AN URATION" nELnnmnm)ATw1u:nEQUE9r 0 fl?‘ '7fl7III3".'. Y 0 UN G IVIE N 0113' III N G H A M , <3N Trrn :w0nRuwIcnrJnrAg ll 81%. "BY JUL 1'51? "I?.‘.E-Z I] U MI’ Y-I RE‘. ‘Ir.’ VVI ]T..'DI3}”f-L ]{~IING_HAM : JEDIDIAH FARMER. 1832. HINGHAM, July 5, 1832. Mr. JAMES H. WILDER. SIR,»--Agreeably to a vote passed on the 4th inst. at a meeting of those citizens who heard your able, patriotic and eloquent Oration, delivered on that day, we present to you their thanks, and solicit ct copy of‘ the Orution for publi- cation. We are very respectfully, Your friends and obedient servants, SOLOMON LINCOLN, CHARLES Gormou, Committee. Jruaos Lmoow, HINGHAM, July 9, 1832. GENTLEMEN, A copy of the Oration delivered at the request of the Young Men of Hing- ham, on the late anniversary of our N ational Independence, is herewith submitted to your disposal, in the hope that it may serve as a slight memorial of an occasion to which more than ordinary interest was given by the universal harmony and good feeling which marked its observance. l - I send the copy as originally prepared, containing many passages which, for want of time, were omitted in the delivery. l I am, gentlemen, with unqualified respect, Your obliged friend and servant, JAMES H. Wxnmm. CHARLES Gonnos, Messrs. SOLOMON’ LINCOLN, Jen-ws LINCOLN. ORATION. WE welcome the return of this day as the anni- versary of our national birth. It is the l'ligllGSi; festival of the happiest nation on the globe. It is a day conse- crated to the purest and most hallowed associations. It is a day when party prejudices and private resent—~ ments are crowded from the mind by one ell—e11gi'ossin.g sentiment of joy ; when all come together as Americans, as one undivided people, forgetting party, to think of our country, and nothing but our cozmtry ; and to indulge in the unrnizxed and unrestrained enjoyment of harmony and good humour. It is a day devoted to all that is sacred in gratitucle or solemn in anticipation---a day when the past presents itself in pleasing review, and when liope and fear conspire to raise the veil that hides the future----a day of praise, and a clay of prayer. M I shall spend no time in reviewing ourpast history. I design neither to eulogize our Puritan fathers, nor to comment on the wisdom and velour of those who design- ed and achieved our Independence. This usual course I decline-——-not merely for the sake of avoiding the mo- notony of our anniversary orations-——-not because We are tired of hearing the periodical sound of such names as Bunker Hill and Yorlztown--—~I~Ia11cock and Washington. There is music in these names ; and, like choice tunes, they aflbrcliucreased delight at every repetition. And Wl"lCI’l(3VC31‘ that Fou1‘tl.1 of July shull oome, on which 411' they will be grating to American ears, it will be because , liberty and virtue have fled, and the darlmess of moral and political degradation has overspread our land. This day is devoted to the holy remembrance of the virtues and deeds of our fathers. Do you require me to offer any tribute to the authors of our freedom P Is there need that you should be reminded of their char—~ acter and services, before you acknowledge the immense debt of gratitude you owe them ?————-History afforcls no parallel to the romantic example they have given to the world of a willing sacrifice of every selfish feeling to their country’s goodm-of a thorough and hearty con»- secration of life, of fortune, of domestic comfort, of every thing which is clear to men in their private relations, to their country’s rights and interests, to the so1epur~ pose of resenting insult, repelling oppression, and se- curing liberty, honor and happiness to their posterity. Have we no reason to feel proud of such an ancestry P The Romans boasted that they were descendants of the Gbds 3 but they were Gods in whom they believed only to tremble-----whom they knew and worshipped only as images of clay. We are proud to acknowledge our descent from imperfect men ; for they were men whose memory we venerate and cherish as a treasure---—tl1e happy results of whose wisdom and virtue we all see and feel in every thing around and within us- No encomium of mine can be just to them. Language wrongs feeling. Their deeds of goodncss——-—- “ Who shall tell’! The eye may weep, the heart may swell, But the poor tontrue in vain essays - 1° - :9 A fitting note for them to raxse ; And my eulogy can be but the echo of the applause which has already been bestowed upon them by all en-« lightened and unprejudiced minds. For these reasons it is thatl decline a more extended panegyric. Their best eulogy is found in our happy institutions~——-their noblest; 5 epitaph is inscribed on our own hearts---our whole country is their monument. Rejoicing, as we this day do, in the prosperity of the present, and reflecting upon the glorious events of the past, we are insensibly led to speculate about the future. Pondering upon the rise, progress and fall of numberless empires which now exist only on the page of history, the most natural question that presents itself to the mind, is----What is our own destiny B How long shall our high privileges and invaluable bless- ings endure P The answer is obvious»-—-So long as we are faitliful to ourselves-—--—so long as We continue to perform our duties as freemen and as American citizens. And on an occasion when we are met to re- joice that We are freeman, our thoughts cannot be more properly employed than by the consideration of true. nurins or rennmnu---those duties, by the strict dis- charge of which, we shall continue to be freemen. A The first and paramount business of those who have acquired liberty, is----«to preserve it. This is, in fact, the great end of all our political duties. To fulfil this end, we must feel that, as freeman, we ILCWG duties to perform -———-«duties peculiar to that COI1diti011---higll, arduous, imperative, responsible, sacred duties. ‘We must be conxvincedof‘ the truth of thatgreat principle, which I adopt as the groundwork: of all I have to say, that Liberty has been given to as in trust----~n0tt merely to be care-— lessly enjoyed, but to he 1*egulated, defended, strength- ened, improved, and transmitted to posterity. We must feel that much is required of us, because much has been given to us. It has been justly said, that ‘ the character of a true freeman is the loftiest form of hu- man character’ ; We 111LlF$l1,k11OW that as such it requires the exercise of the highest powers of the understanch iiig and of the noblest feelixigs of the heart. Above all, we must 1na.l<.e ourselves Fully sensible M the es.se1,2tl,i:rrLl 6 truth, andwe must carry it into practice--—that under a free system of government, every thing depends on in- dividual exertion ; that the movements of government are regulated by the opinions and conduct of private citizens ; that it is not by public acts and public counsels alone that the political condition of a people is influenc- ed. Under the rule of a despot, it is useless, aye,dan- gerous for a subject to attempt to interfere in the busi- ness of legislation, or even to inquire into the reasons of a decree. The mind is cramped ; the generous feel- ings of the heart find no room to expand. ' The will of the sovereign is law. But we govern ourselves ; make our own laws ; choose our own rulers. The people are the government. And every individual, as one of the government, ought to feel that he is entrusted with the public safety, that the same responsibilityattachesito himself, which, under other political systems, belongs to the one man or the one set of men who preside over the public weal. He ought, whenever he throws a vote, or discusses a question of public moment, to feel, to act and to speak, as though his vote or his voice alone were to decide the question. He must understand that he is not acting for himself alone, ‘but for his whole country. It sometimes happens that a single vote determines an election ; the fact strongly illustrates the importance of this ‘feeling of individual responsibility; and clearly shows to every freeman the value of his own opinion and his own action. Finally, he must remember that self—government is the most difficult of all