B 1,027,140 A ri, "", 4'1, C. - (in I %) 9,up 11 It (I v,11 ' l 'bl", Cxvr; A;)3tI4~4 i I,~ ~A\~0%VKKol44 I MEMOIRS OF THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY VOLUME XXVIII 1935 I KWAKIUTL CULTURE AS REFLECTED IN MYTHOLOGY BY FRANZ BOAS NEW YORK PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY G. E. STECHERT AND CO., NEW YORK, AGENTS 1935 KRAUS REPRINT CO. New York 1969 Reprinted with the permission of the original publisher KRAUS REPRINT CO. A U.S. Division of Kraus-Thomson Organization Limited Printed in U.S.A. I a 4V --- PREFACE In a discussion of Tsimshian mythology published in 1916 I made the attempt to summarize those features of Tsimshian tales that reflect the mode of life and thoughts of the people. The underlying thought of this attempt was that the tales probably contain all that is interesting to the narrators and that in this way a picture of their way of thinking and feeling will appear that renders their ideas as free from the bias of the European observer as is possible. Matters that are self-evident to the Indian and that strike the foreign observer disappear while points of view will be expressed that may be entirely overlooked by the student. The crucial test of the value of such a comprehensive study can appear only when different cultural groups are compared and it was planned to supplement the study of the Tsimshian by another one of the Kwakiutl, both tribes belonging to the North West Coast cultural group which is generally treated as though it was a unit. The result of such a comparison is presented in the last chapter. The earliest study of this kind of which I know is that of the Eskimo by H. Rink in his "Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo", 1875. In the footnotes I have entered a few corrections to renderings in the original records which explain apparent discrepancies partly due to misunderstandings - particularly in my earliest publications - partly to misprints. The following abbreviations have been used in quotations: S = Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas. Berlin 1895. M = Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians, Annual Report of the United States National Museum for 1895. Washington 1897. III = Kwakiutl Texts, Publication of the Jesup Expedition, Volume III, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1902, 1905. J V = The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, Publication of the Jesup Expedition, Volume V, Part II, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1909. X = Kwakiutl Texts, Publication of the Jesup Expedition, Volume X, Part I, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1908. C = Kwakiutl Tales, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. II, Leiden, E. J. Brill; New York, Columbia University Press, 1910. C X = Kwakiutl Religion, Columbia Unibersity Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. X, Columbia University Press, 1930. VI Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society C XXVI =Kwakiutl Tales, New Series, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. XXVI, Columbia University Press, 1935. R = Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, 35th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1921. Ts = Tsimshian Mythology, 31st Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1916. PAES III = Tsimshian Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Volume III, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1912. PAES VIII = Keresan Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Volume VIII, New York, G. E. Stechert, 1928. N = Tsimshian Texts, Bulletin 27, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1902. C V = Bella Bella Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Volume V, 1928. BAV = Boas Anniversary Volume, New York, G. E. Stechert, 1906. MAFL = Bella Bella Tales, Memoir Vol. XXV American Folk-Lore, New York, G. E. Stechert, 1932. JAFL = Journal American Folk-Lore, Vol. 47, 1934. Sk - Haida, John R. Swanton, Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington. Kai = Masset, John R. Swanton, Publication of the Jesup Expedition, Volume X, Part II, Leiden, E. J. Brill 1908. Brackets indicate material abstracted from Comox, Rivers Inlet and Bella Bella tales, but told by Kwakiutl Indians. The following alphabet has been used: E i e, i e, a, 6, o u z e, e, a, a, a, u E obscure e, as in flower. i e are the same sound, intermediate between the continental values of i and e. i iinhill(= ). e in fell (= e). a has its continental value. o German o in voll. o u are the same sound, intermediate between the continental values of o and u. e a somewhat doubtful sound, varying greatly in its pronunciation among different individuals between e and ei. a German a in Bar; only secondary, due to contraction of ea and sometimes aa. Kwakiutl Culture VII a aw in law; only secondary, due to contraction of oa or dwa. u indicates that the preceding consonant is pronounced with u position of the mouth. Sonans. Surd. Glottalized Spirans. Nasal Velar.............. Labialized velar..... Labialized palatal... Anterior palatal..... Alveolar............ — Affricative...... Labial.............. Lateral affricative... Lateral fricative.... Glottal stop......... I.q g gw g' 9 d dz b L i q q! qw q/w kw k/w k' k/-! t t! ts ts! P P! L L! I x XU x. X, S f m, y, w. (faual) h, y, w. A (faucal)' 1 Used only occasionally by a Gwa'waenox'. TABLE OF CONTENTS P reface....................................................... V M aterial culture............................................... 1 H ouses.................................................... 1 The village................................................ 4 N ature................................................... 4 Animals and plants........................................ 5 F ire..................................................... 7 Torches................................................ 7 Household furniture........................................ 7 Industries................................................ 9 Canoes................................................... 12 Travel and transportation by land...................... 15 F ishing.................................................. 15 Sea hunting............................................... 17 Hunting.................................................. 18 Dogs..................................................... 19 Food gathering............................................ 20 Food...............20 G um chew ing............................................. 21 W inter provisions.......................................... 21 Preparation of food........................................22 M eals..................................................... 24 Starvation................................................... 24 Dress and ornam ent........................................ 24 Personal and fam ily life......................................... 26 W ashing.................................................. 26 Personal appearance and habits..............................26 House and fam ily life....................................... 27 Parents and children........................................ 28 Grandparents........................................... 30 Uncles and aunts..........................................30 B rothers.................................................. 31 H usband and wife......................................... 31 Father-in-law and son-in-law............................. 32 Illegitimacy............................................. 33 Birth, infancy and children.................................. 33 M aturity.................................................. 33 Training................................................... 34 Sickness.................................................. 34 D eath and burial.......................................... 35 Games and gam bling........................................ 36 Feasts and potlatches....................................... 37 Tribal organization............................................. 41 The tribe................................................. 41 Succession and transmission of privileges........42 A ncestors.................................................. 47 Crests..................................................... 49 House dishes.............................................. 51 X Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Names.................................................... 52 Chiefs..................................................... 53 Messengers.56 Attendants.57 Speakers.58 Other officers.58 Assembly.58 Slaves.58 War.60 Marriage.62 Property and privileges.66 Selling and buying............................................. 67 Destruction of property.68 Coppers.68 Emotional life and ethics.69 Emotional life.69 Ethics.................................................. 75 Ceremonial objects and ceremonial procedure.78 Batons and beating boards.................................. 78 Masks.78 Drums.80 Rattles.80 Whistles................................................... 81 Hemlock................................................ 81 Balsam fir.82 Rock seaweed.................................................. 82 Hellebore.................................................. 82 Red cedar bark.............................. 82 Body painting.............................................. 82 Sacred room.............................................. 83 Songs.................................................... 83 Ceremonial procedure, ceremonials and relation to supernatural power. 84 Circuit of fire......... 84 Purification......... 84 Ceremonial procedure......... 86 The novices of the winter ceremonial......... 87 Winter ceremonials..............................89 Initiation and the receipt of supernatural gifts................. 91 Disobedience to orders of supernatural beings.................... 96 Shamanism................................................ 97 Magical power and objects....................................... 98 Supernatural power........................................ 98 Magical power of songs............................I......... 102 Language of supernatural beings............................. 102 Contests of power.......................................... 102 Supernatural beinge and human beings...................... 104 Supernatural birth............................................. 104 Revival....................................................... 105 Houses of supernaturals.................................... 105 Magic canoes........ 107 Potlatch pole and wealth bringer......................... 108 Water of life......................... 109 Death-bringer......................... 110 Fire-bringer......................... 110 Harpoon shaft......................... 111 Quartz.................................................... 111 Various properties......................... 111 Kwakiutl Culture XI N um bers...................................................... 113 F our...................................................... 113 Eight..................................................... 120 T hree.................................................... 120 Tw o...................................................... 121 Current beliefs............................................. 123 W eather charm............................................ 124 Charms................................................... 124 D ream s................................................. 124 The soul.................................................. 124 The W orld................................................... 125 The upper world.................................. 125 The world beyond the ocean................................. 127 World under the ocean................................... 128 G hosts................................................... 131 O ur w orld................................................. 133 Transformers and culture heroes............................. 133 D elu ge..................................................... 137 Chiefs of myth people as tranIsformers........................ 138 Ancestors as transformers.............................. 140 Supernatural beings........................................... 140 The cannibal spirit and the winter ceremonial................. 141 Dzo'noq!wa................................................ 144 W oodm an................................................. 146 Double-headed serpent................................. 146 M onster................................................... 148 Animals, plants etc............................................ 149 The tribe of myth people........................ 149 The raven................................................. 15 The younger brothers of tlio chief of the myth people........... 152 Mink.................................................. 152 Deer.................................................... 153 W olves.................................................. 154 Thunderbird.............................................. 157 T s 'na.................................................. 158 Q o'lo..................................................... 158 Killerwhale........................................... 158 The salm on chief........................................... 159 Mountain goat............................................. 159 Grizzly bear............................................... 160 B lack bear................................................. 16 Porcupine................................................. 16 L and otter................................................. 161 B eaver................................................... 161 M arten.................................................... 16 W olverene.............................................. 16 Squirrel................................................. 161 M ou se..................................................... 162 E rm ine.................................................... 162 Dog........................................ 163 R accoon.................................................. 163 Sealion................................................... 163 W h ale.................................................... 164 Seal...................................................... 164 Sea-otter.................................................. 164 B a t....................................................... 165 B ird s................................................. 165 XII Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society T oad...................................................... 168 F ish...................................................... 168 Various animals.......................................... 169 Trees............................................... 169 K elp..................................................... 170 Salm on weir............................................... 170 Graves................................................ 170 Diorite.................................................. 170 D w arfs.................................................... 170 Origin of local features............................ 170 Comparison of cultural reflections and style in Kwakiutl and Tsimshian m ythologies................................................ 171 MATERIAL CULTURE HOUSES. - Houses are generally built on the ground. They are square. A large house measures ten by ten fathoms (C 257). The form of the house is not often referred to, but there is frequent mention of the corners (M 397; III 56, 257), front (III 56, 217), right and left side, and rear of house (III 80, 81, 186, 217). Houses look towards the sea (III 138) and children play on the sides and in the rear (III 45). An embankment runs all around the inner side of the house. This is made by digging out the center and piling the soil all around the excavation (C 117). Sometimes there are a number of embankments so that the center of the floor is deep down (III 187). A house with four (several C 494) platforms of this kind is mentioned (X 62; R 885; C XXVI 187) - a house ten steps deep (III 51; R 837; C XXVI 181), and one as deep as ten thicknesses of a cedar tree (III 185). The floor is not covered, as appears also from the frequent mention of digging holes into the ground, or of driving stakes into the ground (M 399; III 339; C 121). Exceptional houses are built on a foundation of crossed logs weighted down with stones (C 480; C XXVI 177), or of crossed drift logs (M 389). The house of the ancestor of a clan was thus built in the middle of a river (C 83, 480), another one so that it stood over a small stream (C XXVI 78). Houses are built on piles (C 83). The canoe is kept under the house (S 146). Some houses are built on an island in the middle of a river, they are destroyed by a flood (S 138, 146). The most desirable site for a house is on the shore where there is a sandy beach without stones (III 60; X 161). The house is tied up with ropes to make it difficult for an enemy to break into it (C 179, 393). A long house of a shaman with four doors in front is mentioned (C 453). This reminds us of the type of house used by the Salish tribes to the south. All the other houses have evidently only one door in front [(II 415)] which is implied by the fact that the entrance is often described as dangerous, and must be passed by a visitor (see also C 33; X 57). An exceptional house with a door in front and another principal door in the rear is mentioned (S 138; C 480). A house is also mentioned with doorsat the sides (S 169). The frame of the house consists of posts over which are laid beams (C 81, 221, 471). Both posts and beams are often carved (C XXVI 55). Even the ends of the rafters are sometimes carved. These are placed over the roof beams and run down to the side walls (X 62). One house is described as having one post on each side of I 2 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the door, a cross-beam laid over them, and a single post in the rear. The roof-beam rests on the center of the cross-beam in front and on the single post in the rear (III 51). At another place a house is described with two door posts and two rear posts, each pair connected by a beam (III 186). The walls and roof are made of split boards (III 182). In C XXVI 187 a description is given from which it appears that the front boards were placed horizontally and held up between pairs of poles. In olden times the walls were built in this way. There are many references to knot-holes or cracks in the walls (M 401; III 109, 122; C 241; C XXVI 107) through which the inside of the house may be seen. When a person does not want to be observed he stops up all the holes in the house (C 161). The roof is made of boards which may be pushed aside (III 103, 402; C 393, 443, 483) to let the smoke out, to give light, or to allow initiates to jump down from the roof (X 40). When the fire in the middle of the house blazes up the roof boards are liable to catch fire (S 169). The door of the house is often described as the mouth of an animal or monster. In C XXVI 53 it is described as a raven which opens its mouth, in X 69 as a sealion. It is evidently made of wood and can be barred against visitors and enemies (M 401; III 35; X 108; C 263). [That the door is stiff is also implied in the description of the bear's house, which has a flat stone for a door (III 409).] That it opens on hinges on top may be inferred from allusions to the sudden closing of the door that hurts those whom it hits (M 387), and the comparison between the door and a board-like stone that covers the entrance to an underground passage (III 8). The house has also a (small) back door (S 138; III 290; C 413)1. The front of the house is painted (S 166; III 360, 380; X 54, 69; C XXVI 218). [A house with carved front is spoken of in a Bella Bella tale (M 402).] A ladder leading to the roof may be pulled up (C 105; C XXVI 61). When the people move, the roof boards are taken down, put aboard the canoes and taken along (C 41, 249). In some traditions it is said that the walls are caulked or gummed to make the house watertight (X 227). In some houses is a "vomiting beam", a beam the top of which is hollowed like a trough with an opening over the fire. It is filled with oil which runs into the fire (S 184). In front of the house of chiefs is a pole with a figure on top, which relates to the ancestral legend (M 336; C 95). Sometimes this is called a princess-pole (C XXVI 72, 220, 226). A screeching eagle is sitting on top of it (S 188; III 363; C XXVI 72). A totem pole with various carvings is described only once (S 184) and this description was called forth by reference to a totem pole standing 1 In C X 72 read "rear" instead of "real". Kwakiutl Culture 3 in front of the house in which the tale was told. I learned later that the carvings were a substitute for carved house dishes. Near the salmon weir in the river, close to the house of a chief, is erected a watch pole of cedar with steps cut into it (III 189, 196). In front of the house is also the summer seat on which the people sit when the weather is good (III 120, 282; X 30, 43, 137, 173; C 371; C XXVI 19, 148, 219). Often this is only referred to as "sitting outside of the house" (S 151; M 385; III 265, 316, 362, 384). The beach in front of the house on which canoes are drawn up is considered as part of the house site (III 80, 219, [445]). It is not definitely stated that ordinarily several families live in a house, but there is frequent mention of clearing away things from the floor of the house when guests arrive, and of building a fire in the middle of the house. This evidently refers to the ordinary custom of having a fireplace for each family in each corner of the house and having mats hung from poles to screen off the part of the house belonging to each family. On all ceremonial occasions these family fires are removed, and a large fire is built in the middle of the house (III 20, [413]; X 73, 152, 243; C 349). A cave house is referred to in one tale. It is reached by a ladder made of a long cedar tree (C XXVI 59). Temporary houses of people who are alone in the woods are built of cedar bark (III 253; X 178; C XXVI 51), or the sides are made of interwoven hemlock branches (S 132, 143, 160; III 45), the roof of cedar bark taken from dead trees the wood of which has rotted away (III 137). Shelters are also made of mats. A deserted child makes a house of old mats (C 249). Adolescent girls build a hut of hemlock branches (III 45). Playing children build houses of fir branches (M 372). Hunters build tents of elk and bear skins (III 140). One of these is described as having as support a single pole in the entrance (C XXVI 46; see also sketches on C XXVI 50, 51). Canoe travellers make a shelter by pulling a rope taut from bow to stern, and throwing over the rope dressed skins which are pegged to the gunwale (III 79). A wrecked canoe hunter makes a shelter of pieces of his canoe (III 256). In one tale an underground retreat is mentioned which consists of a hole dug into the ground and a roof made of earth (C XXVI 96). People despised by their tribe build a small house in a poor location where the offal is thrown away (X 67; C 97, 446). On the rivers during the fishing season, fishermen live in temporary huts (C 21). The bedrooms are often referred to. It is not stated that these are on the platforms, but this may be implied from the character of the stories, in which the whole floor of the house is always considered as free of obstructions. The bedroom of the house owner and his wife (III 298), of girls (III 337; C 460), the bedroom of two 1* 4 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society brothers (X 23), the inner room used by a dancer (III 239), and in general the bedrooms of the inhabitants of the house (III 22, 63; X 94, 140, 207, 240) are referred to. Masks and other valuable objects are kept in the bedroom (III 92), and work that is to be kept secret is done there (C 483). Rooms are described as boarded up in front (III 337; X 4, 239; C 237); that of a princess as located in the middle of the rear of the house (C 71). The bed is not described; it is merely stated that a person lying down wraps himself up in a blanket (C 446), and that there is a bed cover (C 413). Travellers make beds of hemlock branches (X 178). THE VILLAGE. - The village is not often described. In many cases there is reference only to the single house of the ancestor. The villages face the sea, generally near the mouth of a river (C 45, 245, 287, 371; R 885). The canoes rest on the beach1 (C 287, 311). In a larger village the chief's house stands in the middle of the row of houses ([M 402]; III 220; C 333). There are four houses on each side of the chief's house (C 259). In a number of stories it is told that the village sites were artificially made. The ghosts cover the flat rocks at Xute's with soil and thus prepare a village site for the Xoya'las (III 377; C 325; C XXVI 76). They also clear away the trees behind the village site (C 325). The village site of He'gEms was made by wolves who took off their skins and transformed them into land (C XXVI 68). At Gi'mguimlig'a gravel was thrown into the sea to close the gap between the opposite shores of a bay (X 69). The ancestor Yd'qalcEnlis of the GwagsE'la closed the mouth of the river EmxsdElis at Pa'd;3, (R 837). NATURE. - The setting of the stories naturally corresponds to the daily experience of the people, to the situation of their villages, the sea, rivers, mountains and woods, and to the climatic conditions affecting their lives. Rivers swell and overflow after heavy rainfalls (III 321). Salmon jump at the mouths of rivers (III 134, 183, 390; C 45, 113, 141); herrings splash on the beach with much noise (III 376; C 471; X 168); whales strand on the beach (X 194). Bad weather troubling travellers or hunters is frequently mentioned. It is bad weather all the time at Bull Harbor (III 350). The Southeast wind is blowing all the time and makes it impossible to get food (III 350; X 99; C 227). It has a bad odor (III 352). Travellers are delayed by the Southwest wind at Dzo'dade' (C 187). The Northwest wind is blowing hard (X 99). At night the wind calms down (X 101). Travellers lose their way in the fog (III 255; C 161, 269). It is foggy in the morning (X 129) and in the fall of the year (C 161). Lightning, thunder, and hail storms are terrible (III 103, 112, 121). Gales are blowing up Knight Inlet (III 103). 1 See p. 12. Kwakiutl Culture In describing the sea the tides receive particular attention (X 92, 94); eddies (III 314) and tide ripples off the beach and the kelp patches near land (C 141) are mentioned. When sailing out seaward the mountains disappear from view (III 345). [The sea is sometimes phosphorescent (III 440).] The woods behind the village are often referred to (III 124, 290). Those who seek solitude go up the rivers (III 124; C 419; R 1122, 1181). In the woods are open grassy places (III 251; C 11). The mountains are dangerous. The mountain goat hunter may fall down a precipice ([III 407]; X 77; C 109). He is particularly threatened by unexpected snowfalls (C 13) and fog (C XXVI 144). Snow drifting in the river prevents people from poling up (C 23). People isolated in the woods suffer from cold (III 45). Places at which special useful plants, animals or stones are found, are not often mentioned, except salmon rivers (III 349). Fritillaria bulbs are gathered at nErwe'de', stones for cooking at Knight Inlet and on Skeena River (III 341, 342). Peculiar formations are the cave at Gwa'FyasdE'ms the house of the myth people (C 494); a lake with steep walls all around and a small island floating in the center (III 126). Observations regarding trees are few. The yew is always the tree most difficult to twist (S 144; III 140; X 60); its roots grow straight down (S 168; III 19). Descriptions of landscapes are very rare. [The dawn is once described as the day getting green (III 403).] In one story a moonlight night is described. The smoke of the houses is seen drifting seaward (C XXVI 160). A full moon night is also mentioned (C XXVI 26). ANIMALS AND PLANTS. - A great many animals are referred to in the tales. In many cases it is difficult to decide whether the animal appears in true form or personified. In the following list I give only those which appear in true animal form. The following mammals appear: Black bear (III 18, 31, 104, 139, 356); deer (III 31; X 212, 230; C 448); dog (The dog which is kept as a hunting dog and watch dog is also frequently mentioned (see p. 19); elk (III 31, 139, 356; C 97); grizzly bear (X 50); land otter (III 266; X 214; C 65); marten (III 266); mink (III 266, 362; X 215); mountain goat (C 109, 121, 448, 465); raccoon (X 213); sea otter (III 378, [436]; C 91, 309, 465); wolf (kept also as pets S 133) (X 37); wolverene (III 31, 44). The following birds occur: Albatross (C 65, 293); bluejay (C 71, [421]; also C 227); cormorant (III 291, 369; C 215); crane (C 363); bufflehead duck (C 233); harlequin duck (C 233), female (C 65); sawbill duck (X 227; C 490); scaup duck (C 65); eagle (C 421); fish-hawk (X 147); geese (C 65, 375); brant geese (C 363); large geese (C 363); laughing 6 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society geese (C 353, 363); little geese or pintail ducks (?) (C 363); golden-eye (C 229); the bird g6'gulbEs (not identified) (C 420.4); hawk (C 153; III 308); humming bird (III 38); kingfisher (X 108, 147; C 239); loon (C 65, 450); owl (C 421); oyster catcher (C 293); petrel (X 25); raven ([III 445]; C 233); red flicker (C 77); robin (X 36, 81); sea gull (X 230; C 233); sparrow (III 138, 312; X 81); swan (C 293, 363); thrush' (III 138; X 36, 147; C 151, 237); wren (X 202). The following sea mammals are mentioned: Dolphin (III 345; C 197; X 248); killerwhale (C 217); seal (III 378, [436]; C 65, 465, 487); fur seal (C 227); porpoise (III 360, 375; X 155; C 465); whale (III 373, 398, 399; X 193; C 193, 444). The generic term for salmon is used very frequently (III 302, 349, 395; C 113, 141, 169, 189, 213, 217, 457, 472), but the various species are also named: cohoes salmon (C 478); dog salmon (III 27, 102, 349; C 45); humpback salmon (III 102, 349); silver salmon (III 27, 102, 138, 305, 349; X 157); sockeye salmon (III 349; X 104, 158; C 113, 371); spring salmon (III 102, 305, 349; X 153; C 45, 157, 239); steelhead salmon (III 102, 349; C 155). Other fish occur: Black cod (III 350, 359; C 233); bullhead (X 105; C 45, 211, 377); flounder (X 106); halibut (III 350, 402; C 215, 233, 309); hd'no (unidentified) (III 349); herring (III 349, 376; C 191, 235); kelp fish (III 350; C 253, 317); olachen (III 101, 349; X 33, 51); perch (X 223); red cod (III 350, 390, 402; C 233, 265); shark (III 359); skate (III 266); sole (X 105); trout (III 102, 349; C 474). The following smaller animals are found: Chiton (III 344); clams (III 134, 350); cockles (III 283, 368); crabs (III 391; C 379); devilfish (III 104, 312; X 61, 100; C 229, 243); toads (III 261, 392); horse clams (III 134); horse fly (X 22); lizards (III 261); lice (C 215, 409); mosquito (C 397; X 22); mussels (several kinds) (III 350, 399; C 253); sea eggs (C 141, 157); another kind of sea eggs (C 245, 247); snail (III 364); snakes (III 392); woodworms (X 195). The following trees are mentioned: Alder (C 371); red cedar (M 336, 403; III 98, 108, 158, 286, 308, 365; C 197, 492, 493); yellow cedar (X 87; M 336); hemlock (III 64; X 50); pine (III 26, 120, 308; X 50); red pine (III 27); white pine (gum mentioned) (C 173); spruce (X 50, 89; C 425; III 71, 104, 121, [434]); yew (III 140; X 19, 50, 60, 163; C 444); crab-apples (C 119); choke cherry (X 46). Other plants: Grass (X 32); huckleberry bushes (III 298; C 149, 151); salmon berry bushes (III 298, [432]; X 148; C 151, 381); currants and salal berries (C XXVI 66); clover (X 54); cinquefoil (X 54); Fritillaria (C 267). 1 Called by mistake lark. Kwakiutl Culture 7 FIRE. - Fire is made with a fire drill (C XXVI 21) of cedar wood (S 143; III 137, 253, [404]). A notch is cut in the side of the hearth of the fire drill, and the drill is made of a round piece of cedar wood, which is given its shape by shaving. The sparks are caught in tinder made of dried cedar bark, which is rubbed until it is soft (III 253). At another place it is stated that a cedar bark cape is used as tinder (III 352; X 21; C XXVI 21). Slow match, in which fire is kept, is made of fern root (C 249). Fire is also preserved in tinder, which is enclosed in a mussel shell (S 132; C 41). Various kinds of wood are used as firewood. Alder wood is considered particularly good (III 334; X 44; C 171). Dead white alder trees are felled and cut into pieces of the right length for the fire (III 334; C 69). Cedar wood (X 243), pine bark (X 12) and yellow cedar (III 289) are also used. Firewood should not emit too many sparks (III 288). Trees are felled to serve as firewood (III 332; C 219). The people go out by canoe to get firewood (C 215). The wood is cut up by means of wedges (C 219), put aboard the canoe and carried to the beach in front of the house (C 221). After the wood has been unloaded from the canoe, it is carried up on the shoulder into the house, and is thrown down in the house (III 341), next to the door (C 69). It is carried by the house owner, by his slaves (III 336), or his daughter (III 335). In one case it is told that the women go down to the beach, wade into the water (C 171) and carry the wood into the house (C 221). When the fire in a house is extinguished, the owner sends to a neighboring house to fetch a firebrand (S 150; III 45; C 489). When the fire is burning in the house, the smoke is seen rising from the roof (III 361). When a great feast is celebrated in the house, the fire blazes up so high that the sparks fly out of the roof (X 37). The smoke rising from the roof (C 201) or light shining through walls (III 45) shows that the house is inhabited. A very large fire is apt to set fire to the roof (III 368). There are references to fires built on the beach (C 105) or made outside of the house (X 35). TORCHES. - Torches are made of pitchwood and serve to carry fire from one house to another (C 489). Others are made of split cedar boards, the splinters being tied together, and serve for scorching the bottoms of canoes ([III 438]; C 291). In C XXVI 93 the making of torches is described. Cedar wood a fathom and a half long is split and 40 splints are tied together in four places near one end. The opposite end is cut even. The bottom of the canoe is thoroughly dried before the torches are applied. Torches are also used for giving light at night (M 402; III 145, [433]; X 239; C 460, 482). The people travel at night carrying ten torches (S 144). A man works on the beach by the light of a torch (S 152). HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE. - Household and personal belongings are kept in baskets and boxes which are placed along the walls (X 110), or on a hanging shelf in the middle of the house (X 55), 8 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society in the corners (III 56, [411]; X 125, 157, 174), in the rear corner (X 190), or inside in the rear of the house (III 311). Cedar bark baskets are used for storing blankets (M 389; III 51, 55; X 71), dried berries (III 361; X 55), dry salmon (C 313), masks (III 303). The baskets are closed by lashings (III 302). [They are sometimes also used as carrying baskets (III 403).] Travellers' provisions are kept in them (III 114). Large carved boxes, sometimes with a heavy top, are used for keeping blankets, skins, masks (III 226, 239, 393; C 305), copper plates (III 160; X 71), and other valuable property. These boxes are often painted (III 389; C 93), or inlaid with abalone shell (III 370). Square boxes (grooved on the sides) are used for keeping provisions of various kinds (X 15, 110; C 93, 357). Fire tongs are used for handling fire and red hot stones used for cooking (III 21). Near the fire stands the settee (C 173, 395) which is often carved (C 315). The place of honor is on the settee, or in the middle of the rear of the house (III 220; X 240; C 395). It is occupied by the chief or the house owner (III 187; C 53, 275). Mats for the people to sit on are spread on the floor (III 24, 340, 383; X 241), and over the settee (C 395, 456). [At one place it is stated that dressed skins are used for this purpose (III 410).] Floor mats and mats used for curtains (X 133) are made of cedar bark, while the Comox to the south used mats made of reeds (III 238; X 25). In a temporary house the ground is covered with woven fern leaves which are spread on the ground (III 137). Besides the storage boxes previously referred to, there are other kinds of boxes in use, grease boxes for storing fish and seal oil (X 35, 159; C 357). [In the same kind of box salmon roe (X 150) and crab-apples (III 411) are kept.] Tall boxes are used for keeping dried berries (III 298), and crab-apples (X 17). Hemlock sap is kept in bark boxes (III 223). The tall box is also used for cooking purposes (III 391; X 155; C 317, 359). The kind of box used cannot always be told from the text because the native term designates the particular object for which the box is used, - as "mask receptacle" (C 37), "cooking receptacle" (C 317), "lily receptacle", etc. Seal oil is kept in bottles made of kelp (III 192). Buckets are used for carrying water (M 373; III 20, 286; X 35; C 51, 201). Food is eaten out of (wooden) dishes (III 81, 284; X 44; C 151). Small oil dishes into which food is dipped are used in conjunction with the larger eating dishes (III 192; C 257). [Flat pieces of cedar bark may also serve as dishes (III 411).] The food that has been boiled in large boxes is dished out with ladles (X 43) into food trays. On ceremonial occasions large carved dishes, the so-called house dishes, are used. They represent animals that refer to the family history (III 118, 226, 381; C 275, 367). Dry food is eaten from small food mats (III 178; C 317; C XXVI 78, 111). Mats used for Kwakiutl Culture 9 sitting on are often made of twilled weaving (III 24; C 319). Mushy food, like boiled kelp fish, is eaten with spoons (C 317). INDUSTRIES. - Stone implements are made by battering down the surface of the stone (C 383). Stone axes are made out of pebbles found along the river (C 472). The principal industry described and referred to in the traditions is wood-working. The implement used in work of this kind is a stone chisel (III 96) which is driven with a hammer (III 91; see also C 489). Posts are hewn with a stone axe (III 27; C 472). Finer work is done with the hand adze which is mentioned only in connection with canoe building (M 386; X 111, 235; C 458, 490) and with the shaving knife (III 253; C 149). Fish knives (III 252) and war knives (S 200; X 211; C 201; R 1134) are made of shells of the large mussel. Implements for cutting wood are sharpened with a whetstone (X 236). A woman's fish knife is used by her son to cut the ends of his spear (C 149). A blind woman makes a canoe (III 96) and cuts a hole through it. A man is mending a door (S 141). The principal wood used is red cedar, of which posts for the house, boards, and other objects are made. Boards are split from cedar trees (C XXVI 188). Long sticks are split out of cedar wood (III 325). Yew wood is used for sticks by means of which trees are spread while being split with wedges (X 246; C 197); for paddles (III 214), spears (III 358) and pegs (III 79). Yellow cedar is used for bows and paddles (III 270), hemlock for bows (X 81, 163). The making of boards enters into many of the tales (III 365; X 33, 249; C 197, 283). Trees are felled by cutting into the butt end of the tree (C 169). Wood is split with wedges (III 365; X 202, 204, 244; C 169, 171, 197, 219). The wedges are driven with hammers (III 98; X 202, 204; C 197). Cedar wood split with wedges and knives is used for making salmon weirs (III 325). Stakes driven into the floor of the house are also made of cedar wood (III 158). When the wood-worker goes out to cut down trees, he carries his wedges in a wedge basket (III 332; X 244), or in a wedge bag (X 202; C 197). When a tree is to be split by means of wedges, the crack is kept open by a spreading stick (III 366; X 203, 245; C 197) of yew wood; the line along which the wedges are to be driven is marked with a marking wedge (X 202). [After the wood has been wedged out and whittled down, it is polished by means of a gritstone (III 438).] The sides of boxes are made of a single board which is bent along kerfs. The bottom is cut out of a short board (X 34). Carvings in the round representing various figures, such as human beings or animals, are done in wood (M 402; III 310, [426]; C 275, 483). Alder wood as material for carving is mentioned (III 361; X 53; C 371); also rotten wood (III 99; X 247; C 461), although the last case is probably one in which the rotten wood serves a supernatural purpose. A large artificial whale is made of wood, the frame work being 10 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society constructed of poles (X 182). Porpoises (C 461), dolphins (X 248), whales (III310), and figures of human beings (III361, [426]; C 371) are carved. The arrow shaft is made of red cedar (X 164) or salmon-berry wood (III 138). It is two spans and a short span long. The stick is first squared, then shaved off so as to make it round. It is polished by means of the shavings. The tip is split, the point inserted and tied with split spruce root (C XXVI 127). Wood is steamed in order to make it pliable, and is then bent into a hoop (X 33). Skin is attached to wood by means of pegs (III 79). When animals make an artificial whale, they cover it with gum (X 182; C 493) of spruce, fir, pine, and yellow cedar to make it watertight. At the same time it serves the purpose of making the surface sticky, the object being the capture of the thunderbirds. Chinks between boards are closed by caulking (III 100). Boxes are caulked with tallow (III 371). Painting of a spear with charcoal is mentioned (C 203); burnt shell1 is used for white paint (III 331; C 233); ocher for red paint. It is found at Q!UmE'ngwis in Knight Inlet (III 330). Abalone shell is used for inlaying wood (III 370). Pearl shells are mentioned. At one place it is said that a powerful person had dentalia on his fire. This may perhaps be merely an indication of his wealth (X 211). They were presumably used for decoration on wood and clothing (C 485). In building fish weirs a heavy pile-driver is used (III 27, 100; C 383, 453). There is also frequent mention of ropes and material for tying. The principal material of which ropes are made is cedar bark (III 78, 136; C 407). These ropes are plaited (C 251, 446). Ropes are used for belts (C 215), for towing (C 35, 333) and as climbing ropes (III 53, 370). Another kind of rope is made of twisted cedar withes (III 170; C XXVI 91). These are used as climbing ropes (III 126), for hauling heavy loads (C XXVI 213), for dragging halibut (III 252), for stringing fish (C 478), for making rings of fish baskets (III 27; C 251), and for tying up persons (III 159; C 183). [A climbing apparatus of cedar bark rope is referred to (C 407).] Fine, pliable thread is made of woman's hair (C XXVI 178). Split spruce root is used for making baskets and for tying up fish baskets (III 27; C 251; R 1250) the warp of which consists of cedar withes (C XXVI 16; R 1249). These are put into the fire, and the bark is stripped off by pulling them through between the legs of tongs. Large fish baskets for fish traps are made of strips of red pine (III 184) or cedar which are tied to rings of cedar withes by 1 The word qwEx translated as clay (C 233), means lime made of burnt shells, as is shown by the passage III 331.12. Kwakiutl Culture 11 means of split spruce root. The whole basket is stiffened with poles. It is tied to a fence made of cedar wood (III 27). The frames for fish weirs are also made of split cedar tied to poles (X 33). Clam baskets are made of open work (C XXVI 150). The bark of young yellow cedar is cut around the foot of the tree and pulled off (X 53). It is used for weaving and for making the hair of a carved human figure (X 53). Capes are made of this material (III 352). Wool of the mountain goat (III 361; X 54) is spun (III 123; R 1250). Spindles for spinning mountain goat wool are kept in the house (III 122). Wool and yellow cedar bark are used for weaving (III 361; C 123). Mats are woven (X 80) by girls (S 133). The mending of blankets is mentioned (C 163, 261; C XXVI 17). Juice of alder bark is used as a red dye (III 390). In the texts it is mentioned only when a person chews and spits it out in order to make his enemy believe that he is bleeding (III 98, 367; X 245; C 461), but cedar bark dyed red by means of alder juice is mentioned frequently (III 390). The skinning of sea-otters (III 380) and the drying of skins over a fire are referred to (X 107), and the stretching of sea-otter skins, while they are being dried (M 386; C XXVI 46. Dressed skins of deer, elk and caribou are used (III 139, 223, 388). They are tied into bundles (III 77). Knives are used not only for wood-work, but also for cutting meat (III 37, 192, 279; C 223). Ropes are also cut with the shaving knife or shell knife (S 150). The hair of a person (X 47) and the tail of an animal are cut off with knives (C 231). A special knife is used by the woman for splitting and preparing fish ([III 403]; C 143). A war knife is made of the bone of the whale (C XXVI 134). MEASURES. - The following measures of length are mentioned: the bow is four spans long (X 81); a copper measures one fathom and a half (C 85), and the finder of the copper breaks off sticks to measure it (C 87). A pit is one fathom wide and two fathoms deep (C 393). The width of the chest of a chief is four fathoms (C 85). Torches are made of sticks a fathom and a half long (C XXVI 93). The shaft of the arrow is two and a half spans long (C XXVI 127). Distances to be travelled are measured by time. The house of the Owner-of Southeast-Wind is reached in one day (X 100). The distance from the house of NE'nwaqd'we9 to that of Cannibal-atNorth-End-of-the-World is more than one day's journey (M 396). It is one day's walk from the village of the ghosts toSetbaa (C 347). The house of the Killerwhale is four days journey beyond the ocean (III 331). A man measures the size of his nephews by letting them lie down on a rock and marking the size of their heads on the stone by pecking (C XXVI 136). 12 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society CANOES1. - There are many references to the use and making of canoes. They are made of cedar (III 270; C 481). In early times canoes were made of drift logs of cedar, that were made thin at the ends by burning and hollowed out by means of fire (M 386; C XXVI 43, 51). The canoe builder uses a tree that has been blown over (C 446); or he fells a cedar, hollows it out by means of fire, and puts stones on each side of the tree so that the fire may not burn through (C 481). The canoe is hollowed out in the woods (X 235; C 297). While finishing the inside of the canoe with the adze, the workman sits in the canoe that he is making (X 111, 235; C 490; also C 458). A number of types of canoes are mentioned: the high-bowed canoe (X 247), the war canoe (C 341), the old type of canoe (III 130), the middle-sized old type canoe (III 243), the travelling canoe (III 130), the small hunting canoe (III 255, 383, 386; X 112; C 311, 341, 413). Children paddle about in toy canoes (C 233). Old canoes used by women are called by a special name (III 318; C 278). Sometimes canoes are called according to the purpose for which they are used, without any implication as to their form; thus, a fishing canoe (III 305) and a clam-digging canoe (X 144) are mentioned. A canoe bears the carving of a wolf at the bow and the stern (S 145). Inland people use canoes made of the bark of balsam fir (C XXVI 148). Use of the canoe. - The canoe is provided with paddles (III 265, 292) made of yew (III 214) or yellow cedar wood (III 215, 270; C XXVI 62). Mats are used as sails (III 256). A bailer is carried along (III 264; C 237). A large stone attached to a rope serves as an anchor (III 292, 371). The canoe is steadied by means of stones, which serve as ballast (III 311; C 493). Mats are laid in the bottom of the canoe (III 255), each person having a mat of his own (III 292). In exceptional cases skins were used for this purpose (M 387). A hunter takes his mat and his knee blanket before he goes aboard (C XXVI 129). When camping out the canoe is kept in a shady place (C XXVI 152). When exposed to the sun it is covered. Old canoes are mended and caulked (C 279, 475). They are sewed with cedar withes (M 665). When travelling in a small canoe, the owner may take a slave or hired man along who steers (X 42), and who looks after the canoe when he himself goes ashore (X 9). When two friends go out together, the owner steers, the friend sits in the bow (III 181, 185, 292; X 180, 205, 247). Relatives often travel together. Thus Q!d'neqeelaku's crew are his younger brothers (X 229). When father and son travel together, the son sits in the bow (C 161). When two brothers go out, the younger one steers 1 Compare Tsimshian, Canoe building R 31: 397. Kwakiutl Culture 13 (X 23). The wife of the owner sits in the bow while he steers (III 304; X 251). The wife of a man who borrows his father-in-law's canoe sits in the bow while he steers (X 251). A man who travels with his brothers steers. The brothers are in the middle of the canoe (C 470). When a prince goes out with his slave and they stop to fish, the slave is in the bow of the canoe (III 359). The speaker of a canoe stands in the middle (X 97). In a canoe carrying three men who are sent as messengers, the speaker sits in the bow (C 355). Chiefs sit in the middle of the canoe (III 222; C 353). Q!'neqeclaku, who is accompanied by two men, always stands in the middle of the canoe (III 168). Mink stands in the middle of his self-paddling canoe (X 112). A wonderful boy found swimming in the sea is placed in the middle of the canoe (III 375). People often go out alone in a canoe, and then paddle sitting in the stern (X 10, 223). A slave who is thus paddling about finds a child, which he takes home (C 211). One man goes out in a canoe to take aboard a visitor (C 341, 343). Two messengers are sent out in a canoe (X 97). Two friends go out together to attack their enemies (C 157). Two girls go out in a canoe and come back after having taken aboard a slave (III 96). Three persons go out in a canoe (C 101, 355), or a man with a crew of three (C XXVI 189). A woman who goes visiting takes four slaves along to help her paddle (III 243). In X 238 a princess tells her crew to steer for the shore, thus implying that she sits in the canoe without paddling. Women go out together by canoe to pick berries (C 137), or to dig clams (X 144). A person goes out alone or with a steersman to get firewood (III 332; X 103), to look after his deer nets (X 9), to buy provisions (X 46), to cross a river (X 19). Travelling canoes or war canoes are manned by large crews (III 351; X 97; C 169, 175, 223, 327). A crew of one hundred picked strong men sets out in a canoe to go to war (III 237). While the crew leaves the canoe, some men are left to watch it (III 238). When a single person goes out carrying a light load, is is placed in the bow of the canoe (C 235). Captured slaves are also placed there (X 131; C 159). The course of the canoe is directed by the steersman (III 250). When the canoe is to stop quickly, the paddlers back water (X 129; C 133, 157). When an accident befalls the crew of a canoe, the canoe is taken in tow (C 327). Firewood is also towed to the beach (C 69, 481). In one place it is mentioned that a house is towed (C 333), another that a whale is towed ashore (S 133; III 399). When travelling on rivers, the canoes are pushed along with punting poles (III 104, 107, 114; C 85, 103, 474; C XXVI 146). The canoe is so swift, that it leaves a streak of white spray behind (III 345). Its swiftness is likened to the flight of a bird (III 379). It 14 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society is so swift that the water is higher than the gunwales (C XXVI 215; also III 379). Canoes are kept on the beach in front of the village (C 287). A shell beach (without stones) is a good place for canoes (C 327).There are places for tying up canoes (C 95). On a steep shore the canoe is tied to the root of a tree (C XXVI 220) by means of the anchor line. The canoe is tied to a tree when a short stay only is intended (C XXVI 77). The canoe of a chief is kept at the upper end of the village (III 201). The Koskimo keep their canoes at the north end of the village (C 311). A man carries his canoe to the canoe resting place which is formed by former slaves (C XXVI 75). When starting on a long canoe journey the canoe is made ready in the evening (III 69, 195). Early in the morning, the people start out (M 386; III 195; X 23, 229), the canoes are launched (C 41, 185), being carried into the water (III 136). If a single man goes out in a small canoe, it is pushed down the beach (III 332). Then the canoe is loaded (III 78, 330; C XXVI 148). The goods are tied up in bundles (C 41). In carrying the load aboard, men and women wade into the water (X 238). After the load is in, the crew go aboard (III 331). When people intend to move their permanent village to another place, they tear down their houses, put the roof boards over canoes which are placed on the beach during ebb tide. Then the beams, posts and other belongings are placed on the platform thus made. They wait for the incoming tide to float the canoes and drift with the tide to their new home (C XXVI 79). Canoes tied together and connected by a platform are also used when capturing novices (C XXVI 180). Old helpless people are carried aboard (X 238). The departure is at daylight. It may be delayed by storms (III 112). On the journey the travellers stop to rest (X 63). On a long journey travelling provisions (III 69, 146; C 163; X 161, 232) are taken along, such as dried goat meat (X 42) or seals (C 458). When canoes land, they first are unloaded by the travellers (III 256, 382; C 305, 307). When the crew of a war party or travelling party make a landing they carry up their canoes (III 331; C 169). A canoe returning from a trip on which provisions were bought is carried up by the young men of the village (X 46). When a daughter married in a strange country returns home the villagers are sent down. They put heavy poles under the canoe and carry it up the beach (III 80). When people aboard a canoe are surprised or frightened, they stop paddling and drift about (III 222, [443]). When two canoes meet and the canoe men wish to talk, they take hold of the gunwales of each other's canoe (M 383, 385), and let the canoes lie side by side (III 222). Dangers of canoe travel are capsizing (III 349; C 7, 175), or the splitting of canoes by heavy waves (III 256). Harpooned animals may carry along the canoe so fast that the sea rises like a wall on Kwakiutl Culture 15 each side (III 379; also C XXVI 215), so that the hunter must cut the line (III 378). Travellers lose their way in a fog (C 353). Head winds make it impossible to travel in the desired direction (X 99). Poor people have no canoes (C 87). Canoes are used as gifts (M 416; C 91) and as payments (III 287; X 22; C 93). Long journeys are undertaken to see the world (X 63, 112; C 9); to visit neighboring villages (M 386; C 7); to make war upon the tribes all along the coast (C 473); to woo the daughters of chiefs (C 85, 329). The travels lead as far as Comox and Bella Coola (X 63; III 222, 236). Some canoe journeys lead the travellers up the inlets and rivers (C 470, 473); others out into the open sea (X 252). Many legendary journeys are mentioned to the confines of the world; to the village of the chief west of the ocean, from which the travellers return by steering towards sunrise (C 281), to the land of the north and south. TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION BY LAND. - A number of trails leading across country are referred to. One leads from Fort Rupert to Koskimo (III 401), another from Nimkish Lake to the west coast. These are used for visiting and for trading (C 103). Trails (C XXVI 221) are mentioned which lead some distance back from the houses (X 211; C 121, 347). Long trips inland, except hunting trips, are almost exclusively undertaken for the purpose of obtaining supernatural help, for purification, or by persons who feel insulted and seek solitude or death (X 60; C 99; R 1122). Goods are carried on the back (III 377; C 121, 444) in baskets (M 373; III 1'62, 282, [403]; X 107, 152, 169). Berries are carried in baskets (X 12). Firewood (C 69), seals (C 149), a cradle (X 95), or any long heavy things (III 27, 99, 182, 369; X 247) are carried on the shoulders. Tools, such as fish knives are carried in small pouches (C 143). A sick person is carried by two men on a stretcher resting on two poles (C 25). Mountain hunters use a staff in climbing (III 37).1 In heavy snow the people make a necessary trip by laying down two planks. After having walked over one plank they shove the other one ahead and continue over it (C 23; C XXVI 147). Wedges are carried on the back in a wedge basket (III 332; X 202, 244). Blankets (III 70; C 97) and bark of red cedar are carried on the back (C 401). FISHING2. - Halibut is caught with fish lines set with hooks (III 292, 402). Preparations for fishing are made in the evening. The fishermen start at the dawn of day (III 292). Two go together in one canoe (III 292; X 180). In another passage four fishermen go out in one canoe (C 215). In one case men went in seven canoes to catch salmon (S 137). They cast anchor on the fishing ground (III 292). When the fish are hauled up, they are killed with a club (III 293). The fish lie in the canoe with their heads towards 1 See also p. 19. 2 Compare Tsimshian, Fishing R 31:399. 16 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the one who caught them (III 294). Devilfish is used as bait (C 215). Halibut is caught on fishing grounds where the fish abound (III 292, 353). When the fishermen come home with a canoe load, children haul up the fish from the canoe. A woman carries salmon up the beach (III 189). Black cod is caught on fish banks from a canoe manned by two persons. One passage refers to the filling of a canoe with black cod (III 359). The bowman attends to the hooks (III 359). A long fish pole with a hook at the end is mentioned (C 462). In C 481 it is stated that driftwood is hooked and pulled ashore. When the people go up the rivers to fish, they live in temporary fishing huts (C 21). The Nimkish stay up the river, at Odza'las until December when they finish curing the salmon. Then they drift down the river in their canoes (C XXVI 105). On the upper parts of rivers fish are caught in nets (C 103). Herrings are caught in holes dug in the sand of the beach (III 376; X 168). They are scooped up in nets made of hair. These are also used for catching olachen (C 191, 495). A mother pulls out some hair and makes a snare for her son to catch bull heads (C XXVI 178) and kelp fish (C XXVI 186). Fish are also snared by means of nooses made of slender spruce twigs (III 71) or of grass (X 32). When fish have been caught, they are strung up (III 376; X 32), or tied together with cedar withes (C 478) and carried or hauled home (C XXVI 18). Hemlock branches are placed under water before the herrings come up to spawn. The spawn is taken out of the water, dried and used for food (C XXVI 115). Most fish are caught in fish weirs and traps. The weirs are owvned by chiefs (C 7, 113). They (C 189, 217) are made of cedar wood (III 325). Different types of weirs are referred to: - the one called mdlis1 (III 83), with a long basket (III 302, 303), is described as belonging to the thunderbird (III 316). It is put into the water when the salmon begin to ascend the river (III 304). Evidently the same type of weir, with its two long baskets2 is referred to in III 29; X 103; C XXVI 18. The type called mE"wa',3 made of poles driven into the ground, is mentioned (X 185). It is made of red cedar (III 167), or red pine (III 184). The enclosure is made in the form of a box which is weighted and put down on the beach at low water mark (III 184). The salmon weir called xolo6s4 is mentioned in III 83. A salmon trap consisting of a stone enclosure is referred to (C 371). In building the salmon weir the workman undresses (III 27) and drives sharpened posts into the bed of the river with his pile-driver 1 See Jesup Expedition, Vol. V, p. 462. 2 Ibid., p. 461; see also p. 10. 3 See Jesup Expedition, Vol. V, p. 463. 4 Ibid., p. 461. Kwakiutl Culture 17 (III 100), he makes frames for the fences and baskets (X 33). Wild animals are apt to break the baskets that need frequent mending (III 28; X 103). They are also broken by canoes that pass over them (X 44). Salmon traps without any particular description of the kind of make are referred to very often (M 402; III 100, 150, 329, 391; X 44; C 93, 443, 448, 471, 476, 478, 491). In wide rivers many salmon weirs are built close together (C 383). The owner of the salmon weir has a watchman to guard it (C 7); he visits it in the morning to see whether there are fish in it (M 402; III 188; X 103, 185; C 87, 113). When the weir is full, the people carry up the fish (III 306). Since wolves (and bears) are liable to break the weir (X 103) the owner watches it during the night (III 30). The fish caught in the salmon weir are speared (C 87). When taken out of the trap they are clubbed (III 197, 305). Salmon are also speared when going up the river (C 47, 239, 383; X 157) or at the weir (C 87). The fish weir for olachen is described as consisting of four frames of split cedar wood, and having four fish baskets of bent cedar wood (X 33). It is tied to piles driven into the river bed by means of pile drivers (C 453). At another place it is said that driftwood is put out from the bank of the river to form an olachen trap (III 101). For catching kelp fish, a round basket is used, which is woven of split spruce root and cedar withes. A plaited rope made of bark or cedar twigs is attached to it. Broken mussels serve as bait (C 253). SEA HUNTING. - [The hunting canoe is equipped with harpoon shaft, line and harpoon points (III 439).] The shaft lies in the bow of the canoe (III 143, 383; X 41). The shaft has double prongs with detachable points and line (X 41), and is used by the sea hunter (M 386; III 383, [439]) in the pursuit of seals (III 341, 378, [436]; C 405), porpoises (III 360, 375), and sea otters (III 363, 378, [436]; C 83, 309). There is a story of a fisherman who harpooned a shark (III 359). The shaft is made of huckleberry wood (III 398); the line, of sealion guts (M 387). The Dza'wadEenoxu make their lines of cedar bark (M 387). The two-pointed harpoon is also used by a man to hit canoes of his enemies which are broken by it (III 112). [Hunting paddles have a special name (III 438.41).] Two paddles belong to the hunting canoe (M 386). They are used with a peculiar stroke (III 387). Seals are clubbed or shot while asleep on islands (III 81, 155, 235, [442]). [A branch is used as a club (III442).] Sea otters are surrounded by a number of canoes and frightened until they are almost drowned (C XXVI 94). Then they are killed with a club (M 386; III 381). A successful hunter may fill his canoe with sea otters and seals (M 386; C 221; C XXVI 45, 51). One hunter kills so many seals that they are scattered on the beach because nobody could eat them all. The places that are favorable for 2 18 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society hunting are well-known (III 255; C 353). A hunter finds the sleeping place of the seals (C XXVI 202). An island is referred to as being the breeding place of the sea otters (C XXVI 44). The G'dp!enoxu' who go whaling (C XXVI 46), use for this purpose a line made of cedar withes. The dead whale is towed to the village (S 133; III 399). The bottom of the hunting canoe is burned with torches made of split boards ([III 438]; C 291; C XXVI 201). Before doing so the canoe is raised on drift logs, which are laid under stem and stern (C 287). Then it is turned upside down and rubbed with old mats (C XXVI 93). [In the morning the hunting canoe is washed inside, struck with spruce branches, and allowed to dry (III 437). The hunting paddles are polished with gritstone, and are then charred in the fire (III 438).] In the evening before starting out, canoe, paddles, and mats are cleaned (III 129). The hunting canoe is always lifted up and carried into the water (X 41). [When hunters make camp, they carry the canoe up the beach, holding it by stem and stern (III 440).] The hunters start early in the morning (C 353). [A persistent harpooneer hunts day and night (III 436). The harpooneer attracts the attention of his steersman by shaking the canoe (III 440).] The owner of the hunting canoe is harpooneer. A younger brother (C XXVI 201), friend or slave acts as steersman (M 386; [III 440]). [He stands up when he throws the harpoon (III 441).] In one case the harpooneer is described as standing in the bow, the steersman in the stern, while a prince sits in the middle (C 353). A youth who owns a wonderful spear holds it while his father steers (C XXVI 45). When three brothers go out together, the eldest is harpooneer, the youngest is steersman, and the middle one takes the game aboard (III 378). Nine men in a hunting canoe are mentioned (III 386), fifteen in another (III 127). HUNTING. - Bows and arrows are used for hunting and in war. The bow is made of yellow cedar (III 138) or of a split branch of hemlock (X 81, 163; C XXVI 169). It is four spans long (X 81). Generally a bow and a set of four arrows are spoken of (III 103, 243, 368, [403]; X 81,164, 191; C 47); also in the magical set (III 144). The bow string is made of (deer) skin (III 138; X 81). The bow is used to attack enemies (III 103; C 47, 443), to hunt bear (C 448), mountain goat (III 7, [403]), and fish (X 192). Arrow points are made of bone (C XXVI 69, 169). Barbed arrow points are used in war (III 103). Birds are shot with bird arrows with blunt heavy points (C 177). Spears are also used in hunting and war. The war spear is repeatedly referred to (C 85, 203; X 104, 212, 214, 215), and is made of yew wood (III 358) sling and slingstones are used in hunting (C 193). The sling is carried around the neck (X 193). Q!/'neqeelaku kills whales with his sling (C 193). Since mountain goats do not Kwakiutl Culture 19 occur on Vancouver Island, all the tales of mountain goat hunting belong to the mainland tribes. They have been recorded for the Dza'wadEenoxu (III 7, 40), A'ewa.iLEla (C 9, 415). Gwa'waenoxu (X 77), Q/o'mkli/ut/ESL (C 109), and Aw'k.!enoxu ([III 403]; C 385). The hunter starts early in the morning (M 396) from the permanent village (III 36) and goes to the place where he knows the goats must pass. He uses a charm which brings it about that the goats cannot move (C 109). Then he sits down and watches the goats. When they approach, he kneels down and shoots them (III 7; also C 109). Hunting dogs drive the goats (III 39) barking at them (C 11). The meat is carried to the village on the shoulders of the hunter and his friends (III 41), or on their backs (C 13), and is laid down in the rear of the house (III 40). The goat hunter takes along a companion (III 44) [or goes out accompanied by his wife and his son (III 403). When he climbs the mountain he may leave his child in camp (III 404).] The mountain goat hunter also uses a climbing pole (III 37), a lasso, (III 36) or a snare. When resting he hangs the snare over the top of his cane, which is pushed into the ground (III 37). Bear hunting is nowhere mentioned; but attacks by grizzly bears upon the tribes and subsequent fighting are a theme that occurs several times (M 397; X 50; C 109). Nevertheless, black bears must have been caught in numbers, since black bear skin blankets are often referred to.2 Beavers are hunted in the rivers (M 336; C 479)3. Minks and martens are clubbed (III 266). Elk are pursued on foot (C 97). Deer are caught in nets (X 9), or with lasso (C 375). Birds are caught in snares (C 471). Children shoot birds with bow and blunt arrows (C 209; X 81). Geese are clubbed (C 375). Cormorants are killed by twisting off their necks on the nesting rocks (III 370). Children go out with torches to hunt loons (C XXVI 136). DOGS. - Dogs are used by mountain goat hunters. Each hunter owns one dog. The dogs are closely attached to their masters (C 9; C XXVI 144). The dogs have names (R 1257). In tales of supernatural beings of the sea it is always mentioned that seals which are their dogs are crawling about in the house. From this it may be inferred that dogs were ever present in the houses. Since the sea spirits always express disgust when their visitors wish to eat the dogs it may be assumed that dogs were not eaten (III 81, In the text C 109 given as -wa'las Kwa'gul. The Q!o'mck- fut!ES have joined this tribe and are often counted as belonging to the cwa'las Kwa'g-uZ. 2 Nowadays, bears are caught in traps. 3 At this place read "beaver" for "bear". 