed to the unquenchable fire of hell. He 
 exhorted them to pray to God for relief. "And such was the 
 mercie of God that the same night there arrived a French shippe 
 in that port, well furnished with vittaile, and such was the policie 
 of the English, that they became masters of the same, and, changing 
 ships and vitailing them, they set sail to come into England." 
 They reached St. Ives, in Cornwall, about the end of October. 
 
 De Prato. Hakluyt s Prinripall Navigations, ed. 1589, page 517, 
 has a short account entitled " The voiage of the two ships, whereof 
 one was called the Dominus Vobiscum, set out the 20th day of 
 May, in the 29 yeere of King Henry the Eight, and in the yeere of 
 Our Lord God 1527, for the discovery of the north partes." The 
 following sentence occurs in the account : " And it hath been told 
 mee by Sir Martin Frobisher and Master Eichard Allen, a Knight 
 of the Sepulchre, that a Canon of S. Paul in London, which was a 
 great mathematician and a man indued with wealth, did much 
 advaunce the action, and went therein himselfe in person, but what 
 his name was, I cannot learne of any." This voyage was made 
 under " Master Robert Thome of Bristoll." 
 
 Tfie Bretons. Herrera (ed. 1728, dec. iii., 1. x. cap. 9) says that in 
 15 26 the Breton, Nicholas Don, pursued the fisheries at Baccalaos. 
 Purchas in his Pilgrimages says that Rut reports that in 1527 eleven 
 sail of Normans and one of Bretons were at St. John. Lescarbot 
 says (Nouvelle France, 1612, page 22) that Baron de Lry landed 
 cattle on the Isle of Sable in 1528. Ramusio (in Raccolta, 1556, iii., 
 424) says : " Li Brettoni & Normandi, per la qual causa e chiamata 
 questa terra il capo delli Brettoni," i. e., the Bretons and Normans, 
 for which reason the land was named Cape Breton. The " dis- 
 
145 
 
 corso," from which the above is taken, is that of the Gran Capilaiio 
 Francese, of 1539, held by some writers to be Jean Parmentier of 
 Dieppe. This "discorso" states that the Bretons and Normans 
 visited these coasts thirty-five years previously, that is in 1504 ; 
 also that Jean Denys, of Honrleur, and the pilot Camarto (Gamort), 
 of Rouen, sailed to this Cape Breton in 1506, and, in 1508, " on 
 navilio di Dieppa detto la Pensee " (a ship of Dieppe, the 
 Pensee ), carried thither " Thomas Aubert." 
 
 Gosselin (Documents autltentiyues et indits,etc., Rouen, 1876i says 
 the following ships sailed to Newfounlland in 150S : "Bonne- 
 Aventure," "Sibille," "Michel," and " Marie de Bonne Nouvelles." 
 Mr. George Dexter, writing of this period in an article on " Cor- 
 tereal, Verrazano, Gomez, Thevet," has the following concise para 
 graph : "The consolidation of France into one great kingdom may 
 be said to date from 1524, when the death of Claude, the wife of 
 Francis I., vested the hereditary right to the succession of Brittany 
 in the crown of France. The marriage of Charles VIII. with Anne. 
 Claude s mother, in 1491, had brought the last of the feudal chiefs 
 into subjection, but it required many years to make the inhabitants 
 of these provinces Frenchmen, and the rulers at Paris exercised 
 little authority over the towns and principalities of the interior. 
 The coasts of Normandy and Brittany were peopled by a race of 
 adventurous mariners, some of them exercising considerable power, 
 as, for instance, the Angos of Dieppe, one of whom (Jean) was 
 ennobled and created Viscount and Captain of that town. Such 
 places as Dieppe, Honrleur, St Malo and others had already fur 
 nished men and leaders for voyages of exploration and discovery. 
 These had made expeditions to the Canaries and the African coast 
 and the fishing population of the French provinces were not unused 
 to voyages of considerable length. They were not slow, then, in 
 seeking a share in the advantages offered by the new countries 
 discovered by Cabot and Cortereal, and they speedily became 
 skilful and powerful in the American fisheries. The fishermen of 
 the ports of Brittany are known to have reached the Newfoundland 
 shores as early as 1504. They have left there an enduring trace in 
 the name of Cape Breton, which, in one form or another, is found 
 upon very early maps. Two years afterward Jean Denys, who was 
 from Honrleur, is said to have visited the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and 
 to have made a chart of it ; but what now passes for such a chart is 
 clearly of a later origin." 
 
 Thers is a copy of this map in the Parliament Library at Ottawa, 
 but it is claimed that it is " absolument apocryphe," and a search 
 in the French Archives discloses no original. 
 The "Jean Angos" mentioned by Mr. Dexter is thus spoken of by 
 
146 
 
 Ramusio (Raccolta iii., 424, ed. 1556) : " Giovan Ango, Padre del 
 Monsignor lo Capitano & Visconte di Dieppa." 
 
 The Maps. The map of Canada, as given by Kamusio in his 
 Narigationi, iii, 425, is stated to have been drawn by Gastaldi. The 
 map of Hochelaga is at page 446, ed. 1556. The Cabot mappemonde 
 (1544) contains the first recognition in a printed map of the Cartier 
 voyages. The original is now in the possession of the French Gov 
 ernment, Photographs of it are in several American libraries. It 
 is said there were four editions of this map, " of which a single copy 
 of one edition is now known." It was discovered in Germany, in 
 1843. It is described by D Avezac in Bulletin de la Societi de Ge.o- 
 graphie, 4 ser. xiv. 268-70, 1857. 
 
 To view a haven and small river. See Hawkins Picture of Quebeo 
 page 62, quoted by LeMoine in Picturesque Quebec, page 399, et seq. 
 If, as is claimed, Roberval wintered here also, it is strange that no 
 mention is made of the fort erected by Cartier. The claim that 
 Cartier wintered here in 1541-42, is probably true, but that Roberval 
 wintered here the following season (1543-44) admits of much doubt 
 for reasons stated elsewhere. 
 
 And certain Portugals.A thorough search in the Spanish and 
 Portuguese archives may yet give more particulars of Cartier and 
 his times. 
 
 Isle of Ascension. This is Anticosti, called by the Indi.-xns then 
 Natiscotec. 
 
 Isle of Orleans. There is an historical brochure on this island writ 
 ten by Turcotte. 
 
 Michael Gaillon was hanged. Probably the first case of hanging in 
 Canada. 
 
 Paint themselves for fear of heat, etc. It is said the Hottentots 
 rubbed themselves with grease and oil for the same purpose. 
 