governments ----that a republican system requires extreme caution---- and he must regulate his political conduct by no rules‘ but the stern rules of conscience, which are always the inaxims of reason, integrity, moderation and sobriety. Let no one then presume to say that his opinion and his voice have no influence in regulating public afl'airs-—- in preserving the liberties of his country. Wlioever en- "7 tertains so l11iInilia.ting an idea of his own consequence, has no just conception of the nature of the republican consi;itution under which he lives. The truth is, our political condition depends more upon the thoiiglits and feelings of individual minds than on public actsm-it is influenced as much by what is said and done Within our private dwellings and work-shops, as by the transactions at the Capitol. Village clubs may atlect the public safe-~ ty as much as the National Cabinet-—»-a11cl the little fire»- side caucuses, where ‘ village statesmen talk with looks profound,’ do, most undeniably, exert an immense and an irresistible influence on the popular mind. Their opinions spread from iieiglibor to neighbor, from village to village, and from district to district, till an extensive portion of the community feels their influence. They find their way into the newspapers---and the press be- comes the organ, an extensive and powerful organ too, of aflecting the tone of public sentiment through the nation. They there meet the attention of those plac- ed at the head of public affairs, and thuscorne at length to be cliscussed in T.e,.rriala.tiive Halls and Exectitive Cab- inets. Measures of public interest originate not in the crowded and noisy chambers of legislation, but in the retirement of S,tu(ly~—-»—-tl.I1(1 they are as likely to proceed from t11el:s1iggestion of anobscure citizen. as of a pub— lic statesman. , l l , . Are private opinions then of no consequence P It is but their aggregate that constitutes public opinion ; and it is public opinion, it is the state of feeling pervacling thecommunity, and having its origin in private senti- ment, that is at the foundation of every important not of government. It is in thus influencing the conduct of’ those in authority, that the true power of the people consists. When every citizen feels the weight of this principleof individual responsibility, and practises ac-— ti3()1‘CliIlg'ly, his great duty as a freeman, and that which 8 in fact comprehends all his political duties, is fulfilled ; his liberty is safe. This point appears in a stronger light, when we consider in what true liberty consists. If it were mere freedom from foreign domination, there might be no necessity for so much caution on the part of individuals, in regulating the popular sentiment. Noth- ing more would be necessary for the preservation of our liberty than mere brute force ; and so long as we had lusty soldiers enough to fight our battles, we need give ourselves no concern—--—~we should be safe--~we should be free. But true liberty consists not in mere political independence”-it is something nobler, dearer, vastly more valuable. Our formal Declaration of In- dependence did not make us free—--the acknow1edg— ment of our Independence by Great Britain did not make us free---—tl1e adoption of a constitution giving us equal rights, and under which we choose our own rul- ers, did not make us free. The only perfect liberty consists in moral and mental, as well as political and physical fife8Cl0,m_..,w.Ha.ve..me,.ne:sZ§r,.since..nunII1depe1’1- deuce, been slaves to party? Have We never been shackled by an undue adherence to old prejudices and time-hallowed notions? Have we never submitted to the restraints of foolish fashions? Have we bor- rowed none of our manners from foreign nations? Are We dependent solely on ourselves for all that contri-« butes to our happiness as a people .?----It is time to free ourselves, as far and as fast as possible, from every shackle of moral bondage. We rejoice in our free in- stitutions, and in our favored condition ; it is our duty to elevate our character as a people, to level with , these institutions and this condition. We must make ourselves Worthy of them. i y I will take but one example to illustrate what I mean by moral slavery-—e--and that a very sirnple one. , Fash- 9 icn-——-mere fashion imposes restraints upon us themost extravagant, pernicious and debasing. And, worse than all, it is not fashion of our own invention, but that which we borrow of foreigners over whom we boast our superiority, and of whom we affect to be independent. We send to Europe to know what dress is proper for us to wear——-—what dishes we must place on our tables-——-the formlin which a polite epistle must be folded-»-the lan- guage in which a card of invitation must be expressed ----and a thousand similar frivolities. Whatever they wear in London, we must wear—-~whatever they eat in Paris, we must oat——--at whatever games they amuse themselves, we must adopt the same---in every thing, we must ape them. Wnm-—AMnaxoANs--wlio pretend to love what we call ‘republican simplicity,’ are at the trouble of sending across the ocean, to the most punctilious, pompous and extravagant people on earth-——-—-to learn how to look genteel and be polite 1 He, whose bosom glows with a single American feeling, cannot but blush at this stupid and ridiculous mimicry. This is what Iterm slavery-wand slavery tooof the most degrading char- acter. We are the only people who exliibit such pov- erty of inventive genius that we are obliged to borrow . manners of other nations. i * l . An allusion to these matters may appear frivolous. But let it be remembered that triflesmay swell to a mass of serious consequence, and that nothing which in any way affects our national character and happiness, or endangers our liberty, is of too small moment to be made the subject of anxious attentionmof reproof and reforrnation. By checking small evils, we repel great dangers. It is easier to prevent, than to cure a disease. A law was once passed in England, ordaining that no man should be served at dinner or supper with more than two cotirses----excepting on holidays, when he might have three. The fact that this lawremains to the 2 10 present day unrepealed, shows the folly of legislatriori on these matters~——-but affords no argument against the happy tendency of public opinion, whenever its power is exerted in checking the spread of pernicious fashions. Let it no longer be said that it satisfies the petty pride of an American to deck himself with the cast—ofi'finery of European invention. American pride should rest on something nobler, and more worthy of American prin-- ciples. Rather than have this disgrace stamped on our national character, I would carry our independence to the minutest point. We are now eminently dieting-uish— led from all other people by our political and social bles- sings---—-let us carry the distinction still further; and while we rejoice that we are more free than any nation, let us strive to become wiser and better than any nation. I would give our people a strongly marked national character ; I would make ourselves truly a peculiar peo- ple—--—peculiar as well for our moral as our political great» ness ; Ivvould teach our children to feel proud of the points in which we differ from other people. Then let British hirelings visit our land only to sneer at our pe- culiarities—--—we will answer them by saying ‘they prove that We are independent of you in more respects than one. Our fathers rid themselves of your political yoke ---we, their sons, will not degrade ourselves by sub- mitting to the moral bondage of imitating your man- ners and fashions.’ To be free, in the only perfect or valuable sense of the word, we must have manners, fashions, amusements of our own, a literature of our own, opinions of our own, in fine, a character of our own, as well as a government of our own. This wouldlbe a glorious liberty indeed ! a liberty far more valuable, far more worthy of pride than were political freedom---a. liberty which kings could not deprive us of, and kingdoms could not pur- lchase-»-—a liberty for which we cannot trustlto our frame ll of civil government solely, liowever perl'eet-——a liberty toward whose accomplishment, although much may be done by the combined efforts of associationsg although much, praised be God, has been done by our Lyceums, our Temperance Societies, our Sunday School Institu~ tions, and many others of similar tendency---—-yet more, infinitely more may be doneiby private exampleand exertion, by individual energy and activity. Having offered these remarks on the importance of the fGl3llI'lg of individual responsibility under a popular gover11rx1ei1t,I will now direct your attention to a duty which calls for the exercise of this fCGll1lg‘—--tl'lC duty of suffrage. 7 Our constitution gives all duly qualified citizens the right of voting. This is the very essence of a free gov- ernment. W e value it as our liighest privilege. But let it be remembered that while it is our dearest right, it is no less our most imperious duty. Itis a duty which is too much neglected. There is a numerous class ofour citizens who are too fond of letting elections take care A of themselves, and of boasting of their iuclilibrence about political matters, and that they are attached to no political party ; as though an unconcern about the welfare of their country were something to be proud of. Content with ltav*ing liberty, they know not how to enjoy it or to support it. If one citizen has a right to neglect this duty, every other has the same. Let every citizen neglect it, and we should have no government. Let a portion only attend to it, and we should have a thorough party government. In either case, we should soon have no liberty. We should. find the fetters of a faction or of an ambitious demagogue fastened upon us, when it would be too late to shake them off. Hard as it was to obtain liberty in the first instance, we «should find it infinitely harder to regain lit-M--«for it was a true 153 saying of Rousseau that ‘ Liberty may be acquired, but cannot be recovered.’ It may be answered that there is no danger that an election will ever fail in consequence of a want of voters-—-that there will always be people enough, ready to attend the polls, to effect a choice. And is this then all that is necessary P Will it be said that under a con-« stitution of government where every thing depends upon the spirit of the people, where the will of the people is the Supreme Law, and thatwill can no where he so strongly and decidedly manifested as at the ballot box, will it be said that all that is needed is accomplished by barely throwing the precise number of votes neces- sary to effect an election-————feebly lifting our rulers into oflice by a bare majority 3 Where then are they to find the indication of popular sentiment that is to govern their oflicial conduct 9 Where is their inducement to be faithful to their constituents, when their constituents are faithless to themselves 9 When a citizen who has been called to an oflice of responsibility, finds liixnself elected by a large majority,vor opposed by a numerous minority,wl1en he knows that the people are awake, that strong exertions have been made by friends and foes, the fact operates asa powerful stimulus to him to fulfil his duty to the utmost extent, that he may exceed the hopes of his friends, and disappoint the fears of his enemies. Political enthusiasm operates beneficially in main- taining a constant interest, on the part of the people, in public affiiirs. It leads to thought and discussionmit makes them watchful of their rulers, and watchful of themselves. It is essential to the very existence of an elective form of government. it is the life-blood which gives vigor to the political system-——-——so long as it con- tinues in active circulation through the body politic, it preserves it in the strength and beauty of l‘1e8.ll;llv-~-—-A 18 when it stagnates, the body droops and dies. Political indit‘fe1*ence is the bane of republican institutions. And I want no better proof that a man does not love his coun- try, than to hear him say he does not care who is its President-«he does not trouble himself about politics. The conduct of such men can be explained only by their ' ignorance or indolence. Their excuse often is that they cannot leave their business to attend an election--—as though any business could be so important as that which goes to maintain the great principles of public policy, which alone enable them to attend to any private nego- tiations————-which alone give security to any private transaction or employment——-—-and without which they could do no business. They seem to wrap themselves in a mantle of selfishness-—--forgetting, however, that their . own true interests are closely and completely bound up in the interests of their country ; to calculate their duty by dollars and cents-—--forgetting, however, that when their rights are taken from them, their liberty gone, their wealth will be worth nothing. They seem to im- agine that government can take care of itself---to say to tliemselves-«Ma sound constitution has been provided for us ; we will trust to that; we will enjoy its benefits, but we will give ourselves no concerniabout seeing it prop-~ erly executed»-«it will execute itselfmit . will sustain itself} ; A dangerous error indeed! Yet, absurd as it seems, it is common. A mere written constitution, however vigorous in principle, however wise in theory, if not brought into practice, can never preserve our liberties. There is no magic virtue in a scrap of parch-« ment. Our institutions will never keep themselves sound, more than metal will keep itself bright. Both must be worked upon. Government has no self»-pro— polling power; neither will its wheels, when once set in motion, continue to turn forever without extraneous aid. N 0 ‘perpetual motion’ has yet been discovered in political, 14+ more than in mechanical science. The machinery of government is intricate, and requires skilful engineers to start its springs and regulate its operations. And it is the business of the people, aye, of the whole people, to interest themselves in the appointment of such engi- neers. Yet how many, when the day of election arrives, are not to be found at the polls ? How many who do attend, go only to abuse their right by casting a ‘ scattering’ vote E’ And it is almost invariably the case, that the very men who affect this indifference,are loudest in their complaints, when an unfortunate choice has been made. They neglect their own duty, and then blame the rest of the community for having done theirs! The men who thus disregard their most valuable right, as freemcn, are fit tolive only under a despotism, where they couldnot exert it, if they would. There they would soon learn to appreciate its value. If the right of suffrage be not worth exercising, it is not worth having ; if our liberties be» not Worth preserving, they are not worth having. We want no men who belong tone political party ; it is hardly sextravagant to say our country can have no worse enemies. Careless friends are as dangerous as active fees. We want no negative republicanism. That political virtue is of little worth, which goes no further than barely to abstain from committiiig treason, While it renders no positive service, which consists in merely doing no harm, without exertion to do some absolute good. We want men who feel a positive attachment to our institutions, men who think it not enough to en-- joy their advantages, who feel that duty requires of them some absolute exertionto support and perfect them, and to let their children as Well as themselves enjoy their blessings. These are the men who are true lovers of their country---these are the only men on whom we can depend for the preservation of our liberty, 15' I would not be understood to say that the most zealous partisans are always the best patriots; but I do say that the best patriots are always zealous partisans»--for the simple reason that their attachment to country leads them to feel an anxious interest in the great questions which agitate the political community, whose decision will materially affect the condition of their country; they examine both sides of these questions ; and when parties are formed with reference to the opposing views of men upon contested