20 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society 380; R 1254). Dogs must be treated kindly and given food by the owner's wife before the family takes breakfast (C XXVI 121; R 1256). A dog gives food to a boy (C 477). A woman who is deserted is helped by her two dogs (C 249, 253). Girls play with dogs (S 132; C 71). Dogs are also supposed to protect the owner against approaching sickness and invisible spirits (M 402). A chief keeps four dogs on the roof of his house to warn him of the approach of enemies (III 368). A dog acts as watchman (S 132). Dead dogs are thrown into the sea (C 139). When a person finds a new kind of food, he first tries it on his dog (X 32). A person who tries to show his superiority throws the dog of his enemy into the fire (X 51). FOOD GATHERING. - Digging for shell fish with the digging stick is the work of women (M 402; III 353; X 126; C 245, 251, 277, 347). They go out in a "clam digging canoe" (X 87, 115, 144). In the tales the digging of small clams (III 350) only is referred to, although horse clams (mEt!t'ne) are also eaten (III 134). Clams are dug at low water (M 402). When low water happens to be at night the woman takes along a torch (M 402). The clams at Geg'adge are poisonous (C 377). Cockles are gathered by women at low water (III 283, 369). Small mussels are obtained in deep water by diving (III 399), or are broken from rocks at places where there is a heavy sea (C 263). Dogs of supernatural power are sent to bring on large mussels (C 253). Sea eggs are speared (X 115). Mink dives for them (C 141). Sea eggs are also gathered (C 244). Gull eggs are gathered and eaten (C 377). Women dig clover and cinquefoil roots (III 318; X 15, 234; C 457) and fern roots (III 138). The roots are tied in bundles (X 233). At one place a man is sent to get cinquefoil roots (t!Ex8so's X 45). Women also pick berries (C 137, 385, 446) at the proper season (C XXVI 96). In one passage a man goes out to bring salmon berries (X 12; C 199). Women pick crabapples (III 394) and dig lily roots1 (C 267). FOOD. - The staple food is salmon: humpback (III 102), dog (III 27, 102), sockeye (C 113), spring (C 239; III 102, 328), steelhead (C 155; III 102), and silver salmon (III 27, 102; X 158) are often mentioned. For the tribes living near Cape Scott halibut is equally important (III 253). Herrings (III 376; C XXVI 79), red cod (III 350; C 265), black cod (III 350), black bass (C XXVI 76), kelp fish (III 350), trout (III 102) a fish named hd'n5 (III 349.17), crabs (III 391) are also used as food. The olachen of Knight Inlet are of great importance on account of their oil (X 33). Small clams (III 134.23, 207), horse clams (III 134), cockles (III 284), sea eggs (C 135), chitons (III 3442), small mussels (III 134.22), large mussels 1 Fritillaria, locally known as wild rice. 2 Here, however, not referred to as food. Kwakiutl Culture 21 (III 252.32), seals (III 81, 156, 237; seal oil X 159), porpoises (X 155), and blubber of stranded whales (III 383) are used extensively. The tribes of the mainland eat a great deal of mountain-goat (III 20, 23, 41, [407]; C 401). Bear is mentioned rarely (III 356; C 448). Among vegetable products clover roots and cinquefoil roots (X 54; III 178) are particularly important. Fern' roots, Pteridium (X 165; C 411), lupine roots (III 178), various kinds of berry cakes (C XXVI 66), salal-berries (C 357) salmonberries (III 298, 307), huckleberries (III 298), crab-apples ([III 411]; C XXVI 66), choke cherries (X 46), viburnum berries in water (C XXVI 66) are eaten. GUM CHEWING. - Here may be mentioned the use of gum for chewing (III 95; X 234, 242; C 205); chewing gum taken from rotten wood is mentioned (X 196). WINTER PROVISIONS. - Salmon is preserved for winter provisions (III 191) by being split with a fish knife (C 143), roasted, and hung up over poles to dry (III 329, [410]; C 47, 217, 313, 443). Much fuel is needed for this purpose (C 492). The dried salmon is tied up in bundles (III 54). Dried preserved salmon is kept in baskets, and is blistered before the fire before being eaten (C 315). Salmon as a staple provision is left for children when they are left alone in the house (C 41). Dried salmon is broken up and eaten from food mats (X 159) [or from flat pieces of cedar bark (III 411).] It is also soaked (III 54, 217). The roe of dog salmon is preserved (X 165). Olachen when caught is strung up (III 101; X 32). It is so fat that it melts when placed near the fire (C 455). It is used principally for its oil. The fish are thrown into boiling water, which is kept boiling until all the oil has been tried out. The oil is skimmed off with clam shells, and put into a grease box. The details are described (X 35) and the trying out of oil is referred to (III 101; X 51). Halibut is hung up from cedar poles to dry (III 252). The dried halibut (C 357) is broken up, and set before the guests, together with a small oil dish filled with oil, into which the dried halibut is dipped (C 357). Herrings are strung (III 376) and dried (III 387). Red cod is dried, and the edges are eaten dipped in whale oil (C 265). Clams are dried (III 207, 240), and eaten roasted (III 134). Oil is also tried out of seal blubber, and kept in kelp bottles (III 192). Dried mountain goat meat (III 92, 192, [407]) and tallow (III 92, 356; X 54) are also used. Dried mountain goat meat is mentioned as travelling provisions (X 42). Clover roots (X 54; C 457) are preserved and kept in boxes (X 15). Cinquefoil (X 54; C 457) roots are also preserved. Salalberries, salmon-berries and currants are made into cakes, which are kept in boxes (C XXVI 66, 114). Hemlock sap is preserved and 1 Dryopteris and Polystichum. 22 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society kept in bark boxes (III 229). Crab-apples (III 81, 394, [411]; X 43; C 119) are preserved and cooked in tall boxes (III 391). They are dipped out of the box with ladles and put into dishes (11181, [411]). Preserved choke-cherries are also used (X 46; C 121)1. All kinds of food are kept in baskets (III 51, 56). PREPARATION OF FOOD. - Food is boiled in the tall boxes previously referred to. The box is half filled with water (III 20, 43; X 35). Stones picked up fresh from the beach (X 152) are heated on the fire (M 385; III 20, 177; X 15, 35, 116; C 163), and when red hot, they are lifted with tongs (III 178, 192; C 317), and thrown into the water. When later on the stones cool off and the water ceases to boil, more red hot stones are thrown in (M 385). Not all kinds of stones can be used for this purpose (III 331, 341). Food is also steamed by being placed on red hot stones, which are put into a box containing a little water, more water being sprinkled over the food that is being steamed. The box is then covered with an old mat, which keeps the steam in (III 178). Whenever cooking of this kind is to be done, the kettles and buckets containing water are placed near the fire on the side towards the door (III 20). Steaming is also done in pits (C 239). Stones are also heated on an open fire. The ashes are removed and fish to be steamed is placed on the hot stones, covered with skunk cabbage leaves, and then water is poured over it (C XXVI 19). Food is roasted on spits of cedar wood (III 37, 307; X 153, 159). Generally food to be roasted is tied between the legs of roasting tongs (C 383). The special way of placing the fish in the tongs by theGwacsE'la is mentioned here. [Hemlock branches are also used as roasting spits (III 404).] Food is also baked underground (C 137). When food is being boiled, a clam shell is used for skimming off oil (X 35), and the solid food is lifted out of the hot water by means of a bone strainer (C 317). Meat to be cut up is placed on a meat board (III 43; C 163, 175). Salmon to be eaten fresh are generally split (III 123) and roasted on a spit (III 307; X 159), or more generally between the legs of a pair of tongs (C 383); or they are split and steamed on stones (III 347; C 239; C XXVI 19) or boiled in a box half filled with water (X 158). Various kinds of salmon are mentioned: - roasted humpback salmon (III 192), roasted sockeye salmon (X 158, 232; C 113,173), steamed spring salmon (C 239), roasted fresh steelhead salmon (C 155), roasted spring salmon (X 153), boiled silver salmon (X 158), dried spring salmon (III 225), scorched dried salmon (C XXVI 78). The oil of the fresh roasted salmon is tried out (C 189). Salmon roe is eaten fresh or roasted (C 143, 153). L Erroneously translated as cranberries in an enuneration of preserved food consisting besides of crab-apples, dried berries, and dried meat (C 121). Kwakiutl Culture 23 Halibut is eaten dried and fresh (III 253). Fresh kelp fish is placed in a basket, and the whole basket is placed into boiling water, where it is kept until the fish is done (C 317). Split dried herring (C XXVI 79) and roasted black bass are also mentioned (C XXVI 76). Fresh cockles are eaten with water poured over them (III 284). Shell fish of various kinds are the food of those that have nothing else to eat (C 251). Sea eggs are also eaten (X 115; C 133, 157, 247). Seals, after having been brought home in a canoe, are carried into the house (III 341), singed, carved and boiled (M 385; III 81, 235; C 151) or steamed (C XXVI 135, 203). They are divided among the people according to rank (M 385). Seal meat is referred to several times (C 489). A hunter cooks seal heads, puts them into a bag and takes them to his home (C 487,489). Porpoises are carved and boiled (X 155), and porpoise meat is eaten (III 207). Whale blubber is eaten fresh (III 374, 383; C 259). Boiled bear meat is referred to only rarely (X 15). [It is roasted and the fat is eaten (III 405).] Mountain goats are skinned, the intestines are removed (III 42). The meat is carved, and boiled in kettles. It is thrown into boiling water, which is kept boiling for a long time. Then the meat is taken out (III 21) and put on a meat board or into a dish (III 43, 192). Fresh mountain goat meat is also roasted (III 41, 122). Cooked mountain goat meat is served on a mat and soup of the boiled meat is eaten (III 41, [407]). The tallow of the mountain goat is eaten (X 54; C 119). It is chewed, put on the end of a stick, melted near the fire and sucked. Gull's eggs are gathered and eaten (C 377). Clams are put on the fire and roasted. When they are done on one side they are turned over (X 94). Two kinds of fern root are mentioned, that of bracken (X 165.25) and of Dryopteris. The former is scorched, and then pounded with a pestle (C 411). [There is a curious incident of a hunter who roasts Dryopteris root on a spit of hemlock after covering the root with ocher (III404).] In another version of the same story (III 37.1) it is said to be the root of Polystichum. Lupine roots are washed and eaten fresh (III 178). Lily (Fritillaria) bulbs are dug and eaten (C 267). Salmon-berries are eaten fresh (III 307; X 12, 205) with spoons (C 151). Different kinds of berries, fresh, raw or dried are frequently mentioned (III 307, 361;C 93, 119, 385). Clover roots are eaten steamed (III 95; C 203, 457). The roots are dipped in water and thrown on red hot stones, which have been put into a steaming box containing a little water. Then a little water is poured over them, and they are kept covered with a mat for a short time. They are served in dishes with grease poured over them (C 359). Cinquefoil are steamed in the same way as clover roots and served on mats (III 178) with oil (C 359). When berry cakes are to be used, they are broken up, put into dishes of water (X 55), and squeezed, grease is poured over the berries, and they are served (C 357). 24 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society MEALS. - Meals consist of one or several courses. In one story three courses are said to be served to a visitor (C XXVI 154). At a feast two courses are given, roasted dog salmon and seal (III 156). Halibut, salal-berry cakes, clover roots, and cinquefoil roots are served on another occasion (C 357). When people finish a meal of sea eggs they gather the refuse and throw it in a clean place (X 115; C 131). When the meal is finished, the meat and other food which is left over is taken home by the guests (C 153). STARVATION. - In tales of the myth people which refer to the time before salmon existed and the world was regulated as it is now, we find many references to starvation and hunger, due to continued bad weather (III 350; X 99; C 227-229), because the salmon had not been brought into our world (III 325, 330, 346; C 491), because there were no tides (S 158; III 280; X 92). It is also said that the wolves had no food in mid-winter (X 103). Stories of starvation are more numerous among the Dzd'wadEenox' and A'cwa.iLEla, and the northern tribes than among the tribes of the islands. The DzdawadEenoxu are hungry, because their hunters have not been out to kill goats (III 7, 36) because they have no salmon trap (III 26). The A'cwa.iLEla are hungry because they have no fish (C 447). [The failure of goat hunters causes starvation inRivers Inlet (III403).] The people are hungry, because their hunters are taken away by Cannibal-at-North-End-of-theWorld (C 385). The people Hd'daga's father at Hope Island, who had deserted her, are starving (C 261) and a Koskimo prince has only a little salmon spawn left (III 375) The people at Go'saa are starving and seek places where they can find mussels (C XXVI 139). During a starvation period people live on fern roots, and boys left at home are induced by a man to eat dried fish roe kept in a box (S 131; X 166). The children of Heron are starving (C 189). The people had only dog salmon roe to smell of (X 165). O'6mdl and his tribe are dying of hunger, therefore they had to make war on Southeast Wind (C 227). A boy cries for hunger (C 477). DRESS AND ORNAMENT. - The principal garment is the blanket (III 33, 62; X 17, 28; C 33, 133). It is held together in front of the neck by means of a pin (C 173; C XXVI 65). Blankets are made of the skins of blackbear (III 64, 70, 111,215,[414]; C235,263; C XXVI 176), grizzly bears (III 223), lynx (III 70, 111), mountain goat (M 387; III 215), sea-otter (III 70, 74, 388; X 42, 71), marten (III 70, 212), mink (III 111, 292; C 91), marmot (III 223; C 91), raccoon (S 143). The skins of elk (III 139, 212, 215; C XXVI 138), deer (III 388; X 81; C 87, 375), and caribou (III 75, 223) are dressed and used for blankets. At one place blankets made of goose skins are referred to (C 375). Children had blankets sewed together of skins of wrens (C 177), thrushes, robins, and sparrows (III 138; X 81; C XXVI 65). Woolen blankets, evidently made of woven mountain goat wool, are referred to only once (III 51). Kwakiutl Culture 25 Blankets of small skins are sewed together, and are called "sewed blankets" (C 91, 93). Women's blankets made of the bark of yellow cedar are also used (M 336; III 92, 111, 388; C 93). Costly blankets are set with abalone shells (S 134). Bed covers and shirts are made of sea otter skin (C XXVI 44). Women wear aprons (III 108, 289; C 273, 409) made of strings of goat's wool [(III 432)] or of yellow cedar (III 92). Women who go out digging clams (M 402), or children (X 20) and men who go out hunting, fishing or walking wear capes (III 29, 103, 382; X 168; C 83, 115, 177, 211, 227, 421; C XXVI 21) made of yellow cedar (III 352; C 479). A hat is worn (III 87; C 83, 235). The chief's hat is large (C 311). Deer wears a wooden dancing hat (C 494). The belt is made of cedar bark (III 183, 205) or of leather (III 89). A belt in general is referred to frequently (III 137, 231, [434]; X 192; C 5, 95, 193, 201, 287). The hair is worn long (X 44). That of the workman is tied in a knot on the back of the head (C 472). Men are described as having their hair tied over the eyes (C 355), or tied together with hemlock twigs (C 465). Two youths who are playing have their hair tied over their foreheads (III 243). A warrior ties red cedar bark in his hair over his forehead (III 161). The hair is dressed with a comb (C 387, 456), and is greased with hair oil which is kept in a seaweed bottle (C 387). The use of a wig is referred to in X 47. A shell ornament is worn in the septum of the nose (X 114, 120, 123, 124, 129; C 157, 445, 494). Ornaments of abalone shell are worn in the ear (III 74, 104, 243, 382; X 11, 86, 120, 123; C 119, 125, 445). Four large abalone shells are worn in each ear (III 222). Women wear bracelets (C 407) made of dentalia and copper (C 93). A necklace of dentalia with two abalone shells at the ends is used (III 89). Around the wrists, elbows, knees, and ankles, straps are worn. The child, when ten moons old, receives the "thunderbird straps," so called because they were instituted by the thunderbird (III 315). Straps made of yellow cedar bark belonging to a mask dress are mentioned (III 92). The straps worn by a woman are also referred to (C 407). It seems that, except in ceremonials, the straps are used only by women and young children. There is a description of the dress of an adolescent girl who wears a woolen apron, a leather belt, woolen hair ribbons, a braided breast strap made of wool, woolen bands around the wrist, knees, and ankles, and a hat with a woolen tassel (III 89). The body is painted with ocher (III 112, 239). Ocher is also used for painting the face (X 114, 120, 123, 124). A woman is described as painted red on the side of the chest and on the shoulders (C 493). The face is painted with varying designs (III 387). A woman paints her face with ocher to hide her tears (S 142). The use of ocher in general is mentioned (III 37, 112, 239, 330; C 133). Charcoal is used as a black paint by men who go out to seek ad 26 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society ventures (C 49). In one ceremonial the body is daubed yellow with the pollen of the fir (C XXVI 98). The body is also adorned by being covered with bird's down (C 51, 459). One white feather (X 114) or more placed on the head (C 131) and head ornaments of feathers worn by men (S 145) are mentioned, and feathers used with a mask dress are referred to (III 239). The eyebrows are cut off just under the upper rim of the orbits so that they are straight (III 87). Young girls at puberty must not touch their hair, but use a copper scratcher (III 87). PERSONAL AND FAMILY LIFE. WASHING. - Children are washed in a wash basin (III 104, 198) in lukewarm water (III 198). Women carry water in buckets to the house to wash themselves (III 286), or the husband brings water to her for washing her hands (C 217). Men wash their faces with urine (III 270), and the eyes of children that have been gummed up with pitch are cleaned in the same way (M 374). Young people go swimming in the river (X 16, 238; C 459) or on the beach (C 195), and girls go bathing regularly in the evening (III 289), or after awaking in the morning (X 34, 161). The body is dried near a fire in the house (X 175). A chief used to go bathing across to the other side of a narrow island where he had a bathing place (C XXVI 138). Bathing for purposes of purification is often referred to (III 112, [437]; C 113, 403). Long bathing in cold water is not only a means of purification, but serves also to strengthen children (S 138, 143, 144; III 138, 140, 180, 181; C 444; C XXVI 50) and to secure supernatural gifts (III 142, [419, 464, 467]). The people wash their hair and dry it by the fire (CXXVI 134). PERSONAL APPEARANCE AND HABITS. - Personal beauty is not described, but there are many references to handsome men (III 213; X 7, 53, 64, 114, 199, 239, 250) and pretty women (III 50, 192, 287, 298, 360; X 114, 120, 124, 173, 249). Q/d'neqelaku makes the face of his father-in-law beautiful (X 206). Dzd'wadaslalis is called an ugly old thing (III 99). Long hair of men and women (C 127; C XXVI 39) and white skin (C 345) are considered beautiful. Blond hair is considered beautiful (C XXVI 39). Men are often referred to as stout, evidently with the meaning that this is an attractive feature (III 207). An old runaway slave on the other hand is described as a small man (C 459). Left-handedness is particularly remarked upon (C XXVI 139). The left-handed man here referred to has unusual strength. Ugly features are often mentioned. A chief has a large belly (III 345) and does not walk properly (C 221); a man has no hair, red eyes and no nose (X 78); a woman has a large head, matted hair and her face is scratched (III 107); another one has deep furrows Kwakiutl Culture 27 down her cheeks from weeping and long hair (C 465). A boy has a very large head (M 400); [a man has holes all over his face (III427). The child of a woodman has a hooked nose (III 431).] A cannibal woman is stout, her nose is like that of a crow, her eyes look wild (III 47). Blind women (the ducks and geese) are described as having a fine sense of smell. They recognize Q!i'neqeZlaku by the smell of his body (III 95; X 215; C 457). A supernatural woman's son smells of copper (III 67). Purification serves largely to remove the smell of man (III 124). The flatus of the Southeast Wind is so strong that nobody can endure it. It blows out of the door of his house (III 352; x 101). People ease themselves on the bank of the river (C 476) or on the side of a hill so that the excreta fall on the roof of a small house of a despised member of the tribe (X 67). Canoe travellers go ashore to ease themselves (III 293). Men (X 102) and women (X 173) go out of the house to the beach to pass water. A privy is mentioned (X 116). Split cedar sticks are used in place of toilet paper (III 379; X 116, 192; C 97; C XXVI 179). Split cedar sticks are used for tooth picks (III 327). Friends louse each other (III 293); the husband louses his wife in front of the house (III 313), or the wife her husband who puts his head in her lap (III 120). A woman picks lice off her apron (C 409). HOUSE AND FAMILY LIFE. - The arrangement of the house has been described before. Cooking utensils, such as cooking boxes, tongs, spits are kept in the corner of the house (X 153,157). Valuables are kept in boxes the cover of which is tied on. Then they are placed in the corner of the house (X 125). The house is full of provisions (III 256). The people sleep in their bedrooms. Husband and wife live in one bedroom. The mother sleeps with her child (III 71). Two brothers sleep in the same bedroom (X 23). A slave sleeps in front of the bedroom of a princess (X 4, 199). When privacy is desired people retire to their bedrooms (C 483). Sulking people lie down in their bedrooms (X 60). In temporary houses the people sleep on the ground (C 49). When there is danger one of them watches (C 47). A woman who is weaving sits on her bed facing the rear of the house, so that the light falls on her work (C 123) or she works outside, in front of the house (S 133). A sick person lies in the rear of the house (C 53). The chief sits between his two wives (C 476). The husband sits by the side (III 212), [or on the right hand side of his wife (III 425)]or she sits on his right hand side (III 388). People hide in the corners of the house (III 103, 339; X 190; C 189). The old grandfather or grandmother lies in the rear of the house (C 275). Sometimes the people sit on boxes (III 392; C 483). Generally they sit on mats (C 73, 315) or on the settee (III 97; X 240; C 173, 211, 460) leaning their backs against a back rest (M 397; [III 404]; C 89), the feet drawn up (III 360). 28 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society After the meal the people sit with their backs to the fire to warm themselves (X 51; C 143, 167). When many guests are expected the house is cleared (III 42, 66, 68, [426]; C 475). The floor is swept and a fire built in the middle of the house (III 384). This is done by the chief's attendants or messengers (III 336) or by the young men. In fair weather the people sit on their summer seats in front of the houses (C 263). A man who fears his enemies sits on the roof of his house (C XXVI 137). Fuel is collected and brought in by the young men or a slave or a messenger is sent for it (III 332; C 219). When provisions are needed the father sends his children for food (C 448) and advises them what to do (M 396). Sons and daughters of the house owner go to draw water (III 325; C 51, 165), the husband drawswater for his wife (C XXVI 193) or the wife does so (C XXVI 221). When a guest is expected the woman builds a fire (M 401). In other cases the man attends to the fire (III 289). Persons who have been bathing dry themselves by the fire (X 175). New mats are spread for visitors to sit on (III 63). Both types of families, monogynous and polygynous occur. In many cases the situation implies that the family consists of father, mother and children (C 444; C XXVI 63, 156) and implies only one wife. In others several wives are particularly mentioned. Thus Hamd'lak'awes had at least two wives (S 143; III 136, 140); Scab has two wives (C 75; C XXVI 167); Woodpecker has two wives (X 15). In two cases four wives are mentioned (III 365; C 109); Hama'lag'iyodze (III 119) and Dd'p!abe (C 297) have each six (or seven?) wives; QwesEnxelisEmeE had twelve wives (C XXVI 102). Families with many children (C 473); seven children (C XXVI 156); six sons (C XXVI 22); four sons and four daughters (C 375); four sons and one daughter (C 385); three sons and one daughter (III 219; X 28); four sons (C XXVI 201); four daughters (X 6); three sons (III 375; C XXVI 140); three daughters (S 133); two sons and one daughter (C 442); two sons (S 131; III 190); one son ([II403]; C 177); one daughter (C XXVI 219) occur. According to the prevailing number pattern four children are the typical number (III 179 et seq., 365, 374; X 6, 196; C 9, 195, 385 [407]; C XXVI 143). I presume in some cases like S 133, C XXVI 140 there ought to be four rather than three children. It would conform better with the general style. PARENTS AND CHILDREN. - There are many incidents which throw light upon the relations between parents and children. A father gets up early in the morning, splits cedar wood and builds a fire (C XXVI 183) in the middle of the house (X 243). The mother prepares breakfast (C XXVI 183). Dogs are fed before breakfast by the wife of the owner (C XXVI 120). The father calls his children Kwakiutl Culture 29 to eat breakfast (C XXVI 183). The father, a man of supernatural power washes his newborn children to give them supernatural powers (III 180, 181, 184, 196). A mother beats her children who, during a famine, have eaten her herring eggs (S 131). A boy who is lazy, or one who spends his time dressing up and gambling is scolded by his father (C 445), kicked (X 60) or struck with fire tongs (C 97, 419; C XXVI 182). When the son is disobedient, his father grows so angry that, in striking his son, he breaks the tongs (C XXVI 184). A boy so punished purifies himself without informing his parents (C XXVI 183). A boy whose body is covered with boils is struck by his mother with tongs because he scratches his body (C XXVI 156). In another story the mother asks the father not to scold their sulking son (C XXVI 176). The father sends his sons out hunting or fishing and gives them advice (C 9, 387, 442). The infant child is in the cradle at the side of the mother who is working (X 235; C 490). The woman rocks her child (M 400). The mother is often represented as taking care of her children. A captive mother runs away with her child (III 137). When a woman deserts her husband she stays with her children (C 448), and when deserted she attends to the needs of her children. She makes bows and arrows for her son (III 138; C XXVI 70). [She quiets the crying child (III 431).] The young child sits by his mother's side (C 389) or on the opposite side of the fire (M 400). She restrains the children when they are mischievous (M 400). The mother takes her child along on visits to her father (III 133). After the death of a child the mother wails for it (X 80; C 99). When it is said that a lost child has returned, the father does not believe the messenger, but the mother puts on her belt to see, if it is true (C 99); or when a father disbelieves his children, the mother induces him to see if their statements are true (X 169). When a child is considered as obnoxious the father generally proposes to the tribe to leave him and we do not hear of any objections on the part of the mother (S 132; [III 425]; C 39, 249). Only in one case the mother takes the initiative and suggests the desertion of a sick child (C XXVI 156). Lazy boys are scolded and struck by their fathers (C 97, 419, 445). Public opinion rises against a father who has maltreated his son (C XXVI 185). The people tear down his house and refuse is thrown on the little house in which he lives (C 97). Very early in life children begin to imitate their parents in the performance of household work (C 485). The father (uncle, C 123) makes arrows (C 177) or a toy spear for his son (C XXVI 45). A little boy shoots sparrows and sews the skins into a blanket (C XXVI 65). A child asks his mother to make a bow for him. He wants to shoot sparrows (C XXVI 70). A child asks his father's advice about 30 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society setting a snare (C XXVI 56). The father instructs his sons in regard to dangers of the hunt and supernatural protection (III 124; C 13). Parents and uncles ask their sons to go out and seek supernatural power (III 124; C 9, 29, 419). The father advises his adolescent daughters (III 45, 87). He asks his son repeatedly to go out into the woods, and feels ashamed when the son is defeated by another boy (C XXVI 176). When girls are coming of age, parents expect them to do useful work (III 45). Children are expected to obey their parents (III 185, 399). There are a number of references to children who help their parents to secure enough food. Four boys want to help their father hunting seals so that they have enough to eat (C XXVI 201). The daughter of the Dzo'noq!wa carries a bucket full of water home (C 51). Even the daughter of Chief Killer carries firewood into the house (III 335). A father watches his children while they are working (C 442). The daughters of a chief play only with their dolls and do not obey their father when he calls them (III 45). A child is kind to his blind father and takes him up to a mountain to seek a treasure (C 449). A child pities his blind father and saves some meat for him (C XXVI 81). When a son leaves his father, he begs him not to feel lonely (C 43). When children have lost their parents, their relatives take care of them. The orphans are given deer skins as presents by their uncle, and when they want to go fishing, they borrow his canoe (C 87). GRANDPARENTS. - Grandparents treat their grandchildren kindly. They praise their grandchildren (C 283). When parents agree to desert their child, the grandmother wishes to stay with him. When she is urged to leave too, she puts some fire into a shell and hides some dried salmon under a stump (S 132; C 41, 249; C XXVI 157, 168). A grandfather scolds his grandchildren who are romping in the house and disturb him (C 277). UNCLES AND AUNTS.- Uncles and aunts do not play an important role. In the absence of a father the mother's brothers help her in training her child (III 140). After the death of a man called Wd' xzid one of his relatives took his name and married the aunt of Wd'xwid's children. Then he is called their stepfather. When the children find the valuable copper that their father had hidden, they give it to the husband of their aunt, not to their uncle. On account of the bilateral use of the terms "uncle" and "aunt" it is not possible to say whether paternal or maternal line is meant. The general tenor of the stories suggests the paternal line (C 87). Uncles go into the woods to look for a young novice and report to his father that he is about to return (C 439). An uncle helps in the rescue of a boy who had been frozen. It would seem that he is also planning, as in the preceding quotation, to make him come back as an initiate (C 25). Two men whose father had been killed take refuge Kwakiutl Culture 31 with their maternal uncles (C 475). A boy plays with his uncle who is evidently about of the same age (C 445). A man gives presents of sea otter skins to his uncles (C XXVI 49). An aunt leads in the ceremonial dance of her nephews (C 293). BROTHERS. - Brothers are very affectionate with each other. When one of them has to go to an isolated place to escape an enemy, the others look after him every ten days (C XXVI 96). A man dies of grief when he learns of his brother's death (C 479). When brothers are in distress, it is the youngest who gives wise council (C 13). It is he who finds a supernatural woman who helps them (C 490). Either the eldest brother or the youngest child take the lead when a decision has to be made, as is the case in the planning for revenge on Grizzly Bear's children (X 16). The younger one of two brothers hesitates to disobey the orders of the parents (X 166). An elder brother takes his younger brother with him when hunting sea otters (III 378). Younger brothers obey the orders of their elder brothers (X 24, 52). Jealousy against a brother who makes love to his sister-in-law is the theme of a few tales (III 114, 365; C XXVI 199). Jealousy between brothers one of whom is a successful hunter while the other is unsuccessful is the theme of the tale C XXVI 203. The one forbids his companion to mention the discovery which gives him success and is killed by his brother who later on is revived by supernatural means and takes revenge. In another version the two hunters belong to different numayms (C XXVI 212). HUSBAND AND WIFE.- A woman forgets her parents on account of her children (C 277). When children disturb their father's mother by playing near her, they are scolded. Both mother and children feel hurt and go 'back home (C XXVI 73). A husband provides his family well with sea otter skins for dresses (C XXVI 49). The wife follows her husband to live in his village (III 115, 119, 133, 190, 234; C 61). Sometimes they stay for a limited time in the house of the bride's father before going home (C 73). When the Dz6'noq!wa gives her daughter in marriage, she tells Scab to take good care of her, to treat her well and not to hurt her (C 59). Black-Bear-Woman is loved by her husband because she gathers food and roots and her boxes are always full (X 15). The wife does all the necessary house work for her husband. She prepares meals for him (C 411) and gives him to eat (M 415; III 189, 284, [410]). She gives food to her children (III 144; X 127) and to other people in the house (III 336). She cuts the salmon that the fisherman brings to the beach (III 189). She prepares the food for guests (III 387; X 206; C 173) and for returning travellers (C 365). She helps her husband trying out oil of olachen (X 51) and when working at the salmon trap (III 188). She washes and combs his hair (S 151; C 476). She obeys the wishes of her husband (III 171) and he complies with her requests 32 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society (III 376). She sends him to draw water for her (C 217; C XXVI 195). When he takes her on a long journey she never questions him where they are going (X 252). She asks her husband's consent to got out with other women (III 283). The husband treats his wife well. He asks his sisters to prepare food for his wife, to spread the mat and serve her (III 325; C XXVI 221). A man consoles his wife for the loss of their son (C 179). When a wife is homesick, her husband allows her to go home to visit her mother (III 52), or to see her father (III 133; C 79). On the other hand a man (the Transformer) leaves his wife and takes his child along (III 99; X 249). A man kills his wife because he is dissatisfied with her dowry (S 134). A woman warns her relatives to flee from her bad husband (III 356). A blind hunter's wife takes aim for him while he spans the bow; but she deceives him by telling him that he did not hit his game, a bear. She and her children skin it and eat the meat alone (C 448; C XXVI 81). There are also cases of unfaithfulness. A man settles with his wife at a lonely place in order to separate her from her lover (C XXVI 147). A woman who has a lover hates her husband so much that she wishes Mouse would gnaw his face (C 488). A wife induces her former husband to kill her new husband while she is lousing him (III 121). A man covets the wife of another man (C 474). Later on the wives of the former comb their husband's hair and one of them arranges that her lover is to kill him while he is thus defenseless (S 151; C 477). [A man kills his faithless wife by tying her to the top of a tree where she dies of exposure (S 129; C 401 et seq.)]. Two wives seem to live at times in harmony, as may be inferred from the general situation (III 136, 140). Jealousy between cowives is a fairly frequent theme. Two wives are jealous of each other because their husband's slaves give more game to the one than to the other (S 137). In another tale it is said that the first wife is jealous when her husband brings his second wife to the house (C 75; C XXVI 167); respectively the second wife becomes jealous when she learns that he is married (C XXVI 172). A woman may ask her husband to take another wife in order to enhance his social standing (III 68, 115). The first wife is called the head-wife (III 240; X 15). Families of high social standing are not allowed to give their children in marriage to persons of lower rank. A father and his sons refuse to let a man marry a girl because her father is of a lower rank (C XXVI 94). FATHER-IN-LAW AND SON-IN-LAW. - It would seem that the numerous test stories which develop from the secret marriage between a desirable son-in-law and his father-in-law may be conceived as resentment against the irregularity of the marriage Kwakiutl Culture 33 (S 136; III 97, 337; X 12, 201, 244; C 197, 460). In other cases the desired son-in-law is treated well by the bride's father (III 372; C 73). In secret marriages the young woman warns her husband against the evil designs of her father (III 337; X 240). A chief who thinks he is not properly treated breaks all the canoes of his tribe including that of his son-in-law who, in revenge, kills him with a club (C 311). ILLEGITIMACY. - The birth of illegitimate children occurs only in the slanderous stories of the origin of the E'lgUnweE and Laxsa (R 1093, 1104), and in that of the ghost child (R 710; C XXVI 110). BIRTH, INFANCY AND CHILDREN.- A woman who is with child feels squeamish and vomits (III 395; C XXVI 104). She stops weaving mats and doing other work in order not to hurt her child (III 184; X 80). The child is born in a small house behind the main house (S 143; III 137; see also C XXVI 104). The mother's sisters wash the newborn infant in warm water (III 54). The chieftainess of a tribe acts as midwife and looks after the young mothers among her people (III 52). When a child is born, the mother gives food to her husband's tribe to celebrate the event (III 236). She gives the child the name bestowed upon it immediately after it is born (III 53). Children are nursed in their cradles (C 185). A restless child that cries all the time is given whatever it wants (III 395). Another passage refers to people who rock to sleep a crying child. Twenty old men are seated on the right side of the cradle and twenty on the left side. Two men are on each side and rock the cradle and thirty-six men shout: Hdaxu hdaxu (III 207) and rattles are given to those who rock a crying child (III 229). When nine months (ten moons) old the child is given straps which are tied around hands, arms, knees and ankles. This custom was instituted by the Thunderbird. MATURITY. - When a girl becomes mature she must live in a little hut of hemlock branches in the woods. She must arise before the ravens are awake (III 45, 46, 87). Her younger sisters may accompany her (III 45, 355). She goes into this hut four days after her first menstruation. She has a bone tube for drinking and a copper scratcher which she wears suspended from a string around her neck. She sits with her knees drawn up to her breast, clasping her knees. Every day she bathes four times. She remains in the hut four times four days (III 87). To her equipment belongs also a hat with a tassel of goat wool, a breast strap, a skin belt, a woolen apron, woolen hair ribbons for tying the ends of the braids, braided bands of woo] around knees, ankles, and wrists, a necklace of dentalia with two abalone shells attached to one end, and a ring of white cedar bark for purification (III 89). The maturing girl must also bathe in a lake (III 355). Her eyebrows are pulled out above the upper rim of the orbit (III 87). 34 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society TRAINING. - Young children are bathed in cold water to give them strength (III 138). Four days after the child is born the mother bathes it in cold water (III 140). A boy is made strong by being bathed in the skull of a Dzo'noq!wa (III 104), (see also p. 144). Later they are instructed to go bathing in a lake four times every day, and to play and to fight all the time order in to become strong (C XXVI 136). Boys have contests in gambling and in strength. They wrestle and their struggles may lead to the death of one of the contestants (C XXVI 190). They are admonished to wash in cold water and to rub their bodies with hemlock branches (see p. 181). In order to gain strength they twist trees and consider themselves strong enough when they can twist a yew or spruce from tip to butt (S 1391; III 141; C 444; R 1125). They also test their strength by carrying heavy stones (III 160). SICKNESS. - A youth who is frost bitten during a snow storm on the mountains is carried home on a stretcher (C 25). Old blind women (X 215, 235; C 203, 458), a blind man (X 225; C 447), a blind princess (C 267) are referred to in the tales. A person whose body is covered with scabs is the hero of a tale (C 39); a sore that cannot be cured is said to be inherited in one family (C 471). A separate hut is built for very sick persons (R 1118). A sickness which is caused by toads entering the stomach of a person is much dreaded. Toads jump out of the mouth of a sleeper and eat his food (S 147). A man meets a woman with whom he has intercourse. She turns out to be a toad sitting on four coppers. In consequence he has toads in his stomach which make noises and cause his abdomen to swell and make him groan with pain (C 115). They feel like red hot stones (III 172). A man so affected does not walk fast, or else the toads in his belly will croak (III 231). When the cedar bark belonging to a person is hung up at the "place where the salmon pass through," he gets toads in his stomach (III 171), and when young men pass a place where the toads are taken out of the stomach of a person have been deposited, they enter their stomachs (III 172). Cramps and dizziness or loss of consciousness result from the sight of ghosts (C 327) or of the double-headed serpent (X 107). Sickness may also be produced by poison such as wolf's dung and menstrual blood (C 113, 466, see also p. 101). A boy is made crazy by eating a salmon belly that had been given to him by a dog (C 477). Sickness may be cured by means of medicine. Medicine is put on burns (III 290). It is given as an antidote against poison by the patient's relatives (C 113). People who are sick on account of attacks by ghosts are cured by being sprinkled with urine (C 329). 1 At this place it is said that he is to tear up a tree. This is undoubtedly a misunderstanding, since in all other cases the test is twisting of a tree. In S 144 he is to break a yew tree. Kwakuitt Culture 35 [A child that does not want to eat is given bullheads which make it voracious (C 211).] Dogs watch that no sickness may approach the people (M 402). Most cures are made by the power of supernatural beings or by shamans. Q.i'neqeElaku cures the blindness of women by spitting on their eyes, the power of his saliva being either inherent or produced by the gum that he is always chewing (X 216, 234; C 458). A blind hunter recovers his eyesight by diving four times with Loon and staying under water a long time (C 450; C XXVI 81); another man by diving for a long time, "until he could see the monsters of the deep" (X 225). A princess recovers her eyesight by bathing in the water of life (C 273). Magical curing powers are associated with saliva. Q!d'neqeelaku chews gum, rubs saliva over his body and spits upon poles driven into the ground near a fire, at which he is to be roasted, and then hides in the poles (X 242). A man chews hellebore and spits on the double-headed serpent, which is then unable to harm him (C 53). In this case the combined influence of hellebore and saliva is effective (see also p. 101, effect of blood of the tongue). DEATH AND BURIAL. - When a chief is about to die the people assemble in his house to listen to his wishes (C 135, 139). After death the body is buried almost immediately (III 286). It is dressed in its clothes (III 400), and wrapped in a mat. In early times it was thus deposited, being carried to the burial ground on the shoulders (III 57)1. At present it is regularly placed in a box (III 278; X 89, 142; C 43, 139, 209, 231, 494; C XXVI 95) which is sometimes carved (X 142). The cover of the box is tied on firmly (III 286; X 142; C 139), or nailed down (C 137). Then it is placed high up on a tree (III 286; X 141; C 137; on a cedar tree, III 278), as a protection against wolves who steal bodies (X 89). Sometimes the box is placed on the lower branches of the tree (X 90). In other cases the box is placed on the rocks of a small island (X 142; C 139), or in a small house built on purpose on an island (C 137); in still other cases the body is deposited in a cave in a box (C 137, 339), buried in the ground (III 400; C 137, 488; C XXVI 95), or sunk in the sea (C 139). The chief is buried according to his wishes (C 137; X 90). The burial place is on a point of land near the village (C 43), on a tree just back of the house (C 107, also C 81; X 89) in the woods (S 130, C 209), on the opposite side of the river (C 465), next to a stone figure which is the property of the family of the deceased (III 67). A man who commits suicide by hanging himself from a rafter in the house is buried in the house in which he died (III 105). A burial is mentioned once in which the body is placed in a box, and the canoe of the deceased is deposited near the grave. Possibly 1According to descriptions and finds the body thus wrapped up was deposited in a cave. 3* 36 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the box is assumed to stand in the canoe. At this place it is also said that the magic gift belonging to the person, "the whale of the woods", was placed in the elbow of the body before it was buried (III 400). The body of a murdered person is wrapped in skin (C 483), or in a mat (C 488), and buried under the fireplace (C 483), or behind the house (C 488). After a person has died the women wail for him (S 144; III 47; X 80; C 99) in the house (C 107), more often in the woods (C 311) or near the grave (C 141). When a man dies, the wife takes blood and smears her face with it (C XXVI 138). A woman wails for her father for four days (C 311). A father wails for his sons (C 21). A son wept for his dead father (C 61). The whole tribe wail for the death of a chief (C 87, 95, 446) or of a member of the nobility (C 479). When a man learns of the death of his brother, he wails (X 209; C 199, 229, 492). Parents wail on the beach for their dead children (III 68). A man whose friend has been killed on a war expedition wails when he comes home (X 132). When a child bas been lost, being carried away by a monster, the tribe sing a mourning song (C 121). When a death has occurred, canoe hunters ought not to lift their paddles high out of the water, but keep them down (C 488). Mourning songs are sung by the brothers of the deceased (C 492), or by the whole tribe (C 121). Four days after the death of a chief of the tribe, the whole tribe bathe. Then the sisters of the dead person go to have a look at the grave (C 141). Mourners1 scratch their faces (S 134). Dead dogs are thrown into the sea (C 139). When warriors die they are believed to become ghosts which may be seen now and then (C XXVI 64). Four days after the death of a chief an owl comes and asks him to try on the owl mask, i. e. to become an owl. He is unable to do so (C 339). After another four days the killerwhales put him aboard a canoe but he is unable to become a killerwhale (C 341). GAMES AND GAMBLING. - Not many games are referred to in the tales. The game of throwing wooden spears at an elastic target is referred to (III 105, 243; C 445, 488). It is played for stakes (III 105; C 445). Sometimes the spear is ornamented at its rear end with a rattle (C 445). A game of stone putting is described as being played for four days (X 170). There is a detailed description of the game of throwing perforated disk-shaped stones, which the players try to hit with spears. The players stand in two long parallel rows, and the gambling stone is thrown along the middle line between the two rows of players. The players who throw the stone stand one at each end of the middle line. Then, as the stone rolls along between the two lines of players, they try to hit the central hole with their darts (III 295). 1 As observed, only women. Kwakiutl Culture 37 The kind of gambling that is generally referred to, is called lepa. By this term is designated the stick game which is played so extensively by the Indians of northern British Columbia (III 291; C 235)1. A mat is spread out on which the gambling sticks are thrown down (III 291). An account is kept by means of tally sticks (III 292). Property of all kinds is staked in this game (C 191, 235; III 292). Even the gambler's wife is staked (C XXVI 191). There is mention of a playground, consisting of a slippery race track on a steep mountain side with a resting place half-way up, and which was used by a chief to test his rivals (C 5). Children have a playground (C 145), or they play about near the village (III 347), or across the river (III 355), behind and at the sides of the house (III 45), or on the beach (C 261). They play making nests (C 139), burying one another (C 139), making little mountains of soil (C XXVI 114), making jam (C XXVI 114), paddling about (III 395), and wrestling (X 82), twisting trees to try their strength (C XXVI 175 )and jumping (X 179). They play ball, shouting "hayuhu'ya" (C 145), shoot bird arrows upward (C XXVI 175), and play at spear-throwing (C 488) at pieces of kelp (C XXVI 175). They play with dogs (C 73). Two children play letting themselves roll down a hill (C 147). They play about in the water (C 173), splashing water on one another (X 17). They play in a cave where they put down mats and imitate the work of their mothers (C 485). Boys make a house of fir branches in which they play (M 372). Girls play with dolls (III 45). FEASTS AND POTLATCHES. - The simplest form of a feast is the entertainment of a stranger. The visitor stands in the middle of the canoe holding his paddles on his shoulder and shouts announcing his arrival (C XXVI 219). The same is done when the visitor comes to invite the people (III 388). When visitors arrive at a village they are greeted with loud noise and invited into the house of the chief (C 355). When a visitor enters a house, the woman prepares food for the guest (III 190). On the arrival of visitors the chief's wife (III 217) or the chief himself (III 387) calls the crew to come and eat (see also C 470); or a man is sent out to invite them in (X 54). The visitors are given presents (III 389; C XXVI 62). The attendant advises the chief of the arrival of guests and the visitor is invited in by the chief (III 151, [424]; C 3; CXXVI 189). The host sits in the rear; the guest in the right hand corner (C 357), on the right hand side (C XXVI 185, 189), in the middle of the right hand side or in the rear, to the right (C XXVI 97), at the right side of the fire (XXVI 225). A mat is spread for the visitor to sit on (III 383). He is not questioned in regard to the object of his visit or his perAccording to the statement of many Indians, this game was not introduced among the Kwakiutl until about 1860 but another similar game must have been in use before time. 38 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society sonality until after the meal (III 151). On one occasion four different kinds of feasts are named (III 381). When the chief's people come back from working for him, the chieftainess gives them a meal (III 309). When a princess returns unexpectedly the people flock to the chief's house (C XXVI 227). When the chief invites the tribe, the house is first cleared (X 149, 152), mats are spread for the guests to sit on (X 54). The invitations are very formal. The host sends out messengers - four old men, (C XXVI 101), as invitors (C XXVI 189) - to call the guests (X 13, 45), who come at once (X 148). The attendants are sent to invite men, women and children (C XXVI 157). It is not customary to follow the first invitation, but the invitors go four times, the last time they say, "We are looking for a face."' Only then does the principal guest come (C XXVI 97). He asks the (four) song leaders to come and lead the songs (C XXVI 101). Seats are pointed out to the guests. They are given a drum and sing four songs (III 445). Meanwhile the people go to bring in the provisions and the attendants or waiters (C 357) bring the boxes for cooking and dishes. Sometimes a speaker calls for the food to be brought (C 357). When the guests are not singing, they lie back in their seats. As soon as the food is put before them they sit up and begin to eat (III 384; X 148). After the meal speeches are made in which the object of the feast is discussed (III 156; C 361, 369, 443). If the guests are strangers they are then asked why they have come (III 387), or they are simply welcomed (III 380), or the host is thanked for the feast (X 13). People express their gratitude for the feast and for the honor of sitting in their chief's house (C XXVI 47). Then the guests go home (X 149), taking home the remainder of the food in their dishes (C 153). Feast dishes are carved in the form of animals according to the house tradition (S 148; III 381; C 275, 301). If the host has not enough kettles and dishes, he borrows them from his friends (X 149). A chief invites his tribe to eat with his visiting daughter (III 133). When she returns from her visit, her husband invites his tribe to meet her (III 156). A wife calls in the tribe because her husband has returned (C 349). A chief travelling with his crew is invited in and seated in the rear of the house. His name is asked before the guests are given food, and the regular speeches are exchanged after the meal (III 225). A wise attendant invites his chief. First he calls the whole tribe. When they are all assembled, he goes with three other attendants to call the chief and his wife, who sit in the rear of the house (III 66). In one case a man pretends to give a feast, planning to kill his guests. His house is dark and he does not assign seats to them so that they all sit down in the middle of the dark house (III 163). 1 This form is used only in the winter ceremonial. Kwakiutl Culture 39 A feast is given with the food that the children of a chief's daughter bring from their distant home (C 285). A mother gives a feast to her husband's tribe at her child's birth (III 236). During the feast the host may perform some act that shows his greatness. A certain chief breaks canoes in every feast he gives (C 347, 351) and a broken canoe is exchanged for a new one (X 46). Another one pushes a valuable copper under a mountain (C 486). An offended guest kills some of the host's numaym (X 47). A man is invited by his relatives to a feast. As soon as all are inside the house they try to shoot him with an arrow, thus taking revenge for his overbearing conduct (C XXVI 134). The most valuable feasts are those in which seals are distributed (X 59). The host bites each piece before giving it to the guests to whom it is assigned (M 385). In the feast of Omnaxt!d'laL9e, DzE'nx'q!ayo receives first and is given the breast piece of the seal; Kwax'ilano'kumne is the second to receive and is given a hind leg; Md'tag'iEla is the third and receives the foreleg. This order is still preserved in the distribution of seal meat among the head chiefs of these numayms. In the version C XXVI 47 Md'tag'iela is second. The flippers go to Oemaxt!d'laLje. Whole seals are also given to the guests (M 385). In other feasts the highest chiefs receive the breast piece; the young chiefs the legs; the common people, ribs and backbone (III 43). The greatest feasts are those in which whale meat and blubber are given (III 399). Out of rivalry a certain chief shows his recklessness by giving away in a feast his whole river (III 397). When a dead whale drifts ashore, the chief's family invite all the tribes around to a whale feast (C XXVI 140). The food given in feasts includes roasted sockeye salmon (X 158; C 173), boiled silver salmon (X 157), roasted, dried, or steamed spring salmon (III 225; X 153; C 239), roasted steelhead salmon (C 155), roasted salmon (III 391), fresh dog salmon (III 133), dried herring (III 387), dried edge of red cod with oil (C 265), porpoise (X 155), blubber of whale (III 383; C XXVI 227), seal oil (X 159; C 237), salmon roe (X 150; C 153), tallow of mountain goat (X 54), salmon berries (X 13, 148; C 237), dried berries (X 55; C XXVI 114), choke cherries (C 47), crab-apples (X 44), clover and cinquefoil roots (III 361), fern roots (III 66). There are also feasts at which several courses are served: roasted dog salmon and seal (III 156); halibut, salalberry cakes, clover roots, cinquefoil roots (C 357); [roasted dried salmon and crab-apples (III 411).] In some feasts men, women and children take part. When a hunter comes home, people give a great feast (C 479). Whenever the central fire is lighted for a feast or ceremonial, sparks are seen flying out of the roof (C XXVI 27). 40 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Potlatch. - The potlatch as such is not often mentioned, but it is clear that the feasts are actually potlatches, particularly those in which property is given away or destroyed. Some of these were mentioned above. The potlatch pole (presumably a staff used by the speaker in the potlatch) is often mentioned as a magical gift (S 144; III 143, 381; C 183, 349, 465). Although not described, potlatches are often implied. When two orphans give to their aunt's husband a valuable copper they have found they receive in return canoes, lynx blankets, marmot blankets, blankets sewed together, sea otter and mink blankets and they become chiefs; i. e., their rank is raised. Later on the owner of the copper gives a potlatch and sells at a greatly increased price his copper which receives a new name. The property representing the price is distributed among his guests (C 91, 93). The grandson of this chief was killed on account of his property. His son built a house, gave a potlatch to all the tribes and became a chief (C 95). Another chief sells to the Nootka his supernatural treasures in exchange for slaves, sea otters and coppers and gives a potlatch with them (C 103). A chief sells his copper and uses the proceeds to give a potlatch against his rival (C XXVI 114). A child kills a Dzo'noq!wa and the people carry all her provisions and skin blankets to the house of its father who gives a potlatch to the tribes and becomes a chief (C 121). The daughter of NomasE'nxelis comes back from the country beyond the ocean with an inexhaustible box and coppers. Her father gives a potlatch to the tribes and shows at the same time the carvings and names he has received (C 285). A Ga''p!enoxu shaman became rich by curing diseases and gave so many potlatches that his tribe became envious of his greatness (C 351). A chief finds a copper which has drifted ashore and uses it to give a potlatch (C 485). A man who has given presents to his father-in-law when visiting him more than a year after his marriage receives coppers in return which he distributes among the chiefs of the tribes (III 85). Distribution among the tribe of property obtained by slaying a person is mentioned (III 93), and distribution at the close of a ceremonial dance (III 232). Property is also given to the tribe of a man's father-in-law when he first shows his supernatural gifts (III 389) or to the recipient's own tribe (M 336). A man gives a winter ceremonial feast in honor of his son and distributes a valuable deerskin among his guests. At this feast the son is given a new name (C XXVI 57). He also gives a sea otter(?) feast and changes his son's name (C XXVI 52). The two terms for potlatch, p/Esa', literally "to flatten" (namely either the baskets that are being emptied, or the name of the rival), and ~rnd' xwa are being used rather indiscriminately. Generally we find the former term (M 712.2; III 93.1, 112.28, 163.40, 232.39; C 90.27, 94.26, 102.25, 122.1). The term rmd'xwa is not often used (M 712.3; C 284.11, 324.20; R 887.50). It is supposed to Kwakiutl Culture 41 be used for the greatest potlatches to which many tribes are invited, but it seems to be used also when more than one numaym is concerned, while p!Esa' is also used for potlatches to which many tribes are invited. TRIBAL ORGANIZATION. THE TRIBE. - The tales refer both to tribes and to the tribal subdivisions called EnErme'm (numaym). Ancestor traditions refer only to the nunaym, (III 60, 94, 100, 103, 165; C 81, 83, 442, 453, 455, 471; R 885, 938, 1093; C'XXVI 32, 43, 50, 57, 58, 72, 94, 219) but the tribes as such are also recognized. This appears clearly in the description of the village of the animals at Qd'logwis, in which the numayms are enumerated (X 147). In the war between the Qwe'qusot!enoxu and Nimkish the tribes also appear as units, embracing all the numayms. The chief of each numaym is conceived as the descendant of a mythical ancestor. The tale referring to him is called "the house myth" (nEwel R 836.2, 885.3). The ancestors are calledfathers (wiwo'mp R 836.1) or grandfathers (d'gaasEla R 836.2). The ancestor is also designated as root (dwaindaye R 836.6, 887.54) or chief-root (g''gandayey R 886.28), also as first chief (g'iqag'iwe, literally: chief'in front R 837.19, 886.26). His story or he himself is also called "myth at the end of the world" (nayimbaclis). All this is implied to descend through the male line. The various numayms composing a tribe are sometimes conceived as quite independent in origin and are assumed to have originated in distinctive localities, not all necessarily in close proximity. This appears for instance in the 0'maxt!a'laLeF myth, in which O'maxt!S'laLe's father meets the ancestors of other numayms of the Gwe'tEla at their places where they came down - in this case in locations only a few miles apart (M 382; C XXVI 43, 50). In other cases the chiefs of the several numayms of one tribe are definitely described as related. Thus the chiefs of the numaym of the Qwe'qusot!enoxu are said to be derived from the sons of Ts!d'qamec who came down from the sky: the neg'nElbce from EnE'lbeU at Wato (III 179); the nad'x1naxu'cla from Endxunaxqula at Qwa' yasdE'ms (III 185); the second son settled at Sa'wag'dxtec (III 181); the youngest one stayed with his father at M't!ap(dze) (III 202). Md'tag'iEla is the ancestor of the Mad'mtag'icla of the Gwe'tsla (Kwag'ul); his younger brother LEnslEndzEm is ancestor of the numaym of the same name of the Md'dilbe (R 950). Qa'wadiliqdla builds his house at 0'k!una1lis; his sister Hai'alilagas builds hers at Nau'alakwdxtdae and his younger brother KuRlle at A'lralxo. Qa'wadiliqdla is the ancestor of the Dza'wadEenoxu, Kile'le of the Haxwa'rnis (X 32). These are counted nowadays as distinct tribes. 42 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society The ancestors of the Wio'qumirn and L'lEwzvag'ila of the Dzd'wadEcnoxu are also brothers (X 43). The ancestors of the G'g xsEm of the Gwe'tEla and of the G' - g'ilgdm of the Q!5'moyue were brothers, therefore it is said that the'one was nursed on the right breast, the other on the left breast of their mother (R 1387). The presence of these in two sub-tribes is accounted for in an historical tale. The Gwt'tEla and Q!5'moyEw&e were at one time one tribe, the Kwd'g'ul. In a quarrel the chief Emd'xwa of the Mad'mtag'irla was killed by the Q!o'moyywe which led to the breaking up of the tribe. The Mad'mtag-'ila and the various numaym associated, includiri part of the numaym Kukwd'k!im (real Kwa'g'ul) were called Kw' xamut (left over after killing). Later on they took the name Gwg'tEla. The name of the Q!o'moyue was changed at the same time to Kwe'xa (murderers) (R 831). At the same time the G'Z'g'ilgdm of the Ewd'las Kwd'g'ul split and part joined the Q!o'moyEw~e and the Ge'xsEm of the dwa'las Kwd'g'ul scattered among many tribes. This is referred to as "blown away by the late chief ~ma'xwa." (R 803, 804). This breaking up of the numaym assumed to be descended from one ancestor undoubtedly has occurred repeatedly but is not expressed in mythological tales. There is no definite reference to the rank order of the various numayms except in the Ocmaxt/!'laLer tale. (See page 39). SUCCESSION AND TRANSMISSION OF PRIVILEGES.- The chiefs of the numayms descend in the paternal line. This is meant, if it is said that the children of L!d'lamin became the L!.'L!Elamin numaym of the Nimkish (C 81). In the tale of Kuno'sila it is said that he was the ancestor of the Gi''g'ilgdm of the Nimkish. He went back to the upper world and his children succeded him (S 147; C 85, 93, 4721). The same is implied in the GwaEsE'la story of the ancestor who came down as a Qo'los (C 369) and who was succeeded by his sons (C 377). When Q!a'mtalat died his sons took his place (III 101). [The chief of the Bella Bella of Ya'laLe was followed by his son (III 424)]. The S'sSEnL!Me of the various tribes are said to be descended from an ancestor who came from the south and married among a number of tribes (S 166; C 7, 473). In many of the tales recorded in S patrilineal descent is referred to (see also C 486). In one case the younger brother succeeds his elder brother (X 48). In the texts it is not often stated in so many words that the son takes his father's place, but it is implied in the term LawE'lgdmec, "prince" which designates the eldest son. The term k'e'det which designates the eldest daughter of a chief is on the whole used indiscriminately for chief's daughter regardless of order of birth. The crests and privileges which the ancestor brought down from heaven or from the depths of the ocean are inherited in the patri 1 Here and in other passages he sends back his garment. See page 47. Kwakiutl Culture 43 lineal line. Thus the house and Qo'los crest of the L!a'L!Elamin descends from father to son (S 145; C 81). Their Thunderbird ancestor announces that he will be heard when one of his descendants is going to die; even carbuncles of which he died become hereditary in his family (C 472). Ts!i'qadme who was a Qo'los in the upper world, gave a house with two posts representing thunderbirds to his eldest son (III 180) and the house of his brother Thunderbird to his second son (III 182). Then he called down his own house from the upper world and gave it to his third son (III 185). His youngest son became the warrior of the family. I have not found any myth in which the father's name is transmitted to the son. Stress is always laid upon the gift of names from the father-in-law (see pp. 52, 65). The only definite instance of transmission in the male line is when a man named Mdcnakila "thought of the name of his father" Ts!d'g.'ilaku and named his daughter Ts!alalilalaku (R 1107). The rank of children according to the order of their birth is also mentioned once only in the origin tradition of the Ldxsd. Here it is said that "the youngest son is never taken care of by his father" and "that he is like a slave and a dog" (R 1097); also, that the Laxsi are ashamed of their name, for their ancestor was the youngest of the children of the head chief of the numaym Ha'dyaliklawec of the Q!5'moyEwU- (R 1099). In the long story of Ts.i'qdme' the youngest son appears clearly as the warrior of the family, a position which is conceived as subordinate to that of his elder brothers. He makes war on the tribes but his spoils are not for himself but for his elder brothers (S 154; III 200, 210, 216, 221, 228, 233). In C 477 it is told that the elder brother becomes chief and the younger brother his warrior. The members of the numaym excepting the chief's family are not necessarily conceived as descendants of the ancestor. An ancestor of the GwassE'la transformed gulls' eggs into men and shells into women. These became his tribe (C 377). Another ancestor of the same tribe carved human figures, two men and two women, out of the bark of alder trees, released them and they became his tribe. He met an old man and his wife who called him their nephew (C 375). Hd'naLzno saw many people who were drifting about on logs after the deluge. He hauled the driftwood ashore and the people became his tribe (C 481). X'i'mg'iu the ancestor of the X'O'x'img'iu of the Nimkish caught gulls which were transformed into men became his numaym (S 146). The moon also became an ancestor and transformed gulls into his numaym (S 191), and another ancestor made men who came down from the mountains his numaym (S 185). Q!d'neqeelak1u caused many men to come out of the post of his house and they became his tribe, the NaqE'mg'ilisala (C XXVI 5). 