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NEW VOYAGES
TO
NORTH-AMERICA
BY THE


BARON DE LAHONTAN
Reprinted from the English edition of 1703, with facsimiles of
original title-pages, maps, and illustrations, and the
addition of Introduction, Notes, and Index
By Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.
Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," Hennepin's
"New Discovery," etc.
In Ctwo Volumes
VOLUME I
CHICAGO
A. C. McCLURG & CO.
I 905




Copyright
A. C. McCLURG & CO.
1905
Published February 25, 1905S


Composition by The Dial Press, Chicago.
Presswork by The Univcersity Press, Cambridge.




CONTENTS-VOLUME I
PAGE
INTRODUCTION- The Editor..                    ix
LAHONTON BIBLIOGRAPHY - Victor Hugo Paltsits..li
LAHONTAN'S "NEW VOYAGES TO NORTH-AMERICA"Volume I.
Title-page (facsimile of original)....
Dedication to the Duke of Devonshire..       3
Preface.........  5
Contents of Letters, Memoirs, Discourses, Dialogue,
etc., in both Volumes...... 13
Letters I (November 8, I683)-XXV (January 31,
I694).........  25
Memoirs of North-America; containing a Geographical Defcription of that vaft Continent; the Cuftoms
and Commerce of the Inhabitants, &c.
Introductory Remarks..... 299
A fhort Defcription of Canada.... 30
A Lift of the Savage Nations of Canada.  339
A Lift of the Animals of Canada... 343
A Defcription of fuch Animals or Beafts, as are
not mention'd in the Letters... 345
A Lift of the Fowl or Birds that frequent the South
Countries of Canada.... 350
The Birds of the North Countries of Canada. 351


f(4fpcq) nc rp




vi


Contents
PAGE
A Defcription of fuch Birds as are not accounted
for in my Letters.... 353
A Defcription of the Infects of Canada.   357
The Names of the Fifh in the River of St. Laurence,
from its Mouth to the Lakes of Canada. 358
The Fifh that are found in the Lakes of Canada,
and in the Rivers that fall into 'em... 359
The Fifh found in the River of Miffifipi.. 359
A Defcription of the Fiih that are not mention'd
in the Letters....... 360
The Trees and Fruits of the South Countries of
Canada........ 364
The Trees and Fruits of the North Countries of
Canada........ 364
A Defcription of the above-mention'd Trees and
Fruits........ 366
A Defcription of the Trees and Fruits of the
Northern Countries..... 370
A General view of the Commerce of Canada. 373
The Names of the Skins given in exchange, with
their Rates....... 379
An Account of the Government of Canada in
General........381
A Difcourfe of the Intereft of the French, and of
the Englifh, in North-America... 394
A Table explaining fome Terms made ufe of in
both Volumes.......401




ILLUSTRATIONS-VOLUME I
(FACSIMILES OF ORIGINALS)
PAGE
A beaver; the hunting of buffaloes; savages
drying their meat.....  Frontispiece
Map of the Great Lakes.....  Facing  I
Map of the straits of Mackinac...,,  36
"Canows made of Birch-bark"      sketches and
plans........,,  80
"Mr. De la Barre's camp"....,,  24
"A  General Map of New France, Cofi. call'd
Canada"......,,  56
"The curiofity of the Rackets, and the way of
hunting Elks"......, i88
"The Hunting of divers Animals"...,, 220
"The Difcovery of an Ambufcade"...        254
"A Map of ye Long River and of rome others
that fall into that fmall part of ye Great River
of Miflifipi which is here laid down "- with
sketch-plans of a house, a vessel, and a medal,, 284
"The Attack of Quebec"....,,316
"The Great bay of Placentia"...            344
Map of Newfoundland.....       384




I




INTRODUCTION
IN the frontier department of the Basse-Pyrenees, once a
part of the ancient province of Bearn, on gently-undulating
hillsides which occupy middle ground between the broadillage of stretching pastures and marshes of the Landes and
Lahontan. the over-topping escarpments of the Pyrenees, lies
the pleasant little village of Lahontan. A community of
twelve hundred souls, it boasts of an interesting history, but
is now almost unknown in its dreamy isolation, save that the
scholar may remember that it was once the fief of the illustrious Montaigne.
About the middle of the seventeenth century, Lahontan
was erected into a barony, of which Isaac de Lom, Sieur
d'Arce, the father of our author, was the second baron. The
Lahontan's Sieur d'Arce was famous as a civil engineer, having
father.  made the port of Bayonne navigable for sea-going
vessels (I630-48). As a recompense for this and certain
military services, Louis XIV granted to him and his heirs forever (I658) a monopoly of navigation and transportation in
the harbor of Bayonne, and a pension of three thousand livres
per annum for a dozen years; in later years, he was made
reformer-general of Bearn, a councillor of the parlement of
Navarre, a chevalier of St. Michel, and a bourgeois of Bayonne.
His first wife (Jeanne Guerin), with whom he had lived
for fifteen years, having died in I663 without issue, he con



X


Introduction


tracted in his old age a second marriage, this time with
Birth of  Jeanne-Fransoise le Fascheux de Couttes. To them
our author. was born at Lahontan, the ninth of June, I666,
Louis-Armand, whose book of adventurous travel in the
heart of North America we are here reprinting. The infant
was presented at the baptismal font by no less personages
than the Comte de Guiche, then governor of Bearn, and his
sister, the Marquise de Lons,-a distinguished welcome to
the stage of life, in strong contrast to the experiences
incident to his departure.
When young Louis was but eight years old, his father died
at the age of eighty. Honors and wealth had accompanied
Baron Isaac until about the time of his son's birth; thereA shattered after, he became involved in the toils of obligations
estate.  incurred by his great engineering operations, and of
the lawsuits incidental thereto. The son inherited the title of
Le Baron de Lahontan et Hesleche (to-day, d'Esleich), and a
shattered estate which went from bad to worse. It is small
wonder that one of the characteristic features of his Voyages
is an unquenchable bitterness against lawyers and legal processes.
After the fashion of the times, the third baron had from
his cradle been destined for the army; and while still a child,
family influence secured for him a cadetship in the famous
Bourbon regiment. Later, in the effort to secure for the
Dedicated to young nobleman a more rapid advancement, he
the army.  was entered as a "garde" in the marine corpsthe Department of the Marine being then entrusted with the




Introduction


xi


care of colonies. From earliest boyhood, Louis had heard
much of Canada. From a neighboring seignory had gone
forth the Baron de St. Castin, famous in the annals of Maine;
the land of the Basques, on both the Spanish and the French
slopes of the Pyrenees, had for nearly two centuries been a
recruiting ground for adventurers to the New World; and
Louis's relative, Claude Bragelonne, a high official in the
French army, had been one of the Company of the Hundred
Associates, whose monopoly long exploited the commerce
of the king's ambitious colony over seas. Lefebvre de la Barre
had but just succeeded Count Frontenac as governor of New
France. His petition to the court for eight hundred regular
troops to be used in proposed chastisements of the deathdealing Iroquois, had been in part met by sending to his
assistance three companies of French marines in the autumn
of I683. Enrolled among the members of this detachmentexactly in what official capacity, we do not know-was LouisArmand de Lom d'Arce, the youthful Baron de Lahontan,
then seventeen years of age.
Lahontan's outlook on a life of reverses had thus early
made of him a cynic. The first Letter in his Voyages, describing the trip to America, contains premonitory symptoms of
that caustic humor which was soon to be characteristic of his
pen; here, as later, description is freely mingled with scoffing,
and information with persiflage. The season was Arrival in
late when the frigate left Rochelle; it was already New France.
November, with drift ice in the St. Lawrence and its rugged
shores white with snow, when Quebec was reached after a




l*
Xll


Introduction


tempestuous voyage. "I cannot," Lahontan tells his anonymous correspondent, "as yet give you any account of the
Country, excepting that 'tis mortally cold." The day following the arrival of the troops, the great La Salle left the little
wilderness capital on his voyage to France, whence he was
to embark for the Gulf of Mexico upon his final, fateful
enterprise.
The marines at once went into winter quarters " in fome
Villages or Cantons adjacent." It fell to Lahontan's share to
be billeted among the habitants of Beaupre, some seventeen
miles down the river from Quebec. There, he declares, "the
A winter  boors of thofe Manors live with more eafe and
at Beaupre. conveniency than an infinity of the Gentlemen in
France;" and he has many pleasant words for this "free fort
of People," every one of whom "lives in a good and a well
furnifh'd House." He remarks the vast fire-places, and the
enormous quantities of wood consumed, "by reafon of the
prodigious Fires they make to guard themfelves from the Cold,
which is there beyond all meafure, from the month of December, to that of April." Despite the nipping and protracted
frost, the lad appears to have been contented with his lot.
Hunting in company with the Indians, acquiring the dialects
of the tribesmen, and visiting their villages in sledges and
upon snow-shoes, with a few official duties intermingled, and
now and then a gay assembly at the little colonial court on the
hill-top in neighboring Quebec, furnished agreeable diversity
of occupation. His letters give us a pleasing picture of life
among the easy-going habitants in the suburbs; and from




Introduction


xiii
*@~
Xlll


them we also obtain a vivid notion of the aspect of the little
frontier capital, in this hey-day of New France.
In the spring (1684), Lahontan proceeded under orders
to Montreal. Along the way, during a leisurely progress, he
picked up odds and ends of information, and in brief phrase
cleverly described what he saw. Late in June, he An Iroquois
accompanied an expedition which Governor La campaign.
Barre undertook against the recalcitrant Iroquois, and on the
eleventh of the following month arrived with the advance party
at Fort Frontenac, where they awaited the main body of the
army; but owing to the delays incident to such enterprises
under primitive conditions, it was some five weeks later before
a start could be made. Crossing Lake Ontario the little column took up a position near Famine River, being there so
wasted by malarial fever that La Barre was forced to an ignominious peace, which soon led to his recall from the colony.
The story of this unfortunate expedition is skilfully told by
Lahontan, who gives the speeches of the governor and of the
Iroquois envoys in phrases which have become classic examples
of Indian oratory and diplomacy.
The following winter, the young baron passed in garrison
at Montreal. With the opening of spring (I685) he was sent
with a detachment to the frontier fort of Chambly, where the
summer was spent in the congenial occupation of accompanying the neighboring habitants and tribesmen upon Hutingnd
their hunting and fishing parties, which he de- fishing
expeditions.
scribes with the gusto of a true sportsman and a
close observer of nature. In September he was ordered to




xiv


Introduction


Boucherville, to be quartered on the habitants for the space
of a year and a half-a protracted sojourn, but without ennui,
for he was given his fill of sport, especially of elk hunting,
at one time being absent upon such an excursion for three
months in mid-winter.  On another occasion, he spent an
autumn month "in a Canow upon feveral Rivers, Marfhes,
and Pools, that difembogue in the Champlain Lake, being
accompany'd with thirty or forty of the Savages that are very
expert in Shooting and Hunting, and perfetly well acquainted
with the proper places for finding Water-foul, Deer, and
other fallow Beafts." He gives us careful reports not only
of the methods of the chase, but of the habits of the birds
and animals, spiced with much humor and keen comment on
men and things.
Dearly as the baron loved sport, he appears to have
devoted much of his spare time, even when in forest camps
amid rude wood-rangers and savages, to study and to mental
A student growth. " Befides the pleafure of fo many different
of the  forts of Diverfion," he writes, "I was likewife enterclssi.  tain'd in the Woods with the company of the honeft
old Gentlemen that liv'd in former Ages. Honeft Homer, the
amiable Anacreon, and my dear Lucian, were my infeperable
Companions. Ariftotle too defir'd paffionately to go along
with us, but my Canow was too little to hold his bulky Equipage of Peripatetick Silogifms: So that he was e'en fain to
trudge back to the Jefuits, who vouchfaf'd him a very honourable Reception." We doubtless obtain here a glimpse of
the source of the Dialogues with Adario, which occupy so




Introduction


XV


large a share of the second volume; Lucian apparently furnished the model for those caustic satires on the Christianity
and civilization of the seventeenth century.
The studies and pleasures of this interesting young manat-arms were occasionally interfered with by the austerities
of the priests about him. He indignantly relates that when
stationed in Montreal he was "inrag'd at the impertinent Zeal
of the Curate of this City." Seeking his room in his absence,
this over-zealous ecclesiastic "finding the Romance of the
Adventures of Petronius upon my Table, he fell upon it with
an unimaginable fury, and tore out almoft all the Leaves.
This Book I valued more than my Life, becaufe 'twas not
caftrated; and indeed I was fo provok'd when I saw it all in
wrack, that if my Landlord had not held me, I had gone
immediately to that turbulent Paftor's House, and would have
pluck'd out the Hairs of his Beard with as little mercy as he
did the Leaves of my Book."
In the spring of I687 all was bustling confusion in the settlements on the St. Lawrence. Denonville, the new governor,
was about to try his hand at subduing the irrepressible Iroquois, whom Champlain had unwittingly converted  Lahontan'
into sworn enemies of the French. The largest second Iroquois
expedition yet projected was fitted out by the campaign.
soldier-governor, and rendezvoused at the island of St. Helen,
opposite Montreal. Eight hundred regulars had been sent
over from France, doubling the number already in the colony.
With the new troops came an order from the ministry to
allow the return of young Lahontan, whose tangled affairs




xvi


Introduction


were sadly in need of his presence in Paris; his relatives had
secured his furlough by the exercise of much personal influence. But the governor, needing all his useful men, deferred
compliance, promising it for the close of the campaign, and
Lahontan had no alternative but to advance a second time into
the country of the Iroquois.
This campaign, while more fruitful than the preceding,
effected nothing further than an invasion of the land of the
Seneca, the laying waste of their villages and harvests, and
the construction at Niagara of a fort designed to check their
aggressions. It was upon this expedition that the few friendly
Iroquois, who had, under missionary tutelage, settled around
Fort Frontenac, were captured by the French and sent prisoners to France to serve in the royal galleys-a piece of
arrant treachery, which the wretched and misguided colony
was to expiate two years later in the fire and blood of the
massacre at Lachine. Lahontan's sympathies were so keenly
aroused by the unmerited sufferings of these innocent prisoners at Fort Frontenac, that he stood in close danger of falling
a victim to the wrath of the Algonkin allies, who, in their
savage fashion, delighted in maltreating the ill-fated Iroquois,
whom the missionaries had segregated from the care of their
own people. The baron had soundly thrashed some of the
young tormentors, but was immediately set upon by the
infuriated band, who "flew to their Fufees, in order to kill
me."  He was saved only by the interposition of the Canadians, who "affur'd 'em I was drunk (Among the Savages,
drunken Perfons are always excus'd: for, the Bottle attones




Introduction


XVI!


for all Crimes), that all the French were prohibited to give
me either Wine or Brandy, and that I fhould certainly be
imprifon'd as foon as the Campaign were over."
The campaign finished, Lahontan hoped to be allowed to
return to France, but before having an opportunity of
reminding Denonville of his promise of a furlough, the luckless officer was summoned to the great man's pres- Ordered
Ordered to
ence and informed that because of his knowledge the Upper
of native languages and his skill in forest diplomacy, Lakes.
he was detailed forthwith to the command of a detachment
destined to the upper lakes, in response to the request of the
wily Huron and Ottawa of Lake Huron, who wished to " fee
a Fort fo conveniently plac'd, which might favour their retreat upon any Expedition againft the Iroquefe... At the
fame time he affur'd me, he would inform the Court of the
Reafons that mov'd him to detain me in Canada, notwithftanding that he had orders to give me leave to go home.
You may eafily guefs, Sir, that I was thunderftruck with thefe
News, when I had fed myfelf all along with the hopes of
returning to France, and promoting my Intereft, which is now
fo much thwarted."
The commands of the governor were not to be questioned
by a subordinate, so the disappointed Lahontan, smothering
his grief with reflections upon his professional advancement,
once more turned his back on home, and hastily made preparations for his journey into the vast and almost unknown
region of the Northwest. " The Men of my Detachment,"
he writes, "are brisk proper fellows, and my Canows are both
b




Xviii                  Introduction
new and large. I am to go along with Mr. Duihut, a Lions
Gentleman, who is a Perfon of great Merit, and has done his
king and his Country very confiderable Services. M. de
Tonti makes another of our Company; and a Company of
Savages is to follow us."1
Among the motley war-party which Denonville had led to
his assault on the insolent Iroquois, was a band of the " far
Indians " brought by their commandant, La Durantaye, from
Fort St. the distant post of Mackinac. Sweeping down in a
Joseph. flotilla of birch-bark canoes, La Durantaye had halted
his savage forces at the head of the strait leading from Lake
Huron to Lake St. Clair; and there, on " the seventh of June,
i687, in the presence of the reverend Father Angeleran,
superior of the mission of the Outaouas at Michilimachinac,
of Ste. Marie du Sault, of the Miamis, of the Illinois, of the
Baie des Puans and of the Sioux, of M. de la Forest, late commandant of the fort at St. Louis at the Illinois, and of M. de
Beauvais, our lieutenant of the fort of St. Joseph at the strait
of Lakes Huron and Erie," had'erected the arms of France
and taken formal possession of this vast region in the name
of the king.'
The little fort of St. Joseph was a bastioned block-house
of logs, built the previous year by Duluth upon the orders
of the governor -one of the long chain of French posts
designed to keep English negotiants from the fur country,
I'Prise de possession (vol. x, fol. 2o6, Archives du Canada, at Paris), quoted in
Roy's excellent paper on " Le Baron de Lahontan," in Can. Roy. Soc. Proceedings, 1894, sec. i, p. 79, note.




Introduction


xix


and to control the vagrant coureurs des bois. This important
vantage point, refounded (I70I) some miles below by La
Mothe de la Cadillac, was the place to which the young
Gascon was designated, and for whose command he was
required to abandon the gayeties of Paris, and the more
important business regarding his estates. Setting forth from
Fort Niagara on the third of August, Lahontan and his companions proceeded westward as fast as the crude transportation facilities of their day would permit. The first Thejourstage was the long Niagara portage, "being oblig'd ney out.
to tranfport our Canows from a League and a half below the
great Fall of Niagara, to half a League above it. Before we
got at any beaten or level Path, we were forc'd to climb up
three Mountains, upon which an hundred Iroquefe might
have knock'd us all on the head with Stones." Frequently
attacked by these "cruel Fellows," Lahontan was naturally
much alarmed at the danger of falling into the hands of such
expert torturers, declaring that "To die is nothing but to
live in the midft of Fire is too much." This constant fear
apparently paralyzed our author's usual powers of description, for he dismisses with a scant paragraph the " fearful
Cataract," which nine years before the garrulous Friar Hennepin had so carefully pictured with both pen and pencil.
The little company of whites and savages " coafted along
the North-Coaft of the Lake of Erie," feasting abundantly on
fish and wild turkeys, and arrived at the mouth of Lake
Huron on the fourteenth of September. "You cannot imagine," he assures his correspondent, "the pleafant profpe6




XX


Introduction


of this Streight, and of the little Lake [of St. Clair]; for
their banks are cover'd with all forts of wild Fruit-Trees."
The garrison of the little log fortress "surrendered their
Poft very chearfully" to the newcomers and, being now
relieved from duty, in the way of their kind at once turned
fur-traders, and quickly scattered throughout the distant
camps of the savages.
Duluth and Tonty tarried for a few days, the former
having left some supplies at this station and being interested
in a crop of Indian corn which he had sown the previous
Life at Fort spring. Charmed with the beauty and free life of
St. Joseph. the country, the youthful commandant passed the
autumn agreeably enough, occupied with the chase, to which
he had become passionately devoted, and dallying with parties
of tribesmen that passed up and down bent on war, plunder,
or hunting. But the ensuing winter was rigorous to a degree
that restricted hunting, and the consequent short commons
is suggested by Lahontan's sly remark that the Jesuit Father
Claude Aveneau, who arrived towards the end of November
to serve as chaplain, " found no occafion to trouble himfelf
with preaching Abftinance from Meat in the time of Lent."
By the first of April (I688), the restless commander, no
doubt intensely wearied by the long and inactive winter, sought
excuse in his lack of provisions to set out with the majority of
Departure  his force - a small garrison being left at the fort
for Mackinac.  for the little French military and trading station
then on the north shore of the strait of Mackinac, to " buy
up Corn from the Hurons and Outaouans." Soon after his


I




Introduction


xxi


arrival at that distant outpost, there appeared there Abbe
Cavelier, La Salle's austere brother, and the other survivors
of the lost Texan colony of that ill-fated explorer.
At Mackinac Lahontan learned also that his own affairs in
France were in desperate straits. From the " fagg end of the
World " he thereupon addressed a letter to the Marquis de
Seignelay, then powerful at court, craving his pro- An appeal
tection for the " Son of a Gentleman that fpent for protection.
three hundred Crowns in deepening the Water of the two
Gaves of Bearn... rendering the Bar of Bayonne paffable
by a fifty Gun Ship, whereas in former times a Frigot of ten
Guns durft not venture over it... and the bringing down
of Mafts and Yards from the Pyrenean Mountains, which
could never have been effected, if he had not by his Care,
and by the disburfing of immenfe Sums, enlarged the quantity
of Water in the Gave of Oleron to a double proportion."
Not only, pleads our petitioner, had the entailed privileges
and fees been cut off at his father's death, but the son had
been denied several high political positions, " all which were
mine by Inheritance"; and now there followed "an unjuft
Seizure that fome pretended Creditors have made of the
Barony of la Hontan, of a piece of Ground that lies contiguous to it, and of a hundred thoufand Livres that lay in
the hands of the Chamber of Bayonne." He is confident
that his absence in the American wilds is the sole justification
of his creditors, and asks for "Leave to come home the next
Year," that he may confront and rout them.
The wander lust strong within his veins, the adventurous




XXll


Introduction


lieutenant roved as far afield as Sault Ste. Marie and the
neighboring regions, and in July joined a party of Chippewa
Rovings in  on an inglorious raid into the Iroquois country,
the Northwest. east of Lake Huron, stopping at his fort only to
land a few sacks of corn. It was upon this excursion, far
removed from his field of duty, that Lahontan was accompanied by the Huron chief, The Rat, whom he has idealized
and immortalized in his Voyages, under the title " Adario."
Late in the summer he returned to Fort St. Joseph, but
found the situation now untenable. Parties of Indians who
had stopped at the post for the usual parleying and presentFort St.  begging, brought news of the reduction of the garJoseph  rison at Niagara by disease and destitution, of its
abandoned.
probable abandonment, also of the peace which
Denonville was " clapping up" with their common foe, the
Iroquois. Lahontan reasoned that all this rendered his fort
of no value, that he had an accumulation of scarce two months'
provisions, and having received neither orders nor supplies
from the governor, was thus thrown upon his own discretion.
He therefore abandoned his command, burned the blockhouse and its stockade, and on the twenty-seventh of August
embarked with all his men for Mackinac, where he arrived on
the tenth of the following month. In the French edition of
his work, the commandant elaborately argues that while the
abandonment of his post would be a misdemeanor in an
officer in Europe, it was in the far interior of America an
example of military sagacity. Whatever may be one's judgment on this question, there is no evidence that Lahontan




Introduction


XXlll


because of this action was either reprimanded or degraded in
rank. Doubless Fort St. Joseph was valueless at this juncture
of affairs, and its destruction certainly resulted in no disadvantage to New France.
Upon reaching Mackinac with his detachment, the baron
found advices to the effect that he had been relieved, and
ordered to return with his men to Quebec, provided "the
Seafon and other Circumftances permit; or to tarry Ordered to
here till the Spring if I forefee unfurmountable Dif- Quebec.
ficulties in the Paffage." But the convoys for that year had
returned to the lower country, and the commandant at Mackinac and the savages united in representing to him the difficulties of the journey, the rapids to be run, the hazardous
portages to be made. With comparatively inexperienced
soldiers this was all but impossible, and they must perforce
content themselves in the upper country until the arrival of
spring.
Thus far Lahontan himself has been our guide; his
accounts of his own adventures and shortcomings have been
recorded in the letters with a naivete and a wealth of detail
that bear the stamp of verity. But we now come to Epditi
Expedition
that apochryphal relation in the Voyages, which for to the
many years has caused the entire work to be rejected
by historians as fiction —the alleged journey to the River
Long. Writing to his friend under date of September IS, he
announces his intention "to travel through the Southern
Countries that I have fo often heard of," for "I cannot mew
my felf up here all this Winter." The following May he gives




xxiv


Introduction


to his correspondent a particularized and highly readable
account of the tour which he pretends to have made, accompanied by " my own Detachment and five good Huntsmen of
the Outaouas," later supplemented by Fox (Outagami) guides.
Leaving Mackinac on the twenty-fourth of September,
the story goes, the explorers coasted along the northwest
shore of Lake Michigan, visited the Sauk, Potawatomi, and
Menominee villages on Green Bay, ascended Fox River, made
the mile-and-a-half swampy portage to the Wisconsin (October I6-I9), and arrived at the Mississippi four days later.
Working their way up that river, the party reached the mouth
of the River Long on the second of November. This the
baron claims to have ascended for many leagues, visiting upon
its banks the wonderful nations of the Eokoros, Esanapes,
and Gnacsitares, from whom he gathered information concerning the Mozeemlek and Tahuglauk beyond; also of a
river in the far West that emptied itself into a salt lake of
three hundred leagues in circumference. At the western
limit of this voyage, Lahontan, as was the custom of French
explorers in that day, set up a long pole, bearing the "Arms
of France done upon a Plate of Lead."
Upon the twenty-sixth of January (I689), the adventurers
set out upon the return, reaching the Mississippi on the second of March. Continuing their trip as far down stream as
the mouth of the Ohio, they returned to Illinois River, by
means of which and the Chicago portage they entered Lake
Michigan, finally arriving at Mackinac the twenty-second of
May. Two weeks later, in the company of twelve Ottawa




Introduction


XXV


Indians, in two canoes, our author set out for Montreal by
the Ottawa River route, after an absence of two years in the
wilderness and among the savages of the Northwest.
"July the 9th I arriv'd at Montreal, after venturing down
feveral fearful Cataracts in the River of the Outaouas, and
enduring the hardfhips of fifteen or twenty Land-carriages,
fome of which are above a League in length." Near- Thereturn
ing Montreal, his canoe overturned in the Sault St. to Quebec.
Louis, but he was saved by the adroitness of the Chevalier de
Vaudreuil-"The only time I was in danger," he exclaims,
"through the whole courfe of my Voyages." He found the
colony calmly watching the departure of the unpopular Governor Denonville, but eagerly awaiting the return of the Count
de Frontenac, "for that Governour drew Efteem and Veneration, not only from the French, but from all the Nations of
this vaft Continent, who look'd upon him as their Guardian
Angel."
But when the new governor came on the fitteenth of October, he " countermanded the leave I had to go for France,
and has offer'd me a free accefs to his Pocket and his Table... and fo I am bound to obey." Frontenac made The friend of
of the penniless and now disconsolate baron a com- Frontenac.
panion on his journeyings, and, because of his wide experience
at the farthest outposts, and his close studies of the aborigines, took counsel of him in regard to remedies for the
desperate condition of New France.  In the spring (I690),
the governor offered to send his protegi on an embassy to the
Iroquois; but having no wish again to place his head within




xxvi


Introduction


the lion's jaws, Lahontan skilfully obtained an excuse from
the mission. He records with self-gratulation that the Chevalier d'Aux, going in his stead, was seized, bound, and sent
to a long imprisonment at Boston.
Lahontan, meanwhile following the governor's train, was
at Montreal when news came of the English invasion under
Phips. Hurrying to the capital with his chief, he was in time
to witness the withdrawal of the discomfited English admiral
(October), and to be chosen by Frontenac to carry the glad
tidings to the king and court. Thus, after seven years of
At the French life upon the frontiers of civilization, the bronzed
court.    young officer reappeared at the social capital of the
world, a solicitor of favors at the court of the great Louis.
Unfortunately his protector Seignelay was now dead, and the
new ministers, the Messrs. Pontchartrain, looked with slight
favor upon the nonchalant adventurer from America. They
coldly made answer to his petitions for redress, that he could
have but the summer to regulate his affairs, for in the autumn
he must embark once more for Quebec. However, by way of
reward for the welcome news he had brought, Lahontan was
promoted to a captaincy in his corps, and created a chevalier
of the order of Notre Dame of Mont-Carmel and of St.
Lazarre. With his customary cynicism the recipient, who had
paid roundly in fees for this last empty title, declares that
" The Ceremony of that Inftalment was perform'd in Mr. de
Louvois his Chamber, and did not laft fo long as the telling
of the Money." The new chevalier had entertained hopes
that his uncle, the generous Abbe des Couttes, might bestow




Introduction


Xxvii


upon him some simple benefice; but a scruple of conscience
stood in the way of granting church money to one who, like
Lahontan, scoffed at religion and its priests, and the infidel
applicant was sent away empty-handed. With parting jibes
at the venality and favoritism prevalent at the court, the young
captain left Versailles, and, with no apparent reluctance, for his
estate was now beyond resuscitation, started for La Rochelle,
where he again embarked for Canada.
The eighteenth of September, I691, found captain the
Baron de Lahontan, now in his twenty-fifth year, once more
climbing the steep and winding roadway which ascends the
cliff of Quebec, and meeting at the chateau of his.aiin
Again in
friend Frontenac the same generous hospitality which Canada.
had previously been his, and that of many another luckless
gentleman of that day. The winter was exceptionally gay at
the governor's little court. Balls and theatricals were much
in vogue among the official class and the fur-trade and rustic
aristocracy; but the Jesuits vigorously condemned these
practices, and declaimed publicly against the satellites who
hung about the head of the colony. The anti-clerical Lahontan
was no doubt spurred thereby into a still more active participation in the sports and vices of the capital.
To this period probably belongs his experience with Mlle.
Genevieve d'Amours, a romance which he relates under an
easily-penetrated disguise. No doubt the young people met
freely during the winter's amusements, since the Lahontan's
lady was a god-daughter of the governor, and be- romance.
longed to the family of one of the royal councillors. Her




xxviii               Introduction
brothers were, as well, prominent young Canadians, whose
attachment for the life of the woods, common to the young
gentlemen of New France, had tempted them to the wilderness of Pentagoet and the picturesque River St. John, where
among the Abenaki savages they had encountered a pleasant
English gentleman from Boston, who traded thither. The
fortunes of war had brought this trader a prisoner to Quebec,
where the genial Frontenac treated him with marked courtesy,
and releasing him on parole made him a participant in the
pleasures of the court. All of these friends conspired in
making a match between our baron and the brilliant young
beauty. On his part, the governor promised licenses to the
sum of seven to eight thousand livres; the English guest
requested leave to add a thousand more-this, with the
dowry of a thousand already possessed by the lady, would
have recuperated the ruined baron's fortunes; and, basking
as they did in the governor's favor, might have started the
couple on the high road to prosperity.  But suddenly the
negotiations came to a standstill; the young cynic proved
stubborn, and would not sign the contract. He requested
two months in which to consider, then two months morewhich causes one to wonder at the young woman's patience;
but no doubt Lahontan was a handsome fellow, with many
social graces, and considered a most eligible parti. At last
he found his liberty more precious than an establishment in
life, and repented of having desired to make her as unhappy
as himself. " They were far from expecting any fuch retra&cation; fo the poor reform'd Captain fuffer'd for it, for fome




Introduction


xxix


time after Mr. de Frontenac did him a piece of Injuftice, in
beftowing a vacant Company over his Head, upon Madame
de Pontchartrain's Nephew, notwithftanding that the Court
had fent orders on his behalf."
Our author's nonchalance, however, did not forsake him;
it was not long before he presented a memorial concerning the
defences of the upper country against the ravaging Iroquois,
in which plan the forgiving Frontenac discovered so Ai d
Again desmuch merit that it pleased him to order Lahontan to patched to
France.
go in person to present his project to the ministry.
In the summer of I692, therefore, the captain once more
started for the Old World, again bearing the governor's despatches to the court at Versailles.
Putting in at Plaisance (the Placentia of our day), a new
French post upon the southeastern peninsula of Newfoundland, the frigate which bore him awaited the fishing fleet
which it was, according to custom, to convoy to The defense
France. Just as they were about weighing anchor, of Plaiance.
in the third week of September, a fisherman arrived at the fort
with the startling news that five English frigates were bearing
up the bay.  Governor de Brouillon, despite his deficient
fortifications and scarcity of ammunition, made immediate
arrangements for a vigorous defense.  Lahontan was sent
with sixty habitants to repulse the landing of the English
marines. This being skilfully achieved, the English offered
to parley, whereupon Lahontan and a companion were chosen
to go aboard the admiral's ship, where they were received
with much courtesy.   Negotiations failing, the governor




XXX


Introduction


pushed the defenses with such vigor that the English were
obliged to withdraw, after firing two thousand cannon shots
at the fort and burning some neighboring fishing villages and
their drying scaffolds.
A second time the fortune befell Lahontan to be the bearer
of good tidings to the royal ear, again to tell of the repulse of
a powerful English fleet by a handful of defenders better
equipped with courage and energy than with assistance and
powder. Armed with this pleasing message, the
At Versailles.
captain arrived in France after a comparatively
brief voyage of seventeen days, and shortly after presented
himself at Versailles. The court, however, was more ready to
receive agreeable news than to furnish the sinews of war for
the far-away colony. Lahontan's ingenious project for the
defense of the upper lake region smacked of large expenditures, hence was dismissed with scant ceremony; but he himself was rewarded with the command of an independent company of a hundred men, and the highly honorable position of
lieutenant of the king for Newfoundland and Acadia. Our
author correctly ascribes his good fortune to no other patron
than good chance, remarking at the same time: "I fhould
have been better pleas'd if I could have put the abovemention'd Project in execution, for a folitary Life is moft grateful to me, and the manners of the Savages are perfectly agreeable to my Palate." The free, roving life of the Great West
of his day was vastly superior, in the opinion of this man of
spirit, to immolation upon the storm-swept fjords of gloomy




Introduction


xxxi


Newfoundland, second in command to a governor of suspicious habits and capricious temper.
His new honors proved the undoing of our unfortunate
adventurer. The coming upon the scene of a royal lieutenant
sadly disarranged De Brouillon's plans for his own emolument
and the advancement of his family. Lahontan was
Royal lieutenreceived at Plaisance with grudging welcome, and ant in Newfoundland.
soon an open feud broke out between the new
official and his chief. It was not soothing to the irascible
governor's spirits, that the inhabitants took the part of the
subordinate who would not become his puppet; that the
ready pen and caustic wit of the latter made lampoons concerning his superior, which were sung publicly in the taverns
of Plaisance; and that even the Recollect friars protected the
young gallant in his escapades, and spoke in his behalf.
After the autumnal departure of the ships for France,
carrying to the court De Brouillon's accusations against his
lieutenant, the former began more freely to show his temper.
One evening Lahontan was entertaining some of the D Brouilon's
residents, when his door was suddenly burst open, persecution of
Lahontan
the governor and his train of serving men entered
masked, and began to break the glass and windows, handle
the furniture roughly, and destroy all else that came beneath
their hands. By the time the baron could load his pistols, the
intruders were gone; but only to fall upon his servants the
next morning, and give them an unmerciful drubbing.
The lieutenant, alleging fear for his own life, determined




Xxxii


Introduction


to escape. The skipper of a small fishing boat that lay in the
harbor accepted the offer of a thousand livres to carry the
Anunwise fugitive to Europe; and thus, a second time desertescape.  ing his post of duty, he fled from the hateful situation
-an unwise step, which brought a sweet revenge for De
Brouillon, for it wrought the gallant young officer's downfall.
It was the fourteenth of December, nearly always a boisterous
month off the dread coast of wreck-strewn Newfoundland;
but the risk was taken, several "terrible Storms" were encountered, and once they were shot at by a French privateer
-at last, however, the little vessel landed her passenger safely
in a harbor of Portugal, for he dared not attempt to seek
shelter in France, where the only welcome he might expect
was disgrace and the Bastille.
By slow stages the unfortunate runaway now journeyed
into Holland, the home of refugees who were "awaiting
patiently till it pleafes God that M. de Pontchartrain fhould
either remove to Paradife or do Juftice" to the wronged.
Wanderings of From Holland he visited Hamburg, whence
the refugee.  (June 19, I694), he sent a letter which was intended to fall under the notice of the French court, containing an account of the survivors of La Salle's last expedition,
whom he claimed to have met in that city. The ministry at
once authorized investigation, only to find that Lahontan had
invented the tale out of whole cloth. in the vain hope of
winning favor at court.l
1Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements des Franfais (Paris, 1876-85), iv,
pp. 6-8.




Introduction


xxxiii


Meanwhile, our author had proceeded to Copenhagen,
where he ingratiated himself with the French ambassador, De
Bonrepaux, who sent him to Versailles with favorable letters
designed to secure his pardon and re-instatement in the king's
favor; but his majesty, ever a severe disciplinarian, declined to
receive the justification of an officer who had transgressed
against his superior, and Lahontan had no recourse but to
betake himself in disgrace to his native province, where, his
barony having long since been confiscated, he found himself
an unwelcome guest. An order having gone forth for his
arrest, he avoided it in the nick of time by escaping across
the border into Spain, whence emanated the last of his Letters,
dated at Saragossa, October 8, I695.
Thence, until the initial publication of his book in Holland
(I703), we have no details concerning the whereabouts of the
poor fugitive. In the prefaces of the various editions, one
may trace his wanderings from the Low Countries
Last days at
to Denmark, thence to Hanover, whence he visited  the court of
Hanover.
England, until the year I7I0 finds him at the court
of the Elector of Hanover, recognized as an accomplished
man beset by ill fortune, and maintained as the friend and
companion of the philosopher Leibnitz. The unfortunate
officer had then, according to the latter,l a number of works
prepared which he would give to the press, if his now impaired health should improve. He appears to have died soon
after this, apparently in I715, but the actual date of his decease
is not known.  A year or so later, Leibnitz published a
1 Leibnitz, Epistol. ad diversos (Berlin, 17Io), iv, p. 22.
g




xxxiv


Introduction


posthumous essay by Lahontan, under the title, Riponse d la
lettre d'un particulier opposee au manifeste de S. M. le roi de la
Grande-Bretagne contre la Sucde, proving that he followed the
increasing fortunes of his protector, the Elector of Hanover,
and was ready to aid that ruler's cause with his pamphleteering pen. Parkman also cites1 a Memoir on the Fur-trade of
Canada, written in the English interest, which was once in the
library of the poet Southey.
Lahontan's Voyages to North America was avowedly printed
as a last resource on the part of the bankrupt fugitive. We
have seen that every vestige of hope regarding the resusciVoyages tation of his estate had vanished, and all appeals to
Voyages                                           *r
published  the court for reinstatement had proved futile; in this
revenge crisis, the Letters, which in the event of his monarch's
favor might have been consigned to the flames, were brought
forth from their obscurity and given to the world - his distress thus proving our gain. While these now classic epistles
were printing in Holland, Lahontan passed over to England,
where he secured the patronage of the powerful Duke of
Devonshire, and put out an English translation of his work,
which in some respects is preferable to the original French.
The vogue of the baron's book was immediate and widespread, and must have soon replenished his slender purse. In
simple sentences, easily read and comprehended by the masses,
Their    Lahontan recounted not only his own adventures
popularity, and the important events that occurred beneath
his eyes in the much-talked-of region of New France, but
ILa Salle and the Discovery of the Great West (Boston, 1879), p. 169.




Introduction


XXXV


drew a picture of the simple delights of life in the wilderness,
more graphic than had yet been presented to the European
world. His idyllic account of manners and customs among
the savages who dwelt in the heart of the American forest, or
whose rude huts of bark or skin or matted reeds nestled by
the banks of its far-reaching waterways, was a picture which
fascinated the "average reader" in that romantic age, eager
to learn of new lands and strange peoples. In the pages of
Lahontan the child of nature was depicted as a creature of
rare beauty of form, a rational being thinking deep thoughts
on great subjects, but freed from the trammels and frets of
civilization, bound by none of its restrictions, obedient only
to the will and caprice of his own nature. In this American
Arcady were no courts, laws, police, ministers of An American
state, or other hampering paraphernalia of gov- Arcady.
ernment; each man was a law unto himself, and did what
seemed good in his own eyes. Here were no monks and
priests, with their strictures and asceticisms, but a natural,
sweetly-reasonable religion. Here no vulgar love of money
pursued the peaceful native in his leafy home; without distinction of property, the rich man was he who might give most generously. Aboriginal marriage was no fettering life-covenant,
but an arrangement pleasing the convenience of the contracting parties. Man, innocent and unadorned, passed his life in
the pleasures of the chase, warring only in the cause of the
nation, scorning the supposititious benefits of civilization, and
free from its diseases, misery, sycophancy, and oppression.




xxxvi


Introduction


In short, the American wilderness was the seat of serenity and
noble philosophy.
Europeans weary of courts and their futile ambitions,
found in all this a delightful representation. Moreover, the
keenest curiosity had been aroused among them regarding the
New World - a land so enormous that its breadth
European curiosity regarding had as yet been scarcely half-spanned by the most
the New World.
adventurous of the roving coureurs de bois; a
region of great rivers and amazing cataracts, of lakes like
inland oceans, and vast unknown stretches wherein roamed
mysterious beasts of prey, and animals clad in furs which
might be envied by a monarch. All statements from such a
realm were to be accepted as a matter of course. The Relations of the Jesuits had been read with absorbing interest by
people with a turn for piety. Those more liberal in their
thinking turned with amused tolerance to the books of the
garrulous and worldly Recollect, Friar Hennepin, or found
keen but perhaps not too open enjoyment in the neatlyprinted volumes of the audacious and cynical Baron de Lahontan, with their numerous flings at the polity and teachings of
the Canadian Jesuits, and many a well-considered thrust at
king and ministry also. A glance at Mr. Paltsits's Bibliography is sufficient to prove the demand for Lahontan's
Voyages -a taste lasting well into the middle of the eighteenth
century.
In estimating the historical value of this work, it is well to
bear in mind what we believe to be its double purpose-that
of a satire upon European life and civilization, and a narration




Introduction


xxxvii


of the author's adventures in new and unknown realms. The
first understood and allowed for, the book becomes Practical
of great utility to the student of life and conditions utility to
in the forests and hamlets of New France. Here is
no rambling journal-writer, like Father Hennepin, puffed up
by inordinate vanity. Lahontan relates in a clear, straightforward manner all that came before his eyes. With vivid
strokes, he pictures the thinly diffused colony of New France
-fishing hamlets fringing the fog-drenched fjords of sprucemantled Newfoundland; the fur-trade rendezvous at gloomy
Tadoussac; habitants nestled upon the billowy shores of the
St. Lawrence, or on waving meadows at the mouths of its tributaries, which come swiftly coursing from out the dark forests
hanging on its rugged rim; the capital, perched defiantly on
the steep cliff of Quebec, overlooking hillsides and rolling
plains, in his day becoming well-dotted with the whitewashed
stone cabins of a thrifty peasantry; Three Rivers, the centre
of a widespread commerce; ecclesiastical Montreal, shadowed by its mountain, and ever alert against the crouching
Iroquois; and beyond that - up the stately Ottawa or along
the far-reaching waters of the upper lakes, and still farther
beyond upon the interlocking drainage systems of the continental interior -the isolated camps of coureurs de bois, and
little log fortresses, like that of St. Joseph, seeking to hold
the wilderness trade against all comers.
A participant in some of the most stirring campaigns in
the brilliant epoch of Frontenac's government, Lahontan presents to us admirable reports of these events. We have also in




XXXViii


Introduction


his pages first-hand accounts of the political institutions of the
colony - its officials, courts, and local government, combined
with incisive characterizations of the respective governors,
intendants, and official noblesse.  The strutting functionary,
the zealous Jesuit who balks at no hazard, the gay soldier,
the hardy habitant, the roving coureur de bois, and the naked
savage, all stand out in bold relief upon his pages. Even the
birds and animals, the plants, and the minerals of this strange
land do not escape our observer's eye.  Thus not only in
history, but in topography, geography, ethnology, and natural
history, all of it the record of personal knowledge, Lahontan's
work stands as one of the important sources for the intimate
study of New France.
The frequent neglect of Lahontan by scientific and historical students, has not been justified by the lack of material
in his pages. As already intimated, it is in large measure due
Investigations to the spurious character of the alleged discovery
as to the  of the River Long, described in the sixteenth
River Long.
Letter.  Investigators have, from this one chapter,
rejected all. The geographers of the time, eager for information regarding heretofore unknown regions in North America,
were easily deceived by the circumstantial character of our
author's fluent description, and especially by his map of the
mythical waterway; and in consequence the river was incorporated in several maps published early in the eighteenth
century, persisting even down to that of Vaugondy, corrected
to I783.   But doubts soon arose in the minds of some.
Hennepin had omitted to mention such a stream, or the




Introduction


xxxix


peoples that Lahontan had placed upon its banks. The
miner and trader Le Sueur, a colleague of Iberville, who
ascended the Mississippi nearly to its source and passed two
years (I700-o2) upon its upper waters, reported neither the
Long nor its tribes.  Perrot and Duluth, eminent forest
rangers of the period, knew no such river —but they were
not authors; and it was probably not until Charlevoix visited
the country (1721) and published his Journal historique, that
the spurious nature of Lahontan's pretended discovery fully
dawned upon the European world. In 1728 a French expedition built a fort upon Lake Pepin, in the upper Mississippi
-one of the chain which was to further the discovery of a
route to the Pacific. Its officers found the Issati of Hennepin
and the Scioux of Le Sueur, but no traces of the Eokoros,
Esanapes, Gnacsitares, and Mozeemleks of Lahontan. Scepticism now succeeded to faith in the author's verity, and
neglect to the former vogue of his works.
Many hypotheses have been advanced, to account for
Lahontan's wilful tale. The theory of interpolation, sometimes applied to Hennepin, has been suggested in this case;
but the style of the baron's story of his far Western Hypotheses
tour is quite in keeping with that of the entire work advanced.
- Letters and Dialogue carry, throughout, the evidence of
coming from one and the same hand. Others have seen in
the narrative of the journey only exaggeration of possible
facts, and have sought to identify the fabulous waterway with
the St. Peter's (present Minnesota), whose latitude somewhat
closely corresponds with Lahontan's River Long. The late




xl


Introduction


Elliot Coues followed the suggestion of the explorer Nicollet,
that the St. Peter's, with its principal affluent the Cannon,
may be of sufficient length to justify the baron's description;
and that this southward tributary being the last to freeze,
might account for the journey thither in the dead of winter.
Still others have seen in the Moingona (present Des Moines)
a river whose long, straight stretch from the West may be
identical with Lahontan's famous stream. Those who have
studied the subject more carefully -such as the baron's latest
biographer, Edmond Roy- point out the impossibility of
reconciling the pretended voyage with the rest of the author's
descriptions. They note that upon leaving Mackinac for the
West, the traveller, formerly giving precise and detailed information as to dates and routes, becomes indistinct. The daily
occurrences and episodes of a journey, that give it an air of
verisimilitude, are now forced and betray invention; the tribes
encountered do not speak with the same certain ring as the
Iroquois and Algonquian savages whom the author meets
elsewhere in his travels, but have an air of posing, while their
customs, manners, mode of government, and diplomacy is
that of imaginary rather than of real beings; finally, by careful
calculation and comparison there is not found available time
for so extensive a voyage in birch-bark canoes.
In Roy's opinion, the impecunious fugitive, eager for
quick returns, doubtless thought the unvarnished record of a
simple officer now in disgrace, would attract few buyers for
the volume; he must, in order to secure patronage and
readers, pose as a discoverer, and imitate the achievements of




Introduction


xli


Marquette and La Salle. Possibly he may have entertained
a distant hope of being again despatched to his beloved wilderness, on a mission of further exploration and discovery.
In the interior of America he had spent many days with
Perrot and Duluth, who knew the West as probably no other
white men did. Out of their reports, the published accounts
of Membre, La Salle, Marquette, and Hennepin, and chance
information received from the Indians, he may have obtained
the material for the tale of his marvellous journey, and imposed it upon the public for the sake of gain. That he was
not incapable of such a feat, his letter on the survivors of La
Salle's ill-fated colony, already cited, is sufficient proof.
There remains to be accounted for,-his disposition of the
time claimed to have been spent upon this voyage of discovery.  We have seen that having abandoned Fort St.
Joseph, he arrived at Mackinac in the second week of September, I688. It is hardly probable that this uneasy Whathedid
spirit remained cooped up at that frontier post with his
winter.
until his descent to the colony the following summer. With his habits of forest ranging, his fondness for the
chase, his delight in savage comrades, it is not difficult to see
how he might have spent the few months of this interval.
What more probable than that he joined a band of Wisconsin tribesmen -probably Foxes (Outagami), from his choice
of them as guides for his pretended expedition   journey to
A journey to
returning from a trading venture at Mackinac, and Wisconsin
after a winter in their villages and hunting camps  ugge
returned to the French outpost in time to descend with the




xlii


Introduction


season's convoy to Montreal? This would readily explain his
apparent familiarity with the northwest shores of Lake Michigan, with Green Bay, and the Fox River, and his subsequent
vagueness in regard to the Wisconsin and the Mississippi.
Again, may not the entire account of the voyage to the
River Long, and of the savage Arcady which he found established upon its banks, be deliberately part and parcel of his.A satire atire upon European customs and manners-a
A satire on
others' dis- cynical rebuke to the credulity of the reading world,
coveries.
and a parody upon the avidity of the explorers of
his day to find a route through the continent of America to
the land of the great khan of Tartary? May one not see in
this an anticipation of Swift, in his more famous Gulliver's
Travels, and recognize in Lahontan's fantastic Eokoros, Esanapes, etc., the predecessors if not the prototypes of Liliputians and Brobdignagians?
It fell to the lot of this unfortunate man, possessed of
keen powers of observation, a biting wit, a passion for justice, and an independence of mind and temper verging upon
Anunfortu- license, to see his patrimony stolen through the
nate career. chicanery of the law; to plead in vain for justice,
at the doors of partial and corrupt ministers; to be bound
to military service in the remote quarters of the world, and
thus for years deprived of opportunity to meet the harpies
who were sapping his inheritance; to suffer indignities at the
hands of his superior, and injudiciously flying the scene to
become the victim of still greater injustice; to be refused
redress of every sort at the court of the most powerful mon



Introduction


xliii


arch of his time, and to be driven from one court to another
an exile and fugitive, seeking patronage which was grudgingly granted. It is not surprising that even in his earlier
years his wit turned caustic, his independence became caprice,
his observation developed into satire, his reason became cynicism. Add to all this an inconstant habit of mind, easily
overcome by ennui, and a tendency to seek diversion in fantastic amusements, in coarse and sensual pleasures, in familiar
contact with social inferiors and with savages, and the secret
of both Lahontan's success and failure is laid bare.
During his protracted sea-voyages, unending days in wilderness garrisons, and long months of campaigning in gloomy
forests, Lahontan brooded upon the blemishes of civilization,
contrasting it caustically with the simplicity of B
barbarism, and erecting an ideal system of sav- the blemishes
of civilization.
age perfection, which he used as a whip to lash
the vices of his time. With the European passion for money,
he compares the communal life of the North American aborigine who seeks to satisfy only his immediate needs, and
shares his possessions with whoever needs them; over against
the servile caste spirit of the courtier, he places the proud
independence of each Indian warrior; with the rigid bonds of
the married state, he contrasts the easy libertinism of the barbarian; with the elaborate ritual and dogmas of the Church,
the primitive nature myths of the sons of the forest. Both
the legal and medical professions stand for their share of sarcasm- the flaws in French jurisprudence are ruthlessly thrust
forth to view, the ignorance and malpractice of European




xliv


Introduction


physicians denounced. The comforts and luxuries of civilization are ridiculed, while the hardships and paucity of wilderness
life are minimized. In short, to quote the words of his marvellous Huronian, Adario, " The Great Spirit has vouchfaf'd us
an honeft Mould, while Wickednefs neftles in yours; and that
he fends you into our Country, in order to have an opportunity of Correcting your Faults, and following our Example."
Lahontan's scorn of civilization and exaltation of savagery,
culminate in the famous Dialogue between him and Adario -
The Dialogue a bit of clever satire modelled on the Dialogues of
with Adario.  Lucian, whom we have seen was one of our author's
favorite classics. With vision as keen as his Latin prototype,
he scoffs at the hypocrisies, shams, corruptions, and other deformities of the world of the seventeenth century, in a manner
as bold and with a wit as incisive as his fellow satirist of the
second.   Nor do the Voyages lack Lucian's obscenity and
occasional indecency-indeed, this is of so gross a character
that some critics have thought Lahontan, the gentleman,
scholar, and officer, could hardly be guilty of it; deeming it
not unlikely that these touches were either the additions
of the English translator - the Dialogue is much more extended in the English than in other editions - or the emendations of a certain unfrocked and ribald French friar, Nicolas
Gueudeville, also a refugee in Holland, and well known as a
political and religious satirist, as well as a writer on geographical discoveries.l Indeed, some authorities have credited to
1 Nicolas Gueudeville, the son of a Rouen physician, was born about i650 or 1654
-authorities differ. Becoming a Benedictine friar, he finally abjured Catholicism,
which necessitated his fleeing at once and taking refuge in Holland, where about 1690