points, they of course will sup port that side whose success will, in their opinion, tend most strongly to promote the welfare of their country ; and when candidates for responsible oflice are brought before the people, they will advocate the election of that one of them, whose views are in accordance with their own; who will, if elected, exert his influence in maintaining the policy which they have deliberately and conscientiously persuaded themselves will be most beneficial to their country. And this, I repeat, is true patriotism. This solicitude about our country’s wel- ‘I tare is the true way of showing gratitude for our bles- sings. t We all know of our fathers" hard St1‘1?l,g‘g'll1”Jg, of” the expense of toil and money and blood, at which they dearly purchasedthe liberties which we now so richly enjoy. After such unparallelled sacrificesto obtainthem, shall we refuse the trifling trouble of throwingavote to preserve them ? If so, all our parade about celebrating national anniversaries is vain show. It is idle to talk of being thankful for blessiiigs which we care not eno11gl"i about to perpetuate. Our rejoicings signify nothing. It is not the roar of cannon that speaks a nation’s ,grat- irtude-~—-its voice is not heard in mere boisterous huzras. Tlio sincerity of our gratitude is best shown by our zeal to perpetuate our free iiistitutionsé-wand that zeal best shown at the Imllot—bo.r. And the man who I1e,g'l.e(3ts a punctual attendance at the polls is guilty of a slfuur1ef1;1.1 abuse of a sacred trust----of a base and almost criminal 16 disregard of the duty he owes to his fathers, to himself", to his children, and to his country. But ivhile I urge it as the imperious duty of every citizen to feel a solicitude in all questions of great po- litical moment, and to interest himself in the choice of his rulers, I would at the same time enjoin it as a still more imperious duty, that he keep himself untainted by the rancor of party spirit. Having formed his own opinion upon a disputed political point, it is his duty to treat the opinions of those who support the opposite side, with candor and charity----presuming that they have adopted their determination through the same process by which he arrived at his own ; and feeling as- sured that both parties have the same great end, the good of their country, in view, although they have chosen different means of attaining it—--«that, although they differ in opinion, they agree in intention. It is the want of this charity that makes political controversy an object of dread. It is the Want of this charity that leads to jealousies, animosities, malice, calumny, hatred, and not unfrequently to outrage and bloodshed. There is no reason why an honest and con- scientious diversity of sentiment on political questions should beget unrelenting hostility, and arouse the Worst passions that find a place within the human breast. Opposing political parties are the natural consequence of a popular form of government. There must at all times be more or less of party spirit. It is then the peculiar duty of those who live under such government to repress and mitigate its violence. As it is more com» mon in a free country than elsewhere, so it is more dangerous there than elsewhere. An arbitrary govern»- ment may do much to control and smother it-—~—in a republic it finds ample room to grow unchecked ; and any rash attempts to stifle it, serve only to increase the rankness of its growth, and to give it a wider spread. It would be but a Waste of time, were I to enlarge 17 upon the evils of virulent party spirit. A mere enumer- ation of the most prominent of them will be sufficient. Its darigerous effects are well described and fully set forth by simply saying, in the words of De Lolme, ‘ it makes of the same nation two distinct people, in akind of constant warfare with each other.’ It creates anaré chy, disorder and confusion. It destroys all sound administration of government. It leads to a system of partiality and prescription ; those who have succeeded in obtaining authority, exercise it only as a means of satisfying their selfish interests, and of venting their re- venge upon their opponents ; and retaliation becomes the sole and shameless business of’ all parties. Meas- ures at first diifidently proposed, and but calmly recom- mended, are advocated and insisted upon with all the heat and rashness of passion ; ‘pride andambition enter the lists’, and to maintain the importance of a party, and escape the seeming shame of defeat, low artifice and unblushing lmavery are resorted to ; and the maxim ‘4 all is fa:'z'.rz'n politics,’ is practised to the full extent, with- out shame, without remorse. But it is not merely for its disturbance of the economy of governinent, that political discord is to be depre- cated. It “contaminates and dleforrns the whole social system. It enters village--—-but who can describe the mischiefs and miseries which make up its retinue P N o pestilence can be more dreadful in its devastation ; for death itself does not put a more effectual lend to the pleasant intercourse of neighbors, of friends, andeven of brothers. It enters the social circle—-——-and sunders its strongest connecting links ; it lays its chilling, iron hand on one portion, parting them to the right, and on the other, removing them to the left, and then creates a gulf between, never to be passed. It penetrates to the very fireside-«wand destroys the ties of family as well as of friendship, parting brother from brother, 3 . 18 father from son, and freezing the very fountains of don mestic peace and happiness, It converts love to hatred ————-changes smiles to frowns----the Welcome greetings of i affection to cold neglect——-the tenderness of sympathy and the kind sincerity of friendly counsel to persecu- tion, curses and calumny. Even those who ‘took sweet counsel together, and Walked to the house of God in company,’ are seen treading paths of opposite direc- tion, and passing each other with averted looks. And, worse than all, time heals not the wound inflicted by this spirit of discord ; it rankles and festers through life. Political aclministrations change-——the events which pro- duced the animosity are forgotten-—-—-the causes perish--~— but still the prejudice lives on. It is carried to the very death-bed; and sad to say, even there is not always forgotten. It dies not with one generation; it is be- queathed from father to son, as though it were a sort of patrimony, which must descend as a matter of course. But I will drop the picture unfinished; for I can find no colors vivid enough to convey an adequate sense of the deformities and horrors with whichthe demon, party spirit, may pollute and disfigure scenes Which, but for his presence, would be all peace and beauty. Have not all of us seen his hideous form P Have not all of us inhaled an atmosphere tainted with his noxious breath P I can conceive of nothing more degrading to the human character than the indulgence of this spirit of malignity, and of implacable hostility between man and man, for no better reason than the mere accident of a difference of opinion about some (perhaps petty) question of public policy. What can be more unworthy of beings who pretend to be governed by the maxims of reason PM of beings too, Whohave been formed in the likeness of that Goo Who is Love E‘ i ButI have pursued this subject too far; it is sulfi- cient, for my present purpose, to say that inthel unre- 19 strained excess of party spirit, lies the greatest danger to which our institutions are exposed. We have more to fear from ourselves than from any foreign foes. It will be when our country is convulsed by civil commo- tions, that our liberty will be perverted, perhaps lost. It will then be, that we shall ruin ourselves, or open the way for foreign power to break in, and Work out ruin for us. Till then, we have little to fear ; so long as there shall be virtue and good sense enough among the people to curb the rancor of party feeling, we shall be safe. But it may with sound reason be predicted, (and history justifies such prediotion,) that if our republic should fall, party spirit will be the occasion of that fall. We must give a