44 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society In the story of Qa'wadiliqala the youngest brother is killed, cut to pieces and the flesh made into a ball is thrown up. It is transformed into eagle down, scatters all over the world and from it originate the people speaking different languages (X 31). The solidarity of the numaym appears, for instance, when the members worry about a lost hunter (C XXVI 213). Marriages between members of the same numaym do not occur in the myths. In one case when a chief fears the power of his younger brother whom he does not know, he offers him his daughter, but, when the younger one makes himself known the marriage evidently does not come off (III 204). The villages of the numaym of the tribes were not stable, for the same numaym appears in the tales in a number of places. Thus the ancestor of the Gz'g'ilgldm of the Q!5'moyEwe6 originated at Wdk'a'wasyaas but moved to K'-!'q!a (M 382; C XXVI 45, 51). The LLE.ged of the Qf!'mk'!ut!Es came down at O'sCEqu, but one of their tales places them at Q!iigi's (R 801, 1117). In another tale it is said that the chief of the same numaym moved from XUidzEdzd'alis to.GEk'!EXsdE'ls (R 1121). In the Qwe'qusot!enox story of Ts/a'qdmre each son is established in a separate village (III 179). In contrast to the scanty references to patrilineal succession the transfer of privileges - such as house carvings, mask, ceremonials, and names - from the father-in-law to the son-in-law or to members of his family is a constantly recurring theme of tales. I presume the reason for this is that patrilineal succession is considered as obvious while the transfer from father-in-law which is from one numaym to another, must be substantiated. All these are return presents, much greater in value than the gifts made by the young man when wooing his prospective bride (see p. 64). Mention of such transfer accompanies almost every mention of a marriage. A Koskimo chief obtains with one wife a new name and masks (C 299); with another, a name and feast dishes; with a third one a name, the cannibal dance and names for the cannibal and his assistant, and four feast dishes (C 301); with a fourth one a carved box containing masks, and names; with a fifth one names and ritual objects for the winter ceremonial (C 305); with a sixth one a house, dances and names (C 307). In another story it is told that in the marriage ceremony the attendants of the father-in-law made a speech about the house and names that were given and that these were taken to the groom's house (C 331). In III 378 only a house is mentioned as a gift. A L!a'sq!enoxu chief receives as marriage gifts a house, harpoon, slaves and attendants (III 363); a Dza'wadEenoxu forty dressed caribou skins, a name and masks for the winter ceremonial, although he does not take the young woman to be his wife (III 69-76); a DEna'x'dacsxu receives a name and a house (III 117); a Qwe'qusot!enoxu blankets, a mask, slaves and crests (III 209). Kwakiutl Culture 45 Ocmaxt!a'laL#c receives from his father-in-law the house of the latter and the winter ceremonial which is shown at night (M 387). In another version it is told that he marries four wives. In the first marriage, with the daughter of Qa'wadiliqala, no crests are mentioned. He receives in exchange for his presents a canoe and blankets of marten, lynx, marmot and goat skin. In his second marriage with the daughter of Wa' xap!alas5o his father-in-law gives him another name, a house with a loon painting, a Dzo'noq.wa and an eagle house dish, many boxes of fish oil, boxes of crab-apples and many sewed blankets. In his third marriage to the daughter of Yd'qaltEnala of Rivers Inlet he obtains the privilege of the Cannibal Dance, four whistles, red cedar bark and the name of the dancer. He receives the name Yd'qalCEnala for the secular season and the promise that a whale will be sent to him. In his fourth marriage he takes a wife of the Chilcotin, receives as a gift the name of his father-in-law and many marten and marmot skin blankets, also the dances of the Chilcotin. In his last marriage at K!wa'lna he obtains two valuable coppers, the Cannibal Dance, red cedar bark ornaments, and a name. After each marriage, he gives a great feast with all the property he had received from his father-in-law (C XXVI 53). In still another version the same marriages are mentioned except the last (C XXVI 48). In another story the groom receives a box of crests, red cedar bark and four large drums (C XXVI 220). When Scab marries the daughter of the Dzo'noq!wa he is given a box which is never empty, the death-bringer, a house, and the water of life (C 59; C XXVI 163). A curious marriage gift is recorded in a story, where a brother gives to his sister's husband boxes which contain all the members of his tribe (C XXVI 182). In marriages with supernatural beings the human beings are also given names, crests and privileges which become their property and are transmitted to their descendants. A woman married by Q!5'mogwa receives from him copper names and potlatch names, (i. e. names derived from the words for copper and potlatch), his house, coppers, blankets, whale meat and house dishes all of which are given to the woman's father (C XXVI 226). When Hd'daga marries the son of Q!5'mogqva she is given a house and much property (S 180), a gift of his father (C 257). In these cases the woman does not remain permanently in her husband's house. X'a'nElku receives the death-bringer as a marriage gift from the wolves (S 163; C 183). While in actual marriages the father-in-law commonly gives a name and privileges to his daughter's child, this particular kind of transfer occurs in myths only rarely. In R 838 SenL!E gives the name Anxrwid to his daughter's son, who however, at the same time receives a name on his father's side. The transfer of a name from a man to his daughter's son occurs also in R 887 and 940. 46 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society I have pointed out that according to family histories a man may obtain name, privileges and position in many ways from his affinal relatives, from his wife's father, from his sister's husband, from the father of his daughter-in-law. Transmission from a man to his daughter's child occurs in these histories fourteen times; direct transmission from father to child twenty-nine times.' Examples for the transfer of names and privileges from a man to his son-in-law have been given. In a number of cases these are obtained through a warrior not for himself, but for his elder brother for whom he secures the bride (III 209, 213, 221, 228, 239). In other cases a number of ceremonials with attached names are transmitted. These are not used by the son-in-law, but by "his dancers". Thus a chief has his sister, his younger brother, his niece and his son perform the ceremonials and bear the names given to him by his father-in-law (III 85). This is seldom stated, but when a person receives many names we may infer from present customs that these are distributed among his relatives. In a few cases a man transmits names and privileges to his son's children or to the relatives of his daughter-in-law. Thus a supernatural man gives his names to the children of his daughter-in-law who, in the story, is stressed more markedly than the husband of the woman, i. e. his own son. The children go back to their maternal grandfather and stay in his numaym (S 188; C 275; C XXVI 73). In the same way a chief in heaven gives names to his son's children, but he also bestows a name upon his daughter-in-law's father (III 51). The ceremonies and the names belonging to them are given to his daughter-in-law's son and to her three younger sisters (III 58). The transmission of names given by supernatural beings is quite analogous to that of names obtained in marriage. The grizzly bear gives a name to a person whom he had killed and who had then been restored to life (III 36). The Cannibal spirit gives his name and ceremonial to a novice (III 110; C XXVI 57), the toad (C XXVI 71), the loon (C XXVI 214), the ghosts (C 321), the wolves (C XXVI 101), the seal (III 125; C XXVI 208) give names to those initiated by them. In one case the initiate takes the name of the initiating spirit (III 39). Names given to relatives of the novice are also not rare. The goats give a name to the father of the young man whom they initiate (III 22). Another initiate receives a name and ceremonial for himself, while he gives a second one received by him to his sister (C XXVI 57). The two brothers of a man who has received supernatural power are given each one of his ceremonials and the names belonging to them (X 74). In C XXVI 58 it is not clear whether the name is given to a sister or to a son's daughter. In C XXVI 226 See Social Organization of the Kwakiutl, American Anthropologist NS 22 (1920); 111 et seq. Kwakiutl Culture 47 Q!5'mogwa gives names to his own children who, later on, with their mother return to her original home. A girl who brought about the death of a Dzo'noq/wa takes names referring to her while her father calls himself Dz&'noq!wa chief (III 92). A quite unusual transfer of a name is that from a chief to his hunter who had a supernatural experience and supplied his tribe with ample means of subsistence (III 23). ANCESTORS. - In a considerable number of tales the home of the ancestors of numayms is described as located in the sky. In the traditions of the Kwakiutl tribes of the west coast of Vancouver Island the ancestors come down either along a copper ladder or copper potlatch pole (III 362, 401) or by means of mountains which move up and down and reach the sky (M 408). In many cases they have the form of birds who take off their masks and become men. Ancestors may also be land or sea animals who take off their dresses. Sometimes it is told that the dress goes home (C 472; C XXVI 65, 80). In a number of cases the ancestor is said to shout wishing to discover whether there are other people in this world. Then he is answered by the ancestor of a distant tribe (III 401; X 30). QE'ldedzEm (Post-of-Heaven) is an ancestor of the Xo'yalas whose tribe are the Stars. His attendants are HlElqalag'Ulis and Ho' xalag'lis and his son is Nau'alakumeg ilis. He owns the cannibal mask worn on the forehead (III 401). By striking the ground with it he makes a trail. Ts/ElqwalolEla (Heat-Moving-Along) an ancestor of the O'nanits!enox' of the L!a'sq!enoxu who is identified with the Sun comes down with four children (Illustration J V P1. 50, fig. 6), and brings down the paraphernalia of the winter ceremonials (III 362). His mask called Ts!Elqd'lagSEm is shown in J VP1. 41, fig. 11. K!waxLa is his rival in the sky. He is the ancestor of the Pe'pawiL!enoxu. After his children have been sent down to earth, they meet two women who have also come down from the sky, being carried down by geese (M 408). G'd'laxa'lisEmem (First-to-Come-Down), ancestor of the Ts!e'ts!acya of the Koskimo came down wearing his own mask. His companions had the masks SEpa'xalis (Shining-Down-in-the World), L/exL!exd (Red Sky) and DoxEwElkwielaku (Made-to-be-Seen) (III 389, Illustrations of SEpa'xalis J V P1. 42, figs. 1, 5; see also M figs. 117-119, 123, pp. 477-479, [corrected identification]). These masks are shown in the secular season. Ld'qeleqEla, an ancestor of the Gwa8sE'la come down as a Qo'los (C 369). Yd'qalEnlala, a GZwasE'la ancestor lands as a whale at NEge'L and builds a house at Gwg'k'Elis. He came from the north end of the world (R 836, 837). Helesstes, a Nd'k!wax'dacxu ancestor travels about as a killer 48 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society whale, landed at Blunden Harbor (Baa'Es) and became a man. He was the son of Hd'lxsiwalis, chief of the killerwhales (R 885, 886). The most elaborate account of the descent of a numaym in the sky is that of the ancestor of the 8wi' womasgEm of the Qwe'qwsot!enoxu, who while living in the sky was the Qo'los, the brother of the Thunderbird. He came down to our world with his wife, flying through the door of the upper world. Then they took off their masks (III 165). His house K'!e'k'!ESLEn comes down when he calls for it. (see p. 53). His elder brother the Thunderbird lives in the upper world, and wears the woodworm blanket, which produces lightning (III 211). His food in the upper world consists of cinquefoil and lupine roots (III 178). The ancestor of the G'd'g'exEla of the Gwa'waenox* was the moutain K!wd (Mt. Stevens) who became a man, or which continued to exist and at the same time became a man who took the name Hef'maEnis. He carried cedar bark dyed red and a large rattle which moved by themselves. Then a giant thunderbird with spread wings reaching across the mountain alighted on Mt. Stevens. It took off its blanket pin and sent back its bird dress to the upper world. Then it assumed new names (C XXVI 65). Q!a'mtalat, ancestor of the Q!a'mq!dmtalal of the DEna'x'daCxu came down from heaven with his children (C 453; see also III 100). G'i'lgdm, an ancestor of the Haxwd'mis, DEna'x daCxu or Dza'wadEenoxu came from Knight Inlet in the form of a grizzly bear. In Rivers Inlet he took off his skin which went back to Knight Inlet. Hence he was unable to return and remained a man (C XXVI 80). The situation makes it clear that his house in Knight Inlet is not of this world. In many cases it is specifically stated that the ancestors owned large rings of cedar bark dyed red. Q!'x'Lala's ring was so large that it had to be supported (C 487). No'mas (C 486), Q!a'mtalat (C 453), Md'leleqala (C 481), Helig'iliqala (S 187, 196; X 195, 211; C 199); He'lik'awe (S 167; X 196, 223), the children of NomasE'nxelis (X 195) are all described as wearing cedar bark rings. This expresses that they are shamans or members of the winter ceremonial and as such opposed to Q!d'neqeFlaku who is secular. Ts!o'na, the younger brother of Thunderbird is the ancestor of the Ts!o'ts!ena of the A'Cwa.iLEla. Whenever he puts on his dress, there is thunder and lightning. As bird he catches the doubleheaded serpent (III 103; C 452). Dzd'wadd'lalis, the ancestor of theG' xsEm of the DEcna'x'daFxu, his wife, and his house, were sent down from the sky at the time when mountains and rivers came into existence. With him came a woman, LegEkwislaku (C 455). No'mas, the ancestor of the NunEmasEqalis of the Ld'wits!es came down from the sky at A'g'iwalaa', near Ft. Rupert (C 485). Td'mlEls, the ancestor of the Td'mtEltEls of the Ma'maleleqala Kwakiutl Culture 49 was a Thunderbird and came down on a fort as large as a mountain which was called Td'mltalis (C XXVI 57). Md'leleqala lived at Mda'mano (R 939; at Tsi'xis (C XXVI 51) where he took the name O'dzgestalis (R 939). According to C 480 his house was in T!o' x *sEXLaFlak l, opposite Tsd' xis. cnEmo'gwis, the ancestor of the Gz'g'ilgdm of the Q!o'moyEwe& came down at Wdk'a'waryaas wearing the sun mask (M 384). In another version he had the mask of a bird which, however, may well have been meant as a bird wearing the sun mask (M 382). Q!'x'Lala, the ancestor of the L'LEged of the Q/!'mk!'ut!Es, came down at DzEdd'd3as in Hardy Bay when the world was first lighted (C 487). nEsmo'k'ostalis, the ancestor of the Ts!ets!etlwa'lagame of the Nimkish, was brought up from the bottom of the sea by the monster enEmxx'd'lig'iu (S 134; C XXVI 34). His mask is the EnE'mqEmF (sea monster face), that of his slave the bullhead mask (III 210, Illustration J V P1. 38, figs 4, 5). The ancestor of the L/a'L!Elamin of the Nimkish was the Qo'los who lived in the sky (C 81, 480). According to S 145 he came down with his house at NE'qd'la. The roof consisted of clouds and the sun was above him. His blanket consisted of rays of the sun and he wore a large hat. Se'nL!e/ ancestor of the Se'nL!Em came down wearing the sun mask (C 7). One of the ancestors of the G''g'ilgdm of the Nimkish was Xwd'xwas, a salmon. He was joined by the Thunderbird who helped him build his house enE'msgEmdzalCas (Only-House-onPrairie) by lifting the beams in his talons. The Thunderbird was named Kuni5'osila (S 147; C 83, 472). Wdi'qge an ancestor of the Le'.wildaexu came down at T!ek'a' (S 133). CRESTS.- The crests are used in decorating the house, as house dishes and masks. The chiefs of the numaym have for their crests the animals whose forms they had while in the sky. This is clearly expressed in a few cases only. Se'n!eE's house has a sun painted on each side of the doorway. The posts are men called La' xt!/tbEs each carrying a sun. The cross beams are men, the length beams sealions. Three steps leading into the house are men called Le'nonis (S 167). In another story the house of Se'nL!/e in heaven is called K-!e'k'/!ELEn. It has the painting of sun and moon, each on one side of the door, that of the thunderbird over the door (III 50). The house of the S&'nL!Em of the Gwe'tEla has a sun painted on each side of the door (R 807). The house of Ts!d'qameU is also called K!/e'k'/!ELEn in heaven. It has the same painting in front, except that the thunderbird is said to clutch a double-headed serpent. The rear posts are ho'xuh5ku, the front posts thunderbirds. Coppers are standing all around the 4 50 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society inside. A speaking post is in the front corner, another in the rear corner. The house is ten steps deep (III 186). In the house of his son -nE'lbec is a thunderbird on each side of the door (III 180). The house of his second son is that of the thunderbird in heaven. It has a raven front and four self-beating drums. A pole surmounted by a raven stands in front of the house (III 182). The house of the ancestor L!d'lamin has as front painting the starry cloudless sky (C 81, 480). A post on which L!a'lamin can alight in the form of a Qo'los stands in front (C 83). The house of the DzE'ndzEnx'q!ayo has as painting the Qo'los, (R 815); that of the Wd'wdliba&ye the whale (R 816). Qa'wadiliqala's house may belong to the same class. It has a snapping door and speaking posts. The rear posts represent each a wolf over a grizzly bear, the cross-beam in the rear a doubleheaded serpent. Carved images stand all around the inside of the house (M 387). In X 38 the house he obtained from the wolves is described. The posts were wolves, the cross beam had a wolf head at each end. Large boards with wolf carvings at each end were in the rear of the house, and dogs facing each other at the door of the house. The house had a snapping door (X 41). According to S 166 the front and rear posts are men Yeq!Ent!Eq (speaker) and Wd'wdxemlt, the rear posts are called Lexelaxsta and Hasagawd'so5 (the loudest one). The rear cross beam is a double-headed' serpent (or wolf?), the long beams which rest on the front posts and the rear cross beam represent double-headed serpents. In still another version two speaking posts are mentioned and the beams are said to represent the double-headed serpents (C XXVI 49). The Dz5'noq!wa's house has a snapping door and double-headed serpents with darting tongues on each side of the door (C 63). In many cases the house has been bestowed as a gift through an ancestor in an encounter with supernatural beings. Thus Q!5'mogwa's house appears a number of times. It has beams representing sealions and birds sitting on top of it (C 81). In another version of the same story it is described as having a Dzo'noq!wa standing in the front part of the house. The posts represent men, the long beams sealions. Next to the door stand two grizzly bear figures. Gulls are on the roof (S 146). In one story the house of Q/!'mogwa has posts representing sealions (C XXVI 217); in another rafters, beams and posts are said to represent sealions (X 62). The door is the mouth of a sealion (X 69). In C 273 it is said that is has a snapping door. The two rear posts are thunderbirds surmounting sea grizzly bears, the front posts and the cross beams are sealions. A carved figure stands to the right of the door. It is also described as having four platforms. Two speaking posts are in it. It is called Monster-Receptacle (ts!e'gwats!e) (X 64) and Sealions-onFace (L!/L!exottsEm&r) (X 65). In another story Q!5'mogwa's house Kwakiutl Culture 51 has a sea monster on the front, the mouth of which forms the door (C XXVI 216). The house of L.'qwagqila in Bella Coola has killerwhale posts and a loon over the door which announces the arrival of guests (III 220, 228). In most cases the houses have been given away so often in marriages that it is difficult, even impossible, to ascertain the legendary origin of the crest decoration. To this group belongs the house of the chief of the Haxwa'rnis which has sealions carved at the ends of the beams. The posts are grizzly bears surmounted by DzS'noq!wa (III 118). In that of a Dzd'wadEenoxu the rear posts are h5'xahoku, the front posts grizzly bears surmounted by Dzo'noq!wa (III 193). The posts of the house of a Gwa'waenoxu chief are speakers (III 119). The door of another house of a chief of the same tribe is the mouth of a sea monster (III 212). The house of the ancestor No'mas of the Ld'wits!es has carved men standing all around the inside and coppers standing between them (III 190). It has four posts representing bears (S 169). The house of the Red Cod has four posts representing black sealions (C XXVI 30). The house of Wd'xap!alaso5, a Ma'maleleqala, has a painting of the loon in front (C XXVI 53). The house of Ma'tag'ielal has coppers on each side of the door (R 805, 943). The posts in the rear represent eagles surmounting grizzly bears. Those in front show men with cedar bark head rings surmounting grizzly bears. They are speaking posts called Wa'wdxemzl and G'd'g'eqemil (R 805, 945). The house of the Le'Leget was given by the ghosts. It has the painting of the double-headed serpent on the front over the door. Over the face in the middle of the door is a wolf. A raven is in the middle whose spread legs form the doorway (R 820, 1119). The house of the Le'q!Enz has the painting of a killerwhale in front; the posts and the ends of the beams represent sealions (R 819). The house of Ld'leliL!a, a G'e'xsEm of tbe Qw'qusot!enoxu has a thunderbird with spread legs as doorway. There is an image of a man in the rear of the house representing the father of the thunderbird (M 414). A house received from the beavers has Dzo'noq!waposts and grizzly bear beams (S 169)2. The ho' xhsk stands on a pole in front of the house of YeqolasEmje, chief of tbe Kwj'xa, in memory of a meeting with the hs'xuhoku (M 336). HOUSE DISHES. - The houses of supernatural beings and of ancestors have house dishes - large dishes carved in the form of animals. Those of the sea spirit Q!o'mogwa or of other sea spirits 1 The ancestor of the Mad'mtagyicla came down in form of a gull. 2 For the decorations of the houses of the Kwd'gulZ see R 805 et seq. 4* 52 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society living beyond the ocean represent consistently the sea otter, killerwhale, whale and sealion (III 381; C XXVI 227). In one case the seal is added to these, evidently supernumerary, because there ought to be no more than four (C XXVI 217). The G'e'xsEm of the L!a'L!asiqwala have for house dishes: sea otter, killerwhale, seal and wolf (R 888); the GwaFsE'la: killerwhale, seal, wolf, and doubleheaded serpent (C 301); the Nimkish: seal, wolf, Dzo'noq!wa, beaver (R 840); the Nd'k!wax'dazxu: wolf, eagle, grizzly bear, doubleheaded serpent (R 849). In other passages the enumeration is incomplete. The Ma'maleleqala have Dzo'noq!wa and eagle (C XXVI 53); the Haxw''mnis a Dzo'noq!wa (III 118). It is difficult to determine the legendary origin of these, because they have been too often given away in marriage. The frog dish is obtained in Rivers Inlet and cannot be taken from its owner. It probably does not belong to the house dishes (III 226). NAMES.- The first names are those of beings that live in the sky and come down in the form of birds, quadrupeds or sea animals, that become men. As soon as they become real human beings they assume new names (III 166, 387; C 81, 115, 371; also S 135). In some cases in which there is no mention of a change of name (S 133, 145, 147, 166, 187, 188, 203; C 83, 323) it may have been omitted by the narrator. Names are often bestowed as part of the gifts that a person receives from supernatural beings. These gifts are quite analogous to those given by a man to his son-in-law. In C 181 the hero actually marries the daughter of the supernatural beings. The assumption is that the names the father-in-law gives away have first been obtained through an encounter with a supernatural being (S 152, 163; M 415; III 108, 110, 128, 381; X 65; C 117, 439, 464, 469). Names are given on several occasions during a lifetime. As soon as a child is born it is given a name by its father (III 180, 196, probably also 185; C 275; [III 425]). A man gives one of his own names to his son (C 277). A chief bestows a name upon his son's child before it is born (III 50). The names are considered as valuable property and are given as presents. There is one set of names for the secular season, another for the season of the winter ceremonial, so that every important person has two names, one for each season (III 128, 191, [410]; X 65; C 301, 305). Names for the LEwE'laxa are also mentioned (III 226). A man receives a new name when he takes his father's place (C 486). There are many references to the securing of names from the wife's family at the time of marriage. The bride's father gives names to his son-in-law (III 76, 118, 193, 212, 215, 216, 221, 226, 388; X 65; C 299). In some cases the names given for the summer Kwakiutl Culture 53 season and winter season are mentioned (III 128, 191, 386, [410]; X 65). These names are part of the privileges given in marriage to the son-in-law and are said to be contained in the box containing the privileges (C 305). The bride's father gives names also to the child of his son-in-law (III 187, 229, 385). The names and privileges obtained from the bride's father are sometimes given to the groom's brother (III 218, 228). Names just like other property are also obtained by killing the owner (III 93; C 95); and on account of war-like achievements a person may be given a new name (X 92). A youth who kills the family of the murderer of his father assumes a new name (X 52). There is also one tale of slaves who steal the names of their masters (C 83). Houses and canoes also have names. The houses of Ts/!'qadmn (III 186) and of SenL!~e (III 51) in heaven are called K'!e'k'!EsLEn (Overhanging Mountain). The canoe of O'gmdl has the name Dd'ldala (Unfolding Canoe C 168.6), that of Q!d'neqelaakc was called Qoqo'malis (S 199). Md'tag'iela's house is called cnEmsgEmsElaLElas (R 805, 945), that of a Nd'k!wax-daexu chief K-!d'wdts!e (R 849), those of Q!&'neqeclaku and his brother GwdgwEk'!otElas (S 195) and Yu'ibd'lag'ilis (Wind blowing from end to end). In X 193 they are called Gwd'gwEskimlilas (Face out of sight) and YuT'balis. In C XXVI 2 they are called Gwd'gwEk'imlilas and Yi'yubalag'ilis. The house posts are named BerbEkumlisila (Causing to look serious), K'!et!q4'lis (Steepness), T!5'xut!alwa'lis (Breakers on beach) and Qa'lqup!dlalis (Swell on beach) (X 193, S 199). Another house is called House of Happiness (C XXVI 225). CHIEFS. - The term chief is used in the tales to designate the ancestor of the tribes and their descendants (III 225, 295, 377, 382; C 487) as well as a man who assumes a high social position by giving a great potlatch (III 376; C 121). Those who have not yet attained highest rank are called new chiefs (III 43). There are minor or lower chiefs (III 151;X 150). A chief of second rank is also mentioned (C 385). The term is of even wider application in so far as we hear of a chief attendant (III 233). [The chief's son or prince is of high rank (III 424).] The rights of a chief may be obtained by marrying a chief's eldest daughter (III 68). The term 5Ema for chieftainess occurs only once in the tales (III 354.15), the term mo'dzit not at all. Generally the women are called "princess" (k'-!'det) and when married, "chief's wife". When the prince grows up, he takes his father's place (see p. 42). Even the son of a chief must give a potlatch before bis position is recognized (C 95). By a potlatch his father makes him a chief (III 397). A man who has married many wives and has thus obtained many privileges from his fathers-in-law comes to be a real chief (C 309). Orphans of noble descent who find a copper 54 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society become chiefs (C 91), and a head man who gives away the purchase money received from the sale of a copper becomes a chief (C 93). The receipt of valuable supernatural gifts, particularly of a house, makes the recipient a chief (X 72; C XXVI 212). The house of the chief has many carvings (III 224; C 487). A chief wears a lynx skin blanket (III 214). His seat is in the rear of the house (C XXVI 185, 225). The chief's younger brothers are expected to work for him (III 325). The younger brothers are considered as low in rank among the nobility (R 1097). In ordinary life the chief takes part in the daily occupations of his tribe. Many passages imply that the chief does some work, but it may well be that his attendants or slaves actually do it. In some incidents it appears clearly that the chief himself is working. Thus he goes hunting (M 336; [III 436]; X 58; C 109, 221), looks after his deer nets (X 9); attends to his salmon weir (III 305; C 113, 189); goes fishing (X 32); goes with his attendants to get mussels from a rock out at sea (C 263). He fits up his fishing pole (C 462). He builds canoes (C 297, 446), burns the bottom of his canoe preparatory to a journey (C 291); paddles his own canoe (X 11); splits boards out of cedar trees (III 98, 365; X 201, 244; C 197); makes a cradle for his grandchild (C 461); he builds a salmon trap (III 100; X 185; C 371) or an olachen trap (C 453); cuts firewood (C 69); peels off cedar bark (X 53). The chief's sons are sent by their father to go mountain-goat hunting (III 7; C 9); sea hunting (M 385); to look for salmon (C 442, 451) or to take salmon out of the fish trap (III 26); or they go on their own account (X 77; C 385). When the prince goes out with his chief's harpooneer and steersman, he sits in the middle of the canoe (C 353). The chief's son-in-law goes for fuel (X 12), goes hunting (X 13). The chief's brother is sent to get cockles (III 368). He hunts cormorants (III 370) and puts out a fire on the roof of the house (III 368). The princess picks berries (C 385), gathers lily (Fritillaria) bulbs (C 267), brings firewood (C 171, 221). She prepares salmon for winter provisions (C 443). A blind princess, accompanied by her slaves, goes out to pick berries (C XXVI 72). She goes to get cedar bark (C 401). She makes the walls of her house tight (III 100). The chief may have several wives (see p. 28). In III 118 it is indicated that the later wives may be subordinate to the earlier wives. The chief suggests to them that his new wife may be their messenger. The chieftainess takes care of herself (C 113), but she also works. She goes digging roots (X 15), cooks (C 411), weaves (III 123). She has her own attendants (X 148). The people must obey their chief (X 90), or they agree to the words of the chief (C XXVI 79). He orders them to pick berries Kwakiutl Culture 55 (C 446). He sends out his mountain goat hunter to bring in game (III 36). They give one-half of their catch to the chief (C 309). A hunter who is successful in killing game gives the greater part of it to his chief. The chief in turn shows his gratitude by inviting him to live in his house (C XXVI 130). If the hunter does not get enough game he may kill him (C 365). When a fisherman does not give part of his catch to the chief, the latter becomes furious and breaks all the canoes in the village (C 311). The people work for their chief (C 113). The chief's younger brothers, sons, attendants, and slaves are sent to work for him. He sets the men and women of his tribe to making salmon traps (C 217, 373). He goes with them to gather eggs (C 381). [He sends out the people to bring in the game he has killed (III 443).] At his request the tribe moves (C 249). He engages the tribe to make war against his enemies (C 187). He calls the people to his house to deliberate about matters of importance or to inform them of important events (III 393; see p. 58). He asks for their consent to invite other tribes to a festival (C 415), or to bury his friend behind the house (X 89). He submits the plan of his marriage to his younger brothers (III 330) or to his tribe (C 329). His attendants (III 233; see p. 51) or his tribe (C 299) advise him to marry. When a chief is in distress he invites his tribe and begs them to help him. [He asks them to search for his lost daughter (III 433).] The chief gives feasts (C XXVI 131) and his attendants call him out of the house to meet visitors (C 3, see also p. 38). When a famine is upon them a chief invites his tribe to a feast of mountaingoat meat. He is praised and honored for his generosity and kindness (III 21). When a chief has saved his tribe from starvation, the tribesmen offer him their daughters for wives (X 170). In a feast a greedy chief and his attendants are given a dish with fish and an oil dish in common. The chief asks his attendants to wait until he has eaten alone for some time (C 265). The tribe expects help from the chief. When they are hungry they go formally to his house and ask him to help them to obtain food (III 26). When a chief is too powerful his tribe may rise against him. A certain chief who has murdered another chief of his own tribe is slain by the sons of the latter with the consent of the whole tribe (C 476). [When a chief has given away too much property and has thus come to be too powerful, his children are bewitched at the instance of his tribe (III 426).] The people attack and kill their own chief because they are jealous of him (C 93). A chief who abuses his supernatural power, compelling his tribe to work for him and who torments them is bewitched and killed (C 113). The same happens when the people are afraid of his powers or because he has married all the best women (C 466). A chief who is a shaman is accustomed to stand at a dangerous place, and by doing so excites 56 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the suspicion of his attendants who kill him by pushing him down (C 337). When a chief punishes his son for laziness and by harsh treatment drives him to run away or to commit suicide, he is struck by his tribe who tear down his house and make him live at a place where refuse from the village is thrown upon the roof of his small hut (X 67; C 97, 446; C XXVI 179). A chief is driven away with his family and is forced to live at another place on account of his cruelty against his son (C XXVI 185). [A chief is despised by his tribe because he has no luck in hunting game (III 437).] The tribe mourn for a chief who has been killed by enemies (C 87). When the people have rashly killed their own chief, they repent their action and mourn for him (C 95). When the chief is sullen, the tribe try to discover what ails him (C 297). When there are indications that anything unusual has happened to him, they go to find out (C 283). For four days after the death of the chief no feasts are given (X 142). Chiefs maintain their rank by giving potlatches (X 77, see p. 40). A wealthy chief put a copper plate down at the place where the people were in the habit of drawing water, so that the first person coming for water would find it (C 485). Chiefs constantly rival one another in attempts to attain high rank. Two chiefs vie with each other in giving feasts (III 397). Two chiefs vie with each other for first place (C 91). One chief kills another one, because the latter is successful in fishing while he himself catches nothing (C 105). The theme of rival chiefs occurs in many tales (C XXVI 53, 151). [Out of sympathy a chief invites his goat hunter and his wife into his house (III 407).] When hard times are upon the people the attendant invites all the people and all discuss what they should do (III 350). MESSENGERS. - The chief has messengers. His child acts as messenger for his friends (X 179). He takes possession of an old runaway slave who is to become his messenger (X 197; C 459). The sealion, an old man, is messenger of Chief Killerwhale for whom he cuts fuel (III 334). Canoe-Caulking is the messenger of Chiefs Woodpecker and Eagle (III 295). Messengers who are sent to invite people to a feast are called inviters (C 354.22). Children were sent by their father to invite people (C 452). Four (C XXVI 26) or three young men, dressed up, are sent as messengers to invite guests to a feast (C 355). A harpooneer sends his steersman to invite his tribe (C 367). Many young men go out to invite another tribe to a ceremonial (C 415). The messengers who are sent about from house to house to call the people to the winter ceremonials are called "walkers" (X 107.38). Bluejay-Woman is sent to a chief to announce the arrival of his son and his wife (III 49). Young men are sent in a large canoe to invite a tribe to a ceremonial. When they arrive they are invited Kwakiutl Culture 57 in by the chief who feeds them. Then they deliver the message. The next day they are invited by their own chief and report (C 415, 417). A small man is sent to invite people (C 317). A chief sends four little men as messenger to invite three brothers (C XXVI 153). ATTENDANTS. - The chief (III 111, 136, 255; X 57, 150; C XXVI 48), chieftainess (X 148), and the chief's son (II 23) have attendants. Often four attendants of the chief are mentioned (III 60, 295, [426]; X 13; C 337) or a task is assigned to four of the chief's attendants (III 430, 435). Three attendants are mentioned (C 263). An attendant is described as an old man (III 112). Another one is described as mischievous. Relying on the power of his chief, he teases the people and destroys their property (X 43). The chief may loan his attendants to another chief (III 213), or they are even given away as part of a marriage gift (III 363). They do all kinds of work. They have to make the fire (III 346), sweep the house, load or unload the canoe (III 150, 214, 396); drive stakes into the floor of the house (III 339); give food to visitors (III 380); fetch provisions (X 45); skin game that has been killed (III 23): [bring home game killed by the chief (III 406);] club seals (III 81). [Four attendants are sent by a chief to look at the goats obtained by the chief's hunter (III 406). They are sent to search for a lost child (III 433).] They are ordered to place a ladder when a chief wants to climb down to the ground (III 401). The attendants are sent out to invite the people to the house of the chief (III 26, 388, [435]; X 13, 42, 44, 153, 154). [When canoes arrive the chief's attendant invites them to come to the chief's house (III 443).] They are the chief's speakers (III 35, 213; C 361). [The attendant tells the people that his chief has acquired power (III 428, 443);] he directs the operations of the people in accordance with orders received from the chief (X 91). When the chief wants to marry, his attendants are sent to convey his message to the father of the princess (C 329). [A prince sends his attendant to tell a princess that he loves her (III 424).] The attendants who discovered that their chief was married, gave a feast to the newly married couple (III 65). The attendant also reports to the chief. He announces the arrival of strangers (III 150; C 3); he reports the deeds of the chief's brother (III 113); in an assembly he asks the chief to help his tribe (III 26). The attendants may also advise their chief. The wise attendant tells his chief what to do (III 63). The chief of the attendants advises the chief to marry (III 233). An attendant performs a ceremony for getting good weather (III 112). Sometimes the attendant appears in very intimate relation to the chief. [When the latter goes into the woods to obtain supernatural power, his attendant accompanies him without asking a question (III 427),] or he and the chief purify themselves together 58 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society (III 62). [The attendants go out to look for the chief who has gone to obtain power (III 430) and announce his return.] In feasts two attendants sit on either side of the chief (III 217); or one stands in front of the fire, one behind it (X 70). An attendant pushes his chief down the rock and kills him (C 339). SPEAKERS. - There is sometimes mention of a "speaker of the house" whose office it is to speak on behalf of the house owner (M 387; III 14, [428]; X 54; C 103; C XXVI 185). In supernatural houses there are in his place the speaking posts (see X 72). When warriors travel by canoe, there is a speaker of the canoe (X 146), and when the tribe assemble the chief has a speaker (X 98) who shouts inviting tribes to come in (X 73). OTHER OFFICERS. - Special occupations are often designated by particular terms, but it does not appear that most of them represent men appointed to special work, except in so far as particular skill may be required. To the latter class belong the harpooneer (C 353), and the carver (C 367). To the former class belong the watchman of the salmon weir (C 7); the waiter (literally the-one-taking-care-of-food) (C 357); [the water carrier (III 408);] the fire maker (III 384); the house sweeper (III 384), and in general the servants (X 65). Often the young men are ordered to do various kinds of work. They carry up the canoe of a visitor (C 357); they go to get berry bushes (III 298). ASSEMBLY. - Before an important undertaking the chief calls a council and obtains the consent of the tribe to the proposed undertaking, or asks their advice. Chief Woodpecker asks for the advice of his tribe when he wants to recover his wife who has been taken away by the Thunderbird (III 300). The tribe is called together to discuss how to obtain daylight (III 393). The chief tells how he intends to obtain the body from a grave and the tribesmen agree (III 278). He announces that he wants to invite other tribes and his people give their consent (C 415). He also calls them together when he has important news to convey. He tells them that he has made rivers (C 169). He informs them that he has obtained a ceremonial and at the same time he discusses with them how to carry through the details of the ceremony (C 482). He calls them to see the wonderful return of a novice (X 74). He also assembles them when he wants them to go out and bring in game (III 40). Sometimes he calls only his wise men to confer with him (C 323). The tribe assemble to plot against their chief (C 351, 466). When a novice returns the whole tribe, men, women and children, are called in to see the event ([III 431]; X 73). SLAVES. - Enemies who are spared by the victors become slaves (III 136; X 132; C 187, 469, 491); even vanquished chiefs become slaves (III 200). When a man rescues a tribe by killing monsters that attack them the tribe become his slaves (C 469). A chief has Kwakiutl Culture 59 girl slaves (III 122). After the defeat of a tribe the slaves together with other property of the vanquished party, are carried away (C 105, 107). Slaves are sold for food (III 376; X 170); given as a marriage gift (III 363) and as a peace offering (III 209). They are given away (S 163) and sold (X 22, 59; C 93, 103, 351). In the cannibal ceremony slaves are given to the cannibal to be eaten by him (C 441). Slaves captured in war may be killed (III 31). A runaway slave found by a chief or his daughters is taken by him as a slave (X 4, 238). A chief's daughter finds a slave whom she takes along (III 96). A girl and her brother find an old man who is taken as a slave (S 136). The slaves of a chief run away with his carvings and names (C 83; C XXVI 33). A chief's princess has twelve slaves (C 267). They must cut wood (C 219), paddle the canoe (III 155; C 267), keep the canoe wet (X 4), go fishing (III 359) or hunting (S 146), [cook for their master (III 439);] spread mats for guests to sit down on (C 73), advise their master of the arrival of visitors (III 391), go out as messengers of their master (S 151), tell guests to sit down (III 50). A slave scratches his master's back and washes the back of a chief's daughter (S 136). [He searches for a lost child (III 433). He awakens the chief in the morning (III 437).] In some cases the slaves appear as friendly companions of their masters. A woman helps her father's slave to carry wood to the house (C 221); a prince accompanies a slave who goes fishing (III 359); [another one is a companion of a chief who goes hunting. He tells his master of a prophetic dream. They purify themselves together and the chief becomes successful. Later on he leads the tribe to the game that the chief has killed (III 437)]. A slave admonishes a princess to be careful (C 173). When the warriors of a tribe have been killed, the slaves cry with their chieftainess on account of the death of her relatives (III 155). A wise slave tells that his mistress is blind (C 273); [he helps his master in the search for a lost daughter (III 433).] A slave is struck by his chief and killed for throwing his son into the shark's mouth (III 359). In III 360 a slave pretends to be a shaman and cures his sick chief. He receives a treasure and the chief's daughter. Slaves are treacherous. They paddle with a blind princess into the open sea and take her to a foreign country (C XXVI 72). A slave escapes and joins his master's enemy (S 151). When a travelling chief is invited in, he himself, his crew, and his slaves are given food by the host (III 225). Often the word slave is used in a metaphoric sense. Thus a woman says that she will be the slave of her lover (III 161), and brothers who are in a serious difficulty call one another slaves (of misfortune) (C 13). 60 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society WAR. - The weapons of the warrior are a stone axe (S 141; X 39, 47; C 310, 472), an adze (III 312), a stone dagger which is tied to the wrist and never put aside (C 476). In one case the war axe has a name. It is called Notched-Point-Ghost-Maker (X 47). The enemy is killed by striking the temples with the axe or the dagger (X 47; C 477). Other weapons are a bone club (C 311), a yew wood club (III 264), a bone dagger (C 477), bow and four arrows which are always carried by the warrior (M 400; III 243, 368). When warriors go to war and want to make their enemies believe that they are not well armed, they shoot arrows made of cedarwood with charred ends. Only when the enemy feels secure because these arrows go astray, they begin to use their real arrows (S 142; III 158, 246; C 469). Warriors also carry spears (III 121; X 128; C 85). Canoes are hit with spears or harpoons, or shot at with arrows. The warriors try to hit them in the bow or stern, so that they break and founder (III 112, 247). A musselshell knife is used for cutting throats (C 163). Lances were also used (C 470; X 105; 130). Warriors blacken their faces (C 49), and wear a fighting neckring (III 214). Warriors travel by canoe (III 153, 351; X 102, 146; C 105, 185, 452). There is a speaker of the war canoe (X 146). People who are in danger of being attacked sleep on the roof of the house and draw up the ladder (C 105). A man who fears to be attacked keeps watch on the roof of his house (C XXVI 137). Another one lives in a cave in the slope of a hill which can be reached only by means of a ladder (C XXVI 61). The house owner keeps dogs on the roof of his house in order to protect himself (III 368). The village is built on a hill (C 442), or a hill serves as fort for the village (C XXVI 46, 57) which may have been palisaded. When people expect an attack, the house is tied up with ropes and the door is barred (C 393). A chief has among his tribe a number of warriors (III 91, 347). A chief wishes his son to become a warrior (III 198). The brother of another chief is his warrior (C 477). A young man who wants to become a warrior lives with an older warrior (X 45). Warriors have war names. Thus the deer after having cut off the tail of the chief of the wolves is given the warrior's name "Shameless" (i. e. Fearless Le'gEg-'O X 92). Another warrior is called Fool-hardy (NEnoS'1O X 45). The warriors of the myth people are enumerated (III 347). When a man wants to prove that he has come to be a warrior he may kill a man of his own tribe without any provocation, in the presence of the people. This seems to be done in order to show his fearlessness (S 151; C 475). At one place it is said that forty ablebodied men of the tribe are warriors (III 208). Ambitious men go out to make war all around the world, to take revenge on enemies (III 129; C 105), to rob chiefs of their crests (III 200), to obtain new dances (III 237), [to rescue a chief's daughter (III 433),] to take the land away from people (C 187, 383), Kwakiutl Culture 61 against a man who has overcome many tribes (C 469), on account of an insult (III 135), against a chief who has abducted the wife or daughter of another chief (III 300, 358), on account of jealousy (C 474). Because a woman refuses all the young men of her tribe and insists on marrying a man of another tribe, this tribe is attacked (C XXVI 228). War is also made against supernatural beings that are dangerous to the people (III 358). Sometimes many tribes join in a war expedition (III 135; C 469). When victory has been won, those enemies that have not been killed are enslaved (C 187, 491; X 48), and pulled into the canoes of *the victors (III 102, 214, 223; C 163, 455, 469). Surviving women particularly are enslaved, and become the wives of the victors (III 136, 240). In a Nimkish tale it is said that the Gwd'waenoxu were slaves of a branch of the Nimkish (C 83). The opposite is claimed in a Gwa'waenox" tale (C XXVI 32). The property of the enemy is taken (III 214, 223, 358; C 105, 187, 444). In some places such property is enumerated. Thus it is said that the slaves, wives, children, fishing places, nets, crests, and salmon traps are taken (C 105, 107); in another place that slaves, coppers, canoes, salmon traps, boxes, box covers, and women's property, such as bracelets, small copper plates, copper bells, and dentalia bracelets are taken (C 93). At the same place the salmon weir and traps, places for tying canoes and names are enumerated. Names are also obtained in war (see p. 53). When a war party led by a hero arrives the chief who fears their attack may voluntarily give up his property, including ceremonials (III 215). Often it is not clear in these cases whether actual war is meant since the wooing of a princess is also called "making war". The heads of those slain are cut off (S 141; III 91; X 105; C 165, 488) and strewn with eagle down (III 153, 243). They are stuck up on poles (III 154, 243; C 413;) or on the gable of the house (S 143). The heads of all the slain men are put on a scaffold which is erected on the beach (C XXVI 228). In another story it is told that the bodies are cut open and hung over the fire to dry (III 47). A man takes the heads of all the monsters he has killed and hangs them up on the frame for hanging skulls (C XXVI 65). Bodies are smoked by monsters (C 489). The bodies are burned (III 92; C 121) or hidden (X 105; C 488) or the intestines thrown into water (S 142). Captives are tied to stakes or boards (III 158), or tied in canoes (III 102). Whole villages are destroyed by fire (III 224; C 187). A whole tribe may be exterminated, or only a few individuals survive (III 124, 136, 164, 240). When the warriors return home they are met by the young men of their tribe (III 242). A number of details are given in regard to the conduct of war. The evening before a war starts the war clubs, spears and poles are sharpened and the people go to sleep early (C XXVI 154). The 62 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society war party has leaders (III 358; X 101). Before the warriors reach the village of the enemy, they land and have a consultation in which they decide upon the plan of attack. The war cry of the attacking party frightens the enemy (III 35). The enemies are attacked while asleep and killed with war axes and spears (C 105). When the assaulted party see the canoes of the warriors coming, they attack them before they can land and try to sink the canoes (III 112, 152, 246). They shoot at the canoes from the roof of the house (III 158, 247). When the canoes founder, they kill the men while swimming in the water (III 153). When people expect an attack they keep men on watch whose duty it is to be on the lookout for enemies (III 300). When they are too weak to withstand the enemy, they escape into the woods. In the story of the dwarfs and the birds the scene of a regular battle is described. Early in the morning the birds come in sight and sit down on the round level place which represents the customary battle field. They arrange themselves into groups and utter the war cry. The dwarfs respond to the challenge, rush out of their house and the fight starts. In the evening they cease and begin again the next day (C XXVI 154). Quite a number of cases of treachery occur in the tales. Slaves let down the ladder that reaches the roof of a house in order to admit their tribesmen who come to take revenge (C 105). A slave was asked to call the enemy when his master was unable to offer resistance after bathing and while his wives were combing his hair (S 151). A woman assists in the murder of her lover or husband (III 120; C 476). In another case a woman helps her lover to steal the coppers that belong to her husband (III 161). A murderer is invited to a feast by his enemies and killed without warning (C XXVI 134). Guests are slain at a feast; a man is taken by his hair and his eyes are knocked out (S 151). A man kills another who has stolen his fish by clubbing him on the head (C XXVI 153). Wars between chiefs who are related by marriage are not rare. Thus the chief of the Nimkish is attacked by the tribe of his sonin-law because his own people made fun of his grandchild (S 143; III 135, 240). In this case the chief is warned by his own daughter, and is thus enabled to escape. On the other hand a chief who sets out to make war upon the tribes is warned not to attack his own brother (III 203). A chief gives advice to his tribe not to give in to the enemy (C XXVI 155). Traditional enmity between two tribes is accounted for by a mythological quarrel (C 383, 441). MARRIAGE. - Parents are happy when a daughter marries (X 252). They keep their daughter for a renowned man (S 151). They wish for a certain person to marry their daughter (M 387; III 337; X 200, 239; C 71). A girl must obey their choice. She is taken to her husband against her will (III 356). The husband of a Kwakiutl Culture 63 princess must be of a rank equal to hers (C XXVI 95). When a prince has married a princess of foreign origin, the children are reproached on account of their parentage (C 277; C XXVI 73). A newly married man takes his wife to his home (III 378). A princess raises the rank of her husband by her wealth and influence (III 68). When a chief wants to marry he invites his tribe and asks for their consent. As soon as all agree, he sends four attendants to woo the princess (C 329). The wooing party dress in their best attire. The attendants of a wooing chief wear sea otter blankets. His wife wears a lynx blanket, he himself a marten blanket and all are adorned with abalone ear ornaments (III 74). When Mink wants to marry the daughter of the spirits, he adorns himself with a white feather on his head, paints his face with red ocher, hangs a shell on his nose and puts on his blanket (X 114). There is a reference to a man who killed his wife because the dowry given by her father was not sufficient (S 134). Another one is not satisfied with the potlatch pole offered by his father-in-law. He is given the louse pole, and the lice begin to eat the people of his tribe (S 184; C XXVI 75). In the Koskimo marriage the people with their chief go out wooing in their canoes (III 387; C 299). They stop in front of the bride's village, sing their wooing songs and the chief's attendant speaks, wooing the princess (C 301) and praising the greatness of her father. Then they are thanked for their speech and invited in to warm themselves (C 305). They unload their canoes (C 307) and are given to eat (III 387; C 305). When the woman's father, through a speech made by his attendant who stands in front of the house, consents to the marriage, presents are given to him (C 303). The bride is called out to sit next to the young man (to his right III 388) in the rear of the house. The people of the bride shout that they are now married (C 307; see also C XXVI 227). When the groom's party leave, they give another gift with which the bride is called. The bride is then lifted on a board and carried into the canoe (C 303; C XXVI 220), together with her dowry which consists of a box containing her masks and the names given to the son-in-law (III 389; C 305). When the princess is carried down to the beach, she sits on her princess seat which is set all around with skulls (C XXVI 220). The son-in-law promises at once to give the marriage presents to his numaym (III 388). In another case the four attendants are sent a-wooing and return with the father's consent. Then the whole tribe of the groom go and the ceremony described before is performed (C 329). In another Koskimo marriage tale the people go in their canoes to arrange the marriage and return home with the young woman (III 377). In a L!a'sq!enoxu marriage story the father of the groom goes to ask for the girl in marriage to his son (III 362). 64 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society In a Dza'wadEenox u story it is told that the tribe agree to their chief's marriage. New marriage songs are made, and the tribe set out with their chief. Four attendants accompany the chief, each carrying four blankets on his back. Every night they rehearse the wooing songs. When they reach the house of the bride, the songs are sung and the chief dances. The groom offers four sea otter and four marten blankets, then four lynx blankets to lift the bride, and four bear blankets to call the bride. Finally he gives large abalone shells to her father (III 69-76). In another marriage of the same chief four wooing songs are sung and presents exchanged (III 82, 83). In a DEna'xdacxu tale the young man goes with his previous wives to his prospective new father-in-law and informs him that he wishes to marry the chief's daughter. The chief calls his tribe, informs them of the fact, and sends his four attendants to call the groom. The messengers paint their faces with charcoal. They call the groom to come to his wife. He is led into the house of the chief and placed next to the girl. He receives presents from his fatherin-law (III 116). Later on the same young chief goes out in his canoe. When he reaches another chief, he carries his load up, and when invited in, tells him that he wishes to marry the chief's daughter (III 118). A chief and his attendants go out in canoes to woo the princess of another tribe. The attendants of the two chiefs arise and make speeches praising the houses, the names and the wealth of their chiefs. As soon as the father-in-law gives his consent, the attendants take the bride home, together with the house as the marriage gift (C 331). When Lkt'L!caxwas, a Qwe''qus&thMnoxu overpowers Hama'lak acwe6, the ~nE'Mges chief, the latter promises him his daughter (III 209). Later on Lt!a'L!axwas goes with two tribal subdivisions (6nE-me'm) to get her to become the wife of his brother and the girl is at once sent down to the canoes of the visitor whose attendant goes ashore to take her aboard. After she has gone aboard she herself, he himself and his attendant are invited to a wedding feast by her father. They are given food four times, and are sent home with a load of seals (III 235). On their return these are given in a feast to the tribe of the husband, because the bride eats for the first time in a foreign village (III 236). When L!da'Laxwas shouts in front of the village of another tribe, he is called in to warm himself by the side of the chief's daughter. He and his crew are feasted and he is given presents (III 211). He takes his presents along, and returns later to get the princess when she is grown up (III 221). Another chief enters his house to await the wooers whom he hears shouting in their canoe in front of his house (C XXVI 219). It is not always stated that the groom offers presents to his prospective father-in-law, but this is implied, excepting in those Kwakiutl Culture 65 cases in which the bride is offered as a present to avoid an attack by a powerful enemy. In this case she is "obtained by war" or when the girl is given in return for extraordinary services (C 59; C XXVI 163). Presents made by the son-in-law are mentioned in C 303. He gives a canoe and calls his wife by the gift of another canoe. In another story the son-in-law offers black bear blankets to the girl's father (C XXVI 220). A Dza'wadEenoxu chief gives to the girl's father four sea otter blankets and four marten blankets as marriage presents; four lynx blankets for the right to take away the young woman; four bearskin blankets for calling her and finally a number of large abalone shells (III 74). In one story the young man presents his supernatural father-in-law with canoe poles, roots, cedar twigs and sixty skins, several years after his marriage when he visited the country of his father-in-law in which wood products did not exist (III 82). Omaxt!a'laLer gives to his prospective fatherin-law a hunting canoe, harpoon and a harpoon line made of intestines and a sea otter blanket for covering the knees (C XXVI 52). In another version it is stated that they exchange their canoes with contents (M 387), or their spearshafts (C XXVI 48). This exchange is considered a binder of the engagement (C XXVI 48). It is important to note that while the gifts of the son-in-law are always material objects of value the return gifts of the father-in-law include in almost every case names, crests and privileges. In fact, it is often stated that marriages are contracted for the purpose of obtaining new privileges (III 2001). Material gifts added to a name are mentioned in (III 75, 388). Presents to the father-in-law after the marriage, when the sonin-law in company of his wife visits him are described in III 78 and X 43. He receives other presents in return. On the first visit of the married couple to her father the true marriage ceremony is performed. He dances and his attendants sing the marriage songs. He gives presents to his father-in-law, and receives copper and dances in return. After his return he distributes these presents and gives a winter ceremonial (III 81-86). When the young wife visits her father he sends her back with a present of plentiful provisions which her husband distributes among his tribe (III 155). Widows return to their parents after the death of their husbands (C 477). Irregular marriages are referred to frequently - 'Omidl who married the princess of Killerwhale (III 334); K!wek!waxd'wz e who marries the Salmon princess; [the youth who had flown up to the sky and married the sky chief's daughter (C 211)]; Q!&'neqeclaku who married the daughter of Dza'wadaclalis (III 96; X 229; C 459), of Gwand'Flalis (X 201; C 195), and ofQa'mxulat (X 3). In all these 1 At this place as in many other passages marriages are called "'making war". 5 66 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society cases there follow the father-in-law's attempts to kill the young man. Similar is the marriage of Scab to the daughter of the chief in heaven. He touches her feet, and is admitted by her. In this case, however, the son-in-law is welcomed (C 71). In another version Scab is driven away from the room being mistaken for a dog but finally admitted. He has to overcome the spine seat test imposed upon him by his father-in-law (C XXVI 166). [A prince who falls in love with a princess sends his attendant as go-between. The girl makes him sit at her right side. She lives with him, but is hated by his tribe because they are not properly married (III 424).] Regular marriages without the usual formalities are also described. A princess who reaches a village west of the ocean is met by the prince of the place (C 271), and Hi'daga who finds the prince of Q!5'mogwa are considered to be regularly married. A man who wishes to marry takes the woman up in his arms saying that he wants her for his wife (C XXVI 80). There are also references to irregular love affairs in which the women live with their own relatives and have only clandestine meetings with their lovers (III 107, 114, 159, 249, 283; X 9, 125, 128, 135, 171); to elopements of a man with the wife of another one (III 115, 164); and to the abduction of girls (III 356). Some cases of adultery appear in the tales. A wife plans with her lover to kill her husband (C 476). A man finds the chief with his wife and kills them both (C 487). Young Raccoon makes love to the wife of his brother (C 492). A love affair with a supernatural woman is the theme of the tales III 107; C 115, 465. In C 343 there is a mention of women who habitually seduce men. A man kills his brothers because they make love to his wife (III 365). A woman deserts her husband because he is not true to her and makes love to her sister (C XXVI 195). The formal marriages are always among members of different tribes or numayms. Emphasis is always laid upon the material gifts and privileges obtained from the bride's father, either for the wooer himself or for one of his near relatives, and upon the distribution of the goods received among the tribe of the young husband. PROPERTY AND PRIVILEGES. - Property in the results of one's own labors is often implied, as in the case of the monster who steals the drying salmon (C 47), or the men who steal the dwarf's halibut (C XXVI 153), or of the chief who was killed for breaking the canoe belonging to his son-in-law (C 311). More important are references to ownership in land and fish grounds. When a tribe takes possession of another dwelling place the fishing places are divided among the various families (or more probably numayms C 443). Every Nimkish family owns a salmon weir, salmon trap and a place for tying up canoes (C 95). A fishing place is claimed by a family as its property (C 105). A chief owns Kwakiutl Culture 67 a river in which he catches all kinds of salmon (III 102; C 117). By his knowledge of the various kinds of fish that go up a river a man proves his right to claim the river as his property (C 455). Ownership of hunting grounds is not mentioned in the tales. Quarrelling in regard to the ownership of a village site (or river?) is mentioned in C 383. After a quarrel it is said that the La' dlax'scEndayo who had been driven out of their country became its owners again (C 105). Coppers are highly valued as property. They are jealously guarded by their owners (C 85). Much more important in the tales appear the privileges owned by individuals and numayms. In all cases in which the ancestors come down or up in the form of animals it is implied that these are their crests (see p. 47). The crests include the house with its posts and paintings, and names (see pp. 49, 52). It is told that the Gwa'waenoxu stole the crests of the L!a'L!Elamin (C 83) and the former reciprocate with the tale that the L!/'L!Elamin stole the crests of the Gwa'waenoxu (C XXVI 33). The A'6wa'iLEla claim that the Dzd'wadEenoxu stole their wolf dance when they found the box containing the wolf masks (C 37). Magic treasures obtained from supernatural beings are individual property. So are the ceremonials, many of which belong to the magic treasures, including songs and dances. Magic treasures, songs and dances as well as material property may be obtained by killing their owner (C 93, 401). An exchange of presents occurs occasionally. Wz'nag'iclaku gives his baton to G'dmalag'iclaku and receives in return the clamdigging stick (C XXVI 62). Ocmaxt!a'laLe gives to Qa'wadiliqala his harpoon line, nettle line, harpoon shaft and mat, and receives in exchange a hide line. Besides this they exchange their canoes (M 384). In another version they exchange their canoes with all their contents. Oemaxt!