Introduction


xlv


Gueudeville the entire book popularly attributed to Lahontan.
We are not, however, inclined to this sweeping judgment,
believing that the work bears throughout unmistakable evidence of Lahontan's hand - the philosophy of the satire
frequently crops out through the most sober narrative, and
the historical facts and ethnological information are clearly
the product of a man of accurate observation thoroughly conversant with the facts. While it is of course quite possible
that Gueudeville may have assisted in sharpening the weapon,
we have no direct evidence of this fact; and there is no
doubt that the Dialogue is quite in accord with the spirit of
Lahontan, hence may properly be treated as substantially the
latter's production.
Two suggestions made by our author deserve more than
passing remark, as showing still further what manner of man
he was, and how the colony of New France might have benefited from   the adoption of his plans. The first conLahontan's
cerns the project of garrisoning the upper lakes, in          plans of
order to    prevent Iroquois incursions and         British
trading ventures.      The astute Frontenac thought his young
friend's plan of sufficient importance to send the author to
he married. His publications were numerous. For several years he edited at the
Hague a journal of political satire, L'Esprit des cours de l'Europe, in which the French
government was violently attacked. Suppressed on the instigation of that power,
Gueudeville revived the sheet under a slight change of title, and it enjoyed a large circulation. In 1704 he republished Lahontan's Dialogue, at Amsterdam; in 1705, he
issued at Leyden a five-volume encyclopaedia of universal history; in Amsterdam,
1713-21, there appeared his seven-volume Atlas historique, in which figured Lahontan's River Long. His translations of Plautus, Erasmus, etc., were mediocre, showing
a pen inferior to that of Lahontan, who had quite caught the classical style. Gueudeville appears to have died about 1721.




xlvi'


Introduction


propose it at Versailles. Had it been carried out —the important portages guarded, and the trade concentrated in
competent hands -it is fair to presume that the subsequent
ruinous Fox wars in Wisconsin might have been averted, the
integrity of New France preserved, and the English defied.
La Mothe Cadillac, developing one portion of the plan,
secured the upper country for New France for nearly sixty
years.
Lahontan's other project was, to people the sparselysettled colony with the Huguenot heretics, whose energy,
industry, and steadfastness went to the building up of the
rivals and enemies of France.  The short-sighted
A plea for
Huguenot Louis would have greatly strengthened his hold upon
settlementAmerica, had his Protestant population, expelled
from the mother land through the revocation of the edict of
Nantes, been permitted to turn their steps toward Canada.
Lahontan's vision was in this regard, however, in advance of
his contemporaries.
There remains but to notice a few of the lesser points in
which Lahontan shows his sagacity, foresight, and purely
modern spirit.  In an age of cruel punishments, he was
Lahontan's humane beyond his time. He had no patience with
qualities. the torture and cruelty of savage warfare, and its
imitation by the half-barbarized frontiersmen of New France.
The inquisition, as studied by him in Portugal, he denounced
rather for its cruelties than its intolerance. He makes the
savage Adario inveigh against taking testimony by means of
the rack.  In all this sensitiveness to physical suffering he




Introduction


xlvii


shows the fineness of his spirit, and the delicacy of his organization. Moreover, while railing at the prevalent beliefs of
his time, he is not himself intolerant; he has erected no
counter system of philosophy before which his contemporaries must bow; he sees good in various systems of religion,
laws, and government, even while he satirizes their deformities
and extravances.
In many ways Lahontan was a precursor of some of the
great thinkers of the Revolutionary period in France. His
was not the spirit of his own age - the devout worshiping of
supreme power as vested in Louis XIV, and of supreme
authority as resting in the church of Rome. By    Lahontan's
nature, Lahontan was an investigator and a critic. Philosophy
ain advance
No institution, no custom, no mode of thought was of his time.
by him accepted on faith or by tradition - each must run the
gauntlet of his reasoning powers, and show its worth in the
light of cold rationalism. His mind was passionately just;
in the midst of his cynicism he is fair - even the Jesuits
receive from him their meed of praise: he admits their chastity and good works, while despising what he deems their
prudery and bigotry. Taking him as a whole, Lahontan was
a generation in advance of his age. The Zeitgeist from the
hills of the future descended upon him. In his hatred and
scorn of the current ecclesiasticism and despotism, he anticipated Rousseau; his cynical criticism of existing institutions
foreshadowed Voltaire; his exaltation of the virtues and
blessings of the savage state, preluded the Encyclopedists.
In the Discours sur l'Origine et les Fondements de l'Inegalitdparmi




xlviii                Introduction
les ommes, Rousseau apparently borrows many ideas from Lahontan's Dialogue; Chateaubriand's gentle barbarian Atala
is brother to the astute and charming Adario.
We have sought to reproduce the old text as closely as
possible, with its typographic and orthographic peculiarities,
our wish being to preserve the " atmosphere" of the original.
Exact    It has, however, been found advisable here and
reproduction. there to make a few minor mechanical changes;
these consist almost wholly of palpable blemishes, the result
of negligent proof-reading in the edition followed -such as
turned letters, transposed letters, slipped letters, and misspacings. Such corrections have been made without specific
mention; but in some instances the original errors have been
retained, and in juxtaposition the correction given within
brackets. Throughout, we indicate the pagination of the old
edition which we are reprinting, by inclosing within brackets
the number of each page at its beginning, e. g. [75]; in the one
instance, in the second volume, where a page was, as the fruit
of carelessness in make-up, misnumbered in the original, we
have given the incorrect as well as the correct figure, thus:
[276, i. e. 279].
In the preparation for the press of this reprint of the
original London edition of I703, the Editor has had throughout the valued cooperation of Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph. D.,
Aid        his editorial assistant on the staff of the Wisconsin
acknowledged.  Historical Society.  He is also under especial
obligations to Victor Hugo Paltsits, of the Lenox Branch




Introduction


xlix


of the New York Public Library, whose careful and scientifically constructed Bibliography of Lahontan was prepared for
the present publication. As in the case of Hennepin, a year
ago, Mr. Paltsits has here given us the first accurate Bibliography of this difficult subject thus far issued.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., October, I904.


d




I




LAHONTAN BIBLIOGRAPHY


BY VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS
T   HE path trodden by the bibliographer who undertakes a critical
study of the various editions of the voyages of the Baron de
Lahontan is beset with innumerable stumbling-blocks. Vagaries in
the books themselves; imperfections of extant or available copies in
libraries; and the fact that no complete series exists in the libraries of
any single city-all these conditions he encounters in his investigations. He discovers also, by the most painstaking analysis, that others
who have dealt with the subject have tabulated editions as extant
which never existed; and that numerous errors have been perpetuated
by the shirking of independent research.
The bibliography presented herewith has been made from the
books themselves - generally by testing the collations by several copies.
Only by this method has it been possible to present an almost definitive work. Yet, after all the care bestowed, it is not unlikely, on
account of the difficulty of finding immaculate copies of certain editions, that some plates or maps are not here recorded. The books of
Lahontan have not been collected with that avidity which we find
elsewhere evident in this collecting age.
The present bibliography differs from all of its predecessors, in that
it gives an analysis of each volume by its component parts, by its pagination, by its signatures, and by the location of its plates and maps.
This is, to coin a new term, anatomical bibliography, and follows an
idea which I have sought, in several similar monographic studies, to




lii


Lahontan Bibliography


introduce as a more scholarly method in American bibliography. Only
by such means can the librarian, scholar, or collector ascertain whether
his books are perfect, or wherein they lack completeness. The mere
lumping of pagination or plates falls far short of usefulness; it is,
indeed, a source of irritation and annoyance.
In Henry Harrisse's Notes sur la Nouvelle France (Paris, I872),
nos. 795-803, a brief summary of a few editions of Lahontan's work
was given, devoid of collations or other bibliographical data. Joseph
Sabin, in his Dictionary of Books relating to America, vol. x. (1878),
pp. 27-32, gave the fullest record which was printed up to his time;
but he read into his work non-extant editions, and distorted the facts.
Justin Winsor presented "A bibliographical and critical note" to his
Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iv. (1884), pp. 257 -262; it is, however, a more or less inaccurate and incomplete summary. James Constantine Pilling was the first bibliographer to get at
all a proper grasp of the subject, in his Bibliography of the Algonquian
Languages (Washington, I89I), pp. 288-295, with seven facsimile titlepages of the 1703 French editions. He made some mistakes, which
reappeared in Roy and Dionne, who drew almost bodily from him.
J. Edmond Roy appended a bibliography to his otherwise very important work on " Le Baron de Lahontan," published in the Proceedings
and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for I894, section i. His
monograph is divided into the following divisions: "Avant-propos,"
pp. 63-64; genealogy and biography of Lahontan, pp. 64-I09; examination and critique of Lahontan's book, pp. I09-165; "Pieces Justificatives" (documents), pp. I66-179; "Notes sur les diverses Editions
des Ouvrages de Lahontan," pp. 179-I92. There is also a separate
issue of his work from the " Proceedings," with its own printed
wrapper. Phileas Gagnon, in his Essai de Bibliographie Canadienne
(Quebec, I895), item I922, summarized the bibliography of Lahontan




Lahontan Bibliography


liii


in about ten lines. Narcisse E. Dionne is the latest bibliographer of
the subject, in Le Courrier du Livre (Quebec: Raoul Renault, 1899),
vol. iii, pp. 313-326. His work is merely a compilation from former
bibliographies and sale-catalogues, presents nothing original, and is
uncritical.
In the present account, the abbreviated designation for the location
of copies is explained by the following key:
B = Boston Public Library.
BA = Boston Athenaeum.
BE = Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, D. C.
BM = British Museum, London.
BN = Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
C = Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
HC = Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass.
JCB = John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
LLQ = Legislative Library, Quebec.
LP = Library of Parliament, Ottawa.
LU = Laval University, Quebec.
MHS = Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.
NL = New York Public Library (Lenox Library Building).
NYHS = New York Historical Society, New York City.
WHS = Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison.
The arrangement pursued is chronological, by the imprint date of
each volume; when the volumes of an edition bear the same date they
are placed sequentially under that particular year. Each volume, in
fact, has for identification its own earmarks.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge the special facilities afforded by
librarians in the prosecution of this work, and particularly to Mr.
George Parker Winship, librarian of the Carter Brown Library, and
Dr. Herbert Putnam, Librarian of Congress.




liv


Lahontan Bibliography


1703 - FRENCH: Angel issue - VOL. I.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de I Mr. le Baron de Lahontan, I dans I
l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une relation des differens Peuples I qui y habitent; la nature de leur Gouvernement;
leur I Commerce, leurs Coutumes, leur Religion, & | leur maniere de
faire la Guerre. I L'interet des Francois & des Anglois dans le Cor- I
merce qu'ils font avec ces Nations; l'avantage que I l'Angleterre peut
retirer dans ce Pais, etant I en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi
de Cartes & de Figures. I Tome Premier. I [Emblematic circular cut of
Angel, etc., with inscription underneath] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres l'Honore, Marchands Libraires. I
M. D C C III. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "A sa Majeste Frederic IV,"
pp. (4); "Preface," pp. (7); "Table des Lettres du Tome I,"pp.(g);
" Voyages " or text, pp. I-266; "Explication de quelques Termes qui
se trouvent dans le premier tome," pp. 267-279; verso of p. 279 blank.
No mispaging. The 2d, 4th, 6th, 8th, I2th, and I7th lines and place
and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 34, 46, 72, 85, 98, Ii6, 141, 174, 211, 226,
and 242; three frontispieces, namely, a globe and bird in a circle, an
Indian in an oval with superscription "Et leges et sceptra terit," and a
small "Carte generale de Canada a petit point;" also a large folded
"Carte que le Gnacsitares ont dessine," etc., found sometimes opp.
p. I, but intended for p. 136. In the preface of this volume the following note appears: "La Carte mise a la tete du premier Volume
doit se raporter a la I6. Lettre du meme Volume."
Signatures. - * in eleven, A-L in twelves, M in eight. Sig. Is
printed correctly.
Copies. - BM, JCB (the Globe and Indian frontispieces mounted),




Lahontan Bibliography


Iv


NL (two, one in perfect condition, and one lacking Globe and Indian
frontispieces; both copies bound in contemporary hogskin), NYHS
(imperfect and otherwise a poor copy).
1703 - FRENCH: Angel issue - VOL. 2.
Memoires | de  l'Amerique l Septentrionale, I ou la Suite I des
Voyages de Mr. le I Baron de Lahontan. I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande eten- I due de Pais de ce Continent, l'interet
des Francois & des I Anglois, leurs Commerces, leurs Navigations, I
les Mceurs & les Coutumes des Sauvages &c. I Avec un petit Dictionaire de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Tome Second. I [Same cut as in first volume] \
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres l'Honore, Marchands Libraires. I
M. DCCIII. |
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "Memoires," pp. 3-194;
half-title: " Petit | Dictionaire | de la Langue I des Sauvages," on p.
[i95]; P. [196] blank; " Petit Dictionaire," pp. 197-220; "Table des
Matieres contenues dans les deux tomes," pp. (16). P. 219 is mispaged 29. The ist, 3d, 6th, 7th, I2th, and 14th lines and place and
date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. - Opposite pp. 95, 125, I33, 148, I55, I60, 185, I87, I88,
I89, and 191; a large folded " Carte generale de Canada Dediee au roy.
de Danemark," opp. p. 3; two frontispieces, namely, a globe and bird
in a circle, and an Indian in an oval, exactly like these two cuts in the
first volume of this issue.
Signatures.- A-I in twelves, K in ten.
Copies. -BM, JCB (the Globe and Indian frontispieces mounted),
NL (two, one in perfect condition, and one lacking Globe and Indian
frontispieces), NYHS (imperfect and otherwise a poor copy).




Mv


Lahontan Bibliography


1703 - FRENCH: Angel issue - VOL. 3.
Suple'ment I aux Voyages  du I Baron de Lahontan, I Oiui l'on
trouve des Dialogues curieux Ientre I l'Auteur I et I un Sauvage I
De bon fens qui a voyage'. I L'on y voit auffi plufleurs Obfervations
faites par le rn'me I Auteur, dans fes Voyages en Portugal, en Efpagne,
I en Hollande, & en Dannemarck, &c. I Tome Troisie'me. I Avec
Figures. I [Same cut as in vols. s and 2 of Angel issue] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Fre'res l'Honore', Marchands Libraires.I
M. DCC. III. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "Preface, " pp. (xIz); " Avis
De l'Auteur, Au Lecteur," pp. (2); " Dialogues Ou Entretiens entre
un Sauvages, Et le Baron de Lahontan," pp. 1-103; P. [104] blank;
half-title: "Voyages I Du I Baron de Lahontan J En I Portugal, I
Et en I Danemarc," on p. [105]; P. [io6] blank; " Voyages De
Portugal, Et de Danemarc," PP. 107-222.    P. 86 is mispaged 89.
Title-page printed wholly in black.
Plates. - Folded plates at pp. 1, II 8, 149, and 15 5; folded maps of
Portugal and Denmark, by N. de Fer, opp. PP. 107 and I45, respectively.
Signatures. - * in eight, A-I in twelves, K in three (some copies
have a blank leaf to complete the last signature in four).
Copies. - BM, JCB, LP.
I1703 - FRENCH: Ornament issue - VOL. 1.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de I Mr le Baron de Lahontan, I dansI
l'Amnerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation des differens I Peuples qui y habitent; la nature de leur I Gouvernement;
leur Commerce, leurs Cofi- I tumes, leur Religion, & leur manie're de I
faire la Guerre. I L'inte'r't des Frangois & des Anglois dans le CommerI cc qu'ils font avec ces Nations; l'avantage que I I'Angleterre peut




Lahontan Bibliography                  lvii
retirer dans ce Pais, etant I en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi
de Cartes & de Figures. | Tome Premier. I [Ornament] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres l'Honore, Marchands Libraires. I
M. DCIII. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " A sa Majeste Frederic IV,"
pp. (4); "Preface," pp. (7); " Table des Lettres du Tome I," pp. ( I );
" Voyages" or text, pp. 1-266; " Explication de quelques Termes qui
se trouvent dans le premier tome," pp. 267-279; verso of p. 279 blank.
Pp. 35, 82, 98, I23, I28, I77, 241, and 242 are mispaged 34, 84, 78,
133, 126, 176, 242, and 142, respectively. The 2d, 4th, 6th, 8th to
12th, and i8th lines and place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Frontispiece and opposite pp. 14, 34, 47, 72, 85, 98, II6,
141, 155 (really belongs in second volume at that page), 174, 225, and
242; a small "Carte generale du Canada en petit point," opp. p. 9,
and folded "Carte que les Gnacsitares ont Dessine," etc., at p. 136.
Signatures. - * in twelve, A-L in twelves, M in eight. Sig. Is is
misprinted I3.
Copies.- B, BA, JCB, MHS.
1703 - FRENCH: Ornament issue - VOL. 2.
Memoires | de I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou la Suite des
Voyages | de I Mr le Baron de Lahontan. I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande I etendue de Pais de ce Continent, l'interet I
des Francois & des Anglois, leurs Com- I merces, leurs Navigations, les
Moeurs & | les Coutumes des Sauvages &c. I Avec un petit Dictionnaire de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Tome Second. I [Ornament] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres l'Honore, Marchands Libraires. I
M. DCCIII. I




Iviii


Lahontan Bibliography


Collation. -I2mo; title, verso blank; "Memoires," pp. 3-1I94
(mispaged 164); half-title: "Petit I Dictionaire I de la Langue I des
Sauvages," on p. [195]; p. [196] blank; " Petit Dictionaire," pp. I97 -220; 'Table des Matieres contenues dans les deux tomes," pp. (17),
verso of last leaf blank; one blank leaf to complete sig. K. Pp. 167,
I69, I75, 194 and 219 are mispaged 761, 269, 375, I64, and 26, respectively. The Ist, 3d, 5th, 7th, 13th, and I5th lines and place and date
of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 55, 95, IOI, 125, 130, 15I, 174, 189, 190, and
191; a "Carte generale de Canada," opp. p. 5.
Signatures. - A-K in twelves, the last leaf blank. D3 is printed in
small cap., and F3 is misprinted F2. The small printer's ornament, or
fleuron, differs in size from that of the first volume of this issue.
Copies. - B, BA, JCB, MHS.
1703 - FRENCH: Globe issue - VOL. I.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de I Mr le Baron de Lahontan, I dans I
l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une relation des differens Peuples | qui y habitent; la nature de leur Gouvernement; |
leur Commerce, leur Coutumes, leur Reli- I gion, & leur maniere de
faire la Guerre. I L'interet des Frangois & des Anglois dans le Commer- | ce qu'ils font avec ces Nations; l'avantage que  l'Angleterre
peut retirer dans ce Pa's, etant I en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout
enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. | Tome Premier. | [Cut of a globe] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres l'Honore. Marchands Libraire [sic]
I M. DCCIII. I
Collation. - I2mo; collation the same as the "Ornament " issue of
the same year, with similar mispaging and signatures.
Plate. - The plate for p. 155 is sometimes found in this volume,
but really belongs in the second volume. The title-pages of both vol



Lahontan Bibliography


lix


umes of this " Globe " issue are printed entirely in black ink, and the
plates are superior to those in the " Ornament " issue. The " Globe"
issue has corrections in the place-nomenclature on the maps, and some
additions of places on these maps have also been noticed. The " Ornament" issue has fancy initial letters, head and tail pieces, while the
" Globe " issue is simpler in this respect; but the two issues agree typographically as to text, even in broken letters and singular mispaging.
Copies. - BA, C, LLQ, LU, NL.
1703 - FRENCH: Globe issue - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de   l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou la Suite des
Voyages I de | Mr le Baron de Lahontan. I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande etendue de I Pais de ce Continent, interet des
Fran:ois & des | Anglois, leurs Commerces, leurs Navigations, les I
Mceurs & les Coutumes des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit Dictionnaire
de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Tome Second. | [Cut of a globe] I
A La Haye,   Chez les Freres 1'Honore, Marchand [sic] Libraires.
I M. DCCIII. I
Collation. - I2mo. The plate which is found in the "Ornament"
issue of this volume opposite p. 55 is properly placed at p. 155 in this
"Globe " issue.
Plates. —"Lac des Outagamis" and another plate containing a
bow, hatchet, etc., and scenes in Indian warfare and cruelty, are not
found similarly located in several copies examined; the former appears
to belong opp. p. I65, and the latter opp. p. I74.
Signatures. - Some copies have p. 218 misprinted 418, and the signature mark D3 is not printed in small caps, as in the "Ornament"
issue, but sig. F3 is misprinted F2.
Copies. - BA, C, LLQ, LU, NL.




lx


Lahontan Bibliography


1703 - ENGLISH - VOL. I.1
New I Voyages I to I North-America. I Containing I An Account
of the feveral Nations of that vaft Con- I tinent; their Cuftoms, Commerce, and Way of I Navigation upon the Lakes and Rivers; the feveI ral Attempts of the Englifh and French to difpoffefs I one another;
with the Reafons of the Mifcarriage I of the former; and the various
Adventures be- I tween the French, and the Iroquefe Confederates of I
England, from 1683 to I694. I A Geographical Defcription of Canada,
and a Natu- I ral Hiftory of the Country, with Remarks upon | their
Government, and the Intereft of the Englifh I and French in their
Commerce. I Alfo a Dialogue between the Author and a General of
the I Savages, giving a full View of the Religion and ftrange I Opinions of thofe People: With an Account of the Au- I thors Retreat to
Portugal and Denmark and his Remarks I on thofe Courts. I To
which is added, I A Dictionary of the Algonkine Language, which is
generally I fpoke in North-America. I Illuftrated with Twenty Three
Mapps and Cutts. I Written in French I By the Baron Lahontan,
Lord Lievtenant I of the French Colony at Placentia in New- |
foundland, now in England. I Done into Englifh. I In Two Volumes.
I A great part of which never Printed in the Original. I
London: Printed for H. Bonwicke in St. Paul's Church-yard;
T. Goodwin, M. Wotton, B. Tooke, in Fleetftreet; and S. Manfhip
I in Cornhil, 1703. I
Collation.- 8vo; title, verso blank; "To His Grace William
Duke of Devonshire," pp. (2); "The Preface," pp. (8); " The Contents," pp. (12); "Some New Voyages" pp. I-202; "Memoirs of
North-America," pp. 203-274; "A Table explaining some Terms
made use of in both Volumes," pp. 275-280; "Books lately Printed,


1This is the original English edition which is herewith reprinted.




Lahontan     Bibliography                     lxi
&c.," p. (I); one blank page.     No mispaging.    The "Table" ends
in the midst of the letter " T" on p. 280, and there is a superfluous
catch-word " THE " at the foot of that page.
Plates.- Opposite pp. 26, 43, 55, 65, 75, 89, o06, I6o, 184 and
225 (map of Newfoundland); a small full-page map of Canada to face
the title-page, and two large folded maps to face p. i, as follows: (A)
" A General Map of New France Com, call'd Canada," (B) " A Map
drawn upon Stag-skins by ye Gnacfitares," etc.
Signatures.- A in eight. a in four, B-S in eights, T in four, and
one advertisement leaf.
Copies.-B, HC, JCB, MHS, NL (three), WHS.
The following extract from the preface of this volume is worthy of
notice here:
While my Book was a Printing in Holland, I was in England; and as soon
as it appear'd, several English Gentlemen of a distinguishing Merit, who understand
the French as well as their Mother Tongue, gave me to know, that they would be
glad to see a more ample Relation of the Manners and Customs of the People of that
Continent, whom we call by the name of Savages. This oblig'd me to communicate
to these Gentlemen, the substance of the several Conferences I had in that Country
with a certain Huron, whom the French call Rat. While I stay'd at that American's
Village, I imploy'd my time very agreeably in making a careful Collection of all his
Arguments and Opinions; and as soon as I return'd from my Voyage upon the Lakes
of Canada, I shew'd my Manuscript to Count Frontenac, who was so pleas'd with it,
that he took the pains to assist me in digesting the Dialogues, and bringing them into
the order they now appear in: For before that, they were abrupt Conferences without
Connexion. Upon the Solicitation of these English Gentlemen, I've put these Dialogues into the hands of the Person who translated my Letters and Memoirs: And if
it had not been for their pressing Instances, they had never seen the light; for there
are but few in the World that will judge impartially, and without prepossession, of
some things contained in 'em.
I have likewise intrusted the same Translator with some Remarks that I made
in Portugal, and Denmark, when I fled thither from Newfound-Land. There the
Reader will meet with a description of Lisbon and Copenhagen, and of the capital
City of Arragon.
To the Translation of my first Volume, I have added an exact Map of NewfoundLand, which was not in the Original. I have likewise corrected almost all the Cuts




lxii               Lahontan Bibliography
of the Holland Impression, for the Dutch Gravers had murder'd 'em, by not understanding their Explications, which were all in French. They have grav'd Women for
Men, and Men for Women; naked Persons for those that are cloath'd, and e Contra.
As for the Maps, the Reader will find 'em very exact; And I have taken care to have
the Tracts of my Voyages more nicely delineated, than in the Original.
1703 - ENGLISH - VOL. 2.
New | Voyages I to I North-America. I Giving a full Account of
the Cuftoms, I Commerce, Religion, and ftrange 0- I pinions of the
Savages of that Country. I With | Political Remarks upon the Courts
I of Portugal and Denmark, and the Prefent I State of the Commerce
of thofe Countries. I Never Printed before. I Written I By the Baron
Lahontan, Lord I Lieutenant of the French Colony at I Placentia in
Newfoundland: Now in I England. I Vol. II. I
London: I Printed for H. Bonwicke in St. Paul's Church-yard;
T. Goodwin, I M. Wotton, B.^Tooke in Fleetftreet; and S. Manfhip
in Cornhil, I I703. |
Collation. - 8vo; title, verso blank; "A Discourse," pp. 1-89;
"A Conference or Dialogue," pp. 90-183; p. [184] blank; "An Appendix, Containing Some New Voyages to Portugal and Denmark,"
pp. 185-286; "A Short Dictionary Of the most Universal Language
of the Savages," pp. 287-302; "The Index," pp. (I3); one blank
page. The second figure of the paging of p. 43 is inverted and p. 279
is misprinted 276. Sets of this edition are usually very much mixed up
in the arrangement of the preliminary and end leaves, and the majority
of copies examined lacked the frontispiece to the second volume.
Plates. - Frontispiece containing an Indian within an oval, having
the superscription " Et Leges et Sceptra terit "; and opposite pp. 5, 29,
36, 5I, 59 (two), 80, 82, 84 and 86.
Signatures. - Title-page, Aa-Sf in eights, Tt in seven, Vv in seven.




Lahontan Bibliography                 lxiii
Copies.- B (with frontispiece), HC (lacks front.), JCB (with
front.), MHS (lacks front.), NL (two, both lack front.), WHS (lacks
front.).
I704 - FRENCH - VOL. I.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de Mr le Baron I de Lahontan I dans |
I'Amerique | Septentrionale. I Qui contiennent une relation des differens Peu- | ples qui y habitent, la nature de leur Gouver- I nement,
leur Commerce, leur Coutume, leur | Religion, & leur maniere de faire
la Guerre. I L'interet des FranCois & des Anglois dans le I Commerce
qu'ils font avec ces Nations, l'a- | vantage que l'Angleterre peut retirer
dans ce I Pais, etant en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de
Cartes & de Figures. | Tome Premier. I [Smallornament] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres LHONORE', Marchands Libraires. |
M. DCCIV. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " A sa Majeste Frederic IV,"
pp. (2); " Preface," pp. (5); " Table des Lettres du I. Tome," pp. (9);
"Voyages," pp. 1-266; "Explication de quelques Termes," pp. 267 -280. P. 82 is misprinted 84. The title-page printed wholly in black.
Plates. -Frontispiece of an Indian in an oval, and opposite pp. I4,
34, 47, 72, 85, 98, ii6, I41, I74, 225 and 242; a small "Carte
generale du Canada en petit point" opp. p. I of the text; a folded map
opp. p. I36, entitled: "Carte que les Gnacsitares ont Dessine," etc.
Signatures.- A-M   in twelves, N in six (the last leaf blank).
Sig. Es is misprinted E6.
Copies. -JCB, LP.
1704 - FRENCH - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou I la Suite des
Voyages I de I Mr le Baron de Lahontan. I Qui contiennent la De



lxiv


Lahontan Bibliography


fcription d'une I grande e'tendu6i de pais de ce Conti- I nent, l'inter'et des
Frangois & des An- I glois, leurs Commerces, leurs Na- I vigations, les
Moeurs & les Cofitu- I mes des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit Dictionnaire de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Et augmente6 dans ce fecond Tome de la ma- I niere dont les Sauvages
fe re'galent. I [Small ornament, same as in vol. s] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres LH0NORE', Marchands Libraires.I
M. DCCIV. I
Collation. -8vo; title, verso blank; "Memoires," PP. 3-198;
"Petit Dictionaire," pp. 199-222; " Table des Matieres," pp. (i8).
Pagination of p. '0' imperfectly printed 10. Title-page printed wholly
in black.
Plates.-Opposite PP. 95, 98, 101, 125, 130, 151, 155, 167, i85,
i8g, 190, and 191; a folded "Carte generale de Canada" opp. p. 5.
Signatures. - A-K in twelves.
Copies. -JCB, LP.
1704 - FRENCH -VOL. 3.
Suite I Du I Voyage, I De I'Amerique, I Ou Dialogues I De Monfleur le I Baron de Lahontan I Et d'un I Sauvage, I Dans l'Amerique.
Contenant une defcription I exacte des mceurs & des coutumes de ces
I Peuples Sauvages. I Avec les Voyages du m'eme en Portgugal & en I
Danemarc, dans lefquels on trouve des parti- I cularitez tre's curieufes,
& qu'on n'avoit I point encore remarque'es. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes
& de Figures. I [Small scrolled ornament] I
A Amsterdam, I Chez la Veuve de Boeteman, I Et fe vend I A
Londres, chez David Mortier, Li- I braire dans le Strand, 'a l'Enfeigne
d'Erafme. I M. DCCIV. I
Collation. - I2m0; title, verso blank; "Preface," pp. (I2); "Avis




Lahontan Bibliography


lxv


De l'Auteur Au Lecteur," pp. (2); "Dialogues," pp. I-103; p. [0o4]
blank; half-title: "Voyages | Du I Baron de Lahontan I En Portugal, I Et en  Danemarc," on p. [I05]; p. [Io6] blank; text of
" Voyages," pp. 107-222. P. 86 is mispaged 89. The Ist, 3d, 5th,
7th, and 9th lines and place of imprint printed in red.
Plates. - Opposite pp. I, II8, 149, and 155; a map of Portugal at
p. 107, and a map of Denmark at p. I45.
Signatures. - * in eight, A-I in twelves, K in three. This volume
is merely a reissue of the original sheets of the 1703 edition of the Suplement, with a new title-page. We have seen sets of the "Angel issue"
of vols. i and 2 accompanied by the 1703 edition of the Suplement; by the
1704 Suite, and by the issue of 1704 called Dialogues (vide next item).
Copies. - LLQ, NL.
1704 - FRENCH: Dialogues issue - VOL. 3.
Dialogues  De Monfieur le I Baron de Lahontan I Et d'un |
Sauvage, I Dans l'Amerique. I Contenant une defcription exacte des
mceurs | & des coutumes de ces Peuples Sauvages. I Avec les Voyages
du meme en Portugal & en I Danemarc, dans lefquels on trouve des
parti- I cularitez tres curieuses, & qu'on n'avoit I point encore remarquees. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I [Cut, a vase offlowers]
A Amsterdam, I Chez la Veuve de Boeteman, I Et fe vend | A
Londres, chez David Mortier, Li- I braire dans le Strand, a 1' Enfeigne
d' Erafme. I M. DCCIV. I
Collation. - This is a separate issue of the Suite Du Voyage of this
year, which as already shown in loco is merely the sheets of the 1703
original with a new title-page.
Copies.- BM, C, JCB, NL (two).
e




lxvi


Lahontan Bibliography


1705 - FRENCH: Yonas l'Honore'- VOL. I.
Voyages I du Baron I de La Hontan I dans I I'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation des diffe'rens Peuples I qui
y habitent; la nature de 'leur Gouvernement; leur, I Commerce, leur
Couitumes, leur Religion, & I leur manie're de faire la Guerre: I L'Inte'r't des Francois & des Anglois dans le Corn- I merce qu'ils font avec
ces Nations; l'avantage que I l'Angleterre peut retirer de ce Pais, e'tant
I en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures.
I Tome Premier. I Seconde Edition, revu6, corrige'e, & augmente'e.I
[Cut, with emblematic scene, globe, pillar and figu res]
A La Haye, I Chez Jonas l'Honore, & Compagnie. I MDCCV.
Collation. - I 2mo; engraved frontispiece, with title: "Nouveaux
IVoyages I du Barron I de Lahontan "; title, verso blank; "Preface,"
pp. (8); " Table des Lettres du Tome Premier,") pp. (8); "Voyages "
or text, pp. [I]-364; " Explication de quelques Termes," PP. 365-376.
No mispaging. The Ist, 3d, 5th, 6th, i ith to I4th, and i6th lines and
place and date of imprint printed in red. In some copies, if not indeed
in all, the paper of signatures N-P (pp. 289-360) is browned.
Plates. -Opposite pp. i, 38, 53, 82, 91, I I8, 127, 174, 244, 303,
324, and 340; a folded " Carte que les Gnacsitares ont dessine6," etc.,
opp. p. i. The only characteristic variation between the Jonas and
Frangois l'Honore6 issues of this year seems to be their title-pages.
Signatures. - * in nine, A-P in twelves, Q in eight.
Copies.- BM, JCB, NL, NYHS (imperfect).
1705 - FRENCH: Jonas l'Honore' - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de Il'Amerique ISeptentrionale, I ou la Suite I des
Voyages de Mr. le IBaron de La Hontan: I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande e'tendu6i I de Pais de ce Continent, l'inte'r't des
Frangois & des I Anglois, leurs Commerces, leurs Navigations, I les




Lahontan Bibliography                   lxvii
Mceurs & les Coutumes des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit Dictionaire
de la Langue du Pays. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Tome Second. I Seconde Edition, augment~e des Conversations de I
l'Auteur avec un Sauvage diftingue'. I [Same cut as in first volume] I
A Amsterdam, I Pour Jonas l'onor6 'a la Haye. I M DCC V. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " Memoires," PP. 5-196;
"Conversations de l'Auteur de ces Voyages avec Adario, " pp. I197-3 10;
half-title: " Dictionaire I de la Langue I des Sauivages," on p. [3 II;
P. [3I2] blank; " Dictionaire," PP. 313-336; "Table Des Matieres
principales contenues dans ce II Volume, " pp. (2). No mispaging.
The Ist, 3d, 6th, 7th, 12th, and 14th lines and place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates.-Opposite pp. 95, 104, 125, I29, 133, 148, 155, i6o, 185,
I 87, 1 89, and 1 91I; frontispiece " Carte Generale de Canada a petit
point," and a large folded " Carte Generale de Canada " OPP. P. 5.
Signatures. - Title-page, A3- [A12], B-O in twelves, P in one.
Copies. -BM, JCB, NL.
1705-FRENCH: Franfois l'Honore - VOL. I.
Voyages I du Baron I de La Hlontan I dans I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation des diffe'rens Peuples I
qui y habitent; la nature de leur Gouvernement; leur I Commerce,
leurs Couitumes, leur Religion, & I leur manie're de faire la Guerre: I
L'Inte'r't des Fran~,ois & des Anglois dans le Coin- I merce qu'ils font
avec ces Nations; l'avantage que I l'Angleterre peut retirer de ce Pais,
etant I en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de
Figures. I Tome Premier. I Seconde Edition, revue, corrige'e, & augmente'e. I [Emblematic cut, aglobe withbfive figures seated near acolumn] I
A Amsterdam, IChez Fran~:ois l'onore' vis-a'-vis de la Bourfe.
M D CC V. I




lxviii


Lahontan Bibliography


Collation. - I2mo; engraved frontispiece, with title: "Nouveaux I
Voyages | du Barron | de Lahontan"; title, verso blank; "Preface,"
pp. (8); "Table des Lettres du Tome Premier," pp. (8); "Voyages"
or text, pp. [I]-364; ''Explication de quelques Termes," pp. 365 -376. No mispaging. The Ist, 3d, 5th, 6th, Inth to I4th, and i6th
lines and place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. i, 38, 53, 82 (corrected from 72), 91, II8,
127, 174, 244, 303, 324, and 340; a folded " Carte que les Gnacsitares
ont dessine," etc., opp. p. i, but often found at some other location in the
volume. The only characteristic variation between the Francois and
Jonas l'Honore issues of this year seems to be their title-pages.
Signatures. -* in nine, A-P in twelves, Q in eight.
Copies. - B, BM, C, HC.
1705 - FRENCH: Franfois l'Honore - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou la suite I des
Voyages de Mr. le Baron de La Hontan: I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande etendue | de Pais de ce Continent, l'interet des
Francois & des I Anglois, leurs Commerces, leurs Navigations, I les
Moeurs & les Coutumes des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit Dictionaire
de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Tome Second. I Seconde Edition, augmentee des Conversations de I
l'Auteur avec un Sauvage diftingue. I [Same cut as in first volume] I
A Amsterdam, I Chez Francois l'Honore & Compagnie.| M DCC V. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "Memoires," pp. 5-I96;
"Conversations," pp. I97-3IO; half-title: Dictionare I de la Langue I
des Sauvages," on p. [3 I]; p. [312] blank; "Dictionaire," pp. 313 -336; " Table Des Matieres principales contenues dans ce II Volume,"
pp. (2). No mispaging. The Ist, 3d, 6th, 7th, I2th, and I4th lines
and place and date of imprint printed in red.




Lahontan Bibliography


Ixix


Plates. -Opposite pp. 95, 104, 125, 129, I33, 148, I55, i6o, I85,
I87, I89, and 191; frontispiece "Carte Generale de Canada a petit
point," and large folded "Carte generate du Canada " opp. p. 5, but
having the location mark "Pag: I " engraved upon it.
Signatures. - A-O in twelves, P in one.
Copies. - B, BM, C, HC (lacks large map).
1705 - ENGLISH: Extract.
A Voyage to North America. Or a Geographical Defcription of
Canada. By the Baron La Hontan, Lord Lieutenant of the French
Colony at Placentia in Newfound-Land.
The above title is the heading of chap. xvi of the original folio
edition of John Harris's Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca:
Or, a Compleat Collection of Voyages and Travels.... Volume II.
(London: Printed for Thomas Bennet... MDCCV). The complete extract from Lahontan is embraced by Harris's chapters xvi-xxvi,
or pp. 915-928.
The revised editions of Harris (edited by J. Campbell), published
in 1744-1748 and 1764, do not contain these excerpts.
1706 -FRENCH-VOL. I.
Voyages f du Baron | de La Hontan I dans I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation des differens Peuples I
qui y habitent; la nature de leur Gouvernement; leur I Commerce,
leurs Coutumes, leur Religion; & | leur maniere de faire la Guerre: I
L'Interet des Francois & des Anglois dans le Com- I merce qu'ils font
avec ces Nations; l'avantage que I l'Angleterre peut retirer de ce Pais,
etant I en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de
Figures. | Tome, Premier. I Seconde Edition, revue, corrige, & augmentee. | [Cut of three cherubs] \




lxx


Lahontan Bibliography


A La Haye, I Chez Charles Delo, fur le Singel. I MDCCVI. I
This edition is merely a reissue from the same sheets of the two
1705 issues of Fran~,ois and Jonas l'Elonore6, with which it agrees in
collation; even the paper of signatures N-P is browned as in them,
and all typographical peculiarities are repeated in the body of both
volumes.
Copies. - BA (lacks many plates and the large map), JCB, NL.
I706-FRENCH -VOL. 2.
Memoires I de Il'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou la Suite I des
Voyages de Mr. le IBaron de La Hontan: I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande e'tenduE3 I de Pals de ce continent, l'interie"t des
Frangois & des I Anglois, leurs Commerces, leurs Navigations, I les
Mccurs & les Coutumes des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit Dictionaire
de la Langue du Pals. I Tome Second. I Seconde Edition, augmente'
des Conversations I de l'Auteur avec un Sauvage diftingue6. I [Cut of
two cherubs bearing the host] I
A La Haye, I Chez Charles Delo, fur le Singel. I MDCCVI.I
This edition is merely a reissue from the same sheets of the two
1705 issues of Frangois and Jonas l'Honore, with which it agrees in
collation.
Copies. -BA (lacks many plates and the large map), JCB, NL.
1707 -FRENCH -VOL. I.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de Monsieur I le Baron de Lahontan,I
dans I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation
des diffe- I rens Peuples qui y habitent, la nature I de leur Gouvernement, leur Commerce, Ileurs Couitumes, leur Religion, & leur I maniere de faire la Guerre. IL'inter'et des Fran~ois & des Anglois dans le
I Commerce qu'ils font avec ces Nations; I l'avantage que la France,




Lahontan Bibliography


lxxi


peut retirer dans ce I Pais, etant en Guerre avec l'Angleterre. I Le
tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I Tome Premier. I [Floral cut] I
A La Haye, I Chez Isaac Delorme, Libraire. I M. DCCVII. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " A sa Majeste Frederic IV,"
pp. (4); " Preface," pp. (6); "Table des Lettres du tome I," pp. (6);
"Voyages," pp. 1-342; "Explication de quelques Termes qui se
trouvent dans le premier Tome," pp. 343-354; "Table des Matieres
contenues dans le premier Tome," pp. (12). Pp. 22, I90, 191, 193,
2I8, 282, and 283 are mispaged 72, I92, 193, 195, 198, 284, and 285,
respectively. Title-page printed wholly in black.
Plates. - The copy in the Library of Congress, the only one I have
been able to examine, evidently lacks six plates and two maps. It has
a frontispiece of an Indian in an oval, and plates opposite pp. 47, 101,
119, I6I, and 313. Two leaves from sig. E (pp. 107-1Io) are also
wanting in that copy.
Signatures. - Title, a in eight, A-B in sixes, b in twelve, C-P in
twelves, Q in four (last leaf blank). Fs printed Fv; 14 printed Iiiij;
Is printed Iv.
Copies. -C (imperfect).
1708- FRENCH - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, | ou la Suite des
Voyages I de Monsieur | le Baron de Lahontan, | qui contiennent I
La Defcription d'une grande etendue de I Pais de ce Continent,
l'interet des I FranCois & des Anglois, leurs Com- I merces, leurs Navigations, les Mceurs I & les Coutumes des Sauvages &c. I Avec un
Dictionnaire de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de
Figures. I Tome Seconde. I [Cut, a pot offlowers] I
A La Haye, I Chez Isaac Delorme, Libraire. I M. DCCVIII. I
Collation. - i2mo; title, verso blank; "Memoires," pp. 1-215;




lxxii             Lahontan Bibliography
p. [2i6] blank; "Petit Dictionaire de la Langue des Sauvages,"
pp. 217-239; verso of p. 239 blank. Pp. 38, 39, 40, 44, 105, 1 6,
150, and i60 are mispaged 36, 37, 38, 48, 89, I 5, 250, and 60, respectively. The title-page printed wholly in black.
Plates. - The copy in the Library of Congress, the only one I have
been able to examine, evidently lacks five plates and perhaps a small
map of Canada. It has plates opposite pp. 97, 104, I32, I36, I55,
I66, and 211; and a "Carte generale de Canada" opp. p. 3.
Signatures.- Title, A-K  in twelves. Sig. A3 is printed Aiij; Cs
printed Cv; Es printed Ev; Kz printed Kij.
Copies. -C (imperfect).
1708- FRENCH- VOL. 3.
Dialogues I de Monsieur I le Baron de Lahontan, l et d'un I
Sauvage, I dans l'Amerique. I Contenant I Une defcription exacte des
mceurs I & des coutumes de ces Peuples I Sauvages. I Avec les Voyages du meme en Portugal I & en Danemarc, dans lefquels on I trouve
des particularitez tres-curieufes, I & qu'on n'a point encore remarquees.
I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I Tome Troisieme. I [Same
floral cut as in vol. I] |
A La Haye, I Chez Isaac Delorme, Libraire. I M. DCCVIII. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "Preface," pp. ( 3); "Avis
de l'Auteur au Lecteur," pp. (3); "Dialogues," pp. 1-174; one blank
leaf for pp. [175] and [I76]; half-title: "Voyages I de | Portugal I
et de I Danemarc," on p. [177; p. [178] blank; "Voyages," pp. 179 -374. Pp. 265, 268, 269, 272, 273, 276, 277, 280, 281, 284, 285, and
288 are mispaged 269, 272, 273, 276, 277, 280, 281, 284, 285, 288, 289,
and 290, respectively. Title-page printed wholly in black.
Plates. - The copy in the Library of Congress, the only one I have




Lahontan Bibliography


lxxiii


been able to examine, evidently lacks three plates and two maps, of
Portugal and Denmark. It has one plate opposite p. i.
Signatures. -a in five, b in four, A-P in twelves, Q in eight (last
leaf blank). Sig. H4 is a blank leaf.
Copies. - C (imperfect).
1709- FRENCH- VOL. I.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de Mr le Baron I de Lahontan, | dans |
l'Amerique I Septentrionale. I Qui contiennent une relation des differens Peu- I ples qui y habitent, la nature de leur Gouver- I nement,
leur Commerce, leur Coutume, leur I Religion, & leur maniere de faire
la Guerre. I L'intetet des Francois & des Anglois dans Ie I Commerce
qu'ils font avec ces Nations, l'a- I vantage que l'Angleterre peut retirer
dans I ce Pais, etant en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de
Cartes & de Figures. I Tome Premier. I [Small ornament] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres L Honore, Marchands I Libraires. |
M. DCCIX.
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "A sa Majeste Frederic IV,"
pp. (3); "Preface," pp. (5); "Table des Lettres du I. tome," pp. (8);
"Voyages," pp. 1-266; "Explication de quelques Termes," pp. 267 -280. Pp. 229 and 274 are misprinted I29 and 174, respectively.
Title-page printed entirely in black.
Plates. -Frontispiece of an Indian and opposite pp. 14, 34, 47, 72,
85, 98, ii6, 141, 174, 225, and 242; small "Carte generale du Canada
en petit point " opp. p. i, and a small folded " Carte que les Gnacsitares
ont Dessine " opp. p. 136.
Signatures. - A-M in twelves, N in six (the last leaf blank).
Copies. - HC (two), JCB,




lxxiv


Labontan Bibliography


1709 - FRENCH - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de I I'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou I la Suite des
Voyages I de I Mr le Baron de Lahontan. I Qui contiennent la Defeription d'une I grande e'tenduE de pais de ce Con- Itinent, l'inter'et
des Frangois & des IAnglois, leurs Commerces, leurs INavigations, les
Mceurs & les Coji tumes des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit Dictionnaire de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures.
IEt augmente' dans ce fecond Tome de la ma- Iniere dont les Sauvages
fe re'galent. I [Same small ornament as in vol. r]
A La Haye, I Chez les freres L Honore', M~archands Libraires.I
M. DCCIX. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " Memoires," PP. 3-198;
"Petit Dictionaire de la Langue des Sauvages, " pp. 199-222; "Table
des Matieres contenues dans les deux Tomes," pp. (i8). Pp. 200 and
220 are mispaged 220 and 120, respectively. Title-page printed entirely
in black.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 95, 101, 125, 130, 151, 155, 167, 185, I89,
190, and 191; a folded "Carte generale de Canada" opp. P. 5.
Signatures..- A-K in twelves. Sig. K4 is misprinted K3.
Gopies. -HC (two), JCB.
1709 - GERMAN:.Abridgment.
Des beriihmten I Herrn I Baron De Lahontan I Neueste Reisen
INach I Nord-Indien/ I Oder dem I Mitterniichtischen America,I
Mit vielen besondern und bey keinem, Scribenten IbefindlichenI
Curiositmeten. I Aus dem, Frantzbsischen iibersetzet IVon I M. Vischer. I
Hamburg und Leipzig/ I Im Reumannischen Verlag/MDCCIX.I
Collation. - 12mo; doublepage title, with reverse blank; " Gen



Lahontan Bibliography


lxxv


eigter Leser! ", signed by the translator and dated at "Hamburg d. 15.
April: 1709," pp. (8); text with heading: "Des Herrn Baron de la
Hontan Nord-Indien," pp. 1-252; half-title of second part: "Der
Historischen I Nachrichten I Des I Herrn Baron de la | Hontan, I
Von I Nord-Indien/ I Zweyter Theil," on p. 253; text of same, pp.
254-432; "Anhang eines W6rter-Buchs von der Wilden Sprache,"
pp. 433-454; "Register," pp. 455-459; verso of p. 459 blank. Pp.
127, 373, 376, 377, and 380 are mispaged 107, 343, 347, 358, and 339,
respectively. Title-page printed wholly in black.
Plates. - No plates, but small folded " General Carte von Canada"
before the title-page.
Signatures. -)( in six (of which the folded title-page is a part), a-t
in twelves, u in two. The signature mark of b6 is on the verso of that
leaf, and that of d4 is wanting.
Copies. - BM, C, JCB.
17IO- DUTCH: Extract.
Van den oorspronk en de kracht der Vooroordeelen, Door J. T.
Als mede een koort Uyttreksel Uyt de Aanteykeninge van de Baron
de Lahontan, rakende de Zeden, 't Geloof, en't verstant van de Wilden
tot Canada, en de lof der hedendaagse Eeuw, in vergelykinge, van
de voorgaande Eeuwen. En dat er zoo veele Atheisten niet zyn als
men doorgaans gelooft, Door J. de Klerk. Amsterdam: Jan Blum.
1710. I2mo.
This title is copied from Joseph Sabin's Dictionary of Books Relating to America, item 38048. A distorted title of the same is given in
Frederik Muller's Catalogue of Books, Maps, Plates on America. Part I.
(Amsterdam, 1872), item 317. I have not seen this extract. See
another edition, under I723.




lxxvi


Lahontan Bibliography


1711 - GERMAN.
Des beriihmten I Herrn I Baron De Lahontan I Neueste Reisen I
Nach I Nord-Indien/ I Oder dem | Mitternachtischen America I
Mit vielen besondern und bey keinem Scribenten befindlichen I Curiositeten. I Auch bey dieser andern Auflage mit I Seiner Reise nach
Portugall/ Dennemarck und I Spanien /vermehret. I Aus dem Frantz6sischen iibersetzet I Von M. Vischer. I
Hamburg und Leipzig/ I Im Reumannischen Verlag/MDCCXI. |
Collation. - I2mo; doublepage title, with reverse blank; " Vorrede.
An den verstindigen Leser," dated at end " Hamburg, d. 20. Novemb.
I7IO," pp. (I9); one blank page; text headed: "Des Herrn Baron de
la Hontan Nord-Indien," pp. 1-316; half-title: "Der I Historischen
I Nachrichten I Des I Herrn Baron de la I Hontan, I Von | NordIndien/ I Zweyter Theil," on p. [317]; text of same, pp. 318-563;
"Anhang eines W6rter-Buchs von der Wilden Sprache," pp. 563-590;
"Des Beriihmten Herrn Baron de la Hontan Reise nach Portugall und
Dennemarck," pp. 591-747; "Register," pp. 748-753; verso of p. 753
blank. Pp. 51, 212, and 359 are mispaged 24, 112, and 395, respectively; there is also an elision of pp. 254 and 255. Title-page wholly
in black.
Plates.- No plates, but a " General-Carte von Canada," folded, to
precede p. i.
Signatures. -)( in twelve (of which the folded title-page forms a
part), A-Hh in twelves, Ii in four. Signature mark R4 is wanting.
The translator calls this the " Zweite Auflage " in German.
Copies. - JCB.
1715 -FRENCH -VOL. I.
Nouveaux I Voyages I de Mr' le Baron I de Lahontan, I dans I
l'Amerique I Septentrionale. I Qui contient une relation des differens
Peuples I qui y habitent, la nature de leur Gouverne- I ment, leur




Lahontan Bibliography                lxxvii
Commerce, leur Coutume, leur I Religion, & leur maniere de faire la
Guerre. I L'interet des Frangois & des Anglois dans le Com- I merce
qu'ils font avec ces Nations, l'avantage | que 1'Angleterre peut retirer
dans ce Pais, I etant en Guerre avee la France. I Le tout enrichi de
Cartes & de Figures. I Tome Premier. I [Small ornament] I
A La Haye, I Chez les Freres L Honore, Marchands Libraires. I
M. DCCXV. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " A sa Majeste Frederic IV,"
pp. (3); " Preface," pp. (5); " Table des Lettres du I. tome," pp. (8);
"Voyages" or text, pp. 1-266; "Explication de quelques Termes,"
pp. 267-280. Pp. 130, I4I, and 274 are misprinted I80, 4II, and 174,
respectively, and the paging of I31 is broken. Title-page printed entirely in black.
Plates.-Frontispiece and opposite pp. 14, 34, 47, 72, 85, 98, II6,
14I, I55, I74, 225, and 242; a small "Carte generale du Canada
en petit point " opp. p. 9, and a folded " Carte que les Gnacsitares ont
Dessine, etc., opp. p. I36.
Signatures. - A-M in twelves, N in six (the last leaf blank). Sig.
M6 is misprinted H6.
Copies.- BN, HC, LU.
1715 - FRENCH -VOL. 2.
Memoires | de I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou I la Suite des
Voyages I de | Mr le Baron de Lahontan. I Qui contient la Defcription d'une gran- I de etendue de Pais de ce Continent, I l'interet des
Francois & des Anglois, I leurs Commerces, leurs Navigations, I leur
Mceurs & les Coutumes des Sau- I vages, &c. 1 Avec un petit Dictionnaire de la Langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures.
I Et augmente dans fe Second Tome de la maniere I dont les Sauvages
fe regalent. I [Same ornament as vol. I] I




lXXViii


Lahontan Bibliography


A La Haye, I Chez les Freres L Honore', Marchands Libraires.I
M. DCCXV. I
Collation. - 12MO; title, verso blank; Memoires, " pp. i [i.e. 3]198; " Petit Dictionnaire de la Langue des Sauvages," pp. 199-222;
"Table des Matieres, " pp. (I 8). PP. 3, 100, 200, and 220 are misprinted i, 1, 220, and 122, respectively.
Plates.-Opposite PP. 55, 95, 10I, 1 25, 130, 15 1, I174, 189, 190,
and 191; a large folded " Carte generale de Canada," without page
location, but opposite the title-page in Harvard copy.
Signatures. - A-K in twelves. Sig. F3 and K4 misprinted Fs and
C3, respectively.
Copies.-BN, HC, LU.
1 723 - DUTCH: Extract.
Den Oorfpronk en de kracht I der I Vooroordeelen;  klaar vertoont in een brief door J. T. I Als mede I In de zeden, 't geloof, en 't
verifant I der Wilden te I Kanada, I getrokken uit de Aantekeningen
van I den Baron de I La Hontan. I Waar by gevoegt is IDen lof der
hedensdaagfche Eeuw, in I vergelyking met de voorgaande Eeuwen.
Door I J. De Klerk. I [Floral ornament] I
Gedrukt in 't Jaar 1723. 1
Collation. - Small 8vo; title, verso blank; " Den oorspronk en de
kracht der Vooroordeelen, " PP. 3-1I; " Een kort Uyttreksel Uyt de
Memoires de I'Amerique Septentrionale van Mr. le Baron de Lahontan,
Tome Second," pp. I2-26; " Een kort Extract Uyt de beschryvinge
van 't Eyland Formosa," pp. 27-29; " Den lof der hedendaagze Eeuw,"
etc., pp. 29-39; verso of P. 39 blank. No mispaging. Title wholly in
black.
Signatures. - A-B in eights, C in four.
Copies. -JCB.