character of stability to our institu« tions, and to our whole political system ; and it becomes our duty, as an essential means of accomplishing this end, religiously to respect and support the National _ Constitution. After an experiment of nine years, it was found that the ‘ Articles of Confederation,’ which had been adopted by the thirteen states, soon after the Declaration of Independence, their national constitution, and which continued in operation as the basisof our government, for five years after our Independence was acknowledge ed, were inadequate to the purposes for which they had been designed. ‘They failed to establish so strong a bond of union as was wanted---they did not vest suffi; cient power in the general governnientm--they were in_-- competent to secure the benefits which had been antic-« ipated from independence. For several years after the close of the war of the Revolution, our country was full of disorder ; it was disturbed by insurrections--—-brurth— ened with debts, for whose discharge no adequate pro» vision had been made----viewed with coldness and dis- trust by foreign powers-—-its treaties were violated-- its credit was impaired---its commerce languished. In 20 this state of things, a more vigorous and energetic gov» ernment became absolutely necessary. Accordingly, in 1787, a convention of delegates from all the States, except Rhode Island, was held in the city of Philadel- phia, for the purpose of framing a new constitution. That convention consistedof the most eminent states- men then living in our country. The several articles of the constitution then proposed, were made thesub—~ jects of strict investigation and mature deliberation.‘ In 1788, that constitution was offered to the people, for their adoption or rejection. It came recommended the result of the joint labor of men of the purest patriot- ism, the strictest honor, and most undoubted abilities. Although a great diversity of opinion prevailed ; al- though violent political parties were formed, of those ' for, and those against it ; although it was submitted to the full and free examination of conventions in all the States, held at different times, acting independently of each other, jealous of each other and of the general governrnent-—-—notwithstanding all this severe and criti-' It has existed, in successful operation, through almost half a century. Amid the quiet of peace and the tumult cl“ cal ordeal, through which it passedm--it was adopted. war—the opposition of fees and the rash arclor of friends —-—the danger of rank party spirit, and the equal danger of negligent inditierexice-wit has stood. Througli a hall‘ century, during which a greater change has been efl'ect~ ed in the opinions, feelings and condition of men throughout the world, than was ever before known-—-~ a half century, during which the very elements of so» ciety have been rapidly and irresistibly changing-——-~a half century, during which the most tremendous civil comrnotions have convulsed the old world--M-while thrones have tottered--wl‘1ile old dynasties have been overthrown, and new ones raised upon their ruins~—-~—- while other constitutions have been altered or destroy- :3’ 21 ed, and ‘ Reform—--«Reform? has been the ceaseless cry»--- through all this change and commotion in the other hemisphere, our Constitution has stood——-«unmoved, un- polluted, unimpaired ! Long may it stand, the glory of our own nation, the admiration and envy of others ! If we have risen to a condition more happy, more illustrious and more coinmandiiig than that of any peo- ple in creation, we are indebted for our superiority, under Heaven, to our National Constitution. And there is nothing but the love of its principles, and the firm- ness with which they are supported, that can ensure durability to our Union. Who then can be so reg-ard- less of the value of that Union, so insensible to the bless-- iyngs which our Constitution has already secured to us, or so ignorant of the danger of instability, as to lay thel rude hand of innovation upon that sacred instrument P Unfortunately, many——-—~and not a few whose high station ought to entitle their opinions to respect and confidence. It is our solemn duty to resist all attempts to unsettle any of the established principles of our government. Our Constitution is too sacred a thing to be tampered with. ‘It is not,’ as was lately said in Congress, ‘ a text-book of riddles and puzzles, to be the subjectof everlasting clisprutationfll Let uncertainty once creep into any political system, and instantly it loses its whole vigor; A change of fundamental laws must produce a corresponding‘ change in all the long established branch- es of business which have been regulated by these laws, and thus may vary the rights and affect the interests of thousands. Wealth and enterprise are diverted from the old, the broad and deep channels in which they have safely and quietly flowed for years, and are wast» ed in schemes of rasltness and uncertainty. N 0 one can know what employment he may adopt with safetzy ; there is no security ; there is no stimulus to enterprise ; wealth ceases to circulate 3 genius finds no inducement 22 to exertion ; every branch of industry becomes lifeless‘ and inert. We should make it our business to disprove, by our example, the old doctrine that change is stamped on all - free institutions. The Constitution is the basis of the whole political fabric; and, however the laws, the super- structure raised upon that basis, may be altered and repaired, thefoundation itself should remain firm. We read that in some of the ancient republics, when it was desired to give permanency to a particular law, but at the same time the lawgivers mistrusted their own fu- ture wisdom, it was usual to addla clause, which made it a crime‘ punishable with death, to propose an alter- ation or revocation of the law. Those who afterwards thought it necessarythat the law should be altered or repealed, appeared in the public assembly and made their proposition with a halter about their necks, trust- ing to the mercy of the people, yet putting it in their power, if they pleased, to execute the said additional clause in its full rigo1*.‘*‘ We need no such expedients to ensure permanency to our laws and uniformity to their operation ; We must and do trust to the wisdom of the people. We confide in the hope that their good sense will lead them to reprove every appearance of a revolutionary spirit, and sternl y to discountenance every attempt, not called for by the general sentiment of the people, to unfix the fundamental rules of our govern- ment. Under our present system, we are prosperous and happy ; why should We wish to relinquish a certain good for an uncertainty P Innovation would surely bring danger 3 it might bring ruin. True, as men and things change with the progress of events, systems of government must likewise change in order to be adapted to the tiines. But radical alter- ations in the character and condition of a people, are ‘-l" De Lolme on the English Constitution. 