/'laLe's canoe contained sea otter skins and a harpoon line made of guts of the sealion; Qa'wadiliqala's contained mountain goat skins and cedar bark lines (M 387). These exchanges seem to have been tokens of friendship, although at one place the last named exchange is called a binder of marriage (C XXVI 52). The remark in C 39 that a cannibal was feared because he devoured the people of his own numaym indicates the solidarity of these units and the duty of each member to protect the interests of the whole group. SELLING AND BUYING. - When a man catches many herrings at his beach, he sells them for slaves and becomes a rich man (III 376). People go out in canoes and buy food from another tribe. A chief goes out and buys many cherries from the neighboring tribe (X 46). A starving people pay for food with dressed elkskins, slaves, canoes and even their daughters (R 1252). Red cedar bark, quartz, and white feathers are bought with slaves and sea otters (C 103). A 5* 68 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society copper is sold for ten slaves, ten canoes and ten lynx blankets (C 87). Later, after changing its name, its price was 20 canoes, 20 slaves, 10 coppers tied to the ends of sticks, 20 lynx skins, 20 marmot skins, 20 sewed blankets, 20 mink skins, 100 boards, 40 wide planks, 20 boxes of dried berries, 20 of clover, 10 of hemlock bark, 40 of grease, 100 painted boxes, 200 mats, uncounted salmon, 200 cedar bark blankets and 200 dishes (C 93). The selling of a copper is also referred to in C 485. DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY. - In myths the destruction of property occurs only in connection with the cannibal ceremony when the cannibal devours his own slaves or is given slaves to eat. Canoe breaking during a potlatch occurs in a tale in which the person who breaks canoes owned by others makes them whole again by his magical powers (C 349). A man pushes a copper under a mountain during a feast (C 486). COPPERS. - Copper is the symbol of wealth (X 71). It belongs particularly to Q!t'mogwa or Copper-Maker, the chief of the ocean.1 He owns or gives away the self-paddling copper canoe (III 83; C 279). The walls and boards of his house are of copper (III 83, 85). The canoe of visitors is carried up the beach on copper bars (III 80). At another place a Bella Coola chief is described as the owner of copper. He has a copper settee, a copper canoe with copper paddles, and a copper house (III 218-220). The salmon chief uses copper nuggets in place of stones for cooking food (III 391). Both, Qf!'mogwa's daughter who appears as a bird, and her son have a copper smell (III 64, 67). A man who is training for power finds a copper plate floating on the water of a pond. When he puts it down under a cedar tree, it is night, and day does not appear again until it is placed face upward (III 143). Copper is also obtained as a supernatural gift (S 148; III 160, 392). Among valuable property are counted small coppers and copper bells belonging to women (C 93). The use of plates of copper which represent property of the highest value is referred to often. They are given to a man as a marriage present for his daughter's future son (III 51), or to a sonin-law (III 83, 160; C 85). Copper plates have names. The copper Q!wd'teg'ila (Causing-Destitution) is described as a fathom and a half in size (C 85). It is so heavy that two boys cannot carry it and make a model to show its form and size (C 89). The owner of a valuable copper is killed by jealous rivals (C 85, 93). In order to disappoint them he hides the copper underground (C 85). The coppers of a chief are stolen by his rivals (III 162). A person who has been given a copper either in marriage or otherwise sells it at a high price (C 93, 485), or gives it away (M 416). An ancestor of the La'wits!es pushes a copper under a mountain in Knight Inlet during 1 See p. 128. Kwakiutl Culture 69 a feast (C 486). Another one obtains copper which drifts ashore attached to a stick (C 485). A man who wants to drown his brother places him in a beautiful box which he loads with coppers to make it sink (III 371). EMOTIONAL LIFE AND ETHICS. EMOTIONAL LIFE. - While emotions are very often referred to and described the number of references to a free expression of emotion are not very numerous. A person who has attained his wish feels glad (good-hearted); for instance, because he or one of his relatives has attained supernatural power (III 108, 389, [436]; C 55, 63, 379); because he has food (III 29; C 367), a salmon trap (III 83); because children are born to him or her (X 81; C 277), because he has secured the wife he desires (III 300). Any kind of success or feeling that they are appreciated by others makes people glad ([III 407]; C 309). People feel happy because their tribe is numerous (III 124; C 245, 259), because their chief is married or is giving many feasts (C 333), because they have ample food (III 326; X 94, 165), or whenever they are in a condition that relieves them of worry. Joy is expressed by shouting (C 469). The people jump (III 328) for joy, [and sing because they are happy (III 405).] Whenever anything is told them that they like, or when they hear agreeable things, they are grateful for it (III 296; X 65, 90), and they feel grateful if somebody has done what he has been told to do (X 107), [or if they have had a lucky experience (III 442).] Pleasure is expressed by laughing. [The Merciful Bear laughs because a man has waited for him as he wishes him to do (III 409);] a deer because he gets salmon (III 326); a woman because a man wants to marry her (III 65); people who have had fun (III 283); husband and wife laugh together (III 97, 339). The people laugh at funny incidents. A supernatural being laughs when a fern root that a hunter pretends is the heart of a mountain-goat burns when thrown into the fire (III 37, [404]). The woodman laughs because his wife builds a house while she is in the supernatural house that is invisible to her (II1 253); a man because Mink is wallowing in sea eggs (X 116); a deer because the wolves on seeing his reflection in the water think that he is in the water (C 165). People also laugh when they know that their enemies have no power (II338, 339). Strong men laugh at danger (III 244); a woman laughs at a man who kills her dog, evidently because she thinks that he has no power (X 51). Women pretend to laugh for joy (S 142). A messenger laughs when he hears that the man who is expected by his chief has arrived (III 334). A mean chief laughs at his wife who is feeling downcast (III 329). People are ready to make fun of the members of the village. 70 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Wd'qe and his companions made fun of a man whom they tried to enslave, pushing and poking him (C 455). Mink's slave makes fun of him (C 159). A boy who eats roasted clams is made fun of by the other children who are used to eating better food (III 134, 240; S 143). Land-Otter made fun of Mink on account of his parentage (X 82). The myth people make fun of Great Inventor's son because they had never seen him before (X 178). A man is ridiculed by his rival because of his failure to get game (C XXVI 152). A mean chief teases the children of a man he has murdered (C XXVI 135). When warriors see that the arrows of the enemies are weak and go astray, they laugh aloud (III 158). People are proud when they have much property. Two brothers are proud because they have found a copper plate (C 89); a chief because he has much food (III 329), [or because he has killed many seals (III 443).] In one place it is simply stated that a chief is proud (C 245). The people are jealous (feel wrong) of the good fortune of others. A fisherman kills his companion who obtains many fish while he himself has none (C 105). The people are jealous of the excessive greatness of a chief (C 351), of his wealth ([III 426]; X 22; C 93). [A chief is envied by his attendants (III 436).] Mink is jealous because Land-Otter has a beautiful wife (X 127). Thunderbird is jealous of Woodpecker whose wife produced berries by her song (III 299). A woman is jealous because her husband has taken a second wife (C 75) or several wives (III 120). Two wives of a man are supposed to have hurt each other on account of jealousy (III 123). A man is jealous because his wife has a lover (III 282, 365; C 401, 474; C XXVI 148). The feeling of fear is expressed very often. People are afraid of their chiefs (X 43), of the strength of a man (X 51), of warriors (III 152), of ferocious animals (III 359), of supernatural powers (III 9, 109; C 193; C XXVI 188, 207), of a thunder storm (III 112). People are afraid of a powerful, bad man and move away (C XXVI 135). Children are afraid of their parents (X 166). [A man is afraid that his chief may find out that he has lied (III 408).] Children are afraid when they notice that a spear with which they have been playing is covered with blood when it is pulled out of the ground (C 488). When suddenly frightened, the people scream (C 489). [The crew of a canoe is startled by the sound of a whistle (III 443).] Their faces become contorted from fright (III 377). They faint from fright (C 53, 462, 468). People die from fear (S 142). A girl imitates the voice of her father when she is afraid of a visitor (C XXVI 75). A man feels uneasy when he recognizes the power of his companion (X 10). Hunters overtaken by a snowstorm cry for fear (C 15). A slave cries because his master's wedge is broken (C 171, 219; C XXVI 13). A man whose finger is held by a clam cries for pain (X 144). It is Kwakiutl Culture 71 a sign of fortitude, that the youngest one of four brothers does not cry when they are in serious danger (C 15). A boy cries because his parents have deserted him (C 41), or he cries because he is called an orphan (C 123). A child struck by his father cries (C 97, 99, 419; C XXVI 179). A woman who has been offended by her husband cries (III 329). A woman cries because her husband takes her away from her father's house (C XXVI 220). A man whose tribe has been killed and who cannot get the strongest kind of supernatural help cries (III 125). A woman cries aloud because her children had been treated badly by their uncle (C XXVI 135). A man cries because the wooden images that are his wives have been burned (III 123). An old woman whose granddaughter has been deserted by the tribe cries (C 261). When a chieftainess discovers on a visit to her father that the warriors of her husband's tribe have been killed by her father's warriors, she and her slaves cry aloud (III 155, 244). People cry on account of the loss of relatives or friends; women for their dead chief (C 137); parents for the loss of their son (C XXVI 80); a woman for her husband (C 477); a man for his brother (C 479); [attendants for the loss of the chief's son (III 407); parents for the pretended death of their son (III 408);] a woman for her sons (M 373); a father and his children cry because of the loss of a relative (C XXVI 96); [a grandmother and slaves cry because a girl has been lost ([III 433).] A son cries whe nhe learns of the death of his father (C 61). A man dies of grief on account of the death of his brother (C 479). Women bewail the loss of their shellfish (III 157). Crying children are often referred to ([III 431]; C 477, 488). A boy cries because he wants to go out fishing with a slave (III 359), because he wants a toy (III 395) or he wants his meal (C 489). The canoe-building Dzo'noq!wa's infant that never cries begins to cry when a man pinches it (III 96; X 235). When they are doubtful what to do they have "many minds" (III 243, 259); and when they suspect that something awful may befall them, they feel uneasy (III 242; C 79). A chief felt uneasy on account of the number of his tribe (C 323), evidently because there was not room enough for them; but the feeling of uneasiness may also precede a favorable event (X 5), or maybe an expression of a wish (III 334). It does not need much provocation to make people feel angry or furious. A person is angry because his chief is not known to those who meet him (III 223); a chief is angry because drying salmon catch in his hair (III 329); another one because people ask about his son (X 178); because he is told that he cannot stay under water a long time (III 35); or because a man cannot learn quickly enough what is taught him (C 427; see also III 142, 223, 251; C 49, 397, 403). When Q!d'neqeqlaku cannot overcome his rivals, he becomes furious (III 94, 169; X 191); a supernatural being who is 72 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society disobeyed (III 44); a sea otter hunter whose game is frightened away by geese (C 353); a man because he is scolded (III 223; X 230); the people out of envy (X 154; C 103); the Sun because Mink sets the earth on fire (X 87; C 127); Mink because the clouds are in his way (X 86); an attendant because his chief performs a dangerous act (C 337). Mink because his wife does not talk (X 123); a woman because her son envies her a morsel of blubber (C 261), - all become furious. Mink becomes angry and destroys a mountain he is making, because he is thwarted in his attempts (X 163); Wealthy is angry at not receiving an answer. Mink punches Diorite-Woman because she refuses to talk (X 124). A man becomes impatient at his gluttonous wife (C 449) and a woman at her greedy husband (III 327). Grizzly-Bear-Woman is angry when she sees the reflection of the children in the pond (X 20). Great-Inventor became angry because Cormorant has beaten him in gambling (III 292). A boy becomes angry because his friend beat him in shooting (C XXVI 175). People are angry with a father who had scolded his son so that the latter committed suicide (C 446). Mink does not want to go to Eagle's feast because the latter got ahead of him (X 154). Hd'qolal grows angry with his brother-in-law on account of unpleasant news and kills him (C XXVI 137). A boy is beaten by his father who does not believe that his elder brother had returned home (C XXVI 179). A chief who hears how his daughter let her husband die, did not speak a word (C 79). A father-in-law keeps silent when his son-inlaw who has escaped death, accused him (X 205). SHAME. - The most characteristic attitude is the reaction to shame. Any incident, even, a slight one that lets the person appear in a ridiculous position or in one in which his sense of "honor" is offended results in violent reactions of shame. To be defeated by a rival is one of the situations that is felt as shameful. The terms used mean "to be ashamed, to feel badly, to feel sick at heart, to be downhearted." The first reaction is generally sulking, in aggravated cases suicide. In other cases the reaction is rather that of attempts at daring the person who was the cause of shame, either in a potlatch or by violent attack. Considering the general emphasis upon rivalry and the attendant shame of the person worsted it seems rather remarkable that this theme does not appear still more frequently in the tales than it actually does. A prominent cause of shame is jealousy of the success of a rival. A chief is ashamed because the trees praise the greatness of his rival (C 91). Great-Inventor is ashamed because his wife had lied (III 286). When a son has no food for the guests whom he has invited, his mother is ashamed (C 153). An irregular marriage makes the bride's tribe [(III 425)] or her father (III 97; X 203, 245) ashamed. A chief dies of shame when he learns of the irregular marriage of Kwakiutl Culture 73 his son (R 1103). A man feels ashamed because his suit for the hand of a princess is refused (C XXVI 94). When the daughter of a chief picks up sea eggs on the beach and eats them, then and there, he deserts her (C 249). When Mink eats the refuse of sea eggs, his father-in-law is ashamed of him and kills him (X 116). Ts!h'na is ashamed because the people say that the food he gives at a feast cannot be eaten (C 452). A boy struck by his father stays in the house and does not eat for five or ten days (III 142; C 99). A woman is ashamed because in a feast her father eats so much that he soils the house (C 265). A girl is induced to let a visitor drink of her water, because he threatens to tell that she has soiled her bed (C 225). A father is ashamed because his son is unsuccessful in a game (C XXVI 176). Failure in the performance of ceremonials also causes shame. A chief is ashamed because his daughter who was to have been initiated, dies by an accident and does not return (C 484). The people are put to shame on account of an accident in the winter dance. They leave and become an inland tribe (C XXVI 91). The mountain goats hang their heads because an uninitiated human being has seen them dancing without their skins (III 16). The people are ashamed of their chief who is unsuccessful in his undertakings. The killerwhales are ashamed of their chief who is overcome by the chief of the myth people (III 343). Three girls are ashamed of their youngest sister who has failed to kill her lover (C 459). Perhaps the cause of their shame is that the youngest one yielded to her lover. The people may also be ashamed because they are jealous of their chief. They are ashamed because a chief has all the best women as wives (C 466), or because of his greatness (C 93). A chief tries to kill his son-in-law who brought shame upon him (C 197). The situation in the following cases is also one that would produce shame, but the terms used are "to feel badly, to be sick at heart, to be angry." The feeling of shame is not emphasized. A man feels badly when his rival excels him in wealth or honor (C 91, 369, 417); when fun is made of his children (III 134); when he loses in gambling (III 291) or when he loses his canoe (III 201); when one of his children, relatives, or friends has been killed (III 124, [427]). Warriors feel badly because they do not find the body of their chief enemy among the slain; the myth people feel badly because Wren did not bring anything to eat (C XXVI 20); Deer because he is not allowed to see the sweetheart of Mink (X 135); a man because his brothers make love to his wife (III 113, 325, 368). The myth people feel badly because they had lost a princess whom they had abducted (III 346). A father feels sick at heart because his son acts foolishly (III 397; X 60); a woman is angry because her husband acts stupidly (III 76); because her husband is cruel to his game (III 363); another because her husband takes too many wives (III 120). A man because his 74 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society brother-in-law does not like his sister (C XXVI 135); a man because his brothers are lazy (C 291); another because his salmon trap is broken (III 29; X 104; C XXVI 20); a man because his father-inlaw troubles him (X 13), or threatens him (X 9); because women quarrel about him (X 8); because his daughter has a lover (X 7); because he is jealous. A woman feels sick at heart because her husband refuses the food that she offers him (III 254); a man because he has lost his death-bringer (C 187); another one because he is jealous of the supernatural power of his rival (III 168); the first wife of a man because the father of her husband's second wife has obtained a magic gift (III 159). Mink is sick at heart because he is jealous of his friend Otter who has a beautiful wife. Elk feels badly because women make fun of him (III 320). A person is so downcast that he is nearly dead (III 382). He is downcast because he is homesick (S 204; C 63, 73, 79); because his food is taken away from him (III 328); because his companion is successful in fishing while he himself is not (III 293); on account of being deserted (C 251); because he thinks his brother is dead (C 199; X 207); because he is poor (C 89); because he has no wife (X 113, 117, 119, 122, 124, 140); the myth people because they had no ebb-tide (III 278). A father and his son are downhearted because their food has been stolen (C XXVI 159). A person who is downcast lies on his back ([III 408]; X 207) or face (C 297). When a person is offended he goes to bed and sulks. A man is sulking in bed while his relatives cry on account of the death of his father (S 144). A man, sore at heart, lies down and deliberates how to vanquish his son-in-law who has married his daughter without the necessary formalities (X 244). A man whose wife is unfaithful lies down on his back and covers his face, thinking of revenge (III 368). A boy who has lost in gambling and is scolded by his father does the same. After several days he goes to commit suicide (III 105; C XXVI 176). In one version of the same tale the father scolds the boy who becomes angry, jumps on top of his bedroom, wraps himself in his blanket and lies down. Then he goes to commit suicide (C 445). The father himself is said to he ashamed of his son (C XXVI 176). In another tale a boy is kicked by his father because he does not purify himself preparatory to an initiation but is sleeping all the time. Then he lies down in his bed and resolves to commit suicide (X 60). Another boy who does not act properly preparing for an initiation is struck. He stays in the house for eight days hanging his head and then resolves to commit suicide (C 97). In one story the boy is struck because he is sleeping all the time instead of preparing for an initiation. He covers his head with his blanket and goes out to commit suicide (C 419). Similar incidents occur in R 1122 and R 1180. Another chief who used to live happily with his wife desired to take a second wife. For four days he did not Kwakiutl Culture 75 eat and lay down on his face. Then the tribe suggested to him to take a second wife and he stopped sulking (C 297). A person sulks and lies down with his blanket drawn over his face (III 299) because he is homesick (C XXVI 170). As stated in the preceding remarks depression leads readily to suicide. A man also attempts suicide because his body is covered with sores. (C XXVI 71). Rivalry plays a most important part in the life of the people and is the theme of many tales. A fisherman kills his companion who caught many fish, while he himself has none (C 105; see also III 293). A man is jealous of his brother who brings in regularly a plentiful supply of seals (C XXVI 212). A story of extreme rivalry is that of two chiefs, the whole content being their attemps to outdo each other in extravagance (BAV 108). A man married in a strange country becomes homesick (C 73, 79; C XXVI 170) ETHICS. - Notwithstanding the emphasis laid upon rank, greatness and property there is a decided objection to "overdoing". The novice who abuses his power and torments his tribe is killed by them (C 113). The cannibal who swallows too many people is bewitched (C 39, 441). The chief who marries all the princesses of a tribe is killed (C 466). The chief who gives too many potlatches is bewitched by his tribe so that he loses his power (C 351). When a chief punishes his son too harshly so that he runs away to commit suicide the tribe banish him, destroy his house and make him live in abject poverty (see p. 29). The chief, although watchful of his greatness must be liberal and kind. He is praised and honored for his generosity and kindness (III 21). Warriors commit murder on unoffending guests, only to show their disregard for human life and these acts seem to be accepted as proof of their prowess (C 475). In general, it is commendable to take pity on those who are in need (III 327, 333). Thus Q!aneqeslaku takes pity on a blind man and restores his eyesight (X 225). The loon does the same to another man (C 450; C XXVI 81). Q!d'neqeclaku takes pity on the man whose body is covered with mouths and sets him right (X 220). He also takes pity on the Koskimo who are being swallowed by a sea monster and unable to get water (X 217). [A chief comforts and consoles the parents of his mountain goat hunter whose son has been killed by an accident (III 407).] A little girl pities a boy who is in danger of being killed and warns him (S 150). The child of a blind hunter takes pity on his father who is being maltreated by his wife (C XXVI 81). A girl takes pity on an old man whom her sisters pelt with stones (X 6). The grandmother who takes pity on her deserted grandchild is a constantly recurring theme (S 132, 180; C 249). 76 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Whoever is in need asks those who have the power to help to take pity on them. O' mnt asks his wife to take pity on him and to create salmon (III 327). The slave who has broken his master's wonderful wedges asks a man to take pity on him and mend them (III 333). A sick person asks the shaman to take pity on him and cure him (III 173; C 61). One of the most reprehensible attitudes of a person is to be lazy. In all the stories in which young people are severely punished, the reason is that they are playing (III 45) and failing to purify themselves to gain strength (see p. 29). Revenge is considered proper. Two orphan boys avenge the death of their father (X 48; C XXVI 134, 139). A chief kills the slayer of his father (C 476). The sons of Hamd'lak'awwer kill the man who has annihilated their tribe (S 141; III 153). Then the tribe of the killed man try to retaliate (S 142; III 157). After the defeat of a tribe the survivor obtains as a magic treasure the death-bringer and with it he kills or transforms his enemies (C 470; C XXVI 143, see p. 110). A characteristic trait of "overdoing" is told in X 43 et seq. The son of a chief bullies a whole tribe. Then a younger brother of the chief kills him, but is later on killed by the sons of the elder brother who have attained supernatural strength. A woman who is deserted on a lonely island is saved by a supernatural being and retaliates by deserting her husband on the same island (C XXVI 117). Sometimes the cause of revenge is not murder, but a slight. A dead man takes revenge on his beloved who, in his belief, had made fun of his head hanging on a scaffold (C XXVI 228). Si'wit after gaining supernatural help kills his friend who has beaten him in gambling and used to excel him in strength (C XXVI 181). A blind man who is starved by his wife transforms her after regaining his eyesight and power (C 451; C XXVI 82). The degree to which revenge may be taken is strictly limited. The man who kills his brother, because he is more successful in hunting than he himself, is punished (C XXVI 211). The plot of some stories shows that seduction of a woman should not be punished by death, for the person who tries to do away with the seducer is ultimately killed (III 374). [A man who kills his wife because she was unfaithful, is killed by her brother (C 413).] The man who tries to kill the seducer of his daughter is severely punished by him (S 198; X 205; C 461). On the other hand the hero of one of the most popular stories kills the lover of his wife whom he finds in bed with her and then overcomes her relatives who try to take revenge (S 162; C 489). There may be a feeling of a difference in the situation. The father who tries to restrain his daughter has not the same rights as the husband who discovers his wife in flagranti delicto. A woman's sexual relations with her husband's brother bring about enmity within a family. Evidently there is no privileged Kwakiutl Culture 77 relation between a man and his sister-in-law. This is further corroborated by another story of a woman who leaves her husband, because he begins to be fond of her sister (C XXVI 199). The girl who is deserted by the tribe at the instance of her parents repays the kindness of her grandmother who leaves behind fire and provisions for her use by sending her provisions and permits the starving tribe to come back and share her wealth. The father who deserted the child is admitted with some reluctance (S 180; C 259). In the story here referred to the father is put to shame. Stories of this type are much more numerous farther north. In most of these the father is punished and allowed to starve. The few exceptions give rather the impression of an influence of modern points of view (Ts 784; Bella Bella MAFL 25:46). People repent their rash actions. People who have killed their chief repent (C 95). The wolves and grizzly bears regret having killed a man without cause (X 57; C 109). Hospitality is an obvious duty (see p. 37). Greed and stinginess are condemned. To obtain one's ends by trickery and lying is considered rather a joke, at least under certain circumstances. Mink pretends to be sick in order to get a chance to steal sea eggs (X 125); or he pretends to be dead and asks to be buried at a place where he can indulge his appetite for sea eggs (C 139). A man who wants to gain possession of a woman tricks her by causing her to burn her groins and then suggesting a remedy that brings her into his power (X 173). Mink is discovered by the Starfish Women stealing their clams, says he has put his hand into the basket by mistake (X 145). Under other conditions deceit and lying are resorted to to reach one's ends. A woman who wants to find out about the death of her relations goes to the house of her enemies under the pretense of asking for a firebrand (C 489). Boys whose father has been murdered pretend not to mind his death and continue to live as before until they are strong enough to take revenge (X 48). A woman who intends to kill the children of her rival pretends to be friendly with them (X 20). A man who has killed his brothers pretends not to know what has happened to them (III 365). Acts of treachery are not rare. These have been mentioned before (pp. 32, 60). Still, lying and deceit are not countenanced, at least in theory. [The liar does not look into the eyes of the person to whom he lies (III 407).] A person who lies to a shaman, pretending that he is sick, is killed by him (X 26). 78 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society CEREMONIAL OBJECTS AND CEREMONIAL PROCEDURE. Ceremonial procedure is stereotyped and the same objects and procedures are used in all cases, in shamanism, family festivals and religious ceremonials. Important objects used are batons for beating time; drums, rattles, whistles and masks. Hemlock and bark of the cedar dyed red are used as insignia, and various plants, particularly hemlock and hellebore are used for purification. In religious ceremonials the performer has a sacred room set off for his exclusive use. Songs and dances accompany all those ceremonials. The participants must purify themselves. BATONS AND BEATING BOARDS. - All ceremonial dances are accompanied by the beating of boards (III 86; C 319) with batons. In the winter dances batons are beaten before and during the dances (III 85, [413]; X 38; C 185, 319, 464, 483). [They are also used in the LEWE'laxa (III 444).] In the wolf dance Ewalas8axaa'ku four women are beating time (X 37). When the novice reappears the boards are beaten (C 349). In the same way the ghosts beat time when a dead person arrives in their village (C 447). When a man of supernatural power is about to shoot his enemies, his father beats time on the front boards of the house (III 158, 247). In a contest with Q!'neqeclak., He' macnis beats time on the front boards of his house and makes his cedar bark ornaments and rattle dance (C XXVI 67). In a contest with Xate'tsEn, Q!a'neqe~laku beats time on the gunwale of his canoe (C 5). Ceremonies that take place on the beach are accompanied by beating of time on the house front (III 230). In a shamanistic cure time is also beaten on boards (III 174). The singers who beat time on boards and on boxes (drums) sit in the rear of the house (C 486). There is beating of time when the uninitiated enter a dancing house (X 109). MASKS. - Two classes of masks are referred to in the tales. The former are the dresses of the ancestors1 which they wore when they first appeared in our world or the masks which the myth people put on when they appear in animal form; the latter are gifts of supernatural beings and are worn in ceremonial dances. The ancestral masks were used by the heads of the numayms. In one case it is stated that the mask is given by a man to his son-in-law (III 209). Here may belong also the dance hat, i. e. the mask worn over the forehead which the Moon made of eagle jaws after he come down from heaven (S 190). When the ancestor becomes a human being he sends his mask dress back to the place of his former residence, generally to the sky. The dress itself is conceived as being alive (C 472; C XXVI 80). The myth people wearing their own masks appear in the tale of O'cmdl who invites his brothers to a ceremonial and asks them to paint themselves and to put on their masks (C 287). In the tale of 1 See p. 47. Kwakiutl Culture 79 the bungling host Eagle (X 155), Fish-Hawk (X 153), Kingfisher (X 158), Thrush (X 148) and Crane (X 157) put on their mask dresses. When Mink wears the masks of these birds he is unable to handle them. In another passage it is told that Deer puts on his mask (X 135). However the myth people do not always use their own masks. When they want to make war on the Thunderbird, they borrow the masks of the salmon. The bravest warriors - Mink, Deer, Elk, Otter - put on the masks of the spring salmon; the rest of the people those of the sockeye, silver, steel-head, and dog salmon; the weakest ones those of the humpback salmon (III 303). After the animals have made an artificial whale, they borrow the whale mask, apparently in order to cause the artificial whale to go like a real whale (C 243). [A boy who has been cut out of the body of his mother, and his friend put on bird masks and fly up to the sky (C 211).] When Mink has climbed up to the sky, he wears his father's sun mask and goes along the sky in his place (X 88; C 125). When O'rmdf tries to obtain the tides Deer pretends to be dead, and O' -mdl who wails for him wears the mask of the devilfish (C 229). When Q/a'neqe~laku waits for the daughters of Qa'mxiila, he wears the mask of the devilfish, which gives him the appearance of an old man (X 3). In other versions when he waits for the daughters of Dza'wadaelalis or Gwdwnalalis, he wears the old man mask (III 96; X 237). In the mask of the ermine (III 97; X 237; C 459, 460), deer (III 96; X 237), grizzly bear (III 96; X 237), mountain goat (III 96), and wren (III 96; X 237; C 459) he escapes the death-bringing spine seat or the closing tree. The wren mask occurs in the same connection in III 367. Most of the masks are given by supernatural beings in marriage and are used in ceremonial dances. The owl gave his mask to a visitor (C 339). After the Dzo'noq!wa had been killed a mask representing a man was taken from her home. Red cedar bark was twisted all around the face, and on it revolved the nest of an eagle sitting in its nest. Blanket, apron and arm and leggings of bark of yellow cedar belonged to this mask which was called Nightmare-causing-nest-mask (III 92). A man is given by the sea-spirit a whale mask taking care of a bullhead mask (i. e. a double mask) with an eagle sitting on the back, the tail of the bullhead showing above that of the whale; a sea otter mask with four birds sitting on the revolving top, and under the sea otter the face of a man; the mask of the grizzly bear of the sea; and that of the raven of the sea (X 70; C XXVI 178; see Illustrations J V Plate 38, fig. 6 and Plate 40, figs. 1, 2, 5; Plate 41, figs. 3-5; P1. 50, fig. 7). Later he also acquired the Ma'dEm dress (X 771; Illustration J V P1. 50, fig. 5). 1 Not mentioned by name at this place. 80 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Qa'wadiliqala is given by the wolves the masks of the ghosts A'badek'Els (maggots-on-back), K'/E'mwZk'Ela (hemlock-leaves-onback), La'lebol (wrapped?) and L'lEwatlEme (Head-Ghost-mask) (X 39). He is also given the mi'dEm (or mda'sdq) mask (X 40). He also received the wolf masks and the dog mask for the dance ewalasCaxaa'ku (Illustration, dog J V P1. 52, fig. 5, wolf PI. 42, figs. 8, 12; M fig. 140, p. 493). We'qje is given the xwe'xwe mask in a supernatural house near C. Scott (C XXVI 27; Illustration J V Plate 49, fig. 5; M fig. 170-171, p. 516). A hunter steals the mask of the Grizzly Bear who begs for its return and gives in exchange the grizzly bear winter dance (III 35). The sun gives to a man the daybreak mask and that of the double-headed serpent (III 397). Masks are given as marriage presents by human beings as well as by supernaturals. Thus Hd'malak'awew gives his ancestral mask to Ts!d'qdmeE (III 209). In Rivers Inlet the latter receives for the LEwE'laxa the devilfish mask (Illustration J V, P1. 38, fig. 7), that of the man who fishes devilfish (ibid. fig. 9), of the attendant of the chief (ibid. fig. 8), of the morning sky, his cloud sweepers and his slave (III 226); from a Bella Coola chief the mask of the mink dancer (III 221). Ald'k'ila gives the daybreak, cannibal, and healing dance masks to his son-in-law (III 76). The salmon mask, that of the chieftainess dance, the grizzly bear mask of red cedar bark and the goose mask were given by Q!o'mogwa to his son-in-law (III 84). Ts!d'qadme gives the mink, sun, daybreak, and copper mask, that belonged to his house in heaven to his son (III 187, 188). The masks are used to commemorate their acquisition and are shown in ceremonials. Thus the xwe'xwe dance is described (III 239). The ho'xuhoku and raven head masks to be used in a dance are referred to (III 110; Illustrations M 447, 449, 451; J V P1. 42, fig. 7). In the Ewalassaxaa'ku one hundred wolf masks for the forehead are worn which make a snapping sound (C XXVI 98). DRUM. -- The box drum is used in ceremonials. It is mentioned in connection with a shamanistic cure (III 174) [and the LEwE'laxa (III 445)]. Four self-beating drums are hanging in the house given by Ts!d'qdme- to his son (III 182). RATTLES.- Rattles of various forms are used by the dancers. The ghost dancer has a rattle in the form of a skull (C 347). The ho'xuhoku uses a skull rattle and one with the design of the CrookedBeak-of-Heaven (III 385). The attendants of the cannibal carry rattles (III 386). A large rattle for taming the cannibal dancer and for reviving the dead is given as a supernatural gift (C 465). A girl receives a rattle as supernatural gift (S 133). When a man finds a whale, he sings his sacred song and swings his rattle (III 373). A person who claims to have returned from the dead sends Kwakiutl Culture 81 word to his mother to buy a mask and a rattle (X 143; C 137). Four rattles are counted among the property taken in war (III 223). A rod used in the stick game has a rattle at its end (C 445). Scallop shell rattles belong with the xw' xwe dance, which was obtained from the Comox (III 239) or from the Red Cod at Cape Scott (C XXVI 27,32). A rattle of eagle beaks is mentioned in S 190. In the xwe'xwe dance four notched poles, about a fathom long, are used to rub over the edges ofwooden box drums (C XXVI 32). WHISTLES. - In the most sacred dances whistles are used imitating the voices of the initiating beings. When Cannibal-at-NorthEnd-of-the-World pursues the four brothers who entered his house, his whistles are heard (C 391). At another place it is said that his whistles sound like the voices of different kinds of birds (C 433). After he has been killed his whistles are found in his box (C 399; also M 397). The cannibal dancer who is initiated by this being has whistles which are heard when he first returns from his initiation (C 439). [The cannibal dancer initiated by the Bear uses whistles while he is dancing (III 413).] The nonltses8talal, who is associated with the cannibal spirits, has two whistles (M 398). [A chief who is trying to obtain power hears the whistles of the ghosts (III 427). When he reappears after having been taken away by the ghosts, whistles are heard all around the house (III 429).] In the Ma'sdeq (Ma'drm) ceremonial a whistle is used, the initiated being supposed to be a bird. [The child of the Woodman which has been captured by a chief and is used in the LEWE'laxa dance has a cry like a whistle (III 430). The novice of the LEwE'laxa who has obtained his ceremony by killing the merman also blows the merman whistle (III 443). Later on, in the same ceremonial, he blows the raven whistle because his ancestor has been a raven (III 444).] In the wolf dance (Cwalaseaxaa'ku) a wealth whistle is mentioned (X 41). Four wealth whistles are referred to as sounding in the right-hand corner of the house of Q!o'mrowa which has been given to a novice (X 72). In another passage four whistles belonging to the masks are referred to (III 226). Later on these are sounded when the whale and sea otter masks to which they belong appear (X 76). In the same ceremonial bird whistles are used (X 76). It is explicitly stated that the hd'mshdmtts8E who might be called a lower degree of cannibal dancer has no whistles (R 1132). HEMLOCK. - Hemlock is the symbol of the returning novice of the winter ceremonial. One of these has a small sprig of hemlock plaited in at the nape of his head, which when taken out, becomes a large pole (III 362). A novice puts supernatural gifts into his hair and ties them in with hemlock twigs. Novices dance with head ring, neck ring, arm rings, and leg rings of hemlock branches (X 76). [The cannibal wears the head and neck ring in his first dance (III 413).] A goat hunter wears a head ring of hemlock branches (III 18). 6 82 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society The body is purified by bathing in cold water and rubbing the skin with hemlock branches (C 31, 403, 419; C XXVI 77, 93). The supernatural tips of hemlock branches are used as a bed by the person who has purified himself (C XXVI 124). BALSAM FIR. - The body is purified by being rubbed with tips of the branches of the balsam fir until it bleeds (C XXVI 77). The body of the cannibal dancer of the wolves is powdered all over with yellow pollen of the fir tree (C XXVI 98). ROCK SEAWEED. - The body is purified by being rubbed with rock seaweed after having been scratched with hemlock and balsam fir. When the slime of the kelp is rubbed off it is clean (C XXVI 76). HELLEBORE. - Hellebore is used for purification (C XXVI 125). The double-headed serpent is made innocuous when hellebore is squirted on it (C 53). RED CEDAR BARK. - The principal symbol of both the winter ceremonial and the LEwE'laxa is shredded cedar bark dyed red with alder bark (III 84). Ts!d'qdmne when going on a visit to show his supernatural power, and all his companions wear cedar bark dyed red (R 1142). Four days after the disappearance of the novice red cedar bark is distributed among the tribe (III 58). The dancers wear head ring, neck ring, arm rings, and ankle and knee rings of red cedar bark. These differ in style in different dances (III 205, [415]). In some ceremonials red cedar bark mixed with white is used (M 398). Many of the ancestors who were met by Q!d'neqerlaku wore head rings of red cedar bark, indicating that they belong to the winter ceremonial (III 170). Thus Mi'leleqala wears a head ring (C 481). Q!a'mtalat's ring is so large that his face is hardly visible (III 101); his head ring is red (C 453). The perch (C 207), He'lig'iliqdla (X 195, 210), NomasE'nxeElis (X 195), He'lik'aw~e (X 196, 223); Ts!d'qdmne (III 167), He' maEnis (C XXVI 65) Le'laxa (S 203) have cedar bark dyed red. Q!' x'Lala wore a very large head ring, so that it had to be supported on each side (C 487). The Tide-Maker Wadyak'ila rises wearing red cedar bark (S 191). [The ghosts give red cedar bark to a novice (III 428);] Cannibal-atthe-North-End-of-the-World to La'wages (III 111). The goat hunter before going out puts on head and neck ring of red cedar bark (III 36). The people who set out to secure salmon from the salmon chief use ornaments of red cedar bark (III 390). Magic gifts are made small and put into the head ring of red cedar bark in the same way as they are inserted in the hemlock ornaments (III 128). BODY PAINTING. - The youth who goes in pursuit of a thief blackens his face (C 493; C XXVI 161). Shamans blacken their faces (S 167). The novice in the Ewalas axaa'ku covers his body with yellow pollen of the fir tree (C XXVI 98). Kwakiutl Culture 83 SACRED ROOM. - The initiates have a sacred room (III 109, 386), set aside for their use. It is in the rear of the house (X 76); [or at the right hand side of the door (III 414),] at the right hand side of the rear of the house (C XXVI 100). [It is boarded or screened off by a curtain (III 445).] The front of the sacred room of a cannibal dancer is described as a face out of the mouth of which the dancer comes forth (R 1132) The supernatural beings also have a sacred room (C 399). A novice sees in his search for supernatural power a large head that frowns at him four times. It opens its mouth and the cannibal comes out. This is to be equated with the sacred room (R 1126). SONGS. - There are many songs that have no ceremonial meaning. People sing whenever a happy event occurs. A man who has escaped after an attempt on his life comes along singing probably to show his contempt for his assaulter (III 370). The cradle song hdi'xu which is still used is sung by forty men for a child (III 207). Children sing while playing (M 402). Songs are sung to make people sleep (M 401). The daughters of Qa'mxulal were always singing love songs (X 6). A man sings a wail for his son who committed suicide (C 446). [When feasting they sing four songs (III 445).] Summer ceremonials are accompanied by song (III 384). Songs are also used for mocking people (X 135; C 147). A Dzo'noq!wa who has come back to life sings of her power (M 373). Generally the person sings his sacred song: a chief because whales have drifted to his shore. He accompanies the song with his rattle (III 373). A man sings his sacred song sitting on the roof of his house, because he has found a valuable copper (C 91). Others do so after killing an enemy (III 154); after returning from a successful expedition (III 154, 230); a father on the return of his son (III 382); after obtaining the death-bringer (III 144); the house of the wolves (X 41); the wolf dance (C 29); the house of the Thunderbird (M 415); because his son has returned as a novice (X 68). When a performer sings his sacred song his supernatural power becomes manifest (C XXVI 29,32). Novices disappear when a mistake is made in a winter dance song. Two girls were dancing by torchlight on planks carried by the singers. When the singers failed to sing the burden of the songs the girls disappeared (C 482). Songs are sung to bring about the return of novices who have been taken away by the spirits (C 484). When the novice returns from his initiation he sings the songs given to him by the spirits (III 110; M 397; C 99, 321). After the return of a novice invisible spirits sing his song ([II 417]; C XXVI 32). In one case it is stated that he was given four songs (C 437). A great hunter obtained the song of the goats which he overheard (III 12). 6* 84 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society In some cases the performer of a ceremonial sings his song (X 110). These songs are taught by him to the song leaders and then used in the following ceremonial (C XXVI 100, 188.) Generally it is simply stated that winter dance songs are sung after the return of the novice (III 59, 375; C 349; four songs III 194, 414; X 74, 75). Songs of the winter ceremonial are sung to pacify the dancers (III 86; C XXVI 189). The whole winter ceremonial is opened with a ceremonial song and the distribution of cedar bark dyed red (X 74). In many passages are mentioned the songs and masks used in the ceremonial (M 388, 403; III 11, 110, 232, 239, 375, 389; X 40). It is said that No'mas, the ancestor of the NunEmasEqalis, a numaym of the Ld'wits!es made the first winter ceremonial songs for the Kwakiutl (C 486). Shamans when curing sing their sacred songs while going around the fire (III 360; C 55, 207). The person is recognized as a shaman by the sacred song he sings (X 223). The presence of supernatural beings is discovered by their singing (C 107). Songs have magical influence. Thus the wolves are put to sleep by a song (C 163). A woman calls hail by her song (C XXVI 61). Chorus singing is in charge of song leaders or song masters (C 447), both in the winter ceremonial and in the secular feasts and dances (III 385, [417, 429, 431, 435]; X 38). [There are singing masters in the crew of a canoe (III 444).] Four women who beat time are mentioned in J X 37. They compose songs (III 69). CEREMONIAL PROCEDURE, CEREMONIALS AND RELATION TO SUPERNATURAL POWER. CIRCUIT OF FIRE. - The dancer in performing moves around the central fire (contra-clockwise) (C XXVI 30; C 55). PURIFICATION.- Hunters and those who expect to see supernatural beings; those who have unusual experiences or desire supernatural strength purify themselves by bathing and rubbing the body with hemlock branches before breakfast (S 146; M 386; III 61, 107, 372; X 60; C 403, 419, 467; C XXVI 93) until blood appears (III 62). This is repeated four times (C 29; C XXVI 182). The person is rubbed with hemlock branches and hellebore leaves in order to remove the human smell (III 124; C XXVI 125, 143). Four leaves of hellebore are used for this purpose (C XXVI 125). Men who purify themselves bathe in ice cold water (III 142; X 48) before daybreak (C 111), [in the sea before the ravens cry (III 437)]. A man purifies himself every morning and every evening (X 23; C XXVI 124), another one sits in the river all night long (X 48), or sits in the water for four days, until he is only bone and sinews (C 467). A chief purifies himself every morning and evening Kwakiutl Culture 85 for four days (R 1181). Then he goes to a lake and dives four times and rubs his body with hemlock branches; with the tips of the balsam fir and seaweed until his body is bleeding (C XXVI 76). A man who hears a noise in the woods that moves away every time he approaches, washes every day (C 464). A chief who purifies himself puts on a new bearskin blanket, goes to a lake, turns four times and rubs his body with hemlock branches until the blood comes. He prepares a bed from the tips of the hemlock tree (C XXVI 124). He goes to another lake, turns round four times and dives four times without using hemlock branches. He does the same in a third lake. Finally he sits down next to a spring, turns four times and dives four times (III 64). He sprinkles his body four times with water (III 65). [A chief and his slave purify themselves together. They go bathing at midnight, dive together and then go to bed (III 437)]. A woman who is awaiting Qla'neqeclaku sleeps little and bathes in a river (X 200). The shaman purifies his body regularly (C 337). The hunter dives in the river the evening before he goes hunting (III 22, 36). A young man goes up a river and finds two water holes which are the eyes of a Dzo'noq!wa. He dives twice in each eye and rubs first the right side of his body with hemlock branches until all the needles are off, then the left side. He stays under water a long time, the eyes open, holding on to the bottom (R 1122, 1128). Two brothers do not wish to be close together when they purify themselves in a river (X 23). A father scolds his daughters because they do not purify themselves (X 5). Girls purify themselves in expectation of the arrival of a man whom they wish for their husband (III 334, 372). People purify themselves by washing with urine (C 327). A man purifies himself by washing with clothing taken from the dead (C 464; C XXVI 106). During a period of purification the novice lives in a shed of hemlock branches (R 1184). A tribe must purify itself before they enter the house where a youth performs his sacred dance (C XXVI 31) or before a ceremonial (R 1139). A man who returns with a supernatural gift invites the tribe to breakfast and asks them to purify themselves (C XXVI 31). The wives of a man who has obtained power purify themselves (C 113). Children are made strong by being bathed in cold water (S 138). In one case a child is bathed in the skull cap of a Dzo'noq!wa in order to give it great strength (III 104; C 444; C XXVI 70). A man who intends to visit the ghosts purifies himself by rubbing his body with the yellow cedar bark wrappings of a corpse (C XXVI 106). After the winter ceremonial participants must undergo an elaborate purification. They bathe four times every fourth day, then four times every sixth day, four times every eighth day.and four times every tenth day, the whole covering a period of four moons 86 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society (III 59, 182.) A song accompanying purification is quoted in C XXVI 190. A man purifies a dead body in order to revive it (III 105). [Spruce branches are used for purifying a canoe (III 437).] CEREMONIAL PROCEDURE. - The general procedure of dances is often referred to. When a ceremonial is to be performed the floor of the house is cleaned and a fire built in the middle (C XXVI199). The chief invites the people to his house and distributes red cedar bark (III 58). A cry or a sacred song (X 110) is heard either outside or from the sacred room and the dancer appears wearing a mask and accompanied by attendants. He moves around the fire that is burning in the middle of the house and goes back into the sacred room. Next he reappears without mask and dances again around the fire, accompanied by his attendants. Four songs are sung for him which signify four appearances (III 194, [413]). In X 40 the novice is heard outside, enters through the roof, and flies about four times. The song leaders sing and he dances around the fire. When he reaches the rear of the fire he disappears underground. In the same tale four ghosts appear, four songs are sung, they dance around the fire and after the four songs they disappear, each in one corner of the house (X 39). In a hdamshdmts!Es dance, the novice comes first out of the sacred room, dances around the fire, goes back and reappears wearing a revolving mask, then he reappears wearing red cedar bark rings. The last dance is not described (R 1131-1133). The cannibal, decorated with hemlock twigs, utters his cry in the doorway. He dances around the fire four times and goes into the sacred room at the right hand side of the doorway. Then the crane mask is heard. He comes out again and dances around the fire four times. Next he comes out dressed in rings and last with the mouth head mask. Each danceis accompanied by one song ([M 397; III 413]). In III 86 the novice comes in after four songs and time beating (which always accompanies the songs). First a dancer wearing a salmon mask appears and goes back into the sacred room, next the A'"malal (chieftainess dancer), then a grizzly bear mask made entirely of red cedar bark, then a goose mask. After this the novice is pacified. Time beating and four circuits of the fire are mentioned in C 463. The importance of the places opposite the door and in the rear of the fire become manifest when the whale mask appears in the rear of the fire and changes to a bullhead when the dancer reaches the place opposite the door. In the next round the dancer has no mask, but rings of hemlock branches. Then the sacred whistle is heard, he appears with a sea otter mask and when he reaches the rear of the house gulls flutter over the sea otter. Next he appears again with hemlock rings (X 76). The change of rings for each dance is also mentioned in III 183. The rings of red cedar bark used by the cannibal and the partici Kwakiutl Culture 87 pants in the ceremonial are described in III 205. The cannibal's neck ring had the form of a man (i. e. with attachments of cedar bark representing head, arms and legs). He wore anklets and wristlets of the novice. All the other participants used "ordinary" head and neck rings, wristlets, armlets and anklets, and belts of red cedar bark. The dancer has always attendants (III 191) who swing rattles. Four attendants are mentioned in III 386. The aunt of three brothers dances ahead of them (C 293). When a mistake is made during the dance the novice disappears (C 482). The dances themselves are quite varied. The mwi'lEnkulag'ilis (carrying everything in the hands in the world) wears hemlock instead of red cedar bark. The toxpwit (literally "to go," called by interpreters "war dance") is part of it. In R 1148 it is said to include four dances, the ~dwZ'ElOLElad (dance of getting everything), hayaltk'Elat (healing dance), hayi'q/EntElal (speaker dance) and ao' malat. THE NOVICES OF THE WINTER CEREMONIAL. - An important part of ceremonial behavior is the dramatic performance of initiation. The true initiation opens always with a visit of the novice to the house of the supernatural beings, in which he receives his powers and ceremonials. The return is of different types. He appears behind the house (C 321), on the beach in front of the houses (R 1137), on the water (X 68; C XXVI 180) or on the roof of the house (C XXVI 181), generally during the night. When day comes the dancers go to meet him and beat time on planks four times (R 1137, 1138). In some cases he is excited and is captured by being surrounded or lassoed by the tribe (S 152; X 68; C 37, 99, 113, 439; R 1150; also C 27) or by being caught in a net (C 464). He is caught only after three futile attempts (C XXVI 187). In another type he is taken back or sent back by the supernatural beings who initiated him, enters the house and shows or uses at once the powers that he has obtained1 (III 40; X 22, 37; C 101, 179, 343, 353, 379). When a man receives a supernatural treasure, he enters his house and lies down for four days. On the fifth day he arises early and invites all the people and announces the dance for the evening (C XXVI 31). [When a person has visited the supernatural beings, has been initiated and received gifts, he disappears and is caught on his return after four days (III 416, 428). The former case is that of a winter ceremony of the Rivers Inlet tribe, the latter that of LEWE'laxa of the Bella Bella.] In one tale a supernatural being that has been captured leaves his mask and winter ceremonial in payment for his release (III 396). 1 See for these references the complete stories. 88 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society [A Bella Bella chief obtains a ceremonial by killing a supernatural being (III 440), another one by capturing it and adopting it (III 431). Both of these are initiations into LEWE'laxa ceremonies.] In one tale the novice is said to stay in the woods for four months (R 1149). In C 482 it is stated that the novices are not taken away, but merely hidden. After the days of their supposed absence they are captured in the same ceremonial way as those who were really initiated (M 399; III 59, 85, 232; X 107; C 399, 484). [In III 417 a rationalistic explanation for the capture is given. It is said that all the men, women and children are sent out of the way, so that the secret preparation in the dancing house may be made.] When the novice appears the people bathe in a river (S 152). The novice is induced to come back by the performance of all the different winter ceremonials of the people. This is described most clearly in the attempt to revive the granddaughter of Ma'leleqala. The ceremonial is performed and everyone dances and sings. This is repeated for four nights. Then the novice is said to return (C 484). The tribes dance in order to bring back four girls initiated in heaven. At the end of the various dances the cries of the had'mshdmts!Es, shaman dancer and thunderbird dancer are heard. This indicates that the novices will be captured the following day (III 59). The dances are performed during four successive nights to bring back the novice (C 483). The most elaborate account of the power of the, dances to bring back the novice is contained in the Mink myth. The Wolves try to bring back their novices whom Mink has killed and for this purpose all the dances are performed (M 539; X 108; C X 79). In the last named passage the whole winter ceremonial is described in detail (C X 57).1 The ceremonial is less clearly referred to in C 35 when the novice returns while the people perform the wolf dance. In III 85 it is merely stated that until midnight the people tried to bring back the novice. (See also III 232). The initiation may also be in the form of a marriage with the daughter of the supernatural beings. In most of these instances no details are given but the transfer of the ceremonial and of the names connected with it is merely stated (III 84). Quite analogous to these is the transfer of ceremonials through marriage with the daughter of the chief who owns them (M 388; III 118, 193; C 301). Ceremonials may also be acquired in war (III 228). In the ceremony of bringing back the novice the men sit in the rear, the women at the sides (C XXVI 29). Guests sit in the front of the house. The novice dances in the rear (C XXVI 32). The description given in R 1151 et seq. is evidently an insertion and does not belong to the myth. Kwakiutl Culture 89 The person to whom the ceremonial is given causes one of his relatives to use it. The latter disappears and generally there is no statement of his initiation by supernatural beings. WINTER CEREMONIALS. - The ceremonial is sometimes opened by a person who is able to throw magical power. He throws the amE'lku (played) among the people with the effect that all the various dancers become excited and thus open the ceremonial season (III 231). The elaborate procedure of the whole winter ceremonial is described in CX 57. The division of the year into a summer or secular season and the season of the winter ceremonial is explicitly mentioned in the description of the life of the seals whose night is our winter and the time of the winter ceremonial, while their day is our summer and the secular time (CXXVI 208). The beginning of special winter ceremonials is often referred to (C 25; C XXVI 105, 133) while in other cases it is stated that a ceremonial belongs to the secular season (III 187). The cannibal dance is the most important part of the winter ceremonial and is mentioned frequently. The initiating spirits will be described later on.1 The essential feature of the cannibal ceremony is the devouring of slaves (C 441; C XXVI 113) or even of members of the tribe (C 37). While the cannibal is excited, the "cannibal pole" is erected in the house. It reaches through the roof (R 1244) or stands in front of the house (III 181). The pole is described as surmounted by a hio'xuhoku (C 39) or a raven (III 182), as a rainbow standing in a hole full of fish and other animals (III 110), similar to a totem pole showing from top to bottom a man, a snapping raven, another man, a Dzo'noq!wa, the food bringer of the cannibal alighting on top of it2 (C 431). It is often given to the novice by the supernatural being, made small by patting and stuck in his head ring of red cedar bark (C 437). When taken out it becomes large and is set up in the house (C 441). The cannibal has a number of assistants who dance with him; the hd'lig' xstMe (C 300.28), the k' nqdlaLEla [M 397, III 417] and the Q!o'mindaa who, however, appears only in tales taken from the Bella Bella or Awfk'!kenoxu (S 164; M 399, 403; R 1226).3 1 The same story was told briefly by Mrs. Bob Wilson to Julia Averkieva in 1930. The rival of a young cannibal dancer is lazy and is struck by his mother. He goes into the woods and purifies himself. The mouse appears and takes him to the end of a lake where a cedar tree is standing. At its butt is a hollow, the door that leeds into a house in which a cannibal pole is standing. It has five mouths and the boy climbs from mouth to mouth in and out. He is given a potlatch pole, water of life, the cannibal pole and the death bringer. He returns flying, his whistles sounding. He eats his next younger brother. On the following day the house he had seen appears, he becomes excited again, bites the people and devours his next younger brother. His youngest brother strips off all his clothing and runs into the house pursued by the cannibal. Then he is caught and made secular by burning cedarbark soaked in menstrual flow around him while he is being held. This is repeated four times and he comes to his senses. 2 p. 141. 3 She is not mentioned in C 385. See p. 143. 90 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society The purification of the cannibal is very elaborate. After devouring men he must bathe four times every fourth day, then four times every sixth day, four times every eighth day and four times every tenth day, thus covering a period of four moons. After every bathing his cedar bark rings are changed, being made smaller every time (III 182). The to'xtwit is initiated by Wind'lag ilis (M 4921). An elaborate to'xlwit ceremonial is described in R 1133-1135. A shaman, the assistant of the to' xwit cuts off his arms, legs and head. Then these roll together and reunite. After this he conjures up a flood from the floor of the house. The t' xCwit, called by the Newettee O'lala, embraces many dances in which powers are conjured up from underground. To these belongs the dE'nts!eku which represents the double-headed serpent (C 35). A crab is mentioned in C 379. Besides these, a number of dances are mentioned; the Grizzly Bear, Dzo'noq!wa, Raven, Nu'lEmat, Sea Monster, H6'xuhoku, Wasp (C 483); DzS'noq!wa and AcwZ'EtOLEla1 in conjunction with Cannibal and ~walasEaxaa'ku (C XXVI 98). The No'nlEm ceremonial is rarely mentioned. It is referred to in an addition to the Q!