Labontan Bibliography


lxxix


1728 -FRENCH -VOL. I.
Voyages I du Baron I de Lahontan I dans I I'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation des diffe'rens I Peuples qui y
habitent; la nature de leur I Gouvernement; leur Commerce, leursI
Couitumes, leur Religion, & leur manie're I de faire la Guerre:
L'Inte'r't des Frangois & des Anglois dans le I Commerce qu'ils font
avec ces Nations; l'a- I vantage que l'Angleterre peut retirer de ce I
Pais, etant en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes &
de Figures. ITome Premier. I Seconde Edition, revuE, corrigee, &
augmente'e. I[Cut with two flower vases] I
A Amsterdam, I Chez Fran~:ois l'Honore', vis-h-vis de la Bourfe.
M. DCC. XXVIII. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " Preface, " pp. (8); "Table
des Lettres du tome premier," pp. (8); " Voiages " or text, pp. 1-398;
" Explication de quelques Termes," PP. 399-408. No mispaging. The
Ist, 3d, 5th, 6th, 12th to 15th, and 17th lines and place and date of
imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Frontispiece and opposite pp. 17, 40, 56, 90, 91, 97, 129,
136, i88, 216, 351, and 358; a small "Carte generale du Canada en
petit point " opp. p. 105, and folded "Carte que les Gnacsitares ont
Dessine," etc., opp. p. i62.
Signatures. - Title-page, * in eight, A-R in twelves.
Copies. -B (two), BA, BM, BN, C, HC (lacks a map), JCB,
LLQ, LP, LU, NL, WHS.
1 728 - FRENCH - VOL. 2.
Memoires I de Il'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou la Suite I des
Voyages de Mr. le IBaron de Lahontan: I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande etenduE I de Pais de ce Continent, l'inte~riet des
Franrpois I & des Anglois, leurs Commerces, leurs Naviga- I tions, les




lxxx


Lahontan Bibliography


Moeurs & les Coutumes des Sauvages, I &c. I Avec un petit Dictionaire de la Langue du PaYs. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I
Tome Second. I Second Edition, augmentee de la maniere dont les
Sauvages fe regalent. I [Cut with two flower vases] I
A Amsterdam, I Chez Francois l'Honore & Compagnie. I M. DCC.
XXVIII. I
Collation. -  2mo; title, verso blank; "Memoires," pp. 1-219;
"Dictionaire de la Langue des Sauvages," pp. 220-238. Pp. 16i and
I85 are misprinted I5I and 158, respectively. The Ist, 3d, 6th, 7th,
13th, and I5th lines and place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 98, 109, 142, 158, plate of " Lac des Outagamis " variously placed (but incorrectly engraved "Tom. 2 Pag. 358 "),
plate of sun-dance variously placed (but incorrectly engraved " Tom. 2.
Pag. 267"), I78, 189, 193, and 209; a folded "Carte generale de
Canada" opp. p. 5.
Signatures.- Title-page, A-L in twelves (last three leaves blank),
but often found without the final blank leaves.
Copies.- B (two), BA, BM, BN, C, JCB, LLQ, LP, LU, NL
(lacks a map), WHS.
1728 -FRENCH - VOL. 3.
Suite | du I Voyage I de l'Amerique I ou Dialogues I de Monsieur I le Baron de Lahontan I et d'un I Sauvage, I de l'Amerique. I
Contenant une defcription exacte des moeurs | & des coutumes de ces
Peuples Sauvages. I Avec les Voiages du meme en Portugal & en Dane| marc dans lefquels on trouve des particularitez I tres-curieufes, &
qu'on n'avoit point encore re- I marquees. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes
& de Figures. I [Small ornament] I
A Amsterdam. I Chez la Veuve de Boeteman. I M. DCC. xxvII. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; "Preface," pp. (xI); "Avis




Lahontan Bibliographylxi


1XXXi


de l'Auteur au Lecteur, "pp. (2); " Dialogues," pp. I 5-I28; " Voiages
de Portugal et de Danemarc, " pp. I129-25 7, with verso Of p. 25 7 blank.
PP. 84, 206, 207, and 209 are misprinted 48, io6, 107, and io9, respectively. The Ist, 3d, 5th, 7th, 9th, and 17th lines and place and date of
imprint printed in red; in the Harvard and Carter-Brown copies the
i ith and 12th lines are also printed in red.
Plates. - Opposite pp. 15, I36, 176, and i82; maps of Portugal and
Denmark at pp. I29 and I71, respectively. All the plates are marked
for "Tom. III."
Signatures. - A-L in twelves, (the last three leaves blank).
Copies. - B (two, one of which lacks the maps), BA, BM, BN, C,
HC, JCB, LLQ, LP, LU, NL, WHS.? 173 I- FRENCH- VOLS. i and 2.
Voyages du Baron de Lahontan.
In Charles Leclerc's Bibliotbeca Americana (Paris: Maisonneuve &
Cie, i867), P. I93 item 825, the following description appears:
825. - Le m'eme ouvrage. Amsterdam, Fr. L'Honor6, I1731I, 2 Vol.
in -12, mar. chocolat, d. s. t.
Vol. i. 4 fnc., i88 pp., 2 fnc., front. grave', 8 p1. et cartes.-Vol. ii.
2 fnc., 220 pp., 6 pl. et cartes.
I believe no such edition exists, and that the date was mistaken for
M. DCC. XXXXI, for the collation agrees with vol. i and vol. ii (called
Suite) of the 174.i edition. This vagary has misled every bibliographer
who has had recourse to Leclerc's title.? 173 I-FRENCH -VOLS. i and 2.
Nouveaux Voyages * ** dans I'Amerique Septentrionale *
La Haye, Chez les Fre'res l'Honore6. MDCCXXXI. 2 vols., I2mO, pp.
(8), M8, (4j); (4), 220. 14 Plates and Maps.




Ixxxii


Lahontan Bibliography


This title appears in Joseph Sabin's Dictionary of Books relating to
America, no. 38640. It is merely a repetition of Leclerc's erroneous
title (q. v. preceding title), in which Sabin has rearranged the material
of Leclerc and mistaken the " Fr." as "Freres," instead of " Francois,"
and changed the place of imprint to the common " La Haye" of the
earlier editions by "les Freres l'Honore."  I believe that no such
edition exists. This vagary has misled every bibliographer who has had
recourse to Sabin for this subject.
1735 - ENGLISH: J. and 7. Bonwicke, etc. - VOL. I.
New I Voyages I to I North-America. | Containing | An Account of the feveral Nations of that vaft Con- | tinent; their Cuftoms,
Commerce, and Way of Naviga- I tion upon the Lakes and Rivers; the
feveral Attempts of I the Englifh and French to difpoffefs one another;
with the I Reafons of the Mifcarriage of the former; and the various I
Adventures between the French, and the Iroquefe Confe- j derates of
England, from 1683 to I694. I A Geographical Defcription of Canada,
and a I Natural Hiftory of the Country, with Remarks upon their I
Government, and the Intereft of the Englifh and French I in their
Commerce. I Alfo a Dialogue between the Author and a General of
the I Savages, giving a full View of the Religion and ftrange Opi- I
nions of thofe People: With an Account of the Author's Retreat I to
Portugal and Denmark, and his Remarks on thofe Courts. I To which
is added, I A Dictionary of the Algonkine Language, which is I
generally fpoke in North-America. I Illuftrated with Twenty-Three
Maps and Cuts. I Written in French I By the Baron Lahontan, I
Lord Lieutenant of the French Colony at Placentia I in Newfoundland,
at that Time in England. I Done into Englifh. The Second Edition.
| In Two Volumes. | A great Part of which never Printed in the
Original. I Vol. I. I




Lahontan Bibliography             lxxxiii
London: | Printed for J. and J. Bonwicke, R. Wilkin, S. Birt, T.
Ward, I E. Wicksteed; and J. Osborn. M, DCC, XXXV. I
Collation. - 8vo; title, verso blank; " To His Grace William Duke
of Devonshire," pp. (2); "The Preface," pp. (8); "The Contents,"
pp. (12); " Some New Voyages," pp. [I]-202; " Memoirs of NorthAmerica," pp. 203-274; "A Table explaining some Terms made use
of in both Volumes," pp. 275-280. No mispaging.
Plates.- Opposite pp. 26, 43, 55, 65, 75, 89, o16, I60, 184, and
225; small full-page map of Canada opp. the title-page, and two large
folded maps, marked A and B, opp. p. i, as follows: "A General Map
of New France Com, call'd Canada," and "A Map drawn upon Stagskins by ye Gnacfitares," etc.
Signatures. -A in eight, a in four, B-S in eights, T in four.
Copies. - BA, C.
1735 - ENGLISH: Osborn issue - VOL. I.
New I Voyages I to I North-America. I Containing I An Account
of the feveral Nations of that vaft Con- I tinent; their Cuftoms, Commerce, and Way of Naviga- I tion upon the Lakes and Rivers; the
feveral Attempts of | the Englifh and French to difpoffefs one another;
with the I Reafons of the Mifcarriage of the former; and the various I
Adventures between the French, and the Iroquefe Confe- I derates of
England, from 1683 to I694. I A Geographical Defcription of Canada,
and a | Natural Hiftory of the Country, with Remarks upon their I
Government, and the Intereft of the Englifh and French I in their
Commerce. I Alfo a Dialogue between the Author and a General of
the I Savages, giving a full View of the Religion and ftrange Opi- I
nions of thofe People: With an Account of the Author's Retreat I to
Portugal and Denmark, and his Remarks on thofe Courts. I To which
is added, I A Dictionary of the Algonkine Language, which is I gen



lxxxiv


Lahontan Bibliography


erally fpoke in North-America. I Illuftrated with Twenty-Three Maps
and Cuts. I Written in French | By the Baron Lahontan, I Lord
Lieutenant of the French Colony at Placentia I in Newfoundland, at
that Time in England. I Done into Englifh. The Second Edition. I In
Two Volumes. I A great Part of which never Printed in the Original.
I Vol. I. I
London: I Printed for J. Osborn, at the Golden-Ball, in Paternofter-Row. | M, DCC, XXXV. I
Collation. - 8vo; title, verso blank; " To His Grace William," pp.
(2); "The Preface," pp. (8); "The Contents," pp. (I2); "Some
New Voyages to North-America," pp. [I]-202; "Memoirs of NorthAmerica," pp. 203-274; "A Table explaining some Terms made use
of in both Volumes," pp. 275-280. No mispaging.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 26, 43, 55, 65, 75, 89, io6, i60, and 184; a
small map of Canada to face the title-page; two large folded maps to
face p. I of text, as follows: (A) "A General Map of New France,
Comi, call'd Canada," and (B) "A Map drawn upon Stag-skins by
ye Gnacfitares," etc.; map of Newfoundland opp. p. 225.
Signatures. -A in eight, a in four, B-S in eights, T in four.
Copies. - BM, MHS, NL (two, one imperfect).
1735 - ENGLISH: 7. Walthoe, etc. - VOL. 2.
New i Voyages I to I North-America. I Giving a full Account of
the Cuftoms, | Commerce, Religion, and ftrange Opinions I of the
Savages of that Country. I With I Political Remarks upon the Courts
I of Portugal and Denmark, and the Prefent State of | the Commerce
of thofe Countries. I The Second Edition. I Written I By the Baron
Lahontan, Lord-Lieutenant of I the French Colony at Placentia in
New- I foundland: Now in England. I Vol. II. I




Lahontan Bibliography


lxxxv


London: I Printed for J. Walthoe, R. Wilkin, J. and J. Bonwicke,
| J. Osborn, S. Birt, T. Ward and E. Wickfteed. I735. 1
Collation. -8vo; title, verso blank; "A Discourse," pp. 3-91;
"A Conference," pp. 92-185; p. [I86] blank; "An Appendix," pp.
I87-288; "A Short Dictionary," pp. 289-304. No mispaging.
Plates. -Frontispiece, and opposite pp. 5, 29, 36, 59 (two), 80,
82, 84, and 86.
Signatures. - Aa-Tt in eights. Sig. Tt3 is misprinted Tt4.
Copies. -BA (lacks plates), C, MHS, NL (two, one of which
lacks last leaf).
1735 - ENGLISH: Brindley issue - VOL. I.
New I Voyages I to I North-America. I Containing I An Account
of the feveral Nations of that vati Con- I tinent; their Cuftoms, Commerce, and Way of Naviga- I tion upon the Lakes and Rivers; the
feveralAttempts of I the Englifl and French to difpofefs one another;
with the I Reafons of the Mifcarriage of the former; and the various |
Adventures between the French, and the Iroquefe Confe- I derates of
England, from 1683 to i694. I A Geographical Defcription of Canada,
and a I Natural Hiftory of the Country, with Remarks upon I their
Government, and the Intereft of the Englifh and | French in their
Commerce. I Alfo a Dialogue between the Author and a General I of
the Savages, giving a full View of the Religion and I ftrange Opinions of
thofe People: With an Account of | the Author's Retreat to Portugal
and Denmark, and his | Remarks on thofe Courts. i To which is added,
I A Dictionary of the Algonkine Language, which is I generally fpoke
in North-America. I Illuftrated with Twenty-Three Maps and Cuts. I
Written in French I By the Baron Lahontan, I Lord Lieutenant of the
French Colony at Placentia | in Newfoundland, at that Time in En



lxxxvi


Lahontan Bibliography


gland. I Done into Englifh. The Second Edition. I In Two Volumes.
I A great Part of which never Printed in the Original. I Vol. I. I
London: I Printed for John Brindley, Bookfeller, at the King'sArms I in New-bond-ftreet, Bookbinder to her Majefty, and his I
Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales; and Charles I Corbett, at Addifon's-head, Temple-bar. 1735. 1
Collation. — 8vo; title, verso blank; dedication "To His Grace
William Duke of Devonshire," pp. (2). "The Preface," pp. (8);
" The Contents," pp. (12); " Some New Voyages to North-America,"
pp. [I]-202; "Memoirs," pp. 203-274; "A Table explaining some
Terms made use of in both Volumes," pp. 275-280. No mispaging.
The Carter Brown copy, the only one I have examined, has the following plates, etc.:
Plates. -Opposite pp. 26, 43, 65, 75, 89, and o06; a small map of
Canada to face the title-page; a map of Newfoundland at p. 225; and
two large folded maps to precede p. I of the text, as follows: (A) "A
General Map of New France Cofn, call'd Canada," (B) "A Map
drawn upon Stag-skins by ye Gnacfitares," etc. The copy examined
apparently lacks plates opposite pp. 55, i60, and I84.
Signatures. -A in eight, a in four, B-S in eights, T in four.
Copies.- C, JCB.
1735 - ENGLISH: Brindley issue - VOL. 2.
New I Voyages I to I North-America. I Giving a full Account of
the Cu- I ftoms, Commerce, Religion, and ftrange I Opinions of the
Savages of that Country. | With | Political Remarks upon the Courts
I of Portugal and Denmark, and the Prefent I State of the Commerce
of thofe Countries. I The Second Edition. | Written I By the Baron
Lahontan, Lord Lieutenant I of the French Colony at Placentia in
New- I foundland: Now in England. I Vol. II. I




Lahontan Bibliography


lxxxvii


London: I Printed for J. Brindley, Bookfeller, at the King's I
Arms in New-bond-ftreet, Bookbinder to her Ma- I jefty, and his Royal
Highnefs the Prince of Wales; I and C. Corbett, at Addiofn's-head,
Temple-bar. | M D. CC. XXXV. I
Collation.-8vo; title, verso blank; "A Discourse," pp. 3-91;
"A  Conference or Dialogue," pp. 92-185; p. [186] blank; "An
Appendix," pp. 187-288; "A Short Dictionary," pp. 289-304. No
mispaging.
Plates. —Opposite pp. 5, 29, 36, 59 (two), 80, 82, 84, and 86,
perhaps also a plate on healing sick and burying the dead at p. 51 (not
found in the Carter Brown copy), and a frontispiece of an Indian in
an oval.
Signatures. - Aa-Tt in eights.
Copies. -C, JCB.
1739-DUTCH -VOL. I.
Reizen I van den Baron I van La Hontan I in het I Noordelyk |
Amerika, I Vervattende een Verhaal van verfcheide Volke- I ren die
het bewoonen; den aart hunner Re- I geering, hun Koophandel, hun
Ge- I woontens, hun Godsdienft, en I hun wys van Oorloogen. I
Neevens het Belang der Franfchen en der Engel- I fchen in hun Koophandel met die Volkeren; en I 't voordeel dat Engeland, met Vrankryk
in I Oorlog zynde, van dat Land kan trekken. I Alles met verfcheide
Aanteekeningen vermeer- I dert en opgeheldert, en met Kaarten en I
Plaaten verciert. I Eerste Deel. I Vertaalt door I Gerard Westerwyk.
I [Ornament] I
In's Gravenhage, | By Isaac Beauregard. 1739. I
Collation. - 8vo; title, verso blank; "Voorbericht van den Vertaaler," pp. (3); " Korte Inhouden," pp. (7); " Reizen," pp. [I]-28o,
an insert map-key of four pages at this location, and 281-582. Pp. 58,




Ixxxviii


Lahontan Bibliography


59, 62, 298, 305, and 445 are mispaged 59, 6o, 64, 498, 30, and 447
respectively; there are no pp. I9I and 192. The Ist, 3d, 6th, 12th to
15th and 2Ist lines and place of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. I, 65, 9go (plate marked 192), 297, 398,
488, and 544; a large folded " Carte que les Gnacsitares ont dessine,"
etc., between pp. 280 and 281.
Signatures. - * in six, A-Nn in eights, Oo in two, with an insert
of two leaves between S3 and S4.
Copies- C, JCB, NL, WHS.
1739 - DUTCH - VOL. 2.
Gedenkschriften I van het I Noordelyk I Amerika, I of het vervolg der | Reizen van den I Baron van La Hontan. I Vervattende de
Befchryving van een groote I ftreek Land van dat Weerelddeel; het
Belang I der Franfchen en der Engelfchen in 't zelve; I hun Koophandel, hun Schipvaart, en de I Zeeden en Gewoontens der Wilden, &c. Alles met Aanteekeningen I vermeerdert en opgeheldert. I
Neevens de Zaamenfpraaken van den Schryver met I een Wilden,
en een Woordenboek I van de Taal dier Volkeren. I Met Kaarten en
Plaaten Verciert. | Tweede Deel. | Vertaalt door I Gerard Westerwyk.
I [Ornament] I
In's Gravenhage, I By Isaac Beauregard, 1739. I
Collation. - 8vo; title, verso blank; "Gedenkschriften," pp. [I]358; half-title: "Saamenspraaken I van den I Schryver dezer Reizen
I met | Adario I een Wilden van Aanzien," etc., on p. [359]; p.
[360] blank; text of same, pp. [362]-523; "Woordenboek van de
Taal der Wilden," pp. 524-552. Pp. 9I, 327, and 427 are misprinted
19, 227, and 527, respectively. The Ist, 4th, 7th, I5th to I7th, and
2Ist lines and place of imprint printed in red.




Lahontan Bibliography


lxxxix


Plates.- Opposite pp. 178, 190, 239, 273, 297, 352, 357, 358 (long
narrow cut not numbered), and 390; a " Carte generale de Canada "
OPP. P. 5 (marked on plate "Tom: 2. P: i "), which has three
pages of text to accompany it - the whole intended -to be bound
between PP. 4 and 5 of the text.
Signatures. - Title, A-LI in eights, Mm in four, with two insert
leaves between A2 and A3.
Copies. - C, JCB, NL, WHS.
1741 -FRENCH -VOL. I.
Voyages I du Baron I de Lahontan I dans I l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I Qui contiennent une Relation des diffe6- I rens Peuples qui y
habitent; la nature I de leur Gouvernement; leur Commer- I ce, leurs
Couitumes, leur Religion, & I leur manie're de faire la Guerre: I
L'Inte'r't des Fran~:ois & des Anglois dans le ICommerce qu'ils font
avec ces Nations, l'a- I vantage que I'Angleterre peut retirer de ce I
Pais, e6tant en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes
& de Figures. ITome Pemier [sic] I Seconde Edition, revue~, corrigee,
& augmente'e. I[Ornament] I
A Amsterdam, I Chez Fran~,ois L'Honore, vis-a'-vis de la Bourfe. I
M. DCC. XXXXI. I
Collation. - I2mo; title, verso blank; " Preface,") pp. (8); " Voyages" or text, pp. i-i 88; "Table des Lettres, " pp. (4).- P. 82 is
mispaged 28. The Ist, 3d, 5th, 6th, 12th to I~th, and 17th lines and
place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 14, 25, 38, 56, 87, 97, 129, and 156, and
frontispiece of an Indian in an oval; a small " Carte general du Canada
en petit point " opp. p. 10.
Signatures. - Title-page, * in four, A-H in twelves.
Copies. - BE, C, JCB, WHS.




xc


Labontan Bibliography


1741- FRENCH -VOL. 2 (called VOL. 3).
Memoires | de  l'Amerique I Septentrionale, I ou la Suite | des
Voyages de Mr le I Baron de Lahontan: I Qui contiennent la Defcription d'une grande I etendue de Pais de ce Continent, l'interet des
I Frangois & des Anglois, leurs Commerces, j leurs Navigations, les
Mceurs & les Coutu | tumes [sic] des Sauvages, &c. I Avec un petit
Dictionaire de la langue du Pais. I Le tout enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. | Tome Troisieme. I Seconde Edition, augmentee de la maniere
dont | les Sauvages fe regalent. I [Cut, a double cornucopia] I
A Amsterdam, I Chez FranCois l'Honore & Compagnie. I M. DCC.
xxxxI. I
Collation. — I2mo; title, verso blank; " Memoires," pp. 1-218;
"Dictionnaire de la Langue des Sauvages," pp. 219-237, with verso of
p. 237 blank. No mispaging. The Ist, 3d, 6th 7th, I3th, and 15th
lines and place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates. -Opposite pp. 51, 103, IIo, 137, 142, i66, 19I, 208, 209,
and 210; a large folded " Carte generale de Canada" opp. p. I.
Signatures. -Title, A-K in twelves (the last leaf blank).
Copies. - BE, C, HC, JCB, WHS.
1741 - FRENCH - VOL. 3 (called VOL. 2).
Suite I des Voyages I du Baron I de Lahontan I dans I l'Amerique
| Septentrionale, | Qui contiennent une Relation des diffe- I rens
Peuples qui y habitent; la nature | de leur Gouvernement; leur
Commer- I ce leurs Coutumes, leur Religion, & I leur maniere de
faire la Guerre: L'Interet des Francois & des Anglois dans le I Commerce qu'ils font avec ces Nations, l'a- I vantage que l'Angleterre
peut retirer de ce I Pais, etant en Guerre avec la France. I Le tout
enrichi de Cartes & de Figures. I Tome Second. I Seconde Edition,
revue, corrigee, & augmentee. I [Ornament] I




Lahontan Bibliography


xci


A Amsterdam, I Chez Frantois l'Honore, vis-a-vis de la Bourfe. |
M. DCC. XXXXI. I
Collation. - i2mo; title, verso blank; " Table des Lettres du Tome
Second," pp. (4); "Suite," pp. I-2IO; "Explication de quelques
Termes," pp. 211-220. No mispaging. The 2d, 4th, 6th, 7th, I3th
to i6th, and I8th lines and place and date of imprint printed in red.
Plates.-Opposite pp. 23, 38, 172, and I75; a "Carte que les
Gnacsitares ont Dessine," etc. opp. p. I.
Signatures. - Title and two leaves, A-I in twelves, K in two
Copies.-BE, C, JCB, WHS.
1757-FRENCH: Extract.
Voiage du Baron de la Hontan sur la Riviere Longue.
The above marginal title belongs to a short extract in the original
quarto edition of Histoire General des Foiages, ou Nouvelle Collection
de toutes les Relations de Voiages, edited by Antoine Francois Prevost
d'Exiles. It is found in vol. xiv (Paris: Chez Didot, 1757), pp.
719-729.
This French collection of voyages was also issued in duodecimo -
Paris: Chez Didot, I749-1789, 80 vols. of text; in quarto —Al La
Haye: Chez Pierre De Hondt, 1747-1780, 25 vols.  It appeared in
Dutch- In's Gravenhage: By Pieter de Hondt, 1747-I767, 21 vols.,
quarto; in German-Leipzig: Arkstee und Merkus, 1747-I774, 21
vols., quarto; and in Spanish-En Madrid: En la Imprenta de Don
Juan Antonio Lozano, I763-I791, 28 vols., quarto.
1758 - GERMAN: Extract.
Reife des Barons de la Hontan auf dem langen Flufle. I
This is the heading of an extract in vol. I6 of the "Allgemeine
Hifforie I der Reifen zu Waffer und Lande; I oder I Sammlung I
aller I Reifebefchreibungen, I [etc.] Leipzig, bey Arkftee und Merkus.




xcii


Lahontan Bibliography


1758. 1 " This is the German translation of Prevost's collection, q. v.
under I757. The German editor was Johann Joachim Schwabe.
Lahontan begins the fourth "Abschnitt" of the twelfth chapter,
on p. 694. Described from a copy in BA.
1812 — ENGLISH: Abridgment.
Travels in Canada; I by the Baron Lahontan. I
Such is the heading of this abridgment in John Pinkerton's " A
General Collection of the best and most interesting Voyages and
Travels in all Parts of the World; * * * Volume the thirteenth. * * *
London: Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown,
Paternoster-Row; and Cadell and Davies, in the Strand. I8I2." A
foot-note shows that the English edition (London, 1735) was used as
the source of the text. It extends from pp. 254-373. Good illustrations are included as follows: "Coffer of Perotte," opp. p. 266;
double plate, "On the River St. Lawrence" and "Characteristic
Scenery of the Hudson River," opp. p. 271; "Falls of Niagara," which
is "Engraved by G. Cooke, from an Original Drawing," opp. p. 296.
1831 -ITALIAN- VOLS. I AND 2.
Viaggi I del I Barone di Lahontan I nell'America Settentrionale I
Tradotti dal Francese I dal gia Capitano Italiano I A. F. I Volume
Primo [Secondo] I
Milano | Per G. Truffi e Comp. I 1831 I
Collation.- 2 vols.; small 8vo; Vol.: Half-title: "Viaggi I del I
Barone di Lahontan," verso blank; title, verso blank; "Viaggi" or
text (Letters I-XV), pp. [5]-215; "Indice," on verso of p. 2I5. No
plates or maps.
Signatures. - Two unmarked signatures in eights, 2-I2 in eights,
13 in four.




Lahontan Bibliography


xciii
XC111


Vol. 2: Half-title, verso blank; title, verso blank; text (Letters
XVI-XXV), pp. [5]-20I; "Indice," p. 202. No plates or maps.
Signatures. - [] in four, 2-I2 in eights, I3 in four, I3* in six
(last leaf blank).
Printed paper covers, with cut of a globe on a stand; that of vol. 2
is dated " M. DCCC. XXXI." This is a translation of the first volume of
the French work, or series of twenty-five letters. The only copy I
have seen is in the Library of Congress.
900o - FRENCH.
Un Outre-Mer I au xviie Siecle I Voyages au Canada I Du Baron
de La Hontan I publics I Avec une Introduction et des Notes I par I
M. FranCois de Nion | [Printers' mark] I
Paris I Librairie Plon | Plon-Nourrit et Cie, Imprimeurs-Editeurs I
Rue Garanciere, 8 I| 900 I Tous droits reserves I
Collation. - 8vo; cover-title, verso blank; half-title, with list of
works by the same editor, etc., on verso; title, verso blank; "Introduction," pp. [v]-xix; one blank page; text pp. [I]-33i; p. [332]
blank; "Table des Matieres," pp. [333].-338; colophon, with verso
blank; list of publications by the same publishing house, on last cover,
with recto blank. No mispaging.
Signatures. - Cover-title, half-title, title, a in eight, I-21 in eights,
22 in two, last cover. This work is arranged under twenty-five letters.
It is not a full reprint of Lahontan, but presents parts of his work, with
interpretations in the narrative. There are no maps or plates, and the
editorial notes are sparse.
Described from a copy in NL.




iI
i
I
I
Ii








tlPI s- - +
I? M
c.              t 4   + +~
Q) +
=t ~Fto
It           ~
44                                S
l Or?
anvy                       EttJ CT




... Mw w-               -.




i
00


I


I~-r-" I  I  ~  -           - 0- 11 - 111  -
N E NV


VOYAGES
T O
NorthAmerica.
CONTAINING
An Account of the feveral Nations of that vaft Continent; their Cuftoms, Commerce, and Way cf
Navigation upon the Lakes and Rivers; the tfveral Attempts of the Englilb and French to difpofrefs
one another; with the Reafons of the Mifcarriage
of the former; and the various Adventures between the French, and the Iroquefe Confederates of
England, from  1683 to 1694.
A Geographical Defcription of Canada, and a Natural Hiftory of the Country, with Remarks upon
their Government, and the Intereft of the Englifj
and French in their Commerce,
Alfo a Dialogve between the Author and a General of the
Savages, giving a full View of the Religion and ftrange
Opnioins of thofe People: With an Account of the Authors Retreat to Portugal and Denmark; and his Remarks
on thofe Courts.
To which is added,
A Diionary of the Al gnkine Language, which is generally
fpoke in North,-mertca.
Illuftrated with Twenty Three Mapps and Cutts.
Written in French
By the Baron L A H O N T A N, Lord Lievtenant
of the French Colony at Placentia in Newfoundland, now in England.
Done into Englifh.
In Two V OLUME.
A great part. of which never Printed in the Original.




I


_ c.......- -.-I- -


LONDO': Printed fbr -I. Benmicke in Sc. Padls Church-yaMd;
T. Goodwin, M Wotton, B. Tooke, in Fleerfreet; and S. ManJhip
in Cornbil, 1703.


- -- - - - - - — 1` --—  - -- - - - --




I




To His Grace


WILLIAM
Duke of Devonfhire,
Lord Steward of Her Majeflies Houfehold, Lord Lieutenant of the
County of Derby, Chief Juftice in Eyre of all Her Majefties
Forrefjs, Chafes, Parks, &c. Trent-North; One of the Lords
of Her MajeJflies Mof Honourable Privy Council, and Knight
of the Mofl Honourable Order of the Garter.'
My Lord,
SINCE I had the Honour to prefent the King of Denmark
with the firft    part of this Book, I prefume to make a
Prefent of the Latter to your Grace.2             In making the firft
Dedication, I had no other inducement, than a due regard to
1 Unlike Hennepin, Lahontan did not present his book directly to the ruler of
England, but chose rather as patron one of the great Whig lords, who was distinguished for his taste in art and letters, and was a critic of some note. William Cavendish, duke of Devonshire, had been active in politics since the reign or Charles II.
A private quarrel, as well as public wrongs, had estranged him from James II; he
was one of the chief supporters of the Revolution of i688, and high in favor at the
courts both of William III and of Anne. Next to the English ruler, Lahontan could
have applied to no more popular or more powerful patron.-ED.
2 Frederick IV, one of the best-known princes of his day, was also a savant and
connoisseur. He had received Lahontan at his court, and protected him in need.
Lahontan refers here to the first edition, rather than the " first part " of his bookthe edition which appeared at the Hague (in French) early in 1703.-ED.




4                 The Dedication.
the benefits I receiv'd from His Majefties favour; and the
fame Motive with reference to your Grace, has prompted me
to make this acknowledgment of the undeferved Favours you
kindly vouchfaf'd me.
I did not dare to launch out into the praife of His Danifh
Majefty, who has a juft Title to all forts of Encomiums; by
reafon that the little French I had, has been forgot among a
fort of People, that take Panegyricks to be Affronts. 'Tis
with the fame view, My Lord, that I decline the pleafure of
publifhing thofe diffinguifhing Qualities, that place Your
Lordfhip at the Head of the Moft Accompliih'd Grandees of
the World, and the Moft Zealous Patriots of their Country.
I am with all Gratitude and Veneration,
My Lord,
Tour Grace's,
Moft Humble, and Moit
Obedient Servant.
Lahontan.




THE
PREFACE.
HA.VING flatter'd my felf with the vain hopes of retrieving the
King of France's favour, before the Declaration of this
Wfar; I I was fo far from thinking to put thefe Letters, and Memoirs, to the Prefs; that I defign'd to have committed 'em         to the
flames, if that Monarch had done me the honour of reinflating me
in my former Places, with the good leave of Meffleurs de Pontchartrain,* the Father and        the Son.2      * The one C
*  7he one Chancellor of
'Twas with that view       that I neglefled    France, and the other Secto put 'em  in fuch a drefs as might now       retary of State: Both of
be wijh'd for, for the fatisfaftion of the     'em vaflly rich.
Reader that gives himfelf the trouble to perufe 'em.
1 The reference is to the War of the Spanish Succession (in America, called
Queen Anne's War), which began in 1703 between France and Spain on the one
hand, and England, Austria, and Holland on the other, involving in its course
most European powers. It was terminated by the treaty of Utrecht (1713).-ED.
2 After the able ministers who served during the vigor of his reign, those chosen
by Louis XIV during his old age were mediocre in talent. The two Counts of Pontchartrain belonged to this latter class. Louis Phelypeaux the elder was born in 1643,
and early entered the public service; in x689 he became comptroller-general of
finance, and the following year minister of the marine, with charge of colonial affairs.
His son Jerome (born in x674) became secretary of state in 1693, and upon his
father's promotion to the chancellorship (i699), succeeded to the latter's offices.
Thus during the latter years of Louis XIV the Pontchartrains were the most powerful
ministers of the court. Both lost their offices upon the demise of the king (1715),
the elder dying in I727, the younger in 1  7  7. - ED.




6


The Preface.


Between the fifteenth and fixteenth year of my Age I went to
Canada, and there took care to keep up a conflant Correfpondence
by Letters with an old Relation, who had required of me a Narrative of the Occurrences of that Country, upon the account of the
yearly affifance he gave me.  ' Tis thefe very Letters that make the
greateft part of the firfl Volum. They contain an account of all that
pafs'd between the Englifh, the French, the Iroquefe, and the
other Savage Nations, from the year 1683, to I694. Together with
a great many curious Remarks, that may be of ufe to thofe who have
any knowledge of the Englifh or French Colonies.
The whole is writ with a great deal of Fidelity; for I reprefent
things juf as they are. I neither flatter nor fpare any Perfon whatfoever; I attribute to the * Iroquefe,
* Call'd by the Englifh
the glory they have purchafed on feveral  i New-York, Maak.
occafions, tho' at the fame time I hate
that Rafcally People, as much as Horns and Law-Suits.  NotwithJfanding the Veneration I have for the Clergy, I impute to them all
the mi/chief the Iroquefe have done to the French Colonies, in the
courfe of a War that had never been undertaken, if it had not been
for the Counfels of thefe pious Church-Men.
The Reader is defir'd to take notice that the Towns of NewYork, are known to the French by their old Names only, and for
that reafon I was oblig'd to make ufe of the fame in my Letters, as
well as my Mapps. They give the name of New-York to all that
Country, that reaches from the Source of its River to the Mouth,
that is, to the Ifland, upon which there flands a City call'd in the time
of the Dutch Manathe, and now by the Englifh, New-York.




The Preface.


7


In like manner the Plantation of Albany, that lies towards the head
of the River, is call'd by the French, Orange.
Farther; I would not have the Reader to take it amifs, that the
thoughts of the Savages are fet forth in an European Drefs. The
occafion of that choice proceeded from the Relation I Correfponded
with; for that honefl Gentleman ridiculed the Metaphorical Harangue of the * Grangula; and intreated
~ See Letter 7th.
me not to make a literal Tranflation of
a Language that was fo fluff'd with Fitlions and Savage Hyperboles. 'Tis for this reafon that all the Difcourfes and Arguments of
thofe Nations, are here accommodated to the European Style and way
of Speaking; for having comply'd with my Friend's Requefl, I contented my felf in keeping only a Copy of the Letters I writ to him,
during my Pilgrimage in the Country of thefe naked Philofophers.
'Twill not be improper to acquaint the Reader by the bye, that
thofe who know my faults, do as little juflice to thefe People, as they
do to me, in alledging I am a Savage myfelf, and that that makes
me fpeak fo favourably of my Fellow-Savages. Thefe Obfervators
do me a great deal of Honour, as long as they do not explain themfelves, fo as to make me direStly of the fame Charafter with that
which is tack'd to the word Savage by the Europeans in their way
of thinking: For in faying only that I am of the fame temper with
the Savages, they give me without defign, the Character of the honefleflJMan in the World. 'Tis an uncontefled truth, that the Nations
which are not debauch'd by the Neighbourhood of the Europeans,
are firangers to the Meafures of Meum and Tuum, and to all
Laws, Judges, and Priefis. This can't be call'd in queflion, fince




8


The Preface.


all Travellers that have vifited thofe Countries, vouch for its truth;
and a great many of different Profeffions, have given the World
repeated affurances that 'tis fo. Now this being granted, we ought
not to fcruple to believe, that thefe are fuch wife and reafonable
People. I take it, a Man muff be quite blind, who do's not fee that
the property of Goods (I do not fpeak of the ingroffing of Women)
is the only Source of all the Diforders that perplex the European
Societies. Upon that Confideration 'twill be eafie to perceive, that I
have not fpoke wide in describing that Wifdom and Acutenefs which
fines through the Words and Ations of thefe poor Americans. If
all the World had accefs to the Books of Voyages, that are found in
fome well flock'd Libraries, they would find in above a hundred Defcriptions of Canada, an infinity of Difcourfes and Arguments offer'd
by the Savages, which are incomparably fironger, and more nervous
than thofe I've inferted in my Memoirs.
As for fuch as doubt of the Inflint and wonderful capacity of
Beavers, they need only to cajf their Eyes upon the Great Map of
America, drawn by the Sieur de Fer, and grav'd at Paris in the
year I698.1   Where they will meet with feveral furprifing things,
relating to there Animals.
While my Book was a Printing in Holland, I was in England;
and as foon as it appear'd, feveral Englifh Gentlemen of a difiinguifhing Merit, who underfiand the French as well as their Mother
Tongue, gave me to know, that they would be glad to fee a more
1 Nicolas de Fer (1646-1720) was a well-known cartographer of his time, bearing
the title of royal geographer of Belgium (1701-16). His maps were more noted for
the adornment of their borders, and their picturesque appearance, than for accuracy.
Lahontan doubtless refers to engravings of beavers which ornament the margin of the
chart here cited. - ED.




The Preface.


9


ample Relation of the Manners and Cufloms of the People of that
Continent, whom we call by the name of Savages. This oblig'd me
to communicate to thefe Gentlemen, the fubflance of the feveral Conferences I had in that Country with a certain Huron, whom the
French call Rat. While I flay'd at that American's Village, I
imploy'd my time very agreeably in making a careful Colletion of
all his Arguments and Opinions; and as foon as I return'd from my
Voyage upon the Lakes of Canada, I Jhew'd my Manufcript to
Count Frontenac, who was fo pleas'd with it, that he took the pains
to affifj me in digefling the Dialogues, and bringing them into the
order they now appear in 1: For before that, they were abrupt Conferences without Connexion. Upon the Solicitation of thefe Englifh
Gentlemen, I've put thefe Dialogues into the hands of the Per/on
who tranflated my Letters and Memoirs: And if it had not been for
their prefing Inflances, they had never feen the light; for there are
but few in the World that will judge impartially, and without prepoffeffion, of fome things contain'd in 'em.
I have likewife intrufled thefame Tranflator withfome Remarks
that I made in Portugal, and Denmark, when I fled thither from
Newfound-Land. There the Reader will meet with a defcription
of Lisbon and Copenhagen, and of the capital City of Arragon.
To the Transflation of my firfl Volume, I have added an exat
Map of Newfound-Land, which was not in the Original. I have
likewife correted almofj all the Cuts of the Holland Impreffion, for
1 Frontenac's responsibility for the famous dialogue between Lahontan and the
Huron has been much discussed. Without doubt, the governor of Canada permitted
himself liberties in religious thought, and enjoyed Lahontan's clever flings against
the Jesuits; but it can hardly be held that all the sentiments expressed by the traveller
accorded with his own. - ED.




Io                    The    Preface.
the Dutch Gravers had murder'd 'em, by not underflanding their
Explications, which were all in French. They have grav'd Women
for Men, and Men for Women; naked Perfons for thofe that are
cloath'd, and e Contra. As for the Maps, the Reader will find
'em very exati; And I have taken care to have the TraIs of my
Voyages more nicely delineated, than in the Original.
I underfland by Letters from Paris, that the two Meffieurs
de Pontchartrain indeavour by all means to be reveng'd upon me
for the affront they say I have given 'em in publi/hing fome triffing
Stories in my Book, that ought to have been conceal'd. I am likewife
inform'd, that I have reafon to be apprehenfive of the Refentment
of feveral Ecclefiaflicks, who pretend I have infulted God in cenfuring their Conduet. But fince I expefted nothing lefs than the furious
Refentment both of the one and the other, when I put this Book to
the Prefs; I had time enough to arm myfelf from top to toe, in order
to make head againfl 'em. 'Tis my comfort, that I have writ nothing
but what I make good byAuthentick proofs; befides, that I could not
have faid lefs of 'em than I have done; for if I had not tied my felf
up to the diret thread of my Difcourfe, I could have made Digreffions, in which the Conduc both of the one and the other, would
have appear'd to be prejudicial to the repofe of the Society, and the
publick Good. I had provocation enough to have treated 'em in that
manner; but my Letters being addrefs'd to an old Bigotted Relation
of mine, who fed upon Devotion, and dreaded the influence of the
Court; he flill befeech'd me to write nothing to him that might difoblige the Clergy or the Courtiers, for fear of the intercepting of my
Letters. However, I have advice from Paris, that fome Pedants
are fet at work to la/h me in writing; and fo I mufj prepare tof and




The Preface.


II


the brunt of a flower of affronts, that will be pour'd upon me in a
few days. But 'tis no matter; I am fo good a Conjurer, that I can
ward off any florm from the fide of Paris. I laugh at their
Threats; and fince I can't make ufe of my Sword, I'll wage War
with my Pen.
This I only mention by the bye, in this my Preface to the Reader,
whom I pray the Heavens to Crown with Profperity, in preferving
him from having any bufinefs to adjuft with mofi of the Minifters
of State, and Priefls; for let them be never fo faulty, they'll flill be
faid to be in the right, till fuch time as Anarchy be introduc'd among/f
us, as well as the Americans, among whom the forryeflfellow thinks
himfelf a better Man, than a Chancellor of France.    Thefe People
are happy in being fcreen'd from the tricks and flzifts of Minifters,
who are always Mafiers where-ever they come. I envy the flate of
a poor Savage, who tramples upon Laws, and pays Homage to no
Scepter.  I wifl I could fpend the reft of my Life in his Hutt, and
fo be no longer expos'd to the chagrin of bending the knee to a Jet of
Men, thatfacrifice the publick good to their private intereft, and are
born to plague honefl Men. The two Minifters of State I have
to do with, have been Jolicited in vain, by the Duchefs of Lude,
Cardinal Bouillon, Count Guifcar, Mr. de Quiros, and Count
d' Avauxl: Nothing could prevail, tho' all that is laid to my
charge, confifs only in not bearing the affronts of a Governour,
whom they protet; at a time when a hundred other Officers, who
1 These patrons who spoke on behalf of Lahontan were among the eminent personages of the court of Louis XIV. The Count de Lude was grand master of artillery,
his wife a friend of Madame de Frontenac. Cardinal Bouillon was the younger son
of the great Turenne, a prominent supporter of Fenelon; at this time he was in a sort
of honorable exile in Holland, as was likewise Count Guiscard, a diplomat and




12                       The Preface.
live under the imputation of Crimes, infinitelygreater than mine, are
excus'd for three Months abfence from   Court.l Now the Reafon is,
that they give lefs quarter to thofe who have the misfortune to difpleafe the two Meffieurs de Ponchartrain. than to fuch as aSl
contrary to the King's Orders.
But after all my Misfortunes, I have this to folace me, that I
injoy in England a fort of Liberty, that is not met with elfewhere:
For one may jufily fay, that of all the Countries inhabited by civilis'd People, this alone affords thegreateftperfeStion of Liberty. Nay,
I do not except the liberty of the Mind, for I am convinc'd, that the
Englifh maintain it with a great deal of tendernefs: So true it is,
that all degrees of Slavery are abhorr'd by this People, who ihew
their Wifdom in the precautions they take to prevent their finking
into a fatal Servitude.
politician of some fame. Don Francesco Bernardo de Quiros was Spanish ambassador at the Hague; and Count d'Avaux had long been French minister at the same
court, retiring upon William III's invasion of England (I688), and again upon the
outbreak of the War of Spanish Succession (1703). It was he who accompanied
James II (1689) to Ireland, as representative of Louis XIV. -ED.
1 Lahontan here refers to his disagreement with Brouillan, governor of Newfoundland, and his own departure thence without leave. -ED.




THE


CONTENTS.
VOL. I.
[Original pagination retained.]
LETTER I.
Dated at Quebec Nov. 8. I683.
ONTAINING a Defcription of the Paffage from France to
Canada; with fome Remarks upon the Coafls, Channels, &c.
and the variation of the Needle.                      p. I.
LETTER II.
Dated at the Canton of BeauprI May 2. I684.
Containing a Defcription of the Plantations of Canada, and the
manner in which they were firfl form'd: As alfo an Account of
the Tranfportation of Whores from France to that Country;
together with a view of its Climate and Soil.      p. 7.
LETTER. III.
Dated at Quebec May IS. 1684.
Containing an ample Defcription of the City of Quebec, and of the
Ifland of St. Laurence.                           p. 1I.




I4


The Contents.


LETTER. IV.
Dated at Monreal June 14. I684.
Containing a brief Defcription of the Habitations of the Savages in
the Neighbourhood of Quebec; of the River of St. Laurence,
as far up as Monreal; of a curious way of filhing Eels; and
of the Cities of Trois Rivieres, and Monreal: Together with
an account of the Condut of the Forreft-Rangers or Pedlers.
p. 16.
LETTER. V.
Dated at Monreal June i8. 1684.
In which is contain'd a fhort account of the Iroquefe, with a view
of the War and Peace they made with the French, and of the
means by which it was brought about.              p. 22.
LETTER. VI.
Dated at Monreal June 20. 1684.
Being an ample Defcription of the Canows made of Birch Bark, in
which the Canadans perform all their Voyages; with an Account
of the manner in which they are made and manag'd.  p. 26.
LETTER. VII.
Dated at Monreal Novemb. 2. 1684.
Defcribing the River of St. Laurence, from Monreal to the firfl
great Lake of Canada, with the Water-falls, CataraEs, and
Navigation of that River: As alfo Fort Frontenac, and the
advantages that accrue from it. Together with a Circumfian



The Contents.


i5


tial account of the Expedition of Mr. de la Barre, the Governour General, againfl the Iroquefe; the Speeches he made,
the Replies he receiv'd, and the final Accommodation of the difference.                                           p. 29.
LETTER. VIII.
Dated at Monreal June 28. I685.
Reprefenting the Fortifications of Monreal, and the indifcreet zeal
of the Priefls, who are Lords of that Town: With a Defcription of Chambli, and of the Commerce of the Savages upon the
great Lakes.                                       p. 45.
LETTER. IX.
Dated at Boucherville Ot. 2. I685.
Being an Account of the Commerce and Trade of Monreal: Of the
Arrival of the Marquis of Denonville with fome Troops; and
of the recalling of Mr. de la Barre. With a curious Defcription
of certain Licenfes for trading in Beaver-Skins in the remote
Countries.                                         p. 5i.
LETTER. X.
Dated at Boucherville July 8. i686.
Relating the Arrival of Mr. de Champigni, in the room of Mr.
de Meules, who is recall'd to France; the arrival of the
Troops that came along with him, the curiofity of the Rackets,
and the way of hunting Elks; with a Defcription of that
Animal.                                            p. 55.




i6


The Contents.


LETTER. XI.
Dated at Boucberville May 28. 1687.
Being a curious Defcription of the Hunting of divers Animals. p. 6o.
LETTER. XII.
Dated at St. Helens over againft Monreal June 8. 1687.
The Chevalier de Vaudreuil arrives in Canada with fome Troops.
Both the Regular Troops and the Militia are pofled at St.
Helens, in a readinefs to march againft the Iroquefe.  p. 68.
LETTER. XIII.
Dated at Niagara Aug. 2. 1687.
Reprefenting the unfavourable Iffue of the Campaign, made in the
Iroquefe Country; the difcovery of an Ambufcade, and the
iffuing of Orders for the Author to march with a Detachment
to the great Lakes.                               p. 70.
LETTER. XIV.
Dated at Miffilimakinac May 26. i688.
The Author leaves Nagara, and has an Incounter with the Iro.
quefe at the end of the Land-Carriage. The after-part of his
Voyage. A Defcription of the Country. He arrives at Fort St.
Jofeph in the Mouth of the Lake of Hurons. A Detachment
of the Hurons arrive at the fame place. After an Ingagement,
they fet out for Miffilimakinac. A flrange Adventure of Mr.
de la Salle's Brother.  Miffilimakinac defcrib'd.  p. 80.