 IQth April, 1542. See life of Cartier at commencement of this 
 book. 
 
 France Roy. See preceding note. 
 
 Over against Tartary, etc. The wish was father to the (bought. All 
 the early expeditions thought to reach the East Indies. 
 
 Jaques Noel Of him Lescarbot says (ed. 1612, page 418) : " Thus, 
 in the year 1588, Sieur de la launaye Chaton and Jaques Noel, 
 nephews and heirs of the said Cartier, * 
 
 So that they were obliged to seek aid from the King, to whom they 
 presented a petition to have a commission granted them similar to 
 that which had formerly been given to their uncle Cartier, in con- 
 
14*7 
 
 sideration of his services, and that in the voyage of 1540, he had 
 used the sum of 1638 livres more than he had received, which had 
 never been returned to him. As King, in addition, also, for the pur 
 pose of forming a French colony, a monopoly (privilege) for twelve 
 years of the trade with the savages in those lands, e&pecially in 
 furs, all the subjects of the King to be forbidden to engage in this 
 trade, nor interfere in any way (for the twelve years) with them in 
 the enjoyment of this privilege, and of several mines which they 
 discovered. Letters patent and the commission were granted the 
 14th January, 1588." Owing, however, to the jealousy and machin 
 ations of the merchants of St. Malo, who, " as soon as they heard of 
 the commission and the monopoly, straightway presented a petition 
 to the Privy Council of the King to have it annulled. And their 
 request was carried out the 5th May following." 
 
 Cartier s Men (second voyage.) Jacques Cartier s officers and 
 crew as in the archives of Saint Malo, France : 
 
 Jacques Cartier, Capne. 
 Thomas Fourrnont, Me. de Ja nef. 
 Guille, Le Breton Bastille, capne. 
 
 et pilote du Galion. 
 Jacq. Maiugar me du Gallon. 
 Marc Jalobert, capne. et pilote 
 
 du Courlien. 
 
 Guille de Marie, me de Courlien. 
 Laurent Boulain. 
 Estienne Nouel 
 Pierre Esmery dect Talbot. 
 Michel Herne". 
 Estienne Reumevel. 
 Michel Audiepore. 
 Bertrande Samboste. 
 Richard Lebay, Faucamps. 
 Lucas Pere Sr. ou Lucas Jacq. Sr. 
 
 Fammys- 
 
 Francois Guiteault, apotecaire. 
 Georges Mabille. 
 Guillme Lequart, charpentier. 
 Robin Le Fort. 
 Samson Ripault, barbier. 
 FranQoys Guillot. 
 Guille Esnault, charpentier. 
 Jehan Dabin, charpentier, 
 Jehan Duvert 
 
 Eustache Grossin. 
 
 Guillme Allierte. 
 
 Jehan Ravy. 
 
 Pierres Marquier, trornpet. 
 
 Guille Legentilhomme. 
 
 Raoullet Maingard. 
 
 Francois Duault 
 
 Herne Henry. 
 
 Yvon Legal. 
 
 Antoine Alierte. 
 
 Jehan Colas. 
 
 Jacq. Pouisault 
 
 Bom Guille Le Breton. 
 
 Dom Antoine. 
 
 Phillipe Thomas, charpentier. 
 
 Jacq. Duboys. 
 
 Julien Planternet 
 
 Jehan Go. 
 
 Jehan Legentilhomme. 
 
 Michel Douquais, charpentier. 
 
 Jehan Aismery, charpentier. 
 
 Pierre Maugart. 
 
 Lucas Clauier. 
 
 Gaulset Rion. 
 
 Jehan Jacq. de Morbihan. 
 
 Pierre Xyel. 
 
 Legendre Estienne Leblanc. 
 
148 
 
 Julien Golet. Jehan Pierres. 
 
 Thomas Boulain. Jehan Commuyres. 
 
 Michel Philipot. Anthoine Desgrauches- 
 
 Jehan Hamel. Louys Donayrer. 
 
 Jehan Fleury. Pierre Conpeaulx. 
 
 Guille Guilbert Pierres Jonche. 
 
 Colas Barbe. Michel Eon. 
 
 Laurens Gaillot. Jean Anthoine. 
 
 Guille Bochier. Michel Maingard. 
 
 Jehan Margen. Bertrand Apurie. 
 
 Geoffrey Ollivier. Giles Staffin. 
 
 Guille de Guerneze. 
 
 These are the names given in the liste d equipage preserved at 
 Saint Malo. The following additional names should be added : 
 Jean Gouyon. Claude de Pontbrians. 
 
 Charles Gaillot. Charles de la Pommeraye. 
 
 Jean Poullet. Philippe Rougemont. 
 
 De Goyelle. 
 
 Labrador. This name was given to this district, according to a 
 paper in the Transactions of the Quebec L. and H. Society for 1843, 
 as a Basque whaler of this name visited the coast in the latter part 
 of the 15th century. Sir William Dawson says the Breton sailor 
 here stood in the presence of the equivalent of the flint folk of his 
 own country. 
 
 Jacques Quartier, the Pilot. " Gerald, eleventh Earl of Kildare 
 was born on the 26th February, 1525. He was ten years of age at 
 the time of his brother s arrest, and then lying ill with the small 
 pox at Donore, in the County Kildare. He was committed to the 
 care of his tutor, Thomas Leverons, who conveyed him in a large 
 basket into Offaly to his sister, Lady Mary O Connor. There he 
 remained until he was perfectly recovered. The misfortunes of 
 his family had excited great sympathy for the boy over the whole 
 of Ireland. This made the Government anxious to have him in 
 their power, and they endeavored accordingly to induce O Brien to 
 surrender him to them. About the 5th March, 1540, Lady Eleanor 
 O Donnel, suspecting that it was the intention of her husband to 
 surrender Gerald to the English Government, resolved to send him 
 away. She engaged a merchant vessel of St. Malo, which hap 
 pened to be in Donegal Bay, to convey a small party to the coast of 
 Brittany. Bartholomew Warner, an agent of the English Govern 
 ment, sends the following account of this transaction to Sir John 
 Wallop, the English ambassador in France : " After ther depart 
 ing from Yrlande they arryved at Murles (Morlaix) wher, as he 
 
149 
 
 was well recy vyd of the captayne, whiche leadde him throughe the 
 towne by the hande, wher he tarryed 3 or 4 days and strayght- 
 wayes the captayne sent word to Monsieur de Chattebriande off 
 ther arrivying ther. * * * * And from thens they came in the 
 sayde shippe to Saynt Malo, wher he was also well receyvyd of 
 them of the town, and specially of Jacques Quartier, the pilot, 
 which your Lordship spoke off at my being at Rouene." The Earls 
 of Kildare and their Ancestors, from 1057 to 1773, by the Marquis of 
 Kildare ; 3rd edition, pp. 179, 196. Cartier was called " el corsario 
 Jacques Cartier" by the Spanish ambassador in France, making a 
 report of Cartier and RobervaFs expedition. (Navarrette Biblio- 
 theca maritima, vol. i., page 396. 
 