/'neqeclaku myth (C XXVI 12) and is said to last four days. Q!d'neqeelaku is associated with the N6'ntEm as opposed to the ancestors who belong to the winter ceremonial (ts!gtst!a'eqa). Killerwhale, Merman and Q!omogwe masks are used in the NT'nlEm (and many others besides). Evidently the No'nlEm belongs to the Newettee group rather than to the Kwakiutl proper (C XXVI 113). References to the LEwE'laxa orLa'sEla which is a representation of the family myth are almost entirely missing. It is referred to in III 223, 226. The xw' xwe is not clearly defined. It is a being with protruding eyes and lolling tongue. It seems to represent the earthquake. According to one version it was obtained by Wd'q~e an ancestor of the LEg wildasxu at K!wd'n e (Cape Scott). He enters a house in which the xwe xwe is dancing. There is an earthquake and when he dances the women in the house are transformed into red cod which are flopping about on the floor (C XXVI 29 et seq.). In one version of the origin tale of the G''g?'ilgdm of the Q!5'moyEwge ~nEmso'gwis claims the xwg'xwe as his property (C XXVI 48). In the Ts!d'qdm`e tale it belongs to the Comox and is obtained from them by marriage. Here it is also connected with the earthquake (III 239). Shell rattles and a notched stick rubbed over the edge of a drum are used in his dance. The feathers required for it are obtained from the fabulous mountain Feather-Top (ts!Elk'imbbe) (S 141; III 151). The ghost dance belongs to the winter dance and is one of the highest in rank. The cannibal is afraid of the ghost. [When the 1 Not mentioned explicitly but implied. See M 492. Kwakiutl Culture 91 whistles sound, the ghost appears with many holes in his face. He dances around the fire and disappears into the ground in the rear of the house (III 427).] A ghost dancer carries an eagle tail and a war axe and dances around the fire singing songs (III 143; X 38; C 347). Other dances an frequently mentioned: the wdalascaxaa'ku or "Great one brought down" or wolf dance in which one hundred wolf masks are used. The A'wa.iLEla claim that it belongs to them (C 25; C XXVI 147) and that it was stolen by the Dza'wadEenoxu ancestor Qa'wadiliqala (C 29, 37), while at other places it appears as belonging to him (M 388; C XXVI 49). It is also referred to at other places (CXXVI 98). The MS'dEm or Md'sdeq dancer is initiated by quartz flying into his head and dances on a rock imitating his ability to fly (S 151, 165; C 96; CXXVI 180, 189). INITIATION AND THE RECEIPT OF SUPERNATURAL GIFTS. - In some cases the ancestor brings the ceremonial down from the upper world (III 362, 401). Supernatural gifts, powers, and ceremonials are bestowed upon people who are in need of help. In two places they appear as family owned. A father sends out his sons after he had dreamed of the supernatural power the family inherits (C 9). Another one tells that his father has spoken to him of the supernatural power he has found (R 1126). They are given in payment for shamanistic services rendered to the supernatural beings, extorted from them by compulsion, taken by force or by killing them. In other cases they are acquired or unsolicited gifts presentedwithout particular apparent reason. They are given on visits to supernatural beings or as marriage gifts. There are also cases in which the power is acquired by a chance meeting, or because a person visits the place which is the seat of supernatural power. In one case, after the ceremonial bathing a man prays to all the trees and bushes for help. In his dream a man appears and offers assistance in the seeking of a supernatural gift (CXXVI 124). Quite frequent are those cases in which an unfortunate person is helped, either in response to his prayer, or at the initiative of merciful beings. The survivors after a war receive help (S 205; III 124; C 177, 466), a person fleeing from danger (S 147, 186; C 490), another one wailing after the death of a near relative (S 236; C 311), a starving hunter (III 36, [403]), a man deserted on a small reef (S 228), maltreated or scolded children (S 151, 152, 162, 165, 220; III 105, 397; X 48, 60; C 99, 419), [a personwhois downcast (III 429),] a blind hunter who is being maltreated (S 229; C 449) receive assistance. A sick person is visited or helped by a supernatural being who carries gifts to the patient (C 115). A boy is given a treasure because he was defeated in gambling by his friend (CXXVI 176). In some cases the beings revive dead persons and send them back with gifts, or after initiation (S 155, 163, 186; X 57; C 339). They often 92 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society take pity on persons whom they themselves have killed, restore them to life and give them presents (III 362; C 109). Supernatural beings hit by human weapons can be cured only by human beings, more particularly by the person who hit them. In return they give supernatural gifts (S 149, 161, 190, 237; X 25; C 49; CXXVI 163). In by far the greatest number of cases young men go out to compel spirits to bestow upon them their gifts. The hunter who surprises the dancing mountain goats (S 169; III 7); the goat hunter who meets the hunting spirit (III 36); the fisherman killed by the grizzly bears and revived by the wolves (III 30); the man who compels a supernatural woman whom he holds in his arms to help him before he agrees to release her (III 107); the boy who obtains the Ma'dEm dance on the mountains (S 151, 162, 165; X77; C 99); the youth who compels the wolves to give him the means of overcoming his enemies (S 205) are examples. Sometimes the people go out to seek gifts (S 139, 144, 216; X 252). [Then they purify themselves for the purpose of inducing the beings to appear (III 437).] One man who pursues the Dzo'noq!wa puts on rings of red cedar bark and blackens his face before going (C XXVI 160). A father sends his children to obtain the powers that belong to his family (C 9) or simply to receive gifts (C 29). Parents awaken their son that he may go out and search for a place to sprinkle his body. If he is not willing to go, his father scolds him and aks him to leave home (CXXVI 176). A chief's son obtains gifts from mountain goats (III 17). A daughter brings a gift by means of which her father becomes chief (S 133). In preparation of this event young children are bathed in cold water1 (S 138, 143; III 138); a youth lies down among the dead bodies of his friends which are being eaten by wolves, is carried away by them and given power (CXXVI 141); a person sets out to capture a supernatural being (III 103), or the beings are caught by him accidentally (S 155). A supernatural being who has been captured is released in exchange for the gift of a ceremonial (III 107, 396). Powers may also be obtained by killing the supernatural beings. Then the murderer takes their place and their powers. The most characteristic tale of this type is that of the origin of the cannibal ceremonies by the slaying of Cannibal-at-North-End-of-the-World (S 164; M 396; C 387). Somewhat analogous is the killing of the Dzo'noq!wa and the ensuing acquisition of her strength and property (III 87, 103; C 443). When a person offends an animal by a slighting remark, he is invited to a ceremonial, shown the supernatural powers of the animal, and receives gifts (C 353); the mountain goat hunter who receives gifts from the goats whom he surprises in their dancing 1 See Purification, p. 84. Kwakiutl Culture 93 house (S 169; III 7); a person who tries to steal the supernatural property of another one is first punished, then he receives the coveted prize as a gift (S 188; CXXVI 74). Gifts and initiation may also be obtained by marrying a supernatural being, in the same way as privileges are obtained by marriages in this world (S 185, 188). A man, after proving his powers, marries the daughter of the Thunderbird and receives the Thunderbird's house (S 134); another one visits the wolves, marries the youngest of the wolf chief's four daughters and receives the death-bringer and other gifts (S 163; C 181); still another marries the daughter of the East and of the North and receives copper in return for the gift of nets and dancing paraphernalia (S 219; see also III 72 et seq.). The man who has shot a Dzo'noq!wa and cures her is given her daughter together with gifts (S 190; C 59; C XXVI 163). A chief marries the daughter of the chief of the sea otters and receives gifts (III 363). In one case the supernatural beings wish the man to become their son-in-law before he arrives in their country (S 161; C 71). This motive is also combined with the pity of a supernatural being for a deserted woman whom he helps and whom he marries (S 180; C 255). In one case the gifts are given to the young man's fatherin-law (S 167). Marriages of girls to supernatural beings are rare. A woman taken across the sea is married by a supernatural being (S 189). When she returns home with her children she receives gifts (C 273 et seq.). The story C XXVI 219 telling of the marriage of a girl to the bear who lives on the west side of the ocean and later on to Q!6'mogwa is probably of recent origin. Another girl is married to the son of the chief in heaven. She is taken to his house and receives gifts for her children (III 48). There are several instances in which the beings seek the recipient of their gifts, - a man while at work is taken away in order to be initiated (C 463); or a novice follows a man into the woods, swallows a quartz crystal and witnesses the cannibal dance (C XXVI 97). The cannibal spirit seeks out a clean youth whom he initiates (S 230, also III 109). A spirit blows into a boy's mouth in order to give him strength or sprinkles water on him (S 139). The power invites a man to accompany him (III 361; X 53); the wolves carry away a boy (C 179). A novice is taken by Q!o'mogwa to the bottom of the sea (S 146). In some cases animal messengers lead the hunter across the ocean to the dwelling of the supernatural beings (S 185, 203, 220; III 378). The geese appear in the form of men and invite a youth to a feast to be given by their chief Swan (C 355). A being induces a person to purify himself and walk in the wilderness against his own will (X 36). A man asks a youth to purify himself and to enter a house where he witnesses a sacred dance (C XXVI 28). [Here may perhaps belong the tale of the Dzo'noq!wa 94 9Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society who carries away a crying girl (III 432),] and that of an isolated maturing girl who receives gifts (S 183; III 87). The visit to a place at which supernatural power resides, or the accidental meeting with a powerful being leads to the acquisition of gifts. When a boy climbs a certain mountain, quartz and feathers fly into him, and he obtains power (S 152; C 99). A woman chances to find the scales of a double-headed serpent (III 138). Another person receives. power by accidentally killing the sea otter mother (III 381); still another one, by killing the mother of the mountain goats and by escaping from a dangerous snow storm (C 9). A boy finds a man sitting on a deerskin. He receives the skin, the cannibal dance and the ghost dance as supernatural treasures (C XXVI 57). Three brothers help the dwarf people fight against their enemies and receive a supernatural treasure from the grateful dwarfs (C XXVI 155). In many cases no reason for the meeting is given. (S 133, 169, 191; M 336, 403, 414; III 109, 361 364, 382; C 81, 379). In some cases, at least, this may be due to the incompleteness of the recorded version. When a person seeks supernatural help, he generally starts out at night, and goes up a river bathing in the cold water of lakes and washing his body with hemlock branches (see Purification p. 84). In the fourth lake he meets the supernatural power. When a young man hears the sound of an adze, he washes four times in four ponds. He then sees a canoe with a man, Blue Grouse, in it. When the youth speaks to the man, he disappears and the youth takes the self-moving canoe (C XXVI 52). In another version he hears the sound of an adze and finds the tools which belong to Grouse. When he puts the tools on both ends of a log, they work by themselves (C XXVI 44). The manner of appearance of the power is also quite varied. The water of the lake rises four times, and each time a new gift appears (S 144; III 143). A youth sees a canoe coming down in a cloud and appearing on the lake. He dives and holds the canoe, and compels the owner to give him the supernatural power that he desires (III 127). Sometimes a supernatural being appears, takes h m into the lake, and finally leads him to the being that is to initiate him. Thus a youth swims to an island, a canoe appears which he holds until he receives the promised power. Then he is taken to the house of the cannibal spirit (C 31). Another man is taken around the lake by Loon who dives with him and leaves him at the house of the supernatural being that initiates him (C 450). In still another case the Loon dives with the person and takes him to meet the canoe from which he is to receive power (C 468); or the Loon restores a man's eyesight by diving and offers him a supernatural treasure (C XXVI 81). A boy arrives at a pond and sees three animals, a loon, a porpoise, and a whale emerging from the water. The lake begins to rise and he is covered by Kwakiutl Culture 95 a devilfish and taken down to a house below, where he receives a supernatural gift (X 61; C XXVI 176, 184). A person harpoons a whale and receives a magic gift (III 398). A person who is purifying himself is called (III 106), but cannot see the being that calls him. By hiding under water (C 421), or by peeking through a hole in the blanket with which he covers himself, he discovers the messenger (C 33), - in the former case, the Mouse-Woman; in the other, a feather. Sometimes the messenger is called a small man (R 1131, 1253). A peculiar position is occupied by the Woman-Rooted-to-theFloor, who appears as helper and adviser to those who visit dangerous supernatural beings from whom they will ultimately receive gifts (see p. 141). The Woman-Rooted-to-the-Floor is generally described as a person who has partaken of the food of the supernaturals and who, as a consequence, became rooted to the floor. Sometimes her origin is not described and she simply appears as adviser (M 373, [397]; X 188; C 189, [389]; [R 1225); C XXVI 221 perhaps also X 56). In C 343 a woman is mentioned who may or may not have been a person rooted to the floor. In one case only this being is described as a handsome young man (C XXVI 150). The second characteristic manner of obtaining supernatural help is for a person to die and to be taken to the house of the spirits that revive him and give him their gifts. A person who capsizes in his canoe awakes and finds himself in the house of the supernatural beings (C 101). Another one who has been killed is taken away by the ghosts, initiated, and sent back (C 339). Still another bathes in ice cold water until he dies, and then finds his helper (X 49). A woman wails until she dies and is taken by the ghosts to be initiated (C 311). A man falls down a cave so that his abdomen bursts. He is revived and initiated (C XXVI 206). In one tale a supernatural being goes to cure a man of a sickness, and at the same time initiates him (C 115). Here belong also the instance of a person who is first eaten by the wild animals, and who is then pitied by the wolves. The wolf chief orders the animals to vomit up his remains, which are put together and revived. At the same time he is given supernatural gifts (III 30; X 57; C 109). When a man finds a supernatural being, he embraces her and does not let go of her until she gives him the gifts that he desires (S 139; III 107; C 465); or he cohabits with her (C 115). One person steals the mask of the grizzly bear while the bear is diving. The bear's supernatural power resides in the mask which he has to redeem by supernatural gifts (III 33). An adventurous journey may also result in the acquisition of power. Thus a man climbs down a kelp stem in order to see the world below and is initiated (X 23). Another one travels westward over the ocean until he finds the treasure he seeks (X 253). A man 96 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society travels to the upper part of a river in order to get a magic gift (III 142). Still another one passes under the mountains forming the horizon and visits the sky (C 67). When a man pinches the infant child of a supernatural woman so that it cries, she gives him supernatural presents for leaving the child alone (C 490). A very characteristic trait of initiations is that the beings offer one gift after another, generally four in all. The first three are declined by the hero, but the last one is accepted. Nevertheless he receives all the gifts that have been shown (C 181). Day-Hunter accepts the last of the four gifts offered by the seals (C XXVI 207). In other cases he meets one being after another, but is not satisfied until he finds the most powerful one (III 124, 143). After the human being receives his gift, the supernatural beings and their house disappear (C XXVI 78, 98; R 1136). When being brought back in a magical way he may not open his eyes (R 1254; C XXVI 226). The manner of transfer and the acquisition of power is hardly ever described. Generally the magic objects are simply given to the recipient, and sometimes their powers are described (see p. 105). Names are also merely stated and thus given as presents. When the treasures are dancing paraphernalia, they may also simply be given, like the crab of the door of the house of Q!5'mogwa, which is given to a novice (C 379). When the gift is a ceremonial, it is always stated or implied that the novice witnesses the performance, is taught to imitate it, and receives the paraphernalia. The gifts are condensed in a very small space so that the novice can carry them home without attracting the attention of the people. The dogs of a hunter are so small that they are carried in his head ring of cedar bark. When placed on the ground they become large, when patted they become small (III 18, 39). Garments are squeezed into small size (C XXVI 167). The cannibal post is slapped until it becomes so small that it can be put into a cedar bark head ring (C 437). Houses given to the novice appear at the village at a set time after his return. They arrive with a rumbling sound (C XXVI 226), or they were made small and become large again when placed on the ground (R 1255). [When a novice returns, he feels dizzy (III 428).] DISOBEDIENCE TO ORDERS OF SUPERNATURAL BEINGS. - Supernatural beings punish disobedient human beings. Disobedient hunters are punished by a heavy snowfall (C 13; C XXVI 144). When a man becomes too proud and disobeys the order of the supernaturals, the spirits take his treasure away from him (C XXVI 132). A mountain goat hunter who divulged the gift received from the supernatural being that presides over the goats is transformed into a wolverine (III 44). Another one who breaks the enjoined continence is transformed into a grizzly bear (III 25). A man who is Kwakiutl Culture 97 given inexhaustible boxes of food is forbidden to say how he has obtained them. When he disobeys all the food disappears (C 369). Another one who takes a magical arrow into the house, although ordered by the supernatural donor to keep it in the woods, loses it and becomes poor (C XXVI 131). SHAMANISM. - The ancestors of a number of clans are represented as endowed with shamanistic power by which they overcome Q!d'neqe~laku whose power is of a different quality. Q!a'mtalal (III 101; C 453); Q!e'x'Lala (C 487); Qa'wadiliqala, his brothers and his sister (X 29); He'lig'iliqdla and his sister LO'lEmaga who wear cedar bark rings and have dentalia on their fire (X 195, 210; C 199), the children of NlmnasE'nxelis (X 195, 222; C 195. 207), He'likcawZe (X 196, 223, 224; C 195), He'lik-iliga (C 193) and the perch (C 207) are so described. A person who has been taken to the village of the ghosts and who is sent back by them becomes a shaman (C 351). A shaman enters a house in the lower world (C 101). People who pretend to be dead and revive acquire shamanistic power (III 287). After an initiation by a being under water a shaman is found lying on the beach apparently dead (X 26). After initiation by supernatural beings or animals the novice shaman stays in the woods for four days before returning to the village (C XXVI 215). [The shaman can cause and cure disease. He throws it into the body of his enemy (III 426).] Supernatural beings who are hit by human beings become sick, because the weapon thrown is a disease invisible to their eyes, while the hunter who visits the supernatural beings can see the objects that cause the disease (III 360; X 24; C 53). The throwing of supernatural power is one of the signs of shamanistic art (X 195; C 207; C XXVI 74). Shamans throw woodworms (X 195, 211; C 199) or salmon harpoons (X 222). Other individuals of supernatural qualities are able to throw their power, which causes transformations (X 230). Thus Q!d'neqeelaku catches power in his hands and throws it upon people who are transformed into gulls. After this he takes back what he has thrown, and the gulls are retransformed into human beings. When he throws his power again, they become deer (X 230). Qa'wadiliqala and his sister try their powers. He vomits quartz which they throw at each other without being able to do any harm, because their powers are equal (X 29). When a shaman wants to show his power, he pushes a branch under the skin of the left side of his chest, closes the opening by rubbing over it and later on, when his rival cannot find the disease, he extracts it from his own body. The shaman cures sick persons (III 177, 287; X 26; C 351) by sucking out the disease (III 360; X 25) and singing his sacred song (C 55). After sucking he blows on his patient (C XXVI 162). A shaman can take sickness out of his own body (III 171; X 224). 7 98 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society When practicing a cure he blackens his face, puts bird down on his head (S 141; C 49) and wears head ring and neck ring of cedar bark dyed red (S 146; C 49, 453; C XXVI 160). When he performs a cure, he or his assistants beat time with batons (X 221), or with batons and on the drum (III 175). Then he feels for the sickness (III 360; X 25) he utters the shamans sound "hwip" (III 100, 169; X 196) and sings his sacred song (III 360). In serious cases the people assemble and many shamans try to cure the patient (X 24). Sickness may also be cured by washing the body with urine (C 329). A person who has toads in his stomach is treated with medicine, his body is oiled, and then the frogs are squeezed out of his stomach (C 115). In another case the shaman feels of the stomach of the patient, while two assistants beat time. He places his hands above and below the stomach, brings them together and thus takes out the toads, which are put into a kettle and taken away (III 173). A man of supernatural power takes the frogs out of his own stomach (III 171). By throwing his supernatural power into himself, he makes the toads in his stomach croak (III 231). The shaman is also able to make a person young (III 360). When a man tries to test a shaman in whose power he does not believe, the latter tears his intestines and kills him (X 26). He tricks a man into having his belly cut open and kills him (III 345). Shamans are paid for their services. The prices paid to them are very high: slaves, canoes, blankets, sea otters, princesses are mentioned (III 177, 287, 360; X 22, 59). A shaman who cures a supernatural being receives a painted house and the princess of the chief whom he has cured (III 360). A shaman cures the Dzo'noq!wa by sucking the arrows out of her body. He receives a daughter for his wife, a house with supernatural qualities and water of life (C 57). Another one receives increased shamanistic power, a pond and reed matting and a petrel soaring over the pond (X 25). Another, for having cured a blind woman, receives juice of alder-bark, birds' down, an ermine mask, and a wren mask (C 459). The participants in the winter ceremonial are called shamans, although they do not practice shamanism (III 12, 105, [412]; C XXVI 189). Different from the shaman is the sorcerer (e'q!enox) who kills people by the power of magic ([III 426]; C 113; C XXVI 95). MAGICAL POWER AND OBJECTS. SUPERNATURAL POWER. - People who are by their nature endowed with supernatural power are "not ordinary" people (k'fEs ao'ms). Q/i'neqelaku (X 12, 242), many mythical ancestors (III 167; X 228), Scab who is of supernatural birth (C 53), are so Kwakiutl Culture 99 designated. Men of this type are supernatural (nau'alaku). For instance of Ts!d'qdmce it is said, "You are not an ordinary man, you are a supernatural man" (III 167). The supernatural power resident in such a person is called his supernatural quality (nau'alak!wjene III 167). Q!a'neqeClaku (III 167), mythical ancestors, the brother who escapes the attempts on his life by his magical power, [the miraculously born child of a dead woman,] the person who liberates the daylight (III 394) are so called. The same term designates, however, also the supernatural powers that do not reside in man (III 394). When these are acquired, they become the "treasure" (.O'gwqe) of the recipient. Thus when Scab who is supernatural, marries the daughter of the Sun, he has her and all the gifts obtained in marriage for his treasures (III 75). Certain men who have found supernatural power are called Lo''gwe coming down to the beach, (LogwalEnts!es III 158, 244), or LO'gwala (III 158). Children of supernatural birth grow up quickly (S 179, 189; M 373; III 180, 395; X 178; C 41; C XXVI 44, 158). A boygrows up quickly and becomes a man of supernatural power (III 138, 375). In order to make the child grow his father washes him in cold water, steps on his toes and pulls him up by the shoulders (III 184). Another child when pulled the first day grows four finger widths, the same the second day, one span the third day, two spans the fourth day (R 1250). One of these children speaks when two days old (III 395). A child is made strong by being bathed in the skull cap of a Dzo'noq!wa (III 104). They grow so strong that they can twist yew trees (or a cedar C XXVI 175, a spruce R 1125) from the top down to the butt (S 144; III 141) and split their enemies in two (S 144; C XXVI 182). A child is able to jump higher than the tops of the tallest trees (S 179; X 179). Men of supernatural power have unusual strength. One of them throws the canoe of visitors up to the roof of the house (S 143). Another one hurls rocks at canoes which, falling into the water, raise waves that throw the canoes of visitors on shore ( C XXVI 62). Still another throws trees after passing canoes (S 192). They also perform miraculous feats. Born-to-Fly, taunted by his captors, frees himself of the ropes with which he is tied and flies up (III 102; C 455; C XXVI 63). Q!d'neqeClak makes his canoe go by shaking his body (X 10). Ts!d'qdmne makes his canoe go by shouting "Wo!" (III 203). When he cries, "Oh," lightning shoots forth (III 222). The same man, decapitated, disembowelled, thrown into fire, tied to a stone and thrown into water, comes back to life (III 168). A hunter whose stomach burst in a fall upon rocks heals himself and is cured by the seals (C XXVI 207). In a contest with his rival a person creates tides, shallows and hail storms (C XXVI 60); or he causes the floor of the house to be flooded (R 1143). 7* 100 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Through the power of thought Deer makes Sawbill-Duck Woman paddle towards himself (X 136). When O'emdl wishes a slave to come to the place where he is hiding, the slave obeys his wish (III 332). When the Thunderbird wishes a woman to come out of the house she does so (S 206). In many cases the wish is heard by the Listener in the house of the supernatural beings and is stated by him (see p. 106). A woman walks over the surface of the ocean (S 137). A grown up man transforms himself into a child (C 213). A girl that appears to be an infant is transformed into a full grown woman when sprinkled with urine (III 77). A person takes the form of an old man (S 198; X 237; C 195; C XXVI 59). When the daughter of the Sun weeps her tears are blood and it is dark (S 197). Cedar leaves thrown into the water are transformed into herrings; rotten wood into dolphins (S 137); leaves of evergreen trees into salmon (C 43; C XXVI 158). A sea otter carved of rotten wood and thrown into the sea is made to come to life. When it is harpooned the line sticks to the hands of the hunter and to the canoe which is dragged out to sea (S 191, 203; III 378). When a dead twin woman has been revived she washes her hands in a basin. As soon as the water is poured into the river salmon begin to jump (C 217). In another version she puts her finger into her mouth, then into a wash basin and a salmon is in it (III 326). When she puts two fingers into the water there are two salmon in it and when she steps into the river it is full of salmon (III 328). The right anal fin of the salmon stolen from the chief of the salmon and thrown into the water gives origin to the salmen which ascend the rivers (III 392). Dwarfs are able to take the scent of a person by stretching out and moving a finger until the person is located (C XXVI 149). They fish halibut by diving for them (C XXVI 153). Frequently the possession of supernatural power is demonstrated by the ability to throw it against an adversary. The use of the death-bringer and fire-bringer which are pointed against enemies and of quartz will be described later (pp. 110, 111). Throwing of supernatural power belongs to the shaman (C 199). A male and female ancestor of a numaym show their strength by throwing woodworms at each other (X 195, 211; also C XXVI 74; S 187, 196). Q!d'neqeFlaku and He'gmaCnis transform people into stones and birds by throwing their powers (C XXVI 67). By dancing in the house two jealous supernatural women transform each other into birds (C 77; also S 137). Q/d'neqeglaku and one of the ancestors, Yixa''gEmnE, transform each other into birds (X 227). By pointing with the finger Q!d'neqeglaku and O'mdli perforate each other's bodies (S 197; see also S 182; X 222; C 207). Men of supernatural power cure blindness by spitting on the Kwakiutl Culture 101 eyes (S 136; III 95; 96; X 216; C 458, 459; C XXVI 73). Blindness is also cured by long diving. Q!&'neqeelaku cures Md'leleqdla (X 225) and the loon the blind hunter (C 450) in this way. Q/i'neqeclakt spits on jumping fish and the waters become quiet (C 461). When a man places a dish with sea water on the ground and throws birds' down on it, wind and rain cease (S 207). A returning novice assumes successively the forms of a bullhead, dolphin, seal, sea otter, whale and loon (C XXVI 179,186; also X 68). Supernatural powers reside in inanimate objects. A copper plate laid face down causes darkness (S 140, 144; III 144). A lame person becomes well by swimming through the sea (C XXVI 113). Supernatural power makes it possible to cause stones to swim (S 187; III 100). By shaking the war neckring a fire is put out (C XXVI 60). Extraordinary paddles make a canoe reach its destination in one day (C XXVI 61; see also p. 107). The cedar bark ornaments and rattle of one of the ancestors walk when he orders them to do so (C XXVI 67; see also p. 103). Supernatural powers appear particularly in the winter ceremonial. An initiate breaks canoes with his axe and on the following day they are whole again (C 349). The visitor believes he has stayed four days in the supernatural house, but these are really four years (see p. 113). In a story of a visit to the house of the seals we hear that their night is our winter, their day our summer, so that one whole day equals one of our years (C XXVI 208). Supernatural power may be destroyed by biting the edge of the tongue and spitting the blood on the supernatural beings or on the weapons with which they are to be killed (S 139, 148, 156; C 333). [A man spits blood drawn from his tongue on his harpoon shaft and point, his hands and his paddle, moves three times as though intending to throw and the fourth time he throws and kills a merman (III 440). Another one spits the blood on a merman who then loses his power (III 440);] still another one after spitting blood four times on his club and on a double-headed serpent kills it (III 197). Hellebore chewed and squirted against the double-headed serpent makes it innocuous (C 53; C XXVI 162). When ceremonials of supernatural beings are seen by human beings the supernatural powers do not work (III 11, 106); the fire in their house goes out (C XXVI 107). Wolf's dung destroys supernatural power. Menstrual fluid is a means of breaking the power of supernatural beings. When a drop is placed in the ear of a girl, the woman who sucks out the brains through the ear cannot harm her (III 46). Another man is so strong that when menstrual fluid and wolf's dung are mixed with his food, he is not affected (C 466). A menstruating woman seated in a canoe destroys the magic power by which it is restored every time it is broken (C 351). 102 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society The smoke of four bundles of white shredded cedar bark soaked in the first menstrual flow of four virgins and put up in a rectangle around a cannibal destroys his power (C 441). When the body of a supernatural man is rubbed with the menstrual discharge of a virgin he disappears (C 441). The people try to kill a man of supernatural power with menstrual flow, but are unable to do so. However, when he marries too many women, his power is destroyed (C 466). Another one is killed by being given menstrual blood in his food (C 113). A menstruating girl is able to catch the returning novice (C XXVI 188). MAGICAL POWER OF SONGS. - The song of a woman brings a hail storm. The hail stones fill the canoes of her enemies and make them founder (C XXVI 61, 63). A song received from the Thunderbird also brings lightning and hail and transforms canoes and their crew into rocks (R 1130, 1146). The song of a man who after bathing daubs his body with ocher brings to an end a thunderstorm with heavy hail (III 112). Wolf's sacred song used with the "sleep maker" puts a whole tribe to sleep (C 185). Another song of the Wolves causes the limbs of Deer to fall off one after the other (C 167). Mink's sacred song causes a gale and a wild sea which makes the canoes of the wolves founder (X 146). When the people sing Mink (C 493), respectively K!wek!waxa'we (III 286), who pretend to be dead, revive. The animals sing to O'emdl, "Go into the floor!" and he sinks deeper and deeper into the ground (C 239). Mink calls his mink bag and it comes (C 145). The song of the thrush produces berries (III 298; X 148). LANGUAGE OF SUTPERNATURAL BEINGS. - Salmon spawn (gqenee) is called by them x'o'lE (C 114; C XXVI 66); a snare (x'imayu) yi'.xwayo (C XXVI 55); the moon man calls himself A'pEtaxu (X 166). CONTESTS OF POWER. - The contest of power is a very characteristic motive of many tales: one group includes mutual transformations. Thus Q!d'neqeElakc and Xate'tsEn transform each other first into stone, then Q!d'neqeElak" lifts Xate'tsEn, throws him up and transforms him into fog. When XatetsEn resumes his human form, he transforms Q/d'neqeElak* in the same manner. Next they transform each other into cranes (C 3; also S 134). The DzS'noq!wa woman and the Sun-Woman, wives of Scab, have a similar contest. By dancing the Dzo'noq!wa transforms the SunWoman into a woodpecker which resumes human form as soon as she stops. She in turn transforms the Dzo'noq!wa temporarily into a blue jay; next the former becomes a flicker, finally the latter a qo'los (C 77). Similar is the contest between the two wives of another man (S 137); and between Yix-''gdmZe and Q!aineqeelaku. Yix'i'gdmee is transformed into a young sawbill duck. When Q!d'neqeelak" takes back the transformation, he is in turn trans Kwakiutl Culture 103 formed in the same way (X 227). Q./'neqeClaku lets the waters rise over Yixagdmne's house who caulks it and causes the waters to subside (X'227). When Q/i'neqeclak4 meets Q!a'mtalat he looks at him and thus causes his pile driver to fall into the water Q!a'mtalak raises it by uttering the cry of the shaman "hwip". Next Q.!'neqeclaku lets the waters rise over the house of Q!a'mtalal, whose children caulk it, so that the people inside remain unharmed. When Q!a'mtalat cries "hwtp," the waters go down again (III 100). The strength of a person is also tested by giving him to eat meat of the double-headed serpent which kills ordinary mortals (C 3). When Q/d'neqeelak i meets O' mdl, and at another time Ts!da'qdmne, they point at each other from a distance and thus each makes a hole through the other's body, and each heals himself (III 167; C 207). In their contest Q/i'neqeclaku cuts off Ts!d'qdmne's head, opens his belly, pulls out the intestines, burns him in a fire, and puts frogs into his stomach, but Tsld'qdmge heals himself every time without, however, retaliating (III 168). In a contest between Ts!d'qdmUe and EwzlEnkiilag'ilis his arms, legs and head are cut off, reunite and then he produces a flood. Since his adversary repeats the performance, he is considered beaten (R 1135). When Q/d'neqeclak~ meets Ha'yalik'awie the latter pushes a cedar twig under his skin, rubs over it and heals himself. Q/5'neqeclakU is unable to locate it (X 224). Some of these contests are trials of strength of shamans who throw their supernatural power. Thus an ancestor and his sister throw woodworms (X 195, 210), or salmon harpoons (X 222) at each other. When meeting Hf'Emaenis Q/d'neqe1lakk is afraid of the howling of wolves and passes..He'Emanis lets his ring of cedar bark and his rattle walk to meet Q!/'neqetlaku. The latter throws his power and a boy who is looking through a knot hole in the wall of the house becomes a stone. When H'CEmannis throws it back Ql/'neqeElaku's canoe is almost upset. In the next test Qtd'neqeelaku throws the "bird maker" without effect. When it is thrown back his crew become birds (C XXVI 67). Two chiefs have a contest of stone lifting (S 191). In a contest between the chiefs of two tribes, the tribe of the performer sits next to the door, in order to pervent the escape of the tribe of the rival, if they should become frightened by his feats (R 1142). There are a number of tales of contests between father-in-law and son-in-law (S 134, 136; III 338), or between jealous brothers (III 365). The aggressor tries to kill his enemy by having him crushed in a tree that is being split, by making him sit on a settee set with sharp points, by roasting him near a fire. In S 134 the Thunderbird tries to drown his son-in-law. 104 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society SUPERNATURAL BEINGS AND HUMAN BEINGS. - There is a mutual relation between human and supernatural beings. In some cases they are mutually invisible. As human beings hurt by supernaturals can be cured only by supernatural help, so supernaturals hurt by man can be helped by man only. Ghosts are ordinarily invisible to men, and living humans are invisible to them (C XXVI 109). A man who visits the Salmon is invisible to them although his song can be heard (S 146). Men who surprise supernaturals while performing ceremonies disturb the performance (III 12, 106; X 37; C XXVI 107). The Dzo'noq!wa hit by arrows cannot be cured by his own shamans because they do not see the human arrows but only by a man who can see the human weapons (S 149, 190; C 53). [The same is told of Q!5'mogwa who was hit by a piece of bark thrown away by a person (X 24; R 1254)]. When a human being happens to witness secretly the ceremonial of the supernatural beings, they cannot go on with it. They call him in, and he is initiated if he behaves as instructed (III 11; X 37); if he does not obey, he does not attain supernatural power (III 104; C 447). The fire in the house of ghosts dies down when a living person observes them (C XXVI 107). SUPERNATURAL BIRTH. -A person transforms himself into a baby, enters the womb of a woman and is borne by her as a child (III 395). The daughters of Gwdandldlis become pregnant when Q!d'neqe6laku touches their wombs with gum that he has put on his first finger (C 195). The mucus of the nose of a wailing woman becomes a boy who helps her (M 373). After K!wek!waxd'wec has seduced Sawbill-Duck-Woman, he puts the secretions into a shell and they grow up to become a boy (X 177). In S 179 it is said that a small piece of wood placed between two pieces of bark becomes a child that grows up fast. This is evidently the same idea as the preceding since it is part of the same story. When a boy scratches off a scab from his stomach, his stomach moves and swells. When he scratches again, a hand shows itself and draws back when he continues to scratch. When he lies still without scratching, a boy jumps out of his stomach and he is well (C 41; C XXVI 157, 168). In another version the scabs are said to become a boy. The infant is placed in a shell (S 189). [A man cuts open his faithless wife, who pretends to be dead, and takes out of her womb an infant which he brings up (C 209).] A supernatural woman gives birth to a boy after four months of pregnancy (III 179). A woman gives birth first to boys, then to dogs (M 401). A woman is made pregnant by a feather which she finds in the stomach of a steelhead salmon (C XXVI 104). When the sun shines on the back of a woman she becomes pregnant and calls her child Born-to-be-the-Sun (X 80). Kwakiutl Culture 105 REVIVAL. - The dead may be revived by being sprinkled with the water of life (see p. 109). The bones are cleaned (X 209) and laid in order (C 201) before being sprinkled. People whose brain has been sucked out are sprinkled with the water of life after the brain has been put back (III 48). The person revived opens his eyes and says that he has slept sweetly or a long time (X 88, 209; C 63, 127). When Scab returns with his wife, the daughter of the chief in heaven, he finds his former wife and his father dead, and revives them by saying, "Don't be this way." (C 75). When Dzd'wadatlalis died because he was so much frightened that his intestines fell out of him, Q/a'neqeFlak" drove them back by means of a firebrand and Dzi'wadaelalis revived asking whether he has been asleep for a long time (C 462). Four young men kill people with their death-bringer, and resuscitate their grandparents and others whom they like (C 491). A woman who has been transformed first into a stone, then into a deer, is sprinkled with water of life. First her head becomes human again, then when more water is sprinkled on her, she resumes her human form (C 451). By sprinkling water of life over a carved wooden figure, it becomes alive (X 58). The urine of a supernatural person has the powers of water of life (X 209, 219; C 199). The dead may be revived by supernatural beings, by the owl (C 339), the killerwhale (C 341), and the ghost (C 347). The owl teaches him to fly; the killerwhale to use the killerwhale canoe; while the ghosts take him to their village where he is initiated and then sent back. The shark revives a dead slave who is initiated in his house (III 360). A woman taken by the ghosts is placed on a twilled mat in the middle of the rear of the house. The song leaders beat time with batons on boards, and sing, a chamber vessel is placed next to her and her face is sprinkled with the contents (C 319, 321). Animals that have devoured a person revive him (III 30; X 57; C 111). A man initiated by a supernatural woman revives the dead by going around the grave shaking his rattle (C 465). A boy who was beaten by his father is restored to health by being blown on (C XXVI 179). A person whose body was full of wounds is restored by the wolves who lick the cuts (C XXVI 137). The Qo'los blanket lined with skins of the tomtit and humming bird is spread over a corpse and then sprinkled with the water of life, to resuscitate the dead one. A magic deerskin turned up one way kills, turned the other way revives (C XXVI 57). HOUSES OF SUPERNATURALS. - The houses of supernatural beings are magical. The door is the snapping mouth of a monster that tries to kill those who enter (C XXVI 162), or it is simply called a snapping door (S 186). The door of Dzi'wadaElalis kills those who 106 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society try to enter (S 136). That of Qa'wadiliqala is a raven's beak which tries to kill the stranger who enters (M 384, 387; C XXVI 53). The house of the sea spirit Q!o'mogwa has a snapping door (X 62, 70; C 257) or four snapping doors (C XXVI 180). Its snapping door is the mouth of a sea monster (C XXVI 216). The house of the Dzo'noq!wa (C 53, 63) has a snapping door. On each side of the door are double-headed serpents, and inside are wolf posts with darting tongues (C 63). The beam of Qa'wadiliqala's house are doubleheaded serpents (C XXVI 53). A chief of the Gwa'waenox' has a house the door of which is a snapping monster (III 212). The snapping door of the Dzo'noq!wa's house and the double-headed serpent with darting tongues on each side of the door are overcome when hellebore juice is squirted upon them (C XXVI 162). The door of a chief's house consists of one side of a cedar tree that nobody can lift (C XXVI 139). Q!5'mogwa's house under sea draws in passing canoes (C XXVI 225). The door of He'lig'iliqdla sucks in an approaching person and places him under ground (C XXVI 74). The posts of these houses are alive. Speaking posts stand on each side of the door (R 839; C XXVI 53). The one on the right says, "Attack these strangers;" the one on the left, "Treat them well!" (X 62). The speaking posts in Qa'wadiliqala's house greet the visitor. The one to the right says, "You made them come to your house, Qa'wadiliqala;" the one to the left, "Now spread a mat and give your guests to eat, chief!" (M 387). The speaking post in another house says, "Give plenty to those who come into your great house, chief!" (III 186); still another, "0 chief, treat well those who come into your house" (C 275); or, "Treat well this man of supernatural power who comes to your house" (III 220). In the house is the Listener who hears the thoughts of the visitor and tells them to the house owner (M 387; III 362; C 103, 181; R 1185, 1254; C XXVI 142, 177, 207). In many of the supernatural houses is a spring or well of water of life (see p. 109). For names of houses and posts see p. 53. The carvings of posts and beams are often described in detail (see p. 49). The dogs of supernatural beings of the sea are seals and sealions. These may be eaten by visitors although they are not used for food by their owners (III 81; C XXVI 216). The crab-apples of many supernatural beings are human eyes (III 81). The clover roots of the chief west of the ocean when put on fire prove to be snakes, his crabs, frogs and lizards (III 391). The woodman's roasted salmon when exposed to fire, turns into rotten wood, his salmon skin into frogs and lizards (III 261). The "clam buttons" of dwarfs are toads (C XXVI 151). The food of supernatural beings in heaven consists of cinquefoil roots (III 178). Kwakiutl Culture 107 When a man enters the house of a supernatural being and clandestinely marries the being's daughter, his father-in-law tries to kill him and there are certain paraphernalia in the house that serve this purpose. Most important among these is the spine seat which kills with its sharp points whosoever sits down on it (C 456; C XXVI 166). These points are octopus bones (C 173; X 236) or quartz points (X 240, 241, 243). It is also described as a spiked mat (C 460) or as a mat with snapping jaws (III 97). It belongs to Dza'wadaclalis (III 97; X 236; C 460) and to the salmon chief (C 173). MAGIC CANOES. - K!wek!waxd'wg e and O'mdil always travel in a self-paddling unfolding canoe (III 330, 351; C 169, 175, 217, 287). When the owner says, "Unfold," the canoe opens, and the crew can go aboard (III 338; C 227, 243). Kwj'xag'iCla and L!/'L!axwas own self-moving canoes (S 156,184; CXXVI75). In a few cases the canoe is propelled by the paddles of the crew (III 351). The unfolding canoe can travel under water (C 169), under ground (III 230), and to the underworld (III 79). A self-paddling canoe comes down in a cloud (III 127). Self-paddling canoes are also the property of other supernatural beings. G'ii (probably identical with Qli'neqeHlaku) has a self-paddling canoe in which he carries gull wings and feathers (S 135). Q!o'mogwa bestows as a gift a self-paddling canoe which makes a peculiar noise - probably because it is made of copper (C 279, 468). L!/'qwagiEla (Q!5'mogwa) the chief of the north, or of a country reached by passing under the mountains, owns a self-paddling copper canoe (II83, 219). Ts!d'qdmej receives from enEmo'kulisEla a death-bringing double-headed serpent selfpaddling canoe. It has a serpent head with darting tongue at each end, and a man's head in the middle. When he says, "Paddle," the body of the canoe answers, "Wo!" as though many men were shouting and the paddles move (III 202), or he says, "Wo," and the canoe starts (III 203). The paddles make a noise like ringing copper (III 152). In another version it is said that the canoe was received from a double-headed serpent which Ts!i'qdme's son had caught (S 156). In S 167 K!wek!waxd'we's canoe is also called a double-headed serpent canoe. It is made of copper and must be fed seals. Orion, the harpooneer of heaven, who comes down in a cloud, owns a self-paddling canoe that can be made small by squeezing it so that it may be concealed in a head band (III 127). When the canoe is to move, the water tilts in the direction in which the owner desires to travel, and the canoe drifts along (III 383). The crew consists of nine men, who are painted with charcoal with a design consisting of pairs of lines running down from the eyes over the cheeks and from the lower lip over the chin (III 386). The Dzo'noq!wa makes a self-paddling canoe, which she gives to those whom she befriends. It moves when the sides are slapped (C 490). This canoe can move overland from the place where it is being made (X 112). A woman receives a self-paddling canoe from a super 108 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society natural helper (C XXVI 117). Q!a'neqeclak"'s canoe, Qoqo'malis, was probably a self-paddling canoe (S 199). The canoe which he uses, although belonging to another person, moves when he shakes his body (X 11). Both he and Xate'tsEn own double-headed serpent canoes (C 5) Wolves also own a self-paddling canoe (C 165). The sealion gives to a visitor a self-paddling canoe (R 1254). Some of the ancestors also own self-paddling canoes (C XXVI 59, 61). Canoes of supernatural swiftness are owned by Killerwhale. One goes in one tide from his home to Knight Inlet and back (III 341), the other in one day from his home to Skeena River and back. When these canoes are launched, they become killer-whales. A stranger cannot manage the canoe, which comes up to the surface of the sea and drifts about helplessly (III 342). The chief beyond the ocean gives his swift hunting canoe to a visitor (III 380). O' mdl makes his canoe go swiftly with his one-day paddle (C 223), one stroke of which makes it go along distance (III 348). G'i'malag-iclakU has two supernatural paddles which make the canoe go fast with only one stroke (C XXVI 59, 61). Land-otters try to take a drowned person away in a canoe which, when disenchanted, proves to be a skate (III 266) or a sealion (III 268); while the paddles, when thrown into the fire, turn into minks and martens (III 266). Here may also be mentioned the artificial whale, in which the animals go to make war on the Thunderbird. Grouse, Black Woodpecker, Ant, and Woodworm carve a whale out of a cedar tree, the first two shaping the outside, the last two hollowing out the inside. Gum is put on by all the animals. Sea-Lion puts in his ballast and paddles. Land-Otter, Sparrow (?), and Deer watch the blow-hole. Starfish guides it. The animals go aboard and shut the hatch, which Squid holds tight (III 310). Killerwhales which take away the dead appear as canoes. As soon as a dead hunter goes aboard such a canoe, it becomes a killerwhale, which goes along spouting. When a person cannot manage such a canoe, he is sent back to the grave (C 341). Magic canoes that appear on lakes are mentioned several times (C 31). That of Orion has been referred to before. A G'd'p!enoxu while pursuing a whale finds such a canoe on a lake (III 398). A man sees the waters of a lake rise and a canoe with a harpoon in the bow appear (III 143). A canoe with three people appears (S 139). O(maxt!a'laLe receives as a gift the canoe that Grouse, the master carpenter, has made (M 386). POTLATCH POLE AND WEALTH-BRINGER. - Supernatural beings own the potlatch pole (S 144; III 381; C 183; called ma'dxp!eq in III 143; C 465; ema'xUsasyas in C 346; mai'xwag-ila in C 180). It rises from the water or is bestowed as a gift. They also have the means of making property swell in the house (baxrbaxwaliZla III 108). Their baskets and boxes are inexhaustible. Salmon berries Kwakiutl Culture 109 contained in a small basket never decrease (X 13). There is an inexhaustible grease dish (C XXVI 17) and box (CXXVI 163). A basket given by the Swan to a visitor is inexhaustible as long as the recipient does not tell how he obtained it. When a small part of the contents is placed in a box it increases in size until the box is full (C 361). A magical deerskin is also inexhaustible (C XXVI 57). The boxes of supernatural beings are so heavy that no mortal can lift them, while the supernatural beings lift them with a finger (C 59, 283). The sealion gives an inexhaustible box to a visitor (R 1254). A whale contained in such a box becomes large when taken out (C 255). Another box contained two whales (C XXVI 17). A selffilling house dish in form of an octopus is mentioned (S 203). The wealth-bringer is given by the Thunderbird and by lIElgwalzlaga. It is called yd'qeg'ila (making wealth, III 248.13, 380.38), ho'walEmdlag'ila (making it easy to obtain wealth, III 108), and ba'.xbaxwaltela (making things increase in the house, III 108). WATER OF LIFE. - Supernatural beings own the water of life. A body sprinkled with it revives. O'cmdl (III 324) and K!wek!waxd'weA (C 491) revive with it the dead twin whom they want to marry. Copper-Maker, the chief west of the ocean, has a pond of water of life in his house. A woman who bathes in it recovers her eyesight (C 273). Toad has a pond with water of life (C XXVI 71). [The black bear also has a water hole with water of life in the corner on the right hand side of his house (III 410).] The wolves revive with their water of life a person who has been devoured (III 32, 362; X 57). They give it away as a present (C 183; C XXVI 143). The supernatural Crying-Woman (III 108; C 465), Orion (III 127), SE'nL!/e the son of the chief in heaven (III 48, 57), the Dzo'noq!wa (C 63, 490), the Thunderbird (M 414), Bax"bakualanuxusi'we6 (S 153), Q!d'neqelaku (S 199, C XXVI 67), the seals (C XXVI 207), all own it and give it as a present to visitors. Ke'UElaku a man whom his brother tries to kill also owns it (III 367). A person who has been transformed into stone becomes a human being again when sprinkled with water of life (C 451). The grizzly bears feel sorry for a man whom they have killed and revive him with water of life (C 111). The sea lion gives water of life to a visitor. It is contained in a seal bladder. When people transformed into rocks are sprinkled with it they revive (R 1255). A man gives water of life away with instructions to sprinkle it on anyone to be revived (III 128). A father carries his dead daughter ashore and revives her by sprinkling water over her (C XXVI 64). Supernatural beings cure a wounded hunter with water of life (C XXVI 207). The toad has water of life. When rubbed over the body with the soft layer in its nest it restores health (C XXVI 71). Some of the ancestors of the tribal subdivisions own it (C XXVI 64). 110 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society In some cases urine takes the place of water of life (X 219). The urine of the princess of Gwd'nalalis, when sprinkled on old mosscovered bones revives them (X 209; C 199). When a person has seen a ghost, his face becomes contorted. When it is sprinkled with urine, he recovers (III 377). Land-otters may assume the form of human beings. When they are sprinkled with urine, they appear in their true form (III 266). DEATH-BRINGER. - The death-bringer is not often described, but merely named hald'yu (means of destruction). It has the form of a baton (III 57; X 71; C XXVI 102, 207). It is quartz (III 111), a bow with tongues at the ends and four arrows (III 144), or simply an arrow (S 140; C 469). A death-bringing feather is worn in the hemlock ring over the forehead (III 19). So'dEm and his sons have death-bringers growing on their fingers (III 356). The tail of the wolf is also called the death-bringing tail (X 91; C XXVI 24). Wolves are to keep it and not to use it as death-bringer. The lower jaw of the salmon must not be eaten because it is a death-bringer (C XXVI 24). Instructions are given for the use of the death-bringer (S 139). If it is pointed at people, they fall down dead (III 57) or lose their senses (S 141). When it is thrown or pointed, men, animals, and water monsters die (S 140; III 128). When it is turned around, villages catch fire, and everything is destroyed ([III 410]; C 187). A monster shot with it turns into stone (S 145; III 149). Canoes capsize (S 141) or turn into stone when it is pointed or waved at them (S 133). A mountain struck by it catches fire (C 187). When the death-bringer gets hungry, it wants to eat the tribes. If not allowed to do so, it becomes restless and flies away (C 187). It is given by the wolves (X 58; C 183; C XXVI 101); 6lElgwaltlaga (C 465), the son of Q!/'mogwa (C 469); SE'nL!/E, the son of the chief in heaven (III 50); Orion (III 128); the DzS'noq!wa (C 490); and the Thunderbird (M 415). When K!wek!waxda'wec pretends to be dead and later on returns, he has acquired the death-bringer (III 287). An arrow with the scale of a double-headed serpent at its end when pointed at animals or monsters transforms them into stone or into mountains, and sets houses on fire (C XXVI 127). The death-bringer rubbed over a hand transforms it into stone (III 131). An arrow that never misses its aim is mentioned (C XXVI 80). A large knife given by a supernatural being kills all sea-monsters (C XXVI 177). A deerskin on which a man sits comes down from the sky and is caught in a canoe. Its one side is never empty and restores life. Its other side brings death (C XXVI 57). FIRE-BRINGER. - The fire-bringer is essentially the same as the death-bringer (C XXVI 207), although sometimes differentiated from it. Any object against which it is thrown catches fire (III 128, Kwakiutl Culture 111 130; C XXVI 59). The fire-bringer of a supernatural woman is her apron (III 108). Another one has the form of a carved wolf (C XXVI 60). The one given by the Thunderbird is called xu'mtxumtagqila (III 248.12). The one given by the wolves is called q!watlqwdtag'ila xu'mtxumtag'ila hald'yu (destroying fire maker death-bringer) (C 183). In III 132 the fire-bringer fails to destroy herrings which jump into a canoe. The sealion gives the death-bringing club and fire-bringer to a visitor (R 1254). HARPOON SHAFT. - A man who is bathing finds suddenly that he holds a harpoon in his hands, by means of which he kills a whale of the woods (III 364). Orion gives to a man his canoe with the harpoon shaft in the bow (III 383). At another time he comes down in his canoe with fifteen men enfolded in a cloud. The harpooneer stands in the bow of the canoe holding the harpoon, which is then given to a person who holds up the canoe (III 127). The waters of a pond begin to rise (S 139), and a canoe appears with a harpoon in the bow (S 144; III 143). By its means all kinds of game can be killed (C 452). A magic harpoon is also given by lElgwalilaqa (C 465). The wolves give it to a man visiting them (X 41). When he goes back, the harpoon shaft is folded up (X 58). The sealion gives to a visitor the serpent spear which turns into a serpent when thrown overboard and kills seals (R 1255). QUARTZ. - Quartz enters into the body of a man and enables him to fly (S 152, 162; M 411; C 99; C XXVI 97). The piece of quartz seen on the beach changes into a shadow, and then into the form of a man. It is wa'oyak'ila (Tide-Maker) (C 379). A mountaingoat hunter is lost and reappears with long pieces of quartz on his head which are squeaking (X 77). The same is told in the story of Si'wid (X 40, 77; C XXVI 181, 188). Qa'wadiliqala in the contest of powers with his sister vomits a piece of quartz which they throw to and fro. Then he throws it at a large mountain, which is therefore called Quartz (X 29). The wolves, in their ceremonial throw quartz at each other (C XXVI 24). Quartz flies about on a supernatural mountain (S 152). Dza'wadaclalis owns a settee set with death-bringing quartz points (X 240). A seal is seen with a quartz crystal on his neck (C XXVI 202). The mother of the mountain goats has one horn of quartz (C 9). Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World gives the death-bringing quartz points to a visitor (III 111). VARIOUS PROPERTIES. - Several other possessions of supernatural beings are mentioned in tales. The slave of Killerwhale uses the quartz-pointed wedge of his master (III 332). The slave of salmon chief uses the never blunted wedge (C 171). Grizzly Bear owns a food obtaining mask (III 36); the bird Ts!d'ts!o a blanket out of which fish jump when a corner is dipped into water (C 191). The Thunderbird owns the mist-covered, the rainbow-covered, 112 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the cloud-covered and the carrier-of-the-world gambling stones (III 296). The wedge of the carpenter Grouse is self acting (see also S 166; M 383, 386; C XXVI 45, 52). The magic canoe making tool, i. e. an adze is also offered by the wolves (C XXVI 142). The Dzo'noq!wa gives a Qo'los blanket lined with tomtit and humming bird skins. When it is spread over a dead body and sprinkled with water of life the dead one revives (C XXVI 170). A long knife for skinning sea otters is given by DoqwalisEla, the chief of the country west of the ocean (III 380). The war neck ring of a man of supernatural power puts out the fire of the house of a rival (C XXVI 60). In R 1250, 1251, snowshoes enabling a hunter to climb steep mountains and to walk over slippery ice are mentioned; also a quartz pointed climbing pole. I believe the part of the story in which they occur is not Kwakiutl, but Tsimshian. In the same story it is told that the grouse chews a root, spits on his hands and then clapped his hands four times and the goats fall down dead (R 1251). In the story of the magic flight, the young people who are pursued throw back over their shoulders a comb which becomes a thicket of crab-apples (C 391; a thicket M 401); cedar wood which becomes a moving log (C 393); a stone (a whetstone M 400), which becomes a mountain (C 391), and hair oil which becomes a lake (C 393; M 400). The comb that is transformed into trees occurs also in the Q!a'neqeclakl tale in which it is told that he throws his comb on the mountains that were bare, thus creating trees (C 456). A pinch of the tallow of a supernatural goat, the protector of a family is held in the mouth. It protects the holder and later on increases in size and becomes a large mass of tallow (C 27). The war axe of the ghost chief is used for keeping away the profane (X 39). In C 347 it is called Going-from-One-Side-of-theDoor-to-the-Other (ts!attsElguneexstala) and is used for breaking canoes. In some cases the function of the properties is not stated. To those belong the eagle tail of the ghost chief (X 39); the spirit paddle given by the ghosts (C 347); water that becomes bird's down' and a white feather and dancing boards, given in the lower world (C 101); a pond with reeds in it and a petrel soaring over it (X 25); a crab, the watchman of the door of Qf!'mogwa, given by Swell-Woman, to be used in the O'lala ceremony (C 379). The skull rattle and potlatch staff given by the ghosts (C 347) do not seem to have any supernatural function. Crying-Woman gives a rattle for taming the cannibal (C 465). A whale appears in a pond and which when harpooned looks The tale S 207 suggests that when thrown into the sea they calm the waves. Kwakiutl Culture 113 like a snail. It becomes a charm of the whale hunter and is used only by the whale hunting tribes of the west coast (III 364, 398). The sleep-bringer (m' xmexag'ila) is given by the wolves (C 185). When blown towards people it causes them to fall asleep. The wolves also give to a man the power to put his enemies to sleep by rubbing his eyes and moving his hands in the direction of the hostile village (S 163). NUMBERS FOUR. - The ever-recurring magic number is four. A person who has visited the country of the supernatural beings thinks he has been away for four days, while in reality his absence has lasted four years (C 61; C XXVI 140, 142, 170, 217; R 1130). A person who has received a supernatural gift must keep his body pure for four years (III 18). The gift must not be looked at for four days (C XXVI 56). The present of a self-moving canoe is given to a man four years after it has been promised (III 177, 201). A person who has obtained supernatural strength does not show it for four days (III 51). On the fourth day a Loon appears to an unfortunate person and helps him (C XXVI 214). A young woman is secretly married for four months (X 7). A boy of supernatural strength is born four months after conception (III 179). In four months after his birth he is a full-grown man (III 180). A wonderful child is born four days after conception (III 395). Another one is strong when four days old (see p. 99). Four days after a child is born the father goes to announce its birth to his father-in-law (III 236). A child that has acquired supernatural strength is washed in ice cold water when four days old, stands in the water between four poles that are driven into the bed of the river (III 140). Another child is washed immediately after birth, and again when four days old (III 196). After four days more, the child wants to go out (III 200). A man who is purifying himself in order to obtain supernatural help stands in the water for four days (C 467). [He dives four times every day for four days (III 437).] He rubs his body with hemlock branches and hellebore leaves for four days (III 124; C XXVI 124) and bathes for four days in the cold water of a lake (III 125), or in the morning and in the evening every day for four days (X 23). After four days of purification, he is taken to the house of a supernatural being (X 61). The supernatural gifts obtained after purification, or after a visit to supernatural beings, appear on the fourth day after the return of the recipient (III 51, 55, [415]; X 41; C XXVI 31). People visiting supernatural beings stay in their house for four days (X 26, 62). Four days after the supernatural gifts appear in the 8 114 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society village, the recipient resumes hunting (X 42). People who visit supernatural beings travel for four days on the outward or home journey (III 146, 256, 331, 346, 363, 364, 381; X 252). When a youth comes back from the supernaturals he tells his father about his treasure and stays away from home for four days (C XXVI 99). The newly initiated shaman stays in the woods for four days before returning (C XXVI 215). Four days after a person dies the supernatural beings come to take him away (C 339, 341, 343). A person pretends to die after a sickness lasting four days. After he has been dead for four days, wolves come to steal his body (III 278). Mink revives after four days (X 116). For four days after a death has occurred the people keep quiet, then they bathe before resuming their ordinary occupations (X 142; C 137; also III 286). A woman wails for four days after the death of her father (C 311). When the salmon chief is induced to have his stomach cut open in order to reduce his stoutness and has been killed in this manner, his tribe are told not to touch the body for four days (C 175). After four days in the woods a chief sees a supernatural being (M 336; [III 430]). For four days a woman has nothing to eat (III 253). When a man visits a village to marry the chief's daughter, he stays for four days with his new wife (X 115, 252). Four days after a secret marriage has been consummated, the woman's father comes home (III 337). The hostile father-in-law does not want his daughter's husband to live for four days after marriage (X 236). The celebration of the winter ceremonial begins four days after the end of the No'ntEm ceremonial (X 254), and lasts four days (M 389; X 74). [For four days the novice stays away (III 417, 428).] Four days after the disappearance of the novice cedar bark is distributed (III 58) and the novice is brought back (C 484). For four days the people try to catch him (C 113; C XXVI 187). A ceremonial is celebrated on behalf of four dancers in intervals of four days (M 399; III 85). People hear cries four times (M 403). After they return the dancers become excited in intervals of four days ([III 417]; C 437, 441). Four days after a new house has been built, the cannibal gets excited (X 253). For four days the red cedar bark is over the door of the dancing house (III 171). It takes four days to learn songs and dances (III 72); to make an artificial whale (X 182); to gather poles, roots, and twigs (III 78); to make a copper canoe (III 83); to carry meat home (C 399); to build a house (M 389); to make rivers (C 169). For four days the owner of a salmon trap watches it before he discovers the thief who steals his salmon (III 28). For four days people search for a good cedar tree before finding one (III 309). It takes Mink four days to walk around an island (X 161). For four days a chief stays away from home gambling (X 171), and warriors lay in wait for the enemies to appear (III 152). Captives remain tied to stakes for four Kwakiutl Culture 115 days (III 158), and Mink stays away from home for four days at a time (X 144). A woman who goes inland in despair travels for four days (III 122). A man stays the same number of days in bed sulking (C 297). A child cries for four days for a toy (III 395). The southeast wind promises good weather for four days at a time (III 353; X 102). Four men travel home in a strong tide for four days (C XXVI 156). People would revive four days after death if a person who tried to recover his son had bided his time before touching him (III 106). Four days after reaching maturity the girl is placed in a small house, and bathes four times every fourth day, then four times every sixth day (III 87). The cannibal must purify himself by bathing four times, first, every fourth, then every sixth, eighth, and tenth day, in all four months (III59, 182). InM 399the last of these intervals is given as twelve days. When K!wek!waxa'wie has depositedaninfant under the stump of a tree, he looks after it every fourth day (X 177). Every attempt to attain success in supernatural matters must be repeated four times (III 62, 73). The performer of a magical action must turn four times (C XXVI 159). Water of life is sprinkled four times on a body before it revives (C 63, 465). A woman dives four times in the water of life to regain her eyesight (C 273). The culture hero spits four times on the eyes of blind persons to restore their eyesight (C 458, 459). Four times he calls the double-headed serpent to come to life and kill a monster or a whale (X 194, 219). Four times blood is spit on the double-headed serpent before it is killed (III 197), four times a man goes around a grave shaking his rattle before the dead one arises (C 465). The fourth time a woman throws her fish basket she catches the son of Q!5'mogwa (C XXVI 16). The following actions are also repeated four times each: a father washes and pulls his child to make it grow (III 185), posts of a house howl (M 388), a supernatural being shouts (M 403), the cannibal spirit is called by his wife (C 391), thunder sounds when Ts!ona catches a salmon (C 451), lightning shoots forth when the thunderbird soars (X 183), thunderbirds send forth lightning to blow away the birds (III 299), Crow denounces Ha'daga for having eaten sea-eggs (C 247). Four times O'cmdl tells his canoe to unfold (C 243); people are told to invite to a feast (C 237); O'cmdl is told to sink into the ground (C 239); O' md1 asks the people to desert his daughter (C 249), a loon flies from one end of a village to the other (III 231); gambling stones are thrown (III 296); mink imitates the frogs (X 121); a boy jumps (X 179); K!wek!waxd'wje visits his son who is growing up miraculously in the woods (X 177); wolves sing to cause Deer's limbs to fall off (C 167); Q!d'neqelak7 is warned against Dzd'wadaclalis (C 456); an artificial whale rises (X 182); a person scratches a boil before a child jumps out (C 41); a shaman sucks at sickness before removing it (X 25); four times a 8* 116 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society woman gives birth, first three time to boys, last to pups (M 401); a man walks and rests four times before reaching a supernatural house (III 11). The mouse calls a hunter four times (III 12); goats enter a hole in the ground four times (III 8); the Wolf feels in the grave box for Deer's body four times (X 91); the Mouse goes to ask for the return of Wolf's tail (III 279). The bow of a supernatural canoe is lifted four times (III 127). Four times a youth shows his power (III 204). It takes O'cmdl and his younger brothers four days to paint the birds (C 291). Even ordinary acts in every day life are repeated four times or are done in four stages. Four times food is given to messengers who woo a girl (III 235). [A woman is told four times to climb higher up a tree (C 405).] People nearing home shout four times (III 392). To indicate the increase of strength of a child it is told that he first shoots sparrows, then black bears, grizzly bears and finally mountain goats (C XXVI 70). Four times the knife is moved over the place to cut. Only the last time the cut is actually made (C XXVI 144). [The harpoon is moved three times before it is actually cast (III 441).] The number four appears particularly in connection with purification and ceremonial. A man bathes four times in four lakes (C 419); four times in four places (III 62) and turns four times when going into the water (III 64). A person who purifies himself or desires supernatural power bathes (M 386; III 107, [437, 438, 440]), dives (III 36; C 429), or washes with wrappings of corpses (C 465) four times. The hunter uses four hellebore plants for rubbing his body (C XXVI 125, 201). In ceremonials all important acts are repeated four times. Four times the people beat time (III 86), the dancer moves around the fire (M397; [III 413]; C463); dances to and fro (III 181; X40), goes around the house singing his sacred song (C 55); [four times they sing (III 427),] shout before singing (M 388); four times the whistles sound ([III 427]; X 72); four times a mask appears before sinking underground (X 40), four white gulls soar (X 76), four times the cannibal climbs his sacred pole (C 441), and four times the dancer flies around the house (X 40). There are four songs for each dance (III 194, 232, [414, 436, 444]; X39, 76; C 437,441), [feast (III 445),] and marriage (III 69, 74). In performing the xwe'xwe dance, after each of the four sacred songs an underground rumbling sound is heard (C XXVI 32). The ornaments of the dancer are different for each one of the four dances (C XXVI 140). When a feat has been unsuccessful four times, or a mistake is made the fourth time, the attempt will remain a failure. Four times a dead man tries to spout as a whale, but does not succeed (C 341); four times Q!d'neqeclaku tries to overcome Ts!d'qdmfe (III 168) and Q!a'mtalat (C 453). Four times wolves try to reach the deer on a tree by climbing on one another's back (C 165); the people Kwakiutl Culture 117 try in vain to bring back their novice (X 78); [the Dzo'noq!wa tries to grow in size (III 434)]; Dzd'wadas'lalis (III 97) and Q!a'mxiilal try to overcome Q!t'neqeclaku (III 99). A man whose son has died does not wait until ghosts beat time the fourth time before trying to seize his son, and therefore fails (III 106): after losing three times in gambling with Cormorant, K!wek!waxa'wec turns to a new device to beat him (III 291). Three times a man catches a whale; the fourth time his son tries and is unsuccessful (III 399). Because mink rests for four days before four days of work have passed, he is unsuccessful (X 162). Three times No'aqaua tries to carve salmon. When unsuccessful he goes to steal the salmon (III 390). Conversely the fourth attempt is successful. This is implied in many of the examples given before, but appears most clearly in the following instances: A traveller hears a whale on the third day, sees it on the fourth (III 398). The fourth prayer for help is granted (X 167), after four shouts a canoe begins to move (III 201), and a supernatural house comes down (III 186). After four songs the deer succeeds in putting the wolves to sleep (C 163), in her fourth attempt Hd'daga captures the son of Q!o'mogwa (C 253), the fourth time the cannibal succeeds in climbing his pole (C 425 et seq.). The fourth attempt to imitate a supernatural being is successful (C 429, 463). The fourth time the Wolf princes rob Mink's salmon weir they are killed (X 103); the fourth time a thief tries to steal he is discovered (C 443); the fourth time when Heron deceives Q/i'neqelaku pretending that enemies are coming he is killed (X 186); the fourth time a boy is tested he has attained great strength (III 140; X 49); the fourth time the grizzly bear dives his captive escapes (III 34). The fourth time a person shouts he is heard (X 30); the roots of the fourth tree found grow deep into the ground (X 18); the fourth attempt to kill the Dzs'noq!wa is successful (M 373); after the fourth attempt the wolves reach Deer's grave box (X 91); after four songs Thrush's boxes are full of salmon berries (X 148), and Mink gets a single berry (X 150). Mink questions three sets of people passing by for news, the fourth set tell him (C 145). After Mink has tried to fly four times he gets one small porpoise (X 156); the fourth time O'fmdl tries he swims like a whale (III 342); three times animals come to deceive a man by taking the form of his relatives, but the fourth time his relatives come (III 264); the fourth time a whale rises it is speared (III 398); the last of four gifts is accepted (III 143; C 101); the water rises four times, then the being that initiates the novice appears (X 61); the fourth time a supernatural canoe goes around an island it is stopped by the novice (III 127); the fourth daughter of the Thunderbird is able to lift the box in which a man has been adrift (III 372); three times warriors shoot with cedar twigs, the fourth time with the death-bringing arrow (III 246). After a man has been kept awake for three nights, he sleeps soundly 118 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the fourth night (III 137), four times the sound of an adze is heard before the supernatural canoe is found (M 386); four times the cannibal spirit steps on a fishing pole, before he is noticed (C 463); the fourth initiation is the most important one (III 124). Four houses of supernatural beings are passed on a journey (X 54); people go to the fourth pond behind the village (C 403); they bathe in four lakes (C 419); pass four mountains (X 54); go to four places to find the grave of twins (III 323). A boy jumps four times and rests between his jumps (X 179). A woman carrying firewood into the house is stopped three times, so that she makes four starts (III 336). Four objects are also named frequently: Four head masks belong to the Cannibal ceremony (C 399). There are four wedges (III 332; C 219); cedar withes for a rope (III 126); stones in a canoe (III 331); arrows (III 10, 103, 138, 144, 243, 368, [403]; X 81, 191; C 47, 123, 385, 471); dogs on the roof of a house (III 368); salmon-berry bushes (X 148); trees (C 479); torches (III 145); baskets with gifts (III 51; C 281); one box and three baskets (M 389); four boxes (X 148, 150); cooking boxes (X 155, 159); dishes (III 381; C 275); canoes (III 235, [443]; C 349); coppers (III 371; C 115); frames for fish weir (X 33); hoops for fish basket (X 34); spits (X 153); tongs (X 157); branches for making holes in ears (C 121); holes dug in sand for catching herring (III 376); pieces of rotten wood carved (X 205, 247; C 461); carvings representing people (C 371; [III 426]); platforms of house (X 62); posts (X 62, 193); doors in house front (C 453); figures on a carved post (C 433); four houses north and four south of chief's house (C 259); four masks (X 70, 237) four birds on top of a mask (X 70), four self-beating drums (III 182). A person catches four salmon (X 153, 158, 189; C 189); halibut (III 252); porpoises (X 155); he kills four dogs (C 395); mountain goats (C 449); whales (X 194; C 193); eats four sea eggs (C 247). Q.t'neqe1lak' puts down four mussels and thus causes mussels to grow in Knight Inlet (X 231). The same applies to sockeye salmon (X 232). Four kinds of food are given out (C 357); four pieces of halibut (C 357). Four pieces of salmon roe remain when the people are starving (X 165); four salmon are cut up and boiled (X 158). When the salmon disappear from a house only four remain (C 492). A man has four wives (III 365; C 109, 127-133); four children (M 401; III 219, 295; C 444); four sons (M 396; III 171, 179 et seq., 206, 313; X 15, 103; C 9, 243, 275, 285, 385, 489); four daughters (III 45, 371; X 3, 196; C 181, 195). A wolf family consists of three brothers and one sister (X 28); a girl has four brothers (C 401); a man four younger brothers (III 365); another one, four sons and four daughters (C 375). There are four song leaders (C XXVI 100). The chief has four attendants (II60, 116, 213, 241, 295, 384, [406, 435]; X 157; C323, 325, 337) who act as messengers (III 308; X 13). There are four Kwakiutl Culture 119 men who search for a good cedar tree (III 308); four men find the house of So'dEm (III 357); four warriors (III 303); friends (X 99; C 445); youths who act as cooks (III 21); canoe builders working four days (III 310); men or women in canoe (III 383; X 87; C 215) who paddle (III 233) in bow of canoe (C 227); women who beat time (X 37); song leaders (III 385). Four men lift a girl on a mat (C 319); four boys who are clubbed become salmon (III 346). Four blind women are met by Q/d'neqe1laku (X 215; C 205). EnEmo'gwis meets the ancestors of four numayms (M 385).1 Four men go down to the lower world (III 401). Four slaves are given to the cannibal to eat (C 464). Four arrows become a rope on which Mink climbs up to the sky (C 123). There are four trees from which gum is borrowed (III 308). Mink twists off the heads of four wolves (C 165). A hunter may kill no more than four mountain goats (III 18). Four goats appear at the same time (III 8). The supernatural gifts are reduced to a size four finger widths (C 436); bows measure four spans (X 81); the chest of a hero is four fathoms wide (C 85). Four names are given as a gift (III 124. 