The Contents.


I7


LETTER. XV.
Dated at Miffilimakinac Sept. 18. 1688.
Defcribing the Fall call'd Saut St. Marie, where the Author perfwades the Inhabitants to joyn the Outaouas, and march againfl
the Iroquefe. And containing an account of the Occurrences of
the Voyage between that Place and Miffilimakinac.  p. 92.
LETTER. XVI.
Dated at Miffilimakinac May 28. I689.
Containing an Account of the Author's Departure from, and Return
to, Miffilimakinac. A Defcription of the Bay of Puants, and
its Villages. An ample Defcription of the Beavers, follow'd by
the Journal of a remarkable Voyage upon the Long River, and
a Map of the adjacent Country.                   p. Io4.
LETTER. XVII.
Dated at Quebec Sep. 28. I689.
The Author fets out from Miffilimakinac to the Colony, and defcribes the Country, Rivers, and Paffes that he faw by the way.
The Iroquefe make a fatal incurfion into the Ifland of Monreal: Fort Frontenac is abandon'd; Count Frontenac is fent
to Canada, and the Marquis of Denonville is recall'd. p. I42.
LETTER. XVIII.
Dated at Quebec Nov. IS. I689.
Giving an Account of Mr. de Frontenac's Arrival, his Reception,
his Voyage to Monreal, and the repairing of Fort Frontenac.
p. 15I.
2




The Contents.


LETTER. XIX.
Dated at Monreal Oftober 2. I690.
Relating the Attempts upon New-England and New-York; a fatal
Embaffyfent by the French to the Iroquefe, and an ill-concerted
Enterprife of the Englifh and the Iroquefe, in marching by
Land to attack the French Colony.                p. 155.
LETTER. XX.
Dated at Rochel January I2. I691.
Being a Relation of a fecond and very important Expedition of the
Englifh by Sea; in which is contain'd a Letter written by the
Englifh Admiral to Count Frontenac, with the Governour's
Verbal Anfwer. As alfo an account of the Author's departure
for France.                                      p. I59.
LETTER. XXI.
Dated at Rochel July 26. 691.
Containing a Defcription of the Courts or Offices of the Minifters
of State, and a view of fome Services that are ill rewarded at
Court.                                           p. i66.
LETTER. XXII.
Dated at Quebec Nov. io. I691.
Which contains an account of the Author's departure from Rochel
to Quebec, of his Voyage to the mouth of the River St. Laurence,
of a Rencounter with an Englifh Ship which he fought; of the
flranding of his Ship; of his failing thro' the River St. Laurence;
of the news he receiv'd that a party of the Englifh and Iroquefe, had defeated a Body of the French Troops.  p. 171.




The Contents.


I9


LETTER. XXIII.
Dated at Nants Oitob. 25. I692.
Containing an Account of the taking of fome Englifh Vefels, of
defeating a Party of the Iroquefe, of an Iroquefe burnt alive
at Quebec; of another Party of thefe Barbarians, who having
furpris'd fome Coureurs de Bois, were afterwards furpris'd
themfelves. Of the Projelt of an Enterprize propos'd by Mr.
Frontenac to the Author. Of the Author's departure in a
Frigat for France, and his flopping at Placentia, which was
then attack'd by the Englifh Fleet that came to take that Pofl
from us. How the Englifh fail'd in their Defign, and the
Author purfu'd his Voyage.                       p. I75.
LETTER. XXIV.
Dated at Nants May io. I693.
Containing an Account of Mr. Frontenac's Projet, which was
reje ted at Court, and the reafon why it was rejetled. The
King gives the Author the Lieutenancy of Newfound Land,
&c. together with the Independent Company.       p. 187.
LETTER. XXV.
Dated at Viana in Portugal Jan. 3I. I694.
The Author's departure from France to Placentia. A Fleet of
30 Englifh Ships came to feize upon that place; but is difappointed, and Sheers off. The reafon why the Englifh have
bad fuccefs in all their Enterprifes beyond Sea. The Author's
Adventure with the Governour of Placentia. His departure for
Portugal. An Engagement with a Flufhing Privateer. p. I93.




20


The Contents.


Memoirs of North-America.
Containing a Geographical Defcription of that vail Continent; the
Cufloms and Commerce of the Inhabitants, &c.      p. 203.
A fhort Defcription of Canada.                       p. 205.
A Lift of the Savage Nations of Canada.              p. 230.
A Lift of the Animals of Canada.                     p. 232.
A Defcription offuch Animals or Beafls as are not mention'd
in the Letters.                                   p. 233.
A Lift of the Fowl or Birds of Canada.               p. 237.
A Defcription of fuch Birds as are not accounted for in the
Letters.                                          p. 239.
A Defcription of the InfefIs of Canada.              p. 242.
The Names of the Fifh of Canada.                     p. 243.
A Defcription of the Filh that are not mention'd in the Letters p. 244.
The Trees and Fruits of Canada.                      p. 247.
A Defcription of the above-mention'd Trees.          p. 248.
A General view of the Commerce of Canada,            p. 254.
The Commodities truck'd to and again between the French
and the Savages.                                  p. 257.
An Account of the Government of Canada in General.   p. 260.
A Difcourfe of the Intereft of the French and Englifh in
North-America.                                    p. 260.
A Table Explaining fome uncommon Terms.              p. 276.




The Contents.


2I


The Contents of the Second
Volume.
Difcourfe of the Habit, Houfes, Complexion and Temperament
of the Savages of North-America.         P. I. Vol. 2.
A fhort view of the Humours and Cufloms of the Savages.  p. 7.
The Belief of the Savages, and the Obflacles of their Converfion. p. 19.
The way of Worfhip us'd by the Savages.             p. 29.
An Account of the Amours and Marriages of the Savages.  p. 34.
A View of the Difeafes and Remedies of the Savages.  p. 45.
The Diverfions of Hunting and Shooting ufual among the
Savages.                                         P. 55.
The Military Art of the Savages.                    p. 71.
A View of the Heraldy and the Coats of Arms of the Savages. p. 84.
An Explication of the Savage Hieroglyphicks.         p. 86.
A Conference or Dialogue between the Author and
Adario, a noted Man among the Savages.
Containing a Circumflantial view of the Cu/loms and Humours of
that People.                                     p. 90.




22


The Contents.


An APPENDIX, Containing fome New Voyages
to Portugal and Denmark; after the Author's Retirement from Canada.
LETTER. I.
Dated at Lisbon April 20. I694.
Containing a Defcription of Viana, Porto a Porto, Aveiro, Coimbra, Lisbon; together with a View of the Court of Portugal;
and an Account of the Government, Laws, Cufloms, and Humours of the Portuguefe.                        p. I85.
LETTER. II.
Dated at Travemunde I694.
Containing an Account of the Author's Voyage from Lisbon to
Garnfey; his Adventure with an Englifh Man of War, and
an Englifh Privateer: A Defcription of Rotterdam and Amfterdam; the Author's Voyage to Hamburgh; the Dimenfions
of a Flemifh Sloop; a Defcription of the City of Hamburg;
the Author's Journey from thence to Lubeck, and a Defcription
of that City.                                   p. 211.
LETTER. III.
Dated at Copenhagen Sept. 12. 1694.
Containing a Defcription of the Port and City of Copenhagen, a
view of the Danifh Court, and of the Humours, Cufloms, Commerce, Forces, &c. of the Danes.                p. 226.




The Contents.


23


LETTER. IV.
Dated at Paris Decemb. 29. I694.
Containing a Journal of the Author's Travels from Copenhagen
to Paris.                                       p. 244.
LETTER. V.
Dated at Erleich July 4. I694.
Giving a view of the Superfjition and Ignorance of the People of
Bearn; their addiflednefs to the notions of Witchcraft, Apparitions, &c. And the Author's Arguments againfi that Delufion.
p. 255.
LETTER. VI.
Dated at Huefia July I. I695.
Containing an Account of the Author's efcape and journey to Spain;
his being taken up for a Huguenot, and the Ignorance and
Bigotry of the Curates and People of Beam in France. p. 268.
LETTER. VII.
Dated at Saragoza Octob. 8. I695.
Containing a Defcription of Saragoza; a View of the Government
of Arragon, and an Account of the Cufioms of the People. p. 274.


A fhort Digtionary of the Language of the Savages.


p. 287.




I




Some New


VOYAGES
TO
North -America.
TOME I.
LETTER I.
Dated at the Port of Quebec, Nov. 8. I683.
Containing a Defcription of the Paffage from France to Canada;
with fome Remarks upon the Coafls, Channels, &c. and the
Variation of the Needle.
SIR,
AM furpris'd to find that a Voyage to the New World is
fo formidable to thofe who are oblig'd to undertake it;
for I folemnly proteft that 'tis far from being what the World
commonly takes it for. 'Tis true, the Paffage is in fome meafure long; but then the hopes of viewing an unknown Country,
attones for the tedioufnefs of the Voyage. When we broke
ground from Rochel, I acquainted you with the Reafons that
mov'd Mr. le Fevre de la Barre, Governor General of Canada,




26


Some New     Voyages


to fend the Sieur Mahu, a Canadefe, to France'; and at the
fame time gave you to know, that he [2] had refolv'd upon the
utter deftru&tion of the Iroquefe, who are a very Warlike and
Savage People.2      Thefe Barbarians befriend the Englifl, upon
the account of the Succours they receive from 'em; but they
are enemies to us, upon the apprehenfion of being deftroy'd
by us fome time or other. The General I fpoke of but now,
expeted that the King would fend him feven or eight hundred
Men; but when we fet out from Rochel the feafon was fo far
advanc'd, that our three Companies of Marines were reckon'd
a fufficient Venture.
1 Le Febre de la Barre was in I682 appointed governor of New France, to supersede Frontenac. He was an officer of experience, having seen service in the West
Indies, been governor of Cayenne (I664-66), and defeated an English fleet and
recovered Antigua, Montserrat, and Nevis for the French. In early life he had been
a lawyer and government official in France. Upon his arrival in the colony (1682),
he determined upon war with the Iroquois, and dispatched to the king urgent requests
for regular troops, of whom the colony was bereft. In the spring of 1683, the Iroquois again harassed the colony, and the governor impressed a small vessel lying at
Quebec to send news thereof to France. This would appear to have been the ship of
one Jean Paul Meheu, seigneur of a fief of La Riviere Maheu. Some years previous,
a Canadian of the same name is noted as bearing letters to France.-Thwaites,
Jesuit Relations (Cleveland, I896-190o), xlvi, p. I79. When this urgent request
reached the court, the king determined to at once send to New France three companies
of soldiers. See Collection de Manuscrits relatifs a la Nouvelle France (Quebec,
I883), i, p. 3o1. The transport was named the "Tempest," commanded by Sieur
Pingo. It departed from La Rochelle Aug. 29, 1683; among the officers was Lahontan, this being his first venture across seas. - ED.
2 The Iroquois had long been the scourge of Canada; taking advantage of their
strategic position between the English and Dutch of New York and the French of the
St. Lawrence, they were attempting to control the fur-trade of the interior in the
interest of the English, bringing disaster upon the colony of New France. They
made war upon the Indian allies of the French on the Upper Lakes, and had recently
(1680-82) inflicted a heavy blow upon the Illinois, among whom La Salle was endeavoring to found a colony. - ED.




to North-America.


27


I met with nothing in our Paffage that was difagreeable,
abating for a Storm that alarm'd us for fome days, upon the
precipice of the bank of Newfound-Land, where the Waves
fwell prodigioufly, even when the Winds are low. In that
Storm our Frigat receiv'd fome rude fhocks from the Sea;
but in regard that fuch accidents are ufual in that Voyage,
they made no impreflion upon the old feafon'd Sailors. As
for my part, I could not pretend to that pitch of indifference;
for having never made fuch a Voyage before, I was fo alarm'd
in feeing the Waves mount up to the Clouds, that I made more
vows to Neptune, than the brave Idomenaus did in his return
from the Wars of Troy. After we made the bank, the Waves
funk, and the Wind dwindled, and the Sea became fo fmooth
and eafie, that we could not work our Ship. You can fcarce
imagine what quantities of Cod-fifh were catch'd there by our
Seamen, in the fpace of a quarter of an hour; for though we
had thirty two fathom Water, yet the Hook was no fooner at
the bottom, than the Fifh was catch'd; fo that they had nothing to do but to throw in, and take up without interruption:
But after all, fuch is the misfortune of this Fifhery, that it do's
not fucceed but upon certain banks, which are commonly paft
over without flopping. However, as we were plentifully [3]
entertain'd at the coft of thefe Fifhes, fo fuch of 'em as continued in the Sea, made fufficient reprifals upon the Corps of
a Captain, and of feveral Soldiers, who dy'd of the Scurvy,
and were thrown over-board three or four days after.
In the mean time the Wind veering to the Weft-NorthWeft, we were oblig'd to lye bye for five or fix days; but after




28


Some New Voyages


that it chop'd to the North, and fo we happily made Cape
Rafe, tho' indeed our Pilots were at a lofs to know where we
were, by reafon that they could not take the Latitude for ten
or twelve days before.' You may eafily imagine, that 'was
with great joy that we heard one of our Sailors call from the
Top-Maft, Land, Land, juft as St. Paul did when he approach'd
to Maltha, rjv Odp, yqv OpW: For you muff know that when
the Pilots reckon they approach to Land, they ufe the precaution of fending up Sailors to the Top-Maft, in order to
fome difcovery; and thefe Sailors are reliev'd every two hours
till Night comes, at which time they furl their Sails if the Land
is not yet defcry'd: So that in the Night-time they fcarce
make any way. From this it appears how important it is
to know the Coaft, before you approach to it; nay, the Paffengers put fuch a value upon the difcovery, that they prefent
the firft difcoverer with fome Piftoles. In the mean time,
you'll be pleas'd to obferve, that the Needle of the Compafs,
which naturally points to the North, turns upon the bank of
Newfound-Land, twenty three Degrees towards the NorthWeft; that is, it points there a degree nearer to the Weft,
than North-North-Weft. This remark we made by our Compafs of Variation.
We defcry'd the Cape about Noon; and in order to confirm the Difcovery, ftood in upon it with all fails aloft. At
1 The name Race, applied to the southeastern extremity of Newfoundland, is
first met under the form " Cap Rogo," on a map of about the year 50oo. The name
seems to have been given from the French word " ras," bare or flat. See Harrisse,
Decouverte et Evolution cartographique de Terre-Neuve (Paris, x900), p. 43. - ED.




to North-America.


29


laft, being affur'd that 'twas the Promontory we look'd for,
an univerfal joy was [4] fpread throughout the Ship, and the
fate of the wretches that we had thrown over-board, was quite
forgot. Then the Sailors fet about the Chriftening of thofe
who had never made the Voyage before, and indeed they had
done it fooner, if it had not been for the death of our abovemention'd Companions. The Chriftening I fpeak of, is an
impertinent Ceremony, pradtis'd by Sea-faring Men, whofe
humours are as ftrange and extravagant, as the Element it felf,
upon which they foolifhly truft themfelves. By vertue of a
Cuftom of old ftanding, they profane the Sacrament of Baptifm in an unaccountable manner. Upon that occafion, the
old Sailors being blacken'd all over, and difguis'd with Rags
and Ropes, force the greener fort that have never pafs'd fome
certain degrees of Latitude before, to fall down on their
Knees, and to fwear upon a Book of Sea Charts, that upon
all occafions they will praftife upon others, the fame Ceremony that is then made ufe of towards them. After the adminiftring of this ridiculous Oath, they throw fifty Buckets full of
Water upon their Head, Belly, and Thighs, and indeed all
over their Body, without any regard to times or feafons.
This piece of folly is chiefly pradis'd under the AEquator,
under the Tropicks, under the Polar Circles, upon the bank
of Newfound-Land; and in the Streights of Gibraltar, the
Sund, and the Dardanelloes. As for Perfons of Note or Chara6ter, they are exempted from the Ceremony, at the expence
of five or fix bottles of Brandy for the Ships Crew.




30


Some New     Voyages


Three or four days after the performance of this Solemnity, we difcover'd Cape Raye,' and fo made up to St. Laurence
Bay, in the Mouth of which we were becalm'd for a little
while; and during that Calm, we had a clearer and pleafanter
day, than any we had feen in the Paffage. It look'd as if that
day had been vouchfaf'd us by way of recompence [5] for the
Rains, Foggs, and high Winds, that we incounter'd by the
way. There we faw an Engagement between a Whale and a


* Efpadon, a FiJh between
10 and 15 Foot long, being four Foot in circumference, and having in its
Snout a fort of Saw which
is four Foot long, four Inches broad, and fix Lines
thick.
two hours, fometimes


* Sword-Fifh, at the diftance of a Gunflot from our Frigat. We were perfeftly charm'd when we faw the SwordFifh jump out of the water in order
to dart its Spear into the Body of the
Whale, when oblig'd to take breath.
This entertaining fhow lafted at leaft
to the Starboard, and fometimes to


the Larboard of the Ship. The Sailors, among whom Superftition prevails as much as among the Egyptians, took this for
a prefage of fome mighty Storm; but the Prophecy ended
in two or three days of contrary Winds, during which time
we travers'd between the Ifland of Newfound-Land, and that
of Cape Breton. Two days after we came in fight of the
Ifland of Fowls, by the help of a North-Eaft Wind; which
drove us from the Mouth of St. Laurence Bay, to the Ifle of
Anticofi, upon the bank of which, we thought to have been caft
1 Cape Ray is at the southwestern extremity of Newfoundland; the name first
appeared on a map of 600o. Harrisse, op. cit., p. 285. -ED.




to North-America.


3I


away, by nearing it too much. In the Mouth of that River
we fell into a fecond calm, which was follow'd by a contrary
Wind, that oblig'd us to lye bye for fome days. At laft we
made Tadouffac, by gradual approaches, and there came to an
Anchor.l
This River is four Leagues broad where we then rode, and
twenty two at its Mouth; but it contradts it felf gradually, as
it approaches to its fource. Two days after, the Wind ftanding Eaff, we weigh'd Anchor; and being favor'd by the Tyde,
got fafe through the Channel of the Red Ifland, in which the
Currents are apt to turn a Veffel on one fide, as well as at the
Ifland of Coudres, which lies fome Leagues higher.2 But upon
the Coaft of the laff [6] Ifland, we had certainly ftruck upon
the Rocks, if we had not drop'd an Anchor. Had the Ship
been caft away at that place, we might eafily have fav'd our
1The Island of Fowls is probably the group still known as Bird Rocks, in St.
Lawrence Gulf, north of Magdalen Islands.
Anticosti is a large island one hundred and forty miles long by about twentyseven in average breadth. It lies in the mouth of St. Lawrence River, and three years
before this voyage of Lahontan had been granted as a seigniory of Louis Jolliet, the
Mississippi explorer.
Tadoussac, at the entrance of Saguenay River, is one of the oldest towns in
Canada, having been founded before Quebec. It was the favorite resort of the Montagnais Indians, and the centre of a thriving fur-trade and fishery. The Recollects
said mass here as early as 1617; and here the hostile English fleet, under Admiral
Sir David Kirk, anchored in July, x628. The Jesuits began a mission at Tadoussac
before x642, and one of their early churches (built 1647-50) is still to be seen.- ED.
2 Red Island is that now known as Isle Rouge, in the St. Lawrence opposite
Tadoussac. It was early noted for its seal fishing. See Jesuit Relations, xxxii, p. 93.
Isle aux Coudres was so designated for the hazelnut bushes with which it abounded,
and appears to have been so named by Cartier. The early voyagers speak of the
number of elk to be found on this island. - ED.




32


Some New Voyages


felves: But it prov'd fo, that we were more affraid than hurt.
Next Morning we weighed with a frefh gale from the Eaft, and
the next day after came to an Anchor over againft Cape Tourmente, where we had not above two Leagues over, tho' at the
fame time 'tis a dangerous place to thofe who are unacquainted
with the Channel.' From    thence we had but feven Leagues
failing to the Port of Quebec, where we now ride at Anchor.
In our Paffage from the red Ifland to this place, we faw fuch
floats of Ice, and fo much Snow upon the Land, that we were
upon the point of turning back for France, tho' we were not
then above thirty Leagues off our defired Port. We were
affraid of being ftop'd by the Ice, and fo loft; but thank God
we 'fcap'd.
We have receiv'd advice, that the Governor has mark'd
out Quarters for our Troops in fome Villages or Cantons
adjacent to this City; fo that I am oblig'd to prepare to go
afhore, and therefore muft make an end of this Letter.      I
cannot as yet give you any account of the Country, excepting
that 'tis already mortally cold. As to the River, I mean to
give you a more ample defcription of it, when I come to know
it better. We are informed that Mr. de la Salle is juft return'd
from his Travels, which he undertook upon the difcovery of
a great River that falls into the Gulf of Mexico; and that he
1 Cape Tourmente is a lofty promontory on the St. Lawrence, about twenty miles
below Quebec, towering nineteen hundred feet above the meadows (Beaupre) at its
base. It was so named by Champlain (I6o8), who noted that " however little wind
may blow the sea there is as if it were high tide. At this place the water begins to
be fresh.'' -ED.




to Nortb-America.                               33
imbarques to morrow for France.' He is perfeftly well acquainted with Canada, and for that reafon you ought to vifit
him, if you go to Paris this Winter. I am,
SIR,
Tours, &c.
1 Rene Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, had just returned from his successful
journey into the interior, where he had explored the Mississippi and in Illinois
founded the colony of St. Louis. Frontenac, his patron, had been replaced, and the
new governor gave a ready ear to La Salle's detractors. The fortunes of the explorer
were desperate, and he was about to embark for France to seek redress at court.
This was his farewell to Canada, his final voyage being made to the Gulf of Mexico,
upon whose waters he was assassinated (March I8, I687).- ED.




34


Some New     Voyages


LETTER II.
Dated at the Canton of Beaupr,l' May 2. I684.
Containing a Defcription of the Plantations of Canada, and the
manner in which they were firfl form'd: As alfo an account of
the Tranfportation of Whores from       France to that Country;
together with a view of its Climate and Soil.
SIR,
AS foon as we landed laft year, Mr. de la Barre lodg'd our
three Companies in fome Cantons or Quarters in the
Neighbourhood of Quebec. The Planters call thefe places Cotes,
which in France fignifies no more than the Sea-Coaft; tho' in this
Country where the names of Town and Village are unknown,
that word is made ufe of to exprefs a Seignory or Manour,
the Houfes of which lie at the diftance of two or three hundred Paces one from another, and are feated on the brink of
the River of St. Laurence.2 In earneft, Sir, the Boors of thofe
1 The three companies were quartered at villages in the vicinity of Quebec. It
fell to Lahontan's lot to pass the winter in the seigniory of Beaupre, which stretched
for six leagues along the river and embraced more than the present county of Montmorency. Beaupre was early settled, and as a Jesuit seigniory received much attention. At this time it was considered the most orderly and thrifty settlement in the
colony. - ED.
2 Feudalism was established in New France by the act of Richelieu, in his grant
to the Company of One Hundred Associates (i627). Seigniorial tenure was not abolished in Lower Canada (Province of Quebec) until I854. On the influence of this
system see Parkman, Old Regime in Canada (Boston, 1874), chap. xv; Weir,
Administration of the Old Regime in Canada (Montreal, 1896-97). - ED.




to North-America.


35


Manors live with more eafe and conveniency, than an infinity
of the Gentlemen in France. I am out indeed in calling 'em
Boors, for that name is as little known here as in Spain;
whether it be that they pay no Taxes, and injoy the liberty of
Hunting and Fifhing; or that the eafinefs of their Life, puts
'em upon a level with the Nobility. The
nAAn Arpent is a fpot
pooreft of them have four t Arpents of tan Arpent is a pot
of ground containing 100
Ground in front, and thirty or forty in  Perches fquare, each of
depth: The whole Country being a con- which is eighteen Foot
tinued Forreft of lofty Trees, the ftumps long
[8] of which muff be grub'd up, before they can make ufe of
a Plough. 'Tis true, this is a troublefom and chargeable task
at firft; but in a fhort time after they make up their Loffes;
for when the Virgin ground is capable of receiving Seed, it
yields an increafe to the rate of an hundred fold. Corn is
there fown in May, and reap'd about the middle of September.
Inftead of threfhing the Sheafs in the Field, they convey 'em
to Barns, where they lie till the coldeft feafon of the Winter,
at which time the Grain is more eafily difengag'd from the
Ear. In this Country they likewife fow Peafe, which are much
efteem'd in France. All forts of Grain are very cheap here, as
well as Butchers Meat and Fowl. The price of Wood is
almoft nothing, in comparifon with the charge of its carriage,
which after all is very inconfiderable.
Moft of the Inhabitants are a free fort of People that
remov'd hither from France, and brought with 'em but little
Money to fet up withal: The reft are thofe who were Soldiers
about thirty or forty years ago, at which time the Regiment




36


Some New     Voyages


of Carignan was broke, and they exchang'd a Military Poft,
for the Trade of Agriculture.1     Neither the one nor the other
pay'd any thing for the grounds they poffefs, no more than
the Officers of thefe Troops, who mark'd out to themfelves,
certain portions of unmanur'd and woody Lands; for this
vaft Continent is nothing elfe than one continued Forreft.
The Governours General allow'd the Officers three or four
Leagues of ground in front, with as much depth as they
pleas'd; and at the fame time the Officers gave the Soldiers
as much ground as they pleas'd, upon the condition of the
payment of a Crown per Arpent, by way of Fief.
After the reform of thefe Troops, feveral Ships were fent
hither from France, with a Cargoe of Women of an ordinary
Reputation, under the direetion [9] of fome old ftale Nuns,
who rang'd 'em in three Claffes. The Veftal Virgins were
heap'd up, (if I may fo fpeak) one above another, in three
different Apartments, where the Bridegrooms fingled out their
Brides, jauft as a Butcher do's an Ewe from amongff a Flock of
Sheep. In thefe three Seraglio's, there was fuch variety and
change of Diet, as could fatisfie the moft whimfical Appetites;
for here was fome big fome little, fome fair fome brown, fome
fat and fome meagre. In fine, there was fuch Accommodation,
1 Lahontan's chronology is quite inaccurate; scarcely twenty years had passed
since the regiment of Carignan-Salieres, the first regular troops in New France, was
ordered to America. This command had seen service in France and against the
Turks. Coming to Canada in i665, the soldiers were effectively employed against
the Iroquois. A few years later several companies were disbanded, and urged to
become colonists. Rewards in money and land were given those who married and
settled in the province, and the descendants of these soldiers were among the most able
and prominent citizens of the colony. See Sulte, " Le Regiment de Carignan," in
Canadian Royal Society Proceedings, 2d series, viii, pp. 25-95. - ED.




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I




to North-America.


37


that every one might be fitted to his Mind: And indeed the
Market had fuch a run, that in fifteen days time, they were all
difpos'd of. I am told, that the fatteft went off beif, upon
the apprehenfion that thefe being lefs aftive, would keep truer
to their Ingagements, and hold out better againft the nipping
cold of the Winter: But after all, a great many of the HeAdventurers found themfelves miftaken in their meafures.
However, let that be as it will, it affords a very curious
Remark; namely, That in fome parts of the World, to which
the vicious European Women are tranfported, the Mob of thofe
Countries do's ferioufly believe, that their Sins are fo defac'd
by the ridiculous Chriftening, I took notice of before, that
they are look'd upon ever after as Ladies of Vertue, of Honour,
and of an untarnifh'd condu&t of Life. The Sparks that wanted
to be married, made their Addreffes to the above-mention'd
Governeffes, to whom they were oblig'd to give an account of
their Goods and Eftates, before they were allow'd to make
their choice in the three Seraglio's. After the choice was determin'd, the Marriage was concluded upon the fpot, in the
prefence of a Prieft, and a publick Notary; and the next day
the Governor-General beftow'd upon the married Couple, a
Bull, a Cow, a Hog, a Sow, a Cock, a Hen, two Barrels of
falt Meat, and eleven Crowns; together with [Io] a
certain Coat of Arms call'd by the Greeks II KIpara.
1 This slanderous and apparently malicious account of the mothers of the Canadian population has brought much obloquy upon our author. For a refutation from
contemporary documents, see Parkman, Old Regime, pp. 221-230; Roy, " Le Baron
deLahontan, " Can. Roy. Soc. Proc., 1894, sec. I, pp. 150-I62; Suite, "Pretendues
Origines des Canadiens fran;ais," in Id., i885, sec. I, pp. I3-26. -ED.




38


Some New     Voyages


The Officers having a nicer tafte than the Soldiers, made their
Application to the Daughters of the ancient Gentlemen of the
Country, or thofe of the richer fort of Inhabitants; for you
know that Canada has been poffefs'd by the French above an
hundred years.
In this Country every one lives in a good and a well furnifh'd Houfe; and moft of the Houfes are of Wood, and two
Stories high.  Their Chimnies are very large, by reafon of
the prodigious Fires they make to guard themfelves from the
Cold, which is there beyond all meafure, from the Month of
December, to that of April. During that fpace of time, the
River is always frozen over, notwithftanding the flowing and
ebbing of the Sea; and the Snow upon the ground, is three
or four foot deep; which is very ftrange in a Country that lies
in the Latitude of forty feven Degrees, and fome odd Minutes.
Moft People impute the extraordinary Snow to the number
of Mountains, with which this vaft Continent is replenifh'd.
Whatever is in that matter, I muft take notice of one thing,
that feems very ftrange, namely, that the Summer days are
longer here than at Paris. The Weather is then fo clear and
ferene, that in three Weeks time you fhall not fee a Cloud in
the Horizon. I hope to go to Quebec with the firft opportunity;
for I have orders to be in a readinefs to imbarque within
fifteen days for Monreal, which is the City of this Country,
that lies fartheft up towards the Head of the River.
I am,
SIR,
Yours, &c.




to North-America.


39


[II]     LETTER           III.
Dated at Quebec May 15. 1684.
Containing an ample Defcription of the City of Quebec, and of the
Ifland of Orleans.
SIR,
EFORE I fet out for Mlonreal, I had the curiofity to view
the Ifland of Orleans, which is feven Leagues in length,
and three in breadth: It extends from over againft Cape
Tourmente, to within a League and a half of Quebec, at which
place the River divides it felf into two branches. The Ships
fail through the South Channel; for the North Channel is fo
foul with Shelves and Rocks, that the fmall Boats can only
pafs that way. The Ifland belongs to a General Farmer of
France, who would make out of it a thoufand Crowns of yearly
Rent, if himfelf had the management of it. 'Tis furrounded
with Plantations, that produce all forts of Grain.1
Quebec is the Metropolitan of New-France, being almoft a
League in Circumference; It lies in the Latitude of 47 Degrees, and I2 Minutes. The Longitude of this place is uncer'The island of Orleans, which lies in the St. Lawrence near Quebec, is twentyone miles long by about five in width. It was named by Cartier (1535) Isle of Bacchus, but subsequently given its present appellation by the same explorer. This
island was granted as a fief in I636. At the time of Lahontan it was-a fief-noble
in the possession of the family of BerthelGt. See Bois, L'Isle d'Orleans (Quebec,
1895). —ED.




40


Some New     Voyages


tain,1 as well as that of feveral other Countries, with the leave
of the Geographers, that reckon you up I200 Leagues from
Rocbel to Quebec, without taking the pains to meafure the
Courfe: However, I am fure that it lies but at too great a
diftance from France, for the Ships that are bound hither;
For their paffage commonly lafts for two Months and a half,
whereas the homeward bound Ships may in 30 or 40 days
failing, eafily make the Belle Ifle, which is the fureft [12] and
moft ufual Land, that a Ship makes upon a long Voyage. The
reafon of this difference, is, that the Winds are Eafterly for
oo00 days of the year, and Wefterly for 260.
Quebec is divided into the upper and the lower City. The
Merchants live in the latter, for the conveniency of the Harbor; upon which they have built very fine Houfes, three
Story high, of a fort of Stone that's as hard as Marble. The
upper or high City is full as populous, and as well adorn'd as
the lower.   Both Cities are commanded by a Caftle, that
ftands upon the higheft Ground. This Caftle is the Refidence
of the Governours, and affords them not only convenient
Apartments, but the nobleft and moft extenfive Profpe6t in
the World. Quebec wants two effential things, namely, a Key
and Fortifications; though both the one and the other might
be eafily made, confidering the conveniency of Stones lying
upon the fpot.2 'Tis incompafs'd with feveral Springs, of the
1 The true latitude of Quebec is 46~ 49' north; the longitude, 71~ 13' west of
Greenwich. - ED.
2 Champlain began the fortifications of Quebec by the founding of Fort St. Louis
on the citadel rock. This building was replaced in stone by his successor Montmagny, who also laid the foundations for the first Chateau St. Louis, which w-.s




to North-America.


41


beft frefh Water in the World, which the Inhabitants draw
out of Wells; for they are fo ignorant of the Hydroftaticks,
that not one of 'em knows how to convey the Water to certain Bafins, in order to raife either flat or fpouting Fountains.
Thofe who live on the River fide, in the lower City, are not
half fo much pinch'd with the Cold, as the Inhabitants of the
upper; befides that the former have a peculiar conveniency
of tranfporting in Boats, Corn, Wood, and other Neceffaries,
to the very Doors of their Houfes: But as the latter are more
expofs'd to the injuries of the Cold, fo they injoy the benefit
and pleafure of a cooler Summer. The way which leads from
the one City to the other is pretty broad, and adorn'd with
Houfes on each fide; only 'tis a little fteep. Quebec fands
upon a very uneven Ground; and its Houfes are not uniform.'
The Intendant lives in a [I3] bottom, at fome fmall diftance
from the fide of a little River, which by joyning the River of
St. Laurence, coops up the City in a right Angle. His Houfe is
the Palace in which the Soveraign Council affembles four times
a Week2; and on one fide of which, we fee great Magazines
demolished in 1694 to make way for tne finer structure which Frontenac constructed
during his last years. See Gagnon, Le Fort et le Chateau St. Louis (Quebec, 1895).
Quebec's walls were not built until the latter years of Frontenac; again, in 1720,
Chassegros de Lery made great improvements in the circumvallation, and enlarged
the area contained therein. Repairs and improvements were maintained throughout
the French regime. See Doughty and Dionns V2ebec under T'wo Flags (Quebec,
1903), pp. 1OI-145.-ED.
1 For a plan of Quebec at this period, see that of J. B. Franquelin (1683), in
Sulte, Histoire des Canadiens franfais, ii, p. 32; and another of 1700 in the same
work, p. 49. -ED.
2 The sovereign council was established by the king upon the retrocession of the
colony by the Company of New France (1663). It was first composed of the governor,




42


Some New      Voyages


of Ammunition and Provifions. There are fix Churches in
the High City: The Cathedral confifts of a Bifhop, and twelve
Prebendaries, who live in common in the Chapter-Houfe, the
Magnificence and Architecture of which is truly wonderful.
Thefe poor Priefts are a very good fort of People; they content themfelves with bare Neceffaries, and meddle with nothing
but the Affairs of the Church, where the Service is perform'd
after the Roman way.'           The    fecond   Church is that of the
Jefuits, which ftands in the Center of the City; and is a fair,
ftately, and well lighted Edifice. The great Altar of the Jefuits
bishop, and five appointed councillors. Later, the intendant was added to the council,
and the number gradually increased to twelve. Its functions were mainly judicial,
but it likewise took cognizance of civil and financial affairs. Its records have been
published.
At first the council met in the ante-room of the governor's palace, but upon the
complaint of the intendant the ministry ordered the purchase of the site of a brewery
formerly erected by Talon upon St. Charles River. Here the intendant's palace was
begun. This was burned in 1713, being rebuilt upon a scale of splendor. The site
is once more occupied by a brewery. - ED.
1 The cathedral of Notre Dame, now called the " Basilica," was long the only
parish church of Quebec. Begun in I647, the first mass was said therein three years
later; it was consecrated by Bishop Laval in i666. In the early eighteenth century its
size was found inadequate, and it was rebuilt after the plans of the chief engineer of
New France, Chaussegros de Lery (I747-48). The building suffered much during the
English siege (1759), all the wooden parts being burned. Repairs were instituted
in I769-71, since when only minor changes have been made. The chapter house, or
Seminary, which had been begun in I678, was considered one of the finest buildings
in the country. See Tetu, Histoire du palais episcopal de juebec (Quebec, 1896).
The Seminary priests officiated as secular parish cur6s. Lahontan's enconiums are
the more remarkable, that his sympathies were seldom with ecclesiastics. It appears
that the altar and its columns was a superfluous invention upon his part. The Jesuit
historian Charlevoix, writing of this church in 1720 (J.ournal Historique, letter iii),
indicates that there was no such ornament, and indulgently remarks: " One would
voluntarily pardon that author [Lahontan] if he disfigured the truth only to give,mster to churches. "- ED.




to North-America.


43


Church, is adorn'd with four great Cylindrical Columns of one
Stone; The Stone being a fort of Canada Porphyry, and black
as Jet, without either Spots or Veins. Thefe Fathers have
very convenient and large Apartments, beautify'd with pleafant Gardens, and feveral rows of Trees, which are fo thick
and bufhy, that in Summer one might take their Walks for
an Ice-Houfe: And indeed we may fay without ftretching,
that there is Ice not far from 'em, for the good Fathers are
never without a referve in two or three places, for the cooling
of their Drink.       Their College is fo fmall, that at the beft
they have fcarce fifty Scholars at a time.1 The third Church
is that of the Recolleds, who, through the interceflion of
Count Frontenac, obtain'd leave of the King to build a little
Chappel (which I call a Church;) notwithftanding the Remonftrances of Mr. de Laval our Bifhop, who, in concert with the
Jefuits, us'd his utmoft Efforts for ten years together to hinder
it.2  Before the building [I4] of this Chappel, they liv'd in a
1 The Jesuits came to Canada in 1625, and thereafter played a prominent part
in the development of the colony. Their college was founded in 1635, a year before
that of Harvard, making it the oldest institution of learning on the North American
continent. The church occupied the northeast angle of the college, on the site of the
present Jesuit barracks. The city hall now covers the larger portion of the site of the
college and its gardens. At the time of Lahontan's visit, the Jesuit church was in size
and decoration far superior to the cathedral. - ED.
2 Francois de Montmorency-Laval, first bishop of Canada, was born in I623 and
educated in a Jesuit seminary. Upon the death of his brothers, he became heir of a
seigniory in France, but renounced it for the service of the church. In I658 he was
made bishop of Petrxa and sent as vicar apostolic to New France. In 1674 Quebec
was raised to a bishopric, and Laval made first bishop thereof, a position which he
resigned in x684. Four years later he returned to spend the remainder of his days
in Canada, where he died in 1708. He supported the Jesuits, and was opposed to
the re-introduction of the Recollects. - ED.




44


Some New     Voyages


little Hofpital that the Biffhop had order'd to be built for 'em;
and fome of 'em continue there ftill.1 The fourth Church is
that of the Urfelines, which has been burn'd down two or
three times, and ftill rebuilt to the Advantage. The fifth is
that of the Hofpital-Order, who take a particular Care of the
Sick, tho' themfelves are poor, and but ill lodg'd.2
The Soveraign Council is held at Quebec. It confifts of
twelve Counfellors of * Capa y de fpada, who
See the Explica-     are the fupreme Judicature, and            decide all
tion Table.
on  able.       Caufes    without Appeal.          The     Intendant
claims a Right of being Prefident to the Council; but in the
Juftice-Hall the Governour-General places himfelf fo as to face
him, the Judges being fet on both fides of them; fo that one
would think they are both Prefidents.           While Monfieur de Fron1 The Recollects (a branch of the Franciscans) were the first ecclesiastics to enter
New France, coming over in I615. During their first occupation they had a small
convent called Notre Dame des Anges, on St. Charles River, where the General Hospital of Quebec is now situated. After the capture of Quebec by the English (I628),
the friars were sent back to France; and the order did not return to this field until
1670, when they were sent out as a counterpoise to the Jesuits. Frontenac favored
this order, and gave them a concession of land facing the governor's palace, where
they built the chapel here mentioned by Lahontan, although some of the brothers
were still living at their suburban convent, Notre Dame des Anges. This church
of the Recollects was one of the finest in New France, being finished in 1681.
Charlevoix said in the next century, that it was " worthy of Versailles."  In r796 it
was burned, the site now being occupied by the Anglican cathedral of Quebec; the
court house occupies a portion of the convent grounds. - ED.
2 The Ursulines were the first order of nuns to come to New France (I639), which
they did under the patronage of Madame de la Peltrie. Two years later they began
their convent, which still occupies the original site, although the buildings have several times been burned, and recently much enlarged.
The Hospitalieres came over at the same time as the Ursulines, and founded H6tel
Dieu, a great hospital which still exists on the same site where the corner stone was
laid in I654. - ED.




to North-America.


45


tenac was in Canada, he laugh'd at the pretended Precedency
of the Intendants; nay he ufed the Members of that Affembly
as roughly as Cromwell did the Parliament of England. At
this Court every one pleads his own Caufe, for Sollicitors or
Barrifters never appear there; by which means it comes to
pafs, that Law-Suits are quickly brought to a Period, without
demanding Court Fees or any other Charges from the contending Parties.  The Judges, who have but four hundred
Livers a Year from the King, have a Difpenfation of not
wearing the Robe and the Cap. Befides this Tribunal, we
have in this Country a Lieutenant-General, both Civil and
Military, an Attorney-General, the Great Provoft, and a Chief
Juftice in Eyre.1
The way of travelling in the Winter, whether in Town or
Country, is that of Sledges drawn by Horfes; who are fo
infenfible of the Cold, that I have feen fifty or fixty of 'em in
January and February ifand in the Snow up to their Breaft, in the
[I5] midft of a Wood, without ever offering to go near their
Owner's Houfe. In the Winter-time they travel from Quebec to
Monreal upon the Ice, the River being then frozen over; and
upon that occafion thefe Sledges will run you fifteen Leagues
a day. Others have their Sledges drawn by two Maftiff Dogs,
but then they are longer by the way. As for their way of
travelling in Summer, I fhall tranfmit you an Account of it,
when I come to be better inform'd. I am told that the People
1 One of the chief causes of dissension between Frontenac and the intendant, was
the presidency of the supreme council. See Parkman, Frontenac, pp. 47-71. On
the officers of justice, see Weir, Administration of Old Regime, pp. 63-67. -ED.




46


Some New Voyages


of this Country will go a thoufand Leagues in Canows of
Bark; a Defcription of which you may exped, as foon as I
have made ufe of 'em. The Eafterly Winds prevail here commonly in the Spring and Autumn; and the Wefterly have the
Afcendant in Winter and Summer. Adieu Sir: I muft now
make an end of my Letter, for my Matter begins to run fhort.
All I can fay, is, that as foon as I am better inftru6ded in what
relates to the Commerce, and the Civil and Ecclefiaftical Government of the Country, I'll tranfmit you fuch exad Memoirs
of the fame, as fhall give you full fatisfa6tion. Thefe you may
expe& with the firft Opportunity; for in all Appearance our
Troops will return after the Conclufion of the Campaign that
we are now going to make in the Country of the Iroquefe,
under the Command of Monfieur de la Barre. In feven or
eight Days time I mean to imbark for Monreal; and in the
mean time am going to make a Progrefs to the Villages of
Scilleri, of Saut de la Chaudiere, and of Lorete, which are inhabited by the Abenakis and the Hurons. Thefe Places are not
above three or four Leagues off; fo that I may return with
eafe next Week. As for the Manners of the People, I cannot
pretend to defcribe 'em fo foon; for a juft Obfervation and
Knowledge of thefe things cannot be compafs'd without time.
I have been this Winter at hunting with thirty or [I6] forty
young Algonkins, who were well made clever Fellows. My
Defign in accompanying them, was, to learn their Language,
which is mightily efteem'd in this Country; for all the other
Nations for a thoufand Leagues round (excepting the Iroquefe
and the Hurons) underftand it perfe6tly well; nay, all their




to North-America.                              47
refpeetive Tongues come as near to this, as the Portuguefe does
to the Spanih.l     I have already made my felf Mafter of fome
Words with a great deal of Facility; and they being mightily
pleafed in feeing a Stranger ftudy their Tongue take all imaginable pains to inftrudt me. I am,
SIR,
Yours, &c.
1The Algonquian language was the most wide-spread of the Indian dialects of
North America, being used by most of the tribes east of the Mississippi and south of
Hudson Bay. The Huron-Iroquois stock were aliens in their midst. See Powell,
"Linguistic Families of North America," in U. S. Bureau of Ethnology Report,
i885-86.
The Algonkins proper were a tribe whose original home was in the province of
Quebec. See Jesuit Relations, index. - ED.




48


Some New     Voyages


LETTER IV.
Dated at Monreal, June I4. 1684.
Containing a brief Defcription of the Habitations of the Savages in
the Neighbourhood of Quebec; Of the River of St. Lawrence,
&c. as far up as Monreal; Of a curious way of fifing Eels;
Coureurs      de   and of the Cities of Trois Rivieres and MonBois. See the Ex- real: Together with an Account of the ConduEl
plication Table.   of the * Forreft Rangers or Pedlers.
SIR,
BEFORE my Departure from Quebec, I vifited the adjacent
Villages inhabited by the Savages. The Village of Lorete
is peopled by two hundred Families [17] of Hurons, who were
converted to Chriftianity by the Jefuits, though with a great
deal of Relutancy.1       The Villages of Silleri, and of Saut de la
Chaudiere, are compos'd of three hundred Families of Abenakis,
who are likewife Chriftians, and among whom the Jefuits have
1 The village of Lorette was a mission colony of the Jesuits, founded after the
destruction of the Huron mission by the Iroquois (I649). Part of the instructed
Hurons sought the fathers at Quebec, and were first established on the Isle of Orleans;
later, during the Iroquois war, the remnant was removed to a less-exposed situation,
and by x669 settled at Notre Dame de Foye (now Ste. Foye). A few years later,
this colony removed to the village of Lorette (now Ancienne Lorette), and there Lahontan visited them. In 1697, impelled by need of fresh fuel and land, they founded the
village of Jeune Lorette, eight miles from Montreal, which became their final home,
and where a remnant of the Huron race is still to be found.-ED.




to North-America.


49


fetled Miffionaries.1 I return'd to Quebec time enough, and
imbarqued under the condut of a Mafter, that would rather
have had a Lading of Goods, than of Soldiers. The NorthEaft Winds wafted us in five or fix days to Trois Rivieres,
which is the name of a fmall City, feated at the diftance of
thirty Leagues from hence. That City derives its name from
three Rivers, that fpring from one Channel, and after continuing their divifion for fome fpace re-unite into a joynt Stream,
that falls into the River of St. Laurence, about half a quarter of
a League below the Town. Had we fail'd all Night, the Tides
would have carry'd us thither in two days time; but in regard
that the River is full of Rocks and Shelves, we durft not venture upon it in the dark; fo, we came to an Anchor every
Night, which did not at all difpleafe me; for in the courfe of
thirty Leagues, (notwithftanding the darknefs of the Night)
it gave me an opportunity of viewing an infinite number of
Habitations on each fide of the River, which are not above
a Musket-Shot diftant one from          another.    The Inhabitants
that are fetled between Quebec and fifteen Leagues higher,
diverted me very agreeably with the fiihing of Eels. At low
' The mission colony at Sillery was originally founded for the Algonkins, Montagnais, etc.; but its inhabitants were decimated by disease and the ravages of intoxication, so that the converted Abenaki from Maine, who began coming to Canada
about I680, formed the main body of the colony. The mission was maintained here
until 1699, when the land which had been ceded in trust for the Indian converts was
retroceded-to the Jesuit order.
" Le Saut de la Chaudiere " was a village on the river of that name, opposite
Quebec, where was established about the time Lahontan arrived in Canada, the Abenaki mission of St. Francois de Sales. In I700 all the scattered villages were collected
in one, which exists till the present time-that of St. Francois du Lac, in Yamaska
County, Quebec.- ED.
4




50


Some New      Voyages


water they ftretch out Hurdles to the loweft Water-Mark;
and that fpace of ground being then dry by the retreat of the
Water, is cover'd over, and fhut up by the Hurdles. Between
the Hurdles they place at certain diflances Inftruments call'd
Ruches, from the refemblance they bear to a Bee-hive; befides
Baskets and little Nets belag'd upon a Pole, which they call
Bouteux, and Bouts de Quievres. Then they let all ftand in this
fafhion for three Months in [I8] the Spring, and two in the
Autumn. Now as often as the Tide comes in, the Eels looking out for fhallow places, and making towards the Shoar,
croud in among the Hurdles, which hinder 'em afterwards to
retire with the Ebb-water; upon that they are forc'd to bury
themfelves in the abovementioned Ingines, which are fometimes fo over-cram'd, that they break. When 'tis low water,
the Inhabitants take out thefe Eels, which are certainly the
biggeft, and the longeft in the World. They falt them up in
Barrels, where they'll keep a whole year without fpoiling:
And indeed they give an admirable relifh in all Sauces; nay,
there's nothing that the Council of Quebec defires more, than
that this Fifhery fhould be equally plentiful in all years.
Trois Rivieres is a little paltry Town, feated in the Latitude
of forty fix Degrees; 'tis not fortified neither with Stone, nor
Pales. The River to which it owes its name, takes its rife an
hundred Leagues to the North-Weft, from the greateft ridge
of Mountains in the Univerfe. The Algonkins who are at
prefent an Erratick fort of Savages, and, like the Arabs, have
no fetled Abode; that People, I fay, feldom ftraggle far from
the banks of this River, upon which they have excellent Beaver



to North-America.


5I


hunting. In former times the Iroquefe cut off three fourths of
that Nation; but they have not dar'd to renew their Incurfions, fince the French have Peopled the Countries that lie
higher up upon the River of St. Laurence. I call'd Trois Rivieres a little Town, with reference to the paucity of the Inhabitants; though at the fame time they are very rich, and live in
ftately Houfes. The King has made it the Refidence of a
Governor, who would die for Hunger, if he did not trade
with the Natives for Beavers, when his fmall allowance is out:
Befides, a Man that would live there, muff be of the like temper with a Dog, or at leaft he muff take pleafure in fcratching
[I9] his Skin, for the Flea's are there more numerous than
the grains of Sand. I am inform'd, that the Natives of this
place make the beft Soldiers in the Country.1
Three Leagues higher we enter'd St. Peter's Lake, which is
fix Leagues long, and had difficulty enough in croffing it; for
the frequent Calms oblig'd us to caft Anchor feveral times.
It receives three or four Rivers that abound with Fifh; upon
the Mouth of which, I defcry'd with my Telefcope very fine
Houfes.2 Towards the Evening we fail'd out of that Lake
1 For the history of Trois Rivieres, on the St. Lawrence at the mouth of Maurice
River, see Sulte, "La Riviere des Trois Rivieres," Roy. Soc. Proc., 1901, pp. 97 -16.-ED.
2 Lake St. Peters was christened Lac d'Angouleme by Cartier; but Champlain
crossing it on the day of the saint, changed the name in the latter's honor. It is an
enlargement of the St. Lawrence, twenty-five miles long by about nine broad, in the
midst of the most fertile region of Lower Canada. It receives several rivers, chief of
which are the Du Loup and Maskinonge from the north; the Nicolet, St. Francis,
and Yamaska from the south, not including River Richelieu, which enters the St.
Lawrence at the upper end of the lake.-Eo.