23 not the work of one or two short years ; and our con- stitutional laws ought not to be subject to the ruthless treatment of restless and radical reformers, as often and as surely as the earth performs its revolutions. Who would think of tearing up by the roots and transplant- ing a full-grown tree 9 Who would believe it could sur- vive such violence 9 Our political system may be liken- ~ ed to a tree---planted in a soil which has for its elements independence and equality”--its root is the constitution ---its branches are the laws---its sap is the spirit of the people---its fruits are liberty, justice, happiness ! It has arrived to full maturity, if a thorough exposure to sun- shine and storm, for near fifty years, can make it ma- , ture. Who then will be so foolhardy as to attempt its overthrow P Who will say that its root can be torn up, its branches pruned, the noble tree itself transplanted to another soil, without withering those flourishing branches, Without choking the circulation of that vital sap, without blasting those rich fruits, without, in fine, bringing death upon the tree itself 5’ Let the prayers . of the people avert such a calamity. Already, beneath its wide-spreading branches, has many a lover of free- dom, flying from the-ehot-beds of aristocratic oppression and despotism inthe old world, sought shelter and re- pose ! Long may it flourish, to atforclrest anclsecurity to still other victims of outrage and tyranny ! May it be watered with the dew of Heaven, till it shall become a, tree, like that seen by the king W of Babylon in his dream, ‘ in the midst of the earth, which grew and was strong, whose leaves were fair, and the fruit thereof much, and in it was meat for all—--whose height reached unto heaven, and the sight thereof to the end, of all the earth’ ! The maintenance of a feeling of harmony and equal- ity among ourselves is another duty which our welfare 24 as a social people demands, and one which the spirit of the times most urgently requires. The condition and character of every individual are strongly affected by the state of society in which he lives. The spirit of our institutions is eminently calcu- lated to inake our social system a happy one. Their first and best tendency is to inculcate the principle of natural equality. They teach us to deride and despise the artificial distinctions of European society, and to ridicule and condemn all distinctions of rank without reference to merit. We scorn their titles of nobility ; we sneer at their pride of pedigree. Our Constitution forbids the granting of any title of nobility by our own government, and the acceptance of such title by our citm izens from any foreign power. We have no laws of en- tail and primogeniture to foster family pride and build up a permanent aristocracy. The Wealth of our richest men is scattered at their disease by our statutes of dis- tribution ; or, if disposed of by will, it can be but for one generation. We have no privileged orders ; oflice and honor are open to all ; the avenues to wealth are open to all. It is a fact, of which we may Well be proud, that our rich men and our great men, with hardly an excep- tion, were once poor and humble men ; they are men. who have risen to eminence by their own exertions, by their own genius, honesty, economy and sobriety. They enjoy no privileges above their fellowv-men but such as they have clearly paid for by long and incessant toil. No fictitious rank is given to them, and it is seldom that any is assumed by them. Public sentiment will not tolerate the presumptuousness that affects superiority, whether founded on wealth, pedigree, beauty, or any oth- er equally slippery basis. The arrogant and self- exalted command no respect and er:-zert no influence ; their career almost invariably terminates in misery, mortification and disgrace. The modest and honest poor man is 215 esteemed, beloved and valued as a useful citizen. We permit no rank but that which merit confers 3 we grant no privileges but those which merit secures. The poor man has the same right to vote that the rich man has ; and his vote has the same influence. We divide our- selves into no distinct clases ; our whole people consti—- tute but one class, but one family——-a happy family of freemen, of equals and of brothers. To preserve this equalising spirit of our institutions, of our sentiments and habits-—-—a spirit which disposes to harmony and happiness——is the duty which I wish to 11rg;e, as rendered all-important by recent indications of a spirit of an opposite tendency and temper. The restless spirit of fault-finding is busy ; and attempts have been made to disturb our family harmony. There is a disposition among a portion of our citizens to divide our community into classes———to create invidious distinctions between liigh and low, rich anclpoo1*, the learned. and the unlearned, men of leisure and laboring men. They exalt one portion of the community as much above their true level, as they sink the other beneath it 3 and after ltavirig rnarketl out their imagiriary line of distinction, they draw up the Iatterin full array against the former, and then irxstigate them to comrnence bat- tle, and pull down the rich and learned who have usurped the l‘iigh places in society I They appoint themselves generals ; they pretend to be the only true friends of the people ; they point out to them the particulars in which they have been degraded and oppressed by the aristocratic rich and learned, as though the people had__l not sagacity enough themselves to know when they are abused, nor discretion enough to take care of their own rights ; as though the people were a kind of moral mon- ster, living in a state of torpidity, enclosed in a shell so touegh that no bruise can effect its sensitive organs, and 26 kicked about by every one whose path it happens to obstruct. But their selfishness is too gross to be inistaken. Our people have too much honest pride to allow that they have been deceived and trampled upon by the very nien Whom they have themselves elevated to stations of lien- or, men whose education, talents and virtues have given them influence-—and too much discretion to be duped by juggling dernagogues. They will not suller themselves to be hoodwinls:ed and ‘harnessed to the ear, and lashed onward in the course’ which may carry these political Jehus into oflice. They will not believe that their fellow citizens who are possessed of Wealth, of tal- ents, or of learning, are dangerou.s members of the com- munity---that they are political criminals. They find no principle in our constitution which declares that a man, because he has genius, or property, or a taste for litera- ture, shall be hanged for treason ! We have not yet, thank God l arrived to that degree of civil or moral de— gradation. We have no tyrants, like Antony, to cut oil" the head and hands of the orator ; we have no N eras to order the philosopher to draw the lifeblood from his own veins ; we have no statutes, like those enacted by Elizabeth and James the First of England, pl’Ol1ll).ltlIlg‘ any book to be printed except in certain specified places, and without being first inspected and licensed by the dignitaries of government. We have liberty of press, of speech, and of action ; and so long as these liberties are unperverted, we have little to fear. It is one of the distinguishing features of our repub-~ lican system, that it affords security to property, and thus gives encouragement to honest enterprise. Shall we dampen the laudable spirit of inclustry, by deelar—~ ing rich men dangerous men, and excluding them from office and honor P»-—A1uong the occurrences of the last year was the decease of the owner of the greatest 27 amount of wealth ever amassed by a single individual in this country. He came to our land a poor and friendless boy; our laws aflbrdecl him protection and encourage- ment 3 and by his own unaided exertions, by his own industry, perseverance, prudence, sagacity, temperance and sobriety, he became the possessor of millions. It was his boast that he began life with sixpence ; it Was his maxim that ‘ a man’s best capital is his industry.’*‘ What became of his immense fortune 9 Was it devoted to the establishment of family aristocracy? Was it ex- pended in useless show, or in creating worse than use»- sinecures and supporting the pride of indolent men? It was distributed with the spirit of a republican ; it remains in our land 3 it is devoted to the embellishment of our cities, the foundation of institutions of education and of charitableasylums ; it has passed from one man to enrich many men. Would you have denied to that inan the riglits you give the commonest pauper, because he was rich ? Was he a dangerous member of the com- munity, because he was rich ? Would you have made lnim an outcast from our republic, because he was rich? The il’l()l.Zlgi‘1iL is absurd ; the prevalence of such a tone of sentiment would soon make us a miserable and dc» gracled people. , w‘ A A l i ‘ ‘ A ]ilqua.lly absurd and equally dangerous are all attempts to discourage the exertions of genius and the acquisition of lrnowledge, by starnping; men of talents and leariiingg as usurpers and aristocrats. We caught to feel proud of the name which our nation has acquired by her atten- tion to learning, and to the cultivation of the arts and sciences. No country so young has ever been known to produce so many distinguished men 3 and the time has passed when foreigners sneeringly inquired for an American book. Few philosophers have given them» selves a more immortal name than our FRANKLIN and J '*“ Sixlnpsorfs Biography of Girard. 