381; X 65; C 464); there are four dances (C XXVI 98); four names belonging to the wolf dance (M 388); four names are given in marriage (M 388; III 212). Four supernatural or marriage gifts appear very commonly: A self moving canoe with a serpent appears, a food box that cannot be emptied, a death-bringer and water of life (R 1254). A house, water of life, box containing wealth, a wife (C 59). The halo, abalone ear ornaments, two names (III 382). Canoe, death-bringer, one arrow, name (C 469). Water of life, death-bringer, fire-bringer, property bringer (M 415). Water of life, death-bringer, restoration of eyesight, property bringer (C 450). Water of life, death-bringer, canoe, power of transformation (C 490). Comb, hair oil, cedar sticks, stone (C 387). Four cannibal head masks, many whistles, four head rings, four neck rings (C 399). War dance, crab, tide maker, stone pile-driver (C 383). Red cedar bark, water that is transformed into bird's down, white feather, dance boards (C 101). House, harpoon, slaves, two attendants (III 363). Means of acquiring wealth, means of increasing wealth, water of life, fire apron (III 108). [House, water of life, dance with paraphernalia, names (III 415).] Canoe, hemlock poles, spruce roots, cedar withes (III 78). Hunting dog, death-bringing feather, name, (three only III 19). 1 M 38 1, one of these is omitted. 120 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Cedar bark headdress for winter ceremonial, hunting spear, potlatch pole, copper, four death-bringing arrows (S 144; III 143). Water of life, fire bringer, death-bringer, self-paddling canoe (III 128). In the xwe'xw dance four musical instruments are given to a youth; four masks, four drums, four notched round cedar poles, four scallop shells (C XXVI 32). In another passage a house, dances, masks, and death-bringing baton are mentioned (C XXVI 98). Often it is doubtful, how these gifts are counted, particularly whether the names are counted separately or not. When a youth waits for supernatural help the water of the pond by which he sits rises four times, every time higher (S 144; X 61; C XXVI 184). EIGHT. - Sometimes the number eight is found which is, however, often composed of two fours. A gift consists of four summer and four winter names (III 191), another of four kinds of skin and four names (III 212); four boxes each are placed under two kinds of bushes (III 298). People walk twice four days before they reach a cave. In other cases eight is used by itself (III 77). A man stays eight days at home sulking (C 97); a house of supernatural beings stands beyond eight mountains; eight canoes go to war (C 185, 187); eight dressed skins are used to build a tent over a canoe (III 79); eight salmon are in a trap (M 402); mink has eight friends (X 108); frog woman has eight suitors (III 318); eight dancers appear (C 483); eight times the woodman tries to deceive a hunter (III 256); eight names are given to a man (III 187). A supernatural being is visited first by two men, then by four, then by two (III 357). A man makes houses for himself and two brothers and eight besides (M 402). THREE. - Three is not often used. Quite a number of times a formula or syllable is repeated three times (III 265); since, however, some of these occur also repeated four times, I rather suppose that this is due to careless dictation or recording (III 265, 332, 338; C 151, 227, 247, 486). The great preponderance of formal actions repeated four times favors this view. Many of the cases of repetition of an unsuccessful action three times are followed by a successful fourth action. These belong, therefore, really to the fourfold repetition. A few times the three is clearly due to the omission of one incident; as in the magic flight, when comb, oil, and stone are mentioned, but cedar sticks are omitted (M 400, compare C 387), or in the bungling host story (C 151), in which Kingfisher is omitted. Mink dives three times for sea eggs and the last time his wife deserts him (C 135). The use of three is easily understood when three rocks are explained as three transformed sealions (III 149); when three brothers go hunting in a canoe or Q!Tdneqeelaku travels with two companions (III 168), since this is frequently the number of hunters who go out together (III 378), or when two canoes meet a third one (III 222). Kwakiutl Culture 121 Setting aside these cases we find a man who has three sons (III 375); three uncles (C 475); three children (III 390; C 442, 453); Wa'wale raises his paddles three times (C 488); three men enter the house of the ghosts (with the one already there four C 345). After three days of travel a canoe reaches home (C 281). Twice three times a man is led uphill (III 109). Three names given to a person occur several times (III 49, 117; X 253; C 487). Three dances are given (III 76). O'Emdt's wife feeds three of his friends (III 326); there are three chiefs of the myth people (III 295). In all these cases and in the following the number three is not mentioned, but there are merely three names given. Three attendants are named (C 245). The wren is swallowed by the bear three times (X 21), Dza'wadaclalis tried to kill his son-in-law by means of his settee three times (III 98), and the child of the canoemaking woman is pinched three times (C 458). Three gifts are apparently mentioned (III 36 and perhaps III 19). It appears from all this that three is not important. Five occurs quite often in the region around Puget Sound but rarely here. A man has not eaten for five days (III 144). GreatInventor questions five trees before he gets what he wants (III 288). When Beaver wants to marry the Frog Woman he boasts with his five names (III 321). Chief-of-the-Ancients has five warriors (III 347). Copper-Body presents his son-in-law with five marriage gifts (III 388). When people descend to the lower world they shout five times (III 401). Five deer are caught in a net (X 9). Mink has five wives (X 113 et seq.). Five people are mentioned as the ancestors of the DEna'x'daexu (C 453). TWO. - The number two occurs fairly frequently, but it does not seem significant. When two women go out in a canoe (X 142) this represents a common occurrence in daily life. Two fish baskets of a weir are normal (X 103). The transformer makes two shell knives which are to become the antlers of the deer (X 211). Two wives occur a number of times (III 133, 154, 240), particularly when the theme is the jealousy of the wives (X 15; C 75; C XXVI 166, 172). The two children adopted by Heron are based on the relation of the Transformer and his brother, a weakly developed concept of dualism (X 185, 193). In other cases the theme is jealousy between two brothers (X 22; C XXVI 200) or they represent a family in which the number is irrelevant (X 45, 165). Two stones are used to kill a monster, one to be placed under her head, the other used as a hammer (M 373). Two seals are the travelling provisions of Q!d'neqeElaku. These are evidently two remarkable rocks; hence the number (C 458). Two posts stand in the rear and in the front of the house which agrees with the construction of the house (III 186, 193). Two woodpeckers peck at the house posts, evidently one on each post (X 13). A woman covers herself with two bed covers (III 250). Husband and wife beat time each with one baton (III 122 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society 174). Two men carry a long dish, one at each end (III 254). Families with two sons are not rare (III 123, 190, 357, [426]). Two daughters occur in III 355, 363 and C 482; two messengers or attendants in III 280, 311, 401; X 97. O'mdl is tied to two stakes (III 340). A number of times a period of four time units is divided in groups of two. A journey takes two days out and (implicitly) two days back (X 63). A girl stays in the woods for four months. After two months her father sends to see what she is doing (X 7). After four years a novice shows his strength, but once in between (X 50, 51). Two attempts to crush a man in a split cedar or by means of the spine seat occur in several versions of the same story, but the total number of such incidents varies evidently with the completeness of the versions: two in C 197 and X 204; three in C 461; six in X 241. However, in all these stories one of the tests is repeated twice. The number of names obtained in marriage is sometimes two, one a summer (secular) name, the other a winter (ritual) name (III 8), or the number is accidental according to the wealth of names that the donor may bestow. We find two names in III 117, 119, 221; C 85. When actions which are ordinarily done four times are performed only twice, the suspicion arises that the narrator shortened his account. Twice a novice hears the cannibal cry (III 109); [the bear visits his protegee (III 409)]; Q!d'neqeclaku causes a pile driver to fall into the water (III 100); a man purifies himself (III 64, 146); climbs two mountains (III 126); twists trees to try his strength (III 104); a dancer appears coming out of his sacred room (III 110). A wedding party rests twice on the journey to the edge of the world (III 72). Mink borrows his mother's knife twice (C 149). A man dreams twice (X 34); a log rolls off the fire (III 336); hair of a chief is caught in salmon hanging down from a rack (III 329). Twice the thunderbird warns his daughters (III 372); loon (C 450) and land-otter (X 130) dive. A man throws twice quartz against a woman before throwing it against a mountain (X 29). Twice a corpse is searched for a magic treasure buried with it (III 400). [After two songs a novice enters (III 431).] Two feasts are given (III 220, 399; C 365); two whales appear at the same time (X 193); two boxes appear in a house (III 389); the thunderbird owns two gambling stones (III 295). A ceremonial has two songs (III 110); two novices disappear in a winter ceremonial (III 232); two men sing in a ceremonial (III 389); a supernatural being bestows two gifts (III 385; [405]); there are two foolish-makers (no'lEmg'ila X 40); a man carves two wooden figures who are to become his wives (III 122); there are two men whose bodies are covered with mouths (X 220); two men appear in a dream (III 398); the birds have two chiefs (III 295); two friends live in L!a'lamin's house Kwakiutl Culture 123 (C 480); two salmon are caught in a trap (X 186; III 391); and four men enter the house of the ghosts, two of them perish because they follow the enticements of naked women (C 345). A woman is pregnant after two days and two men come and try to rescue her (III 356). In two cases the number two occurs in a gradation of steps. O'mdat's wife puts her little finger into water and one salmon appears, then she wets two fingers and two salmon appear, finally she steps into the water and the river is full of salmon (III 326). The wolf offers to O'~mdl that the tides shall go down two finger widths and since this is not accepted he offers lower and lower tides (C 231). CURRENT BELIEFS. - When a hunting canoe is completed and the last preparations for the first voyage have been made people throw into the sea the torches with which the bottom of the canoe has been scorched, saying "Now day, you will be calm and I put into the water this fire that you wish for." (C XXVI 93). When the refuse of sea eggs is thrown into a dirty place, bad luck will befall the people (X 115). A father never speaks to his son who is making a salmon trap for it would bring ill luck to him (III 28). A man who has received a supernatural treasure is warned not to talk about it lest it bring bad luck (III 19). The bones of the spring salmon are thrown into the fire as soon as people finish eating (III 326). When the hands are washed in the slime of the double-headed serpent, the hands become stone (III 147). The right side is the preferred side. The children of Wisest-One lie on the right hand side of the door of the house (C 395). A slave is ordered by his master to sit at the right hand side of the door (C 441). A harpoon shaft hangs at the right hand side of the door (X 41). A man walks toward the right hand side of the house (C 343). A man invites his daughter to sit at his, right hand side (C 315). The Dzo'noq!wa is lying in the rear of the house at the right hand side (C 53). [A man is told to sit at the right hand side of the woman he intends to marry (III 425).] When a shaman tries to cure a person, he sits down at his right hand side (III 175). A woman and her son sit at the right hand side in her father's house (III 81). The figure of a stout woman stands at the right hand side of the doorway (III 47). Whistles are heard in the right hand corner of the house (X 253). Dancing paraphernalia are kept at the right hand side in the rear of the house (X 70). Red cedar bark appears from the right hand corner of the house (X 74). Blue-Jay comes out of the right hand corner of the house to greet his guests (X 55). A guest is asked to sit down in the right hand corner of the house (C 357). A cradle stands at the right hand side of the Dzo'noq!wa's canoe (X 235). Supernatural game must be cut on the right side of the body (C XXVI 144). 124 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society A man of unusual strength is left-handed (C XXVI 139). It brings bad luck to touch a certain stone near Qa'logwis because Mink, after catching the double-headed serpent, deposited it there (X 106). WEATHER CHARM.- An old man went into the river. As soon as he had dried his body, he put on ocher and sang a sacred song. Immediately afterwards the weather cleared up (III 112). When Ya'x'st!at paints his house with good paint, it is clear weather, when he paints it with bad paint, it is bad weather (S 148). CHARMS. Hellebore plants are used as charms by seal hunters. The plant is rubbed on the body before the men go out hunting (C XXVI 201). Its leaves chewed and squirted against the doubleheaded serpent make it innocuous (C XXVI 162). Red cedar bark worn in the head ring serves as a charm (C XXVI 65). Frogs put on rock prevent goats from moving. DREAMS. - People receive advice in dreams. Most dreams refer to initiations. A chief dreams of the supernatural power of his family and sends his sons to be initiated (C 9). Another one in a dream receives instructions from an old man how to build a fish weir, and how to cook olachen. When he awakes, he finds the weir and the cooking boxes that were shown him in his dream (X 33). A man whose arrows have been pointed with scales of the doubleheaded serpent receives instructions in his dream how to use them (III 139), another one is told to purify himself so as to get the marvelous things he had seen (C XXVI 28). One man is told by the sea otter mother that she is that sea otter which he has killed and that from now on he will be successful (III 381). Still another one who has speared the whale of the woods sees in his dream this whale who instructs him how to make a whaling line, how to get mussel shells for harpoon points, and how and where to hunt whales (III 398). [The companion of a chief dreams that his master and he himself are to purify themselves for four days in the morning before the ravens cry (III 437).] The person who appears in the dream is sometimes described as invisible (R 1123) or as a handsome man (III 139, [437]; R 1125, 1182). In one case four different people appear to the dreamer, one in each night. The last one takes him to the house of the supernaturals (R 1183-1185). The salmon weir a man has made appears in his dream, tells him that there will be salmon in it' and that the grizzly bear is going to destroy it (C XXVI 18). A returned novice dreams that his supernatural treasure will come the following day (C XXVI 218). THE SOUL. - The soul of man is rarely mentioned. In one tale (X 64) it is caught and appears as a double of the person. Kwakliutl Culture 125 THE WORLD The descriptions of the world and its inhabitants, as they appear in myths and tales are so inconsistent that it is impossible to give a clear picture of the prevailing concepts. Common to all the varied aspects presented by the tales is the distinction between an upper world, the home of sun, moon, the stars, the thunderbird and his relatives, and of the ancestors of many of the tribal units (enECmZ'm); the world beyond the ocean, the home of the chief of the salmon and of a few other supernatural beings; often confounded with the third, the bottom of the sea, the home of sea monsters and of the sea being Q!3'mogwaw; our own world, in ancient times the home of the myth people or ancients, i. e. of people who later on became animals, and now the abode of man and of the animals who are living in their own villages inland or on the coast; and finally the country of the ghosts, generally represented as underground. THE UPPER WORLD. - The upper world is a country similar to our own. It may be reached by a chain of arrows which the visitor climbs (X 85; C 123), to which he flies in the form of a bird (S 170; X 79; C 211) or which is reached by means of a ladder (C XXVI 171). A strong wind blows down through the opening which gives access to the upper world (C XXVI 171). The door of the upper world is evidently at or near the zenith according to the story just mentioned, also according to the Mink story, for Mink is thrown down through the door of the sky into the ocean (X 87; C 127). In another tale visitors are let down from the sky by means of a rope made by the spider (III 53). In other tales the approach to the upper world is placed at the western horizon. Our world is separated from the upper world by a high mountain way out in the ocean. A long undersea passage leads under the mountain to the upper world.' It can be passed only by a diver whose breath will hold out until he emerges on the other side (C 67). The passage is also described as a rushing current which is passed by canoes (III 79). The mountain may also be crossed by birds that fly across carrying the visitor back to our world. A door gives entrance to the upper world. Evidently it is a snapping door, analogous to the symplegades, for the canoe has to speed when passing it (III 79). This door is also described as located on the western horizon and one span in diameter (III 68, 72). Owing to its small size inhabitants of the upper world who want to come to our world can only be passed through as infants, - that is be reborn (III 77). In one tale the upper world is reached by girls who walk a long distance (III 45), but on their return they are bundled up and let I Or to the world beyond the ocean, see p. 127. 126 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society down through the door of the upper world tied to the rope of the spider (III 53). In the sky lives the Chief of the sky, L'laba'lisEla (Goingfrom-one-End-of-the-World-to-the-other), also called E' xts!EmsgEm (Covered-with-Abalone-Shell). He is the father of SenL!eb who is to be identified with the Sun (III 50). In another tale Sun and Moon and a girl are his children (C XXVI 165). His daughter is sought in marriage by mortals who ascend to the sky (S 170; C 211; C XXVI 165), or Sun and Moon live in one house and the Sun's daughter is married by the visitor (C 71). In other tales the chief of the sky does not appear. The Sun lives in the upper world. By his rays he is able to impregnate mortal women. He walks this course every day wearing ear ornaments of abalone shells (X 87) and a mask (C 125). Snow is kept in a basket in the upper world (III 392). The clouds are the aunts of the son of the Sun, hence presumably his sisters (X 86; C 127). In a Koskimo tradition the travels of a man in the upper world are described. He reaches the house of Shining-Down (SEpa' xals) which is located in the north, and from whom he receives a cape, which is the halo of the sun, and abalone ear ornaments (III 382). Continuing these travels, he visits the house of Red-Sky-Face (L!exL!exd'gEm), whose daughter is DoxEwElkwGtlaku. His servants are four fire-makers, and four sweepers,1 and he shows in his house the cannibal ceremonial. Going on he finds the village of Orion, in front of whose house a canoe with a harpoon is drifting. When he first finds it, there are four men in it (III 383); later on it is described as manned by a crew of nine men, whose faces are painted like those of the harpooneer. They are called Se'xurli'g'fe (III 387). The canoe of Orion is also described as coming down in a cloud to a lake. It is manned by fifteen men, one of whom is harpooneer (III 127). When the Wolves try to capture Deer, they pay Orion for opening his fog box (C 165). In one tale is described the post of heaven, which stands four days' journey westward in the ocean, and at the foot of which various dances are found (X 252). Post-of-Heaven is also the name of a chief in the upper world whose tribe are the stars and who comes down along the copper post of heaven and becomes the ancestor of the XS'yalas (III 401). Orion and the Pleiades are also conceived as transformed sea hunters in their canoes, taken up to the sky when pursuing a sea otter with a ball of fire behind its head (C XXVI 94). Evidently independent of the former concepts is that of the Moon who descends as a handsome (X 167) man who gives food to the starving (S 131; III 376). 1 Masks of the Morning-Sky and his cloud-sweepers are also mentioned as property of the Rivers Inlet chief Zinwcagawa (III 226). Kwakiutl Culture 127 The story of the liberation of the sun which is kept in a box owned by Gull, the Day-Receptacle-Woman is apparently in fundamental conflict with the picture of the upper world delineated in the tales previously analyzed. Here the sun wears the mask of the double-headed serpent and when freed ascends to the sky (III 393).1 [The Milky way is mentioned only once as "seam of heaven," and only as a symbol placed in the head ring of a novice (III 415).] Many of the ancestors of the single social units (enEsme'm) of the Kwakiutl tribes lived also in the sky in the form of birds, generally in the form of the Thunderbird and his younger brothers. They flew down from the sky and assumed human form (see above). Skin-dresser (Ald'k-ila) is described as a chief living beyond the entrance to the upper world in the west. A chief tried to marry his daughter (III 73). The house of the Sun as well as that of the mythical ancestors is called Overhanging-Mountain (K'/!ek'ESLEn). It is painted with the design of the sun and moon to the right and left, with that of the thunderbird over the doorway (see p. 53). In one of the traditions telling about the village of the myth people it is said that in the beginning the birds of the upper world, that is Thunderbird and his companions, lived at Kf'nswaas on Village Island, and that they moved to the upper world after having been defeated by the myth people (III 295). THE WORLD BEYOND THE OCEAN. - Another world, inhabited by supernatural beings lies west, on the other side of the ocean. Here is the village of Q!o'mogwa, also called L/!'qwag'iEla, CopperMaker (S 188; C 275; C XXVI 73, 216) and farther on that of the salmon (C XXVI 216). The salmon chief is also said to live in the west at the horizon (C XXVI 13). In other tales the house of the bears (C XXVI 220), of the Thunderbird (S 205), ofAmya' xed (S 192), of DoqwaesEla (III 380), is reached by travelling across the ocean. The journey is always involuntary. A woman is married and taken away by one of these beings (C XXVI 220); a blind princess is taken to sea by her slaves (S 188; C 269; C XXVI 72); or a canoe is dragged across the ocean by a supernatural or artificial seal (S 191; III 378; C XXVI 215) or bird (S 203) which is harpooned and causes the harpoon line to stick to the canoe, so that it cannot be cut off. On the way are met the places to which all the driftwood, charcoal, toilet sticks, feathers and sand go (sand, charcoal, driftwood S 192; in addition needles of coniferous trees in S 204; driftwood, toilet sticks, charcoal, feathers, sand in III 379; C XXVI 215; charcoal, sand, driftwood C 269). The sand appears like land, but when 1 For a curious parallel to the theft of the sun see Ruth F. Benedict, Zuni Mythology, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. XXI, part 1, p. 16. 128 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society one of the travellers jumps ashore he sinks and is drowned (S 191, 204; III 379; C XXVI 215). On one of these journeys the travellers also pass the house of the sealion and of the killerwhale which thus become their crests (III 380). On another one they land at a place where they are allowed to accept four cups of fish oil, then at the house of the salmon, silver salmon, hano'n (a fish). Finally they pass the house of enEmo'kwEgame' who tries to destroy their canoe by throwing a tree at it and that of the dwarfs who fish halibut by diving (S 192). According to C XXVI 216 the canoe also passes a sandstone island and the harpoon line by which they are dragged along cuts through the stone. On the way west the canoe also passes the post of heaven, at the foot of which are sealions, seals, whales and killerwhales, "like house dishes." There is also a cannibal dancer near the post (C XXVI 216). The chief of the steelhead salmon, the chief of the herrings (C XXVI 115) and 8nEmxx'a'liqgiu live at Charcoal-at-the-Mouth-ofthe-River which is not far from the edge of the upper world. 'nEmxx'a'lig'iu's house is at the bottom of the sea at this place. Like Q/!'mogwa he has seals which are his dogs (C XXVI 210). For the Salmon Chief and Killerwhale see pp. 158, 159. In the west is also the Feather-Point (ts!E'lk'imbie) to which all feathers go. It is mentioned in the travels across the ocean just referred to, and occurs also as the mountain to which Ts!d'qdmge goes (S 154; III 151) to get feathers for the xwe'xwe dance (III 241). According to some of these tales the entrance to the upper world must be conceived as near the country beyond the ocean, in the west. THE WORLD UNDER THE OCEAN. - There is no clear distirection between the world under the ocean and the world beyond the ocean. EnEmxx'a'lig'iu, the monster just mentioned, while living near the western end of the ocean, has his home under the sea. (C XXVI 209). It is described as similar to a giant halibut. Men are standing along its edges (C XXVI 177) or on its back (C 470). It is so gigantic that a hero who fights it cannot find its head (C XXVI 64). In III 380 it is described as having a seal head and a halibut tail. At this place it is called the attendant of chief Do'qwalisEla who lives beyond the ocean. When it arises the water becomes shallow and dangerous tides begin to flow (C XXVI 210). It brought up the ancestor of the Ts!e'ts!elwd'lagadme of the Nimkish (S 134; C XXVI 34). The principal undersea being is Q/!'mogwa (Wealthy), also called Copper-Maker (L!/'qwag'i la). In one tale his house is described as situated west of the ocean and reached by canoe after passing the places to which charcoal, sand, driftwood and toilet sticks go Kwakiutl Culture 129 (C 271; S 188). In another tale it is reached by a canoe passing through "the door of the under world," a cave through which the tide rushes out. On each side of the channel are the bones of all those drowned. This channel is the entrance to the under-world (III 79). A woman returning from the land beyond the sea finds his house in mid-ocean (C XXVI 225). He may also be encountered in lakes or in the sea near the coast. A small devilfish carries a man to the bottom of a lake and into the house of Q/!'mogwa (X 60; C XXVI 176, 185). A man who has purified himself in a lake and is taken down by the loon sees emerging from the lake a canoe in which sits the son of Q!o'mogwa (C 468). A woman who has been deserted catches the prince of Q!o'mogwa in her fish basket (S 180; C 255; C XXVI 16). A man sees Q!o'mogwa's house coming up from under the sea and is taken down (C 81). A dead woman whose body has been thrown into the sea is found by Q!o'mogwa who marries her and sends her back home (S 186). Visits to Q/f'mogwa's house are also mentioned without important details in S 155, 184. It might seem that Q/!'mogwa is a generalized name for a type of water being and that there are many of these beings. However the form of expression designates clearly an individual name. In a tale undoubtedly borrowed from the Comox, (for the names of the heroes are Comox names), Q!/'mogwa is identified with the double-headed serpent. His house is at the bottom of the sea not far from Comox and is reached by a man who climbs down a kelp stem. He lands on the roof of the house and is called in (X 24). His house is described a number of times. It has four platforms (X 62) and a snapping door (X 62; C 257), the mouth of a sealion (X 70) or of a sea monster (C XXVI 216). The rear posts are thunderbirds over sea bears; the front posts, and cross-beams in front and rear sealions. At the right side of the door stands a speaking figure. In the house are sixteen house dishes, each group of four representing seals, killerwhales, whales and sea otters (C 273). At another place the posts and cross-beams over the posts are described as sealions, while rafters and long beams had sealions at the ends. A speaking post stands on each side of the doorway (X 62). In S 146 gulls are said to be on the roof, a Dzo'noq!wa (see p. 144) in front of the house the beams represent sealions, the front posts grizzly bears. In C XXVI 188 a killerwhale is said to be on the house front, two whales inside the door. The horizontal front boards are held between pairs of poles. On top of these are birds (CXXVI 187). The four posts and the beams represent sealions. In C 81 we hear that birds are on top of the house. The beams represent sealions. Over the door is a "vomiting beam". A crab sitting at the door of his house is mentioned in C 379. In C XXVI 180 the house is described as having four snapping 9 130 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society doors. When a visitor passes through the doorway the doubleheaded serpents at the sides put out their tongues. Q!6'mogwa is the owner of copper. He has a self-paddling copper canoe (S 189; C 279) filled with coppers (III 83). The wall and roof boards of his house are copper (III 83). On the other hand he has no cedarwood and his son-in-law brings him as a welcome present a cedar canoe, poles, spruce roots and cedar withes. With these he builds a salmon weir. The sealion is his attendant and seals which are his dogs (C XXVI 216) crawl about in his house (III 81). His food are human eyes which he uses as we do crab-apples (III 81). Q!o'mogwa lies in the rear of his house (X 62; C 275). His son's name is E'x'ts!Emalag'ilis (C 275). When he bathes a woman in the water of life which is in the corner of the house (C 273) she recovers her eyesight. Returning visitors are given a wealth of provisions contained in four baskets (C 279; S 189). In C 259 he is called L!d'qwag'i6la, the prince of Q!o'mogwa. In another version of the same story L!/'gwag'iEla himself marries her (S 188). Q!/'mogwa's daughter, Copper-Maker-Woman (L!a'qwag'i8layugwa), marries an ancestor of the Dzd'wadECenoxu and appears as a white bird that smells like copper (III 61). Their child also smells of copper (III 67). In the same story, when the visitor enters, the speakingpost to the right of the doorway says to the chief, "Attack him;" the one to the left says, "Treat him well." (A similar address occurs in C 275). An attendant explains that in his own country Q!o'mogwa is called L!d'qwag-i la (Copper-Maker). Al' xumeg' iclaku (Madeto-be-Head-Sea-Hunter), the killerwhale, is his messenger. He gives a canoe to the visitor who then becomes a killerwhale. They go all around the world under water to Yuwe'gEndayusEns Ena'lax (the wind edge of our world) and see all the s6a monsters, the servants of Chief Q!o'mogwa. His house is named L!a'L!exoStsEm (Sea-Lions-all-over X 65) and Ts!egwats!e (monster receptacle X 64). The house is given to a visitor and appears drifting on the tide (X 65); or from under the sea (C 81). The son of Q!5'mogwa takes out of a box whales and dishes and other property which become large when he puts them down. Four houses appear to the north of his house and four to the south. These are full of people (C 259). In C XXVI 177 Q!o'mogwa is characterized as having many hands which have to be chopped off to kill him. Besides property and houses Q!o'mogwa gives dances and other supernatural gifts that are not related to his characteristics (X 24, 62). In one case he gives a canoe and the death-bringing arrow that sets mountains on fire. His son gives his own name Xa'nyats/Emgq'ilaku to the visitor (C 468). Kwakiutl Culture 131 Q!5'mogwa is the owner of the herrings, which he keeps in a room in the house. When O' emdi shows him that his canoe is covered with herring scales and thus makes him believe that he too has herrings, Q/o'mogwa pulls down the room and releases the herrings. In this tale the Mouse appears as his messenger (C 237). According to a Gwa'ts!enoxu tale the entrance to the world under the sea is gained by lifting the edge of the water. The trail leads to the village of the red cod. Since the halibut hooks of fishermen drop on the smoky roofs of their houses the bait always turns black (III 402). In C XXVI 133 a man jumps into the sea and enters the house of the fish the door of which is the monster ts/le'gis. [A shark village is mentioned in III 359.] Other sea beings who are only vaguely described are the TideWoman (wa'oyak'ila) who appears first like quartz, then like the shadow of a person which finally assumes substance; and SwellWoman (t!/'towaxsEma'laga) who gives the crab of the wardance (to'xewit) to a novice (C 379). GHOSTS. - The ghosts live in a village under ground (III 377; C 323). Sometimes their country is called "the lowest one" (be'benaqaweE (S 152; C 101). Everything in the ghost village is the same as in our world,only their day is our night, our night their day (C XXVI 110). They have their winter ceremonials (S 152; C 101). Four houses of ghosts are mentioned. The first is that of Ghost Place-of-Showing-Mouth-on-Ground (Ne'lExstEldzas lela' ennoxu), the second that of Center-Dwelling-Place-of-Ghosts, (Lo'lutyayas lela' cnenoxu), the third that of Charcoal-Ghosts (Ts!o'ts!ozawalisas iela'~nenoxu), the fourth that of Satiated-Near-Behind-on-theGround-Ghosts (MafmEnEmda'lag 'ilis md'g'ik'EbElts le'a' nenoxb (C 313). These are evidently in order of their distance from our world. The charcoal ghosts live where all the charcoal goes (see p. 127; C 321). Whoever goes to the last of the four houses cannot come back. In another tale four ghost chiefs are mentioned: Maggotson-Back (A'badek'EElls), Hemlock-Leaves-on-Back (K'!E'mwZk'Ela, Ld'lebola, and Ghost-Face (LV'lEwatEm~e). The last two live at the far end of the ghost village and no one who enters their houses can return. There is also a woman Ghost-Coming-up-in-House (Lo'lostallz) who has two children Foolish-Makers (no'iEmg'ila). Their position is not clear, since all these appear in a wolf ceremonial (X 39). In another version of the same story the first house is called K'!Vimwik'ilEls, the second Aa'badik'ilE'ls, the third Ne'nIEXstE'ldzas and the last Hak!waa's (Place-of-Staying-away). The chiefs of these houses are mentioned on the order of their rank. A visitor who eats in the last house may not return to our world (C XXVI 111). The chief of the ghosts is also called WealthComing-up (Q!o'mg'ustaEls III 377) whose younger brother is Abadek'ilEls (C 323). In still another story the ghost chief is called Lela'wawlenoxu or Hak!waa's (C 347). Naked women are on the left 9* 132 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society side of his house. The visitor who follows their enticements cannot return to our world. If he eats of the food the ghosts offer him, he must stay. If he withstands the temptation the ghosts send him back along a trail that starts inland behind their houses (C 347). Whatever is burned; canoes, food and other things go to the ghosts (C 353). The ghosts (hai'alilagas) go in a canoe to take the soul of a person who has speared a double-headed serpent. He is warned and escapes and receives the house of the ghosts (R 1119). The ghosts have also villages near the living people. The ghosts of the Koskimo live under the village Xute's (III 377; C XXVI 77); those of the G4'"p!e-noxu at G'Exw't (C 343); those of the Nimkish at Odzda'las where their houses appear after the salmon season as soon as the people move to Xulku (C XXVI 105). Still another one is mentioned near Hd'nwade' (III 105).1 To reach the ghost village a river must be crossed. The shouts of a living person are not heard by the ghosts, but in response to the yawning of a ghost they come to ferry the visitor across (R 711; C XXVI 110). Living beings are invisible to them, but they recognize their presence by their bad odour (C XXVI 110). Presents offered by a living visitor to ghosts are accepted by them only when thrown into the fire (R 711). The ghosts perform ceremonials in their houses or villages. They appear like living persons but their bodies have no substance. When they are taken hold of, the hand passes through them as though they were air or foam (III 106; C 447; C XXVI 108). A ghost may take a beloved living being to the ghost country. Thus a young man visits his beloved and is recognized by a bracelet he wears. Then he takes her down and marries her. After four years when they have a child they return to our world. The child has empty orbits like a skull and when its grandmother drops it, the three return to the ghosts (R 712; C XXVI 110). When living people see a ghost their bodies are contorted. Only by purifying themselves with urine (C 327) or with hemlock branches and wrappings of a corpse (C XXVI 107) are they enabled to withstand their influence. The Ho'sta'lag-imo, innumerable ones, against whom Mink and Land-Otter wage war are identified with the ghosts (X 129; C 157, 494). Clams and sea eggs are the only food of ghosts and spirits (hai'alilagas X 115). The dead may also be taken by the owls and killerwhales to continue to live in the forms of these animals (C 339, 341). [The Bella Bella call the chief of the Ghosts Q!o'mesila. He is represented as having holes all over his face (III 427).] The Kwakiutl also say that a village of the ghosts is just west of Fort Rupert. Kwakiutl Culture 133 OUR WORLD. - We have to distinguish between the mythical period of our world and the world as it is now. It is not always possible to separate these two aspects quite clearly. At the present time the animals are assumed to live in villages of their own inland. When at home they take off their skins and appear as human beings. In a Nd'k!wax daexu story, probably of Rivers Inlet origin, all the trees, plants, birds and creeping animals appear as inhabitants of a ceremonial house (R 1220). In many of these stories it is implied that a day there is a year among human beings (see p. 101). In a story about the village of the seals it is specifically stated that their day is our summer, their night our winter (C XXVI 208). In mythical times the world was different from what it is now. There is considerable confusion in the aspects in which it appears in this period. On the one hand there are human individuals living here and there who are transformed by a powerful culture hero; on the other hand the myth people, that is, the animals in human form, lived in a few villages and the mythological tales deal with their lives and adventures. A third group deals with the adventures of the ancestors of the tribal division. In many cases these are connected with the culture hero or transformer cycle. On account of the difficulty of making a clear distinction between the mythical tales and the initiation stories I shall treat together the supernatural beings and animals that appear in both groups. TRANSFORMERS AND CULTURE HEROES. - Q!a'neqeclaku, the principal transformer of the Kwakiutl, travelled all over the world "setting things right" (C 199). He is generally designated as "Our Lord" or "Respected member of family" (g'zi) (X 192), or "the one who is prayed to" or "who is praised" (X 195). While he is travelling about he is always chewing gum (III 95; X 216, 234, 242; C 195, 205; also X 196). Q!da'neqeflakb and his brother enEmo'gwis come down from above and are adopted by Heron and his wife Woodpecker-Woman who live at K e!yail (X 185). The parents obtain an ample supply of fish at their salmon weir; but they starve the children, who in punishment transform them into heron and woodpecker (S 195; X 191; C 187). Then the brothers move to Ax dE'm (C XXVI 1). By dipping the blanket of Olachen-Woman into the water Q!d'neqeelaku creates fish (S 194, 202; C 191). In one version it is said that Olachen-Woman was his adopted mother (S 194); in another one she is the mother of Heron, she is rooted to the floor of his house (X 188). According to another tale, the bird Ts!'ta3ts!o wins the blanket of Olachen-Woman, and by dipping it into the water frees the fish (S 202). At Tsa'emo Q!a'neqelacku kills the whale with his sling (X 194) or takes it away from the Thunderbird (C 193). He puts on its skin as a belt, and uses its eyes as sling stones with which he kills whales which he 134 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society hauls ashore (S 195; X 192; C 193). At K!wia'ne he builds a small house for his brother which he enlarges by magic (S 195; X 192; C 193). Then he leaves his brother, and sets out to set the world right. He travels in his canoe Qoqo'malis (S 199), sitting in the middle of the canoe. His crew are his younger brothers (X 229). He carries feathers of gulls in his canoe (S 135) and two seals are his travelling provisions (C 458). He meets a man sharpening his shell knives who intends to kill him. By driving the knives into his head and smearing him with the dust of the shells Q/d'neqeelaku transforms him into the deer (S 200; X 211; C 201). He transforms one man into a Mink; another into a land-otter; a third one into a raccoon by making tails out of the spears they are making, with which they intend to kill him (S 200; X 212; C 203). He transforms into mallard ducks blind women who are boiling roots, restoring at the same time their eyesight by spitting into their eyes (S 202; III 95; X 215; C 203). He transforms into a perch a shaman (X 223,; C 207). A man and a woman who are paddling with paddles pushed through under their arms are instructed by him in the right way of paddling (S 202). He cures a man who is covered all over with mouths by laying his hand on his body (S 202; X 220; C 205). A man and a woman whose genitalia are not at the right place, are transformed by him and given the right form (S 202; X 216; C 205). He breaks out the teeth with which the vaginae of the daughters of Gwa' nalalis and Dzi'wada-lalis are set (III 96; X 236; C 459). The same is told of K!wek!waxd'wec and the princess of the salmon chief (C 171). He makes a girl pregnant by touching her womb with gum (C 195) of rotten wood (C 197). The gum of white pine held in his mouth has also some connection with making a girl pregnant (C 173). By far the greater number of adventures of Q!d'neqeelakt refer to his meetings with the ancestors of the various village units. It would seem that the adventures ought to appear in geographical order, representing his travels from Cape Scott southward to Nimkish River. However, in the versions that have been recorded the regular succession is not preserved, and is furthermore interrupted by his return to K!wi'nte where he revives his brother. Then he begins his second journey southward. The most characteristic feature of these journeys is the appearance of the ancestors of the village units as endowed with the supernatural powers of the winter ceremonial, while Q/d'neqeclaku is "secular" and cannot overcome the power of the winter ceremonial. Very often this is expressed in the formula that he is afraid of the person whom he meets, and passes by walking behind the house. Apparently it is one of the most fundamental concepts in the Q!/'neqerlaku myths that he represents the supernatural powers of the summer season as opposed to those of the winter ceremonial, or it is said Kwakiutl Culture 135 that Q!/'neqerlaku belongs to the no'nlEm ceremonial which is thus held to be opposed to the ts!e'ts!eqa winter ceremonial. In some cases the powers of the winter ceremonial are not mentioned, and the meeting between Q!d'neqeElaku and the ancestor is a contest of powers in which both prove to be equal, or it ends with the transformation of the ancestor into some natural feature near the village of his clan unit. Thus NOmasE'nxelis, the ancestor of theLa'lawiLEla of the L!a'L/asiqwdla is transformed according to his own wish into a stone in front of fnEewede' (S 196; C 207). In one of these versions it is also said that his tribe are transformed into stones at TelEEmaa's (X 221). Q!o'mg'ustdEls, the ancestor of the Xo'yalas is transformed into a rock at Xut's (C 335); his attendant becomes a stone under him (III 378). GwaV'nalalis is transformed according to his own wish into Nimkish River, which is filled with fish. At the same time Q!d'neqetlaku throws away the shell fish, and for this reason there are no shell fish in the mouth of Nimkish River (S 135). The ancestors who represent the winter ceremonial and of whom he is afraid are LExyi'lik'aclayu who lived at XYsbasli's (S 197; X 195; C 195, 207); Kwj'xag-icla, who lived on the hill XgsE'la on Galiano Island (S 197); Hilig'Uliqala and L6'lEmaga, who lived at Q!/a'as (S 196; X 195, 210; C 199); Hi'likilaga '(C 193); and He'Emaenis, who lived at H'gEnms (C XXVI 66). The meeting has the character of a contest in the following cases: When he meets O'r mdl at Xu'd3'Exste, they point at each other with their fingers and perforate each, other's heads (S 196). In another version the perforation appears in the head of one; in the stomach of the other (X 222; C 207). When at LEElidd' he meets Hai'alik'awe', the ancestor of the Haai'alik'awee, of the Q!omoyEwe-, he tries to drown hint, to burn his house, and to throw him into the fire. However' he does not succeed in overcoming him (S 197). In one version he transforms him into the perch (X 223; C 207). In another version there is also a contest with GwX 'nalalis, who first gives him the double-headed serpent to eat. When he cannot overcome Q!/'neqelakI;, the latter transforms Gwd' enalalis and his son into two mountains, which then resume their previous forms; then into kingfishers which also resume their previous forms (S 134). Another contest occurs when he meets Ts!d'qdmre. They first point at each other, making holes through their bodies, then Q!/'neqeElaku orders his companions first to cut off the head, then to rip open the stomach Of Tsa!'qdmne, to throw him into the fire and finally, after having tied a stone to his body, into the sea. Q!d'neqeelaku is, however, unable to overcome him. Here also belongs the incident of the deluge. When he meets Q/a'mtalat, Q!I'neqeElaku first causes Q!a'mtalal's pile-driver to fall into the water. When the latter says "Hwip," the pile-driver 136 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society floats, then he causes the waters to rise, and when Q!a'mtalat says "Hwip", the waters cease rising (III 100). Finally he makes the deluge, which kills Q!a'mtalat. In the story of Md'leleqala, it is said that the deluge set in before Q!d'neqeclaklc's arrival, and that it was sent by the Chief in heaven. Md'leleqala overcomes it by caulking his house (C 480). The meetings between Q!i'neqeelaku and Ma'tag'iela, the ancestor of the Maa'mtag'ila at Ts!E'lxod; Q!e'xLala, the ancestor of the e 'LEged oftheQ/!'mk!'ut/Es (C487), DZE'nxq!ayo oftheDzE'ndzEnx'q!ayo of the Ewd'las Kwd'g-'u; La'lax'sEndayo of the La'dlaxseEndayo of the Gw'ttEla; SE'nL!e/ of the S&'SEnL!ec of the Gw'tEla; Yixa''gdmec at Alert Bay, the ancestor of the Yaai'x'adgdmec of the Q/!moyEwer are told without any details (S 197). In most of the stories it is said that when Q!d'neqel1akb starts on his journey, he goes out in order to marry the daughter of Gwda'nalalis or of Dzd'wadaclalis. The incidents then occur on this journey. All the versions relating to his marriage to Dzd'wadaelalis's daughter mention a considerable number of transformations, which occur on the journey, and which account for the local conditions in Knight Inlet. At Alert Bay Q!d'neqeclaku throws his clothing out of the canoe, and it is transformed into the islands between Vancouver Island and Knight Inlet (C 456). Since the mountains are bare, he throws his comb upon them, and it is transformed into trees (C 456). When he reaches Village Island, the Ma'maleleqala warn him, and he throws something ashore that becomes the deer (C 456). In another version it is said that at Dd'g'oCs the people scold him, and he transforms them first into birds, then he takes back his transformation, and transforms them into deer (III 94; X 230). At L!Ekwe't he is warned by the people, and puts four mussels ashore, which account for the mussels at that place (X 231). At G'Eys'XU the people warn him, and in return he puts roasted salmon and mussels (roasted sockeye salmon X 232) ashore, which account for the wealth of fish and mussels at that place (S 135). The same happens at A'x'atbec (III 94; X 232). At Q!wd'xsEm- he creates poisonous clams (S 135). At Q!waela'dec or T!o'gocyo, he meets a man with a scar on his face, who is turned into a mountain with a deep fissure on its steep side (C 457). At Hd'nwade' he puts boiled salmon into the water, which accounts for the wealth of salmon at this place (C 457). At L/'q/waxsdElis, near A's8naa'k-!a, he meets the blind women, whose eyesight he restores and who become geese (III 95; X 233; C 457). The same happens with ducks, at the same place (III 95) or at Gzi'myade' (X 234). According to S 135, he restores the eyesight of ducks at O'baelis. At Ld'lEmaxa'es he puts a piece of whale meat ashore, which is transformed into stone (S 135). Finally he meets the blind woman making a canoe.' 1 See p. 145. Kwakiutl Culture 137 She gives him magic powers (III 96; X 235; C 458). In S 135 his aunt is substituted for this woman. She lives at G'mnbEx.1 The NaqE'mg'ilisala tale ends with the incidents occuring on Nimkish River. The Kwd'g'ul continue with the incidents in Knight Inlet and the L'gwildacxu who call him Ex 'dqd'lagEmn e tell of incidents which occurred still further to the east (C 3; X 3). In all the NaqE'mg'ilisala stories it is told, that, after marrying Gwda'nalalis's daughter he returned to AxudE'm where he found his brother dead and revived him. In one version his brother calls people to, come out of the post of his house. They become the NaqE'mg'ilisala. Then Q!d'neqe-lakc orders his brother to go north while he himself proposes to go south. He says, "You will not always continue with bad things, else it will be too hard work for me to set right the evil you do." Since his brother went north all diseases come from the north end of the world (C XXVI 5). The chiefs of the myth people (see p. 138) and the ancestor of the numaym (see p. 140) appear also as transformers. DELUGE. - The deluge is often referred to, but there is no clear unity in the concept. According to one tale the deluge seems to have taken place before the ancestors of the tribes appeared. The people of the previous period were transformed into animals and rocks (S 134). It is also said that water monsters were left in Nimkish river after the deluge (S 140). In the contest between Q!a'mtalat and Q.d'neqeclakb the latter makes the waters rise. Q!a'mtalad caulks his house, and the waters do not harm him. After this Q!d'neqeflak" sends the deluge, during which Q.a'mtalal dies (III 101). His children reach a high mountain which is not covered by the waters (C 454). Haialik'aw~e also covered (probably caulked) his house when the deluge was sent (S 167, 197). His double-headed serpent canoe created a deluge in Knight Inlet, from which only one person escaped who took refuge on the mountain eno'la (S 168). Md'lelaqala (C 481) and G'di'g'onaelas (C XXVI 68) survive the deluge, which is sent by the chief in heaven, by caulking the chinks of their houses. That of M'leleqala is built like a log cabin (C 481). O' mda saved himself also by having a watertight house (S 182). During the deluge four wolves climb the mountain Bj'bEnad, the summit of which is not reached by the waters. Thus they are safe. After the waters have receded, they come down, take off their wolf masks and become the ancestors of the Dzd'wadEenoxu (X 28). Besides these, only Hd'waxieldgzilis an ancestor of the Koskimo is the only one who has not been killed by the deluge (X 30; see also S 185). During the deluge Xwd'xwas, the ancestor of the G''g'ilgam of the Nimkish assumes the form of a salmon, and goes into tlie lake The story here goes on recounting the marriage of Q!a'neqeflaku to the daughter of the chief whom he goes to visit. These, however, are not origin stories. 138 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society at the foot of the mountain Xd'wole at the upper part of Nimkish lake. When the water subsides, he lands at Odzda' las, and lives there (C 471, 472). L!a'lamin puts on the Qo'los mask when the waters begin to rise and flies up to the sky (S 146; C 83). When the deluge came an ancestor of the Gwa'waenoxu caulked his house with gum and remained in it under water. Wolves were his companions. When the deluge receded he came out of his house. The wolves assumed human form and became his tribe. The other people who had taken to their canoes tied them to a chief's canoe which was fastened to the top of Mt. Stevens. The chief cut them off loose and they drifted to other places (C XXVI 68). CHIEFS OF MYTH PEOPLE AS TRANSFORMERS. - The myth people, the ancients, are the animals before they assumed animal forms. Their chiefs were also to a certain extent transformers. It seems most convenient to summarize their activities as transformers before entering into a discussion of their other deeds and characteristics. The most important among their chiefs are O' cmt, K!wek!waxdawe~ and Mink. The versions in vogue among different Kwakiutl tribes do not agree in regard to the personalities of the actors. The traditions of the tribes from Rivers Inlet northward are quite similar to those of the Tsimshian and Haida, while among the Kwakiutl proper important modifications of the fundamental ideas occur. In the beginning the world was dark, the sun or daylight being kept in a box by Gull, the daughter of a chief. By a ruse O' mid succeeded in having himself reborn by the Gull-Woman. He asked to be allowed to play with the sun box, which he carried away. When he opened it, daylight appeared (S 173; C 233). In III 393 Counsellor-of-the-World steals the box with the sun. He did not know how to make the alternation of day and night, which was arranged for by the father of Gull-Woman (S 174). Fire was originally the property of Sea Otter (C 494) or of a being called NaLibikd'x (S 187). It was obtained by Deer, who danced in the owner's house, put his dancing hat (or his head which was set with dry wood S 187) into the fire, and thus carried it away (S 187; C 494). Quite a different idea prevails among the southern Kwakiutl tribes and those still farther to the south, who say that the fire was owned by the Ghosts, and that it was obtained by Mink, who stole the child of the chief of the Ghosts, and returned it in exchange for the fire (S 158). The water was owned by a woman residing at Bull Harbor. O'Cmdl (or K!wek!waxd'wje) obtained it from her by inducing her' to let him drink. Later on he escaped, let the water drip upon the earth, thus forming the rivers (S 174; C 167, 225). Before water had been secured, the people had only the juice of roots to drink (C 167). O'mdit also creates a river the bed of which is dug by his Kwakiutl Culture 139 brothers while he fills it with water that he lets run out of his mouth (III 322). The tides were owned by Wolf, and were obtained by O'Emd1, Mink or K!/wekwaxd'we- who cut off the Wolf's tail, which was put over the fire to dry, and kept there until the Wolf promised to give the tides (III 279; X 88-94; C 229, 493). In one version the tides are made by raising and lowering the wolf's tail (S 158); in another one the tide falls the lower, the more the tail is lowered (S 175). Southeast Wind was blowing hard all the time, until O'cmdl or K!wek!waxa'wec set out to conquer it. According to one version Southeast Wind lived at Bull Harbor (III 350), according to another at MElabd'no (C 494). The animals went out in their canoe to overcome the Southeast Wind, who after being defeated promised fair weather (S 186; III 350; X 99; C 227). The herrings were first obtained by O'mdtf who quarreled with Gull whom he threw on his back. He stepped on his stomach, causing him to vomit the herrings. He smeared his canoe with scales. This made the owner of the herrings believe that he was in possession of herrings, and induced him to pull down the room in which the herrings were kept (C 235). There is an elaborate account of the origin of the salmon. First, O'emdt, K!wek!waxd'wB e or Mink, tries to revive a twin woman, who puts her finger, or some other part of her body into water, and creates salmon in this manner (S 174; III 323; C 217). In another version she orders her husband to strip off the leaves of fern, and throw them into the water. They become salmon (C 491). When this attempt proves unsuccessful, he abducts the daughter of the salmon chief or killerwhale, whom he takes home. The salmon pursue her, their canoes are broken, and the fish are ordered to ascend the rivers (S 175; III 346; C 175). The birds were given their colors at the time of a feast to which they were invited. Coal was rubbed over the raven, clay over the sea-gull. When the tide rushed in, those who could not escape became sea birds, the others land birds (C 233). In another version it is said that 0' imd was in a hurry to paint some of the birds, and merely used black and white, and that this is the origin of black and white birds. During the festival his canoe was burned, which made him angry, and he ordered all his guests to scatter as animals all over the world (C 287 et seq.). In another version told by the KwZ'qwaenoxu of the Cwa'waenoxu the transformation of the myth people into animals is attached to the story of Wren who kills the Grizzly Bear. 0'mdt lives with his younger brothers, Deer, Raccoon, Land-otter, Mink, Squirrel and Wren at G-EyO'xU in Knight Inlet. a0'Cmd insists on carrying the skin of the bear and eats it. When scolded by his brothers he transforms them into animals (C XXVI 23). 140 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society According to another story the Wolf invited all the animals. He, wolverene and black bear were to have a winter ceremonial. Woodman was their chief, Wolf's house was a cave at Gwa'cyasdE'ms.l Their drum was the root of a cedar that may still be seen there. At the end of the ceremonial the Wolf ordered the myth people to scatter all over the world as animals (C XXXVI 24). The world fire caused by Mink2 is not given in the Kwakiutl tales as the cause of the barrenness of the mountains, of cracked rocks, deep canyons and of the black tips of clams as among the Bella Bella; but a number of incidents of the mink tales lead to transformations (see p. 152). He transforms women into starfish, obtains the tides from the wolves and causes Malcolm Island to be low and gravelly. ANCESTORS AS TRANSFORMERS. - In some tales the ancestors of a numaym appear as heroes who destroy monsters that infest the country. Thus Si'wit who had obtained supernatural power kills and transforms monsters in Knight and Kingcombe Inlets (C XXVI 177). Kwd'kwaxsano and his brother kill the monsters on Nimkish River and transform them into stone (S 140, 145; III 149); Ld'xuindla (III 104) and Xd'nyats!/Emg'ilaku kill monsters in Knight Inlet (III 130; C 470). SUPERNATURAL BEINGS. Before discussing the myth people and animals I give here a number of important supernatural beings, only a few of which belong to the myth people. The Owner-of-Southeast-Wind (MEti'lanuku) lives in a house on an island behind MEta'ba'no (C 494). He breaks wind all the time. Therefore the Southeast Wind has a bad odor (III 352; also C 227). The myth people make war on him. The halibut lies down in front of the door, and when the Owner-of-Southeast-Wind comes out of his house, he slips. The myth people threaten to kill him until he promises not to blow all the time (III 350; X 100). In another version Wren flies into the stomach of Southeast Wind, starts a fire there, and thus makes him cough (C 227). His house is also located in Bull Harbor (III 350). The myth people also tried in vain to overcome the NorthwestWind (X 99). The protector of mountain goat hunters who is called TEwZx'axta& (III 38) [or Merciful Bear (III 405)], helps the hunter by the magic of a dog of diminutive size which when put on the ground assumes large size and kills the mountain goats. Wina'lag ilis, the Warrior-of-the-World, hardly ever appears in the tales, although he is a most important figure in the beliefs 1 See p. 155. 2 Seep. 152. Kwakiutl Culture 141 of the people. He is connected with the winter ceremonial and with Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World (C 33). He is constantly travelling about in his canoe. After purification Wina'lag'ilis' canoe appears to a youth. It is moving about in a lake and the paddler shouts "woi." The youth goes into the water, holds and tips the canoe until finally he lets go. He faints and finds himself next to the house of Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-theWorld (C 31). In R 1120 a person passes through much eagle down and reaches the house of Wind'lag'ilis from which he is rescued by Blue-Jay who carries him home on his back. He initiates the to'xEwit and wzilEnkulag' ilis dancer (R 1133). THE CANNIBAL SPIRIT AND THE CANNIBAL CEREMONIAL.1 - There is considerable discrepancy in the descriptions of the Cannibal spirit. The version most frequently heard belongs to Rivers Inlet, not to the Kwakiutl. A number of others belong to the tribes around Cape Scott and to those of Knight Inlet. I have heard only one version belonging to another Kwakiutl tribe. The name of the Cannibal spirit means literally "Having man eating at the mouth of the river." (Bax1bakwdlanuxuszwe~). Since north is down river, the location is conceived as the north end of the world, and I translate, therefore, Cannibal-of-the-North-End-of-the-World. The descriptions of the house of Cannibal-of-the-North-End-ofthe-World are briefly summarized here. He lives in a rock which opens (S 153). Four Awi'k'!enoxu brothers visit his house which is located in the Supernatural-FaceMountain (Nau'alakuim). The body of the Cannibal has mouths all over (C 397). The smoke of the house is rainbow-colored (or blood-colored C V 49; S 223). In his house is a woman rooted to the floor. There is also a box containing the four cannibal masks, and whistles and rings (C 389, 399). In another version of the same story he is described as dancing around the fire, and then disappearing in his sacred room. He comes out again and dances first with the raven mask, then with the cannibal mask, next with the ho'xbhoku mask, and finally as cannibal accompanied by four k'inqalaLEla and four q!5'minaga. The cedar bark of the q!o'mindga is red and white. She carries a corpse, which the cannibal is to eat. The Bear-of-the-Door of the cannibal's house has whistles. The nonltse~stalal has two whistles. A cannibal pole stands in the house. The four dances performed are those of the cannibal, of the q!5'mindga, of the nonitsestalal, and that of the Bear-of-the-Door-of-the-Hbuse (M 397). In an elaborate version of the Rivers Inlet tale (R 1222) the house is described in detail (R 1244). The cannibal and Q!o'mindga have a joined room in the middle of the rear of the house. It'is covered with red cedar bark. The cannibal pole stands in front of 1 See also. p. 89. 