_ _1 __________ ___ ___._jCI:__1_I1_ _ __ I


52


Some New Voyages


with a frefh Eafterly Gale; and though we hoifted up all our
Sails, the Current run fo ftrong againft us, that 'twas three
hours before we could make Sorel, which was two fmall
Leagues off.1 Sorel is a Canton of four Leagues in front,
in the neighbourhood of which, a certain River conveys the
waters of Champlain Lake, to the River of St. Laurence,
after having form'd a Water-fall of two Leagues at Chambli.2
Though we reckon but eight Leagues from Sorel to Monreal,
yet we fpent three days in failing between 'em; by reafon
partly of flack Winds, and partly of the ftrength of the Currents. In this courfe we faw nothing but Iflands; and both
fides of the River all along from Quebec to this place, are fo
replenifh'd with Inhabitants, that one may juftly call 'em two
continued Villages of fixty Leagues in length.
This place, which goes by the name of Villemarie, or
Monreal, lies in the Latitude of forty five Degrees, and fome
Minutes; being feated in an Ifland of the fame name, which
is about five Leagues broad, and fourteen Leagues long. The
DireCtors of the Seminary of St. Sulpitius at Paris, are the Proprietors of the Ifland, and have the nomination of a Bailiff,
and feveral other Magiftrates; nay, in former times they had
1Fort Sorel was built by an officer of that name (Pierre de Saurel), in I665.
Three years later he married the daughter of a Canadian seigneur, and in I672
received a grant of the seigniory of Sorel, where he lived until his death in 1682.- ED.
2 Chambly was named for Jacques de Chambly, captain in the Carignan regiment, whom Tracy sent (1665) to build an advance fort against the Iroquois. He
received the surounding land as a seigniory in 1672, but the next year was sent to
command in Acadia. Later he removed to Grenada, and Chambly passed to his
nephew. -ED.




to North-America.


53


the priviledge of nominating a Governor.1 This little Town
lies all open without any Fortification [20] either of Stone
or Wood: But its fituation is fo advantageous, notwithifanding that it ftands upon an uneven and fandy Ground,
that it might eafily be made an impregnable Poft. The River
of St. Laurence which runs juft by the Houfes, on one fide of
this Town, is not Navigable further, by reafon of its rapidity;
for about half a quarter of a League higher, 'tis full of rapid
falls, Eddy's, &c.     Mr. Perot the Governor of the Town, who
has but a thoufand Crowns a year Sallary; has made fhift to
get fifty thoufand in a few years, by trading with the Savages
in Skins and Furs.2       The Bailiff of the Town gets but little
by his place, no more than his Officers: So that the Merchants are the only Perfons that make Money here; for
the Savages that frequent the great Lakes of Canada, come
down hither almoft every year with a prodigious quantity of
1 Montreal was a religious colony, founded (1642) by a society of Associates of
Montreal, who received the island as a seigniory. In i663 the number of the Associates being much diminished, the Sulpitians of Paris agreed to take charge of the
enterprise, and the seigniory was transferred to them, with the rights here mentioned
by Lahontan. The Sulpitians held their seigniorial privileges until the abolition of
feudal tenure in i854; they still retain much land in Montreal and vicinity. -ED.
2 FranVois Marie Perrot came to Canada with the intendant Talon (1670), whose
niece he had married. Upon the request of Talon, the Sulpitians named him governor of Montreal, a grant which was later confirmed by the king. Perrot abused his
privileges to enrich himself, and protected the coureurs des bois. Involved in a dispute with Frontenac, the governor arrested Perrot and sent him to France for trial.
The ministry, after punishing him by a brief imprisonment in the Bastille, restored
him to his governorship, where he remained until 1684. In this year he was appointed governor of Acadia, which position he held for three years. After his recall,
he remained in the country as a trader, and in 1690 was captured by the English.
The date of his death is unknown. -ED.




____


54


Some New Voyages


Beavers-Skins, to be given in exchange for Arms, Kettles,
Axes, Knives, and a thoufand fuch things, upon which the
Merchants clear two hundred per Cent. Commonly the Governor General comes hither about the time of their coming
down, in order to ihare the profit, and receive Prefents from
that People. The Pedlers call'd Coureurs de Bois, export
from hence every year feveral Canows full of Merchandife,
which they difpofe of among all the Savage Nations of the
Continent, by way of exchange for Beaver-Skins. Seven or
eight days ago, I faw twenty five or thirty of thefe Canows
return with heavy Cargoes; each Canow was manag'd by two
or three Men, and carry'd twenty hundred weight, i. e. forty
packs of Beaver Skins, which are worth an hundred Crowns a
piece. Thefe Canows had been a year and eighteen Months
out. You would be amaz'd if you faw how lewd thefe Pedlers are when they return; how they Feaft and Game, and
how prodigal they are, not only in their Cloaths, but [21]
upon Women. Such of 'em as are married, have the wifdom
to retire to their own Houfes; but the Batchelors adt juff
as our Eafl-India-Men, and Pirates are wont to do; for they
Lavifh, Eat, Drink, and Play all away as long as the Goods
hold out; and when thefe are gone, they e'en fell their Embroidery, their Lace, and their Cloaths. This done, they are
forc'd to go upon a new Voyage for Subfiftance.
The Directors of the Seminary of St. Sulpitius, take care
to fend Miflionaries hither from time to time, who live under
the dirertion of a Superiour, that is very much refpeded in
the Country. They have Apartments allotted for 'em in a




to North-America.


55


fately, great, and pleafant Houfe, built of Free-ftone.1 This
Houfe is built after the Model of that of St. Sulpice at Paris;
and the Altar ftands by it felf, juft like that at Paris. Their
Seignories or Cantons that lye on the South-fide of the Ifland,
produce a confiderable Revenue; for the Plantations are good,
and the Inhabitants are rich in Corn, Cattle, Fowl, and a
thoufand other Commodities, for which they find a Mercat in
the City: But the North part of the Ifland lies wafte. Thefe
Diretors would never fuffer the Jefuits or Recolledts to difplay their Banners here; though 'tis conjedtur'd, that at the
long run they'll be forc'd to content to it. At the diftance of
a League from the Town, I faw at the foot of a Mountain, a
Plantation of Iroquefe Chriftians, who are inftru6ted by two
Priefts of the Order of Sulpitius,2 and I'm inform'd of a larger
1 The Seminary of St. Sulpice, whose priests were known as Sulpitians, was
founded at Vaugirard in I640, by Jean Jacques Olier, a young Parisian priest, one of
the Associates of Montreal. The next year the Seminary was established at Paris,
and by I657 the first Sulpitian arrived in Canada. At Montreal they were eagerly
welcomed, became the cures of the parish, and later seigneurs of the island (see ante,
p. 53, note i). The first superior was Queylus, upon whose retirement (1671)
Francois Casson de Dollier succeeded to the position. The latter came to Canada in
I666 after service in the armies of France. His first office was chaplain in an expedition against the Mohawks; later (I669), he accompanied La Salle on his first voyage
of Western exploration. Returning to Montreal the following spring, he served as
superior of the Sulpitians until his death (I671-170I). The earliest historian of
Montreal, his manuscript was first published in I871.-  ED.
2 The Sulpitians founded (I677) the Iroquois mission called from its location,
La Montagne, where were an Indian village, a school for boys, and another for girls,
all aided by a pension from the king. During Frontenac's War (I691) this village
was raided and thirty-five prisoners taken. Some years later (I704), the mission was
removed to Sault au Recollet, and sixteen years later became the nucleus of the Indian
village of Oka on the Lake of Two Mountains, which still exists. See Canadian
Indian Department Report, 191, p. 49.- ED.




_ __ ___ _II — ~-me --- —— _m^r~r — ~,r-_, _ __


Some New     Voyages


and more populous Plantation on t'other fide of the River, at
the diftance of two Leagues from hence, which is took care of
by Father Bruyas the Jefuit.1 I hope to fet out from hence, as
foon as Mr. de la Barre receives advice from France; for he
defigns to leave Quebec upon the arrival of the firft Ship. I
refolve to go to Fort Frontenac, upon the Lake that [22] goes
by the fame name. If I may credit thofe who have been formerly in Aaion againft the Iroquefe, I fhall be able upon my
return from this Campaign, to inform you of fome things that
will feem as ftrange to you, as they will be difagreeable to my
felf. I am,
SIR,
rours, &c.
1 The Jesuit mission was known as St. Francois du Sault, from its location on
Sault St. Louis. It was established at La Prairie de la Madeleine in 1669, and in
1676 removed to this place, which is now known as Caughnawaga. Father Jacques
Bruyas came to the Canadian mission in I666, and labored during the rest of his life
among the Iroquois. In i679 he took charge of the mission at Sault St. Louis, where
he lived until his death in 1712. He was superior of Canada missions 1693-98, and
in 1700-01 was instrumental in adjusting peace with the Iroquois. A linguist of
repute, he prepared the first grammar of the Mohawk language. - ED.




to North-America.


57


LETTER V.
Dated at Monreal June 18. 1684.
In which is contain'd a fhort account of the Iroquefe, with a view
of the War and Peace they made with the French, and of the
means by which it was brought about.
SIR,
WROTE to you but four days ago, and did not think to
have heard from you fo foon; but this Morning I met with
a very agreeable Surprifal, in receiving a Packet addrefs'd to
me by your Brother. You may be fure I was infinitely well
pleas'd, in being given to underftand what has pafs'd in
Europe fince I left it. The knowledge of the Affairs of Europe
is comfortable to one that's doom'd to another World, fuch
as this is, and I cannot but acknowledge my felf infinitely indebted to you, for the exa&nefs of your Intelligence. In as
much as you require of me an account of the Iroquefe, and
would have me to prefent you with a juft view of their Temper
and Government; I would willingly fatisfie and oblige you in
that, or any other point: But in regard [23] that I am oblig'd
to fet out for Fort Frontenac the day after to morrow, I have
not time to inform my felf of things, or to confult thofe who
have been in the Country before: So that all I can do at prefent, is only to acquaint you with what I have learn'd this
Winter, from Perfons that have fojourn'd twenty years among




-- -


Some New     Voyages


'em. As foon as I have an opportunity of inlarging my knowledge upon that Head, by a more immediate converfation with
themfelves, you may affure your felf that I'll impart it to you.
In the mean time, be pleas'd to accept of what follows.
Thefe Barbarians are drawn up in five Cantons, not unlike
thofe of the Swiffes. Tho' thefe Cantons are all of one Nation,
and united in one joynt intereft, yet they go by different
names, viz. the lfonontouans, the Goyogoans, the Onnotagues, the
Onoyouts, and the Agnies. Their Language is almoft the fame;
and the five Villages or Plantations in which they live, lie at
the diftance of thirty Leagues one from another, being all
feated near the South fide of the Lake of Ontario, or of Frontenac. Every year the five Cantons fend Deputies to affift at the
Union Feaft, and to fmoak in the great Calumet, or Pipe of the
five Nations. Each Village or Canton contains about fourteen thoufand Souls, i. e. 15oo that bear Arms, 2000 Superannuated Men, 4000 Women, 2000 Maids, and 4000 Children:
Tho' indeed fome will tell you, that each Village has not above
Iooo0   or  IOOO Souls.1    There has been an Alliance of long
ftanding between thefe Nations and the Englifz, and by trading in Furrs to New-York, they are fupply'd by the Englilh
1 "Iroquois" was a title bestowed by the French; the tribesmen called themselves "People of the Long House "; to the English, they were known as the " Five
Nations." Lahontan gives the five confederates of the league in the French form of
their names; the English called them - proceeding in the same order, from west to
east - Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga, Oneida, and Mohawk. Among the Onondaga
was the principal council house, where each year the "union feast " was held, and
the forthcoming policy deliberated. Lahontan has greatly exaggerated the numbers
of these Indians; it is doubtful whether they ever mustered more tihn 2,500 warriors,
implying a population of Io,ooo to I2,ooo. See Jesuit Relations, index; Parkman,
Jesuits, p. Ixvi.-ED.




to North-America.


59


with Arms, Ammunition, and all other Neceffaries, at a cheaper
rate than the French can afford 'em at. They have no other
confideration for England or France, than what depends upon
the occafion they have for the Commodities of thefe two
Nations; though after all they [24] give an over-purchafe;
for they pay for them four times more than they are worth.
They laugh at the Menaces of our Kings and Governors, for
they have no notion of dependence, nay, the very word is to
them infupportable. They look upon themfelves as Soveraigns, accountable to none but God alone, whom they call
The Great Spirit.     They waged War with us almoft always,
from the firft fettlement of our Colonies in Canada, to the
firft years of the Count of Frontenac's Government. Meffieurs
de Courfelles, and de Traci, both of 'em Governors-General,
made Head againft the Agnies upon the Champlain Lake, in
Winter as well as in Summer; but they could not boaft of any
great Succefs.1 They only burnt their Villages, and carry'd
off fome hundred of their Children, of whom the abovemention'd Iroquefe Chriftians are fprung. 'Tis true, they cut
off ninety or an hundred Warriours; but in compenfation for
1 The Iroquois had harassed New France almost from its inception. Alexandre
de Prouville, marquis de Tracy, was chosen (i664) lieutenant-general of French colonies in America. An old army officer who had served with efficiency in the West
Indies, his arrival (i665) was hailed with joy by the distressed colonists. Shortly
after came Daniel de Remy, sieur de Courcelle, the newly-appointed governor, and
detachments of the Carignan regiment. Courcelle's first expedition against the Iroquois, in the winter of i665-66, was without success. Whereupon Tracy took up the
matter, and in the autumn of i666 led an expedition via Lake Champlain, which
burned the Mohawk towns and cowed these savages into an advantageous peace.
The following year (i667) Tracy returned to France, to die there three years later.
Courcelle remained as governor until i672, when failing health caused his retirement,
he being replaced by Count de Frontenac. - ED.




LIIJer_llllLIIIIII~lrrr - ~ _


60


Some New Voyages


that, feveral Canadans, and feveral Soldiers of the Regiment
of Carignan, being unprovided againft the unfufferable cold
of the Climate, loft their.Limbs, and even their Life it felf.
Count Frontenac who fucceeded Mr. Courfelle,' perceiving that
the Barbarians had the advantage of the Europeans, as to the
waging of War in that Country; upon this apprehenfion, I
fay, he declin'd fuch fruitlefs Expeditions, which were very
chargeable to the King, and us'd all his efforts to difpofe the
Savages to a fincere and lafting Peace. This judicious Governor had three things in view; The firft was to incourage
the greateft part of the French Inhabitants, who would have
abdicated the Colony, and return'd to France, if the War had
continued. His fecond Topick was, that the conclufion of a
Peace would difpofe an infinity of People to marry, and to
grub up the Trees, upon which the Colony would be better
Peopled and inlarg'd. The third Argument that diffuaded
him from carrying [25] on the War, was a defign of purfuing
the difcovery of the Lakes, and of the Savages that live upon
their banks, in order to fettle a Commerce with 'em, and at the
fame time to ingage them in our interefts, by good Alliances,
in cafe of a Rupture with the Iroquefe. Upon the confideration
of thefe Reafons, he fent fome Canadans by way of a formal
Embaffy to the Iroquefe Villages, in order to acquaint them,
1 Louis de Baude, count de Frontenac (born in 1620), had from his fifteenth year
seen service in French armies, and was also an accomplished courtier. He was made
lieutenant-general of New France in 1672, and while the most able of the governors,
his imperious disposition and autocratic temper involved him in many disputes. The
opposition became so great that he was recalled in x682. Seven years later, the
peril of the colony was such that Frontenac was again summoned to defend it. This
he did vigorously, his expedition of 1696 crushing the Iroquois, and saving Canada
to the French. He died at Quebec November 28, 1698. -ED.




to North-America.


6i


that the King being inform'd that a groundlefs War was carried on againft them, had fent him from France to make peace
with 'em. At the fame time the Ambaffadors had orders to '
ftipulate all the advantages they could obtain with reference to
the Commerce. The Iroquefe heard this Propofal with a great
deal of Satisfaction; for Charles II. King of England, had
order'd his Governor in New-rork to reprefent to 'em, that if
they continu'd to wage War with the French, they were ruin'd,
and that they would find themfelves crufh'd by the numerous
Forces that were ready to fail from France. In effect, they
promis'd to the Ambaffadors that four hundred of their number fhould meet Count Frontenac, attended by an equal number
of his Men, at the place where Fort Frontenac now ftands.
Accordingly, fome Months after, both the one and the other
met at the place appointed, and fo a Peace was concluded.
Mr. de la Salle was very ferviceable to this Governor, in giving
him good and feafonable Advices, which I cannot now enter
upon, being oblig'd to make fome preparations for my Voyage.' When the Campaign is over, you may expeft to hear
from me. In the mean time, I am,
SIR,
rours, &c.
1 Lahontan here refers to Frontenac's expedition of 1673, which built Fort Frontenac, and made peace with the Iroquois. La Salle was one of the messengers sent to
Onondaga to summon the chiefs to council. See Parkman, La Salle (Boston, I892),
chap. vi.
Thomas Dongan, governor of New York (1682-88), was an Irish gentleman who
had served in both English and French armies in Europe, and had acted as lieutenantgovernor of Tangiers. He attempted to thwart the plans of the French, to control
the Iroquois and monopolize the trade with the interior, which conduct brought upon
him reprimands from the English king, then subservient to the crown of France.- ED.




62


Some New     Voyages


LETTER VI.
Dated at Monreal June 20. 1684.
Being an ample Defcription of the Canows made of Birch-bark, in
which the Canadans perform all their Voyages; with an account
of the manner in which they are made and manag'd.
SIR,
THOUGHT to have fet out as this day; but in regard that
our Complement of great Canows is not yet brought up,
our Voyage is put off for two days. Having fo much leifure
time upon my Hands, I have a mind to imploy it in prefenting you with a fhort view of thefe flender Contrivances in
which the Canadans perform all their Voyages: And this will
furnifh you with an Idea of the Voiture of this Country. I faw
but now above an hundred Canows, fome great and fome
little; but confidering that the former are only proper for
Martial Expeditions, and long Voyages, I fhall confine my
Defcription to that fort. Even the great ones are of different
fizes; for they run from ten to twenty eight Foot long.
Indeed the leaft of all hold but two Perfons fet upon their
Breech, as in a Coffin; and are apt to over-fet, if the Paffengers move to one fide or t'other: But thofe of a larger fize will
eafily afford ftowage for fourteen Perfons; tho' they are com.
monly mann'd only with three Men, when they are imploy'd




to North-America.


63


in tranfporting Provifions and Merchandize; and even then
they'll carry twenty hundred weight. The largeft fort are fafe
and [27] fteddy, when they are made of the Bark of the Birchtree, which comes off with hot Water in the Winter time.
The greateft Trees afford the beft Barks for Canows; but
oftentimes the Bark of one Tree is not fufficient. The bottom of the Boat is all of one piece, to which the fides are fo
artfully few'd by the Savages, that the whole Boat appears as
one continu'd Bark. They are trimm'd and ftrengthn'd with
wicker Wreaths, and ribs of Cedar-Wood, which are almoft as
light as Cork; the Wreaths are as thick as a Crown-piece;
but the Bark has the thicknefs of two Crowns, and the Ribs
are as thick as three. On the two fides of the Boat, there
runs from one end to the other two principal Head-bars, in
which the ends of the Ribs are inchas'd, and in which the
Spars are made faft, that run a-crofs the Boat and keep it compa6t. Thefe Boats have twenty Inches in depth, that is, from
the upper edge to the Platform of the Ribs; their length
extends to twenty eight Foot, and the width at the middle
Rib is computed to be four Foot and a half. They are very
convenient upon the account of their extream lightnefs, and
the drawing of very little Water; but at the fame time their
brittle and tender Fabrick, is an Argument of an equivalent
inconveniency; for if they do but touch or grate upon Stone
or Sand, the cracks of the Bark fly open, upon which the
Water gets in, and fpoils the Provifions and Merchandize:
Every day there is fome new chink or feam to be gumm'd
over. At Night they are always unloaded, and carried on




64


Some New     Voyages


fhoar where they are made faft with Pegs, left the Wind ihould
blow 'em away: For they are fo light, that two Men carry
'em upon their fhoulders with eafe. This conveniency of
lightnefs and eafie carriage, renders 'em very ferviceable in
the Rivers of Canada, which are full of Catarads, Water-falls,
and Currents: For in thefe Rivers we are oblig'd either to
tranfport [28] 'em over-land where fuch obftrudions happen,
or elfe to tow 'em along where the Current is not over-rapid,
and the fhoar is acceflible. Thefe Boats are of no ufe for the
Navigation of Lakes; for the Waves would fwallow 'em up,
if they could not reach the fhoar when a wind arifes.l 'Tis
true, the Inhabitants venture in 'em for four or five Leagues,
from one Ifland to another; but then 'tis always in calm
Weather, and nothing is made ufe of but Oars; for befides
the rifque of being over-fet, the Goods are in danger of being
dammag'd by the Water, efpecially the Furs which are the
moft valuable part of the Cargoe. When the feafon ferves,
they carry little Sails; but if the Wind be but a little brisk,
tho' they run right afore it, 'tis impoffible to make any ufe of
it without running the rifque of Ship-wrack. If their courfe
lies direftly South, they cannot put up fail without the wind
ftands at one of the eight points, between North-Weft and
North-Eaft; and if a wind happens to fpring any where elfe,
(unlefs it comes from the Land which they coaft along) they
1 For a brief description of the process of making a birch bark canoe, see
McKenney, Tour of the Lakes (Baltimore, 1827), pp. 319, 320. Lahontan errs in
saying that these craft were unfitted for the navigation of the lakes; he was later to
learn of their usefulness on those waters. - ED.




to North-America.


are oblig'd to put in to the ihoar with all poffible expedition,
and unload the Boat out of hand, till fuch time as a calm
returns.
As for the working of thefe Boats, the Canow-Men ply
fometimes on their Knees, namely, when they run down the
fmall Water-falls; fometimes ftanding, when they ftem a Current by fetting the Boat along with Poles; and fometimes
fitting, viz. in fmooth and ftagnating water. The Oars they
make ufe of are made of Maple-wood, and their form is
reprefented in the annex'd Cutt. The Blade of the Oar is
twenty Inches long, fix Inches broad, and four Lines thick:
The Handle is about three Foot long, and as big as a Pigeons
Egg. When they have occafion to run up againft rapid Currents, they make ufe of Poles made of Pine-wood; and the
fetting of the Boat along with thefe, [29] is what they call Piquer
de fond. The Canows have neither Stern nor Prow, for they
run to a point at both ends: Neither have they Keels, Nails
or Pegs, in the whole Strudure. The Steerfman, or he who
Conns the Boat, rows without interruption as well as the reft.
The common purchafe of fuch a Boat is eighty Crowns; but
it do's not laft above five or fix years.
This day I have received advice, that Mr. de la Barre has
rais'd the Militia in the neighbourhood of Quebec, and that
the Governor of this Ifland has receiv'd orders to have that
of the adjacent Cantons in readinefs to march. I am,
SIR,
Tours, &c.
6




66


Some New Voyages


LETTER VII.
Dated at Monreal Novemb. 2. 1684.
Defcribing the Courfe of the River of St. Laurence, from Monreal
to the firfJgreat Lake of Canada; with the Water-falls, Catarats,
and Navigation of that River: As alfo Fort Frontenac, and the
Advantages that accrue from it.  Together with a Circumflantial account of the Expedition of Mr. de la Barre, the GovernorGeneral, againfl the Iroquefe; the Speeches he made, the Replies
he receiv'd, and the final Accommodation of the difference.
SIR,
T    HANK God I have finifh'd this Campaign, and am now
return'd in fafety to this place.  To prefent you with
the Hiffory of our Campaign, be [30] pleas'd to know that
in two or three days after the date of my laft, I imbarqu'd on
board of a Canow that was work'd by three expert CanowMen. Every Canow contain'd two Soldiers; and we all row'd
up againft the Current of the River till we arriv'd at Saut de
St. Louis, about three Leagues above this Town, which is a little
Water-fall, but fo rapid, that our Watermen were forc'd to
ftand in the water up to their Middle, in order to drag the
Canows againft the Stream for half a quarter of a League.'
1 Sault St. Louis was the name originally given to Lachine Rapids, just above
Montreal, by Champlain (16xI), apparently in memory of a lad named Louis who




to North-America.


67


We reimbarqu'd above this Pafs, and row'd about twelve
Leagues up the River, and thro' the Lake of St. Louis, till we
arriv'd at a place call'd the Cafcades, where we were forc'd to
turn out and carry our Boats and Baggage over-land, about
half a quarter of a League. 'Tis true, we might have tow'd
our Boats againft the Stream in this place with fome labour;
but there was a Catara6t a little above it, which they call
le Catarate du Trou.     I had taken up a notion that the only
difficulty of failing up the River, confifted in the trouble of
Land-carriage; but when I came to be a Spedator of the
matter, I found that the ftemming of the Currents whether in
towing of the Canows, or in fetting them along with Poles,
was equally laborious. About five or fix Leagues higher we
came to the Water-falls call'd Sauts des Cedres, and du Buiffon,
where we were forc'd to tranfport our Boats five hundred
paces over Land. Some Leagues above that, we enter'd the
Lake of St. Francis, which is faid to be twenty Leagues in
Circumference; and having crofs'd it, met with as ftrong Currents as before, particularly at a fall call'd Long Saut, where
we had recourfe to Land-carriage for half a League. Then
was drowned at this place. The head of navigation upon the St. Lawrence, Cartier
ascended to this point on his second voyage (1535), and explored the region in I54I.
The name "Lachine" commemorates the derision excited among the enemies of
La Salle; upon his embarkation thither for the West (I669), they said he was headed
for China (La Chine), an allusion to the then prevalent notion that in the West might
be found a transcontinental waterway which should prove a short-cut to China. The
term " La Chine " was equivalent to our " China-town." The Lachine Rapids are
the most dangerous on the St. Lawrence, and are now avoided by the Lachine canal,
eight and a half miles long, on the northern side. In descending, however, speciallyconstructed passenger steamers " shoot the rapids," a favorite amusement among the
people of Montreal. - ED.




68


Some New Voyages


we were forc'd to drag up the Boats againft the rapid Stream;
and after a great deal of fatigue came at laft to a Pafs call'd
la Galete, from whence we had but twenty Leagues failing to
Fort Frontenac.l  This [31] Pafs was the laft difficulty we had
to furmount; for above it the water was as ftill as that of a
Pool, and then our Watermen ply'd with their Oars in ftead
of Poles.
The Maringouins, which we call Midges, are unfufferably
troublefom in all the Countries of Canada. We were haunted
with fuch clouds of 'em, that we thought to be eat up; and
fmoaking being the only Artifice that could keep 'em off, the
Remedy was worfe than the Difeafe: In the Night-time the
People ihelter themfelves from 'em in Bowers or Arbours,
made after the following manner. They drive into the Ground
Stakes or little branches of Trees, at a certain diftance one
from another, fo as to form a femicircular Figure; in which
they put a Quilt and Bedcloaths, covering it above with a large
Sheet that falls down to the Ground on all fides, and fo
hinders the Infe6ts to enter.
We landed at Fort Frontenac after twenty days failing; and
immediately upon our arrival, Mr. Duta our Commander in
chief, view'd the Fortifications of the place, and three large
Barques that lay at Anchor in the Port.2       We repair'd the
1 Lahontan here describes in some detail the passage from Montreal to Lake
Ontario. For a similar description in reverse order, with enumeration of the rapids,
see Journal of Father Bonnecamps (1749), in Jesuit Relations, Ixix, pp. I95, 197.
The Long Sault of the St. Lawrence is now paralleled by the Cornwall canal.-ED.
2 Captain Du Tas (Tartre) was in command of the advance guard sent to convey
provisions to Fort Frontenac. See New York Colonial Documents, ix, p. 234. He




to North-America.


69


Fortifications in a very little time, and fitted up the three
Barques. This Fort was a Square, confifting of large Curtains flanked with four little Baftions; thefe Flanks had but
two Battlements, and the Walls were fo low, that one might
eafily climb upon 'em without a Ladder. After Mr. de la Salle
concluded the Peace with the Iroquefe, the King beftow'd upon
him and his Heirs the property of this place; but he was fo
negligent, that inftead of enriching himfelf by the Commerce
it might have afforded, he was confiderably out of pocket
upon it.' To my mind this Fort is fituated very advantageoufly for a Trade with the five Iroquefe Nations: For their
Villages lye in the Neighbourhood of the Lake, upon which
they may tranfport their Furs in Canows with more [32] eafe,
than they can carry 'em over-land to New-York. In time of
War I take it to be indefenfible; for the Catara&s and Currents of the River are fuch, that fifty Iroquefe may there ftop
stopped but a brief time in the colony, but again brought reinforcements in I690,
when Frontenac sent him to guard the St. Lawrence. He served in the English
Channel in I692; went to Hudson Bay (1695), and the following year was in the
campaign in Acadia.- ED.
1 Courcelle had recommended the site of Fort Frontenac (Catarakouy) on his
expedition of 1671. His successor, acting upon the suggestion, advanced up the St.
Lawrence in I673, and built the stockade on the present site of Kingston, Ontario.
Two years later, La Salle, strongly endorsed by Frontenac, obtained from the court at
Versailles a grant of the fort and district as a seigniory. Had La Salle been a mere
merchant, he would, as Lahontan suggests, have made his fortune therefrom. Using it
merely as the base of Western exploration, he became involved in financial difficulties,
and upon the departure of his patron Frontenac it was seized by his enemies, headed
by La Barre (1683). Upon the order of the king, it was restored the following year to
La Salle's lieutenant. At the outbreak of Frontenac's War (1689), Denonville gave
orders for the destruction of this fort; but Frontenac restored it in I695, and the French
maintained it until its capture by the British in 1758.- ED.




70


Some New Voyages


five hundred French, without any other Arms but Stones. Do
but confider, Sir, that for twenty Leagues together the River
is fo rapid, that we dare not fet the Canow four paces off the
fhoar; Befides, Canada being nothing but a Forreft, as I intimated above, 'tis impoffible to travel there without falling
every foot into Ambufcades, efpecially upon the banks of this
River, which are lin'd with thick Woods, that render 'em inacceffible. None but the Savages can skip from Rock to Rock,
and fcour thro' the Thickets, as if 'twere an open Field. If
we were capable of fuch Adventures, we might march five or
fix hundred Men by Land to guard the Canows that carry
the Provifions; but at the fame time 'tis to be confider'd, that
before they arriv'd at the Fort, they would confume more
Provifions than the Canows can carry; Not to mention that
the Iroquefe would ftill out-number 'em. As to the particulars
relating to the Fort, I fhall take notice of 'em when I come to
give a general defcription of New-France.
While we continued at Fort Frontenac, the Iroquefe who live
at Ganeouffe and Quent?, at the diftance of feven or eight
Leagues from thence,1 threw in upon us Harts, Roe-bucks,
Turkeys and Fifh; in exchange for Needles, Knives, Powder
In x668 several Cayugas, asking for a missionary, came to Montreal from a new
settlement recently made on Quinte Bay, on the north shore of Lake Ontario. The
Sulpitians sent out two of their members, who maintained the mission until 1673,
when Frontenac granted the Recollects the chaplaincy of his new fort. Hennepin
was stationed here, and administered to the mission for several years. See Hennepin,
New Discovery (Thwaites's ed., Chicago, 1903), pp. 47, 97. The mission was
abandoned during the Iroquois disturbances just preceding the outbreak of Frontenac's
War (or about I687).-ED.




to North-America.


71


and Ball. Towards the end of Augufl Mr. de la Barre joyn'd
us; but he was dangeroufly ill of a Feaver, which rag'd in like
manner among moft of his Militia; fo that only our three
Companies were free from Sicknefs. This Feaver was of the
intermitting kind; and the convulfive Motions, Tremblings,
and frequency of the Pulfe that attended the cold Fit, were fo
violent, that moft of our fick Men dy'd in the fecond or third
Fit. Their Blood was [33] of a blackifh brown colour, and
tainted with a fort of ycllowifh Serum, not unlike Pus or corrupt Matter. Mr. de la Barre's Phyfician, who in my opinion
knew as little of the true caufes of Feavers as Hippocrates or
Galen, and a hundred thoufand befides; this mighty Phyfician,
I fay, pretending to trace the caufe of the Feaver I now fpeak
of, imputed it to the unfavourable qualities of the Air and the
Aliment. His plea was, that the exceffive heat of the feafon,
put the Vapours or Exhalations into an over-rapid Motion;
that the Air was fo over-rarify'd, that we did not fuck in a
fufficient quantity of it; that the fmall quantity we did receive
was loaded with InfeEts and impure Corpufculum's, which the
fatal neceffity of Refpiration oblig'd us to fwallow; and that
by this means nature was put into diforder: He added, that
the ufe of Brandy and falt Meat fower'd the Blood, that this
fowernefs occafion'd a fort of Coagulation of the Chyle and
Blood, that the Coagulation hindered it to circulate thro' the
Heart with a due degree of Celerity; and that thereupon
there infued an extraordinary Fermentation, which is nothing
elfe but a Feaver. But after all, to my mind this Gentleman's




72


Some New     Voyages


Syfteme was too much upon the Iroquefe ftrain; for at that
rate the Diftemper muft have feiz'd all without diftinction,
whereas neither our Soldiers nor the feafon'd Canadans were
troubled with it; for it raged only among the Militia, who
being unacquainted with the way of fetting the Boats with
Poles, were forc'd at every turn to get into the water and drag
'em up againft the rapid Stream: Now, the waters of that
Country being naturally cold, and the heat being exceffive, the
Blood might thereupon freeze by way of Antiperiflafis, and fo
occafion the Feaver I fpeak of, purfuant to the common
Maxim, Omnis repentina mutatio ejf periculofa, i. e. All fudden
changes are of dangerous Confequence.
[34] As foon as Mr. de la Barre recover'd, he imbarqu'd
in order to continue his march; tho' he might have eafily
known, that after halting fourteen or fifteen days at that Fort,
when the feafon was fo far advanc'd, he could not pretend to
compafs the end of his Expedition. We row'd Night and Day
the Weather being very calm, and in five or fix days came
before the River of Famine, where we were forc'd to put in
upon the apprehenfion of a Storm.1 Here we met with a
Canow that Mr. Dulhut had fent from Miffilimakinac, with
advice, that purfuant to orders he had ingag'd the Hurons,
1 Riviere la Famine was previously identified with Onondaga (Oswego) River,
but later investigations have proven that it was Salmon River, Oswego County, N. Y.
See N. Y. Colonial Documents, ix, p. 242. The region was not named for lack of
supplies in La Barre's army, but from some previous Indian famine. La Barre
encamped on the northwest side of the river, opposite the present Port Ontario. See
Hawley, Early Chapters of Cayuga History (Auburn, I879).-ED.




to North-America.


73


Outaoua's, and fome other People, to joyn his Army; in which
he had above two hundred brave * Foreft
Rangers.     Thefe News were very acceptable            *See Coureurs
de Bois in the
to Mr. de la Barre; but at the fame time he              able.
was very much perplexed; for I'm perfwaded
he repented oftner than once, of his entring upon an Expedition that he forefaw would prove Succefslefs; and to aggravate the danger of his Enterprife, the Iroquefe had at that
time an opportunity to fall upon us. In fine, after a mature
confideration of the Confequences, and of the Difficulties that
ftood in the way, he fent back the Canow to Mr. Dulhut, with
orders to difmifs the Foreft Rangers and Savages immediately,
where ever he was, and by all means to avoid the approaching
to his Troops. By good luck Mr. Dulhut had not yet reach'd
Niagara, when he receiv'd thefe Orders; with which the
Savages that accompany'd him were fo diffatisfied, that they
threw out all manner of Invectives againft the French Nation.1
As foon as Mr. de la Barre had difpatch'd this Canow, he
1 Daniel Greysolon DuLuth (duLhut), " king of coureurs des bois," had been
an officer in the French army. Coming to Canada before I674, he set out four years
later on an expedition to the Sioux country, and remained in the Northwest for over
twelve years, exploring, trading, and securing the Indians in the French interest. He
was so powerful that his services were sought by successive governors. He brought
an Indian force to the aid of Denonville in 1687; and in 1694 was fighting the Iroquois under Frontenac. Two years later he was commandant at Fort Frontenac,
and died in 1710. See McLennan " Gentlemen of the King's Guard," in Harper's
Magazine, Sept., 893; and " Death of DuLuth " in Roy. Soc. Proc., 2d series, ix,
pp. 39-47. The Huron and Ottawa who composed his party upon the occasion here
cited by Lahontan, were from those tribes that had fled from the Iroquois attacks and
settled under French protection at Fort Mackinac.- ED.




74


Some New     Voyages


fent Mr. le Moine to the Village of the Onnontagues, which lay
about eighteen Leagues up the River. This Mr. le Moine
was a Gentleman of Normandy, and highly efteem'd by the
Iroquefe, who [35] call'd him Akoueffan, i. e. the Partridge.l His
Orders were, to indeavour by all means to bring along with
him fome of the old ftanders of that Nation; and accordingly
he return'd in a few days, accompany'd with one of their moft
confiderable Grandees, who had a Train of thirty young Warriours, and was diftinguiih'd by the Title of the Grangula.2
As foon as he debarqued, Mr. de la Barre fent him a Prefent
of Bread and Wine, and of thirty Salmon-Trouts, which they
fifh'd in that place in fuch plenty, that they brought up a
hundred at one caft of a Net: At the fame time he gave the
Grandee to underftand, that he congratulated his Arrival,
and would be glad to have an Interview with him after he had
refted himfelf for fome days. You muff know that he had
us'd the precaution of fending the fick back to the Colony,
1 Charles Le Moyne, sieur de Longueuil, was a native of Dieppe, born in 1624.
He came to Canada in i64I, and after four years among the Huron with the Jesuits,
settled at Montreal. There he acted for many years as interpreter of the colony, and
captain of militia. In 1655 he was captured by the Iroquois, who were so impressed
by his intrepidity that they adopted him into their tribe, and sent him home unharmed.
The value of his services to the colony was so great that he was ennobled by the king
(1668). His sons distinguished themselves in the history of the colony; the eldest,
first baron of Longueuil, was governor of Canada; Iberville and Bienville were the
founders of Louisiana.- ED.
2 By this Latinized form Lahontan designates the Iroquois chieftain known by
the French as La Grande Gueule (Big Mouth), in allusion to his oratorical ability.
His Indian name was Otreouate, and he belonged to the Onondaga tribe. Although
not one of their great chiefs, he was a wily diplomatist, and owed his influence to
skill in oratory and powers of dissimulation. For his signature in the totems of his
clan, see N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 386.- ED.




to Nortb-America.


75


that the Iroquefe might not perceive the weaknefs of his
Forces; and to favour the Stratagem, Mr. le Moine reprefented to the Grangula, that the Body of the Army was left
behind at Fort Frontenac, and that the Troops he faw in our
Camp, were the General's Guards. But unhappily one of the
Iroquefe that had a fmattering of the French Tongue, having
ftroul'd in the Night-time towards our Tents, over-heard what
we faid, and fo reveal'd the Secret. Two days after their
arrival, the Grangula gave notice to Mr. de la Barre that he
was ready for an Interview; and accordingly an hour being
appointed, the whole Company appear'd as the figure reprefents it.
The Grangula fat on the Eaft fide, being plac'd at the
head of his Men, with his Pipe in his Mouth, and the great
Calumet of Peace before him. He was very attentive to the
following Harangue, pronounc'd by our Interpreters; which
you cannot well underftand, without a previous explication of
the Calumet, and the Coliers that it mentions.
[36] The Calumet of Peace is made of certain Stones, or
of Marble, whether red, black, or white. The Pipe or Stalk
is four or five foot long; the body of the Calumet is eight
Inches long, and the Mouth or Head in which the Tobacco
is lodg'd, is three Inches in length; its figure approaches to
that of a Hammer. The red Calumets are moft efteem'd.
The Savages make ufe of 'em for Negotiations and.State
Affairs, and efpecially in Voyages; for when they have a
Calumet in their hand, they go where they will in fafety. The
Calumet is trimm'd with yellow, white, and green Feathers,




76


Some New Voyages


and has the fame effee among the Savages, that the Flag of
friendfhip has amongft us; for to violate the Rights of this
venerable Pipe, is among them a flaming Crime, that will draw
down mifchief upon their Nations.' As for the Coliers, they
are certain fwathes of two or three Foot in length, and fix
Inches in breadth; being deck'd with little Beads made of a
certain fort of fhells that they find upon the Sea fhoar, between
New-rork and Virginia. Thefe Beads are round, and as thick
as a little Pea; but they are twice as long as a grain of Corn:
Their colour is either blew or white; and they are bor'd thro'
juft like Pearl, being run after the fame manner upon ftrings
that lye fideways one to another. Without the intervention
of thefe Coliers, there's no bufinefs to be negotiated with the
Savages; for being altogether unacquainted with writing, they
make ufe of them for Contrafts and Obligations. Sometimes
they keep for an Age the Coliers that they have receiv'd from
their Neighbours; and in regard that every Colier has its
peculiar Mark, they learn from the old Perfons, the Circumftances of the time and place in which they were deliver'd; but
after that age is over, they are made ufe of for new Treaties.2
1On the uses of the calumet, see Jesuit Relations, index. The red stone is
known as " catlinite," from the artist George Catlin, who was the first to explore
and describe the quarries at Pipestone, Minnesota. -ED.
2 These " collars " (so called by the French; the English entitled them " belts")
were made of wampum, of which Lahontan has here described the primitive type in
the form of shells. Later they were made of beads. See Jesuit Relations, viii, note
70; also Hale, " Indian Wampum Records " in Popular Science Monthly, February,
1897. Belts of wampum were always used in the negotiation of Indian treaties; they
were sent with envoys as credentials, preserved by a chief as the ensign of his authority,
employed in ransom and atonement for crime, and also as ornament and in place of
money. The English term was "wampum"; that of the French, "porcelain."-ED.




to Nortb-America.


77


[37] Mr. de la Barre's Harangue, was to this purpofe.
'The    King, my     Mafter, being    inform'd    that the five
'Iroquefe Nations have for a long time made infradtions
'upon the meafures of Peace, order'd me to come hither with
'a Guard, and to fend Akoueffan to the Canton of the Onno'tagues, in order to an Interview with their principal Leaders,
'in the Neighbourhood of my Camp. This great Monarch
'means, that you and I fhould fmoak together in the great
'Calumet of Peace, with the Provifo, that you ingage in the
'name of the Tfonnontouans, Goyoguans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes,
'and Agnies, to make reparation to his Subjects, and to be
'guilty of nothing for the future, that may occafion a fatal
'rupture.
'The Tfonnontouans, Goyogouans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes and
'Agnies, have ftrip'd, rob'd, and abus'd all the Foreft-Rangers,
'that travel'd in the way of Trade to the Country of the
'Illinefe, of the Oumamis, and of feveral other Nations, who
'are my Mafter's Children.' Now this ufage being in high
'violation of the Treaties of Peace concluded with my Prede'ceffor, I am commanded to demand Reparation, and at the
1 According to Parkman, La Barre had brought this about by giving leave to
the Iroquois to plunder La Salle's canoes. The Indians had taken advantage of
this permission to seize several canoes and employes of the governor himself. See
Parkman, Frontenac, pp. 86, 87.
The Illinois Indians, of Algonquian stock, were encountered by the French in
the state to which they have given their name. La Salle had founded his colony
among them, only to have it raided by the Iroquois. See Hennepin, New Discovery
(Thwaites's ed.), pp. 337-342. The. Miami (Oumamis) were first encountered by
white men in Wisconsin. On their migrations see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 41, 99,
127, 285, 361, 398.-ED.




78


Some New Voyages


' fame time to declare, that in cafe of their refufal to comply
'with my demands, or of relapfing into the like Robberies,
'War is pofitively proclaim'd.
This Colier makes my words good.
'The Warriours of thefe five Nations have introduc'd the
'Englilh to the Lakes, belonging to the King my Mafter, and
'into the Country of thofe Nations to whom my Mafter is a
'Father: This they have done with a defign to ruine the
' Commerce of his Subjefts, and to oblige thefe Nations to
'depart from their due Allegiance; notwithftanding the Re' monftrances of the late Governor [38] of New-rork, who faw
'thro the danger that both they and the Englifh expos'd them' felves to. At prefent I am willing to forget thofe A6tions;
'but if ever you be guilty of the like for the future, I have
'exprefs orders to declare War.
This Colier warrants my Words.
'The fame Warriours have made feveral barbarous Incur'fions upon the Country of the Illinefe, and the Oumamis.
'They have maffacred Men, Women, and Children; they
'have took, bound, and carried off an infinite number of the
'Natives of thofe Countries, who thought themfelves fecure
' in their Villages in a time of Peace. Thefe People are my
' Mafter's Children, and therefore muft hereafter ceafe to be
'your Slaves. I charge you to reftore 'em to their Liberty,
' and to fend 'em home without delay; for if the five Nations




to North-America.


79


' refufe to comply with this demand, I have exprefs orders to
'declare War.
This Colier makes my words good.
'This is all I had to fay to the Grangula, whom I defire to
'report to the five Nations, this Declaration, that my Mafter
'commanded me to make. He withes they had not oblig'd
'him to fend a potent Army to the Fort of * Cat- *The French
'aracouy, in order to carry on a War that will call it Fort
'prove fatal to them: And he will be very much  Frontenac.
'troubled, if it fo falls out, that this Fort which is a work of
'Peace, muft be imploy'd for a Prifon to your Militia. Thefe
' mifchiefs ought to be prevented by mutual endeavours: The
'French who are the Brethren and Friends of the five Nations,
' will never difturb their Repofe; provided they make the fatis'faftion I now demand, and prove religious obfervers of their
'Treaties. I wifh my words [39] may produce the defir'd
' effed; for if they do not, I am oblig'd to joyn the Governor
'of New-rork, who has orders from the King his Mafter, to
' affift me to burn the five Villages, and cut you off.
This Colier confirms my word.
'While Mr. de la Barre's Interpreter pronounc'd this
Harangue, the Grangula did nothing but look'd upon the end
of his Pipe: After the Speech was finifh'd he rofe, and having
took five or fix turns in the Ring that the French and the
Savages made, he return'd to his place, and ftanding upright




8o


Some New Voyages


fpoke after the following manner to the General, who fat in
his Chair of State.
* his Title they    * Onnontio, I honour you, and all the
give to the Gov-  ' Warriors that accompany me do the fame:
ernor-General of 'Your Interpreter has made an end of his
Canada.        'Difcourfe, and now I come to begin mine.
'My Voice glides to your Ear, pray liften to my words.
'Onnontio, in fetting out from Quebec, you mufft needs have
'fancy'd that the fcorching Beams of the Sun had burnt down
'the Forefts which render our Country unacceffible to the
'French; or elfe that the Inundations of the Lake had fur'rounded our Cottages, and confin'd us as Prifoners. This
'certainly was your thought; and it could be nothing elfe but
'the curiofity of feeing a burnt or drown'd Country, that
'mov'd you to undertake a Journey hither. But now you
' have an opportunity of being undeceiv'd, for I and my war'like Retinue come to affure you, that the Tfonontouans, Goyogo'uans, Onnontagues, Onnoyoutes and Agnies, are not yet deftroy'd.
'I return you thanks in their name, for bringing into their
'Country the Calumet of Peace, that your Predeceffor receiv'd
'from their hands. At the fame time I congratulate your [40]
'Happinefs, in having left under Ground
*Burying the Axe '* the bloody Axe, that has been fo often
fignifies Peace.
'dy'd with the blood of the French.  I muff
'tell you, Onnontio, I am not afleep, my Eyes are open; and
'the Sun that vouchfafes the light, gives me a clear view of a
great Captain at the head of a Troop of Soldiers, who fpeaks
' as if he were afleep. He pretends that he do's not approach




I
I
ZII
I"
i.1










to North-America.


8I


'to this Lake with any other view, than to fmoak with the
'Onnotagues in the great Calumet; but the Grangula knows
'better things, he fees plainly that the Onnontio mean'd to
'knock 'em on the Head, if the French Arms had not been fo
'much weaken'd.
'I perceive that the Onnontio raves in a Camp of fick
'People, whofe lives the great Spirit has fav'd by vifiting
'them with Infirmities. Do you hear, Onnontio, our Women
'had took up their Clubbs; and the Children and the old
'Men, had vifited your Camp with their Bows and Arrows,
'if our Warlike Men had not ftop'd and difarm'd 'em, when
'Akoueffan your Ambaffadour appear'd before my Village.
'But I have done, I'll talk no more of that.
' You muft know, Onnontio, we have robb'd no French-Men,
'but thofe who fupply'd the Illinefe and the Oumamis (our
'Enemies) with Fufees, with Powder, and with Ball: Thefe
'indeed we took care of, becaufe fuch Arms might have coft
'us our life. Our Condu5t in that point is of a piece with
'that of the Jefuits, who ftave all the barrels of Brandy that
'are brought to our Cantons, left the People getting drunk
'ihould knock them in the Head. Our Warriours have no
'Beavers to give in exchange for all the Arms they take from
'the French; and as for the old fuperannuated People, they
'do not think of bearing Arms.
[4I]  This Colier comprehends my word.
'We have condu&ed the Englilh to our * They pretend
'* Lakes, in order to traffick with the Outaouas, to the property
of the Lakes.
'and the Hurons; juft as the Algonkins con6




82


Some New      Voyages


'duCted the French to our five Cantons, in order to carry on a
'Commerce that the Englifh lay claim to as their Right.           We
'are born Freemen, and have no dependance either upon the
Corlar is the    ' Onnontio or the t Corlar.l We have a power to
Title of the     ( go where we pleafe, to condu&        who we will
Governor of      'to the places we refort to, and to buy and fell
New-York.        ' where we think fit.     If your Allies are your
'Slaves or Children, you may e'en treat 'em as fuch, and rob
'em of the liberty of entertaining any other Nation but your
own.
This Colier contains my word.
'We fell upon the Illinefe and the Oulmamis, becaufe they
'cut down the trees of Peace that ferv'd for limits or bound'aries to our Frontiers.      They came to hunt Beavers upon
'our Lands; and contrary to the cuftom of all the Savages,
' have carried off whole Stocks, [Iboth Male and
Sa mong tha      ' Female.   They have ingag'd the Chaouanons
Savages, 'tis a
capital Crime    ' in their intereft, and entertain'd 'em     in their
to deftroy all 'Country.2 They fupply'd 'em with Fire-Arms,
the Beavers of   ' after the concerting of ill defigns againft us.
a  etement.   We have done lefs than the Englifh and the
1 The significance of the word Onontio, by which the Iroquois designated the
governor of Canada, was said to be " great " or " beautiful mountain," and to have
been a translation of the name of the second governor, Montmagny. Corlaer, the
Indian name for the governor of New York, was derived from Van Curler, an early
Dutch trader who had much influence among the Mohawk. — ED.
2 The Shawnee (French Chaouanon) were an Algonquian tribe, concerning
whose migrations and relations there has been considerable controversy. La Salle
found them in the Ohio country, where in the eighteenth century they were a terror
to the Western settlers of the United States. See Jesuit Relations, xlvii, p. 36; Ixi,
p. 249; Wis. Hist. Coils., xvi, pp. 48, 364; xvii, index.- ED.




to North-America.