 Mr. J. M. LeMoine, in " Picturesque Quebec," 1882, page 428, 
 thus writes of Ringfield, a country seat in the environs of Quebec : 
 " Close to the Dorchester Bridge to the west, on the Charlesburg 
 road, there was once an extensive estate known as Smithville. 
 Some hundred acres, comprising the land on the 
 west of the ruisseau Lairet, known as Ferme des Anges, were 
 detached from it and now form Ringfield. * * * In rear it 
 
 is bounded to the west by the little stream called Lairet, with the 
 ruisseau St. Michel in view; to the south its boundary is the 
 meandering Cahire Coubat. (Cahire Coubat, expressive of wind 
 ings according to Lagard, called by Jacques Cartier the River Ste. 
 Croix, and afterwards denominated the River St. Charles in com 
 pliment, says La Potherie, to Charles de Boues, Grand Vicar of 
 Pontoise, founder of the first mission of the Recollets in New 
 France.) ***** The precise spot in the St Charles where 
 Cartier moored his vessels, and where his people built the fort in 
 which they wintered, may have been, for aught that could be 
 advanced to the contrary, where the French Government in 1759 
 built the hornwork or earth redoubt, so plainly visible to this day 
 near the Lairet stream. It may also have been at the mouth of 
 the St, Michel stream which here empties itself into the St. Charles, 
 on the Jesuits farm. * * Jacques Cartier s fort, we 
 
 know to a certainty, must have been on the north bank of the 
 river. * * (AVriters seem to agree that Cartier win 
 
 tered in the St. Charles on the Jesuits property." 
 
 " The exact spot in the River St Charles where Cartier moored 
 his vessel, is supposed, on good authority, to have been the site of 
 the old bridge (a little higher up than the present) called Dorchester 
 Bridge, where there is a ford at low water, close to the Marine 
 Hospital. That it was on the east bank, not far from the former 
 residence of Chas. Smith, Esq., is evident from the river having 
 
150 
 
 been frequently crossed by the natives coming from Stadacona to 
 visit their " French guests." (Hawkins Picture of Quebec, p. 47.) 
 
 TJic River St. Charles. The river St. Charles, according to La 
 Potherie, was named after Charles des Boiies, Grand Vicar of 
 Pontoise, the founder of the first mission of Recollets in New 
 France. 
 
 Lc Canon de Bronze. The contention that Cartier wintered at the 
 river now called the Jacques Cartier has long since been shown to 
 be utterly erroneous. " Le canon de bronze," an article published 
 in the second volume of the Transactions of the Literary and 
 Historical Society of Quebec, endeavors to explain the Indian 
 pantomime to prevent Cartier visiting Hochelaga as a warning of 
 the assumed fate of Verazzano. (See note, " Where Cartier win 
 tered.") 
 
 Tlie Remains of the " Petite Hermine." The city surveyor of Que 
 bec, Mr. Jas. Hamel, called the attention of the Literary and 
 Historical Society of Quebec to the remains of a vessel lying at the 
 brook St. Michel, supposed to be the " Petite Hermine." 
 
 Le Canadien, of August C5th, 1843, has the following: "At the 
 invitation of Mr. Jos- Hamel, city surveyor, Hon. Wm. Sheppard, 
 the president, and Mr. Faribault, vice-president, of the Literary 
 and Historical Society of Quebec, went with him on Saturday, the 
 19th inst., to visit the place, and according to the position of the 
 debris of the vessel, the nature of the wood it is composed of, and 
 the character of the stones (ballast) found at the bottom, they were 
 satisfied that all the probabilities are in favor of Mr. Hamel s 
 hypothesis. On a report of this visit, the Council of the Literary 
 and Historical Society assembled on Monday last and resolved on 
 laying open the del/ris, leaving it to Mr. Faribault, the vice-presi 
 dent, to make, with Mr. Hamel, the necessary arrangements for 
 the execution of this work. The members of the Council having 
 no funds at their disposal that they can legally apply to this pur 
 pose, have so far carried it on at their own expense. Some valuable 
 evidences of the ancient existence of this vessel have been 
 gathered. We shall give them in giving an account of the exhuma 
 tion in progress under the direction of Messrs. Faribault and 
 Hamel. All those who can throw any light on the snbject, either 
 of their own knowledge or by what they may have learned by 
 tradition, are earnestly solicited to impart the same at the office of 
 Le Canadien. These gentlemen ought not to be allowed to carry on 
 this work at their sole expense. The country, the world, are 
 interested in it. This continent in 1535, from end to end one vast 
 wilderness, the imagination can scarcely figure to itself a more 
 
151 
 
 awful solitude than that in which, during the winter of 1535-1536, 
 Cartier and his faithful followers, amidst savages in an unknown 
 country, buried in the dreary swamp (for it then must have been 
 little better) of Sainte Croix, now the beautifnl valley of the St 
 Charles, covered with cheerful cottages and a redundant population. 
 ***** * During the dismal winter, Jacques Cartier 
 
 must have passed in his new quarters at Ste. Croix, he lost, by 
 sickness contracted, it is said, from the natives, but more probably 
 from scurvy, twenty-five of his men. This obliged him to abandon 
 one of his three vessels (La Petite Hermine, it is believed), which 
 he left in her winter quarters, returning with the two others to 
 France. The locale of the debris or remains not only correspond 
 with the description given by Jacques Cartier of Ste. Croix, but also 
 with the attention and particular care that might be expected from 
 a skilful commander, in the selection of a safe spot in an unknown 
 region, where never a European had been before him, for wintering 
 his vessels. They lie in the bottom of a small creek or gulley 
 known as the ruisseau St. Michel, into which the tides regularly 
 flow, on the property of Charles Smith, Esq., on the north side of 
 the St. Charles, and at about half a mile following the bends of the 
 river above the site of the old Dorchester Bridge- They are a little 
 up the creek at about an acre from its mouth, and their position 
 (where a sudden or short turn of the creek renders it next to 
 impossible that she should be forced out of it by any rush of water 
 in the spring or efforts of the ice) evinces at once the precaution 
 and the judgment of the commander in his choice of the spot But 
 small portions of her remaining timber are visible through the 
 mud, but they are bitumenized and black as ebony, and after 
 reposing in that spot 307 years seem, as far as, by chopping them 
 with axes or spades and probing by iron rods or picks, can be 
 ascertained, sound as the day they were brought thither. The 
 merit of the discovery belongs to our fellow-townsman, Mr. Joseph 
 Hamel, the city surveyor. 
 