142 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society it and reaches through the roof. To the right on the rear wall (looking from the door to the rear of the house) is the room of Ho'xuhoku-of-the-Sky (ho'xuhogwdxtErwe). The front is painted with the design of the h6o'ahoku. When dancing he wears the cannibal-head mask. To the left on the rear wall is the room of Crooked-Beak-of-the-Sky (gElo gdzadye). The front is painted with the design of this being. He also uses the cannibal head mask when dancing. Along the right side wall of the house from the rear towards the door are three rooms; farthest back that of the Onewho-Presses-Down (Ld'laxwila). It has in front a ring of red cedar bark, one fathom across and four spans thick. Next is the room of the Beggar-Dancer (q!we'q!wasElal). It is painted on each side of the door with the design of a raven. Nearest the door is the room of the Thrower (of power) (md'maq!a). Red cedar bark is spread over it and a human figure of hemlock branches stands on top of it. Along the left wall farthest to the rear is the room of Tamer ha' yalik'ila). It is made of hemlock branches. Next to it is the room of the Fire-Dancer (nonltsfestalat) which has the painting of the Kingfisher. Nearest to the door is the room of Copper-SoundWoman (L!a'qwak'/dlaga) painted with the design of the moon surrounding a toad. To'the right of the door is the room of GrizzlyBear-of-the-Door (NEnstadlZ). It is painted with the design of a man with grizzly bear paws. To the left is the room of Raven-ofthe-Nord-End-of-the-World (gw' x gwaxwdlanux. US-we) who eats the eyes of the victims of the cannibal. The front is painted with the design of a raven. [According to the O' yala.idExu there is a speaker of the house and the dances performed are those of the no'ntEmg'ila, q!o'minoga with red and white cedar bark of the Cannibal-at-North-End-ofWorld dance (M 403).] The house of Cannibal-at-North-End-of-World is found by an A'Fwa.iLEla youth, who is given red cedar bark which he tries on. A sprig of hemlock is plaited in at the nape of his neck which becomes a cannibal pole. A hoxuhoku sits on top of it; the body of the pole is snapping. He is treated with medicine in order to be cured, but finally disappears (C 35). The A'Ewa'iLEla assume the house of this being as inland, in their own country. There is a cannibal pole in the house (C 35). At one time he is met at the foot of Mt. Gray-Face (Md'mogwiCnagEm). The figures on the cannibal pole are a man on top, under it the snapping raven that announces the arrival of strangers, under it a man, lowest a Dzo'noq!wa. When the cannibal climbs down, he goes into the mouth of the top figure, out of the mouth of the raven, into the mouth of the man, out of the mouth of the Dzo'noq!wa. Every time he comes out he utters the cannibal cry. Three times he goes up and down1. Then the "snapping beak" the food carrier 1 See also p. 89 note 1. Kwakiutl Culture 143 of the cannibal spirit, comes carrying two persons in its talons. The cannibal spirit goes up, swallows the person held in the right talon of the bird, and comes down and swallows a man (C 421). The DEna'x daex* place the house of Baxabakwa'lanuku beyond Mt. Lad'algEqum. The spirit scoops out a pond and washes a visitor in it. Wfien he enters his house, the people beat time. He goes around the fire four times and bites and devours people, lapping them up with his tongue (C 463). The DEna'x dacxu also say that the house is beyond three mountains. The sacred room has a Raven front. The cannibal comes out of the raven mouth and dances with one song. He goes back and the ho'xuhoku comes and dances with the next song. Then the raven comes and dances with the third song. Finally the Cannibal comes carrying a corpse which he devours. In the house is a sacred room containing masks, cedar bark, harpoon, fire-bringer, quartz death-bringer, water of life and a cannibal pole which resembles a rainbow standing in a hole full of animals (III 109). [According to the Awi'k-!enoxw the bear may also be a cannibal spirit (III 414).] His house is in a cliff. The death-bringer hangs in the house, and the water of life forms a pool in the right hand corner. The bear enters as cannibal dancer assisted by another person. They go through all the houses, then into the woods where the cannibal puts on hemlock rings. When the people beat time they enter. The cannibal dancer blows his whistles, utters his cry, and runs around the fire standing, not squatting like the cannibal of Cannibal-of-North-End-of-World. After four rounds he goes into the sacred room and dances with the crane mask, then as cannibal, then with the red cedar mask of Cannibal-of-North-Endof-World. His k 'nqalaLEla is Wind'lag'zlis. In his last dance he wears the bear skin blanket. Each dance is accompanied by one song. The head ring of this cannibal dancer has the death bringer over the forehead and is surmounted by a piece representing the milky way. There is also a Koskimotale in which it is said that cannibal dances are obtained at the foot of the post of heaven (X 253; C XXVI 216); and another YftL!enoxu (Triangle Island) story, in which the ceremonial is obtained in a house on one of this group of islands called Supernatural Rock (nau'alak!wa), but the being giving the ceremonial is not mentioned (C XXVI 113). In a L!a'Lh/asiqwala story a man obtains the cannibal ceremonial but no details are given (C XXVI 133). There is only one tale of the origin of the Cannibal ceremonial among the Kwakiutl. It belongs to the Mad'mtag'ila. It is obtained from a man seated on a supernatural dressed deer skin, (C XXVI 57). A Nimkish youth found Cannibal-of-the-North-End-of-the-World at the foot of a precipice from which the spirit issued flying (M 405). All the remaining stories belong to the A'%wa.iLEla and DEBna'x 144 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society daexu. A youth finds the Cannibal spirit after purification inland. He has a spruce tree with various figures and crawls up and down this tree which is his cannibal pole (C 425). In a Nimkish version of this story (S 147) he obtains the ceremonial in the sky. A Haxwd'mis youth obtains the cannibal ceremony from the wolves. He does not utter the usual cannibal cry (C XXVI 98). Still another one is taken to the house of the cannibal spirit by Wind'lag'ilis (The Warrior-of-the-World) (C 33). A DErna'x dacxu youth is taken inland across the mountains to meet the same spirit (M 403; C 463). Besides these true initiations there are a few cases in which the cannibal ceremonial is brought down by the ancestor. Ts/!'qdmej, an ancestor of the Qwe'qusot!enox' gives to his son the house of his brother Thunderbird (Ku'nkunxulig'a) which has four self-beating drums, one hanging in each corner and a cannibal pole surmounted by a raven. The front of the sacred room is painted with the design of the moon surmounting a double-headed serpent and a man in the moon. A human head is in front of his first head ring and heads are attached to his neck rings, and to his cedar bark belt, and to his arm and leg rings. After each performance the rings are made smaller. Whenever the Cannibal utters his cannibal cry the Raven cries and the drums beat time (III 182). Red-Sky-Face (L!exL!exdgEm) a Koskimo ancestor comes down from heaven. He owns the cannibal dance. His sacred room is at the right hand side of the door. He has the H6xuhoku-of-Heaven mask, and carries a skull rattle and a rattle representing the Crooked-Beak-of-Heaven. He is accompanied by four assistants (hfeig'a) each of whom has a rattle. He dances four times accompanied by four songs. This ceremonial was given him when he visited another chief in heaven before coming down to our earth. From him he also received names (III 385). QE'ldedzEm, the ancestor of the Xoyalas, carries the raven mask and the cannibal head mask (III 401). [A ceremonial house is described in which forty supernaturals and the "souls" of all trees, bushes, birds and creeping animals reside. Access to this house is had by lifting the edge of moss in the woods. This discloses the entrance to the house (R 1185, 1220).] DZO'NOQ!WA. -The Dzo'noq!wa is also called AS'xLaa (III 354.11 = M 372), and O'xLadtdlag'Els (III 96.6). The Dzo'noq!wa are a people who dwell inland or live on mountains (S 145; [III 432]). Their houses are far in the woods (M 373). One of them lives in a deep lake on top of a mountain (S 139). A trail leads back from the human village to a pond near which their houses stand (C 51). The Dzo'noq!wa have black bodies (III 199; C 49); eyes wide open, but set so deep in the head that they cannot see well (C 61; C XXVI 163). They are twice the size of a man (III 199; C 49). They are described as giants (C 445), and as stout (III 87). Their hands Kwakiutl Culture 145 are hairy (C 119). Generally the Dzo'noq!wa who appears in the tales is a female. She has large hanging breasts (C 444, 490; C XXVI 160). She is so strong that she can tear down large trees (C 444; C XXVI 160). The Dzo'noq!wa can travel underground (C 119). When speaking they pronounce the words in such a way that every syllable of ordinary speech is repeated with initial "h" substituted for the consonantal beginning of the syllable, or with "h" introduced before the initial vowel (III 88). Their voice is so loud that it makes the roof boards shake (III 225), and when a Dzo'noq/wa-like person shouts, lightning flashes from the canoe in which he stands (III 215). A Dzo'noq!wa cannot be killed until her life (q!lid'xsano) is shot which she keeps hidden in a knot-hole (M 373). The term is derived from q!iila' to be alive, and is distinct from the term for soul. The female Dzo'noq!wa carries away children in her arms to her house inland ([III 431]; C 119), or she puts them into a basket, which she carries on her back (M 373). When young girls walk about in the woods, they are enticed away by her or carried away in her arms (III 87). [When enticing away children from a house, she assumes the voice of their grandmothers (III 432).] Little children are frightened into obedience by being told that the Dzo'noq!wa will come and carry them away (C 117). [When she has stolen a child, she keeps it as her daughter and picks salmon berries for her (III 432).] [In contests she grows to the size of a medium-sized spruce tree. When the warriors bite their tongues and spit on her, she becomes small again (III 434).] She is a cannibal (M 373; C 445), and roasts the children whom she steals. She is chewing gum red as blood with which she glues up the eyes of the children (M 372). She is in the habit of going to the villages to steal salmon. Then she throws aside the roof boards and reaches down to take the fish from the drying frames (III 103; C 49, 443; C XXVI 69, 160, 169). The bull head is the shaman of the Dzo'noq!wa (C XXVI 170). She is represented as building a canoe in the woods, and her infant which never cries stands in a cradle next to her. When she is surprised and her child is pinched so that it cries, she gives supernatural gifts to her visitor (III 96; X 111; C 490). In one place a blind woman who is not identified with the Dzo'noq!wa takes her place (C 458). With all her strength the Dzo'noq!wa is stupid. She admires the ear ornaments of a boy whom she has captured, and is induced to allow herself to be killed by having sticks driven into her ears (C 119). She admires the eyebrows of a girl whom she has captured, and is induced to submit to having her eyebrows cut. When thus 10 146 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society in the power of the warriors she is killed (III 91). She admires the beauty of a boy and is induced to place her head on a stone and to have it struck with another heavy stone. Thus she is killed (M 373). A person shoots arrows into her breast and follows her into the woods to her house. There he kills her four children by knocking them over the head with a stick (C 444). When her skull is used as a wash basin, the child that is so washed becomes very strong (III 104; C 444). A man of supernatural power throws stones at a Dzo'noq!/wa, and thus transforms her into stone (III 104). [When urine is sprinkled on her, she is driven away (III 436).] The house posts of Ya'qoLasEmje, an ancestor of the Haxwa'mis and his feast dish represent the Dzo'noq!wa (III 118). [The dance of the Dzo'noq!wa is kept by the father of an abducted girl whom she accompanies back (III 435).] WOODMAN (BEk!u's)'. - The woodman is a person who takes away drowned people. His body is cold as ice. Whoever accepts the food offered by him cannot go back. To those who are taken away by him his house appears in the night, while as soon as day breaks it disappears (III 251). His salmon is rotten wood, or it consist of toads and lizards. When a canoe appears offering to take home the person who has been carried away by the woodman, the crew - who appear like his relatives- are land otters, the paddles are minks, and the canoe is a skate. They appear in their true form when the paddles are thrown into the fire, when the people are sprinkled with urine, and when the canoe is stabbed (III 257). [Quite different is the description of the woodman child2 which is seen by a man who walks about in the woods, falls asleep, and when he awakes finds a woodman child sitting on the edge of his blanket (III 430). He bites his tongue, and spits the blood on the child who then loses his power. Then he takes the child home and raises it as his own (III 431).] A woman who had maltreated her husband while he was blind is transformed into a woman of the woods after having first been transformed into stone, then into a tree, and finally into a womanShe lives in the woods at Q!waela'de<. The woodman appears as chief of a small group of myth people in C XXVI 24. DOUBLE-HEADED SERPENT. - The double-headed serpent has a serpent head at each end and a human head in the middle (III 121; C 333). It swims in the water like a fish. Its sight causes fainting (C XXVI 126). When it is shot at, it unfolds and shows its true form (X 192). When it is caught in a fish trap, it looks like fish, and its movements sound like the rolling of a rock slide (III 196). 1 This being evidently corresponds to the land-otter spirits of the northern tribes. 2 A story imported from Bella Bella. Kwakiutl Culture 147 Whoever sees it must bite his tongue and spit blood on it and on his weapons. When he strikes it, even with a cane, but covered with the blood from his tongue, the stroke kills the serpent (C 333). When caught in a salmon trap, it breaks it, but it is quieted when the fisherman spits four times alternately on it and on his club. Then he kills it (III 197). Hellebore is chewed and spit on it in order to quiet it (C 53). Its scales are hidden in the ground (III 61). A thunderbird trying to take the dead serpent turns into stone (III 61). A woman who is digging fern roots finds its scales which shine like mica. When they are rubbed on arrows and are tied to the arrow points, game shot with them turns into stone (S 143; III 138,149). The scales are tied to an arrow and wrapped with salal leaves (C XXVI 126). A person who finds the tracks of a double-headed serpent and washes his hands in the slime left on the trail has his hands turned into stone (III 147). Clotted blood of the serpent rubbed on the body transforms the skin into stone (III 198). It is bad luck to touch a stone on which the dead serpent has lain (X 106). Its skin put on the head ring of red cedar-bark kills those who see it (X 110), turns them into stone (X 112), or transforms them into foam (S 150). Canoes are transformed into stones at the sight of it (S 150). Its meat is poisonous, and causes the body of the person who eats it to become contorted (C 3). Its sight even causes contortions (X 106). It is the food of the thunderbird (III 61, 197; C 193) who carries it along in his talons (C 482). When the thunderbird shoots down to strike it, the serpent turns into a squirrel (C XXVI 126). Ts!o'na also catches it as we catch salmon (C 451). A person who touches the double-headed serpent dropped by a thunderbird disappears and dies (C 482). In a story borrowed from the Comox the double-headed serpent appears as one of the people of the sea chief Q!o'mogwa (X 24). Q!a'neqeclaku kills a double-headed serpent, and uses its eyes as sling stones with which he kills whales (S 195; C 193) telling the eyes to come to life (X 194). He uses its skin as a belt (C 5; dorsal fin, X 192). He gives the belt to a child who goes to meet a sea monster. When the child is swallowed he shouts "snake in belly", and the belt kills the monster (S 196; X 219; C 201). His canoe also is a double-headed serpent (C 5), Xate'tsEn, the ancestor of the Le'gwikdarxu also has a double-headed serpent belt and canoe (C 5). Another canoe of this kind, the death-bringingpaddle-side-canoe is given to Ts!d'qdm e, the ancestor of the ewi'womasgEm of the Qwe'qusot!enox%, by nEm5o'kuli8Ela. The tongues of the serpent in this canoe are darting. When the owner says, "Paddle," the canoe answers, "Wo," and paddles. It can pass under ground (III 230). Scales and intestines of the doubleheaded serpent buried and pulled along the ground become a river (C 333). The sun wears the double-headed serpent mask, which he gives to K!wexald'lag'ilis, an ancestor of the G*a'p!enoxtb (III 396). 10* 148 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society The house of a Dzo'noq!wa has a double-headed serpent with darting tongues on each side of the door (C 53). In the house of the ghosts stands a settee with a double-headed serpent design (C 315). A double-headed serpent is the house dish of the GwaCsEla (C 301). The same kind of dish is given by the wolves to K!wadzai'e, an ancestor of the Dza'wadEenox* (X 58). MONSTERS. - Various monsters or fabulous beings are mentioned repeatedly. 6nEmxx'd'lig'iu is a sea monster of immense size, somewhat of the form of a halibut (C XXVI 210). It brings up an ancestor from the bottom of the sea (S 134). It is so large that a hero who cut off the heads of all sea monsters could not find its head (C XXVI 64). When it arises the water becomes shallow. It lives at the place out in the ocean to which all the charcoal goes (C XXVI 209). The seals are his dogs (C XXVI 210). In III 380 he is described as heaving a seal head and a halibut tail. On its edge stand men (C XXVI 177). A wonderful seal (C XXVI 202) and a sea otter (C XXVI 94) have a light or a ball of fire or quartz shining like fire in the nape of the neck. A supernatural, one horned giant mountain goat is killed by hunters and its death brings them misfortune (C 11; C XXVI 144). The sea grizzly bear (na'nis) (III 149; X 71, 100; C 273; C XXVI 187, 208). The sea black bear (L!E'ndzis) (III 149; probably also III 104; C XXVI 70). The sea raven (gwa'wes) (X 71). The lake monster that swallows those who go to draw water (X 218 ha'naq/ats/d; C 201 ts!e'gis). Mink's mother becomes the sea-monster ts!e'gis of Qa'logwis. A monster sea otter (III 130). A monster bullhead in Nimkish River that swallows logs and canoes (III 149). The humming birds of the water that suck blood (III 126; C 467)The canoe devouring monster of a cascade in Knight Inlet (III 131). The sea-monsters Q!/'q!ElsEla, ya' x'yak'ilit and Wa'wixema called by Qa'wadiliqala at;yaeg-ade' (C 37). [Sea monsters in general are mentioned in M 402]. The monster of the deep (wi'ndzisbalis) (C 470). A monster squid at Hd'nwade' (III 104, C XXVI 71). The monsters of the river of Knight Inlet (C 469). The monster herrings of a river in Knight Inlet (III 131; C 471). The whale of the woods, which when speared looks like a snail (III 364, 398). A man with a feather on the head that cuts like a knife (III 364). A man who obtained supernatural power in a lake, overcomes a Kwakiutl Culture 149 number of monsters: the "nEmxx'a'lig'iu, a being with many hands called here QT5'mogwa, a giant fish, a snag, some being living in a crack of the rocks the ha'naq!atts!d; a being consisting of hands only, monster dolphins, and seal flippers that bury themselves in the sand (C XXVI 177). ANIMALS, PLANTS ETC. THE TRIBE OF MYTH PEOPLE.1 - According to the tradition of the Kwa'g-ut, Ma'maleleqala and Nimkish the myth people, the Ancients - that is, the animals before they assumed animal forms - lived at Qa'logwis (Crooked Beach) (II 287; X 80, 99, 147), later on the village of the Kwa'g'ul. Like the modern Indians the myth people were divided in lesser village communities (cnEsme'm) which lived in separate localities but close together. The people of each separate community are designated as the friends of their chief, certain ones as his younger brothers. The principal village is Qa'loqwis. The birds live near by at Ku'newaas (Thunder-Place) (III 295; C 493); the Wolf and his people at X'a'ts!aedzeli's (Ebb-Tide-Beach) III 278; X 90). The chief of the village Qa'loIwis is K!wek!waxa'wec (III 278; X 148). His wife is Sawbill-Duck-Woman (III 282), in other versions E'lx'sayugwa (Fog-Woman?) (X 170; C 492). His friends are Mink, Deer and Raccoon, his younger brothers Young-Raccoon and Me'mg'olEm (X 170) called in other versions Me'mg'olEmbEs (Canoe-Caulking) (C 287; see also S 174, 181; C 241). In another story Raccoon and Young-Raccoon are called his younger brothers (III 282); in still another one only Young-Raccoon is mentioned as his younger brother (C 492). In both of these Canoe-Caulking is given as the name of his son (III 282; C 492). In X 170 SawbillDuck-Woman is his step-daughter. In the version C X 57 K!wek!waxa'we's younger brothers are given as Mink, Raccoon, Deer, LandOtter and Squirrel. In C X 86 Squirrel is omitted. In one of the Qa'logwis stories it is said that all the quadrupeds and birds lived together. Their chiefs were Wolf, Mink and Deer. Woodpecker and Eagle were chiefs of the birds. Blue Heron, Kingfisher, Fish-Hawk and Black Woodpecker were their attendants. Canoe-Caulking was their messenger and Wren their adviser. The birds of the upper world lived at Kt'newaas. These were the Thunderbird, his younger brother Q5'los, the listener (Ho'LagEnus) and his attendants Ho'x hoktb-of-the-Sky, Crooked-Beak-of-theSky, Raven-of-the-Sky and Screecher-of-the-Sky (III 295). In another story located at Qa'loqwis Mink is called a chief. Deer is his friend, Sparrow his messenger (X 88), Land-Otter his rival 1In the following I do not confine myself strictly to the tales in which the animals appear as myth people, but add features referring to these animals found in other tales. 150 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society (X81). Wolf is chief of the village Ebb-Tide-Beach (X-d'ts!acdzeeli's) (X 90, 94). Mink's friends are also given as Deer, Raccoon. YoungRaccoon and Canoe-Caulking who is here identified with the Raven (X 99). Halibut, Devilfish, Merman and Sea Bear assist Mink in a war expedition (X 100). Sparrow is his messenger (X 90). In the story of the murder of the sons of Chief Wolf his intimate friends and helpers were Raccoon, his own younger brother Young-Raccoon, Deer, Kingfisher, Sparrow, Land-Otter, Woodpecker and Wren (X_ 108). O'Cmdl lives with his younger brothers Deer, Raccoon, LandOtter, Mink, Squirrel and Wren at G'-EYO'X (C XXVI 18, 19). In X 147 different units (enErme'm) living at Qa'logwis are enumerated. One embraced Heron, Crane, Kingfisher; Eagle, Fish-Hawk, Raven, Red-Winged Flicker and Black Woodpecker; another one Water-Ouzel, Thrush and Wren; a third Seal, Sea-Lion and Porpoise; a fourth Mink as chief, Wolf, Raccoon, and YoungRaccoon. Chief of all the units was K!wek!waxd'wUe. CanoeCaulking was Mink's attendant (X 149). The L!a'L!asiqwdla of Newettee locate the village of the myth people at Bull Harbor (III 350) or at Dze' enm in the Nd'k!wax'dacxu country (C 287); the Na' k!wax'dacxu at Ddls near Otsto'wa (III 322). A La'wits!es also gave the last named location as the place where K!wek!waxa'w9e created the salmon (C 491). In these tales (except the La'wits!es story) the chief corresponding to K!wek/waxa'weg is called O'mdai (S 171; C 217; CXXVI 12). Among the Awi'k'!enoxu of Rivers Inlet the former name reappears. Although this is not mentioned in the tales he is identified with the Raven. In one tale his village is given as Wa'edzeA in Brownings Channel (C 244). In 1930 I was told that he moved to Wa'edzec from LE'nLEnLaak, that he is identical with MEsk!wa' (C 213) and Ga~waxe't (C 244.8), and that his younger brothers are Deer, Raccoon, and Mink. All the myth people, including quadrupeds, birds and plants are called his younger brothers (C 287). In one story E'lx'sayugwa is his wife (C 190.26) the name also given as K!wek!waxa'we's wife (X 170; C 492). His aunts are Fern root (Polystichum munitum) (C 293) and Star-Woman (III 323). His younger brothers are Deer (III 350), Halibut, Devilfish, DZE'ndzEngElExs (Smell-of-Canoe; see also S 183; C 240); Me'mg'olEmbEs (Canoe-Caulking S 174, 181; C 240, 287) Ne'ndzayobEs and Hayimg'ilExs (Staying-in-Canoe see also S 181). The last six are also his warriors (III 350, 351). In III 325 Deer, Canoe-Caulking and Orphan are given as his younger brothers. In C 287 his younger brothers are Canoe-Caulking, Hayi'mg-'lExsElabES (Staying-in-Canoe), La'labalisElabES (GoingFrom-End-to-End-of-World) and Raccoon. His younger sister is the Crow Ladxawenaga ts!i'xsoga (Spoon-Bringing-Woman WinterDance-Woman). At another place Buffle-Head-Duck and HarlequinDuck are also mentioned (C 221, 223). His daughter is Ha'daga Kwakiutl Culture 151 (S 180; C 244), his attendants DzE'ndzEngElExs, Hayi'mgy'lExsEla and Canoe-Caulking. Ts.i'xsoga is Ha'daga's friend (C 244). In C XXVI 16 Ha'daga is given as O' mdf's sister. His sisters are also referred to in S 177 and III 325. In X 145 the village of the Starfish-Women at A'dap!a and that of the Sea Gulls at Hdlo'lo are mentioned. There are numerous contradictions in these tales due to local variations. (See the remarks on variants in X 163 et seq.). In a Le'gwildaExu story Woodpecker, Black Bear Woman, Grizzly Bear'Woman live at Xusa'm (X 15). The same place is the village of the Toad people (III 318). The myth people ate all kinds of berries in summer and winter (III 307). They had no water and used instead the juice of roots (C 167; C XXVI 85). A cave near Gwa' cyasdE'ms is shown as their ceremonial house; a flat root of a tree in the cave as their drum (C 494). THE RAVEN. - It is seldom expressly stated that the chief characters among the myth people, Kwekwaxa'we and 0' mil are the raven, but in discussions about the tales the identification has been made repeatedly. When Scab wishes to visit the chief in heaven, the myth people accompany him. They go up a ladder. Deer leads, but is blown back by the strong wind that is blowing down. The same happens to O' nmdl who tries next. Wren succeeds by darting right and left. When he passes through to the sky wind stops (C XXVI 171). K!wek/waxd'wec (III 223; C 168) and 0' maf own the self-moving unfolding-canoe (C 217, 227). When O'mdl paints the birds he smoothes his unfolding-canoe by scorching the bottom. Owing to the inattention of his younger brothers the canoe is burnt (C 293). His younger brothers (III 283) or Deer (X 170) are lovers of his wife. He himself is in love with his step-daughter, Sawbill-DuckWoman (III 287). O'cmdc is one of the ancestors who were met by Qk/'neqeclaku. They point at each other from a distance and each perforates the other's body S 196-197; C 207; X 222). In another story K!w&k!waxa'wge is captured in his self-moving-canoe by T!e'sEmg'it, an ancestor of the Qwe'qust!enoxu, who enslaves him (III 223). I presume this must be taken as an attempt to show the greatness of that particular family. K!wgk!waxa'weg is described as a stout person (III 222). He always wears a ring of red cedar bark on his forehead (III 347). He is always chewing gum of the white pine (C 173). No tradition telling of his origin has ben recorded among the Kwa'g'ul, but the Awi'k'!enox* say that he came down from the sky at No'xuns (S 209). [In a version borrowed from the Tsimshian O'Emid is the child of the daughter of the chief in the sky, and of a youth who was cut out of the body of his dead mother and who flew up to the sky. 152 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Their child drops into the sea, is adopted by a chief and is made voracious (S 171). In another version this child is not identified with O'cmdl, but is called MEskwa' (The-Greedy-One) (C 209). After O'emdt, or MEskwa' has been made greedy he travels about, and his adventures are analogous to those of the raven of the northern tribes. This tale was recorded in 1886 and 1890. In 1930 it was not obtainable. It had been introduced by a man who had been a slave among the Tsimshian, but it never gained a permanent foothold.] K!wek!waxa'wUe, or O'cmdl have a great many adventures many of which embody origin tales.l He obtains the daylight and fresh water, makes the rivers, fills them with salmon, marries a dead twin woman in order to obtain salmon (C XXVI 12). When unsuccessful in this attempt he abducts the daughter of the salmon chief. He liberates the daylight, secures the tides from the wolves, causes the tides to turn, obtains the fire and liberates the herring, obtains the soil, overcomes the Southeast Wind, and paints the birds (C 291). Among his other adventures I mention his war against the thunderbird who is overcome by the myth people by means of an artificial whale, which drowns the thunderbirds; and his contest with Trush-Woman, Kingfisher, Hawk, Eagle and Seal in the magical production of food (C 237), THE YOUNGER BROTHERS OF THE CHIEF OF THE MYTH PEOPLE. Their positions in the tribe of the myth people have been described before (p. 150). Raccoon and Young-Raccoon are lovers of the wife of their chief (III 283). (See also X 143, 170; C 287, 291.) For Canoe-Caulking, the Raven see p. 150 (S 181; III 282, 295, 308, 325; X 99, 147, 170; C 237, 241, 245, 287, 492). For Land-Otter see p. 161 (X 127; C 157). As children Land-Otter and Mink quarrel (X 81). MINK. - Mink is the son of the Sun. He lives at Qa'logwis. He climbs to the sky by means of an arrow chain and carries the sun in his father's place. When he runs too fast the earth begins to burn. He is cast down and becomes the mink (X 80; C 123). He is foolish, amorous (X 113 et seq.), and full of curiosity (III 392). He marries many women (X 113; C 127), and kills his friend LandOtter whose wife he covets (X 127; C 157). The Frog-Women dislike him because he has a long face, small eyes, and smells badly (III 319). He is greedy and very fond of sea eggs (C 131, 133, 135, 141, 157; X 130, 140) which he steals (C XXVI 26). He steals the clams of the women in a neighboring village. Because the women scold him he transforms them into starfish (X 145). When he tries to fly, his intestines fall out of his body (C 157). When he loses his musk bag, he cannot go forward, but moves backward (C 145). He steals the food of his friends (X 144). He tries in vain to imitate the acts of his friends who invite him and produce food by their magic 1 See p. 138. Kwakiutl Culture 153 (X 148, 160; C 151). He kills one of his friends because he wants to eat him (C 147). When he acts particularly foolishly, he is made fun of by his tribe (C 159). He is constantly at war with the wolves from whom he takes the tides (X 88, 94), because they refuse to sell clams to him (C 493), and kills the princes of the wolves (S 150; M 538; X 103 et seq., C X 57 et seq.). He steals their child (X 95), while the wolf children steal his food and tear out his musk-bag (C 143). The wolves capture him, but he upsets their canoes and drowns them (X 145). By means of his sacred song, he can produce wind and call up the monsters of the deep (X 146). When he calls his musk-bag with which the wolf children play ball, it comes and he sits on it (X 135; C 145). He takes out his own musk-bag and transforms it into a person (C 159). He is able to kill and handle the doubleheaded serpent, while his mother's body is contorted when she touches it (X 106-107). He straightens out her body, and later on transforms her into a sea monster (X 107). He appears also as messenger for Woodpecker, and is sent to get the salmon masks (III 302). His people always try to make him happy (X 148). He is a warrior (III 303). When the head chief O'fmdl wants the animals to make war on the thunderbird and they go out in an artificial whale, Mink sits in the spout hole (C 243). He sits in the bow of the canoe when they go to make war on the Southeast-Wind (C 227). In another tale it is said the Wolves live in a village near Qa'lofwis. With his head chief K!wek!waxad'we (or as his Speaker or with Deer X 88) he plans to get the tides from the wolves (C 493). He tries to make a mountain on Malcolm Island and live there. For this reason there are many minks on Malcolm Island (X 161). To another series belongs the story of the man who sharpened his spear in order to kill Qha'neqeclaku, and was transformed into a mink, the spear being made his tail (X 214; C 203). A Dza'wadsenoxu ancestor who is taken across many mountains by the Bear meets Mink on his journey and receives advice from him (X 56). DEER. - Wolf, Mink, and Deer are chiefs of the myth people (III 295). Deer is a younger brother (III 322) and warrior of 0' mdl (III 347). He appears as warrior on the expedition of the myth people to get salmon woman. On the return journey he jumps from one salmon canoe on to the other, thus breaking them (III 349; C 175). He is the Fool Dancer of the myth people (III 330), and as such is their warrior when he becomes excited (III 349). He wears a head ring of red cedar bark (III 347). When the myth people make war against Southeast-Wind, he is one of their warriors (X 101; C 229). He warns O'mdf's brothers not to make love to their elder brother's wife. When O'cmdl is away, he and the other younger brothers are fed by her while she does not give O'emdl 154 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society anything to eat (III 325 et seq.). When she creates salmon by throwing fern leaves into the water and Deer puts his salmon basket into the river it drifts away because he forgets to make an opening in it (C 491). He makes love to K!wek!waxa'wev's wife (X 170) and to Sawbill-Duck-Woman (X 135). With Raccoon, Young-Raccoon and Sparrow he is sent by Mink's mother to see if it is true that Mink has revived (X 143). When the myth people try to get the tides from the Wolves, he plays dead, and when the Wolf goes to steal his body, he cuts off the wolf's tail (X 91, 164; C 231). He obtains the fire from sea otter who carried it on his tail (C 494). When he is out with his son, both are taken as slaves by the Wolves. By his song he makes the Wolves sleep, who in turn make his limbs fall off one after the other by their song (C 167). When he wails with his brother Canoe-Caulking-the-Raven the latter throws him down the cliff and kills him (C 492). When O'cmdl paints the birds, Deer and Me'mg'olEmbEs help him (C 291). When he burns his foldingcanoe and orders the myth people to scatter over the world he stays with Deer at Te'guxste. Finally O'Fmdl transforms the deer into an animal and drives him away (C 295). Quite a different conception regarding the origin of the deer is expressed in two passages of the Q/a'neqe-laku tale. He meets a man sharpening mussel shells, with which he intends to kill Q!a'neqeElak". The latter takes them, drives them into the head of the person, and transforms him into a deer (X 211; C 201). When Q!a'neqeclaku on his way to Dza'wadgc is scolded by some people, he transforms them into deer, saying that they shall be the deer of later generations (III 94; X 230; C 456). In III 31 Deer appears as a member of the tribe of Grizzly Bear. Transformations of persons into deer occur also in other places. A woman who has maltreated her husband is transformed by him first into a deer, and then into some other being (C 451), and when Dza'wadaclalis tries to killQ/za'neqeElaku on his death-bringing settee, Q!a'neqeclaku puts on the deer mask and jumps out as a deer (III 97; X 240). WOLVES. - There are three different aspects in which the wolf appears; as a member of the tribe of the myth people, as an ancestor of one of the tribal divisions, and as a being who initiates novices. The strong development of the last concept is evidently related to the ideas of the Nootka, who believe that the wolves initiate practically all the performers of the sacred ceremonials. According to one version, Wolf is the head chief of the myth people; next to him are Mink and Deer (III 295). In another version Mink is the chief of one of the villages of the myth people, to which belong besides himself Wolf, Raccoon, and Young-Raccoon (X 147). When the myth people go to make war upon the Thunderbird, using for this purpose an artificial whale, Wolf and Grizzly Bear kill the Thunderbirds (C 243). Kwakiutl Culture 155 According to a more frequent presentation, K!wek!waxa'wEc, Mink, and many other animals associated with them lived at Qa'logwis, while the wolves have their village at X a'ts!/adzecli's (Ebb-Tide-Beach) (III 278; X 90). The Wolves are enemies of the other people, particularly of Deer and of Mink. They steal bodies which they dry for winter provisions (X 89). Their chief is called Nu'ng'extd4 (Head-Wolf) (III 278; X 107.40). At another place the chief is called G'-lgELE'eg'iclk1" (Made-to-Walk-First) (X 91.2). One of his men is called Bacnala'sielak" (Made-to-be-the-LowestOne) (X 91.5). This has reference to the incident which occurs in several tales in which the wolves by climbing one on the back of the other try to reach a body or person placed on the higher branches of a tree (III 278; X 91; C 165, 478, 493). The one who is to stand lowest is called Bacnala'si-lak". The Wolf-Chief's messengers are Mouse (III 279; C 231) and Ermine (III 280). The Wolves refuse to sell clams to the other people (C 493). This results in a war in which Deer (C 229), according to some versions K!we'k!wtaxd'weA (X 164.34) pretends to be dead and when the Wolf-Chief, as is his habit, tries to lift the body out of the grave box with his tail, it is cut off and smoked until the Wolf gives the tides as they are now (III 278; X 91, 164; C 494). The same incident, not localized in Qa'loqwis is told of O'mdl, the Deer, and the Wolves (C 229). It is also said that Mink, who appears as one of the principal enemies of Wolf, stole the infant child of the chief of the Wolves,'and returned it in exchange for the tides (X 95). The Wolves are warriors and are met by Deer on a war expedition. The latter called the Wolves Raw-Meat-Eaters (C 161). At another time Mink meets them, when they are on a war expedition against the Sea-Gulls of Hdla'lo (X 145), and both are enslaved by the Wolves who, however, are overcome by the superior cunning of Deer and of Mink.. The novices of the Wolf chief destroy Mink's salmon trap, and are killed by Mink, who later on overcomes the Wolves by exhibiting the skin of the double-headed serpent which he owns (M 539; X 103; C X 75). The children of the Wolf steal Mink's salmon and tear out his musk-bag (C 143; C X 58). When the Wolves try to capture Deer, they pay Orion to open his box containing the fog (C 165). Four wolves were the ancestors of the Dza'wadEenox- before the deluge. There were three brothers and one sister, the second in age being a girl. During the deluge they saved themselves on a high mountain. Afterwards they took off their wolf masks, and assumed names. They were all shamans, but the eldest had the greatest power. He vomited quartz, threw it at his sister, and then at a mountain which for this reason is called Quartz (X 28 et seq.). Wolf, Wolverene and Bear with their chief Woodman have their winter dance in a cave. They dance the war dance. Their drum is the root of a cedar tree and little boards are their supernatural 156 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society treasures. The wolf has quartz as his supernatural treasure (C XXVI 24). In initiation stories the Wolves appear as living in a village far inland. In front of the house of the chief stands a post with an eagle on top. Inside stands the door keeper who bites the stranger who enters. In the house is a Listener who understands the thoughts of the people (C 181). When a person enters the house he is thrown about by the Wolves from one to the other and is devoured (III 362). Then, regretting what they have done, the Wolves vomit the flesh and revive him with the water of life. The supernatural gifts in the possession of the chief Wolf are the harpoon shaft, house dishes death-bringer, and water of life (X 68). In III 362 an old woman is sitting outside warning the visitors not to enter the house. In another tale we hear that the Wolves who want to initiate a man, carry him to their village. There the youth jumps up when they try to cut him open. The Wolves who appear as human beings have no time to put on their skins. They offer him various gifts, until he accepts the last one offered, the death-bringer (C XXVI 142, see also C XXVI 139). A similar idea is brought out in the story of the Grizzly Bear who kills a visitor. The Wolf chief, who is one of his tribe, asks the animals to vomit the flesh of the man whom they have devoured, and restores him to life (III 32). In still another one the Grizzly Bears kill the man. Then they send the wolves No'ng'extdae and G'ilgextd6e as messengers to call the animals and the man is revived (C 111). In another initiation story a youth is carried to the house of the Wolves. In the house is a Listener who understands the thoughts of the visitor (C 181). The messengers of the Chief Wolf are QuickSpark, Quick-Raindrop, Quick-Stone-throw, who run around the edge of the world and call in the Wolves. Then they carry back the visitor (C 183), who receives as gifts the name Nun (Wolf), the potlatch pole, death bringer, water of life, the death-bringer which destroys by fire. He also marries the youngest daughter of the Wolf (C 181; see also C XXVI 140). In another story the Wolves appear less personified. A man scalds a wolf by throwing hot intestines of a salmon at him. Then a pack of wolves arrive, headed by a chief. The man climbs a tree; the wolves try to climb one on top of the other. Then they dig up the tree, and finally kill the man (C 478). The village of the Wolves is also implied in an ancestor story. According to the A'Ewa.iLEla tradition the wolf dance Ewalascaxaa' kw was stolen by Qa'wadiliqala (C 37), while according to the Dza'wadEenoxu tale it belongs to Qa'wadiliqala (M 388). After purification Qa'wadiliqala finds a large house with sparks coming through the roof. When he looks in, he sees four women beating time and people dancing. They are unable to dance because they are being Kwakiutl Culture 157 looked at by an uninitiated person, and Mouse is sent as a messenger. She finds him, and he is invited in and receives as a gift a number of ghost masks, an eagle, a war axe with which to drive away the profane, the MS'dEm, and the house. The wolf house had wolf posts, cross-beams over the door and rear posts with wolf heads at the ends, large boards with wolf carvings at easch end in the rear of the house, and dogs facing each other at the door of the house (X 36). According to M 387 there are speaking posts on each side of the door, the rear posts are wolves, a grizzly bear under each wolf. The cross-beam in the rear represents a double-headed serpent whose tongues are playing. Carved images are around the house, and there is a speaker of the house. Wolves also restore the dead by licking their bodies (C XXVI 137). The Wolf owns the magical quartz that is thrown into man and gives him power (C XXVI 24; see p. 149). THUNDERBIRD. - The Thunderbird lived at Ku'ncwaas, not far from Qa'loqwis (III 295) (see p. 111; C 493). As chief of the village of the birds at Kii'nFwaas (or of the birds of the sky) (III 295) he is the only one who owned a salmon trap (III 303). He has a war with the animals, who are led by O' mdl, or K!we'k!waxa'we- whose son, K-e'xenet, is carried away by the Thunderbird to Ku'n'waas (C 493). Then the followers of O'.mdl, or K!we'k!waxd'we6, build an artificial whale, in which they go to his village. The four children of the Thunderbird, who are called the One-Whale-Carrier, TwoWhale-Carrier, Three-Whale-Carrier, and Four-Whale-Carrier are drowned one after the other, and finally the old Thunderbird himself and his wife are killed. Only the nine month old infant in the cradle remains. He rises to the upper world, because he is ashamed of the defeat of his family (III 316; X 184). For this reason it does not thunder nowadays very often, only when the Thunderbird moves from the winter side to the summer side of his house, or vice versa, and when an omen is given that someone is going to die who belongs to a family that has the Thunderbird crest. Because the infant Thunderbird was painted with ocher and wore straps, these are nowadays put on infants when they are nine months old (III 315). The incident of the war against the Thunderbird is also introduced in the story of a game between the birds of Kut'nwaas and the mammals of Qa'logwis, at the end of which the Thunderbird steals the Thrush who is able to produce berries by her song. Then her husband, the Woodpecker, has the animals make the artificial whale by means of which the Thunderbird is overcome (III 295). The food of the Thunderbird is the double-headed serpent (III 197; C 193, 482). He catches it in the same way as human beings catch salmon, watching his weir from the top of a pole (III 189). He also feeds on whales, which are his salmon (III 189, 373). He wears the woodworm blanket, which produces lightning (III 211). When 158 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society he is soaring there is lightning (X 183). He also produces wind storms (III 299). A Thunderbird trying to take a dead doubleheaded serpent turns into stone (III 61). In another story it is described how the daughters of the Thunderbird find a box drifting at sea. One of them marries the man who is hidden in the box, and who is later on taught to wear an eagle skin, in which he is able to fly and catch whales (III 372). In a story belonging to the G'e'xsEm of the Qwe'qusot!enoxu a person with a face like a bird called Kwa'kunxubalisEla (Thunderbird-at-End-of-World) appears to a man and gives him supernatural treasures (M 414). The Thunderbird carries a man about, sitting among his feathers and lets him see all the strange things all over the world (R 1129). The Thunderbird is the ancestor of the G'Vg'qiljdm of the Nimkish (C 83). TS!O'NA. - The Ts!l'na is evidently quite similar to the Thunderbird. When he puts on his garment, there is thunder and lightning and hail storm (III 103; C 452). His salmon is the double-headed serpent. When he catches salmon, the thunder rolls four times (C 451). He is the ancestor of the Ts!o'ts!ena of the A'wa.iLEla (C 447). QO'LOS. - The younger brother of the Thunderbird is Qo'los, who lives in heaven and who flew down to become the ancestor of the L/a'L/Elamin (C 81) of the Nimkish, and also of the EwiZwomasgEm of the DEna'x'dacxu (III 111), of the Gwas-E'la (C 369), and'of the CwEwomasgEm of the Qwe'qus6t!enoxw (III 165), of the S'sERL!ec (C XXVI 58). The daughter of the sun can also assume the form of the QS'los (C 77). KILLERWHALE. - The killerwhale lives in the west at the outer side of the world. The journey to his house takes four days (III 331). He is in the habit of visiting this side of the ocean (III 337). His village is at the head of a long narrow inlet (III 331). His warriors are the dolphins (III 345). The sealion is his messenger and slave, who goes out with killerwhale's four quartz-pointed wedges which are never blunted, even when they are used for splitting stone (III 332). He expects O'cmdl to become his son-in-law (III 337). He causes O'Emda's canoe to fold up before all the myth people are aboard (III 338). When O'Emdl has married the princess of killerwhale, her father ties him to a stake and tries to burn him by building a large fire near him (III 339; C XXVI 14). His hunters bring in seals and throw them down outside the house (III 341). His canoes are the One-Tide-Canoe which takes only one tide to go to Knight Inlet and back, and One-Day-Canoe which takes one day to go to Skeena River and back (III 341). He is very stout and is induced by O' Emd to have himself cut open in order to reduce his size. Thus he is killed (III 344). O'Emdt takes home killerwhale's daughter who is able to create salmon, but when he is pursued by the dolphins, he throws her overboard (III 345). Kwakiutl Culture 159 In another version the daughter of the Salmon chief Md'esila is the wife of killerwhale and O'madl abducts her (S 175; C 217). The tale is identical with the previous one. The wedges are called "those that were never blunted since daylight appeared" (C 219). The killerwhale comes back from hunting, and is cut open. Finally O'rymdl takes the woman home, and then salmon appear in the rivers. In another story the Killerwhale house is described as being far out at sea. A hunter is taken past it by a wonderful seal which he has harpooned. Thus he receives the house with the killerwhale front, the beams, the ends of which are carved in the form of killerwhales, and the killerwhale dishes (III 380). The killerwhale Spouting-at-Mouth-of-River comes to take away a dead person. He takes him aboard a small canoe, which then becomes a killerwhale. The dead one is told to spout, and when he cannot do so properly, he is taken back to his grave (C 341). THE SALMON CHIEF. - K!wek!waxi'we obtains the salmon from Maiesila, the salmon chief who takes the place of the Killerwhale in the tale mentioned before. The myth people travel under water to the village of the Salmon Chief. The wedges which the slave of Salmon Chief uses are described as never blunted since the Salmon Chief became a man in this world. He is given a stone to overcome the daughter of the Salmon Chief. After he has married her, the Salmon Chief tries to kill him by means of the spine seat. Then the younger sisters of the princess of Salmon Chief are sent to go bathing. They become sockeye salmon, and when their clothing (i. e., the bones and skin of the salmon) is thrown into the water, they revive. After this the Salmon Chief is induced to have himself cut open in the same way as the killerwhale. When K!wek!waxa'weg reaches his own country, together with the Salmon princess and various kinds of salmon who accompany her, the Deer jumps into the salmon canoes and makes them capsize (C 169). In another version the village of the Salmon Chief is described as four days' journey across the ocean. O'mdl goes there with his warriors, and the Salmon Chief clubs four salmon-boys who become salmon and are eaten and who later on revive when the bones are thrown into the water (III 346). (O'mdt's four warriors capture each one child. When they approach the land, the Deer makes the canoes of the salmon capsize, and the fish are sent into the various rivers (III 348). MOUNTAIN GOAT. - The house of the mountain goats is reached through a tunnel, the entrance of which is covered by a flat stone. After passing through the tunnel a light is seen, and the dancing house of the goats is reached. In the house they take off their skins and appear in human form The chief of the goats is called OneHorn-on-Forehead. As indicated by his name he has one horn on the forehead (III 17). In another connection the mountain goat 160 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society with one quartz horn appears as the mother of the goats and as the protector of a family of hunters. With her help dead animals are found. A pinch of tallow of this goat may increase enormously in size (C 9). The attendant of the chief of the mountain goats is called Red-Neck. They give as a supernatural gift a death-bringing feather which when it is swung kills goats (III 17). In another connection the house of the mountain goat is mentioned as standing inland and being recognized by white smoke which rises from the roof (M 396; C 385). When Qta'neqeelaku has on the goat mask he appears in the form of a goat (III 98). GRIZZLY BEAR. - The Grizzly Bear is a chief called Ts!e'ts!Esg'in. When he robs a salmon trap and the owner attacks him, the Grizzly Bear carries him away, kills him and serves him as food at a feast given to the animals. The Wolf pities the man, lets the animals vomit the meat and revives him. Then the man challenges Grizzly Bear to show how long he can stay under water, and when the Bear is in the water, he runs away with his mask which is Grizzly Bear's means of obtaining food. Eventually the man returns it in exchange for the Grizzly Bear Dance (III 29). In another similar story a hunter encroaches upon the hunting ground of the grizzly bears, is tossed about and devoured by them. Then the bears send out their wolf messengers to assemble the animals and revive the dead one who is given supernatural power (C 109). Grizzly Bear is one of the warriors of the myth people. He and Wolf kill the Thunderbird against whom the myth people wage war in the artificial whale (C 243). He is asked to take care of the blow-hole of the artificial whale (X 182). He is killed by MEskwa' or by O'cmdl (C XXVI 20 et seq.). They go out fishing and he is made to believe that he will be successful if he cuts off his testicles for the purpose of using them as bait (S 176; C 215). The Grizzly Bear has a house in the mountains half a day's journey back in the woods (M 396). Its smoke is grey (C 385) on one side (M 396). In the house of Cannibal-of-North-End-of-World (Baxu'bakwalanuxus'V'we) lives the Grizzly-Bear-of-the-Door (na'nstallt) who is the watchman of the house (R 1245). A hunter who has obtained supernatural powers from the mountain goats and who disobeys the taboos imposed upon him, is transformed into a grizzly bear (III 25). When Q!a'neqe6laku puts on the grizzly bear mask, he becomes a grizzly bear, and kills the death-bringing spikes on Dza'wadaqlalis' settee (III 98); quartz on the mat (X 243). Grizzly-Bear-Woman and Black-Bear-Woman are the wives of Woodpecker. The former is lazy and kills the latter. In revenge the Black-Bear children kill the Grizzly-Bear children and escape. The Grizzly-Bear-Woman finds them sitting on a yew tree. She Kwakiutl Culture 161 tries to dig up the tree but is hindered by Wren which jumps into her mouth and kills her by starting a fire in her stomach. Mosquitoes and horseflies originate from her ashes (X 15). The same incident occurs in a story in which the grizzly bear destroys wren's salmon weir (C XXVI 21). BLACK BEAR. - [The merciful bear named Skin-Dresser appears to a hungry mountain goat hunter. He cuts a piece off his thigh which the hunter roasts and eats (III 405). The bear's house is in a cliff; the door a flat stone. The rear posts of his house are sealions surmounted by cranes; the front posts are Dzo'noq!wa. In the house are the death-bringer and the water of life (III 409).] In another version Skin-Dresser-Woman is the name of the wife of the bear who lives on an island and whose house is a cave. Crab-apples and berries are their food which they squirt out of their backsides (C XXVI 220). The bear performs also the cannibal dance (III 410). PORCUPINE. - When the porcupine wants to marry the FrogWomen, he is called a ball of the children, and it is said that he is like a sea egg (III 320). LAND-OTTER. - The land-otter is one of the younger brothers of the chief of the myth people (X 127). As children Land-Otter and Mink quarrel (X 81). He is killed by Mink who covets his wife (C 157). BEAVER. - When Beaver wants to marry the Toad-Women he is called big-belly, short legs, ugly face, small eyes. Then he calls down the rain and causes a flood in which the women die (III 321). Beaver's canoe lies very low in the water, but cannot sink (C XXVI 82). MARTEN. - When the Marten wants to marry the Frog-Women, he is told that he is pretty because he has a red neck (III 319). WOLVERENE. - The Wolverene is one of the warriors that accompany K!wek!waxd'wec in the artificial whale, and together with Grizzly Bear and Deer he cuts the talons of the Thunderbird (X 183). He is one of the tribesmen of Grizzly Bear (III 31) and of the Woodman (C XXVI 24). A hunter who has not obeyed the instructions of a supernatural being is transformed into a male wolverene, his dog into a female (III 44). When Wolverene wishes to marry some woman, they scold him "broken-back, small face, short tail, long-haired body" (III 319). SQUIRREL. - The Squirrel is picking crabapples and advises K!wexala'lag'ilis how to obtain the daylight which is owned by Gull-Woman (III 394). Squirrel and Mouse are sent out to discover a lost girl who has been taken away by the monster Ss'dEm (III 357). They also go together to gather fish on the beach (C 233). Squirrel gives a feast to the myth people, and when O' cmdl does not appear, he makes him come to a knot hole and throws red hot stones into his mouth (C 239). When the double-headed serpent is pursued by the Thunderbird it transforms itself into a squirrel (C XXVI 126). 11 162 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society MOtsSE. - The Mouse is a woman, the messenger of supernatural beings, and is sent out, particularly in cases when the ceremonial performances of her masters are not going well because somebody is secretly looking. Thus Mouse appears as the messenger of the Wolves (X 37), of the Ghosts (III 106; C 447), of the mountain goats (III 11). She generally befriends the person who is witnessing the performances. Thus in III 12 she says that she has been all around the world trying to find who disturbed the performance, but she has been unable to find him. She is sent together with Ermine to search for the lost bones of a person who is to be revived (C 111). When O'6mdl pretends that he has obtained herrings, Mouse is sent by Q!o'mogwa to verify the report (C 237). When the wolf's tail has been cut off by Deer, Mouse is sent as a messenger to negotiate for its return with the animals who keep the tail (C 231). As messenger of the ghosts in the lower world she takes a visitor back by digging a passage underground (C 103). When the wolves do not know how to get the Deer which has escaped and has climbed a tree, Mouse is sent to an old woman to inquire. She knows the magical words by means of which the limbs of the Deer can be made to fall down but she always forgets the words until she sings (C 165). When a youth tries to obtain supernatural power from the cannibal, he hides under water and sees the Mouse stealing his clothing. When finally he tells the Mouse that he has seen her, she instructs him how to climb a spruce tree, a performance that is necessary for him when the cannibal will later on ask him to imitate him (C 421). When a man tries to drown his brother by throwing him into the sea locked up in a carved box, the brother takes Mouse along, who gnaws through the anchor line, and thus allows him to make his escape (III 370). In two places Squirrel and Mouse appear as companions. In one instance they go down to the beach to gather fish (C 233). In another one they go to the house of a powerful being who has stolen a girl in order to attack him (III 357). In another connection it is said that the house of the Mouse stands beyond eight mountains, and has a painted front. The chief of the Mice is called G'a'wegEmec (III 361). Generally the Mouse is called Hdalamd'laga (Quick-Woman) or G''g'aatsaga (C 230.12, 236.13); once H'lala (C 103). ERMINE. - The Ermine is associated with Mouse as messenger. The Grizzly Bear sends him with Mouse-Woman to find the scattered small bones of a person (C 111). The two are also sent by Wolf to K!wek!waxa'wUe to recover the Wolf's tail (III 280). A person who borrows and wears the Ermine mask can climb about on steep rocks (III 369). When Q!a'neqeelak* wears the ermine mask, he escapes the spine seat (III 97; X 240; C 460). When Ermine wants to marry a woman they say that he is handsome, that he has a white body and can run fast (III 320). A man killed by the death-bringer of the wolf is revived by the ermine (C XXVI 24). Kwakiutl Culture 163 DOG. - A mountain goat hunter owns a small dog which he carries in the cross piece at the neck part of his head ring of hemlock branches. When taken out the dog becomes large and may be made small again (III 18). Another one has a red and a black dog, as small as snails. When called by their names "Red" and "Black" they become large and kill mountain goats. When slapped they become small (R 1251). Another hunter also carries a dog in his head ring of red cedar bark. The dog is the size of a new-born mouse. The protector of goat hunters gives him another dog the size of a humming bird, which the spirit carries in the neck piece of his cedar bark head ring. When the dog is put down, it grows to a large size. It possesses supernatural power, which it throws and which makes forty goats fall dead. Then the dog is taken back by the hunter, praised, and squeezed until it becomes small, and placed in the head ring (III 38). Another person is given the dog of Chief Do'qwalisEla who lives west of the ocean. I judge from similar tales that these dogs are really seals or sealions which are given to the visitor as game to be hunted (III 380). The seals are the dogs of Q/'mogwa (R 1254). People believe that dogs can exchange their skins with those of their masters. Therefore they treat their dogs well for fear that the latter may take revenge. A man who sets his large dog to fighting the other dogs is punished by being transformed into a dog (R 1256). A dog is treated badly by the wife of a hunter. He exchanges his skin with that of his master and plays the role of the husband (C XXVI 118). Dogs that have been maltreated cause an earthquake and destroy their masters (C XXVI 122). The dogs who are the children of a woman offer to build a canoe, hunt goats and catch whales for her (S 132). RACCOON. - In the Q!a'neqeclaku cycle Raccoon appears as a man who is painting his spear with rings (C 203) or sharpening it (X 212) intending to kill Q./'neqelakt". When the latter met him he transformed him into a raccoon. The painted spear became the tail of the raccoon. See also p. 134. SEALION. -The sealion, seal and porpoise form one numaym of the myth people (X 147). He is the owner of ballast stones, and knows how to ballast a canoe (III 311). He is the attendant of the chief Copper-Maker (L!a'qwagriFla) for whom he hunts seals (III 81). He is the slave of the Killerwhale for whom he cuts firewood (III 334). The house of the sealion is a mountain far out in the ocean which the traveller reaches after passing the places to which all driftwood, toilet sticks, coal and feathers go. The front of his house is painted with the sealion design, the ends of the beams are carved in the form of sealions (III 380). Three sealions in Nimkish River were transformed into stone when pointed at with a magical arrow (III 149). A sealion in a lake above Dzd'wadV' gives to a novice his name (III 125). 11* 164 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society WHALE. - The whale comes ashore in the form of a man wearing a cape. His name is YaqalZEnala. He cures a person who has frogs in his stomach in consequence of having met Copper-NoiseWoman (L!a'qwak'!alaga) (C 115) who is a toad. He asks for salmon roe which he calls xu'le, and gives names (C 115). As one of the myth people he owns the whale mask which he keeps in a basket. As long as it is in the basket, it looks like a small root. When the basket is opened it becomes a whale which swims in the sea (C 241). The son of Chief Q!o'mogwa has two small whales in his box. As soon as he takes them out they become large (C 255). An artificial whale made by the myth people becomes a canoe. The myth people go into it and are carried by it to the house of the Thunderbirds (S 179; III 310; X 180; C 241, 493). SEAL. - The seals live in a cave. Their day is our summer, their night our winter. Every night they perform the winter ceremonial in which the dances of the sea grizzly bear, goose, killerwhale, cannibal and war dance appear (C XXVI 208). Their chief is a seal with a light in the nape of the neck. Seal, sealion and porpoise form one numaym of the myth people (X 147). Seals travelling in a canoe tell a man that they cannot take him along, because they do not go up very often to blow (C 65). Mink plays with Young-Seal, whom he kills in order to eat him (C 147). Young-Seal is called Sleepy-Eye-Woman. She washes and warms her hands and lets oil drip out of them, which she gives to her guests (C 237). The same is told of the seal (X 159). When the myth people make war on Southeast Wind, Seal tries to take his seat in the bow of the canoe, but cannot stand the smell of the wind (C 227). When 6'Emidt tries to cover the bare rocks with soil Seal dives for it, but is unsuccessful (C 223). A seal in a lake above Dza'wade' gives his name to a novice (III 124). Seals are crawling about in the house of Copper-Maker, the chief of the ocean (III 81). A seal carries brothers out to sea and rewards them with magic treasures (III 380). A wonderful seal has a ball of fire in the nape of the neck (C XXVI 202). SEA OTTER. - The village of the sea otters is four days journey across the ocean. Their chief is Q!5'masg'iyu. He has two princesses, Imaxulacyugwa and cmaxwEnmedzEmga. His attendants are Xagya'la and DodEqanxalisEla. The former marries a man who receives at the same time the sea otter, house, harpoon and slaves. When he is cruel to his game, his wife disappears and resumes the form of a sea otter (III 363). The sea otter mother lives in a cave beyond the ocean. A man who kills her becomes rich (III 381). The sea otter carries the fire on its tail. It is obtained for the use of man by Deer (C 494). A wonderful sea otter has a ball of fire in the nape of the neck (C XXVI 94). A novice who appears in the water in the form of a sea otter comes ashore and resumes human shape (X 68, 75). Kwakiutl Culture 165 BAT.- Bat is sent with owl and hawk under the leadership of Canoe-Caulking to borrow gum from the trees for caulking the artificial whale which is to be used in the war against the Thunderbirds. BIRDS. - Wren. Wren suggests to the animals to overcome the Thunderbird by taking the form of salmon (III 302); then by making an artificial whale by means of which the Thunderbirds are to be drowned (III 308). When the animals make war upon Southeast Wind, he flies into the stomach of the enemy, starts a fire inside, and thus makes him cough (C 227). In the same manner he kills the Grizzly-Bear-Woman (X 21; C XXVI 21). When Gwa'~nalalis tries to kill Q!a'neqeElaka by knocking out the spreading stick from a tree that he is splitting, Q!/'neqealaku borrows Wren's blood bag, spits out blood, and thus makes Gwa'6nalalis believe that he has been killed, while he escapes unharmed (X 202). In another version Q!a'neqerlaku tucks the Wren mask and alder bark in his armpit and jumps into the crack of the tree naked (X 245). In the same way K-!e'tetaku borrows the wren mask, and escapes from the enclosing tree in the form of the bird (III 367). For his position among the myth people see p. 150 (III 295, 302, 308; X 108, 147). When the birds try to reach the sky he succeeds. Humming bird. - The humming birds of the water cover the body of a person who purifies himself and suck his blood (III 126). Thrush. - When thrush plants salmonberry bushes in the ground, puts on her mask and sings once, the bushes blossom. With her second song, the flowers open; with the third, berries appear; with the fourth, they are ripe (X 148; C 151). She is stolen by Thunderbird (III 295; see p. 157). Water-Ouzel. - When Water-Ouzel strikes his ankle with a stone, salmon eggs drop out (S 177; X 150; C 153). He is a friend of Mink. When they play together, they quarrel and hel tells Mink that he has no father (C 123). In his canoe he takes travellers across a river (X 19). Fish-Hawk. - When Fish-Hawk puts on his mask, or garment, and utters his cry "mvse' mEse' mEse'k* mEse'k%," a steelhead salmon appears which he catches in his talons (C 155). In X 153 he puts on his mask and catches a spring salmon. Woodpecker. - Woodpecker-Woman is the wife of Heron and brings up Q!t'neqeFlaku and his brother (S 194; X 185; C 187). When Q!a'neqeqlakw kills her, she is transformed into the woodpecker (C 191). In another connection he appears as one of the myth people. He is an attendant of Red-winged Flicker (III 2952), and is sent out by him as an expert wood-carver, together with grouse, ant, and woodworm, to make a canoe (III 308). See also p. 157 (X 147). 1 Erroneously called blue-bird. 2 Erroneously called woodpecker. 