83


'French, who without any right, have ufurp'd the Grounds
'they are now poffefs'd of; and of which they have diflodg'd
' feveral Nations, in order to make way for their building of
'Cities, Villages, and Forts.
[42] This Colier contains my word.
'I give you to know, Onnontio, that my Voice is the Voice
'of the five Iroquefe Cantons.  This is their Anfwer, pray
' incline your Ear, and liften to what they reprefent.
' The Tfonontouans, Goyogouans, Onnontagues, Onnoyoutes, and
'Agnies declare, that they interr'd * the.  Interring the Axe,
'Axe at Cataracouy, in the prefence of your  Inies the making of
' Precedeffor, in the very center of the Fort; a Peace; and the dig' and planted the Tree of Peace in the fame  ging ofit up imports a
' place, that it might be carefully preferv'd;  Declaration of War.
'that 'twas then ftipulated, that the Fort fhould be us'd as a
' place of retreat for Merchants, and not a refuge for Soldiers;
'and that inftead of Arms and Ammunition, it fhould be made
'a Receptacle of only Beaver-Skins, and Merchandize Goods.
'Be it known to you, Onnontio, that for the future you ought
' to take care, that fo great a number of Martial-Men as I now
'fee, being fhut up in fo fmall a Fort, do not ftifle and choak
'the Tree of Peace.   Since it took Root fo eafily, it muft
'needs be of pernicious confequence to ftop its growth, and
'hinder it to fhade both your Country and ours with its
'Leaves. I do affure you, in the name of the five Nations,
'that our Warriors fhall dance the Calumet Dance under its




84


Some New     Voyages


'branches; that they fhall reft in Tralt This Phrafe fignit This Phrafe figni-' quility upon their t Matts, and will never
fies keeping the Peace.
'dig up the Axe to cut down the Tree of
' Peace; till fuch time as the Onnontio and the Corlar, do either
'joyntly or feparately offer to invade the Country, that the
' great Spirit has difpos'd of in the favour of our Anceftors.
[43] This Colier contains my word; and the other comprehends
the power granted to me by the five Nations.
Then the Grangula addrefs'd himfelf to Mr. le Moine, and
fpoke to this purpofe.
'Akoueffan, take Heart, you are a Man of Senfe; fpeak and
'explain my meaning; be fure you forget nothing, but declare
'all that thy Brethren and thy Friends reprefent to thy chief
'Onnontio, by the voice of the Grangula, who pays you all
'Honour and Refped, and invites you to accept of this Pre' fent of Beavers, and to affift at his Feaft immediately.
'This other Prefent of Beavers is fent by the five Nations
'to the Onnontio.
As foon as the Grangula had done, Mr. le Moine and the
Jefuits that were prefent, explain'd his anfwer to Mr. de la
Barre,l who thereupon retir'd to his Tent and ftorm'd and
blufter'd, till fome body came and reprefented to him, that,
Iroca Progenies nefcit babere modos, i. e. The Iroquefe are always
upon extreams. The Grangula danc'd after the Iroquefe manner,
1 Father Jacques Bruyas was interpreter upon this occasion. See ante, p. 56,
note I.-ED.




to North-America.


by way of prelude to his Entertainment; after which he
regal'd feveral of the French. Two days after he and his
Martial-Retinue return'd to their own Country, and our Army
fet out for Monreal. As foon as the General was on board,
together with the few healthy Men that remain'd, the Canows
were difpers'd, for the Militia ftraggled here and there, and
every one made the beft of his way home. Our three Companies indeed kept together, becaufe all of us, both Officers
and Soldiers, were carried in flat-bottom'd Boats, made of
Deal on purpofe for our ufe. However, I could have wifh'd
to have run down the falls and Catarads [44] in the fame
Canow that brought me up, for every body thought we
fhould have been caft away at thefe Paffes, which are full of
Eddy's and Rocks; and 'twas never heard before, that fuch
Precipices were pafs'd with Deal Boats either upwards or
downwards. But we were forc'd to run all hazards, and had
certainly been fwallow'd up in thofe Mountains of Water, if
we had not oblig'd feveral Canows to fhoot the Cataradts at
the head of our Boats, in order to fhew us the way; at the
fame time we had prepar'd our Soldiers for rowing, and
thieving upon occafion. Do but confider, Sir, that the Currents run as faft as a Cannon Ball; and that one falfe ftroak
of the Oar, would have run us unavoidably upon the Rocks;
for we are oblig'd to fteer a Zig-zag courfe purfuant to the
thread of the Stream, which has fifty windings. The Boats
which are loaded are fometimes loft in thofe places. But after
all, tho' the rifque we run be very great, yet by way of Com



86


Some New     Voyages


penfation, one has the fatisfadion of running a great way in a
little time; for we run from Galete to this Town in two days
time, notwithitanding that we crofs'd the two Stagnating Lakes
I took notice of before.
As foon as we landed, we receiv'd advice that the Chevalier
de Callieres was come to fupply the room of Mr. Perrot, the
Governor of this place.1 Mr. Perrot has had feveral fcuffles
with Mr. de Frontenac, and Mr. de la Barre; of which you may
expe& a farther account, when I am better inform'd. All the
World blames our General for his bad Succefs: 'Tis talk'd
publickly, that his only defign was to cover the fending of
feveral Canows to traffick with the Savages in thofe Lakes for
Beaver-Skins. The People here are very bufie in wafting over
to Court a thoufand Calumnies againft him; both the Clergy
and the Gentlemen of the long Robe, write to his difadvantage.
Tho' after all, the whole charge is [45] falfe; for the poor
Man could do no more than he did.2 Juft now, I was inform'd
that Mr. Hainaut, Mr. Montortier, and Mr. Durivau, three Captains of Ships, are arriv'd at Quebec, with a defign to pafs the
Winter there, and to affift him      as Counfellors; and that the
1Louis Hector, sieur de Callieres-Bonnevue was born in 1646 or I647, and early
adopted the profession of arms. Coming to Canada in I684 as governor of Montreal,
he soon proved himself an important factor in the defense of the colony. He ably
seconded the measures of Frontenac, and upon his death (1698) was appointed his
successor. He brought Frontenac's war with the Iroquois to a successful issue, and
made a peace (1701) with this redoubtable foe. His death occurred in 703.- ED.
2 For La Barre's own account of the expedition, see N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp.
239-243. The account of his detractors, headed by the intendant Meules, follows,
pp. 244-248.-ED.




to North-America.                              87
laft of thefe three has brought with him an Independent Company, to be commanded by himfelf.1
I {hall have no opportunity of writing again before the
next Spring; for the laft Ships that are to return for France
this year, are now ready to fail.
I am, SI R, Yours, &c.
1 These officers, whose names are given, Desnots, Montortie, and Du Rivau Huet,
came out in charge of reinforcements in the autumn of 1684, but were permitted to
return the following year. See N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 250; Canadian Archives,
supplement, 1899, pp. 269, 270.-ED.




88


Some New     Voyages


LETTER VIII.
Dated at Monreal, yune 28. I685.
Reprefenting the Fortifications of Monreal, and the indifcreet Zeal
of the Priefis, who are Lords of that Town: With a Defcription of Chambli, and of the Commerce of the Savages upon the
great Lakes.
SIR,
HAVE juft receiv'd yours, by a fmall Veffel of Bourdeaux
loaded with Wine; which is the firft that came to Quebec
this Year. I am mightily pleas'd to hear that the King has
granted to Mr. de la Salle four Ships, to go upon the Difcovery of the Mouth of the Miffifipi; and cannot but admire
your Curiofity, in defiring to know the Occurrences of this
Place, and how I fpent my time in the Winter.
Mr. de Callieres was no fooner poffefs'd of his Government,
than he order'd all the Inhabitants of this Town, and of the
adjacent Country, to cut down and bring in great Stakes,
of fifteen Foot in length, [46] to fortifie the Town. During
the Winter, thefe Orders were purfued with fo much Application, that all things are now ready for making the Inclofure;
in which five or fix hundred Men are to be imploy'd. I fpent
part of the Winter in Hunting with the Algonkins, in order to
a more perfedt knowledge of their Language; and the reft I




to North-America.


89


fpent in this Place, with a great deal of uneafinefs: for, here
we cannot enjoy our felves, either at Play, or in vifiting the
Ladies, but 'tis prefently carried to the Curate's ears, who
takes publick notice of it in the Pulpit. His Zeal goes fo far,
as even to name the Perfons: and fince he refufes the Sacrament of the Holy Supper to Ladies of Quality, upon the moft
flender Pretences, you may eafily guefs at the other fteps of
his Indefcretion. You cannot imagine to what a pitch thefe
Ecclefiaftical Lords have fcrew'd their Authority: They
excommunicate all the Masks, and wherever they fpy 'em,
they run after 'em to uncover their Faces, and abufe 'em in a
reproachful manner: In fine, they have a more watchful eye
over the Condut of the Girls and married Women, than
their Fathers and Husbands have.  They cry out againft
thofe that do not receive the Sacrament once a Month; and
at Eajfer they oblige all forts of Perfons to give in Bills to
their Confeffors. They prohibit and burn all the Books that
treat of any other Subje&t but Devotion. When I think of
this Tyranny, I cannot but be inrag'd at the impertinent Zeal
of the Curate of this City. This inhumane Fellow came one
day to my Lodging, and finding the Romance of the Adventures of Petronius upon my Table, he fell upon it with an
unimaginable fury, and tore out almoft all the Leaves. This
Book I valued more than my Life, becaufe 'twas not caftrated;
and indeed I was fo provok'd when I faw it all in wrack, that
if my Landlord had not held me, I had gone immediately to
that turbulent Paftor's [47] Houfe, and would have pluck'd
out the Hairs of his Beard with as little mercy as he did the




90


Some New     Voyages


Leaves of my Book. Thefe Animals cannot content themfelves with the ftudying of Mens A&tions, but they muft
likewife dive into their Thoughts. By this Sketch, Sir, you
may judge what a pleafant Life we lead here.
The 30th of the laft March the Ice melted; and the River
being then open, I was fent with a fmall Detachment to Chambli: for commonly the Sun refumes its Vigour here much
about that time. Chambli ftands on the brink of a Bafin,
about five or fix Leagues off this Place: That Bafin is two
Leagues in Circumference, and receives the Lake of Champlain by a Water-fall that is a League and a half in length;
out of which there arifes a River that difembogues at Sorel
into the River of St. Laurence, as I intimated above in my
fourth Letter. In former times this Place had a great Trade
in Beaver-skins, which is now decay'd: for the Soccokis, the
Mabingans, and the Openangos, us'd formerly to refort thither
in fhoals, to exchange their Furs for other Goods; but at
prefent they are retir'd to the Englijh Colonies, to avoid the
purfuit of the Iroquefe.l The Champlain Lake, which lies
above that Water-fall, is eighty Leagues in circumference. At
the end of this Lake we met with another, call'd S. Sacrement,
by which one may go very eafily to New-Tork, there being but
'These were tribes who had formerly occupied Acadia and Maine, and had
migrated with the Abenaki to the St. Lawrence. The Sokoki (Soccoki) were Abenaki
whose habitat was the Saco River, and whose enmity with the Mohawk was of long
standing. One of this tribe, Squanto, led the attack on the English settlement at Saco,
Sept. IS, 1675. The Openangoes were the Algonquian of New Brunswick, called
by the English Quoddy Indians. The Mahican (Mohegan) was a numerous Algonquian tribe, whose first habitat was the valley of the Hudson, later that of the Connecticut. The French usually called them Loups (Wolves). -ED.




to North-America.


9I


a Land-carriage of two Leagues from thence to the River
Du Fer, which falls into the Manatbe.l While I was at Chambli, I faw two Canows loaded with Beaver-skins pafs privately
by that way; and 'twas thought they were fent thither by Mr.
de la Barre. This fmuggling way of Trade is exprefly prohibited: for they are oblig'd to carry thefe Skins before the
Office of the Company, where they are rated at an Hundred
and 60 per Cent. lefs than the Englifh buy 'em at in their Colonies.2 But the little Fort that ftands at the bottom [48] of
the Water-fall, upon the brink of the Bafin of Chambli, being
only fingle Pallifadoes, it cannot hinder People to pafs that
way; efpecially confidering that the Profpect, of fo great a
profit, renders the Paffengers the more daring. The Inhabitants of the adjacent Villages are very much expos'd to the
Incurfions of the Iroquefe in time of War. Notwithftanding
the weaknefs of the Fort, I continued in that place a Month
and a half, and then I return'd hither, where Mr. de la Barre
arriv'd fome days after; being accompany'd with Mr. Hennaut,
1 The Indian name for Lake George was Andiatarocte, " where the lake is shut
in." The Jesuit missionary Jogues named it (1646) Lac du St. Sacrement. In 1755
Sir William Johnson changed the name in honor of the English king. The River
Du Fer is the north branch of the Hudson which falls into the " Manathe," i. e. the
river of Manhattan. - ED.
2 The Compagnie des Indes Occidentales was created May 24, I664, and given
the monopoly of the fur-trade of Canada. Upon the protestation of the colony's merchants, the company relinquished the monopoly in favor of the right to levy a duty of
one-fourth of the beaver skins and one-tenth of the moose skins imported from Canada.
The company was dissolved in 1674, but the king retained the duties in the same
form, and farmed them out for 350,000 livres. The farmer formed a company, sometimes spoken of as the " Company of Domain." This is the one to which Lahontan
here refers, The price paid for beaver was regulated by edict. -ED,




92


Some New     Voyages


Mr. Montortier, and Mr. du Rivau. Much about the fame day
there arriv'd 25 or 30 Canows, belonging to the Coureurs de
Bois, being homeward bound from the great Lakes, and laden
with Beaver-skins. The Cargo of each Canow amounted to
40 Packs, each of which weighs 50 pound, and will fetch 50
Crowns at the Farmers Office. Thefe Canows were follow'd
by 50 more of the Outaouas and Hurons, who come down every
Year to the Colony, in order to make a better Market than
they can do in their own Country of Miffilimakinac, which lies
on the Banks of the Lake of Hurons, at the Mouth of the
Lake of the Illinefe.1 Their way of Trading is as follows.
Upon their firft Arrival, they incamp at the diftance of five
or fix hundred Paces from the Town. The next day is fpent
in ranging their Canows, unloading their Goods, and pitching
their Tents, which are made of Birch Bark. The next day
after, they demand Audience of the Governour General;
which is granted 'em that fame day in a publick place. Upon
this Occafion, each Nation makes a Ring for it felf; the Savages fit upon the Ground with their Pipes in their Mouths,
and the Governour is feated in an arm'd Chair; after which,
there ftarts up an Orator or Speaker from one of thefe
Nations, who makes an Harangue, importing, 'That his
'Brethren are come to vifit the Governour general, and to
'renew [49] with him their wonted Friendfhip: That their
'chief View is, to promote the Intereft of the French, fome of
For the early history of Mackinac (Missilimakinac) see Thwaites, " Story of
Mackinac," in Horw George Rogers Clark Won the Northwest (Chicago, 1903).
Illinois Lake (Lac d' Ilinois) was an early name for Lake Michigan. - ED.




to North-America.


93


'whom being unacquainted with the way of Traffick, and
'being too weak for the tranfporting of Goods from the
'Lakes, would be unable to deal in Beaver-skins, if his Brethren did not come in perfon to deal with 'em in their own
'Colonies: That they know very well how acceptable their
'Arrival is to the Inhabitants of Monreal, in regard of the
'Advantage they reap by it: That in regard the Beaver-skins
'are much valued in France, and the French Goods given in
'exchange are of an inconfiderable Value, they mean to give
'the French fufficient proof of their readinefs to furnifh 'em
' with what they defire fo earneftly: That by way of prepara'tion for another Years Cargo, they are come to take in
'Exchange, Fufees, Powder, and Ball, in order to hunt great
' numbers of Beavers, or to gall the Iroquefe, in cafe they offer
'to difturb the French Settlements: And, in fine, That in con'firmation of their Words, they throw a Purcelain Colier
' with fome Beaver-skins to the Kitchi-Okima (fo they call the
'Governour-General) whofe Protetion they lay claim to in
' cafe of any Robbery or Abufe committed upon 'em in the
'Town.1
The Spokefman having made an end of his Speech, returns
to his Place, and takes up his Pipe; and then the Interpreter
explains the Subftance of the Harangue to the Governour,
who commonly gives a very civil Anfwer, efpecially if the
Prefent be valuable: in confideration of which. he likewife
1 See Lahontan's explanation of this term in his Table, post. John Long, an
English trader of a century later, gives nearly the same form for the Algonquian word.
See Long, Voyages and Travels (Thwaites's ed., Cleveland, I904), p. 242.-ED.




94


Some New     Voyages


makes them a Prefent of fome trifling things. This done, the
Savages rife up, and return to their Hutts to make fuitable
Preparations for the enfuing Truck.
The next day the Savages make their Slaves carry the
Skins to the Houfes of the Merchants, who bargain with
'em for fuch Cloaths as they want. All the Inhabitants of
Monreal are allow'd to traffick with [o5] 'em in any Commodity but Wine and Brandy; thefe two being excepted upon
the account that when the Savages have got what they wanted,
and have any Skins left, they drink to excefs, and then kill
their Slaves; for when they are in drink, they quarrel and
fight; and if they were not held by thofe who are fober,
wou'd certainly make Havock one of another.1 However,
you muff obferve, that none of 'em will touch either Gold or
Silver. 'Tis a comical fight, to fee 'em running from Shop to
Shop, ftark naked, with their Bow and Arrow. The nicer fort
of Women are wont to hold their Fans before their eyes,
to prevent their being frighted with the view of their ugly
Parts. But thefe merry Companions, who know the brisk
She-Merchants as well as we, are not wanting in making an
Offer, which is fometimes accepted of, when the Prefent is of
1 The sale of liquor to the Indians had long agitated the colony. Champlain
forbade the traffic (i633), except under strict control; but by x660 it had attained
such excesses that Bishop Laval pronounced excommunication against all colonists
who sold brandy to savages, and the following year secured a royal edict punishing
the crime with death. The excitement in the colony was so great that the edict was
revoked, and in Frontenac's first governorship a compromise established, whereby the
carrying of liquor into the woods was prohibited, but a moderate sale allowed in the
colony. The question never ceased to be agitated by the missionaries, and the evasions
of the ordinance by coureurs des bois were a standing grievance. - ED.




to North-America.


95


good Mettle. If we may credit the common Report, there
are more than one or two of the Ladies of this Country,
whofe Conftancy and Vertue has held out againft the Attacks
of feveral Officers, and at the fame time vouchfaf'd a free
accefs to thefe nafty Lechers. 'Tis prefum'd their Compliance was the Effedt of Curiofity, rather than of any nice
Relifh; for, in a word, the Savages are neither brisk, nor
conftant. But whatever is in the matter, the Women are the
more excufable upon this Head, that fuch Opportunities are
very unfrequent.
As foon as the Savages have made an end of their Truck,
they take leave of the Governour, and fo return home by the
River of Outaouas.1 To conclude, they did a great deal of
good both to the Poor and Rich; for you will readily apprehend, that every body turns Merchant upon fuch occafions.
I am, SIR, Yours, &c.
1 The Ottawa River was at first called River of the Algonkins, and Riviere des
Prairies. Its present name arose not from its being the habitat of the Ottawa tribe,
but because it was the route by which the Ottawa came to Canada from the " upper
country " (pays en haut). - ED.




96


Some New Voyages


LETTER IX.
Dated at Boucherville, Octob. 2. I685.
Being an Account of the Commerce, and Trade of Monreal: Of the
Arrival of the Marquis of Denonville with fome Troops; and
of the recalling of Mr. de la Barre. With a curious Defcription
of certain Licenfes for Trading in Beaver-skins in the remote
Countries.
SIR,
RECEIV'D your fecond Letter three Weeks ago, but could
not fend a fpeedier Anfwer, by reafon that none of our
Ships have yet fet Sail for France. Since you want to know
the nature of the Trade of Monreal, be pleas'd to take the
following Account.
Almoft all the Merchants of that City ad only on the
behalf of the Quebec Merchants, whofe Fad6ors they are.
The Barques which carry thither dry Commodities, as well as
Wine and Brandy, are but few in number; but then they make
feveral Voyages in one Year from the one City to the other.
The Inhabitants of the Ifland of Monreal, and the adjacent
Cantons, repair twice a Year to the City of Monreal, where
they buy Commodities fifty per Cent. dearer than at Quebec.
The Savages of the neighbouring Countries, whether fettled




to North-America.


97


or erratick, carry thither the Skins of Beavers, Elks, Caribous,
Foxes, and wild Cats; all which, they truck for Fufees, Powder, Lead, and other Neceffaries. There every one is allow'd
to trade; and indeed 'tis the beft place for the getting of an
Eftate in a fhort time. All the Merchants have fuch a perfedt
good underftanding one with another, that they all fell at the
fame price. [52] But when the Inhabitants of the Country
find their Prices exorbitant, they raife their Commodities in
proportion. The Gentlemen that have a Charge of Children,
efpecially Daughters, are oblig'd to be good Husbands, in
order to bear the Expence of the magnificent Cloaths with
which they are fet off; for Pride, Vanity, and Luxury, reign
as much in New France as in Old France. In my opinion,
'twould do well, if the King would order Commodities to be
rated at a reafonable Price, and prohibit the felling of Gold
or Silver Brocadoes, Fringes, and Ribbands, as well as Points
and rich Laces.
The Marquis of Denonville is come to fucceed Mr. de la
Barre in the quality of Governour-General; for the King has
recall'd Mr. de la Barre, upon the Accufations laid againft
him by his Enemies. To be fure, you who are in France
know better than I, that Mr. de Denonville was Maitre de
Camp to the Queen's Regiment of Dragoons, which Place he
fold to Mr. Murcey when the King beftow'd this Government
upon him; and, that he brought with him fome Companies of
Marines, befides his Lady and his Children: for it feems
the danger and inconveniencies that attend fuch a long and
7




98


Some New     Voyages


troublefome Voyage, made no Impreflion upon her.l This
Governour ftay'd at firft fome Weeks at Quebec, after which
he came to Monreal, with 500 or 600 Men of Regular Troops,
and fent back the Captains Hainaut, Montortier, and du Rivo,
with feveral other Officers. His Army is now in Winter
Quarters all round Monreal. My Quarters are at a Place
call'd Boucherville, which lies at the diftance of three Leagues
from   Monreal.2    I have been here fifteen Days, and in all
appearance fhall live more happily than in the Town, abating
for the Solitude; for at leaft I fhall have no other oppofition
to encounter in the cafe of Balls, Gaming, or Feaffing, but the
zealous Freaks of a filly Prieft. I am inform'd, that the Governour [53] has given Orders to compleat the Fortifications of
Monreal,3 and is now ready to embarque for Quebec, where our
Governours commonly pafs the Winter. The Savages I fpoke
of in my laft, met the Iroquefe upon the great River of the
Outaouas, who     inform'd 'em    that the Englilh were making
Preparations to tranfport to their Villages in Miffilimakinac,
better and cheaper Commodities than thofe they had from the
1 Jacques Rene de Brisay, marquis de Denonville, had served in the French armies
for thirty years. He was a zealous and pious officer, but unequal to the difficulties of
the situation in Canada; recalled in I689, he was given honorable preferment at
court. Madame de Denonville was the last French woman of rank to honor Canada
with her presence at the government house. - ED.
2Boucherville was founded in 1667 by Pierre Boucher, formerly governor of Trois
Rivieres, and the first Canadian ennobled by the king. The Boucher family was one
of the most important in the colony. See Sulte, " Pierre Boucher et son Livre " in
Can. Roy. Soc. Proc., series ii, vol. ii, sec. i, pp. 99-168. -ED.
3 Montreal until this time had scarcely any military protection. In I685 six hundred men were employed, under a royal engineer, in erecting a palisade over twelve
feet in height, with five gates and five posterns. - ED.




r   to North-America.


99


French. This piece of News did equally alarm the Gentlemen,
the Pedlers call'd Coureurs de Bois, and the Merchants; who, at
that rate, would be confiderable Lofers: for you muff know,
that Canada fubfifts only upon the Trade of Skins or Furrs,
three fourths of which come from the People that live round
the great Lakes: So that if the Englifh fhould put fuch a
Defign in execution, the whole Country would fuffer by it;
efpecially confidering, that 'twould fink certain Licenfes: an
Account of which will be proper in this place.
Thefe Licenfes are granted in Writing by the Governours
General, to poor Gentlemen and old Officers who have a Charge
of Children. They are difpos'd of by the King's Orders; and
the Defign of 'em is, to enable fuch Perfons to fend Commodities to thefe Lakes. The Number of the Perfons thus
impower'd, ought not to exceed twenty five in one Year: but
God knows how many more have private Licenfes. All other
Perfons, of what Quality or Condition foever, are prohibited
to go or fend to thefe Lakes, without fuch Licenfes, under the
pain of Death.1 Each Licenfe extends to the lading of two
great Canows; and whoever procures a whole or a half Licenfe
for himfelf, may either make ufe of it himfelf, or fell it to the
1 The licenses (conges) for trade in the Western country were established in the
latter years of Frontenac's first administration, partly, as Lahontan says, as a measure
of charity or relief, partly as a means of restricting the coureurs des bois. The abuses
were so great that in I697 the king revoked all licenses and abolished the system. At
the close of Queen Anne's War (1702-13), the licenses were again issued, and utilized
as a means for provisioning expeditions against the Foxes and the other recalcitrant
Indians of the upper country. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, xvii. This policy was
maintained throughout the French regime. Henry describes it as still existing in
1765; see his Travels andAdventures (Bain's ed., Boston, 1901), pp. 183, I84.-ED.




I00


Some New     Voyages


higheft Bidder. Commonly they are bought at fix hundred
Crowns a-piece. Thofe who purchafe 'em are at no trouble
in finding Pedlars or Foreft-Rangers to undertake the long
Voyages, which fetch the moft confiderable [54] Gains, and
commonly extend to a Year, and fometimes more. The Merchants put into the two Canows ftipulated in the Licenfe, fix
Men with a thoufand Crowns-worth of Goods, which are rated
to the Pedlars at fifteen per Cent. more than what they are fold
for in ready Money in the Colony. When the Voyage is perform'd, this Sum of a thoufand Crowns commonly brings in
feven hundred per Cent. clear profit, and fometimes more,
fometimes lefs; for thefe Sparks call'd Coureurs de Bois bite
the Savages moft dexteroufly, and the lading of two Canows,
computed at a thoufand Crowns, is a Purchafe for as many
Beaver-skins as will load four Canows: Now, four Canows
will carry a hundred and fixty Packs of Skins, that is, forty
a-piece; and reckoning each Pack to be worth fifty Crowns,
the value of the whole amounts to eight thoufand Crowns.
As to the Repartition of this extravagant Profit, 'tis made after
the following manner: In the firft place, the Merchant takes
out of the whole bulk fix hundred Crowns for the Purchafe
of his Licenfe; then a thoufand Crowns for the prime Coft of
the exported Commodities. After this, there remains 6400
Crowns of Surplufage, out of which the Merchant takes forty
per Cent. for Bottomree, which amounts to 2560 Crowns; and
the Remainder is divided equally among the fix Coureurs de
Bois, who get little more than 600 Crowns a-piece: and indeed
I muff fay 'tis fairly earn'd; for their Fatigue is inconceivable.




to North-America.


IOI


In the mean time, you muff remark, that over and above the
foregoing profit, the Merchant gets 25 per Cent. upon his
Beaver-skins by carrying them to the Office of the Farmers
General, where the Price of four forts of Beaver-skins is
fix'd. If the Merchant fells thefe Skins to any private Man
in the Country for ready Money, he is paid in the current
Money of the Country, which is of lefs value than the Bills
of Exchange that the DireCor of [55] that Office draws upon
Rochel or Paris; for there they are paid in French Livres, which
are twenty Sols, whereas a Canada Livre is but fifteen Sols.
This Advantage of 25 per Cent. is call'd le Benefice; but take
notice, that 'tis only to be had upon Beaver-skins: for, if you
pay to a Quebec Merchant 400 Canada Livres in Silver, and
take from him a Bill of Exchange upon his Correfpondent in
France, his Correfpondent will pay no more than 300 French
Livres, which is a juft Equivalent.
This is the laft Intelligence I fhall give you for this Year,
which has already brought in a very cold Autumn. The Quebec
Ships muff fet Sail in the middle of November, purfuant to the
wonted Cuftom. I am,
SIR,
rours, &c.




102


Some New     Voyages


LETTER X.
Dated at Boucherville July 8. I686.
Relating the Arrival of Mr. de Champigni, in the room of Mr.
de Meules, who is recall'd to France; the arrival of the
Troops that came along with him, the curiofity of the Rackets,
and the way of hunting Elks; with a Defcription of that
Animal.
SIR,
HOUGH I have not heard from you this year, yet I will
not flight this opportunity of writing to you.  Some
Ships from France are arriv'd at Quebec, and have brought
over Mr. de Champigni Noroua, [56] with fome Companies of
Marines. He comes to fupply the place of Mr. de Meules,
whom the King recalls upon the unjuft complaints that are
made of him. He is charg'd with preferring his private Intereft to the publick Good; but the charge is falfe, and he will
eafily clear himfelf. I am apt to believe he may have carry'd
on fome underhand Commerce, but in fo doing he injur'd
no body; nay, on the contrary he has procur'd Bread for a
thoufand poor Creatures, that without his Affiftance would
have ftarv'd for Hunger. This new Intendant is defcended
of one of the moft Illuftrious Families of the Robe in France.
He is faid to be a Man of Honour, and Fame entitles his




to North-America.


103


Lady to a diftinguifhing      Merit: I underftand, he and Mr.
Denonville are bound fpeedily for Monreal, where they mean
to take a review of the Inhabitants of this Ifland, and of the
Neighbouring Cantons.' Probably, they take fuch precautions in order to fome new effort againft the Iroquefe.           Laft
Winter we had no new Occurrences in the Colony. I fpent
the whole Winter at the hunting of Orignals or Elks along
with the Savages, whofe Language I am learning, as I have
intimated to you feveral times.2
The hunting of Elks is perform'd upon the Snow, with
fuch Rackets as you fee defign'd in the annex'd Cutt. Thefe
Rackets are two Foot and a half long, and fourteen Inches
broad; their ledges are made of a very hard Wood, about an
Inch thick, that fattens the Net juft like a Tennis Racket, from
which they differ only in this; that thofe for the Tennis are
made of Gut-ftrings, whereas the others are made of little
thongs of the skins of Harts or Elks. In the Cut, you may
perceive two little fpars of Wood, which run a-crofs to render
the Net firmer and ftiffer. The hole that appears by the two
Latchets, is the place in which they put the Toes and fore'Jean Bochart de Champigny was one of the most able and faithful of Canadian
intendants. He was sent (i686) to replace Jacques de Mueles, who had come out
with La Barre (1682), but had proven his bitter enemy, and was also complained of
by the new governor Denonville. Champigny lived in concord with the latter, with
whose politics he coincided. The harmony with Frontenac was less sincere; but in
the last years of the latter, they became good friends. Champigny was recalled to
France (1702) to take position as intendant at Havre. - ED.
2 The " original " or elk of Canada is not to be confounded with the American
elk or wapiti (Cervus Canadensis), called La Biche by the French; this is the moose
of northern North America (Cervus alches). See Caton, Antelope and Deer of North
America (New York, I877). -ED.




104


Some New Voyages


part of the Foot; fo that 'tis tied faft by [57] the two Latchets, which run twice round about the Heel, and every ftep
they make upon the Snow, the fore-part of the Foot finks into
that hole, as often as they raife their Heel. By the help of
this Contrivance they walk fafter upon the Snow, than one
can do with Shoes upon a beaten path: And indeed 'tis fo
neceffary for them, that 'twould be otherwife impoffible not
only to hunt and range the Woods, but even to go to Church,
notwithftanding they are fo near; for commonly the Snow is
three or four Foot deep in that Country during the Winter.
Being oblig'd to march thirty or forty Leagues in the Woods
in purfuit of the above-mention'd Animals, I found that the
fatigue of the Journey equal'd the pleafure of it.
The Orignal is a fort of Elk, not much different from that
we find in Mufcovy. 'Tis as big as an Auvergne Moyle, and
much of the fame fhape, abating for its Muzzle, its Tail, and its
great flat Horns, which weigh fometimes 300, and fometimes
400 weight, if we may credit thofe who pretend to have
weigh'd 'em. This Animal ufually reforts to planted Countries. Its Hair is long and brown; and the Skin is ftrong and
hard, but not thick. The Flefh of the Orignal, efpecially that
of the Female fort, eats delicioufly; and 'tis faid, that the far
hind Foot of the Female kind, is a Cure for the FallingSicknefs; it neither runs nor skips, but its trot will almoft
keep up with the running of a Hart. The Savages affure us,
that in Summer 'twill trot three Days and three Nights without intermiffion. This fort of Animals commonly gather into
a body towards the latter end of Autumn; and the Herds are




to North-America.


Io5


largeft in the beginning of the Spring, at which time the fhe
ones are in rutting; but after their heat is over, they all difperfe themfelves. We hunted 'em in the following manner:
Firft of all, we went 40 Leagues to the Northward of the River
of St. Laurence, [58] where we found a little Lake of three or
four Leagues in Circumference, and upon the banks of that
Lake, we made Hutts for our felves of the barks of Trees,
having firft clear'd the Ground of the Snow that cover'd it.
In our Journey thither, we kill'd as many Hares and Woodhens, as we could eat. When we had fitted up our Hutts, the
Savages went out upon the difcovery of the Elks, fome to the
Northward, and fome to the South, to the diftance of two or
three Leagues from the Hutts. As foon as they difcover'd
any frefh foot-fteps, they detach'd one of their number to give
us notice, to the end, that the whole Company might have the
pleafure of feeing the chace. We trac'd thefe foot-fteps fometimes for one, and fometimes for two Leagues, and then fell
in with five, ten, fifteen or twenty Elks in a body; which prefently betook themfelves to flight, whether a part or in a Body,
and funk into the Snow up to their Breaft. Where the Snow
was hard and condenfated, or where the froft following wet
Weather had glaz'd it above, we came up with 'em after the
chace of a quarter of a League: But when the Snow was foft
or juft fallen, we were forc'd to purfue 'em three or four
Leagues before we could catch 'em, unlefs the Dogs happen'd
to ftop 'em where the Snow was very deep. When we came
up with them, the Savages fired upon 'em with Fufees. If the
Elks be much inrag'd they'll fometimes turn upon the Sav



io6


Some New     Voyages


ages, who cover themfelves with Boughs in order to keep off
their Feet, with which they would crufh 'em to pieces. As
foon as they are kill'd, the Savages make new Hutts upon the
fpot, with great Fires in the middle; while the Slaves are
imploy'd in fleaing 'em, and ftretching out the Skins in the
open Air. One of the Soldiers that accompany'd me, told me
one Day, that to withftand the violence of the Cold, one ought
to have his Blood compos'd of Brandy, [59] his Body of
Brafs, and his Eyes of Glafs: And I muff fay, he had fome
ground for what he fpoke, for we were forc'd to keep a Fire
all round us, all the Night long. As long as the Flefh of thefe
Animals lafts, the Savages feldom think of ftirring; but when
'tis all confum'd, they then look out for a new Difcovery.
Thus they continue to hunt, till the Snow and the Ice are
melted. As foon as the great thaw commences, 'tis impoffible
for 'em to travel far; fo that they content themfelves with the
killing of Hares and Partridges, which are very numerous in
the Woods. When the Rivers are clear of the Ice, they make
Canows of the Elk-skins, which they fow together very eafily,
covering the Seams with a fat fort of Earth inftead of pitch.
This work is over in four or five days time, after which they
return home in the Canows with all their Baggage.
This, Sir, was our Diverfion for three Months in the Woods.
We took fifty fix Elks, and might have kill'd twice as many,
if we had hunted for the benefit of the Skins. In the Summer
feafon, the Savages have two ways of killing 'em, both of which
are equally troublefom. One confifts in hanging a Rope-gin
between two Trees, upon a Pafs furrounded with Thorns; the




to North-America.


107


other is compafs'd by crauling like Snakes among the Trees
and Thickets, and approaching to 'em upon the Leeward fide,
fo that they may be fhot with a Fufee. Harts and Caribous
are kill'd both in Summer and Winter, after the fame manner
with the Elks; excepting that the Caribou's, which are a kind
of wild Affes, make an eafie efcape when the Snow is hard, by
vertue of their broad Feet; whereas the Elk finks as faft as
he rifes.1 In fine, I am fo well pleas'd with the hunting of this
Country, that I have refolv'd to imploy all my leifure time
upon the Exercife. The Savages have promifed, that in three
Months time [60] I fhall fee other forts of chafes, which will
prove lefs fatiguing, and more agreeable. I am,
SIR,
rours, &c.
1 Caribou is the American woodland reindeer, Rangifer caribou or tarandus.
By the term " hart," Lahontan intends the common deer, Cervus virginianus. -ED.




io8


Some New     Voyages


LETTER XI.
Dated at Boucherville May 28. I687.
Being a curious Defcription of the Hunting of divers Animals.
SIR,
YOU complain that the laft year you receiv'd but one of
my Letters, dated Yuly 8. and with the fame breath affure
me, that you writ two to me, neither of which is come to hand.
I receiv'd a Letter from you this Day, which is fo much the
more acceptable, that I thought you had been dead, and
that I find you continue to give proof of your remembrance
of me.  I find by your Letter, that you have an agreeable
relifh for the curious Elk-Hunting in this Country, and that
a further account of our other hunting Adventures, would
meet with a welcome Reception. This Curiofity, indeed, is
worthy of fo great a Hunts-Man as your felf; but at prefent
I muff beg your excufe as to the Beaver-hunting, for I know
nothing of it yet but by hear-fay.
In the beginning of September, I fet out in a Canow upon
feveral Rivers, Marfhes, and Pools, that difembogue in the
Champlain Lake, being accompany'd with thirty or forty of
the Savages that are very expert in Shooting and Hunting,
and perfectly [6I] well acquainted with the proper places for
finding Water-foul, Deer, and other fallow Beafts. The firft




to North-America.


I09


Poft we took up was upon the fide of a Marfh or Fen of four
or five Leagues in Circumference; and after we had fitted up
our Hutts, the Savages made Hutts upon the Water in feveral
places. Thefe Water-Hutts are made of the branches and
leaves of Trees, and contain three or four Men: For a Decoy
they have the skins of Geefe, Buftards, and Ducks, dry'd and
ftuff'd with Hay, the two feet being made faft with two Nails
to a fmall piece of a light plank, which floats round the Hutt.
This place being frequented by wonderful numbers of Geefe,
Ducks, Buftards, Teals, and an infinity of other Fowl unknown
to the Europeans; when thefe Fowls fee the ftuff'd Skins fwimming with the Heads ereded, as if they were alive, they repair
to the fame place, and fo give the Savages an opportunity of
fhooting 'em, either flying, or upon the Water; after which
the Savages get into their Canows and gather 'em up. They
have likewife a way of catching 'em with Nets, ftretch'd upon
the furface of the Water at the Entries of the Rivers. In a
word, we eat nothing but Water-fowl for fifteen Days; after
which we refolv'd to declare War againft the Turtle-Doves,
which are fo numerous in Canada, that the Bifhop has been
forc'd to excommunicate 'em oftner than once, upon the
account of the Damage they do to the Produft of the Earth.
With that view, we imbarqued and made towards a Meadow,
in the Neighbourhood of which, the Trees were cover'd with
that fort of Fowl, more than with Leaves: For juft then 'twas
the feafon in which they retire from the North Countries, and
repair to the Southern Climates; and one would have thought,
that all the Turtle-Doves upon Earth had chofe to pafs thro'




IIO


Some New Voyages


this place. For the eighteen or twenty days that we ftay'd
there, I firmly believe that a thoufand [62] Men might have
fed upon 'em    heartily, without putting themfelves to any
trouble. You muff know, that through the middle of this
Meadow there runs a Brook, upon which I and two young
Savages fhot feveral Snipes, Rayles, and a certain fort of Fowl
call'd Bateurs de faux, which is as big as a Quail, and eats very
delicioufly.1
In the fame place we kill'd fome Musk-Rats, or a fort of
Animals which refemble a Rat in their fhape, and are as big
as a Rabbet. The Skins of thefe Rats are very much valued,
as differing but little from thofe of Beavers. Their Tefticles
fmell fo ftrong of Musk, that no Civet or Antilope that Afia
affords, can boaft of fuch a ftrong and fweet fmell. We spy'd
'em in the Mornings and Evenings, at which time they ufually
appear upon the Water with their Nofe to the Windward, and
betray themfelves to the Huntfmen, by the curling of the
Water. The Fouteraux, which are an amphibious fort of little
Pole-Cats, are catch'd after the fame manner. I was likewife
entertain'd upon this occafion, with the killing of certain little
Beaffs, call'd Siffleurs, or Whifflers, with allufion to their wonted
way of whiffling or whizzing at the Mouth of their Holes in
fair Weather. They are as big as Hares, but fomewhat fhorter,
their Flefh is good for nothing, but their Skins are recom1 Many early travellers speak of the number of wild pigeons (Ectopistes migratoria). See Jesuit Relations, index. Batteurs de faux are the North American rail
(Porzana Carolina) - in French, rale de la Caroline. This identification is made
by M. Dionne, curator of Laval University, Quebec. - ED.




to North-America.


III


mended by their rarity. The Savages gave me an opportunity
of hearing one of thefe Creafures whiftle for an hour together,
after which they fhot it.l To gratifie the curiofity I had to fee
fuch diverfity of Animals, they made a diligent fearch for the
Holes or Dens of the Carcaioux, and having found fome at the
diftance of two or three Leagues from the Fen upon which we
were pofted, they conduted me to the place.      At the break
of day we planted our felves round the Holes, with our Bellies
upon the Ground; and left fome Slaves to hold the Dogs a
Musket-fhot behind [63] us. As foon as thefe Animals perceiv'd Day-light, they came out of their Holes, which were
immediately ftop'd up by the Savages, and upon that the
Dogs fetch'd 'em up with eafe. We faw but two of 'em,
which made a vigorous defence againft the Dogs, but were
ftrangled after a difpute of half an hour. Thefe Animals are
not unlike a Badger, only they are bigger, and more mifchievous.2 Tho' our Dogs shew'd a great deal of Courage in attacking the Carcaioux, they betray'd their Cowardice the next day
in a rencounter with a Porcupine, which we fpy'd upon a little
Tree. To obtain the pleafure of feeing the Porcupine fall, we
cut down the Tree; but neither the Dogs nor we durft go
near it: The Dogs only bark'd and jump'd round it; for it
darted its long and hard hair like fo many Bodkins, three or
1 Muskrats (Fiber zibethicus) are widely distributed over the North American
continent. The " whistler " is the hoary marmot (Arctomys pruniosus). M. Dionne
thinks that " foutereaux" must be mink (Lutreola 'vison), which is amphibious,
preys on fish, and is a foe to the muskrat. - ED.
2 Carcajou is the usual Canadian term for the wolverine (Gulo luscus), also
called at times the " beaver eater. "-ED.




112


Some New     Voyages


four paces off. At laft we pelted it to death, and put it upon
the fire to burn off its Darts; after which we fcalded it like a
Pig, took out the Intrails, and roafted it: But tho' 'twas very
fat, I could not relifh it fo well as to comply with the affertion
of the Natives, who alledge, that it eats as well as a Capon or
a Partridge.
After the Turtle-Doves had all pafs'd over the place, in
queft of their Southern retreats, the Savages offer'd to fend
fome of their number with Canows to condu6t me home, before
the Rivers and Lakes were frozen over; for themfelves were
to tarry out for the Elk-hunting; and they imagin'd that the
Cold and Hardfhip attending that Exercife, had made me fick
of it the year before. However, we had then a Month good
before the commencement of the Froft, and in that interval
of time, they proffer'd to entertain me with more diverting
Game than any I had feen before. They propos'd to go fifteen or fixteen Leagues further up the Country, affuring me,
that they knew of a certain place that had the moft advantageous fituation [64] in the World, both for Pleafure and
Profit, and that afforded great plenty of Otters, of the Skins
of which they mean'd to make a great Cargoe. Accordingly
we pull'd down our Hutts, and having imbarqu'd in our
Canows, fail'd up the River, till we came to a little Lake of
two Leagues in Circumference, at the end of which we faw
another greater Lake, divided from this by an Ifthmus of I5o
Paces in length. We pitch'd our Hutts at the diftance of a
League from that Ifthmus; and fome of the Savages fifh'd for
Trouts, while the reft were imploy'd in laying Traps for the




to North-America.


II3


Otters upon the brinks of the Lake. Thefe Traps are made
of five Stakes plac'd in the form of an oblong Quadrangle,
fo as to make a little Chamber, the Door of which is kept up,
and fupported by a Stake. To the middle of this Stake they
tye a ftring which paffes thro' a little fork, and has a Trout
well faften'd to the end of it. Now, when the Otter comes
on ihoar, and fees this bait, he puts above half his Body into
that fatal Cage, in order to fwallow the Fifh; but he no
fooner touches, than the ftring to which 'tis made faft pulls
away the Stake that fupports the Door, upon which an heavy
and loaded Door falls upon his Reins and quafhes him.
During our Pilgrimage in that part of the Country, the Savages took above two hundred and fifty Canada Otters; the
Skins of which are infinitely prittier than thofe of Mufcovy or
Sweden. The beft of 'em which are not worth two Crowns in
this place, are fold in France for four or five, and fometimes
for ten, if they are black and very rough. As foon as the
Savages had fet their Traps, they gave orders to their Slaves
to go round the Lake every Morning, in order to take out the
amphibious Animals. After that they conduCed me to the
above-mention'd Ifthmus, where I was furpriz'd to fee a fort
of a Park or Fence made of Trees, fell'd one upon another,
[65] and interlac'd with Thorns and Branches; with a quadrangular inclofure of Stakes at the end of it, the entry of
which was very narrow. They gave me to know, that they
ufed to hunt Harts in that place, and promis'd to divert me
with the fhew, as foon as the Inclofures were a little mended.
In effe&, they carry'd me two or three Leagues off, upon
8




I14


Some New     Voyages


fuch Roads as had nothing on either fide but Fens and
Marfhes; and after they had difpers'd themfelves, fome on
one hand and fome on the other, with a Dog for every Man;
I faw a great many Harts running to and again, in queft of
places of Safety. The Savage that I kept company with,
affur'd me, that he and I had no occafion to walk very faft,
becaufe he had took the ftraighteft and the neareft Road.
Before us we faw above ten Harts, which were forc'd to turn
back, rather than throw themfelves into the Marfh, of which
they could never get clear. At laft, after walking a great
pace, and running now and then, we arriv'd at the Park, and
found the Savages lying flat upon the Ground all round it, in
order to fhut up the entry of the ftake Inclofure as foon as
the Harts enter'd. We found thirty five Harts in the place,
and, if the Park had been better fenc'd, we might have had
above fixty; for the nimbleft and lighteft of 'em, skip'd over
before they came to enter the Inclofure. We kill'd a great
many of 'em, but fpar'd the Dams, becaufe they were great
with young. I ask'd of the Savages the Tongues and the
Marrow of the Harts, which they gave me very readily. The
Flefh was very fat, but not delicious, excepting fome few bits
about the Ribs. But after all, this was not our only Game;
for two days after we went a Bear-hunting, and the Savages
who fpend three parts of four of their life in Hunting in the
Woods, are very dexterous at that Exercife, efpecially in fingling out the Trunks of the Trees upon [66] which the Bears
Neffle. I could not but admire their knowledge in that Point,
when, as we were walking up and down in a Foreft, at the




to North-America.


I 5


diffance of an hundred Paces one from another, I heard one
Savage call to another, Here's a Bear. I askt 'em how he
knew that there was a Bear upon the Tree which he knock'd
with his Axe; and they all reply'd, that 'twas as eafily diftinguifh'd as the print of an Elks foot in the Snow. For five or
fix times they never mifs'd; for after they had knock'd two
or three times upon the Trunk of the Tree, the Bear came
out of its hole, and was prefently fhot. The Canada Bears
are extream black, but not mifchievous, for they never attack
one, unlefs they be wounded or fir'd upon. They are fo fat,
efpecially in the Autumn, that they can fcarce walk: Thofe
which we kill'd were extream fat, but their fat is good for
nothing but to be burnt, whereas their Flefh, and, above all,
their Feet are very nice ViCtuals. The Savages affirm, that no
Flefh is fo delicious as that of Bears; and indeed, I think they
are in the right of it. While we rang'd up and down in queft
of Bears, we had the pleafure of fpying fome Martins and
wild Cats upon the branches of the Trees, which the Savages
fhot in the Head to preferve their Skin. But the moft Comical thing I faw, was the Stupidity of the Wood-hens, which
fit upon the Trees in whole Flocks, and are kill'd one after
another, without ever offering to ftir. Commonly the Savages
fhoot at 'em with Arrows, for they fay they are not worth a
fhoot of Powder, which is able to kill an Elk or an Hart. I
have ply'd this fort of Fowling in the Neighbourhood of our
Cantons or Habitations in the Winter time, with the help of
a Dog who found out the Trees by fcent, and then bark'd;
upon which I approach'd to the Tree, and found the Fowls




I6


Some New     Voyages


upon the Branches. When the thaw came, I went two or three
Leagues further [67] up the Lake, in Company with fome
Canadefe, on purpofe to fee that Fowl flap with its Wings.
Believe me, Sir, this fight is one of the greateft Curiofities in
the World; for their flapping makes a noife much like that
of a Drum all about, for the fpace of a Minute or thereabouts;
then the noife ceafes for half a quarter of an Hour, after
which it begins again. By this noife we were directed to the
place where the unfortunate Moor-hens fat, and found 'em
upon rotten moffy Trees. By flapping one Wing againft the
other, they mean to call their Mates; and the humming noife
that infues thereupon, may be heard half a quarter of a League
off. This they do only in the Months of April, May, September, and Odtober; and, which is very remarkable, a Moorhen
never flaps in this manner, but upon one Tree. It begins at
the break of day, and gives over at nine a Clock in the Morning, till about an hour before Sunfet that it flutters again, and
continues fo to do till Night: I proteft to you, that I have
frequently contented my felf with feeing and admiring the
flapping of their Wings without offering to fhoot at 'em.
Befides the pleafure of fo many different forts of Diverfion,
I was likewife entertain'd in the Woods with the company of
the honeft old Gentlemen that liv'd in former Ages. Honeft
Homer, the amiable Anacreon, and my dear Lucian, were my
infeparable Companions. Arifotle too defir'd paflionately to
go along with us, but my Canow was too little to hold his
bulky Equipage of Peripatetick Silogifms: So that he was
e'en fain to trudge back to the Jefuits, who vouchfaf'd him a




to North-America.               117
very honourable Reception. I had a great deal of reafon
to rid my felf of that great Philofopher's Company; for his
ridiculous Jargon, and his fenfelefs Terms, would have frighted
the Savages out of their wits. Farewell, Sir, I am now arriv'd
at once at the end of [68] my Game and my Letter. I have
heard no News from Quebec, where they continue to make
mighty Preparations for fome confiderable Enterprife. Time
will difcover a great many things, an Account of which I mean
to tranfmit to you by the Ships that are to leave this Harbour
in the end of Autumn. I conclude with my ufual Compliment,
Tours, &c.




II8


Some New      Voyages


LETTER XII.
Dated at St. Helens, over againft Monreal,1
June 8. 1687.
The Chevalier de Vaudreuil arrives in Canada with fome Troops.
Both the Regular Troops and the Militia, are pofled at St.
Helens, in a readinefs to march againfl the Iroquefe
SIR,
HAVE fuch a budget-full of News, that I know            not where
to begin.    I receiv'd Letters but now      from   Mr. Senelay's
Office; by which I have Advice, that Orders are fent to Mr.
Denonville to allow me to go for France, upon my private
Concerns.2 No longer fince than Yefterday, he told me I
fhould have Leave to go after the Campaign is over. My
Relations write, that the procuring of this Leave coft 'em a
great deal of pains; and that the fooner I come to Paris,
'twill be the better for me.
The Governour arriv'd at Monreal three or four days ago,
1 St. Helen Island, in the St. Lawrence opposite Montreal, was named by Champlain in honor of his wife. It was the seigniory of Jacques Le Moyne, sieur de Ste.
Helene, second son of Longueuil, who distinguished himself in the opening of Frontenac's War, and fell at the siege of Quebec (1690). The island, where the troops
rendezvoused for Denonville's expedition, is now a public park. - ED.
2 Jean Baptiste Colbert, marquis de Seignelay, eldest son of the great Colbert,
succeeded his father (i683) as minister of the marine, which office he administered
until his death in I690. The colonies were controlled by this department of the
French administration. -ED.




to North-America.


I 9


with all the Militia of the Country, who lie now incamp'd
along with our Troops in that Ifland. Mr. D'Amblemont has
been at Quebec this Month, with five or fix fecond Rate Ships,
having [69] fail'd from Rochel thither in 28 days. He brought
over with him ten or twelve Companies of Marines, who are
to guard the Colony while we invade the Iroquefe Country.1
'Tis faid, that laff Year Mr. Denonville fent feveral Canadefe,
that were known and effeem'd by the Savages, our Allies, who
live upon the Banks of the Lakes and the adjacent Countries,
with Orders to engage 'em to favour our Defign of extirpating the Iroquefe. In the Winter he made Magazines of Ammunition and Provifions, and now he has fent feveral Canows,
laden with Provifions, to Fort Frontenac, and given Orders for
the building of an infinite number of fuch Boats as I defcrib'd
in my fourth Letter, for the Tranfporting of our twenty Companies of Marines. The Militia who are incamp'd in this
Ifland along with our Troops, make fifteen hundred Men,
and are join'd by five hundred of the converted Savages that
live in the Neighbourhood of Quebec and the Ifland of Monreal.
The Chevalier Vaudreuil, who is come from France to Command our Troops, is refolv'd to appear in the Field, notwithftanding the Fatigue of his Paffage to Canada2: and the
1 D'Amblemont commanded the royal ships sent out with reinforcements. There
were now about sixteen hundred regular troops in the colony. - ED.
2 Philippe de Rigaud, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, came to Canada in 1687 as commander of the king's regiment. Three years later he married a Canadian, and permanently threw in his fortunes with the colony. His services were of sufficient value
to secure him a marquisate (I702), when he was appointed governor to succeed Callieres, an office held until his death in I726. His son was the last French governor
of Canada. -ED.