 The Quebec Gazette of August 30th, 1843, speaks of the above 
 article as follows : " In the last number of Le Canadien, there is 
 an article of deep interest to the Canadian antiquarian. The long 
 agitated question as to the where or u-hereabouts Jacques Cartier, on 
 his second voyage from France to this continent, spent the winter 
 of 1535-1536, whether at the embouchure of the river bearing 
 his name, emptying into the St Lawrence some ten or eleven 
 leagues above Quebec, or in the little river St Charles to the 
 north of and at the foot of the promontory on which Quebec is 
 built, is now, it would seem, about to be solved and satisfactorily 
 set at rest by the recent discovery of the remains of a vessel, 
 
152 
 
 doubtless of European construction, supposed to be those of La 
 Petite Hermine, of about sixty tons burthen, one of the three ( La 
 Grande Hermine, La Petite Hermine and L Emerillon ) with 
 which, on the 19th May, 1535, that intrepid navigator left St. Malo." 
 A certain portion of these relics were sent to the museum at St 
 Malo, and are described by Dr. N. E. Dionne, Quebec, as follows : 
 " It is in the museum that the most interesting souvenir of Jacques 
 Cartier is to be found. It is well known that during his second 
 voyage to Canada, Cartier was forced to abandon one of his vessels, 
 La Petite Hermine, in the River St. Charles, at the mouth of the 
 brook Lairet. Three hundred years later remains of this vessel 
 were found, which were divided into two portions. One portion 
 remained at Quebec, and was burned in the Parliament fire, and 
 the other was sent to St. Malo. A trophy in the form of a pyramid 
 was made of them. At the apex was placed pulley blocks and 
 bolts; beneath are the remains of the ship knees and ribs. The 
 body of the pyramid is made up of pieces of the timbers and irons, 
 the following inscription has been placed on the largest piece : A 
 
 ]>A MRMOIEB ])B JACQUES CAETIEE ET DBS BRAVES MA RINS, SESCOMI AGNONS, 
 
 and below this, Debris du navire La Petite Hermine, de St. Malo, 
 (jue Jacques Cartier Jut contraint d abandonner au Canada en avril, 
 1536. ****** These remains of La Petite Hermine 
 were covered with five feet of mud when discovered after 300 
 years." 
 
 In the same museum is a portrait of Cartier, painted by Riss, 
 which is about seven feet by five, and is probably the original of 
 the prints known in Canada. (See Transactions 1862, Que. Lit. & 
 His. Soc.). 
 
 Mr. J. M. Le Moine writes : * * The gentleman in our 
 
 Literary and Historical Society, G. B. Faribault, who had given 
 much time to the study of Cartier s Voyages, left this world, I regret 
 to say, * * many years ago. Under his superintendence, our 
 Society published, in 1843, a version of Jacques Cartier s voyages, 
 with notes and plates, Ramusio s, I think. * * * The 
 
 remains of Petite Hermine, deposited in our museum by my old 
 friends, Faribault and Hamel, were destroyed by fire in 1849, I 
 think. * * ; It was Mr. Hovens who was Mayor of 
 
 St. Malo when the late Theophile Hamel, the artist, procured the 
 portrait we now have of Jacques Cartier; the original in oil, made 
 by Hamel, is at the Laval, I think." 
 
 A letter was received by the writer from the Rev. Thomas E. 
 Hamel, Bibliothecain of Laval University, in answer to several 
 queries at the time that the interesting and valuable collection of 
 
153 
 
 portraits, etc., was being shown in the Natural History Rooms, Mont 
 real, under the auspices of the Montreal Numismatic and Antiquarian 
 Society. The reverend gentleman states that the painting of the Ele 
 vation of the Cross, fleurdelyth, by Cartier on the banks of the St. 
 Charles, was painted by a Canadian artist, Mr. Hawksett ; at least it 
 was done by him at Quebec, under the inspiration of our illustrious 
 antiquarian, Mr. Faribault, whose property it was, and who deeded 
 it to Laval University. Mr. Hawksett visited the locality to catch 
 the spirit oi the scene." The reverend gentleman closes his kind 
 letter with a few lines regretting his lack of time to devote himself 
 more fully to the study of early Canadian history, in which he is 
 very deeply interested, and which, by his talents he would certainly 
 l>e able to throw some light upon in an interesting manner. 
 
 In the catalogue of the " loan exhibition" referred to above the 
 painting of the Elevation of the Cross is attributed to Hamel. 
 
 Sarayes from New France. At page 23, vol. vii., of the publications 
 of the Hakluyt Society, is to be read : " A note of Sebastian Gabote s 
 voyage, taken out of an old chronicle, written by Robert Fabian, 
 some time alderman of London, which is in the custodie of John 
 Stowe, citizen, etc." Then follows the " note," from which I make 
 the following excerpt : " This yeere (in 1498) also were brought 
 unto the King, three men taken in the new founde Hand, that 
 before I spake of in "William Purchas time, being Maior. These 
 were clothed in beastes skinnes and ate rawe tleshe and spake such 
 speech that no man coulde uuderstande them, and in their 
 demeanour like to brute beastes, whom the King kept a time after. 
 Of the which upon two yeares past (1501) after I saw two apparelled 
 after the manner of Englishmen, in Westminster pallace, which at 
 that time I coulde not discerne from Englishemen till I was learned 
 what they were. But as for speeche, I heard none of them utter 
 one worde." This extract is reprinted from Hakluyt s Dinrs 
 Voyages, 1582. It also occurs in his Principall Navigations, 15S9 
 page 515. Before meeting with this passage I had the following 
 line in my note book : " Savages brought from the Newfoundland 
 were shown in England in 1502. (Purchas Pilgrimages, page 915, 
 ed, 1617.) In 1508 savages were brought to France by Captain 
 Thomas Aubert, of Dieppe. Relation de la Nouvtlle France, par le P. 
 Biard, 1616. In the Eusebii Chronicon, Paris, 1512, is an account of 
 the visit of American savages to Rouen in 1509. There is a bas- 
 relief over a tomb in the church of St. Jacques, of Dieppe, in which 
 American natives are represented (Margry s Les Narigations Fran- 
 $ai#es, appendix ii., 371 el seq). Cortereal s expedition brought 
 savages to Lisbon on llth October, 1501. 
 