166 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Red-Winged Flicker. - He is Mink's friend (X 1081). When Mink wants some red ocher he goes to Flickerl to get it (C 133). See also p. 150 (III 300; X 147). He gambles withThunderbird who steals his wife (III 296). Crane. - Crane is a member of the Qa'logwis tribe of myth people (X 147). He appears also as the attendant of Chief Swan (C 361). Owl. - Owl is sent out by Woodpecker to borrow gum for caulking the artificial whale (III 308). - The Owl takes the dead away. He gives them an owl mask, which transforms them into owls. If they cannot fly, they return to the grave (C 339). Bluejay. - The woman who owned the water which was stolen by O'rmdt was transformed into a bluejay (C 227). A woman who sucks out the brains of visitors and who lives in the supernatural house of the son of the Sun is the Bluejay (III 49). The house of Bluejay is described as standing inland. It has no door. The visitor is treated to dried berries (III 361; X 55). Heron (q!wi'q!wane). - He is one of the players in the game of throwing darts at rolling stones that the myth people play against the Thunderbird (III 296). He sits on the bank of a river and stretches out his leg over which people may pass (X 18). Heron (Ma'q!wans). - Heron is the husband of WoodpeckerWoman. They live at K'!ecyai'l (X 185). Q!a'neqeflak'b and his brother lives with them as their children (X 185). In the house also lives a woman, Heron's mother who is rooted to the floor (X 191). When Heron and his wife starve Q!a'neqeelaku and his brother, they are shot by the children and transformed into birds (X 185; C 187). Grouse (Ma'g'ag'u). - The grouse is an expert canoe-builder and carpenter. Therefore he is one of those who are sent to make the artificial whale when the myth people intend to make war on the Thunderbird, (S 211; III 308). He is also the first one who made a hunting canoe and hunting paddles which were given by him to one of the ancestors of the Kwa'g'ul (S 166; M 383; X 43; C XXVI 45, 51). At the request of K!wek!waxd'wec, he carves fish out of cedar wood, which he throws into the rive,. On account of the material of which they are made, they prove to be tough (S 209). Gull. - The Gull is the owner of the daylight. O'Emdt (or K!wexala'lagt'iis) (III 395) transforms himself into a child which is borne by Gull. He demands to play with the daylight and carries it away (C 233). Gull eggs are collected by the ancestor of the GwaEsE'la, and become his tribe (C 377). In another place wolves make war against the gull tribe of Halo'l (X 145). When O'~mdl tries to obtain the herrings, he gambles with Gull, wins his blanket, and then points at his stomach, which causes him to vomit a herring, which 0' emdl then uses to deceive Q!o'mogwa, the first owner of the herrings 1 Erroneously called woodpecker. Kwakiutl Culture 167 (C 235). When Ha'daga has obtained much food, she calls the gull to carry some of it to her grandmother (C 259). A sea gull takes off its mask as soon as Only-One arrives and becomes a man, the ancestor of the Mad'mtag'iCla (C XXVI 51, 55). The Gull cannot take a passenger along, because his tail is sticking up and there is no room for anyone to sit in his canoe (C XXVI 164). Mallard Ducks and Geese. - The Mallard Ducks and Geese are blind women who are digging clover and cinquefoil roots. Q!a'neqeclaku gives them eyesight by spitting on their eyes, and then transforms them into birds. This happens in Knight Inlet (S 135; X 216, 234; C 203, 457). The goose nExd'q cannot take a passenger along in his canoe because he has too much clover aboard (C 65; C XXVI 164). The scaup-duck has too many barnacles aboard (C 65). Goose (cnEla'). - The Goose assumes human form to go to live with nEmo'gwis, the ancestor of the Si'sEnL!BE, of the CnE'mges, and becomes the ancestor of the numaym (C 473). A woman invites two geese and adopts them as her children (S 147). At another place the Geese are messengers of Chief Swan. They have their hair tied up over their eyes (C 355). They have a speaker whose winter dance is the md'maq!a. Swan and Goose. - The Swan is a chief called Returning-inOne-Day (He'lala), Only-One-Speaking (CnE'msqEmk'lala), SwanDancer (gEgq'qwalal), and Going-to-and-fro-in-the-World-in-OneDay (He'liagz"ilis) (C 362). His attendants are the Geese (xe' xexe, L!/'sdaq and %nE'la C 356), and his speaker is Crane (C 361). When Chief-of-the-Ancients painted the birds, he put only lime on Swan because he was in a hurry (C 293). Harlequin Duck, and Buffle-Head Duck. - The Harlequin Duck and Buffle-Head Duck are among O'amdi's companions when he tries to abduct the Salmon woman. He pretends to cut open the latter and to take out his intestines in order to make him look slim. Then the Harlequin Duck, which looks like him, takes his place, and the chief who meets the Salmon woman is made to believe that the duck has not been killed by this procedure (III 344; C 175, 221). The Bufflehead Duck helps Scab to reach the Sun's house. When Scab hides in a piece of firewood, the ducks watch it and tow it to shore (C 67; C XXVI 164). Charitonetta. - When 0'6mdl tries to cover the bare rocks with vegetation, the female charitonetta dives and brings up the soil (C 223). Cormorant. - Cormorant goes out fishing with K!wek!waxa'w6e. The latter wishes to possess himself of Cormorant's fish. He louses him, and asks him to put out his tongue, pretending that he wants to put the lice on it. Instead of doing so, he tears out Cormorant's tongue (III 293; C 215). Albatross. - Albatross has a cranky canoe (C 65; C XXVI 164). 168 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Loon. - The Loon lives in lonely ponds, and may initiate people who desire help. He gives a name to a person who goes into the woods to find supernatural assistance (III 124). In another version of the same story he dives with the man, and finally takes him to meet a supernatural canoe (C 467). A man is taken home by the Loon who dives with him and leaves him near his village (C XXVI 208, 214). He restores the eyesight of a person by diving with him (C 450). He gives to a man shamanistic power (C XXVI 215). When O' ~mdg tries to bring up the soil to cover the bare rocks, Loon dives, but is unable to reach the bottom (C 223). When asked to take along a person, he declares that his canoe is too heavily loaded with herrings (C 65) or that the stem is too deep in the water (C XXVI 164). The Loon is given as a gift belonging to a house. It sits over the door and announces the arrival of guests (III 220). Later on it appears as a wooden carving. When supernatural power is thrown at the house, it flies up and down the village (III 231). Toad. - The Toad-Women live at Xuisa'm. They refuse to marry Beaver who causes a flood, which carried all of them away (III 318). Mink marries the Toad-Woman, but cannot endure the noise she makes (C 129). The Toad-Women also refuse Elk on account of his loud noise and antlers (III 320); but they marry Marten and Ermine because one has a red neck and the other a white body (III 319). The Toad has some relation to copper and disease. The sick He'k'in finds a toad's nest and is instructed to rub his body with the soft layer in the nest. He becomes well and receives a copper (C XXVI 71). A man mates with a woman whom he finds in the woods. She is the Toad, called Copper-Noise-Woman, (L!a'qwakl'alaga) who is sitting on four coppers. As a result of his adventure he has toads in his stomach (C 115). Q!a'neqe~laku placed red cedar bark taken from the rings of Ts!i'qadme at "the place where the salmon came through" and thus caused him to have toads in his stomach (III 171): Ya' xst!at had toads in his stomach (S 147, 148). FISH. - Halibut. Halibut is one of the warriors of the myth people. When they make war on Southeast-Wind (III 351) and on So'dEm (III 358), two halibut lie down in front of the door, and when the enemy comes out of the house, he slips on their backs. In other versions of the war against the Southeast Wind, there is only one halibut (X 101; C 227). In another story it is said that the Halibut and Red-Cod live as human beings in a village on their fishing bank (III 402). In another version Halibut and Devilfish live together (X 100). When the Halibut hook with the bait is thrown into the water, it falls on to the roof of the house and becomes black in the smoke (III 402). Halibut were cut out of cedar bark by No'aqaua. Therefore their Kwakiutl Culture 169 meat is white. O'rmdl tried to carve salmon of wood, but they became halibut (S 174). Codfish. - Red Codfish has a house which has black sealion carvings on the four posts. He is the owner of the xwe'xwe dance. While dancing, the women are transformed into codfish and beat and strike the ground. Four masks with lolling tongues and protruding eyes belong to the paraphernalia of the dance. Red Cod is said to be stingy, since he does not give food and property to an initiate (C XXVI 28). O'ma'd threw the flower of a salmonberry into the water trying to make salmon. It became a red cod (S 174). The red cod have their village at the bottom of the sea (III 402). The village of the fish is also mentioned in (C XXVI 133). Its doorway is the mouth of the ts!e'gis which opens at the beach. VARIOUS ANIMALS. - Devilfish. The Devilfish is one of the warriors of O' mdt, whom he accompanies in his war against the Southeast Wind. He sucks Southeast Wind out of his house into the canoe (III 351). In a duel between O'/mdt and Devilfish the former is defeated being almost drowned (S 176). When Q!a'neqe6laku goes to marry the daughter of Qa'mxulat, he puts on the mask of the Devilfish, and appears as an old man. When the girls try to lift him, he holds on to the ground by means of his suckers until the youngest one makes the attempt and he lets go (X 3). When a novice tries to obtain supernatural power in a lake, a small devilfish appears, goes past him to the right. When it passes him the fourth time and reaches a place behind the novice, it becomes large, covers him, and takes him down to the supernatural power that initiates him (X 62; C XXVI 185). Starfish. - The starfish were women whose clams Mink stole. They become angry and ask the Wolves to kill Mink who then tears off the arms and legs of the women and transforms them into starfish (X 144). The Starfish steers the artificial whale in which the myth people go to make war on Thunderbird (III 312). Snail. - When the animals are painted by O' ~mdl, and the flood tide carries away the sea birds, the snail did not reach the beach, and for this reason lives on land (C 233). When Mink shoots his arrows up to the sky in order to climb up, he borrows snail's bow (X 164). The snail is one of O'mdl's sisters (S 177).1 Wasp. - When the myth people make war on the Thunderbird, the wasp stings his eye (C 243). TREES. - The trees appear personified. The children of BearWoman ask the trees whether their roots go straight down (X 18). The yew tree says that its roots go straight down (X 19). K!wek!waxd'weg asks the trees where their sparks fly when they are 1 Her name is not particularly mentioned at this place. 170 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society thrown into the fire, and hemlock, spruce, and yellow cedar answer (X 174). In III 288 he questions the hemlock tree, spruce tree, fir tree, red and yellow cedar. In C 143 Mink asks the trees to take care of his roast. In S 178 he asks the red cedar and yellow cedar. The trees tell Wa' xwid that he is a chief (C 91; see also C XXVI 43). In III 308 the animals are sent to borrow the gum of the yellow cedar, fir, pine, and spruce. The "souls" of trees, plants, birds and small creeping animals live in a ceremonial house in the woods (R 1220). The yew is the chief of the trees who calls trees and bushes into his house (C XXVI 125). KELP. - Kelp is the wife of Mink. She drags him under water when the tide is running swiftly (S 158, no. 5; X 117; C 127). SALMON WEIR. - When Mink tries to catch the double-headed serpent, he questions the salmon weir which replies (X 105). GRAVES. - O'mdl asks the graves whether twins are buried in there, and they reply (S 174; III 323; C 217). DIORITE. - Diorite is the wife of Mink. She does not speak and when he strikes her face he cuts his hand (S 158, no. 6; X 122). DWARFS. - They catch halibut in their hands by diving for them (S 192; C XXVI 148,153). In combat with men they are strong and kill them with their clubs (C XXVI 153). They locate a hidden person by pointing with their fingers all around and discovering the place of his concealment by the smell on the fingers (C XXVI 149). Every year they have a combat with the birds which attack them using their feathers as spears or arrows (C XXVI 154). A man who kills a giant elk for them is befriended by them (C XXVI 151). ORIGIN OF PARTICULAR LOCAL FEATURES. The origin of som rocks, mountains and other natural objects is explained in the tales. On his way to marry the daughter of Dza'wadaelalis, G'zi throws a piece of whale meat out of his canoe at LalEmaxa'es. It became a rock which may still be seen (S 135). His wife, the daughter of the Sun throws her child into Seymour Narrows where it becomes the dangerous whirlpool No''mask'as (S 137). NomasE'nxeslis is transformed into a rock, his princess pole into a point of land at CnErwtde' (X 222; C 207; C XXVI 74). Wealth-coming-up turns into a stone which is still in the water at Xite's in the Koskimo country (III 378). The rocks west of cme'mkUmlis are transformed people (S 150; X 112), or Q!a'neqeclaku's clothing that he throws into the sea (C 456). Boxes which are stolen by a runaway slave and given to the Nimkish become stones (CXXVI 33). Nimkish River is the body of Gwa' nalalis transformed by Q!a'neqeclak~l (S 135; X 228). The islands in Nimkish River are transformed wild animals and monsters (III 149, 152). The heavy swell at O'manis is caused by an attendant of the Sun-Chief who Kwakiutl Culture 171 fell into the water at that place (III 363). The mountain K'!e'k/!EmLEmak I which has a deep furrow on one side is a man with a scar on his face (C 457). The images of two sisters called "little girls" who while quarreling struck each other can be seen on a rock (C XXVI 114). Qa'wadiliqala throws against a mountain quartz which lodges there and gives the mountain its name (X 29). Wawale pushes off a point of land on which his house stands and it becomes the island Mi'tmd (C 489). After killing the Wolf princes and after escaping from the dance house of the wolves, Mink kicked the point of Qa'lo wis out to sea, so that it became an island (X 110). At Gwa' yasdE'ms on Gilford Island is a cave which is said to be the dancing house of the myth people (C 494). Malcolm Island has no mountain, because Mink did not succeed in piling up a mountain of gravel (X 161). At Ig'is a village of the Dza'wadEenoxu, is a stone in form of a bird. According to tradition it is a Thunderbird transformed into stone when tried to take hold of a double-headed serpent (III 61). Kwe'xag'ila when returning to Hope Island after marrying the princess of a chief on Triangle Island, let his slaves lie down and used them to support his canoe. They were transformed into stones (C XXVI 75). A shallow gravelly bank near Ecawe'g'aElis was made by the rising of the monster nnEmxx'dlig'iu (C XXVI 211). An ancestor of the GwaesE'la closed the mouth of the river at ' mxsdelis (R 837). The ghost chief put down the intestines of the double-headed serpent at the foot of a hill, pulled them back inland, and ordered them to become a river that would never run dry (C 333). COMPARISON OF CULTURAL REFLECTIONS AND STYLE IN KWAKIUTL AND TSIMSHIAN MYTHOLOGIES. In a comparative study of Tsimshian mythology' I have given the data relating to the distribution of tales and incidents of the stories, according to the material available in 1914. Comparatively speaking little has been added to this collection. The present chapter contains a comparison of data regarding the cultures of the Tsimshian and Kwakiutl as reflected in their tales, and remarks on stylistic features. Notwithstanding the wide distribution of identical elements in the mythologies of the tribes of the North West Coast the general character of each has its own individuality according to the differences in social structure and literary interest. Tsimshian and Kwakiutl mythologies present such a contrast well, for the social structure of the tribes is based on different 1 Tsimshian Mythology, 31st Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1916. 172 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society concepts and most of the Kwakiutl tribes are more purely sea dwellers than the Tsimshian, who have many villages located along the upper reaches of Skeena and Nass Rivers. When comparing the details of the every day life of the two tribes as expressed in their tales, characteristic differences appear corresponding to actual observed differences or to others that presumably existed in earlier times. The Tsimshian speak of three row towns. The houses have carved fronts and a smoke hole. Possibly semi-subterranean houses existed, although the reference may also be to a house with a number of platforms and a deep, dugout floor. There is a smoke hole in the center, over the fire. The house front and the posts and beams are carved. Totem poles are rarely mentioned, once (N 230) a "pole" is spoken of, another time (PAES III 189) a stone crest pole. The Kwakiutl mention several times artificial sites on which the houses are built (p. 4). There is no mention of houses of several rows, but, as among the Tsimshian, the chief's house is in the middle of the village. There is no smoke hole, but the roof planks over the fires are pushed aside to let the smoke escape (p. 2). The sides are built of horizontal planks held between supporting poles (p. 2). Near the house is the watchman's pole. The front is not carved but painted. The posts, beams and ends of rafters are carved. Over the fire is the "vomiting beam", a log hollow on top from which grease is poured into the fire. Both in the Tsimshian and Kwakiutl tales a house with several front doors is mentioned which may indicate a long house. Store houses, frequently referred to by the Tsimshian are not mentioned by the Kwakiutl. Houses built on piles or log foundations occur among both tribes. The strike-alight is mentioned by the Tsimshian only. Among the Kwakiutl there is no reference to the olachen fishing season and incidents related to it, perhaps because in olden times only the Knight and Kingcombe Inlet tribes had the privilege of fishing. Ice fishing and the use of fishing platforms are also never referred to. Among the Tsimshian all of these occur and the olachen fishing on the Nass River is a subject that plays a role in many tales. Both tribes use whales drifted ashore, but only the Kwakiutl tribes of the west coast of Vancouver Island have tales referring to whaling. Hunting grounds belonging to individuals appear in Tsimshian tales, not in those of the Kwakiutl but we know that certain families (numayms) had the exclusive right to certain hunting and fishing grounds. Although goat hunting is the subject of many Kwakiutl tales of the mainland, the use of snowshoes is never mentioned. At one place it is described how the men walked over deep snow by laying down planks which were alternately pushed forward.1 An apparatus for climbing smooth trees is described in C 407. Bear hunting is 1 C 23. Kwakiutl Culture 173 not mentioned by the Kwakiutl, but occurs in tales of the Tsimshian. Porcupines are frequently mentioned among the latter, but not among the Kwakiutl. Sleeping places of seals and caves to which seals resort occur in Kwakiutl tales. Clams are referred to as cheap food by the Tsimshian. In Kwakiutl tales this does not appear unless the quarrel between Nimkish and Qwe'qvfsot!enoxu regarding the lack of salmon in the country of the latter and their extended use of clams may be so interpreted (S 154; III 135). The Tsimshian consider hemlock sap and salmon backs also as "poor" food, that is food not to be used in feasts. Among the Tsimshian the woman or slaves prepare the food, young men serve it. Among the Kwakiutl the young men cook and serve. The hair of the Tsimshian is tied in a top knot; the Kwakiutl tie it up over the forehead or back of the head (25). Dancing blankets, evidently the elaborate Chilcat blankets are used by the Tsimshian. The Kwakiutl have skin blankets or those woven of goat wool or cedar bark. Their decoration is not mentioned and presumably consisted of marginal designs. While the differences in such details as heretofore enumerated have no very great influence upon the plot of the story, except perhaps in so far as the favorite methods of hunting, on mountains or at sea, bring about distinct settings, there are others that determine the character of the plot. The difficulties of obtaining an adequate food supply must have been much more serious among the Tsimshian than among the Kwakiutl, for starvation and the rescue of the tribe by the deeds of a great hunter or by supernatural help are an ever-recurring theme which, among the Kwakiutl, is rather rare. One story of this type is clearly aTsimshian story retold (R 1249). It is adistorted version of the story of the faithless wife whose lover is killed by her husband, leading to a war in which the woman's brothers are killed and supernatural help is later on extended to her (S 130). Starvation stories of the Kwakiutl occur particularly among the tribes living at the heads of the inlets of the mainland, not among those who dwell near the open sea, where seals, sealions, salmon and halibut are plentiful. Still more important for the development of the plots are the fundamental differences in the social organization and religious practices of the two tribes. When misfortunes befall a tribe and many people die the survivors among the Tsimshian take refuge among their clan fellows in other villages. Since the Kwakiutl numaym is a local unit that has no male members outside of its own home, these incidents cannot occur. The matrilineal clan appears throughout in Tsimshian tales. Cross-cousin marriage is favored. The young couple live in the husband's house. There are many references to the relation between a man and his sister's son. In Kwakiutl tales marriages are generally 174 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society between members of different villages. A powerful chief will also take any woman of his own tribe that he likes to be his wife. The couple live in the husband's house. Relations between a man and his sister's son are never mentioned.1 In Tsimshian tales daughters are offered as recompense for great deeds,2 a feature that is absent in Kwakiutl tales. Visits to foreign tribes in order to obtain new privileges through marriage are a frequent theme of Kwakiutl tales. The expedition is often represented as a war against the chief who, in order to make peace, gives his daughter and with her coveted privileges. In a similar way privileges and supernatural gifts are obtained through marriage with the daughter of a supernatural being. Contests between father-in-law and son-in-law are favorite themes in both tribes.3 My impression is that they are rather thought of as punishment for clandestine unions. The difference of behavior in family situations finds expression in the plots of tales. Fathers who refuse all suitors.4 and daughters who marry against the wishes of their parents5 are typical for Tsimshian tales. The daughters are most carefully guarded. They may never go out without companions. Princes also have companions assigned to them. Although the Kwakiutl also guard their daughters no such elaborate precautions are mentioned and refusal of suitors or disobedience of daughters who marry their lovers is not the foundation of plots. The love between husband and wife, between brothers and other members of the family is dwelt upon in Tsimshian tales and forms one of the motives used to develop the plot.6 This is rarely the case among the Kwakiutl. In Tsimshian tales infidelity of the wife results in bad luck for her husband whose brothers discover her unfaithfulness and kill her lover. Although the Kwakiutl believe that unfaithfulness of the wife will bring bad luck to her husband, this belief is not reflected in their tales. The unfaithful wife is punished by her husband or she helps her lover to kill him. The motive of the boy who sulks because he has been scolded or struck by his father does not appear in the collected Tsimshian material while it is very common among the Kwakiutl. In the Haida tales of Swanton it is hinted at a few times (Sk 281; M 612; Kai 249) but never exploited, as it is in the Kwakiutl tales,7 as an essential motive for the incidents leading to the obtaining of supernatural power. Instead of this in Tsimshian tales we rather find the boy who pretends to be lazy but who actually trains himself unknown to his family, to acquire supernatural power.s We find among both 1 See p. 30. 2 Ts 431. 3 Ts 425; see p. 32. 4 Ts 427. 432, 441. 5 Ts 420, 440, 441. 6 Ts 421 et seq. 7 See p. 74. 8 Ts 729. Kwakiutl Culture 175 tribes the desertion of children who are disliked for one reason or another and who are helped so as to become rich and powerful.1 The relation of the prince or princess to his or her companions, attendants or slaves is often dwelt upon in Tsimshian tales. They are intimate friends. When trouble arises the companions leave the prince or princess reluctantly one by one.2 This feature is also absent in Kwakiutl tales. The Tsimshian use a device common in the tales of the Indians of the Plains and of the more southern parts of the Pacific coast. A girl has been abducted and her brothers set out, one after another to rescue her. All perish except the last one (Ts 163, 283; also 126, 141, 145), or the brothers try their strength and only the youngest, despised one succeeds in the task set for them (Ts 116). In still another form three brothers are heartless, the youngest one is kind. The former are punished, the latter is rewarded (Ts 226, 293). It is quite striking that this motive is all but absent in Kwakiutl tales. Something like it appears in the tale of Ya'x'st!al, the only one of four brothers who is able to endure the training imposed upon them by their father (CXXVI 140); or in the tale of the Thunderbird who sends out his four sons to catch a magical whale (III 313 et seq.); in that of four sisters, three of whom are killed while the youngest escapes the monster that sucked out the brains of her sisters (III 45). The theme of four brothers who in succession try to rescue their sister occurs only in a Comox tale adopted by the Kwakiutl (C 401). The only motive based on the relation of brothers, cousins or friends in the Kwakiutl tales is their jealousy arising from the success of one of them (X 60; C XXVI 175, 200) which leads to murder. There is a keen appreciation of climax as a device to hold the attention of the listener. The Tsimshian use it in the stories of deserted children who are given day by day larger animals and greater wealth.3 In another form it appears in the story of Gauo4 who asks, "Who will marry my daughter?" and more and more powerful animals appear, tell what they can do until finally as a climax a stroke of lightning comes down and reveals a supernatural being. The Kwakiutl use the climax in another way. The deserted children do not receive larger and larger wealth, there is no vying between animals, but whenever a man obtains supernatural power he is offered in order wealth, the power to restore life and last of all the coveted death-bringer. The most valued stories of the Kwakiutl refer to the origin of the numayms, of the descent of the ancestor from the sky or his 1 Ts 784; S 132, 160, 180, 189; C 38, 294; C XXVI 16, 156. 2 Ts 433. 3 Ts 786, 869. 4 Ts 850. 176 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society origin from the sea. On account of the large number of these units the number of such tales is exceedingly large. They are missing in Tsimshian mythology.1 The typical form of the tales is that of the ancestor who lands on earth coming down from the sky in form of a bird or in human form, out of the sea as a sea-animal, brought up by a sea monster, or as a ghost from underground. He takes off his animal garment, which returns to the sky, and creates his tribe from figures he carves, from people who are drifting about and whom he pulls ashore, from birds, eggs or shells.2 Then he shouts in order to ascertain whether anyone else lives in this world and is answered by the shout of another ancestor.3 Accounts of the origin of crests abound among the Tsimshian. They always refer to supernatural encounters of the ancestors. There are no tales of the origin of clans or of their subdivisions, except those of a semihistorical character which assume the clans as pre-existing. The only exception is that of Gauo, and here also the clan origin is not as clearly explained as that of the crests. It is rather the story of the spread of a clan from its original home. In the Tsimshian stories we find elaborate descriptions of the houses of the supernaturals or of the animals rarely, although the houses of the well-to-do were on the whole more elaborately decorated than those of the Kwakiutl. In Kwakiutl imagination the interest in crests and privileges runs riot. There are tales that consist of nothing else than the enumeration of crests and privileges obtained by marriage or war,4 and in other tales also names, crests and privileges occupy an inordinate amount of space. The persons appearing in Kwakiutl tales are always named, among the Tsimshian rarely. The privileges include rights to the winter ceremonial and these are stressed no less than the crests. Therefore the winter ceremonial, particularly the cannibal ceremonial is an ever-recurring topic in tales referring to the privileges of numayms. By contrast there are few tales among both Tsimshian and Haida referring to the origin of the winter ceremonial and these are explicitly placed as occurring among the most northern Kwakiutl tribes, the G'it'ama't, and the people of both Skeena River and Queen Charlotte Islands are distinctly conscious of having taken over these ceremonials from their southern neighbors. In all probability this occurred during the eighteenth century. It quite agrees with this that in all the stories of gifts received from supernaturals, cannibal ceremonies or in general the winter ceremonials never appear. 1Ts 411 et seq., see p. 47. 2 See p. 43. 3See p. 47. 4 C 297; III 201 et seq. Kwakiutl Culture 177 In both tribes the fundamental mythological concepts are selfcontradictory and differ in this respect from the systematization that characterizes the mythology of the Bella Coola. While among them also the concepts held by different families may be in conflict, each family seems to have a remarkably consistent view of the form of the world and of the powers that govern it. No such tendency has been found among either the Tsimshian or the Kwakiutl. There are tales that belong to certain families, but besides these we have an unsystematic tribal mythology in which all families participate. The Tsimshian,l like the Tlingit, believe that our world is supported by a pole held by a strong human being. The sky is reached through a hole that opens and closes. Above is a level country in which stands the house of the Sun. The returning visitor may slide down on the rays of the sun. On the other hand it is told that two brothers and their sister were transformed into sun, moon and fog; and that the daylight (or the sun) was kept in a box by a chief and was liberated by the raven. The Kwakiutl conceive the sky as the country in which is located the house of the Sun. It may be reached through a hole above, through a small hole on the western horizon, or by flying across or diving under a high mountain. The chief in heaven is either the sun or a being distinct from the sun. Some of the Kwakiutl tribes have also the story of the liberation of the sun which was kept in a box. The stars do not play an important part in either tribe. Among the Tsimshian the Evening Star is the Sun's daughter. The constellations are his tribe.2 Among the Kwakiutl Orion is a hunter who owns the fog.3 In another story the Pleiades are said to be a sea otter which is hunted by men who became Orion.4 It is also told that an ancestor meets the canoe of Orion and visits the Evening Sky.5 Among the Tsimshian we do not learn much about other beings living in the sky, but among the Kwakiutl the ancestors of many families (numayms) live in the sky as birds - generally thunderbirds. They descend to the earth, but in some cases their garments return to the sky. Since the Tsimshian have four exogamic clans, origin stories of this type do not fit well into their scheme of life, while they are well adapted to the numerous privileged but unrelated chiefs' families of the Kwakiutl. The tale of the grandsons of Gauo, a woman who was taken up to the sky, married a sky being and whose sons were sent back with crests6 can hardly be compared with the Kwakiutl ancestor stories. 1 Ts 453 et seq. 2 Ts 454. 3 C 165. 4 C XXVI 92. 5 III 382. c Ts 850. 12 178 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Both tribes have many tales of a country beyond the ocean. The Kwakiutl tales refer to the salmon, Copper chief, and a single one to the bear as having their homes in this country; and on the way across the ocean the places are encountered to which sand, feathers, toilet sticks, charcoal go. Far out in the west is also the post of heaven. The Tsimshian do not tell of these, but they know a much greater variety of beings that live beyond the ocean - among them Chief Air, Chief Pestilence and Chief Peace.l According to their tales the winds have their homes in the four corners of the world. There is however, a contradictory Tsimshian story which they share with the Kwakiutl, telling of a war against the Southeast Wind.2 A world under the ocean occurs in both Tsimshian and Kwakiutl tales. The ghost country of the Tsimshian seems to belong to the dead in general,3 while the Kwakiutl have besides specific ghost villages for many, if not for all their villages.4 The important beings that appear in the tales of the two tribes differ considerably. An ever-recurring figure among the Kwakiutl is the Dzo'noq!wa, a being powerful but stupid.5 This race lives inland. Their only food is meat of land animals. Therefore one of them, generally a female, visits the villages to steal fish, is shot and either killed or healed by the person who shot her. She is also the ogress who carries away crying children. Another characteristic figure in Kwakiutl tales is the doubleheaded serpent6 which protects the entrance to the houses of supernaturals, kills those who see it, or eat of its flesh, and transforms itself into a self-moving canoe. In Tsimshian stories a faint echo of this serpent is the double-headed being that makes the Raven greedy and which is used as a canoe.7 In both groups the canoe is sometimes represented as voracious. The owner who goes hunting in it must feed it seals. Other prominent figures in Kwakiutl tales are the Thunderbird and his younger brother,8 and most important of all the Cannibal Spirit.9 None of these have their counterparts in Tsimshian tales. The monsters identified with dangerous places play a more active role among the Tsimshian than among the Kwakiutl. They are active participants in the tales, while among the Kwakiutl almost their only function is to be transformed by a hero and to become 1 Ts 455. 2 Ts 455. 3 Ts 455. 4 p. 131. 5p. 144. 6p. 146. 7 Ts 461. 8p. 157. 9p. 141. Kwakiutl Culture 179 rocks or islands. Only one of them' appears as an active enemy or helper. In Tsimshian tales appear a lake woman who marries a young man and later on becomes a monster; a woman cannibal; the woman whose hands are sharp as knives; the Mosquito chief whose proboscis is crystal and whose heart does not die; and the great slave whose stomach swells up to immense size and which is used as a drum.2 These have no counterparts among the Kwakiutl. In Kwakiutl tales the dead are revived by being sprinkled with the water of life. In the available stdries of the Tsimshian this occurs only once, combined with slapping of the cheeks. Generally the feat is accomplished by swinging a plume or the heart of the murderer over the body, or by jumping over it four times.3 Here may be mentioned also the concept of copper as it appears in the tales of the two tribes. Among the Kwakiutl it is closely associated with the sea spirit Q/!'mogwa. He himself or his son is often called "Copper-Maker." It is also assumed that the house of the owner of copper is in the north and that the salmon chief owns copper. Copper in form of a self-moving canoe is given to daring visitors or to a man who marries the daughter of a chief. Later on it may be cut up into copper plates. The daughter of the copper chief is also said to have a strong copper smell. No cedar and spruce are found4 in the country of the copper-chief. In Tsimshian tales copper falls down from the sky and lands on the branch of a tree from which it is dislodged by means of magic sling stones; or it hangs on a high mountain, is hit by a sling stone and flies north and east. The part that flies east becomes the "live copper" which has the form of salmon which kill those who touch them. The descendants of the daughter of the supernatural man who threw down the copper are given the privilege to take this copper. They are told that it must be melted in fire and that its fumes will not hurt them if they chew gum before melting it and rub it over their hands and face. After this is done the copper is worked into plates.6 The role played by animals is also different in the two mythologies. Among the Tsimshian the Porcupine appears in the assembly of animals as the wise councilor, Grizzly Bear as ferocious and egotistical, the Dog as stupid. No analogous tales are found among the Kwakiutl. In their tales of the mythical animal world the Wren appears as councilor and the Thunderbird as enemy of the animals. Wolf and Deer, Mink and Raccoon are probably the most important p. 148. 2 Ts 461, 462. 3 Ts 462. 4Seep. 130. 5N 137. 6 Ts 304. 12* 180 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society personages. These have been described before. Deer as a warrior is a character of many Kwakiutl tales. In both mythologies Mouse is the messenger of supernatural beings. The voracious Raven who is often punished for his greed and deceit is the all-important figure in Tsimshian mythology. He appears with the same characteristics among the northern Kwakiutl although Raven tales are not heard as often among them as among the northern tribes. The amorous tales are transferred to Mink whose greed for sea-eggs is also a favorite theme of anecdotic tales. Otherwise Mink is not often greedy, but rather foolish. The bungling host stories are told of both, Mink and Raven. Marriages with the noisy frogs who will not give him rest; with the stone that does not speak, and the kelp that holds him under water are special features of the Mink stories. There is, however, a great deal of confusion between the Raven and Mink cycles and quite a number of tales are common to both.' The origin tales of the two tribes present a sharp contrast. The Tsimshian ascribe the origin of daylight, fire, water, tides, fresh water, the olachen, etc. to TxdmsEm, the raven.2 He is their only culture hero. Besides this we have an entirely contradictory set of tales relating to the period when animals were still humans and when the animals held councils to determine the way the world should be arranged.3 The origin tales of the Raven cycle are not lacking among the Kwakiutl, but they seem to occur mainly among the tribes of the extreme northern part of Vancouver Island and on the north coast of Queen Charlotte Sound. The tale of the origin of salmon which is obtained by Raven after his marriage to a revived twin-woman belongs to the southern area alone, while the conclusion of the tale, the loss of the salmon due to insulting remarks directed against the salmon woman belongs to the whole area. Much more widely known among the Kwakiutl are transformer tales of another type. The hero is one of two brothers of supernatural origin who travels through the world, transforms malevolent people into animals, gives to others their proper human form, instructs them in the arts of living, creates ample supplies of food at certain places, and transforms some of the mythical ancestors according to their desire into prominent local features, such as rocks, islands and rivers. There is a dualism expressed in the constantly recurring conflict between mythical ancestors and this transformer. The ancestors are endowed with the powers of the winter ceremonial in which the transformer does not participate. Sometimes he is identified with the powers of the n3'nlEm ceremonial as opposed to the winter ceremonial. 1 Ts 584. 2 Ts 468. 3 Ts 469. Kwakiutl Culture 181 The most characteristic tale of the Mink cycle is Mink's visit to his father, the Sun, and his attempt to carry the sun in his father's place, ending with a world conflagration. This story belongs also to the Bella Bella and Bella Coola, but not, so far as I know, to tribes farther north.l Quite distinct from the ancestor stories previously referred to are the tales of the acquisition of power from supernatural beings. Wolves are very commonly the source of supernatural gifts bestowed upon the Kwakiutl heroes. There are clearly two classes of tales, one group the wolf tales,2 the other the cannibal tales,3 to which a number of initiations by the spirit of the sea, Q!o'mogwa,4 may be added. The last group is not as numerous as the two former ones. The wolf initiations are clearly related to the Nootka tales. Among the Tsimshian wolves do not play an important role. Gifts are rather received from a great variety of beings. Among these shining youths are prominent.5 These do not appear in the Kwakiutl tales. The most typical Kwakiutl stories are those of a man who obtains from supernatural beings coveted power or a valued ceremonial. The man is frequently explicitly or implicitly the aggressor. It is a boy who has been scolded or beaten by his father and who goes to commit suicide, but instead of doing so purifies himself and succeeds in getting power from the supernaturals; or the survivor of an attack by enemies who is trained by his father or purifies himself. He pretends to be dead and is taken by the animals to their house; he surprises them during their ceremonials and thus overcomes their power; he seeks their abode in the wilderness; he holds them in forceful embrace until they yield their powers; or exposes himself to their attacks, is killed and restored to life. In many cases, however, the supernaturals seek those who are in trouble and bestow upon them their gifts. The presents offered are almost always ceremonials, particularly the cannibal ceremonial, and means of getting rich, water of life, a never failing harpoon and the death-bringer. These are offered in order and the last one is generally accepted. Crests associated with houses are also given as well as masks and other dancing paraphernalia. In only three cases is a woman taken by the supernaturals and returned with treasures; the daughter of NomzasE'nxelis6, the girls who are taken by the son of the Sun (III 45), and the girl who is married to the 1 A remarkable parallel occurs in Laguna, N. M. See F. Boas, Keresan Texts. Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. VIII, Pt. 1, p. 31. 2 See p. 156. 3 See p. 141. 4 See p. 129. 5 S 280, 283; Ts 117 (297, 851). 6 S 188, 196; C 267; C XXVI 72. 182 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society bear1 - the last one perhaps a very recent story - and they do not receive any important supernatural gifts, no ceremonials and no death-bringer. In contrast to these in by far the greatest number of Tsimshian stories of this class the supernatural beings are the aggressors. Many refer to women who are taken away by supernatural beings who marry them.2 They escape from the hardships of life among them, or at most bring back names, formal crests and wealth. The intimate relation to important ceremonials is lacking. In many of these tales an animal offended by slighting remarks of a woman, appears to her in human form, and takes her to his house, where she is exposed to dangers and ill-treatment. In many others, girls who refuse their suitors or whose parents will not allow them to marry are seduced by animals or supernatural beings and taken away. In a number of cases they return with their children, with plentiful food and sometimes also with crests, but not with winter ceremonials. The tales which refer to men who are taken by supernaturals are less numerous. They marry supernaturals who appear to them as beautiful women, or they are forced by them into marriage. Crests are obtained in encounters of men with supernatural beings or objects. The whole setting of these tales among the Kwakiutl and Tsimshian is fundamentally different. When a Kwakiutl extorts gifts from the animals or supernaturals, these may be the means of overcoming his enemies or they may be important winter ceremonials. Although they are individual gifts the ceremonies may be given by the recipients to relatives and thus continued. Crests are also given, particularly in the form of houses with special paintings and carvings. Among the Tsimshian3 the gifts are generally unsolicited and unimportant in so far as the powers of the recipient are concerned. They are stories of the acquisition of commemorative crests which give social prestige. A hunter takes the supernatural being he has killed for his crest; the Eagle Clan in their travels from Alaska kill a beaver with copper eyes, ears, teeth and claws and take it for their crest; a man catches the live abalone bow. Four men taken to a house under the ocean, and a man who fed a grizzly bear that visited him in form of a man and asked for food, are given crests. A woman, the sole survivor of a tribe, has supernatural experiences and uses these as her crests. In a few cases special powers may also be given to hunters. Evidently the general concept of the relations between man and the supernaturals, including the animals, is conceived in different ways. Among the Kwakiutl stress is laid upon the ability of man 1C XXVI 219. 2 See Ts 747, 748. 3Ts 411 et seq. Kwakiutl Culture 183 to compel these beings to give up their powers and ceremonials, or upon their willingness to do so. Among the Tsimshian the supernaturals are the aggressors. They resent insults and wars are waged against them. In other cases they are grateful for help extended to them or they may even respond to prayers directed to them. To a certain extent these differences may be ascribed to the distinct forms of social organization. Among the Kwakiutl one of the most important types of gifts is some form of winter ceremonial. Although in practice membership belongs to men and women, by far the greatest number of initiations are those of men who may give part of the ceremonials they have received to their female relatives whose initiation is, therefore, secondary to that of one of their male relatives. The regular method of transfer of a ceremonial is from a man to his son-in-law, while transfer by a woman to her children is hardly known at all. Therefore the man must acquire the ceremonial from the supernatural owner, often through marriages with supernatural women, for then the gift is made by the girl's father to his son-in-law and is further transmitted in the same way. The killing of supernaturals in order to obtain their power is rare among the Kwakiutl. The origin story of the Cannibal ceremony - which, however, belongs to Rivers Inlet - and several of the Dzb'noq!wa stories are, I believe, the only examples. Furthermore in the Dz3'noq!wa stories of this type no ceremonials, only wealth and crests, are acquired. The Tsimshian who has obtained a crest by killing a supernatural or by gift, transmits it to his clan.l Marriages are in the majority of cases those of women to animals or supernaturals. Often they do not bring back any gifts, but are glad to escape with their lives. When they do obtain gifts we are always left in the dark as to the way in which they are transmitted. The gifts themselves are ordinarily given by the supernatural father-in-law of the abducted woman to his son's son, quite contrary to Tsimshian custom, unless we assume that they have been given to the woman's family in a potlatch and transferred by her on account of the absence of a brother's son to her own son. The difference in the situations as found among the two tribes is brought out most emphatically by the observation that among the Kwakiutl the aggressive man may obtain ceremonials by marriage with supernaturals., while among the Tsimshian the woman who marries the supernatural is at his mercy. The motivation of tales among the two tribes is quite distinct. The Tsimshian like to give a moralizing tone to their tales. Quite a number of their animal tales have this character; for instance the one in which it is told how Grizzly Bear's ruthless destruction of the Beavers and his overbearing contempt of the only survivor is T1 s 284. 184 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society punished; or that of Grizzly Bear and Porcupine, in which his cruelty is punished by the superior powers of Porcupine. The only stories of somewhat similar import are the Dog stories of the Kwakiutl which impress man to treat his dogs well.1 The moralizing element appears also in many of the Tsimshian stories relating to human society. Instances are: the story of the children who by their noise offend the sky2 and are punished by being killed by a magical feather; that of the man who is punished for scolding the sky on account of a late snow with the result that his village is covered by deep snow while elsewhere it is summer;3 of a boy who makes fun of the stars4 and is taken up by them and tied to the smokehole of their house; of villagers who are punished for maltreating game animals5 which results in destruction of the village by a deluge or a rockslide; or of the brothers who refuse to feed a famished visitor6 and are denied crests while the youngest who took pity on the visitor is rewarded. The tales of the revenge of offended animals may be conceived as belonging to this group. This motive is almost entirely absent in Kwakiutl stories. The principal motivation in Kwakiutl tales is the unlimited desire to obtain new crests, names, dances and other privileges, either by marriage or by initiation. The formulas and detailed settings used in the stories of the two tribes vary, even when the situations are essentially the same. Visits to supernatural beings illustrate this. In Tsimshian stories a person is enticed to their house. When it is a girl, a man appears to her when she is in difficulties and offers to take her home. When it is a man, a game animal appears and he pursues it to its house. Both man or animal leave her, or him, standing outside and enter. There the animal takes off its skin and appears as a girl, if the person is a male; as a man, if she is a woman. The father asks, "Did you get what you wanted?" and the man or the girl reply, "She, or he, is standing outside." Then the visitor is led in. After a while the Mouse-Woman asks the visitor to throw his or her ear ornaments into the fire. After this has been done she gives advice telling who the supernaturals are into whose house they were taken.7 The Kwakiutl setting is different. The man who visits the supernatural passes through the snapping door, or the entrance 1 R 1256; CXXVI 118, 122. 2 Ts 734. 3 Ts 829. 4 Ts 863. 5Ts 727, 738. 6 Ts 847. 7Ts 752. See also PAES III 87, 131; S 277. In Carrier tales the mouse calls the visitor; "My grandmother wants you." Then he lifts some dry grass and finds a house underground where the old woman gives him advice (D. Jenness, Myths of the Carrier Indians of British Columbia, JAFL 47 (1934) 180. This setting is very similar to the setting of the helpful spider woman of the Pueblos. See F. Boas, Keresan Texts, PAES VIII, Part 1, 88. Kwakiutl Culture 185 that is guarded by double-headed serpents. He makes them innocuous by spitting hellebore juice on them.1 The Mouse-Woman does not appear in this connection, but only in those cases in which a man in distress is invited in by the supernaturals. As in the corresponding Tsimshian stories, she calls four times and is not seen until the last time when the person to be invited bites a hole through his blanket and discovers her by peeping through it. The Kwakiutl have a considerable number of mythological tales relating the exploits of their ancestors; tales of wars and contests which are full of supernatural elements and nevertheless give the impression of being conceived as historical tales. The most elaborate one of these tales is that of the Qwe'qusot!enox' hero Ts!d'qdmec, of his wars against the Nimkish and his conquest of tribes all along the coast.2 Many of the stories dealing with the exploits of the ancestors of other groups have been brought into relation with this epic, for instance that of Kwe'xag'isla of the L!a'L!asiqWala3; of G'a'malag'ielak; of the Na'klwax'daexw;4 of Wf'nag'ielak' of the Gwa'waenoxu4; and of Waxap!alasov- of the Kwakiutl5. Even the transformer story of Q!a'neqeelaku may be considered in a sense as belonging to this type, because it includes encounters with the ancestors of most of the tribes and contests in supernatural power. The stories of Lo'ya and of Hd'qVlal,6 notwithstanding the supernatural elements contained in them, seem to be reflections of actual historical events. Possibly this is also true of part of the Ts!d'qadme2 story, at least as far as the war with the Nimkish is concerned. The semi-historical tales of the Tsimshian refer to the migrations of parts of clans and of their settlement in new territory, generally brought about by misfortunes due to the transgression of taboos or other evil deeds of the people. By and large the plots of the Tsimshian stories are more varied and more coherent than those of the Kwakiutl. A few examples will illustrate this. I begin with two Tsimshian stories: There is starvation in two villages. A mother lives in one, her daughter in the other. They start from their homes each hoping to find help in the other's village. They meet on the ice and deplore their situation. A man appears and lies down with the young woman. The next day she hears the song of the bird of good luck. From now on she finds every day larger and larger animals under the bark of trees. The two women become rich, for all the tribes come to buy food from them. The mother dies. The young woman 1 See p. 82. 2 III 165-247. 3 R 122; S 153; C XXVI 75. 4 C XXVI 62. 5 R 1138 et seq. 6 C XXVI 132-139. 186 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society gives birth to a son to whom his father gives magical gifts. When he is grown up a white bear appears on the ice of the river and is pursued by the youth. The bear escapes up the mountains and by kicking the rocks creates gorges which the youth crosses by laying his father's lance and quiver across, thus forming a bridge. He reaches a ladder leading up to the sky. The bear climbs it and he follows. He comes to a house. The bear enters, takes off its skin and becomes a girl. The youth marries her. The father-in-law subjects him to tests trying to kill him, but he succeeds in escaping the threatening dangers. After a while he longs for home and slides down with his wife. His faithfulness is tested by his wife who has a feather which turns water into slime when her husband as much as looks upon another woman. When this happens she leaves him walking across the ocean. He follows, but when she looks back he sinks. Her father fishes up his bones and revives him. Again he becomes homesick. His wife disappears and he returns to earth. Now he marries the sister of four brothers. They become jealous on account of his success in bear hunting and leave him. Another party finds him and again he marries the sister of four brothers. With his brothers-in-law he goes sealion hunting wearing his snowshoes, lance and bow and kills sealions. His brothers-inlaw are jealous of his prowess and desert him against the wishes of the youngest one. In a gale he saves himself by perching on top of the lance driven into the rock and covered by a blanket his father gives him. He is called by the mouse and enters the house of the sealions who are sick but unable to see the arrows that wounded them. He pulls these out and they recover. The sealion gives him a canoe and he drifts home. He carves killerwhales out of wood, makes them alive and they upset the canoes of three of his brothers-in-law. He goes back to his own tribe, forgets his snowshoes and cannot get down from a steep mountain. He and his dog become stone. Although the story consists of two independent parts each is well unified and based on situations that are appealing even outside the range of North West Coast culture. I give another example: At Metlakahtla there is a village of the Eagle clan opposite a village of the Wolf clan. The two tribes build a weir between the two islands and quarrel about the game. A battle ensues, in which the Eagles are victorious. The Eagle chief's wife gives birth to a number of children. Their father allows the girls to grow up, but kills his sons. Finally she gives birth to a boy. She tells her husband that it is a girl, and the child is allowed to grow up. The woman and her son flee. When the boy is grown up, he takes revenge and kills his father. The mother tells him about the live arrow which is owned by Chief Gutginsa', who lives on the northwestern confines of the world. Kwakiutl Culture 187 The son sets out with his friends, taking along much food. When they camp, he bathes. A youth appears to him, who gives him instructions how to reach the country of Gutginsa'. Every time they pass a village the young man puts on his sparrow blanket and sings. Then the people tell him how far it is to the village of Gutginsa'. They continue to sacrifice, and finally reach a large village, where they are told there are three more villages to pass, and that it is one month's travel between the villages. In the last village the youth puts on his sparrow garment, is called in by the chief, and is told that he has reached the corner of the world, that beyond there is only air. The chief offers to accompany him, and both fly away in the form of birds - the youth as a sparrow, the chief as a humming bird. They reach the air island, and the hummingbird asks for the loan of the live arrow. Humming bird instructs the youth to keep the arrow in hiding to protect it against noxious influences. He also tells him to call in the old men and to ask them for instructions. When they return, the youth is told to wear his sparrow blanket, to fly ahead of the canoe, and to sit down on the bow when tired. He is told that in this way he will reach home in four days, The prince owns many grizzly bear skins. He invites the old men of his father's tribe, and asks them what they did when young. One said that he was in love with women; another, that he succeeded in getting a good-looking wife; a third, that he married many beautiful women. All these he sends away, each with a present of a grizzly bear skin. Finally an old man tells him that he has been a warrior. He shows him how he shoots through a knot hole, and how he can jump forward and backward over two boxes placed one on top of the other. When shooting, he shouts, "I shoot right through the eye!" The young man takes his uncle's name, and his father tries to kill him. One night the young man sends the live arrow through the smoke hole into his father's house. It goes through the heart of the chief, On the following morning the chief is found dead. The arrow is taken out, and the people see that the eyes in its head are twinkling and that it has teeth. While the people are examining it, it flies away. The people mourn and try to find the owner of the arrow. During the festival given by the dead chief's nephew, all the chiefs of other villages are given large presents, but the chief's own son is insulted by receiving a small present. A quarrel ensues, and the people learn that the young man has killed his own father. They attack him. A rock lies on the beach in front of the village. When the attacking party land, singing is heard in the young chief's house. Eagle down flies upward through the smoke hole. The young man comes out wearing his dancing ornaments, holding his bow in one hand, a rattle in the other. He leaps down to the beach, jumps over the rock, and lets his live arrow go. He jumps back over the rock, runs up to the house, up a ladder to the roof, and down through the smoke hole. The arrow goes through the hearts of 188 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society the people, kills them, and then returns. No matter how many people appear, the arrow kills them all. The old man advises his own relatives not to go to battle, but they do not believe him. Finally the old blind warrior himself goes out. He is placed behind the rock, and his grandson points the arrow to the smoke hole. When the young person comes out, the old man lets go, hits the prince in the eye and kills him. His sister puts on the armor and acts in the same way as her brother had done. When going back, however, she turns and jumps over the rock forward. She becomes tired, and the people see that she is a woman. She throws the paraphernalia of her brother away. They are transformed into rocks. The Wolf people are scattered among all the tribes.1 The most complex story of the Kwakiutl2 is that of Head-WinterDancer who comes down from the sky with his wife. He has a contest with the Transformer, a feature characteristic of many ancestor stories. He removes toads from the stomachs of the sons of a friend. He has three sons for whom he establishes villages. Their houses are described. A fourth son is washed in the blood of the double-headed serpent and his skin becomes stone. He becomes the warrior of his brothers and travels to many tribes getting names, privileges and wives for them. On his travels he meets other ancestors with whom he has contests. Many of these anecdotic incidents are not contained in the continuous story. One of his brothers has taken a Nimkish wife and when the Nimkish children make fun of their son because there are no salmon in his country a war breaks out in which the Nimkish are defeated. The rest of the story is told by the Nimkish. The two wives of the Nimkish chief escape, one to her relatives up river, the other is taken as a slave. When her child is born her master ordered it killed if it is a boy. She saves the child by a ruse and escapes. The son of the first wife obtains supernatural power from a lake. In the usual manner various objects are offered to him, but he accepts the death-bringer. He finds a copper plate. When he turns it face down it becomes night and day breaks when he turns it back again. He goes to search for his father accompanied by Stone-Hand who had washed his hands in the blood of the double-headed serpent. He meets his brother and both go down the river transforming monsters into stone. He reaches his father and is told that HeadWinter-Dancer has gone to Feather Mountain to get feathers for a ceremonial which he had taken in war from the Comox. He sets out with his friends and kills Head-Winter-Dancer. On a visit to her father his sister learns of what has happened and her child tells what they have seen and heard. The Nimkish are attacked but the aggressors are defeated by the supernatural powers of the 1 Ts 306. 2 III 165-270. Kwakiutl Culture 189 brothers. One of the brothers falls in love with a wife of the chief whose slave his brother's mother has been. He carries away a heavy box filled with coppers. The brothers invite the people to a feast and smear the rocks on the landing with tallow so that the guests fall. The house is dark. The guests do not know where to sit down and are killed by Stone-Hand. The brother who is in love with the chief's wife marries her. An inordinate amount of space in this story is taken by the travels of Head-Winter-Dancer and his attempts to get names and privileges by marrying the daughters of chiefs. In other stories the preference for this subject is still more striking. Thus a Koskimo storyl is nothing else but an enumeration of such marriages. The story of Oemaxt!a'laLae also contains little else than the enumeration of privileges and marriages by which names are obtained2. One of the very few Kwakiutl stories that have a more complex plot is that of Scab.3 A boy is deserted because his body is full of scabs. His grandmother hides food and fire for him. When he stops scratching a hand comes out of his body, but retires as soon as he scratches again. Finally a boy jumps out of his body. He is called Scab. Scab gathers needles of trees from the grave boxes of his father's sisters and throws them into the water, turning to the right first. They become steelhead salmon. A second time he makes in the same way silver salmon, then dog salmon, spring salmon and bull-heads. The father makes a spear and scab spears salmon. They dry them but during the night the salmon disappear. He asks for a bow and four arrows. He watches. Past midnight an ogress comes and steals the salmon. Scab shoots his four arrows and two hit her on each side. She runs away pushing down the trees. Scab blackens his face, puts on red cedar bark rings and bird down. Then he pursues the Ogress. He finds her house and sits down by the well. The daughter of the Ogress finds him and reports that a shaman has come. Scab refuses the property offered to him. He is called in. By spitting hellebore juice upon the double-headed serpents on each side of the doorway he makes them innocuous. The house is full of Ogers. Scab sings his sacred song, makes the ceremonial circuit and pulls out the arrows with his mouth, after pushing them to and fro so as to torment the Ogress. He receives as payment her daughter, the water of life and her box which is so heavy that he cannot lift it. They return and he finds his father dead. He is revived by the daughter of the Ogress. The large house of the Ogress appears. Scab becomes downcast and wishes to marry the daughter of the chief above. He calls the Goose, Loon, Albatross, Scaup-Duck, 1 C297. 2 C XXVI 43 et seq. ' C 39; C XXVI 156, 168; S 160, 189. 190 Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society Seal, Land-Otter, who are passing in their canoes. Each of them has some excuse why they cannot take him along. Finally the HarlequinDuck takes him along. She tells him that they will have to dive through a passage under a mountain and teaches him to hold his breath. When they arrive in the sky they hide Scab in a drift log of rotten alder which they tow to the beach of "Our Chief". The chief cuts it and takes it into the house. The Moon comes home and says that their princess shall marry Scab. After a while the Sun comes and says the same. At night Scab goes into her bedroom. She thinks it is her dog, but when he reveals his identity she accepts him. "Our Chief" accepts him. Scab longs to go home. His wife carries him flying across the mountain. His father and the daughter of the Ogress are dead. They are revived. The two women are jealous of each other and transform each other. First the daughter of the Ogress transforms the second wife into a woodpecker, then she herself is transformed into a bluejay. Then the daughter of the Ogress transforms her rival into a red flicker. Last the daughter of the Ogress becomes a Qo'los. After this the women become friendly. The daughter of "Our Chief" becomes homesick and she carries her husband back with her. On the way he falls asleep and falls into the sea and is drowned. His father finds him and buries him. Setting aside this story and a very few others it may be said that in Kwakiutl stories dealing with human society the interest is mainly sustained by their specific interest in rank and privileges and that without this they are lacking in variety of subject matter and in skill in composition. The general human interest and the imaginative power exhibited by the Tsimshian is much greater. The animal tales of the two tribes on the other hand have much in common. They are anecdotic in character and dwell especially on voracity and sex as traits that attract the interest of the audience. The Kwakiutl seem to have had a feeling for the incongruity of coarse anecdotes and the dignified character of a culture hero. While among the Tsimshian these two traits are combined in the person of Raven, among the Kwakiutl Mink and Raven are the tricksters while the transformer is an independent human character. MEMOIRS OF THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. I. Folk Tales of Angola, by HELI CHATELAIN. 1894. 315 pp. $ 3.50. II. Louisiana Folk Tales, by ALCAE FORTIER. 1895. 122 pp. $ 3.50. III. Bahama Songs and Stories, by CHARLES L. EDWARDS. 1895. 111 pp. $ 3.50. IV. Current Superstitions, from the Oral Tradidition of Englishspeaking Folk, by FANNY D. BERGEN. 1896. 161 pp. $ 3.50. V. Navaho Legends, by WASHINGTON MATTHEWS. 1897. 299 pp. $ 5.00. VI. Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia, by JAMES TEIT. 1898. 137 pp. $ 3.50. VII. Animal and Plant Lore, by FANNY D. BERGEN. 1899. 180 pp. $ 3.50. VIII. Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, by GEORGE A. DORSEY. 1904. 366pp. $ 6.00 IX. Los Pastores. A Mexican Miracle Play, by M. R. COLE. 1907. 234 pp. $ 4.00. X. Spanish American Folk Songs, by ELEANOR HAGUE. 1917. 111 pp. $ 3.50. XI. Folk Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes, by J. A. TEIT, M. K. GOULD, L. FARRAND, and H. J. SPINDEN. 1917. 201 pp. $ 3.50. XII. Filipino Popular Tales, collected and edited, with comparative notes, by DEAN S. FANSLER. 1921. 473 pp. $ 5.00. XIII. The Folk Tales of Andros Island, Bahamas, by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS. 1918. 170 pp. $ 3.50. XIV. Index to the Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. 1930. $ 3.50. XV. Folk-Lore from the Cape Verde Islands, by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS. 1924. 640 pp. In two parts, each $ 3.50. XVI. Folk Tales of the Sea Islands, South Carolina, by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS. 1923. 218 pp. $ 3.50. XVII. Jamaica Anansi Stories, by MARTHA WARREN BECKWITH. 1924. 295 pp. $ 3.50. XVIII. Folk-Lore of Maryland, by A. W. WHITNEY and C. C. BULLOCK. 1927. 238 pp. $ 3.50. XIX. Tewa Tales, by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS. 1927. 304 pp. $ 3.50. XX. Lamba Folk-Lore, by C. M. DOKE. 1927. 570 pp. $ 5.00. XXI. Jamaican Folk-Lore, collected by MARTHA WARREN BECKWITH, with music recorded in the field by HELEN H. ROBERTS. 1929. 347 pp. Illustrated. $ 5.00. XXII. Kiowa Tales, by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS. 1929. 152 pp. $ 3.50. XXIII. Folk-Lore from the Dominican Republic, by MANUEL J. ANDRADE. 1931. 432 pp. $ 5.00. XXIV. Folk-Lore from Nova Scotia, collected by ARTHUR HUFF FAUSET. 1931. 204 pp. $ 3.50. XXV. Bella Bella Tales, by FRANZ BOAS. 1932. 178 pp. $ 3.50. XXVI. Folk Tales of the Antilles, French and English, Part I, by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS. 1933. 521 pp. $ 5.00. XXVII. Folk Tales of the Coast Salish, by THELMA ADAMSON. 1934. 430 pp. $ 3.50. XXVIII. Kwakiutl Culture as reflected in Mythology, by FRANZ BOAS. 1935. 190 pp. $ 3.50. I THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN DATE DUE A. I~ UNIVERSY OMICHIGAN 3 9015 00919 6182 M 9 t, I I It, I 11 I ,' "' I t "'I"),, 1 " j,,,I, , "I I