120


Some New Voyages


Governour of Monreal is of the fame mind. Mr. de Champigni,
the Intendant of this Country, went from hence to Fort Frontenac two days ago. The day after to morrow, Mr. de Denonville means to march at the Head of his little Army, being
accopipany'd with an ancient Iroquefe, that is very much
refpeted by the five Cantons.  The Hiftory and various
Adventures of this old Gentleman, are too tedious to bear a
Relation in this place. Every body is apprehenfive that this
Expedition will prove as fucceflefs as that of Mr. de la Barre:
And if their Apprehenfions are not difappointed, the King
lays out his Money to no purpofe. For my own part, when
I refledt upon the Attempt we made three Years ago, I can't
but think it impoffible for us to fucceed. Time will difcover
the Confequences of [70] this Expedition; and perhaps we
may come to repent, tho' too late, of our complying with the
Advice of fome Difturbers of the Publick Peace, who projedt
to enlarge their private Fortunes in a general Commotion. I
lay this down for an uncontefted Truth, that we are not able
to deftroy the Iroquefe by our felves: befides, what occafion
have we to trouble 'em, fince they give us no Provocation?
However, let the Event be what it will, I fhall not fail upon
my Return to tranfmit you a Journal of our Ations, unlefs it
be, that I embarque for Rochel, and deliver it my felf: In the
mean time, believe me to be,
SIR,
rours, &c.




to North-America.


121


LETTER XIII.
Dated at Niagara, Aug. 2. 1687.
Reprefenting the unfavourable Iffue of the Campaign made in the
Iroquefe Country; the Difcovery of an Ambufcade; and the
iffuing of Orders for the Author to march with a Detachment
to the great Lakes.
SIR,
T has been a Maxim in all Ages, That the Events of things
are not always anfwerable to Mens Expetations: When
Men form to themfelves a promifing profpeft of compaffing
their Ends, they frequently meet with the mortification of
feeing themfelves difappointed.  This I fpeak by way of
application to my felf; for inftead of going for France, purfuant to the Contents of the Letter I writ to you [71] two
Months ago, I am now oblig'd to ftraggle to one End of the
World, as you'll find by the following Journal of our Expedition.
We broke up from St. Helens much about the time I fpoke
of in my laft. Mr. de Champigni went before us with a ftrong
Guard, and arriv'd in a Canow at Fort Frontenac, eight or ten
days before we came up. As foon as he arriv'd, he fent two
or three hundred Canadefe to furprife the Villages of Kente and
Ganeouffe, which lie at the diftance of feven or eight Leagues




122


Some New     Voyages


from the Fort, and are inhabited by a fort of Iroquefe, that
deferv'd no other Ufage than what they met with. Our Canadefe had no great difficulty in maftering them; for they furpris'd 'em when they leaft thought of any Alarm, and brought
'em Prifoners to Fort Frontenac, where they were tied to Pofts
with Cords round their Necks, Hands, and Feet. We arriv'd
at the Fort on the firft of July, after the encountering of feveral Difficulties among the Water-falls, Catarads, and Currents,
that I formerly defcrib'd to you in my Account of Mr. de la
Barre's Expedition. We were more perplex'd in this Voyage
than the former; for our Boats were fo heavy, that we could
not tranfport 'em over Land as we did the Canows, but were
oblig'd to drag 'em up through the impra&icable Paffes with
the force of Men and Ropes. Immediately upon our Debarquing, I went ftraight to the Fort, where I faw the miferable
Prifoners in the abovemention'd Pofture. The fight of this
piece of Tyranny fill'd me at once with Compaffion and Horror; but in the mean time the poor Wretches fung Night
and Day, that being the cuftomary Pra&ice of the People of
Canada when they fall into the hands of their Enemies. They
complain'd, 'That they were betray'd without any ground;
' that in compenfation for the care they had took ever fince
'the Peace to furnifh the Garrifon with Fifh and Venifon, they
'were bound and [72] tied to Pofts, and whip'd in fuch a
'manner, that they could neither fleep, nor guard off the Flies;
'that the only Requital they met with for procuring to the
'French a Commerce in the Skins of Beavers and other Ani'mals, was, to be doom'd to Slavery, and to fee their Fathers,




to North-America.


123


'and the ancient Men of their Country, murder'd before their
'eyes. Are thefe the French, faid they, that the Jefuits cry'd
'up fo much for Men of Probity and Honour? Even the
'cruelleft fort of Death that Imagination it felf can reach,
'would be nothing to us in comparifon with the odious and
'horrible Spedtacle of the Blood of our Anceftors, that is fhed
' fo inhumanely before our eyes. Affuredly, the five Villages
'will revenge our Quarrel, and entertain an everlafting and
'juft Refentment of the tyrannical Ufage we now meet with.'
I made up to one of thefe Wretches that was about five and
twenty Years old, and had frequently regal'd me in his Hutt,
not far from the Fort, during my fix Weeks Service in that
Place in the Year of Mr. de la Barre's Expedition. This poor
Man being Mafter of the Algonkin Language, I gave him to
know, that I was heartily griev'd to fee him in that difmal
Pofture; that I would take care to have Vituals and Drink
convey'd to him twice a day, and would give him Letters for
my Friends at Monreal, in order to his being us'd more favourably than his Companions. He reply'd, That he faw and was
very well acquainted with the Horror that moft of the French
were affedted with, upon the view of the Cruelty they underwent; and, that he fcorn'd to be fed, or us'd more civily than
his Fellow Prifoners. He gave me an account of the manner
in which they were furpris'd, and how their Anceftors were maffacred; and truly, I do not believe that any one can be touch'd
with more cutting and bitter Reflexions than this poor Man
was, when he recounted the many Services he had done the
French, during [73] the whole courfe of his Life: At laft, after




124


Some New Voyages


many Sighs and Groans, he bow'd down his Head, and wrap'd
himfelf up in Silence. Quaque poteft narrat, reflabant ultima flevit.
But this was not the only thing that affeted me, when I beheld
the mifery of thefe innocent Creatures: I faw fome young
Savages of our fide burn their Fingers with Fire in their
lighted Pipes; which provok'd me to threfh 'em foundly: but
I was feverely reprimanded for my pains, and confin'd to my
Tent for five or fix days, where I only repented that I had not
dealt my blows in a double meafure. Thefe Savages refented
the matter fo highly, that they ran prefently to their Hutts,
and flew to their Fufees, in order to kill me. Nay, all that
could be done was fcarce fufficient to appeafe 'em; for the
Difpute came to that heighth, that they would have left us, if
mo t  S    s   it had not been that our Men affur'd 'em
11 Among the Savages,
drunken Perfons are I was II drunk, that all the French were proalways excus'd: for,  hibited to give me either Wine or Brandy,
the Bottle attones for  and that I fhould certainly be imprifon'd as
all Crimes.
foon as the Campaign were over.         However, the poor Wretches, the Prifoners, were carried to Quebec;
from whence they are to be fent to the French Galleys.' Much
about that time, the Sieur de la Foreft, one of the Mr. de la Salle's
Officers, arriv'd at the Fort in a great Canow, being condufted
1 For the treacherous action of Denonville in seizing these friendly Iroquois,
reprisals were made on the colony. See Parkman, Frontenac, pp. I67-I83. Thirtysix were shipped to France as the first installment for the royal galleys. See Jes. Rel.,
lxiii, p. 28x. The remnant that survived were reprieved and sent back under Frontenac's care (1689). See list in Collection de Manuscrits relatifs a la Nouvelle
France (Quebec, 1883), i, p. 454. The French edition of Lahontan gives a more
extended and vivid narration of his own peril upon this occasion. - ED.




IV,/ -r,'C.


- -- --


7


A A -& Es L F k A A &! A  & A
IL,  t, A,,   As k  AL
^    M DE LA
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to North-America.


125


thither by eight or ten Coureurs de Bois.l He gave Mr. de
Denonville to underftand, that a Party of the Illinefe and the
Oumamis waited for the Hurons and the Outaouas at the Lake
of St. Claire, in order to joyn 'em, and to march with joint
Forces to the River of the Tfonontouans, that being the place
of their general Rendezvous.2 He added, that in the Lake of
the Hurons near Miffilimakinac, Mr. de la Durantais,3 aflifted by
the Savages, our Allies, had taken an Englifi Company condudted by fome Iroquefe, who had fifty [74] thoufand Crownsworth of Goods in their Canows, to be difpos'd of in exchange
1 Fran;ois Dauphine, sieur de la Forest, was one of La Salle's trusted lieutenants. Born in 1648, he arrived in the colony with his chief (1675), who left him
(I678) in charge of Fort Frontenac. Thence he was summoned (i680-8I) to accompany La Salle and carry succor to Illinois. In I683, his fort was treacherously seized
by La Barre, La Forest being offered the command if he would forsake La Salle's
interests. He preferred to seek redress in France, where an order was issued restoring
all to him, in trust for his absent chief. In I685, he was relieved of Fort Frontenac,
and joined Tonty in Illinois, whence he issued to aid this expedition. In I690
La Forest and Tonty received a grant of Fort St. Louis, in Illinois; this being
revoked in 1702. La Forest then became La Mothe's lieutenant at Detroit, and in
17Io was appointed commandant of this post, which position he held until 1714,
dying at Boucherville five years later. -ED
2 As the sequel shows, the rendezvous was at Irondequoit Bay, Monroe County,
N. Y. The "River of the Tsonontouans " was Irondequoit Creek, a highway
toward the towns of that nation. - ED.
3 Olivier Morel de la Durantaye, born at Nantes in I641, came to Canada with
the regiment de Carignan. A brief contemporary biography (Can. Arch., I899,
Supp., p. 26) is as follows: "In I662, ensign; in 1665, captain; in 1663, commandant over the Ottawa country by order of the Court; in 1689, captain on halfpay in Canada; in I694, captain enpied in that country, where he has settled. A
good officer. An honest man; ready for any service; entitled to a company." After
retiring from his command at Mackinac (I683-89), he aided in Frontenac's War,
and was esteemed the first soldier in the colony. He died in 17I7, leaving descendants who still live in Canada. -ED.




I26


Some New Voyages


with the Nations that dwell upon thefe Lakes: as alfo, That
Mr. Dulhut had taken another Englifh Convoy, being affifted
by the Coureurs de Bois, and the Savages, who had fhar'd the
former Capture; and that he had kept the Englifh and Iroquefe
as Prifoners, as well as their Commander, who was call'd Major
Gregory.l In fine, he reprefented to Mr. de Denonville, that
'twas high time for him to fet out from Fort Frontenac, if he
mean'd to appear at the general Rendezvous, where the Auxiliary Troops fent from the Lakes would arrive very fpeedily.
The next day, being the 3d of July, the Sieur de la Foreft embarqued again for Niagara, and fteer'd to the North-fide of
the Lake. At the fame time we embarqued, and ftood to the
oppofite fide of the Lake, being favour'd by the Calms which
in that Month are very common.
By good luck, our whole Body arriv'd almoft at one and
the fame time in the River of the Tfonontouans; and upon that
occafion, the Savages, our Allies, who draw Predi6tions from
the moft trifling Accidents, fhew'd their wonted Superftition
in taking this for an infallible Prefage of the utter Deftru&tion
of the Iroquefe: tho' after all they prov'd falfe Prophets, as
you will find by the fequel of this Letter. The fame Night
that we Landed, we hawl'd our Canows and Boats out of the
Water, and fet a ftrong Guard upon 'em. This done, we
1 For an account of the capture of the English and Dutch traders commissioned
by Dongan, see Parkman, Frontenac, pp. 145-147; N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix,
pp. 318-322, 363. Colonel Patrick MacGregory emigrated with a colony from Scotland to Maryland, in 1684; later, he removed to New York and engaged in the
Indian trade. He was released from imprisonment and sent back to New York in
the autumn of 1687, and next year was employed against the Indians in Maine. He
was killed during the Leisler rebellion in New York, i691. -ED.




to North-America.


127


built a Fort of Stakes or Pales, where we left the Sieur Dorvillers with four hundred Men to guard our Shipping and
Baggage.1 The next day, a young Canadefe, call'd Fontaine
Marion was unjuftly fhot to death. His cafe ftood thus: Having travell'd frequently all over this Continent, he was perfetly
well acquainted with the Country, and with the Savages of
Canada; and after the doing of feveral good Services to the
King, defir'd Leave from the Governour general to continue
[75] his Travels, in order to carry on fome little Trade: but
his Requeft was never granted. Upon that he refolv'd to
remove to New England, the two Crowns being then in Peace.
The Planters of New England gave him a very welcome
Reception; for he was an ative Fellow, and one that underftood almoft all the Languages of the Savages. Upon this
Confideration he was employ'd to condu&t the two Engli/h
Convoys I fpoke of but now, and had the Misfortune to be
taken along with them. Now, to my mind, the Ufage he met
with from us was extream hard; for, we are in Peace with
England: and befides, that Crown lays Claim to the Property
of the Lakes of Canada.
The next Day we began our March towards the great
Village of the Tfonontouans, without any other Provifions than
ten Biskets a Man, which every one carry'd for himfelf.2
1 Francois Chorel, sieur de St. Romain dit d' Orvilliers, was born near Lyons in
1639, came to Canada about x660, and was prominent in military affairs in the colony
until his death in 1709. Denonville placed him in charge of Fort Frontenac (I685 -87), and he commanded in person one division of his expedition. -ED.
2 The great village of the Seneca was situated in Ontario County, just south of
the present town of Victor. See map in Cayuga County Historical Society Collections,
iii, and Jes. Rel., li, p. 293.-ED.




128


Some New     Voyages


We had but feven Leagues to march in a great Wood of tall
Trees, upon a fmooth even Ground. The Coureurs de Bois,
with a Party of the Savages, led the Van, and the reft of the
Savages brought up the Rear, our Regular Troops and our
Militia being poffed in the middle. The firft Day the Army
march'd four Leagues, and the advanc'd Guards made no
Difcovery. The fecond Day our advanc'd Parties march'd up
to the very Fields of the Village without perceiving any thing,
tho' they paft within a Piftol-fhot of five hundred 7Tfonontouans, who lay flat upon the Ground, and fuffer'd 'em to pafs
and repafs without moleftation. Upon their Intelligence we
march'd up with equal Precipitation and Confufion, being
bouy'd up with the Apprehenfion that the Iroquefe had fled,
and that at leaft their Women, Children, and fuperannuated
Perfons would fall into our hands. When we arriv'd at the
bottom of the Hill upon which the Ambufcade was plac'd, at
the diftance of a quarter of a League from the Village, they
began to raife their wonted Cry, which [76] was follow'd by
the firing of fome Muskets. Had you but feen, Sir, what
Diforder our Troops and Militia were in amidft the thick
Trees, you would have joyn'd with me, in thinking that feveral thoufands of Europeans are no more than a fufficient
number to make head againft five hundred Barbarians. Our
Battalions were divided into ftraggling Parties, who fell in to
the right and left, without knowing where they went. Inftead
of firing upon the Iroquefe, we fir'd upon one another. 'Twas
to no purpofe to call in the Soldiers of fuch and fuch a Battalion, for we could not fee thirty Paces off: In fine, we were fo




to North-America.


129


diforder'd, that the Enemy were going to clofe in upon us
with their Clubs in their hands; when the Savages of our
fide having rally'd, repuls'd the Enemy, and purfu'd 'em to
their Villages with fo much fury, that they brought off the
Heads of eighty, and wounded a great many. In this Ation
we loft ten Savages, and a hundred French: We had twenty
or two and twenty wounded, in which number was the good
Father Angeleran the Jefuit,1 who receiv'd a Musket-fhot in
thofe Parts which Origen chofe to lop off, in order to qualify
himfelf for inftruting the Fair Sex without the difturbance of
Paffion, or the danger of Scandal. When the Savages brought
in the Heads of their Enemies to Mr. de Denonville, they ask'd
him why he halted, and did not march up? He made Anfwer,
That he could not leave his wounded Men behind, and that
he thought it proper to encamp, that the Surgeons might
have time to drefs their Wounds. To obviate this Pretence,
the Savages offer'd to make Litters for the tranfporting of
'em  to the Village that lay but a little way off.      But our
General did not approve of their Advice; upon which, notwithftanding his Remonftrances, they drew up into a Body,
and tho' they confifted of ten different Nations, agreed in a
joynt Refolution of purfuing their Enemy, in hopes of taking,
at [77] leaft their Women, their Old-men, and their Children.
1 Father Jean Enjalran (born in I639) came to Canada in 1676, and the following year was sent to the Ottawa mission at Mackinac, where he remained until I688,
acting as superior of Ottawa missions for the last seven years. He had been instrumental in persuading the savages to join this expedition. The next year (I688) he
went to France, but was again in Canada until 1701, when he returned to his native
land for the last time, and died there in I718. -ED.
9




130


Some New      Voyages


Our General being acquainted with their Refolution, gave 'em
to know, that he earneftly defir'd they would reft for one day,
and not depart from his Camp, and that the next day he
would burn their Villages, and ifarve 'em to Death by fpoiling
their Crops. But they took this Compliment fo ill, that moft
of 'em return'd to their own Country; remonftrating, 'That
'the French came out to fetch a Walk, rather than to wage
'War, fince they would not take the Advantage of the beft
'Opportunity in the World: That their Ardour, like a flafh
' of Fire, was extinguifh'd as foon as kindled: That 'twas a
'fruitlefs Adventure, to draw together fo many Warriours,
'from all Parts, to burn fome Hutts of Bark, that the Enemy
'could rebuild in four days: That the Tfonontouans did not
'matter the fpoiling of their Corn, for that the other Iroquefe
'Nations were able to fupply 'em: And in fine, That fince
'they had joyn'd the French twice together to no purpofe,
'they would never truft 'em for the future, in fpite of all the
Remonftrances they could make.' Some are of the opinion,
that Mr. de Denonville ought to have gone farther; and others
affirm, that 'twas impoffible for him to do more than he did.
For my part, I ihall not venture upon any Decifion of the matter;
thofe who fit at the Helm are moft liable to be perplex'd. To
purfue the bare matter of Fad; we march'd next day to the
great Village, and carry'd our wounded Men upon Litters: but
we found nothing there but Afhes; for the Iroquefe had burnt
the Village themfelves, by way of Precaution. Then we fpent
five or fix days in cutting down the Indian Corn with our
Swords. From thence we march'd to the two little Villages




to North-America.


131


of the Thegaronhies and the Danoncaritaoui, which lay about
two or three Leagues off.1 Having done the like Exploits
there, we return'd to the Lake fide. In all thefe Villages we
[78] found plenty of Horfes, black Cattel, Fowl, and Hogs.
All the Country round afforded us a very charming, pleafant,
and even Profped.        The Forefts thro which we march'd were
replenifh'd with Oak, Wall-nut, and wild Chefnut-Trees.
Two days after we imbarqu'd for Niagara, which lay thirty
Leagues off, and arriv'd there in four days. As foon as the
Troops had debarqu'd, we imploy'd 'em in making a Fort of
Pales with four Baftions, which was finifh'd            in three days.2
Here we mean to leave 120 Soldiers under the command of
Mr. des Bergeres, with Ammunition and Provifions for eight
Months.3 The Fort ltands on the South fide of the Streight
of Herrid Lake, upon a Hill; at the foot of which, that Lake
falls into  the Lake of Frontenac.        Yefterday the Savages our
1 These villages were in the vicinity of Honeoye Falls, Monroe County, N. Y.
See Hawley, "Jesuit Missions among the Senecas," in Cayuga Co. Hist. Soc. Collections, iii, pp. 25, 26.- ED.
2 It had long been a favorite plan of the leaders of New France to place a fort at
Niagara, and thus intercept the fur-trade which passed through the Great Lakes to
the Iroquois and English. La Salle built a block house on this site in 1679, which
was destroyed by the Senecas; see Hennepin, Nevw Discovery.  Dongan (i686)
complained that Denonville was planning to build " a fort at Ohinagero on this side
the lake, within my Master's territoryes without question." N. Y. Colon. Docs., iii,
p. 455. Denonville ordered the demolition of this fort, Sept. 15, i688. A permanent
French fort was begun on this site in 1726, being captured by the English (1759),
and later surrendered to the Americans (1796). See Severance, Old Trails on the
Niagara Frontier (Buffalo, I899).- ED.
3 Chevalier de Troyes was left first in command at this fort, where he died in the
following year. See N. T. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 335, 368, 396. Raymond Blaise
des Bergeres, sieur de Rigauville, was captain of a company stationed at Niagara;
later he was major at Three Rivers. His son commanded at Niagara (1732-36).- ED.




132


Some New      Voyages


Allies took leave of Mr. de Denonville, and made a Speech after
their ufual manner; in which, among other things, they infinuated, That they were pleas'd to fee a Fort fo conveniently
plac'd, which might favour their retreat upon any Expedition
againft the Iroquefe; That they depended upon his promife,
of continuing the War till the five Nations fhould be either
deffroy'd or difpoffefs'd of their Country; That they earneffly
defir'd that part of the Army fhould take the Field out of hand,
and continue in it both Winter and Summer, for that they
would certainly do the fame on their part; and in fine, That
for as much as their Alliance with France was chiefly grounded
upon the promifes the French made of liftening to no Propofals of Peace, till the five Nations fhould be quite extirpated;
they therefore hop'd they would be as good as their Word;
efpecially confidering that a Ceffation of Arms would fully
the honour of the French, and infallibly difengage their Allies.
Mr. de Denonville gave them frefh affurances of his intention
to carry on the War, in fpite of all the efforts of the Iroquefe;
and in a [79] word, protefted that he would profecute this
defign fo vigoroufly, that in the end thefe Barbarians fhould
be either quite cut off, or oblig'd to fhift their Seats.
The General call'd for me that very day, and acquainted
me, that in regard I underftood the Language of the Savages,
I was to go with a Detachment to cover their Country purfuant to their Requeft. At the fame time he affur'd me, he
would inform the Court of the Reafons that mov'd him to
detain me in Canada, nothwithftanding that he had orders to
give me leave to go home. You may eafily guefs, Sir, that I




to North-America.                          133
was thunderftruck with thefe News, when I had fed my felf
all along with the hopes of returning to France, and promoting
my Intereft, which is now fo much thwarted. However, I was
forc'd to be contented; for the greater Power bears the fway
all the World over. Purfuant to my orders, I made all fuitable preparations for my Voyage, without lofs of time. I took
leave of my Friends, who fingled out the beft Soldiers for me;
and made me Prefents of Cloaths, Tobacco, Books, and an
infinity of other things, that they could fpare without any
inconveniency, becaufe they were then upon their return to
the Colony, which affords every thing that one can defire. By
good luck, I brought my Aftrolabe with me from Monreal,
which will enable me to take the Latitudes of this Lake, and to
make feveral other ufeful Obfervations; for in all appearance,
I fhall be out two years or fuch a matter. The Men of my
Detachment are brisk proper fellows, and my Canows are
both new and large. I am to go along with Mr. Dulhut, a
Lions Gentleman, who is a Perfon of great Merit, and has done
his King and his Country very confiderable Services. Mr. de
Tonti makes another of our Company1; and a Company of
Savages is to follow us. Mr. de Denonville will fet out [80]
1 Henry de Tonty was a Neapolitan, whose father invented the insurance system
called from his name, "tontine." Tonty entered the French service at the age of
eighteen, and won distinction in the army, where he lost one of his hands. In 1677
he met La Salle, and embarked on his enterprise of discovery, accompanied him to
the Illinois, and there took command of Fort St. Louis. After La Salle's death this
fort was granted to Tonty and La Forest as a seigniory, and there for ten years or more
they held command. Tonty assisted Cadillac in founding Detroit (1701), after which
he was ordered to aid Iberville in Louisiana, where he died of yellow fever in 1704.
See Legler, " Henry de Tonty," Parkman Club Papers (Milwaukee, 1896).-ED.




134             Some New     Voyages
for the Colony by the North fide of the Lake of Frontenac,
in two or three days. He defigns to leave at Fort Frontenac, a
number of Men and Ammunition equal to what he leaves here.
I herewith tranfmit fome Letters for my Relations, which I beg
you would convey to their Hands. If I meet with any opportunity, I'll fend you a Journal of my Voyage the next year. In
the mean time, I am,
SIR,
Tours, &c.




to North-America.


I35


LETTER XIV.
Dated at Miffilimakinac May 26. i688.
The Author leaves Niagara, and has an Incounter with the Iroquefe at the end of the Land-Carriage. The after part of his
Voyage. A Defcription of the Country. He arrives at Fort St.
Jofeph in the Mouth of the Lake of Hurons. A Detachment
of the Hurons arrive at the fame place. After an Ingagement,
they fet out for Miffilimakinac. A /frange Adventure of Mr.
de la Salle's Brother. Miffilimakinac defcrib'd.
SIR,
AM at a lofs to determine whether 'tis owing to Stupidity,
or greatnefs of Mind, that the lofs of my Eftate, which I
infallibly forefee, do's not at all affe6t me. Your Letter is but
too fhrewd a confirmation of my Prophecy: However, I cannot but purfue your feafonable advice in writing to Court;
[8I] in the meantime fuffer me to fatisfie my promife, in prefenting you with a relation of my Voyages.
I imbarqued at Niagara Augufl 3. on board a Canow
mann'd with eight Soldiers of my Detachment; and after running three Leagues againft the Current of the Streight, came
that fame day to the place where the Navigation rfops. There
I met with the Sieur Grifolon de la Tourette, Brother to Mr.
Dulhut, who had ventur'd to come from Mifilimakinac with a




I36


Some New Voyages


tingle Canow to joyn the Army.' The 4th we commenc'd our
great Land-Carriage to the Southward, being oblig'd to tranfport our Canows from a League and a half below the great
Fall of Niagara, to half a League above it. Before we got at
any beaten or level Path, we were forc'd to climb up three
Mountains, upon which an hundred Iroquefe might have
knock'd us all on the head with Stones.2 While we were
imploy'd in this tranfport Service, we were alarm'd twice or
thrice; which caution'd us to keep a ftrift guard, and to tranfport our Baggage with all poflible Expedition: Nay, after all
our precautions we were forc'd to leave one half of our Baggage about half way, upon the difcovery of a thoufand Iroquefe
that march'd towards us. Do you judge, Sir, if we had not
fome reafon to be alarm'd; and whether we would ftand to
Sacrifice all to the natural principle of Self prefervation; tho'
indeed we were in danger of lofing our Lives as well as our
Baggage: for we had not imbarqued above the Fall half a
quarter of an hour, when the Enemy appear'd upon the
Streight fide. I affure you, I 'fcap'd very narrowly; for about
a quarter of an hour before, I and three or four Savages had
1 Claude Greysolon de la Tourette, younger brother of Duluth, assisted him in
all his adventures, and ably seconded his measures. In 1678 he accompanied him to
the upper country, and when Duluth built the fort on Lake Nipigon (1683), he named
it La Tourette and placed his brother in charge. Their uncle patron bequeathed his
possessions to the younger nephew in I691, and at the time of Duluth's death, La
Tourette was living in Lyons, France. The report which he made to Denonville after
this encounter with Lahontan, is found in N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 343. -ED.
2 For a description of the " three Mountains," which are the three levels of the
cliff above Lewiston, see Parkman, La Salle, p. 132, note. Hennepin first described
the portage path; see Ne'w Discovery, pp. 103, 104, 324. - ED.




to North-America.


'37


gone five hundred paces out of our Road, to look upon that
fearful Catarad; and 'twas as much as I could do, to get at
the Canows before they put off. To be taken by fuch cruel
Fellows, [82] was to me no trifling thing.
II morir e niente, ma il vivere brugiando &    * The Prifoners taken
troppo. To die is nothing, but to live in the  by the Iroquefe are frequently burnt.
mid/I of Fire * is too much.                   quently burnt.
As for the Waterfall of Niagara; 'tis feven or eight hundred foot high, and half a League broad. Towards the
middle of it we defcry an Ifland that leans towards the Precipice, as if it were ready to fall. All the Beafts that crofs the
Water within half a quarter of a League above this unfortunate Ifland, are fuck'd in by force of the Stream: And the
Beafts and Fifh that are thus kill'd by the prodigious fall,
ferve for food to fifty Iroquefe, who are fetled about two
Leagues off, and take 'em out of the water with their Canows.
Between the furface of the water that fhelves off prodigioufly,
and the foot of the Precipice, three Men may crofs in a breaft
without any other dammage, than a fprinkling of fome few
drops of water.'
To return to the Story of the thoufand Iroquefe; I muff
tell you, that we crofs'd the Streight with all the vigour we were
1 The first allusion to Niagara Falls is found in the account of Cartier's voyage,
in 1535. Champlain heard many relations of the falls from the Indians, but never
saw them in person. Hennepin's appears to be the first detailed description by an
eye witness; but he characteristically exaggerates the height and noise of the cataract.
See New Discovery, pp. 54-56, with illustration.
The Seneca village mentioned by Lahontan must have been a temporary camp.
The Senecas lived east of Genesee River until after Denonville's expedition, and had
no permanent village near Niagara until a number of years later. - ED.




138


Some New     Voyages


maffers of, and after rowing all Night, arriv'd next Morning
at the mouth of the Lake, which appear'd to be indifferent
rapid. Then we were fecure from all danger, for the Iroquefe
Canows are fo dull and large, that they cannot fail near fo
quick as thofe made of Birch-bark. The former are made of
Elm-bark, which is very heavy, and their form is very aukard;
for they are fo long and broad that thirty Men row in them,
two abreaft, whether fitting or ftanding, and the fides are fo
low, that they dare not venture 'em upon the Lakes, tho' the
wind be very flack. We coafted along the North-Coaft of
the Lake of Erie, being favour'd by the Calms, which are in a
manner conftant in that feafon, efpecially in the Southern
Countries. Upon the brink of this Lake we frequently faw
[83] flocks of fifty or fixty Turkey's, which run incredibly faft
upon the Sands: And the Savages of our Company kill'd great
numbers of 'em, which they gave to us in exchange for the
Fifh that we catch'd. The 25th we arriv'd at a long point of
Land which fhoots out I4 or 15 Leagues into the Lake; and
the heat being exceffive, we chofe to tranfport our Boats and
Baggage two hundred paces over-land, rather than coaft about
for thirty five Leagues.' Septemb. 6. We enter'd the Streight
of the Lake of Huron, where we met with a flack Current of
half a League in breadth, that continued till we arriv'd in the
Lake of St. Claire, which is twelve Leagues in Circumference.
The 8th of the fame Month we fteer'd on to the other end,
from whence we had but fix Leagues to run againft the ftream,
1 Long Point, Lake Erie, which Hennepin called " Cape St. Francis." - ED.




to North-America.


I39


till we arriv'd in the Mouth of the Lake of Hurons, where we
landed on the I4t. You cannot imagine the pleafant profpet of this Streight, and of the little Lake; for their banks
are cover'd with all forts of wild Fruit-Trees. 'Tis true, the
want of Agriculture finks the agreeablenefs of the Fruit; but
their plenty is very furprifing.l We fpy'd no other Animals
upon the ffoar, but Herds of Harts, and Roe-bucks: And
when we came to little Iflands, we fcour'd 'em, in order to
oblige thefe Beaffs to crofs over to the Continent, upon which
they offering to fwim over, were knock'd on the head by our
Canow-men that were planted all round the Iflands. After
our arrival at the Fort, of which I was order'd to take poffeffion, Mr. Dulhut and Mr. de Tonti had a mind to reft themfelves for fome days, as well as the Savages that accompany'd
us. This Fort, which was built by Mr. Dulhut, was Garrifon'd upon his own charges by the Coureurs de Bois, who had
taken care to fow in it fome Bufhels of Turkey-Wheat, which
afforded a plentiful Crop, that prov'd of great ufe to me.2
I Hennepin says that he named Lake St. Clair, and gives its Iroquois name as
"Otsi Keta." All early travellers remark on the beauty of the landscape and the
abundance of wild fruit in the vicinity of Detroit. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi,
pp. 129, 366.-ED.
2 It was part of Denonville's plan to bar the English from the upper lakes by
erecting a fort at Detroit River. Accordingly in i686 he sent word to Duluth to proceed thither and erect a stockade. In the autumn of that year, Duluth collected fifty
coureurs des bois, and built the post, which he named Fort St. Joseph-not on the
site of Detroit, but where St. Clair River flows from Lake Huron, apparently near
the present Fort Gratiot, Michigan. See N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 300, 302. A
contemporary description says: " Our Fort covers a square of one Arpent in extent,
without the Bastions, and is very advantageously Situated on an Eminence, separated
from the River by a gentle slope of about forty paces, which forms a very pleasant




140


Some New     Voyages


The Garrifon furrendred their Poft very [84] chearfully to
my Detachment; and then purfued their Commerce with our
Savages, for every one had leave to go where he pleas'd.
This gave me an opportunity of fending two Canows under a
guard of Soldiers, to difpofe of a great Roll of Tobacco of
200 weight, that Mr. Dulbut had kindly prefented me with;
for that honeft Gentleman inform'd me, that my Soldiers
might eafily purchafe Corn in exchange for Tobacco, fooner
than for any other Commodities. I am oblig'd to him as long
as I live; but I am much affraid, the Treafurer of the Navy
will make him no better compenfation for this piece of Service,
than for a thoufand other disburfements upon the King's
account. The Soldiers I fent with the Tobacco, return'd in
the latter end of November, and brought with 'em the Reverend
Father Avenau the Jefuit, who found no occafion to trouble
himfelf with preaching up Abftinence from Meat in the time
of Lent.' They brought advice, that a Party of the Hurons
being prepar'd to march out of their Villages, to attack the
Iroquefe Beaver-hunters, would fpeedily repair to the Fort to
reft themfelves. In the mean time I waited with impatience
Glacis [parapet]. Care has been taken to place it at the narrowest part of the River,
which is here a gunshot in width." Wis. Hist. Coils., xvi, p. I28. The further history of Fort St. Joseph, which Lahontan was to command, is related by him.
" Turkey wheat" is maize or Indian corn, so called from a vague notion that it
was first found in Turkey. - ED.
1 Father Claude Aveneau came to Canada in I685, and was assigned next year
to the Ottawa mission at Mackinac. One would judge from Lahontan's remark that
this missionary acted as chaplain of Fort St. Joseph throughout the winter of 1687-88.
He passed the remainder of his life in the West, for many years serving in the Miami
mission, and finally dying at Quebec in 17I1.-ED.




to North-America.


I4I


for the arrival of one Turcot,l and four more of the Coureurs
de Bois, who were to come to me in the beginning of December,
along with fome other Huntfmen that Mr. de Denonville had
promis'd to fend me: But hearing nothing of 'em, and our
Commons being at that time very fhort, I fhould have been
very much pinch'd, if four young Canadefe who were expert
Huntfmen, had not tarry'd with me all Winter. The abovemention'd Party of the Hurons arriv'd Decemb. 2. being headed
by one Saentfouan, who left me his Canow and his Baggage, to
keep till he return'd; for he could not poffibly continue his
Navigation longer, upon the account that the furface of the
water began then to be cover'd with Ice. Thefe Savages chofe
to march [85] over-land to the Fort of Niagara, where they
expeded to receive intelligence before they enter'd the
Country of the Iroquefe. They march'd ten days, i. e. fifty
Leagues, without feeing one Soul. But at laft their Scouts
perceiv'd the foot-fteps of fome Huntfmen, which they trac'd
at a great pace for a whole Night, the Snow being then a foot
deep. Towards the break of day they return'd, and gave
notice to their Fellow-Adventurers, that they had difcover'd
fix Hutts, with ten Men lodg'd in each of 'em. Upon this
Intelligence the whole party made a halt, in order to paint
their faces, to prepare their Arms, and to concert proper
Meafures. The attack was fo form'd, that two Men made
1 A habitant by this name was captured by the Iroquois in I652. As coureur
des bois, he was accused of taking refuge among the English to escape his crimesN. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, p. 133. He appears to have been pardoned and again
received in favor by the French authorities. -ED.




142


Some New     Voyages


foftly up to the two doors of the Hutts with their Clubs in
their Hands, to knock down any one that offer'd to come out,
while the reft were imploy'd in firing their pieces. And the
Aftion was crown'd with wonderful Succefs; for the Iroquefe
being furpriz'd and fhut up in their bark Prifons, there was
but two out of fixty four that made their efcape; and thefe
two being naked and deftitute of Fire-Arms, could not but
perifh in the Woods. Three of the Hurons indeed were kill'd
upon the fpot, but to attone for that lofs, the Agreffors carry'd
off fourteen Prifoners, and four Women. This done, they
march'd back to my Fort with all poffible Expedition. Among
the Captive Slaves, there were three who had made part of
the number of the IOOO Iroquefe that thought to have furpris'd
us the year before, when we were imploy'd in the great LandCarriage at Niagara.  They gave us to underftand, that the
Fort of Niagara was block'd up by eight hundred Iroquefe,
who mean'd to appear before my Poft without any delay.
This troublefom piece of news gall'd me to the laft degree,
for fear of being reduc'd to extremities; and with that view I
was a very nice Husband of what Corn I had [86] left. I was
not apprehenfive of being attack'd by 'em, for the Savages
never fight fairly, neither do they ever attempt to pull up
Paliffadoes; but I was affraid that they would ftarve us out by
cramping our Huntfmen in their due range. However, the
Hurons continuing fifteen days in my Fort to refrefh themfelves, I us'd the precaution of ingaging them to affift my
Huntfmen in providing Meat: But as foon as they took leave




to North-America.


I43


of me in order to return home, our hunting was at an end
and the Gates were kept fhut.
At laft, finding that my Provifions were almoft out, I
refolv'd to go to Miffilimakinac, to buy up Corn from the
Hurons and the Outaouans.1    Accordingly, having left fome
Soldiers to guard the Fort in my abfence, I imbarqu'd with
the reft of my Detachment on the firft of April, with a gentle
South-Eaft Gale; by the help of which we infenfibly crofs'd
the Bay of Saguinan. That little Gulf is fix hours over, and
in the middle of it there are two little Iflands, which afford a
very feafonable fhelter when a wind arifes in the croffing
over. Before you have crofs'd this Bay, the Coaft is all a
long full of Rocks and Shelves, one of which that I faw was
fix Leagues broad: But above it the Coaft is clean and low,
efpecially towards the Sand-River, which lies half way between
that Bay and a place call'd l'Anfe du Tonnere.2 Now this laft
place is reckon'd thirty Leagues off the Bay. Having paft
that, we had but thirty Leagues more to fail; which we did
without any danger, by the help of an Eaft-South-Eaft Gale,
that fwell'd the Waves prodigioufly. In the Mouth of the
Illinefe Lake we met the party of the Hurons that I mention'd
before; and four or five hundred Outaouas, who were bound
home, after having fpent the Winter in hunting of Beavers
upon the River of Saguinan. Both they and we were forc'd to
1 In the French edition, Lahontan explains that to abandon one's post would be
censured in the Old World; in the New, it is regarded as a species of heroism. - ED.
2 The description of Saginaw Bay, River Au Sable (Sand River), and Thunder
Bay is easily recognized. - ED.




I44


Some New     Voyages


lye by in that place for three or [87] four days, by reafon of
the Ice: After which the Lake was clear'd, and we crofs'd it
together.    When    the Hurons came afhoar, they        confulted
among themfelves how to difpofe of their Slaves: After
which they made a Prefent of one of 'em to Mr. de Juchereau,
who commanded in that place1; but the poor wretch was prefently fhot to Death. Another of 'em was prefented to the
Outaouas, who granted him his Life, for fuch reafons as you
would eafily apprehend, if you were better acquainted with
the policy and cunning of that fort of Men, whom you now
take for Beafts.
I arriv'd in this place on the I8th of April, and my uneafinefs and trouble took date from the day of my arrival: For
I found the Indian Corn fo fcarce by reafon of the preceding
bad Harvefts, that I defpair'd of finding half fo much as I
wanted. But after all, I am hopeful, that two Villages will
furnifh me with almoft as much as I have occafion for. Mr.
Cavelier arriv'd here May 6, being accompany'd with his
Nephew, Father Anaflafe the Recollet, a Pilot, one of the
Savages, and fome few Frenchmen, which made a fort of a
party-colour'd Retinue. Thefe Frenchmen were fome of thofe
that Mr. de la Salle had condudted upon the difcovery of
1 This was probably Charles Juchereau de St. Denis, eldest son of Nicolas, sieur
de Beauport, who the previous year had been employed as a messenger to Mackinac
by Denonville. During the absence of La Durantaye (1687-88) he commanded the
post. In later years he became councillor of the king, and lieutenant general of
Montreal; he assisted Iberville in founding Louisiana, and in 1702 built a post near
the mouth of the Ohio. A younger brother, Louis, undertook a remarkable exploration into New Mexico, and lived for many years at Natchitoches. - ED.




to North-America.


I45


Miffifipi. They give out, that they are lent to Canada, in
order to go to France, with fome Difpatches from Mr. de la
Salle to the King: But we fufpedt that he is dead, becaufe
he do's not return along with 'em. I fhall not fpend time in
taking notice of their great Journey over-land; which by the
account they give cannot be lefs than eight hundred Leagues.l
Miffilimakinac, the place I am now in, is certainly a place
of great Importance.          It lies in   the Latitude of forty five
Degrees, and thirty Minutes; but as for its Longitude, I
have nothing to fay of it, for reafons mention'd in my fecond
Letter. 'Tis not above half a League diftant from the Illinefe
Lake, [88] an account of which, and indeed of all the other
Lakes, you may expeft elfe-where. Here the Hurons and
Outaouas have, each of 'em, a Village; the one being fever'd
from the other by a fingle Paliffadoe: But the Outaouas are
1 These were the survivors of La Salle's last and fatal expedition, which was to
have founded a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. See Parkman, La Salle,
pp. 356-446; Sulte, "Le Mort de La Salle," in Can. Roy. Soc. Proc., 2d series, iv,
PP. 3-32.
Abbe Jean Cavelier, the elder brother of the explorer, was born in Rouen, and
became a Sulpitian priest. He had preceded La Salle to Canada, and often vexed him
by his censoriousness. Joining this last expedition, he led the few survivors of the
party, after the murder of La Salle, back from Texas to Canada; and concealed the
death of the explorer from all his friends en route, partly to secure his brother's property. He died in I717 at the house of his sister in Rouen.
Jean Cavelier, the younger, was a nephew of La Salle, a lad of fourteen when he
embarked with his uncle at La Rochelle (1684). Returning to France, he entered
the army.
Father Anastase Douay was, according to Hennepin, a native of Hainault. This
was his first journey to America, and his published Memoir is largely used as a source
for the expedition. After his return to Europe he was vicar of the Recollects at Cambray, and in 1699 embarked the second time for Louisiana, with Iberville, to found a
mission among the Cenis. - ED.
10




146


Some New     Voyages


beginning to build a Fort upon a Hill, that ftands but Iooo
or I200 paces off. This Precaution they were prompted to
by the murder of a certain Huron, call'd Sandaouires, who
was affaflinated in the Saguinan River by four young Outaouas.
In this place the Jefuits have a little Houfe, or Colledge
adjoyning to a fort of a Church, and inclos'd with Pales that
feparate it from the Village of the Hurons. Thefe good
Fathers lavifh away all their Divinity and Patience to no purpofe, in converting fuch ignorant Infidels: For all the length
they can bring 'em to, is, that oftentimes they'll defire Baptifm
for their dying Children, and fome few fuperannuated Perfons
confent to receive the Sacrament of Baptifm, when they find
themfelves at the point of Death.1 The Coureurs de Bois have
but a very fmall fettlement here; though at the fame time 'tis
not inconfiderable, as being the Staple of all the Goods that
they truck with the South and the Weft Savages; for they
cannot avoid paffing this way, when they go to the Seats of
the Illinefe, and the Oumamis, or to the Bay des Puants,2 and
to the River of Mifffipi. The Skins which they import from
1 During the French regime Michillimackinac (now Mackinac) was the capital
of the Northwest. It had been occupied by traders for many years; but the first Jesuit
mission was not begun until Marquette established that of St. Ignace in 1671. A few
years later the fort was built and garrisoned. Mackinac Island is 45~ 54/ north latitude by 80~ 30' west longitude; but the Mackinac of Lahontan's time lay on the north
shore of the strait, as his map plainly indicates. For further details of the history of
this place, see Thwaites, " Story of Mackinac," in How George Rogers Clark Won
the Northwest (Chicago, 1903). - ED.
2 Bay des Puants (Stinkards) was the French name for Green Bay, Wisconsin.
The origin of the term arose from the significance of the name of the Winnebago
(men from the bad-smelling water). For further details, see lWis. Hist. Coils., xvi,
p. 3; Thwaites, Stories of the Badger State (New York, I90oo), p. 30.- ED.




to North-America.


I47


thefe different places, muff lye here fome time before they
are tranfported to the Colony. Miffilimakinac is fituated very
advantageoufly; for the Iroquefe dare not venture with their
forry Canows, to crofs the Streight of the Illinefe Lake, which
is two Leagues over; befides that the Lake of the Hurons is
too rough for fuch flender Boats: And as they cannot come
to it by Water, fo they cannot approach to it by Land, by
reafon of the Marfhes, Fens, and little Rivers, which 'twould
be very difficult to crofs; not to mention that the Streight of
the Illinefe Lake lies ftill in their way.
[89] You can fcarce believe, Sir, what vaft lholes of white
Fifh are catch'd about the middle of the Channel, between the
Continent and the Ifle of Miffilimakinac. The Outaouas and
the Hurons could never fubfift here, without that Fifhery; for
they are oblig'd to travel above twenty Leagues in the Woods,
before they can kill any Harts or Elks, and 'twould be an
infinite fatigue to carry their Carcafes fo far over Land. This
fort of white Fifh in my opinion, is the only one in all thefe
Lakes that can be call'd good; and indeed it goes beyond all
other forts of River Fifh. Above all, it has one fingular property, namely, that all forts of Sauces fpoil it, fo that 'tis always
eat either boil'd or broil'd, without any manner of feafoning.1
In the Channel I now fpeak of the Currents are fo ftrong, that
they fometimes fuck in the Nets, though they are two or three
Leagues off. In fome feafons, it fo falls out that the Currents
1 There are several species of the whitefish of the lakes. The common one,
Coregonus clupeiformis, is the largest and the best food. These fish formed an
important article of Indian diet. -ED.




148


Some New     Voyages


run three days Eaffward, two days to the Weft, one to the
South, and four Northward; fometimes more, and fometimes
lefs. The caufe of this diverfity of Currents could never be
fathom'd, for in a calm, they'l run in the fpace of one day to
all the points of the Compafs, i. e. fometimes one way, fometimes another, without any limitation of time; fo that the decifion of this matter muff be left to the Difciples of Copernicus.
Here the Savages catch Trouts as bigh as one's Thigh, with
a fort of Fifhing-Hook made in the form of an Awl, and made
faft to a piece of Brafs wire, which is joyn'd to the Line that
reaches to the bottom of the Lake.1 This fort of Fifhery is
carried on not only with Hooks, but with Nets, and that in
Winter, as well as in Summer: For they make holes in the Ice
at a certain diffance one from another, thro' which they condu&t the Nets with Poles. The Outaouas and the Hurons have
very pleafant Fields, in which they fow Indian Corn, Peafe,
[90] and Beans, befides a fort of Citruls,2 and Melons, which
differs much from ours, and of which I fhall take occafion to
fpeak in another place. Sometimes, thefe Savages fell their
Corn very dear, efpecially when the Beaver-hunting happens
not to take well: Up.on which occafion they make fufficient
reprifals upon us for the extravagant price of our Commodities.
As foon as I have bought up fixty facks of Corn, each of
1 This is the Mackinac trout (Salvelinus namycush), which often grows to great
size. Its flesh is inferior to that of the whitefish. -ED.
2 Citrouille, or summer squash (Cucurbita polymortha) was raised extensively
by the North American Indians. - ED.




to North-America.


I49


which may weigh fifty pound, I am to march with my Detachment alone to St. Mary's Fort, in order to ingage the Sauteurs
or the Inhabitants of Saut Saint Marie, to joyn the Outaouas';
after which we mean to march with joynt Forces to the Country of the Iroquefe. Befides thefe, there's a party of a hundred
Hurons ready to march, under the Command of the great
Leader Adario, whom the French call the Rat; but they do
not march our way. I fhall write to you with the firft Opportunity   after my return      from   this Expedition.2       Perhaps the
Jefuits will fend your Letters for me along with Mr. Denonville's to Fort St. Jofeph, where I am        to refide.   I fhall expeCt
their arrival with the utmoft impatience. In the mean time I
fend you a Letter directed to Mr. de Seignelai, the purport of
which I have here fubjoyn'd. 'Twill be a very fenfible obligation laid upon me, if you vouchfafe to believe that I always am,
SIR,
Yours, &c.
1 The Saulteurs were a Chippewa tribe, so named by the French from first encountering one of their bands at Sault Ste. Marie; the name was afterwards extended to
the entire tribe. Sault Ste. Marie was visited by traders as early as I6I6, and the
Jesuit mission thereat was established in I669. In early days it took precedence of
Mackinac; but after the discovery of the Mississippi, the latter place increased in
importance, as being upon the path thither, and by I689 the Sault was practically
abandoned, except as a station on the trade route to the far Northwest.- ED.
2 This is Lahontan's first mention of the famous chief, to whom he ascribes his
Dialogues. Kondiaronk, to give him his Huron name, was a savage of much ability,
who played a prominent part in Frontenac's War (1689-97). His skill in diplomacy,
and in confederating the tribes, makes of him a precursor of Pontiac and Tecumseh.
He was strongly attached to Frontenac, and accepted his counsel. Charlevoix says
that he was a Christian convert, and often preached at Mackinac. Dying at Montreal
during an important peace conference (1701), he was interred with elaborate rites.
See Charlevoix, Histoire de Nouvelle France (Shea's trans.), v, pp. 145-148. - ED.




150


Some New     Voyages


[9I] The Letter directed to Mr. de Seignelay.
Honoured Sir,
AM the Son of a Gentleman that fpent three hundred
thoufand Crowns in deepening the Water of the two Gaves
of Beam: He had the good luck to compafs his End by conveying a great many Brooks to thefe two Rivers; and the
Current of the Adour was by that means fo far ftrengthen'd
as to render the Bar of Bayonne paffable by a fifty Gun Ship,
whereas in former times a Frigot of ten Guns durft not venture over it. 'Twas in confideration of this great and fucceffful
Attempt, that his Majefty granted to my Father and his Heirs
for ever, certain Duties and Taxes, amounting to the Sum of
three thoufand Livres a Year. This Grant was confirm'd by
an Ad6 of the Council of State, dated January 9. I658, Sign'd
Boffuet, Collated, &c. Another Advantage accruing to the
King and the Province from my Father's Services, confifts in
the bringing down of Mafts and Yards from the Pyrenean
Mountains, which could never have been effected, if he had
not by his Care, and by the disburfing of immenfe Sums, enlarged the quantity of Water in the Gave of Oleron to a double
proportion. Thefe Duties and Taxes which had been juftly
intail'd upon him and his Heirs, ceas'd to be ours when he
dy'd; and to inflame the Difgrace, I loft his Places, viz. that
of being a Honorary Judge of the Parliament of Pau, and Chief




to North-America.


I5i


Juftice in Eyre for the Province of Beam; all which were mine
by Inheritance.1 Thefe Loffes are now follow'd by an unjuft
Seizure that fome pretended Creditors have made of the Barony
of la Hontan, [92] of a piece of Ground that lies contiguous to
it, and of a hundred thoufand Livres that lay in the hands of
the Chamber of Bayonne.    Thefe faithlefs Creditors have no
other reafon to fue me, but that I am now in the fagg end of
the World, and that they are rich, and fupported by the Credit
and Protedion of the Parliament of Paris, where they hope to
make good their unjuft Pretenfions in my Abfence. Laft Year
I obtain'd Leave to return to France, in order to take care of
this matter; but now Mr. de Denonville has fent me with a
Detachment to thefe Lakes; from whence I humbly petition
that your Honour would vouchfafe me Leave to come home
the next Year, and at the fame time honour me with your
ProteCion. I am, with all poffible refpe&t,
Tour Honours, &c.
1 For a further account of the services of Lahontan's father, Isaac Lom d'Arce,
baron de Lahontan and d'Esleich, see Roy, " Le Baron de Lahontan," in Can. Roy.
Soc. Proc., ist series, xii, pp. 67-69, I66-173.- ED.