154 
 
 Sieur de RobervaL At page 410 of Lescarbot, edition 1612, is the 
 following : " After the discovery of the Grand River of Canada, 
 made by Captain Quartier, in the manner we have related, the 
 King in the year 1540 appointed as his Lieutenant-General in the 
 new lands of Canada, Hochelaga and Saguenay and surrounding 
 countries, Jean Francois de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval, a noble 
 man of Vimen in Picardy, to whom he caused to be delivered his 
 commission the 15th January, the same year, to the effect that he 
 should go and dwell in those lands, build forts there, and take 
 settlers there- And in order that this might be done. His Majesty 
 had given to him forty-five thousand livres by Jean Du Val, his 
 treasurer. Jacques Quartier was named by His Majesty the 
 Captain-General and Master Pilot over all the vessels to be engaged 
 in the enterprise, numbering five, and of a tonnage of four hundred 
 tons, as I find in the accounts of the monies rendered by the said 
 Quartier, which were communicated to me by Sieur Samuel 
 Georges Bourgeois de la Rochelle. Now, not having been able up 
 to the present to see (recouvrer) Roberval s commission (this may be 
 found in the Actes de Belleval, notaire a Bourdeaux, 3rd avril, 1541, 
 quoted in part by Faillon, in Histoire de la Colonie Fran^aise, tome 
 1, p. 40 ; see note Roberval s Commission ), I will satisfy myself 
 with giving my readers that which shortly afterwards was given to 
 Cartier, of which the following is the import : Francis, by the 
 grace of God, King of France, to all to whom these presents may 
 come; greeting: With the desire of having a wider and fuller 
 knowledge of the several countries said to be inhabited and in the 
 possession of savage peoples, living without a knowledge of God, 
 we have had, at much expense, several enterprises, under good 
 pilots and under experienced and learned subjects, who have 
 brought among us several savages, who have been for a long time 
 in our kingdom, instructing them in the love and fear of God, of his 
 St. Louis and Christian belief, with the intention of takingthem back 
 to those countries with quite a number of our own subjects willing 
 to go, in order the more easily to lead other savages to a belief in 
 our Holy Faith ; and, among others, we have sent our dear and 
 well-beloved Jacques Cartier, who has discovered the large coun 
 tries of Canada and Hochelaga, making a part of Asia on the West ; 
 which countries he has found (so he has reported to us) rich in 
 several articles, the people healthy and well-formed, and well dis 
 posed, of whom he brought back a certain number whom we have 
 had instructed in our Holy Faith. In consideration of which and 
 of their good inclinations, we have determined to send Quartier 
 back to Canada and Hochelaga as far as Saguenay (if he can 
 reach there), with a good number of ships and various articles of 
 
155 
 
 manufacture, etc., that he may make further discoveries, study the 
 people? more, and dwell with them (if necessary) in order to the bet 
 ter carrying out our plan and please God our Creator and Redeemer, 
 in honor of His Holy name, and of our Holy Mother Catholic 
 Church, of which we are called and named the first son. And as 
 it is necessary for the better ordering and celerity of the said en 
 terprise to appoint and name a Captain-General and Master-Pilot 
 to be in charge of the ships and men, be it known that having full 
 confidence in the said Jacques Cartier, in his loyalty, experience, 
 endurance and other good qualities, we have appointed, ordered 
 and established him, and do hereby appoint, order and establish 
 him by these presents Captain-General and Master-Pilot of all the 
 ships and other vessels we order to take part in this expedition, 
 and he is to hold, have and enjoy these prerogatives, etc., so long 
 as it may please us. And we have given, and do give him, author 
 ity to appoint to the ships such lieutenants and other officers as 
 may be necessary, and as many as he may require for the expedi 
 tion. And we give orders to o ir Admiral or Vice-Admiral that 
 the said Jacques Quartier be recognized as Captain-General and 
 Master- Pilot, with all the prerogatives, rights, etc. In addition to 
 which he is permitted to take the small gallion, named " L Eme- 
 rillon," which he now has from us, which is now old, to serve to 
 put in repair those vessels of which he has need, and of which he 
 need hot render us any account; of which account we relieve him 
 by these presents. By these also we command our provosts of 
 Paris, bailiffs of Rouen, Caen, Orleans, Blois, Tours, our seneschals 
 of Maine, Anjou, Guiene, and to all our other bailiffs, seneschals, 
 provosts and officers of justice, both of our kingdom and of Brit 
 tany, in charge of any prisoners accused or convicted of any crimes 
 except treason, or uttering false money, to give them over to the 
 said Quartier, his clerks or deputies, for service in this expedition, 
 such prisoners as are judged suitable, to the number of fifty, whom 
 Quartier may choose; to be chosen from those judged and sen 
 tenced for their crimes ; and if from those accused in civil matters, 
 those interested to be satisfied; we do not wish Quaitier to be de 
 layed in his work, however. Satisfaction is to be levied on their 
 goods only. And the said giving up of the prisoners to Quartier, 
 we wish to be done, for the purpose above mentioned, by our 
 officers of justice in spite of any opposition, however made, and 
 in the manner aforesaid. And in order that no more than fifty be 
 taken, we wish that the delivery of each one made to Quartier be 
 entered and written on the margin of these presents, and that par 
 ticulars in writing be sent to our beloved Chancellor, so as to 
 
156 
 
 know the number and quality of those given over. For such is 
 our pleasure. In witness of which we have caused to be attached 
 hereto our seal. Given at Saint Pris the seventeenth day of Octo 
 ber, 1540, and of our reign the twenty-sixth. Also signed on the 
 fold : By the King, His Chancellor, and others. I)e la Chesnaye. 
 And sealed on the fold and sealed with a drop of yellow wax. 
 Matters having thus been arranged, De Roberval and Quartier set 
 sail for the New Lands, and intrenched themselves (se forlifterenl) 
 at Cape Breton, where are still to be seen remains of their habita 
 tion. But relying too much on the generosity of the King, without 
 seeking the means of subsistence in the country itself; and the 
 King being occupied with weighty matters pressing upon France 
 at that time, had not any way of sending a new stock of provisions 
 to those who should have got their subsistence in the country, after 
 having had such a generous start from His Majesty, and Roberval 
 having been sent out to serve the King, as I find in the account 
 given by Quartier, that he took eight months to go and get him 
 after he had remained there seventeen months. And I must think 
 that the Jtabitation of Cape Breton was not less disastrous (Juneste) 
 than was that of St. Croix, made six years previously on the 
 Grand River of Canada, where Quartier wintered. For this coun 
 try being situated on the border of the lands and on the Gulf of 
 Canada, which is always full of ice till the end of May, there is no 
 doubt it is very cold and severe, and under an inclement sky. So 
 that the failure of this expedition was due to the severity of the 
 climate. And this could easily have been avoided, as the country 
 is so large that a place might have been selected more to the south 
 than to the north." 
 