28 FULTON---VVG have given to England a President of her Royal Academy, BENJAMIN Wnstr-——-No essayist, since Addison and Goldsmith, has exhibited the genius of VVVASI-IINGTON IRVING---The productions of few novelists are seized with more avidity than those of Coorsn---- Of living poets, none is superior to BRYANT-—-Oi‘ states- men, few have surpassed MADISON and HAMILTON---- Though England has a more extensive navy than any nation, and in point of physical force is truly ‘ Queen of the Ocean,’ yet for the management of her ships and the application of that force, she condescends to be guided by the rules of our countryman, Bownxren. i Let us then encourage the genius which gives honor to our nation ; let us promote the spirit of industry which gives us Wealth 5 let us create no odious, arbi»«- trary and uncalled for distinctions ; let us rebuke the temper of those who strive to obtain the notice to which their talents will not entitle them, by mere cant and noise ; and Who, for selfish purposes, would split our community into opposing classes and dangerous the» tions. Let us remember that those who hold high of- fice have been trustedlwith such oflice by the people ; that none are or can be men of influence, but those whom the people respect ; that the men who occupy elevated stations above the broad level of the connn.u- nity, are upheld in their high places by the great mass of the people, as the substances that float on the sulitce of the ocean,are upheld by the great body ofwater underneath; and that, like those substances, the :u1o~ ment their weight becomes oppressive and overbearing, they sink-—--—to be trodden under footwith as little con» cern as that with which the waves roll over the rocks and weeds that are strown upon the ‘ deep ’s unt;rampIo(l floor.’ Let us crush the unhallowed spirit of those dis-~ contented beings who, instead of thanking God that their lot has been cast among a people where more equality 29 prevails than among any other, among the happiest peo- ple on earth, and where nothing»; is wanted but exertion, to make them eminent, are continually murmuring, and envying those who have not been too indolent to ac»- qoire honor and influence. Let us ‘live together as Chris- tians-—--—with mutual respect, with mutual forbearance.’ Time will not allow me even to enumerate all the tluties demanded of us by our condition as freemen. I therefore omit many to which I designed to have ad- verted, and pass at once to our most important and sol» em.n duty---that of promoting the diflhsion of knowledge and the spread of sound principles of morality. It has been said a thousand times, yet it is worthy and will bear to be said a thousand times more, (for the principle cannot be too frequently b1'oL1ght home to our serious contemplation,) that the stability of ropablvicrm. '£n.s'titut'ions clcpemls entirely on the virtue and intellwgenccr of the people. The fact is demonstrated by the fate of every Republic which has existed before us. It tells us that our gmeat, our liighest duty as freemen, is to 1)I'()~ xnote sound education and practical religioii ; inasmuch. as these are the only means by which We can hope to give perrnaneney to our institutions-w-to preserve them in their simplicity, purity, beauty and vigor. So long as we are a morally educated people, we shall be a polit- ically free and socially happy people. Lclucatioii leads naturally and directly to liberty. It teaches man his riglits-—-«and how to exercise those rights. It teaches him the value of his own IIllI1Cl--~Et11(l how to cultivate that mind. For these reasons it is that the oppressors of man in all ages and nations, have la- bored to keep the people igno “ant. When Mr. B1'ougl1a1n, present Lord Chancellor of ]3h.1g'la11(l, in 18330, b1*o'ug*lii1t; into l’arliaxnent his celebrated bill for the general edu- catioii oi’ the poor, the old aristoc1'e.oy were at out-.e 30 aroused~—---they opposed the bill with all their energy. They said ‘ the people will discover wherein they have been oppressed ; we shall lose our immunities ; the church will be ruined ; ancient prescriptions will be brok- en through ; the people will cry for Reform !’ They were right ; the bill did not pass 3 but knowledge was diffused through other channels, and the people did cry for Reform ; they have struggled through diflieulty and danger for Reform ; and they are at last in a fair way to obtain Reform !--—Despots keep their subjects ignorant, on the same principle that the sportsman keeps his hounds lean ; that they may be the more eringing and servile, and when urged to the chase, may run the swifter in pursuit of the victims of rapacity. Liberty and knowledge are inseparable. Make man enlight- ened, and he will make himself free-M-the reverse is equally true---make him free, and he will make himself enlightened. The people of this country have abundant reason to congratulate themselves and be thankful to Heaven for the number and excellence of their institutions of learn- ing. Our free schools are the noblest monuments of our fathers’ wisdom, the richest legacy they have left us, and the most valuable bequest we can make to our posterity. To these institutions, under Heaven, our country owes her glory and her greatness. Political liberty is of no value to any people, unless they have intelligence enough to appreciate it aright, to use with out abusing, to enjoy without destroying it. The ruax- im ‘ knowledge is power’ is never more true than in its application to a community. Our free schools will do more to preserve our liberties than armies and navies, than foreign alliances and all the arts and acts of cliplo-- macy. Let us set a due value on these institutionsm-—-let us encourage and improve thorn, convinced that their preservation is identified witlithat of our liberty itself. 31 ‘But while we build school»-houses, let us not forget churches. Knowledge may be abused. It may do as much harm as good; unless directed in its application by virtue, its power is dangerous. It is our holy duty to make ourselves virtuous as well as wise. Education must be moral. N 0 other will preserve our liberty.-«M Morality must keep pace with the progress of knowledge. A-s population increases, as wealth accumulates, as the arts of refinement multiply, as invention progresses and labor»-saving machines pour in upon us-—--industry, hon- esty, prudence and their kindred virtues may diminish. The advance of knowledge implies the advance of all the branches of knowledge, and of course leads to a better understanding of the ways and means of gratify- ing our vicious propensities, as well as of promoting vir-—~ tuous sentiment. We may grow wiser without growing better. The passions of men do not change with their opinions. Nature never alters. And with all our wis- dom, the same temptations would beset us which we are exposed to in ignorance—-—and they would be as hard to resist. Men will not always do good, merelyin con» sequence of knowing how, and having the means to do it -—--they may approve the right, yet practise the wrong. T.l‘l(E31‘0 is danger that as prosperity increases, corruption will increase with itm--that the love of wealth, of luxury and ostentation, of ease and elegance, and the artsof extravagance and fasliionable refinement will destroy the simplicity of manners, the high tone of moral feel» ing, the quick and elevated sense of justice and pro- priety which have heretofore distinguished and blest our people. You have often heard that it was when Reine had extended her dominion over foreign lands, ’l”;lt1{tiL she acquired their vices, that luxury enervated her people, and specdily.worked their ruin. What is tosave us froin the same fate P What is to prevent our adding the American name to the long catalogue of states who 3.? have wallowed through sensuality, licentiousnessand crime; to misery and ruin? Nothing but the intel1i- genes and virtue of the