 Carlier Himself. Andre Thevet, a native of Argentine, states in 
 his Singularity de la France Antarctique, published in 1558, that 
 Cartier himself related to him the particulars of the first voyage 
 and of the one made the following year. 
 
 Where Cartier wintered during the Second Voyage. Champlain, in 
 his early voyages, visited the small river fifteen leagues above 
 Quebec, which he thought to be the site of Achelay, spoken of by 
 ( artier ; this river had been called by some the St. Croix, and thus it 
 had been commonly concluded that here was where Cartier had 
 wintered. Hence the river was named the Jacques Cartier, which 
 name it bears to this day. Champlain, in the 1613 edition, page 
 191, demonstrates the falsity of this being the place where Cartier 
 had wintered. This was overlooked by Le Clercq, Charlevoix and 
 others, and the error perpetuated till a later day- Champlain says 
 in the 1640 edition, page 10, that the river which Cartier named 
 
15*7 
 
 St. Croix was then called St. Charles. Charnplain states further 
 that the ruins of a chimney were to be seen, pieces of square tim 
 ber and several cannon balls. Sagard, Lescarbot and de la Pothe- 
 rie confirm Champlain s statement that Cartier wintered on the 
 St. Charles. On Lescarbot s map, ed. 1612, Stadacong and Saint 
 Croix are placed together at some distance above Quebec, which is 
 of course an error. 
 
 Faillon believes that Cartier ascended as far as the Lachine 
 Rapids on his first visit to Hochelaga. 
 
 The Epidemic. Charlevoix states that Hochelaga had three 
 palisades surrounding it. He was evidently mistaken, as the map 
 in Ramusio proves. Charlevoix also says that the epidemic among 
 Cartier s followers was due to their cohabiting with the savages ; 
 that the savages had never suffered from it, and that Cartier had 
 been sick with the disease. The only account we have of the 
 epidemic is that left in the second voyage of Cartier, so that these 
 assertions of Charlevoix are mere assumptions- Another false 
 statement made by Charlevoix is that one of Cartier s ships was lost 
 by shipwreck during the second voyage ; this is disproved again by 
 Cartier s statement that he had to leave one vessel behind and set 
 sail in the other two, owing to loss of men through the epidemic. 
 Probably the story is to be accounted for by the fact that Roberval 
 some years later lost a barque, with its crew of eight, in the St. 
 Lawrence, having left Charlebourg with eight barques and a crew 
 of eight to explore "Saguenay." 
 
 Were Priest* With Cartier f The Revd. B. F. DaCosta, D.D., in 
 an article on Cartier in the " Narrative History of America," edited 
 by Justin Winsor, doubts that Cartier had priests with him, while 
 by others it is maintained that Cartier had priests with him, 
 and for the following reasons : Francis I., the King of France, 
 wished to spread the Roman Catholic religion : and that they 
 accompanied Cartier seems to be proved by the following expres 
 sions: Apris avoir out la messe- * * Le 
 dimanche nous ftmes dire la messe. And during the epidemic, mass 
 was celebrated before an image of the Virgin Mary placed against a 
 tree : la messe dit et chantee derant la dite image. And in the fourth 
 chapter of the second voyage Cartier distinctly says " the priests " 
 had spoken to Jesus. In the list of Cartier s officers and crew (to 
 be found on another page) are two names, Dom Guille. le Breton and 
 Dom Antoina ; of these Faillon says in his Histoire de la Colonie 
 Fruncaise, 1st vol., page 510, that they were undoubtedly priests, 
 probably of the order of St. Benoit, of which order all the priests had 
 the prefix "Dom." The first time mass was said in Canada, 
 
158 
 
 according to the second chapter of the second voyage, was on the 7th 
 September, 1535. Mention is made in the second voyage of a 
 request by the savages to be baptized. Cartier replied to this that 
 he would bring priests with him on another voyage. Faillon takes 
 this to mean that the priests with him were ignorant of the Indian 
 language and could not therefore give the necessary instruction 
 preceding the rite. During the epidemic, related in the 15th chap 
 ter of the second voyage, mention is made of the placing of a statue 
 of the Virgin Mary on a tree outside the fort, and of the celebration 
 of high mass and of a procession to the statue. This is certainly 
 the first religious procession in Canada. In the archives of St. Malo 
 (1538) is a record of the baptism of three savages brought there by 
 Cartier (Massachusetts Archives, Documents Collected in France, 1, p. 
 367.) 
 
 La Nouvelle France. In the map to be found in the third volume 
 of Ramusio edition, 1556, page 424, are to be seen the words " La 
 Nuova Francia." Faillon states that Cartier himself gave the name 
 of " New France." Histoire de la Colonie Franchise, vol. 1, page 512. 
 In the Commerce de VAmerique, tome 1, page 9, is the following: 
 " Nous avons meme la carte de differents c6tes propres & faire la 
 peche de la morue, publie"e en 1506." Charlevoix, in his " Pastes 
 Chronologiques," mentions one published in 1506 by Jean Denis de 
 Honfleur. Whether the term " New France " is in it, the writer 
 does not know. 
 
 Did Cartier Write the Accounts of the Voyages f Faillon reasons, 
 concerning the manuscript which he consulted in the Bibliotheque 
 Imperiale, that it was written by Cartier himself, and that he also 
 wrote the accounts of the first and third voyages (of which, how 
 ever, no manuscripts are known, though there are three of the 
 second voyage). In the account the third person is used, but in the 
 dedication the first person is used. In the account of the third 
 voyage occurs : Le roi ayant out ce qu avait rapportt le Capitaine 
 Cartier de ses deux premiers voyages iant par ses ecrits que verbalement." 
 Here is a distinct statement that the King read Cartier s accounts and 
 conversed with him concerning his two voyages. Jacques Noel, his 
 nephew and heir, in a letter in 1587, attributes to him expressly the 
 authorship of the voyages : " Je nemanfjuerai pas de m informer par 
 moi-meme, s il y a moyen de trouver ces relations, que le Capitaine Jacques 
 Cartier a forties apr es ses deux derniers voyages en Canada." Mr. J. 
 Winter Jones, of the British Museum, in vol. vii. of the publications 
 of the Hakluyt Society, says it does not appear that any of these 
 journals were written by Cartier ; in fact, the presumption is the 
 other way. He gives no reasons. 
 
159 
 
 The Hurons. The Indians Cartier came in contact with at Quebec 
 were doubtless Huron-Iroquois. An elaborate note by Faillon in 
 the first volume of Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, goes to prove this, 
 and to overthrow the argument of Sir William Dawson that they 
 were Algonquins. 
 
 Limoilou. Limoilou is thus described by Dr. N. E. Dionne in a 
 valuable paper on Cartier published in the Courrier du Canada 24th 
 September, 1885 : "Limoilou is distant seven or eight miles from 
 St. Malo. The residence of Jacques Cartier is quite large and in 
 good preservation. In the tower to the right is a winding staircase 
 giving access to each floor. The salon is on the first, and contains 
 a superb fireplace of beautifully carved stone. On the wall is to be 
 seen the coat of arms of the former master of the house (mattre de 
 ceans) supported by two kneeling female figures. Ihis has 
 been injured considerably. The hand of the vandals of 93 has 
 been here." 
 
 A piece of the window from Limoilou was brought to Montreal 
 several years ago and is in the possession of L Union Allet of Mont 
 real. It certainly does not date back to the time of Cartier. 
 
 The 350th Anniversary. On the evening of the 23rd September, 
 1885, at Quebec, the Cercle Catholique celebrated the 350th anni 
 versary of the arrival of Cartier at Quebec, which took place on the 
 14th September, 1535. Our system of dating having been changed 
 in 1582, it was held that the anniversary of the arrival is really the 
 24th September. The celebration was a great success, whether or 
 not the 14th or 24th be held as the proper anniversary. 
 
 The Sarages. Elaborate notes have been given by numerous 
 writers on the savages at the time of Cartier s visit, as to what tribes 
 they belonged, etc. A volume would be necessary to discuss the 
 question fully and intelligently, and it is to be hoped that some 
 writer will take up the subject, As to their language, it is certain 
 that those living in the districts about the fisheries bad learned 
 some Basque words from their intercourse with the Basques, such 
 as bacaillos for codfish (their own word was apege), which had begun 
 years before Cartier s visit- In Verazzano s short account, to be 
 found in the third volume of Ramusio, page 420, ed. 1556, the state- 
 ment occurs that the savages were very susceptible to religious 
 instruction. This was written at Dieppe on the 8th July, 1524. In 
 Cartier s first voyage the trading of furs and the making of the sign 
 of the cross with his fingers by one of the savages proved they had 
 had intercourse with Europeans. An interesting note is given by 
 Pere Lalemant a century later ; he wrote from Quebec in 1626 : 
 " Les sauvages de ce pays appellent le soleil Jtsus et Ton tient ici 
 
160 
 
 que les Basques qui y ont ci-devant habite*, sont les auteurs de ce 
 denomination " (Relation de la Nouvellc trance, anndc 1626, p. 4). 
 Read Montaigne s essay " On Cannibals." 
 
 TJie Site of Hochelaga. In an article contributed by the writer to 
 the Montreal Gazette the latter portion reads as follows: " Now, to 
 consider where Cartier landed and where Hochelaga was situated. 
 In the narrative it is stated that the town is near a mouatain which 
 is around it ; that the town was distant two leagues from the place 
 where Cartier went ashore ; that the town was distant a quarter of 
 a league from the mountain, and then is related what can be seen 
 from the summit, as " in the middle of the plain we could see the 
 river further up than our boats were, etc." It would appear from 
 this that Cartier landed somewhere opposite Nun s Island, and the 
 site of the town was either near the present village of C6te des 
 Neiges or near Peel and Sherbrooke streets. The C6te des Neiges 
 theory accords best with the statement surrounded by a mountain 
 But in favor of the Peel street site is that it is about a quarter of a 
 league from the mountain and that Indian relics have been found 
 there; these are in the Natural History Society s collection, and are 
 described by Sir J. W- Dawson in the Canadian Naturalist, vol. v., 
 page 430, and vol. vi., page 362. He is of the opinion that this was 
 the ancient site of Hochelaga. The writer in 1868 and 1869 found 
 pieces of Indian pottery in the same locality, that is, in the plot of 
 land opposite the Prince of Wales terrace, which plot was at that 
 time a vacant field. 
 
 Francis I. Francis I., Count d Angouleme, ascended the throne 
 of France on the first of January, 1515, being then twenty-one 
 years of age. His reign is one of the most interesting chapters in 
 the history of France. 
 
 Roberval s Commission. The first letters patent given Roberval 
 were issued at Fontainebleau in the beginning of the year 1540 and 
 created Roberval " lieutenant-general dans les terres neuves du 
 Canada, etc.," with instructions to settle French families there and 
 erect forts. On the 7th February, 1540, new letters patent were 
 issued, registered at the Parliament of Paris on the 26th, authoriz 
 ing him to take from certain prisons criminals condemned to death 
 who might be thought suitable for the expedition, providing they 
 were not guilty of high treason or counterfeiting. It was a condi 
 tion that these men should maintain and support themselves during 
 the two first years and should defray their own passages to New 
 France. It was thought these prisoners would change from their 
 evil ways. The King was anxious to teach the Indians religion, as 
 the following excerpt from the commission shows : " For the 
 
161 
 
 spreading of our holy Christian faith and for the advantage of our 
 holy mother church and other good and just reasons, we have 
 appointed Francois de la Eoque, sieur de Roberval, our lieutenant- 
 general and leader of forces in Canada and other countries not in 
 the possession of any Christian prince. As, in waiting to have the 
 number of men and volunteers necessary to people that country, the 
 voyage cannot be undertaken as soon as we desire, and as the 
 peoples (creatures humaines) live there without laws and without a 
 knowledge of God and the holy Catholic faith, which we greatly 
 desire to glorify and extend ; and as if this design were not carried 
 out we would deeply regret it ; and as we have planned this to the 
 glory of God our Creator, and anxious to please Him with all our 
 heart, if it be His pleasure that the voyage have a successful termi 
 nation ; for all these reasons and desiring to exercise mercy towards 
 certain prisoners and evil-doers, so that they may know God, render 
 thanks to Him and lead new lives, we order our officers of justice to 
 deliver the number of criminals our lieutenant or his agents 
 (commis) may select to take to those countries." (Actes de Believed, 
 notaire a Bordeaux, 3 Avril, 1541, quoted by Faillon.) 
 
 Francis I. gave ships three times to Verazzano, four times to 
 Cartier and once to Eoberval ; in all about eighteen ships for expe 
 ditions to the New World. 
 