people. The only defence we have against this species of danger is in moral educa- tion-—-in promoting good habits—--—-in looking above the things of earth to Heaven--and inspiring that ‘ fear of God which expels all other fear’--—in guarding the heart from all immoral influence, and guiding it by sound re- ligious principle. And here, allow me to say, much depends on the Amer» ican Mother---—mucl1 on female influence generally. I be- have it to be a fact that female influence may, if properly exerted, add much to our national happiness and glory ———and a fact which ought to be thought more of, and made more of than it ever yet has been. ‘ Women well as men belong" to the country’--—-—-they are inter»- ested in its safety and happiness--—-they have rig*l.1ts as members of civil society ; and why should they not feel themselves bound by duties P Women as well as men enjoy the benefits of our political institutions ; and why should it not be made their honorable privilege as well as responsible task to contribute to the support of those institutions P Shall it be answered, ‘ because they can»- not’ P Such a reason would be a libel both against them and their country---suited only to the barbarous age and society in which women were slaves, and their minds palsied by ignorance and degradation. The civilized men of our day and country delight to associate with them as equals, as friends and as counsellors. And it is by the influence of their instruction and example upon the minds of the men with whom they are connected, that they may do much good--——it is by the power which woman insensibly sways over the conduct of man, from his natural propensity to gratify her feelings and comply with her desires, that she may do much goocl. "Finally, and above all, it is by the influence she naturally and es necessarily exerts over the infant mind, that she may do immense good to her country. There are few men Whose whole lives are not governed, and whose condi- tion is not affected, in some measure, by the principles instilled into their minds when children. Many of the most eminent men who have ever existed, have been proud to acknowledge that they owed their greatness to the care and example of their mothers. The manner in which maternal duty is discharged, affects the condition of society, of the World, more than any other cause. For this reason it is that the office of mother, and par-» ticularly of the American Mother, is the most respon- sible office in society. ' Our females may then, if they will, exert a happy in-- fluence even upon the political character and condition of our country. They can be patriots as well as their brothers. They take no part indeed in the manage- ment of our political affairs 3 we do not require them to go to the polls and determine by their votes who shall be our governors, but we do require them to go into our nurseries, and there to train the minds and mould the hearts of those Whom their instruction and example may make our future rulers. We do not require them to go out upon our plains to guard our camps andefight our battles, but we do require them to keep watch as faithful sentinels around our door-stones and by our firesides, to contend with foes more to be dreaded than 4 any or all physical force. Their province is to guard c against unhallovved affections and debasingypassions-aw to repel the inroads of pernicious habits, and to protect us against the invasion of those moral enemies, more dangerous, because more difficult to conquer, than the foes who ‘kill the body----but cannot kill the soul.’ It is when women takes upon herself this high char- acter, that she assumes her native dignity---—it is then 5 344 that ‘reason and authority on her wait’-—--that her true value is felt---—-that she is indeed the ‘ Divinest gift of God to man.’ It is when she thus fulfils her sacred trust, and man yields to her instruction, that they seemed formed, in the holy language of Milton “ HE for God only, SHE for God in him.” IMY YOUNG FRIENDS, It is to us that the discharge of the duties which have been noticed at this time, is a matter of particular in- terest. It is for us to be anztious about the fulfilment of every obligation which our country and our condition impose. The men who have nurtured and reared our young Republic, are fast dropping from among us, and one by one are rendering up their trust. The care of our country will soon devolve entirely on us ; its fate will rest in our hands. The great business of our gen»- eration is to preserve and perfect what has been acquir- ed by the generation preceding us. It was for others to dare and do ‘the deeds of danger and of deatlt,’ which have given them glory and irnrncrtality, and their chit» dren liberty and happiness. Ours is the humbler yet no less diflicult task to keep what they have given us. A few of that generation yet live. Let them not fall into their graves, sorrovving at the dark prospect that the blessings which their sacrifices purchased for us, will soon be lost-———that all their toil was vain. Let their last days be -cheered by- the glad belief that their sons will do even more to preserve their liberty than they did to acquire it. But apart from considerations of good to ourselves, we have other and most glorious inducements to cher- ish and sustain our free institutions. The world is gas- ing on us with fearful interest. Ours is the first country 35 ever governed by a purely representative system ; our government is Viewed as an e:~:periment ; and the am<;- iety of the world is to know the result of that experi- ment--~—to know whether a Representative Republic can exist in practice as well as in theory-—-whether power, when given to the people can be virtuously wielded, or whether it will be exerted to their own destruction. 'll‘l1e1'e is much difference of opinion on these points in the old world; already violent parties have been formed, and fierce contentions have commenced. Popular sentiment seems strongly in favor of free government ; the spirit of liberty has gone abroad among the nations, and is wo1'l:ing a wonderful change in their opinions and con-— dition 5 a tremendous revolution is rocking all Europe. "i‘he people have become enlightened, and know wherein and how much they have been abused ; they feel their own power. Men are contending, heart and hand, for their natural riglits----a11d despots, inadclened by long impunity, are resisting them. It is a struggle as predicted by Mr. Canning, ‘ between the arist;ocratic .‘é't.'l‘l(l the democratic principle’—-—-between the might oi" kings and the right of the people. What has occasioned this change of feeling, and roused this spirit of revolu-— tion 9 Our example-+—-They have seen that a people ,de—- termined on freedom, can be free----they have seen the fliappiness which independence has given us, and they desire to participate in its blessings. We gave the im- pulse that has stirredsthempto action, and is urging them omva1~d---—onwa1~d——to liberty orideatl1~—-«£0happiriesst or ruin. The light which directs their path is an einanaw tion from the fire that is burning on our Western Altar of Liberty. If they triumph, ours will be the glory of their triumph. If they fail, ours will be the shame of their defeat. What then is the duty which our relation to them demands 3 It is to give them an exaznple, ‘lull ‘ll. mrhiclx shall be l10nomfble to mursellvcs; zmcl OI'lC()1.11'fl.g‘il’lg“ to tlmem--wto malm the lilaeml $y.ss1;mn~ of ,g0vm*1lxx"r1e11l; appear an object w<::»r'tl*1y Ulltllxeir ::x1'x"xbiti€»z1~w-~m:> 'E3l.”M1WV in them tlmt: 3. frwe ptaaople can Ilminmixl 13€3m?:O, l”‘I’l()l;”{ll.l m:'- der anal goocl g'0‘verI1l111e1'1t—~——--ll}at “ 1:110 sspirit 0? fl.“€L’:li3‘lLl{.ll‘!l. a. spirit; of l.ll(3£Ll.ltl"‘l,7 l3E:1'1i§.'g“I”l;lli‘.}/’ and beax1ll:y~w---~tl‘1::mt jmxm 1:33 ”l‘l0l$ 111$; own worrst m‘1et1'1y. 'l‘l'1'uss 53l'l17J.llfl'll”3 l)les%3i1'x;f_;s_~3 ml" our free lI1&Z%til2l1ti.(f)X”l$3 be éllifli'u:=s(3cl tlllxx-oxmglx all ma,i;lc:»m:;. Axxd lzlm «rlay Wl1it:;ll is l‘12“;3.'ll()‘W'€3(f‘.l in l“1immcy .:=.u+:+; l;l’m lll'll1'l;ll*~ day of Al‘Il(3l‘iC{l.l“1 M‘be:rt.y, .~:~3lm.1l be film :3.1m.ivm-:aeml;“y ml’ political l1:lx.