 The Return of Cartier from the Third Voyage. Roberval and 
 Cartier are asserted by Hakluyt to have met at the harbor of St. 
 John, and that Cartier set sail the following night secretly. It is 
 claimed that this is not correct. Champlain states that Roberval 
 made Cartier return to the Island of Orleans where they made a 
 settlement ( Voyages, part ii., page 290, ed. 1632). Lescarbot says 
 Roberval and Cartier made a settlement in Cape Breton (see note 
 " Sieur de Roberval "). Roberval s own account states emphatically 
 Cartier did not remain. Hakluyt says Roberval left Rochelle April 
 14th, 1542, reaching St. John on June 8th, and meeting Cartier here. 
 DaCosta says in Narrative and Critical History of America, page 58, 
 that Roberval must have been at this time in Canada, he having 
 left Honfleur August 22, 1541, and not Rochelle on April 14th, 1542, 
 as stated by Hakluyt. The ships met by Roberval at Newfound 
 land may have been those two despatched by Cartier to France 
 under Jalobert and Noel during the previous autumn, or else 
 Cartier on his way home met Sainterre. Thus Da Costa. It is 
 hardly probable the ships of Jalobert and Noel were met. Faillon, 
 in his Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, says that Cartier and Rober 
 val met on the 8th June, 1542, at the harbor of St. John, and that 
 Cartier left secretly the following night Faillon states further that 
 Roberval had left France 16th April, 1542, Da Costa making the 
 
162 
 
 date of his departure about eight months earlier. It is possible 
 Roberval may have wintered on the Atlantic coast and thus met 
 Cartier in the spring. What were Carder s motives is now a 
 matter for mere surmise. It was fortunate, according to the ex 
 perience of Roberval, that Cartier did not remain. 
 
 The Expedition of 1541. The Spaniards thought to interfere in 
 this, as Pope Alexander VI., by his famous bull, gave all America 
 to Spain. The latter was not in a position then to maintain this 
 right. (See Hazard s His. Collections I., 3-6 ; Chalmer s Political 
 Annals, 10 ; Herrera I., 2-10 ; Irving s Columbus L, 185-200 ; Pres- 
 cott s Ferdinand and Isabella II., 116, 174, 181 ; Thome in Hak- 
 luyt s Divers Voyages). 
 
 Jean Allefonsce, the Pilot of Roberval. " He was born at Saintonge, a 
 village of Cognac. * * * Was mortally wounded in a 
 naval combat near the Harbor of Rochelle, having followed the sea 
 during a period of forty-one years. He appears to have been 
 engaged in two special explorations. Of the first 
 
 that connected with the Saguenay or vicinity, we have no account 
 in the narrative which covers the voyage of Roberval." Father 
 Leclercq says : " The Sire Roberval writes that he undertook some 
 considerable voyages to the Saguenay and several other rivers, 
 etc." (Premier etablissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle France, Paris, 
 1691). His Cosmographie in MS. is in the Bibliotheque Nationale, 
 Paris. A copy of a portion of it was made for the Revd. B. F. Da 
 Costa, D.D. 
 
 Baccallaos, This word first occurs in Peter Martyr, 1516, as 
 applied to the codfish. 
 
 Dates of the Third Voyage. Da Costa epitomizes the third voyage 
 as follows, and the writer has verified the authorities in nearly 
 every case: 
 Jan. 15, 1540 Roberval appointed Lieutenant-Governor [Harrisse, 
 
 Notes, etc., 2W to 2M]. 
 Feby. 6, 1540 Roberval took the oath [Harrisse, Notes, etc., 243 to 
 
 253]. 
 Feby. 7, 1540 Roberval receives the letters patent [ Harrisse, Notes, 
 
 etc., 259 to 264]. 
 Feby. 27, 1540 Roberval appoints Paul d Angelhou (Sainterre) his 
 
 lieutenant [Harrisse, Notes, etc., 254 to 258]. 
 March 9. 1540 Roberval authorized by Parliament of Rouen to 
 
 take criminals [Harrisse, Notes, etc., 268 to 271]. 
 October 17, 1540 Cartier made master pilot and captain-general 
 \Quebec L. and H. Soc. Trans., 1862, p. 116]. 
 
163 
 
 October 28, 1540 Cartier receives letters patent from the Dauphin 
 
 [Quebec L. and H. Soc. Trans., 1862, p. 120]. 
 Nov. 3, 1540 Fifty additional criminals ordered for the expedition 
 
 [Gosselin s Nouvelles Glanes Historiques Normandes, Rouen, 
 
 1873, p. 4. 
 Deer. 12, 1540 King complains of delay [Harrisse, J. and S. Cabot, 
 
 p. 212]. 
 
 May 23, 1541 Cartier sails with five ships [Hakluyt iii., 232]. 
 July 10, 1541 Chancellor Paget tells Rouen Parliament King 
 
 complains of Roberval s delay [Gosselin s Nouvelles Giants, 
 
 p. 6]. 
 Augt. 18, 1541 Roberval writes from Honfleur he will leave in 
 
 four days [Gosselin s Novelles Glanes, p. 6]. 
 Augt. 22, 1541 Roberval sailed from Honfleur [Gosselin s Nowelles 
 
 Glanes, p. 6]. 
 Autumn, 1541 Roberval meets Jalobert and Noel at St. Johns 
 
 [ditto and Hakluyt iii., 240]. 
 Autumn, 1541 Roberval sends Sainterre to France [Hakluyt iii. 
 
 240]. 
 
 Jany 26, 1542 Francis I. sends Sainterre back with supplies [Har 
 risse, Notes, p. 272]. 
 Summer, 1542 Roberval builds France Roy [Cosmoaraphie of Alle- 
 
 fonsce ; Hakluyt iii., 241 ]. 
 Sept. 9, 1542 Roberval pardons Sainterre for mutiny [Hakluy 
 
 iii., 241]. 
 
 Oct 21, 1542 Cartier is at St. Malo [Quebec L. and H. S. Transac 
 tions, 1862, p. 93]. 
 
 1542-1543 Roberval winters at France Roy [Hakluyt iii., 241]. 
 March 25, 1543 Cartier present at a baptism in St. Malo [Quebec 
 
 Trans., 1862, p. 90]. 
 Summer, 1543 Cartier brings Roberval back [Lescarbot and Que. 
 
 Trans , p. 93]. 
 April 3, 1544 Cartier and Roberval summoned to appear before the 
 
 King within eighteen days [Que. L. and H. S, Trans , 1862, 
 
 p. 94]. 
 
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