152


Some New Voyages


LETTER XV.
Dated at Mi.filimakinac Sept. i8. i688.
Defcribing the Fall call'd Saut St. Marie, where the Author perfwades the Inhabitants to joyn the Outaouas, and march againfl
the Iroquefe. And containing an Account of the Occurrences of
the Voyage between that Place and Miffilimakinac.
SIR,
AM now return'd from the Iroquefe Country, and have
quitted the Fort of St. Jofeph, againft my Will. I cannot
allow my felf to doubt, but that you took care of the Letter
direted for Mr. de Seignelay, which I tranfmitted to you three
Months ago.
[93] I fet out from hence in my Canow, June 2. And after
my Arrival at the Water-fall call'd Saut Sainte Marie, I perfwaded forty young Warlike Fellows to joyn the Party of the
Outaouas that I mention'd in my laft. This Saut Sainte Marie
is a Catara&t, or rather a Water-fall of two Leagues in length,
which gives vent to the Waters of the upper Lake, and at the
bottom of which, not far from the Jefuits Houfe, there's a
Village of the Outchipoues, alias Sauteurs.1 This Place is a great
Thoroughfare for the Coureurs de Bois that trade with the
1 For an interesting Indian legend of the origin of Sault Ste. Marie, see Jes. Rel.,
liv, p. 201.-ED.




to North-America.


i53


Northern People, who ufually repair to the brinks of that
Lake in the Summer. The continual Fogg that rifes from
the upper Lake, and fpreads over the adjacent Country, renders the Ground fo barren, that it bears no Corn. The I3th
of the fame Month I fet out from the abovemention'd Village,
being accompany'd by the forty young Sauteurs, who embark'd
in five Canows, each of which held eight Men. The i6th we
arriv'd at the Ifle of Detour, where my Soldiers and the Party
of the Outaouas had tarry'd for me two days.1 The firft day
was fpent by the Outaouas and the Sauteurs in Warlike Feafts,
Dancing, and Singing, purfuant to their wonted Cuftom:
The next day we all embark'd, and traverfing from Ifle to Ifle,
made the Ifland of Manitoualin in four days. This Ifland is
25 Leagues long, and feven or eight broad. In former times
'twas poffefs'd by the Outaouas of Talon, call'd the Otontagans;
who were diflodg'd by the Progrefs of the Iroquefe, that has
ruin'd fo many Nations.2 We coafted upon that Ifle a whole
day; and being favour'd by a Calm, crofs'd from Ifle to Ifle
1 Isle of Detour was the present Drummond Island, which lies east of Detour
Strait- the passage to St. Mary's River; the Indian name was "Pontaganipy." In
1815 the island obtained its present title in honor of Sir Gordon Drummond, then
lieutenant-governor of Canada. See Cook, Drummond Island (Lansing, Mich.,
x896). -ED.
2 Grand Manitoulin Island appears to have been the original home of the Ottawa
-first called by the French "cheveux relevez," from their custom of wearing the
hair erect. See yes. Rel., xiv, note 9. After the devastation of the Huron country
by the Iroquois (1649-51), many of the vanquished Huron fled to Manitoulin; later,
the entire island appears to have been deserted. The Relation of I670-72 speaks of
a tribe of Ottawa who had betaken themselves to this island, their former home; probably this was the band led by chief Talon (named for the intendant of Canada),
whom Hennepin encountered in this country. See his Ne'w Discovery, pp. 316, 317.
The present Indian population is an admixture of Huron and Ottawa. -ED.




I54


Some New Voyages


till we made the Eaft-fide of the Lake. In this Paffage we
crofs'd between two Iflands that were fix Leagues diftant the
one from the other; and upon that occafion our Watermen,
who were not us'd to venture fo far out in their flender Boats,
were fain to tugg hard at their Oars.' The Savages ftood out
at firft, and refus'd to [94] venture fo far from Land, for they
would rather have gone fifty Leagues about; but at laft I
over-perfwaded 'em, by reprefenting that I would have been
very loth to venture my own Perfon, if I had not been fufficently provided againft all danger by an exadt knowledge
of the Winds and the Storms. The Calm continuing, we
made the River of Theonontate on the 25th. The next day
there fprung up a Gale from the Weft-fouth-weft, which kept
us back for four or five days; but our ftop was of no great
advantage to us, for it rain'd fo heavily, that we could not
hunt. This Country is the ancient Seat of the Hurons, as it
appears from the Name they give to their Nations in their
own Language, viz. Theonontateronons, i. e. the Inhabitants of
Theonontate. But after the Iroquefe had, upon divers occafions,
taken and defeated great numbers of 'em, the reft quitted the
Country to avoid the like Fate.2 We re-embark'd on the
1 Scadding (Canadian Journal, new series, xiii, p. 313) identifies the two islands
as those now known as Fitzwilliam, and the Isle of Caves off Cape Hurd, both across
the entrance of Georgian Bay. He identifies the River Theonontate with the Maitland, in Huron County, Ontario. It was more probably the Nottawausaga, in Simcoe
County, where the Tionnontate had their earliest home. -ED.
2 The Tionnontat6, called by the French Tobacco Huron or Petuns, were known
to the earliest French explorers. Their ancient seat was in Simcoe County, but all
the peninsula between Georgian Bay and lower Lake Huron was known as the
" Country of the Ancient Hurons." This is the tribe among whom Marquette had




to North-America.


I5.5


29th, and on the ift of July arriv'd at Fort St. Jofeph, where
the Soldiers I had left waited for us with great Impatience.
Having landed fome Sacks Corn at the Fort, we fet out again
on the 3d of July, and purfued our Courfe with all diligence,
in order to an early Appearance in the Iroquefe Country. We
fail'd through the Streight or Neck, and flood to the Southfide, of the Lake Erie; and being favour'd by the Weather,
arriv'd on the I7th in the River of Conde, which I fhall have
occafion to take notice of in defcribing the Lakes of Canada.'
Immediately, upon our Landing, the Savages fell to work in
cutting down Trees, and making a Redoubt of Stakes, or
Pales, for the Security of our Canows and Baggage, and for a
fafe Retreat to our felves in cafe of neceffity.
The 20th they march'd, each Man being provided with a
light Covering, a Bow, and fome Arrows, (or elfe a Fufee)
and a little Bag containing ten pound weight of the Flowr of
the Indian Corn. [95] They thought it moft convenient to
keep to the Banks of the River, upon which the Goyogoans are
his Mackinac mission of St. Ignace; they afterwards settled at Detroit, and were
known to the English as Wyandots. On the Iroquois war which expelled them from
their ancient home, see Parkman, Jesuits, pp. 403-410. On their later history and
migrations, see Shea, in Historical Magazine, v, pp. 262-265. A remnant still
exists on a reservation near Amherstburg, Ont. -ED.
1This name, "River de Conde," appears to be peculiar to Lahontan, from
whom Pownall quotes it in his description of 1754 (N. Y. Colon. Docs., vi, p. 896).
In our author's later description, and upon his map he exaggerates the size and length
of the stream, which from its location must be either Mill Creek, Erie County, Pa.,
whence the portage ran to the sources of the Allegheny, or Chautauqua Creek, in
New York, whence the usual portage to the lake of that name was about six miles.
Scadding thinks it was Cattaraugus Creek; but the portage thence to the Allegheny
was much longer than Lahontan describes, post. - ED.




56


Some New Voyages


wont to fifh for Sturgeon; for that Fifl, which is fix foot in
length, comes out of the Lakes in hot Weather, and fwims up
the Rivers.' They had refolv'd likewife, if they found the
Country clear, to march up and furprife the Villages of the
Goyogoans: but they were foon eas'd of that trouble; for they
had not march'd two days when their Scouts defcry'd three
hundred Iroquefe: and on the other hand the Iroquefe fpy'd
them to fuch purpofe, that the Scouts efcap'd very narrowly,
and had much ado to return to the body of the Party, which
immediately betook themfelves to flight. I was mightily furpris'd when I heard the Centinel of our Redoubt cry out,
Aux rmes, our Men are beaten and purfued; but I was yet more
furpriz d when I faw the Fugitives run at full fpeed, when
there was no body behind them. When they came up they
were all filent for half an hour, purfuant to their Ufe and
Wont; after which their Leader recounted to me the Particulars of the Adventure. I thought at firft that their advanc'd
Guards had miftook the number of the Enemies; for I knew
that the Outaouas had not the Reputation of too much Courage: but the next day a Party of the Iroquefe appear'd in fight
of our Redoubt, which gave me occafion to believe that they
were in the right of it. Nay, this Truth was afterwards confirmed by a certain Slave call'd Chaouanon, who made his
efcape to the Redoubt, and affur'd me, that the Iroquefe were
not lefs than four hundred; to which he added, that they
expe6ted to be joyn'd by fixty more that had march'd fome
Lahontan here correctly describes the habits of the lake sturgeon (Acipenser
rubicundus) which spawns in the small streams. - ED.






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to North-America.


I57


Months before to the Country of the Oumamis. He inform'd
us farther, That while the Marquis de Denonville was concerting meafures for a Peace with the five Nations, an Englijlman,
of the Name of Aria, accompany'd with fome others, endeavour'd to diffwade them from Peace, by Orders [96] from the
Governour of New rork.1 In the mean time the Savages having prefs'd me to affift at a Council of War, they propos'd to
lie by for a fair Wind, and then to embark. They reprefented, that they defign'd to fail to the end of the Lake, where
they would infallibly light upon the fixty Iroquefe that I mention'd above; but withal, that they could not agree to fet out
in a Calm, becaufe that after their quitting the Redoubt, and
launching out, a contrary Wind might force 'em afhore, where
their Throats might be cut if the Enemy purfu'd 'em. I
reply'd, That 'twas then fuch fine Weather, that we had
nothing to expert but Calms; that if we tarry'd longer in this
Place, our Enemies would thereby gain time to make Canows
in order to a Purfuit; that fince the favourablenefs of the
Wind was fo uncertain, we ought to embark without lofs of
time; that we might fail in the Night, and fculk in the Daytime behind Rocks and Points of Land; and, that by this
means the Enemy would be at a lofs to know whether we fPood
to the South or to the North fide of the Lake. The Savages
made Anfwer, That 'twas true their tarrying might be every
way prejudicial; but 'twas equally true, that my Expedient
1For the negotiations between Governors Denonville and Dongan, see N. '.
Colon. Docs., iii, pp. 438-564; ix, 388-404. By the " Englishman Aria," Lahontan
doubtless intends Arnout Cornelisse Viele, whom Dongan employed as his messenger
to the Iroquois. - ED.




i58


Some New     Voyages


was dangerous: However, they confented to embark along
with us, and for that end gumm'd their Canows. We embark'd
on the 24th at night, and the Weather being fair, clear, and
calm, made a great deal of way that night, and the fucceeding
day. The next Evening we came to an Anchor, defigning to
fleep for three or four hours, but not to ftir out of the
Canows. About Midnight we weigh'd our little wooden
Anchors, and one half of the Men row'd while the other was
at reft. Thus did we continue to fleer with a great deal of
Precaution and Care, rowing all night, and lying by all day.
July 28. when we were lying almoft all afleep in a Creek of
a little Ifland, the Watch defcrying fome [97] Canows that
made towards us, wak'd fome Savages that had gone a-fhore
to fleep the more conveniently. The Noife having alarm'd us
all, we prefently made our felves ready to get in head of thefe
Canows; but at the fame time, tho' we were but half a League
off, we could not diftinguifh who they were, by reafon that the
Sun-beams falling perpendicularly, made the Surface of the
Water look like a Looking-glafs. Indeed there being but
two of 'em, we reckon'd they were mann'd with Iroquefe, and
that each of 'em contain'd at leaft twenty Men: upon which
fufpicion, the Leader of the Sauteurs offered to go a-fhore with
his Men, and poft himfelf at the Entry of a Wood, from whence
he would foftly follow the Canows without being difcover'd,
till fuch time as we forc'd 'em a-fhore. At the fame time he
propos'd that the Outaouas and my Detachment fhould fuffer
'em to be within a Musket-fhot of the Ifland before we difcover'd our felves, or offer'd to give 'em chafe, upon the




to North-America.


I59


apprehenfion that if we follow'd 'em clofer, they would be fo
far from getting on fhore, that they would fight as defperate,
and choofe rather to be kill'd or drown'd than to be taken.
This Propofal was lik'd, and every thing was manag'd accordingly. As foon as our unknown Enemy perceiv'd us, they
made the Shore with all imaginable Precipitation; and juft
when they were going to knock their Prifoners on the Head,
the Sauteurs fell upon 'em, but mifs'd of their aim in taking
'em all alive; for they fought to the laft gafp, like Men that
knew no Medium betwixt Conqueft and Death. Una falus
vilis nullam fperare falutem. This Engagement happen'd while
we landed: however, the Sauteurs came off with Honour, for"
they loft only four Men, and of twenty Iroquefe they kill'd
three, wounded five, and took the reft Prifoners, fo that not
one of 'em efcap'd. The Iroquefe had along with them eighteen
Slaves of the Oumamis, who were all wounded, and feven bigbelly'd [98] Women, from whom we had Intelligence that the
reft of their Party were then upon their Return by Land upon
the Banks of the Lake, having thirty four Prifoners, of both
Sexes; and that they could not then be far off. When this
Intelligence was laid before us, the Outaouas were of the opinion
that we fhould reft fatisfied with the Feats we had done, upon
the Plea that the above-mention'd four hundred Iroquefe would
certainly get before us. On the other hand, the Sauteurs maintain'd that they had rather perifh than fail to attempt the
Refcue of thefe Prifoners, and the Defeat of the whole Party;
and that if no body would fecond 'em, they would make the
Attempt by themfelves. The Bravery of this Refolution




i6o


Some New Voyages


oblig'd me to encourage and egg on the Outaouas. I remonftrated to 'em, that in regard the Sauteurs ingrofs'd the Glory
of the former Ation, they had more reafon than we to decline
the rifque of a fecond Engagement: that if we refus'd to back
'em, our Cowardice would cover us with everlafting Infamy:
and, that in order to render the Attack more fecure, we ought
to ufe a fpeedy Precaution in finding out fome Point or Elbow
of Land where our Canows, our Baggage, and our Prifoners
might be lodg'd fafe. The Outaouas had a great deal of Reluctancy to the matter; however, after confulting among themfelves, they comply'd with the Propofal, more for Shame, than
out of true Courage. Having laid down that joint Refolution,
we made up a little fort of a Fence in feven or eight hours,
and then fent out Scouts on all hands, while the main Body
was kept in readinefs to march upon the firft Alarm.
Auguft 4. two of our Spies return'd upon full fpeed, to
acquaint us that the Iroquefe were not above three Leagues
off, and that they advanc'd towards us; and withal, that upon
the Road there was a little Brook, upon which an Ambufcado
might be conveniently laid. This Advice animated our Savages fo much, [99] that they run immediately to take Poffeffion of that Advantageous Port: but they knew not how to
make the right ufe of it. The Outaouas were too hafty in firing;
and by fhooting at too great a diftance, gave all the Enemies
an opportunity of making their Efcape, abating for ten or
twelve whofe Heads were brought into the little Fort where I
ftay'd. The Slaves indeed were all retaken, and fo refcued
from the Cruelty of thefe Tygers; which encourag'd us to




to North-America.


i6i


reft fatisfied. When the Expedition was over, we ftow'd thefe
poor Wretches in our Canows, and fteer'd with all Expedition
to the Streight or Neck of the Lake of Huron, which we made
on the I3th. We enjoy'd a great deal of Pleafure in ftemming
the Current of that Streight; the Iflands of which, that I
mention'd above, were cover'd with Roe bucks. This opportunity we did not flight; nor did we grudge our flopping
upon thefe Iflands for eight days; during which time we were
bufied in Hunting, and refrefh'd our felves with plenty of
excellent Fruit that was fully ripe. Here the wounded and
retaken Prifoners had an opportunity of refting, and of drinking the Broth of feveral forts of Meat; and we had time to
broil as much Meat as we could flow in our Canows, not to
mention the great numbers of Turkeys that we were oblig'd
to eat upon the fpot, for fear that the heat of the Seafon would
fpoil 'em.
In that fpace of time the poor wounded Savages were
carefully purg'd with fuch Roots as the Americans are well
vers'd in; which I mean to explain to you in its proper time
and place; and they wanted not good Reftoratives of Jellybroth. The 24th we re-embark'd, and arriv'd at Night at
Fort St. Jofeph, where I found a Party of eighty Oumamis
commanded by one Michitonka, who being lately return'd
from Niagara, expeCted my Arrival with the utmoft impatience. When I landed, I was furpris'd to fee the [Ioo] Fort
cramm'd with Savages; but on the other hand, they were
equally aftonifh'd to find in our Company their Country-men,
to whofe hard Fortune they had been altogether Strangers.
11




162


Some New      Voyages


The joyful Meeting fill'd the Air with Acclamations, and
Panegyricks rung all about to an extravagant degree. I wifh,
Sir, you had been there to partake of the Pleafure of fo fine a
Show: had you been prefent, you would have join'd with me
in owning that all our French Rhetorick cannot reach fuch
pithy and fignificant Figures, efpecially upon the fcore of
Hyperbole's, as made up the bulk of the Harangues and Songs
that thefe poor People utter'd with Rapture and Tranfport.
Michitonka acquainted me, that after he went to the Fort of
Niagara, with a Defign to make fome Expedition into the
Country of the Ffonontouans, he found that the Scurvey had
made fuch a terrible havock in that Fort, that it had fweept off
the Commander, and all the Soldiers, bating twelve, who had
the good luck to get over it, as well as Mr. de Bergeres, who
by the advantage of a hale Conftitution had ftemm'd the raging
Violence of that Diftemper.1 He inform'd me farther, That
Mr. Bergeres having refolv'd to fet out with his twelve Men
for the Fort of Frontenac, had defir'd of him a Reinforcement
of fome young Oumamis, which was granted him; that after
Mr. Bergeres had embark'd, himfelf march'd over Land to the
Country of the Onnontagues, where he rejoin'd the Reinforcement he had granted to Mr. de Bergeres, and underitood from
them, that during the Winter the Scurvey had carried off as
many Soldiers at Fort Frontenac as at Niagara; and, that Mr.
de Denonville was negotiating a Peace with the Iroquefe.
The Governour of Fort Frontenac had requefted Michitonka
1For the official report of this disaster, and the abandonment of the fort at
Niagara, see N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 386-388.-ED.




to North-America.


i63


to engage in no Enterprife, and to return home with his Men;
upon which that Leader being in full March homeward, was
attack'd by three hundred [ioI] Onnontagues, whom he durft
not engage otherwife than in a running Fight, by which he
loft four Men. Being inform'd of all thefe Circumftances, I
confulted with the three different Nations that were then
pofted in my Fort. After a mature Refledion upon the Intelligence that was laid before 'em, they came to this Refolution;
That fince the Marquis de Denonville had a mind to clap up a
Peace, and the Fort of Niagara was abdicated, the Fort I then
commanded would be of no ufe; that fince I had neither Provifions nor Ammunition for above two Months, I fhould be
oblig'd at the end of thefe two Months to retreat to the Place
from whence I now write; that at that time of the Year our
Navigation would be uneafie and dangerous; that in regard I
lay under an indifpenfible neceffity of making my Retreat,
'twas of no great moment whether I march'd off two Months
fooner or later; and, in fine, that fince I had receiv'd no frefh
Orders, nor no Succors, 'twas my Bufinefs to go off along
with them. This Refolution, which was a fufficient Argument
to fway me, afforded matter of joy to the Soldiers, who were
afraid of being oblig'd to a more rigorous courfe of Abftinence in that Poft than they had formerly undergone; for the
meafures of a critical Abftinence do not fit well upon a
Soldiers Stomach. In fine, purfuant to our joint Refolution,
we fet fire to the Fort on the 27th, and embarked that fame
day, and keeping clofe to the South fhore of the Lake that I
took notice of in my laft, arriv'd here on the ioth of September.




164


Some New     Voyages


The Oumamis march'd over Land to their own Country, and
carry'd with 'em the Wounded, who were then in a condition
to march.
Upon my Arrival in this Place, I found here Mr. de la
Durantay, whom Mr. Denonville has invefted with the Commiflion of Commander of the Coureurs de Bois that trade upon
the Lakes, and in the Southern Countries of Canada. The
Governour has fent me [I02] Orders to return to the Colony
if the Seafon and other Circumftances permit; or to tarry here
till the Spring if I forefee unfurmountable Difficulties in the
Paffage. In the mean time he has fent me Effets to anfwer
the Pay of my Detachment, and to fubfift 'em in the Winter.
Thefe Orders would be extream acceptable to me, if I could
but contrive how to return to the Colony; but that feems to
be abfolutely impoffible, and both the French and the Savages
agree that it is fo. There are in that Paffage fo many Waterfalls, Catarads, and Places where there's a neceffity of tedious
Land-carriages, that I dare not run fuch Hazards with my
Soldiers, who cannot work the Boats but upon ftagnating
Water. Upon that confideration I have thought it more
proper to halt here till the next Year; at which time I defign
to take the Advantage of the Company of fome Frenchmen
and Savages, that promife to take into each of their Canows
one of my Men. In the mean time, I am upon the point of
undertaking another Voyage, for I cannot mew my felf up
here all this Winter. I defign to make the beft ufe of my time,
and to travel through the Southern Countries that I have fo




to North-America.


often heard of, having engag'd four or five good Huntfmen
of the Outaouas to go along with me.
The Party of the Hurons that I mention'd in the beginning
of my Letter, return'd hither two Months ago, and brought
with 'em an Iroquefe Slave, whom their Leader prefented to
Mr. de Iuchereau, the late Colonel of the Coureurs de Bois
and whom that Colonel order'd to be immediately fhot. The
crafty Leader adted upon that occafion a very cunning and
malicious part, the fatal Confequences of which I eafily forefee: He intrufded no body with the Secret but my felf; for
he is my true Friend, and he knows that I am his. However,
I muff go no farther upon this matter, left my Letter fhould
be intercepted. Tho' after all, if the Blow were not already
given, [I03] or if 'twere poffible to remedy it, my Friendfhip
fhould not hinder me from acquainting Mr. de Denonville with
the Intrigue, that he might get clear of it as well as he could.
If it pleafes God to allow me a fafe Return to France, I fhall
tell you the Story by word of mouth.
I underftand by your laft, that the King has preferr'd his
Almoner, the Abbot of St. aaliers, to the Bifhoprick of Quebec;
and that this Bifhop was confecrated in St. Sulpice's Church.1
1 The Abbe de St. Vallier had been Bishop Laval's vicar-apostolic since i685;
but at the desire of the latter was consecrated bishop, Jan. 25, I688. Jean Baptiste de la Croix Chevriere, known as St. Vallier from his benefice, was a native of
Grenoble (1653) who had served as chaplain of Louis XIV. He was second bishop
of Quebec, retaining the office until his death (1727). During his long term of service,
he was frequently absent in France (1694-97); again (I700-04), when he was captured by the English on his return voyage, and kept a prisoner five years. He did
not finally reach Quebec until 17I3. For his portrait see Jes. Rel., Ixiv, frontispiece. - ED.




i66              Some New     Voyages
This piece of News would be very welcome to me, if I thought
he would be lefs rigid than Mr. de Laval, his Predeceffor.
But what likelyhood is there that the new Bifhop will be of a
tradCable temper? If 'tis true that he has refus'd other good
Bifhopricks, he muft be as fcrupulous as the Monk Dracontius,
that St. Atbanafius cenfures for not accepting of a Prefentation
to a Bifhoprick that was offer'd him. In fine, if he is of that
fcrupulous Temper, his critical Strictnefs will fcarce go down
in this Country; for the People are already tyr'd out with his
Predeceffor's Excommunications.
I am,
SIR,
2outrs, &c.




to North-America.


167


[I04]     LETTER XVI.
Dated at Miffilimakinac, May 28. I689.
Containing an Account of the Author's Departure from, and Return
to, Miffilimakinac. A Defcription of the Bay of Puants, and
its Villages. An ample Defcription of the Beavers; follow'd by
the Journal of a remarkable Voyage upon the Long River, and
a Map of the adjacent Country.
SIR,
THANK God, I am now return'd from my Voyage upon
the Long River, which falls into the River of Miffifipi. I
would willingly have trac'd it up to its Source, if feveral Obftacles had not flood in my way. I fet out from hence the
24th of Sept. accompany'd with my own Detachment, and the
five Huntfmen I mention'd in my laft; who indeed did me a
great deal of Service. All the Soldiers were provided with
new Canows loaded with Provifions and Ammunition, and
fuch Commodities as are proper for the Savages. The Wind,
which ftood then in the North, wafted me in three days to the
Bay of Pouteouatamis, that lay forty Leagues off. The mouth
of that Bay is in a manner choak'd with Ifles, and the Bay it
felf is ten Leagues broad, and twenty five Leagues long.'
1Now Green Bay, Wis., usually called by the French Baye des Puants; see
p. 146, note 2, ante. Charlevoix says that the Potawatomi formerly inhabited these
islands at the mouth of the bay, after being driven by the Iroquois from their seats in
lower Michigan. - ED.




i68


Some New Voyages


The 29th we came to a little deep fort of a River, which
difembogues at a place where the Water of the Lake fwells
three foot high in twelve hours, and decreafes as much in the
fame compafs of time. Our tarrying there three or four days
gave me an opportunity of making this Remark.' The Villages of the Sakis, the Pouteouatamis, and fome Malominis, are
[Io5] feated on the fide of that River, and the Jefuits have a
Houfe.or College built upon it.2 This is a place of great
Trade for Skins and Indian Corn, which thefe Savages fell to
the Coureurs de Bois, as they come and go, it being the neareft
and moft convenient Paffage to the River of Mififipi.              The
Soil of this Country is fo fertile, that it produces (in a manner without Agriculture) our European Corn, Peafe, Beans,
and feveral other Fruits that are not known in France. As
foon as I landed, the Warriours of thefe three Nations came
by turns to my Apartment, to regale me with the CalumetDance, and with the Captains-Dance; the former being a fignification of Peace and Friendfhip, and the latter of Refped
1The Fox River, first called by the French Riviere des Puants, later Riviere
des Renards (Foxes) from the tribe encountered on its banks. The Jesuits entitled
it St. Francis River, but the name did not persist. The Jesuits also remarked the
tides in the bay. See Jes. Rel., Ivi, pp. I37-139; Ivii, pp. 301-305; Ix. pp.
205-207. -ED.
2 The Sauk, Potawatomi, and Menominee tribes were all of Algonquian stock,
and had their habitat about the mouth of the Fox, although the latter tribe were more
often upon the river of the same name.
The Jesuit mission of St. Francis Xavier was founded on the shores of Green Bay
by Father Claude Allouez in 1669; two years later a chapel was built upon the site of
the present city of De Pere. In I899 the citizens of that place, inspired thereto by the
Wisconsin Historical Society, erected a monument near the site of this pioneer missionary station. See Wis. His. Soc. Proc., 1899, p. 105.-ED.




to North-America.


I69


and Efteem.1 I return'd the Compliment with a Prefent of
fome Rolls of Brafil Tobacco, which they value mightily, and
fome firings of Venice Beads, with which they embroider their
Coats. Next Morning I was invited to a Feaft with one of
the three Nations; and after having fent to 'em fome Difhes
and Plates, purfuant to the Cuftom of the Country, I went
accordingly about Noon. They began with congratulating
my Arrival, and after I had return'd them thanks, fell a finging
and dancing one after another, in a particular manner, of
which you may exped a circumftantial account when I have
more leifure. The Singing and Dancing laffed for two hours,
being feafon'd with Acclamations of Joy and Jeffs, which make
up part of their ridiculous Mufick. After that the Slaves
came to ferve,2 and all the Company fat down after the Eaftern
fafhion, every one being provided with his Mefs, juft as our
Monks are in the Monaftery-Halls.
Firft of all four Platters were fet down before me, in the
firft of which there were two white Fifh only boil'd in Water;
in the fecond the Tongue and Breaft of a Roe-buck boil'd; in
the third two Woodhens, the hind Feet or Trotters of a Bear,
and [Io6] the Tail of a Beaver, all roafted; and the fourth
contain'd a large quantity of Broth made of feveral forts of
1 For the calumet dance see Marquette's detailed description in Jes. Rel., lix,
pp. 129-137. In its modern form it is described in U. S. Bur. of Ethnol. Report,
1881-82, pp. 276-282. ED.
2 Slavery among the Indians was due entirely to prisoners taken in war. It
was a mild form, slaves being usually treated as members of the family, and having
the hope of exchange or ransom by their own tribe. From the Indians it spread to the
French in Illinois, and was authorized by edict in I709. See Lafontaine, "De 'esclavage
en Canada," in Montreal Historical Society Memoires, I858. -ED.




170


Some New Voyages


Meat. For Drink they gave me a very pleafant Liquor, which
was nothing but a Syrrup of Maple beat up with Water; but
of this more elfewhere. The Feaft lafted two Hours; after
which I intreated one of the Grandees to fing for me; for in
all the Ceremonies made ufe of among the Savages, 'tis cuftomary to imploy another to adt for 'em. I made this Grandee
a Prefent of fome pieces of Tobacco, in order to oblige him
to a&t my part till Night. Next day, and the day after, I was
oblig'd to go to the Feafts of the other two Nations, who obferv'd the fame Formalities. The moft curious thing I faw in
the Villages, was ten or twelve tame Beavers, that went and
came like Dogs from the Rivers to the Cottages, without
ftragling out of the Road. I ask'd the Savages if thefe Animals could live out of the Water; and receiv'd this anfwer,
that they could live afhoar as well as Dogs, and that they had
kept fome of 'em above a year, without fuffering them to go
near the Rivers: From whence I conclude, that the Cafuifs are
out in not ranging Ducks, Geefe, and Teals, in the number of
Amphibious Animals, as the Naturalifts are wont to do. I
had heard the fame ftory from feveral Americans before; but
being apprehenfive that there were different Species of
Beavers, I had a mind to be better inform'd: And indeed
there is a particular kind of 'em, which the Savages call the
7Terreflrial, or Land-Beaver; but at the fame time they tell you,
thefe are of a different Species from the Amphibious fort; for
they make Holes or Dens in the Earth, like Rabbets or Foxes,
and never go near the Water unlefs it be to drink. They are
likewife call'd by the Savages, the lazy or idle kind, as being




to North-America.


I7I


expell'd by the other Beavers from the Kennels in which thefe
Animals are lodg'd, to the [I07] number of 80. Thefe Kennels I mean to defcribe afterwards; in the mean time I only
take occafion to acquaint you, that the idle fort being unwilling
to work, are expell'd by the others, juft as Wafps are by Bees;
and are fo teas'd by 'em, that they are forc'd to quit the Kennels, which the better and more induftrious Race huddles up
to themfelves in the Fens. This fupine Beaver refembles the
other fort in its Figure, excepting that the Hair is rub'd off
the Back and the Belly, which is occafion'd by their rubbing
againft the Earth when they return to, or ftir out from their
Holes.'
The Writers of Natural Hiftory are very much out, in
fancying that the Beavers cut off their own Tefticles, when
purfued by the Huntfmen; for that which the Phyficians call
Cafloreum, is not lodg'd in the Tefticles, but in a certain Bag
that Nature feems to have form'd on purpofe for thefe Animals, and this Bag they make ufe of to clear their Teeth, after
the biting of fome gummy Shrub. But fuppofing the Tefticles
to be the proper Receptacle of the Caftor, we muff ftill conceive that 'tis impoffible for a Beaver to pull out his Tefticles,
without rending the Nerves of the Groin, in which they are
feated juft by the Sharebone.    'Tis manifeft that Elian and
feveral other Naturalifts, were fcarce acquainted with Beaverhunting; for had they known any thing of the matter, they
1The beaver is easily domesticated, and becomes as tame as a kitten. Stories
of idle beavers are numerous, but apochryphal; they arise from some disorder in the
form of a parasite, which occasionally attacks the animal. See Martin, Castorologia,
or the Canadian Beaver (London and Montreal, 1892), pp. 157, I68, 233.-ED.




172


Some New Voyages


would never have talk'd of the purfuing of thefe Animals,
which never go from the fide of the Pond where their Kennels
are built; and which dive under water upon the leaft noife,
and return to their Dens when the danger is over. If thefe
Creatures were but fenfible of the reafon for which War is
declar'd againft 'em, they would flea themfelves alive; for 'tis
their Skin only that the Huntfmen want, the value of the
Caftor being nothing in comparifon with that. A great Beaver
is twenty fix Inches long, from [io8] the hind-Head, to the
root of the Tail. 'Tis about three Foot and eight Inches
round, its Head is feven Inches long, and fix broad; its Tail
is fourteen Inches long, and fix broad, and about the middle
it has the thicknefs of an Inch and two lines. The figure of
the Tail is Oval; the Scale with which 'tis cover'd, and which
performs the Office of what the Phyficians call the Epidermis
or Scarf-skin, is an irregular Hexagon. The Beaver carries
upon its Tail the Clay, the Earth and other Materials of which
they make their Banks and Kennels, or Hutts, by a wonderful
Inftindt. Its Ears are fhort, round and hollow; its Legs are
five Inches long, its Feet fix Inches and eight Lines, and its
Paws are three Inches and a half from the Heel to the end of
the great Toe. Its Paws are form'd much like a Man's Hand,
and they make ufe of 'em in feeding, as Apes do. The five
Toes are joyn'd like thofe of a Duck, with a Membrane of a
Slate colour. Its Eyes are of the leffer fize, in proportion to
the bulk of its Body, and bear the figure of a Rats Eyes.
Before its Muzzle there are four Fore-Teeth or Cutters, viz.




to North-America.


I73


two in each Jaw, as in a Rabbet, befides which it has fixteen
Grinders, that is, eight in the upper, and as many in the lower
Mandible. The Cutters are above an Inch long, and X of an
Inch broad, being very ftrong and fharp like a Cutlas; for a
Beaver affifted by its Affociates, (if I may fo call its fellow
Beavers) cuts down Trees as big as a Hogfhead; which I
could never have believ'd, if I had not obferv'd with my own
Eyes, above twenty Trunks of Trees cut down in that fafhion.
A Beaver has two lays of Hair; one is long, and of a fhining
black colour, with a grain as big as that of Mans Hair; the
other is fine and fmooth, and in Winter fifteen lines long: In
a word, the laft is the fineft Down in the World. The Skin
of fuch a Beaver as I have now defcrib'd, will be two pound
weight, but the [Io9] price varies according to the goodnefs.
In Winter and Autumn the Flefh of a Beaver eats very well,
if it be roafted. Thus, Sir, I have prefented you with an exa6t
Defcription of thefe reputed Amphibious Animals which make
fuch Strudures, that all the Art of Man can fcarce equal.
Upon another occafion perhaps I may give you a circumftantial Account of their wonderful Strudture, which I decline at
prefent, becaufe the Digreffion would be too tedious.'
To return to my Voyage. After our arrival in the Bay of
Pouteouatamis, we bid adieu to the Navigation upon the Lakes
of Canada; and fetting out September 30, arriv'd Oflober 2. at
the foot of the fall of Kakalin, after ftemming fome little Cur1 Lahontan's description of the beaver is not inaccurate, and shows habits of keen
observation. For full description see Martin, op, cit. -ED.




I74


Some New      Voyages


rents in the River of Puants.l The next day we accomplifh'd
the fmall Land-carriage, and on the 5th arriv'd before the Village of Kikapous, in the Neighbourhood of which I incamp'd
the next day, in order to receive Intelligence.          That Village
ftands upon the brink of a little Lake, in which the Savages
fifh great quantities of Pikes and Gudgeons.2 I found only
thirty or forty Men fit for War in the place, for the reft were
gone a Beaver-hunting fome days before. The 7th I reimbarq'd, and rowing hard made in the Evening the little Lake
of Malominis, where we kill'd Bucks and Buftards enough for
Supper. We went afhoar that Night, and built Hutts for our
felves upon a point of Land that fhoots out; by break of day
I went in a Canow to the Village, and after an hours Conference with fome of the Savages, prefented 'em          with two Rolls
of Tobacco, and they by way of Acknowledgment, made me
a prefent of two or three Sacks of Oatmeal: For the fides of
1 The Grand Kakaling, twenty-one miles from the mouth of Fox River, was a
series of rapids, the river falling fifty-two feet in the course of a mile. The name signified " the fishing ground for pickerel." The modern town of Kaukauna is on the
river bank at this place. See Tanner, " Early Kaukauna " in Wis. Hist. Soc. Proc.,
1899, pp. 212-217. The other rapids of Fox River, ascending from the mouth,
were those at De Pere, Little Kakalin (now called Little Rapids), the Croche (above
Wrightstown), Grand Kakalin (at Kaukauna), Little Chute (still so named), the
Cedars (at Kimberly), Grand Chute (at Appleton), and Winnebago Rapids (at
Neenah). See Jes. Rel., liv, p. 306.-ED.
2 The Kickapoo were an Algonquian tribe closely associated with the Mascoutin.
They were first encountered in Wisconsin, but drifted over various portions of Michigan and Illinois, finally crossing the Mississippi (about 1725), and making their
homes in Iowa. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, xvii, index. A remnant of this tribe still
exists upon reservations in Kansas and Oklahoma. The village mentioned here by
Lahontan is not described by his contemporaries. It would seem to have been on
Lake Winnebago, between Neenah and Oshkosh. - ED.




to North-America.                             175
the Lake are cover'd with a fort of Oats, which grows in tufts
with a tall Stalk, and of which the Savages reap plentiful
Crops.1 The 9th I arriv'd at the foot of Outagamis Fort,
where I found but [IIO] few People; however, they gave me
a very kind Reception, for after dancing the Calumet before
the Door of my Hutt, they made me a Prefent of Venifon and
Fifh. Next day they convey'd me up the River, to the place
where their folks were hunting the Beavers. The I Ith we imbarq'd, and landed the I3th upon the fhoar of a little Lake,
where the Head of that Nation refided.2 After we had rear'd
up our Hutts, that General gave me a Vifit, and inquir'd which
way I intended to move. I made anfwer, that I was fo far
from defigning to march toward the Nadoueffious his Enemies,
that I fhould not come near 'em by Ioo Leagues3; and to con1 The "Lake of Malhominis " was probably the present Grand Lake Butte des
Morts, where, as now, grew great expanses of wild rice or oats. The French called
the Menominee " Folle Avoines," the name for this plant (Zizania aquatica) which
formed a staple food for Indians in the Northwest. See Jenks, " Wild-rice Gatherers
of the Upper Lakes," in U. S. Bur. of Ethnol. Report, No. i9. Father Allouez
mentioned the wild rice in this lake on his journey of 1670. See Jes. Rel., liv, pp.
217-2I9, 307.-ED.
2 The location of the Outagami or Fox Indian villages has been much discussed.
See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. 39. The most that can be said is, that they were
probably in Waupaca County, on Wolf River, or some of its affluents.
The Outagami or Fox (Fr., Renard) Indians were of Algonquian stock, first
encountered in Wisconsin, which was their permanent home until driven by the
French across the Mississippi, about the middle of the eighteenth century. Their
wars upon the French (1712-47) undermined the empire of the latter in the Northwest.
See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvii. In I730 they amalgamated with the Sauk. Remnants of
the Sauk and Fox tribes are still extant in Iowa, Nebraska, and Oklahoma.- ED.
3 Nadouessioux, usually abreviated to Sioux, was the name given by the Algonquian tribes to the great Western stock, who called themselves Dakota. The term
Nadouessioux meant " snake-like ones,'" or " enemy. " At this time they were hostile




176


Some New     Voyages


firm the innocence of my Intentions, I pray'd him to fend fix
Warriours to accompany me to the long River, which I defign'd
to trace up to its Source. He reply'd that he was extream
glad to find that I carry'd neither Arms nor Cloaths to the
Nadoueffious; that he faw I had not the equipage of a Coureur
de Bois, but that on the contrary, I had fome difcovery in my
view. At the fame time he caution'd me not to venture too
far up that Noble River, by reafon of the multitudes of People
that I would find there, though they have no ftomach for War:
He mean'd, that fome numerous Party might furprife me in
the Night-time. In the mean time, inftead of the fix Warriours that I defir'd, he gave me ten, who underftood the
Lingua, and knew the Country of the Eokoros, with whom his
Nation had maintain'd a Peace of twenty years ftanding. I
ftay'd two days with this General, during which time he regal'd
me nobly, and walk'd about with me to give me the Satisfaction of obferving the difpofure of the Cottages of the Beaverhunters; a defcription of which, you may expect in another
place; I prefented him with a Fufee, twelve Flint-ftones, two
pound of Powder, four pound of Ball, and a little Axe, and I
gave each of his two Sons a [III] great Coat, and a Roll of
Brafil Tobacco. Two of the ten Warriours that he gave me,
could fpeak the Language of the Outaouas, which I was well
pleas'd with; not that I was a ftranger to their own Language,
for between that and the Algonkin there is no great difference,
to the Fox, but in their eighteenth-century wars upon the French were their allies.
For information concerning the Siouan people, see references in Hennepin, New
Discovery, p. 225, note.-ED.




to North-America.


I77


but in regard that there were feveral words that puzled me.
My four Outaouas were tranfported with this little Reinforcement, and were then fo incouraged, that they told me above
four times, that we might venture fafely fo far as the Plantation of the Sun. I embarqed with this fmall Guard the i6th
about Noon, and arriv'd that Night at the Land-carriage of
Ouifconfinc, which we finifh'd in two days, that is, we left the
River of Puants, and tranfported our Canows and Baggage to
the River Ouifconfinc, which is not above three quarters of a
League diftant, or thereabouts.' I fhall fay nothing of the
River we left, but that 'twas Muddy, full of Shelves, and
inclofed with a fteep Coaft, Marfhes, and frightful Rocks.
The Igth we embarqu'd upon the River Ouifconfinc, and
being favour'd by a flack Current, arriv'd in four days at the
place, where it empties it felf into the River Miffifipi, which is
about half a League broad in that part. The force of the
Current, and the breadth of that River, is much the fame as
that of the Loire.    It lies North-Eaft, and South-Weft; and its
fides are adorn'd with Meadows, lofty Trees and Firs. I obferv'd but two Iflands upon it, though there may be more,
Lahontan certainly allows too little time for the passage from the Outagami
village to the Fox-Wisconsin portage - not less than Ioo miles, following the meanderings of the river.
The Fox-Wisconsin portage was a noted place in the early history of Western
discovery. Apparently Radisson and Groseilliers were (1655) the first white men to
traverse it. Marquette describes it in 1672. A contemporary writer (i682) says it
was " through an oak grove and a flooded meadow. "- Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. io6.
The portage was about a mile in length; later, the French built a corduroy road
through the swamp, and established a rude wagon carriage for their batteaux. -Wis.
Hist. Colls., x, pp. 221, 222. A government ship canal now spans the distance. -ED.
12




178


Some New      Voyages


which the darknefs of the Night hid from us as we came down.'
The 23d we landed upon an Ifland in the River Miffifpi, over
againft the River I fpoke of but now, and were in hopes to
find fome wild Goats there, but had the ill fortune to find
none. The day after we croft to t'other fide of the River,
founding it every where, as we had done the day before, and
found nine foot water in the fhalloweft place. The [II2] 2d
of November we made the Mouth of the Long River, having
firft ftem'd feveral rapid Currents of that River, though 'twas
then at loweft Ebb. In this little paffage we kill'd feveral wild
Beeves which we broil'd, and catch'd feveral large Dabs.              On
1 The distance from the portage to the mouth of the Wisconsin is 145 miles. Its
stage of water was in Lahontan's time doubtless much higher than now, although
early canoeists speak of being embarrassed by its numerous shifting sand-bars. Until
the depletion of the great pine forests in north-central Wisconsin, it was an important
lumbering stream. From the time of the erection of Wisconsin Territory (i836) until
about 1890 there was much popular agitation in favor of dredging both the Fox and
Wisconsin, in order to connect Lake Michigan with Mississippi River-in other
words, adapting what was, in the French regime, the most popular fur-trade route
between the great lakes and the great river, to the requirements of modern steam
navigation. Large sums of money have been spent by the federal government in surveys on the sprawling and-sand-bar-ridden Wisconsin, and in a lockage system on the
lower Fox; but it has at last come to be recognized by most engineers that the route
is impracticable without an unwarranted expenditure of public funds. The Fox as
far up as Lake Winnebago has a strong current, and its rapids are the basis of the
present federal-built water powers; the upper Fox is sluggish, shallow, and frequently
fringed with wild-rice swamps. There is to-day occasional navigation by flat-bottomed
steamers as far as Berlin, but only small launches can proceed to the portage. On
the Wisconsin, which in spring and autumn overflows to the width of a mile or more,
steam craft are seldom seen; the passage of a small launch, perhaps once or twice a
season, arousing general curiosity. Lahontan's description, although brief, is not
inexact, and appears to be that of one who had seen the alternating cliffs and meadows
which border the Wisconsin, one of the most beautiful of Western streams. See
chapters on the Fox-Wisconsin waterway in Thwaites, Docwn Historic Waterways
(Chicago, new ed., I903).- ED.




to North-America.


179


the 3d we enter'd the Mouth of the Long River, which looks
like a Lake full of Bull-rufhes; we found in the middle of it a
narrow Channel, upon which we fteer'd till Night, and then
lay by to fleep in our Canows. In the Morning I enquir'd of
my ten Outagamis, if we had far to fail before we were clear of
the Rufhes, and receiv'd this anfwer, that they had never been
in the Mouth of that River before, though at the fame time
they affur'd me, that about twenty Leagues higher, the Banks
of it were clad with Woods and Meadows. But after all we
did not fail fo far, for about ten a Clock next Morning the
River came pretty narrow, and the Shoar was cover'd with
lofty Trees; and after continuing our courfe the reft of that
day, we had a profpedt of Meadows now and then. That fame
Night we landed at a point of Land, with a defign to drefs
our broil'd Meat, for at that time we had none frefh. The
next day we ftop'd at the firft Ifland we faw, in which we found
neither Man nor Beaft; and the Evening drawing near, I was
unwilling to venture far into it, fo we e'en contented our felves
with the catching of fome forry Fiih. The 6th a gentle Gale
fprung up, which wafted us to another Ifland about 12 Leagues
higher, where we landed. Our paffage to this place was very
quick, notwithftanding the great calm that always prevails
upon this River, which I take to be the leaft rapid River in
the World. But the quicknefs of the paffage was not the only
furprifal, for I was amaz'd that I faw no Harts, nor Bucks,
nor Turkeys, having met with 'em all along in the other parts
of my Difcovery. The 7th the fame Wind drove us [II3] to
a third Ifland, that lay ten or twelve Leagues off the former,




i8o


Some New      Voyages


which we quitted in the Morning. In this third Ifland our
Savages kill'd thirty or forty Pheafants, which I was not ill
pleas'd with.
The 8th the Wind proving unferviceable to us, by reafon
that 'twas intercepted by Hills cover'd with Firs, we ply'd
our Oars; and about two in the Afternoon, defcry'd on the
left Hand large Meadows, and fome Hutts at the diftance of
a quarter of a League from the River. Upon this Difcovery,
our Savages and ten of the Soldiers jump'd upon the fhoar,
and diredted their courfe to the Houfes, where they found fifty
or fixty Huntfmen prepar'd to receive 'em, with their Bows
and Arrows. As foon as the Huntfmen heard the voice of
the Outagamis, they threw down their Arms, and prefented
the Company with fome Deer that they had juft kill'd, which
they likewife help'd to carry to my Canows. The Benefadtors
were fome of the Eokoros, who had left their Villages, and come
thither to hunt. I prefented 'em, more out of Policy, than
Acknowledgment, with Tobacco, Knives and Needles, which
they could not but admire. Upon this, they repair'd with expedition to their Villages, and gave their Affociates to underRfand, what a good fort of People they had met with; which
had fo much influence, that the next day towards the Evening,
there appear'd upon the River fide above two thoufand Savages, who fell a dancing as foon as they defcry'd us. Thereupon, our Outagamis went afhoar, and after a fhort Conference,
fome of the principal Savages imbarqu'd on board of our
Canows, and fo we all fteer'd to the chief Village, which we
did not reach till Midnight. I order'd our Hutts to be made




to North-America.


I8I


up on a point of Land near a little River, at the diftance of a
quarter of a League from the Village. Though the Savages
prefs'd me extreamly to lodge in one of their Villages, yet
none [I14] went with 'em but the Outagamis, and the four
Outaouas, who at the fame time caution'd the Savages not to
approach to our Camp in the Night-time. Next day I allow'd
my Soldiers to refrefh and reft themfelves; and went my felf
to vifit the Grandees of this Nation to whom I gave Prefents
of Knives, Ciffars, Needles, and Tobacco. They gave me to
underftand, that they were infinitely well pleas'd with our
arrival in their Country, for that they had heard the Savages
of other Nations fpeak very honourably of the French. I took
leave of 'em on the I2th, and fet out with a Convoy of five or
fix hundred Savages, who march'd upon the fhoar, keeping
pace with our Canows. We pafs'd by another Village that
lay to the right Hand, and ftop'd at a third Village that was
five Leagues diftant from the firft, but did not difimbarque:
For all that I defign'd, was to make a Prefent to the leading
Men of the Village, from whom I receiv'd more Indian Corn,
and broil'd or dry'd Meat, than I had occafion for. In fine,
I pafs'd from Village to Village without flopping, unlefs it
were to incamp all Night, or to prefent the Savages with fome
Trinkets; and fo fteer'd on to the laft Village, with a defign
to get fome Intelligence. As foon as we arriv'd at the end of
this Village, the Great Governour, who indeed was a venerable
old Gentleman, fent out Hunters to bring us good Cheer.
He inform'd me, that fixty Leagues higher I fhould meet with
the Nation of the Effanapes, who wag'd War with him; that if




i82


Some New      Voyages


it had not been for their being at War, he would have given
me a Convoy to their Country; that, however he mean'd to
give up to me fix Slaves of that Country, which I might carry
home, and make ufe of as I faw occafion; and that in failing
up the River, I had nothing to fear, but the being furpriz'd
in the Night-time. In fine, after he had inftru&ted me in
feveral very ufeful Circumftances, I immediately [I S] made
every thing ready for my Departure.
The Commanders of this People acquainted me, that they
had twelve Villages peopled by 20000 Warriours; that their
number was much greater before the War, which they wag'd
at one time with the Nadoneffis, the Panimoha, and the Effanapes.
The People are very civil, and fo far from a wild Savage temper, that they have an Air of Humanity and Sweetnefs. Their
Hutts are long, and round at the top, not unlike thofe of our
Savages; but they are made of Reeds and Bulrufhes, interlac'd and cemented with a fort of fat Earth. Both the Men
and the Women go naked all over, excepting their Privities.
The Women are not fo handfom, as thofe who live upon the
Lakes of Canada. There feems to be fomething of Government and Subordination among this People; and they have
their Houfes fortified with the branches of Trees, and Fafcines ftrengthen'd with fat Earth.
The 2Ifl we imbarqu'd at the break of day, and landed that
Night in an Ifland cover'd with Stones and Gravel, having
pafs'd by another at which I would not put in, becaufe I would
not flight the opportunity of the Wind, which then ftood very
fair. Next day the Wind ftanding equally fair, we fet out




to North-America.


I83


and continued our courfe all that Day, and the following
Night; for the fix Effanapes inform'd us, that the River was
clean, and free from Rocks and Beds of Sand. The 23 we
landed early in the Morning on the right fide of the River, in
order to careen one of our Boats that fprung a Leak. While
that was a doing, we dreft fome Venifon that had been prefented me by the Commander of the laft Village of the Eokoros;
and the adjacent Country being replenifh'd with Woods, the
Savages of our Company went a fhooting in the Forefts; but
they faw nothing but fmall Fowls, that they did not think fit
to fhoot at. As loon as we reimbarqu'd, the Wind fell all of
a fudden, and fo [II6] we were forc'd to ply the Oars; but
moft of the Crew having flept but little the Night before,
they row'd but very faintly, which oblig'd me to put in at a
great Ifland two Leagues higher; the fix Efanapes Slaves having inform'd me, that this Ifland afforded great plenty of
Hares, which I found to be true. Thefe Animals had a lucky
Inftint in taking fhelter in this Ifland, for there the Woods
are fo thick, that we were forc'd to fet fire to feveral places,
before we could diflodge 'em.
Having made an end of our Game, my Soldiers fed heartily,
and thereupon fell fo found afleep, that I could fcarce get 'em
wak'd upon a falfe Alarm, occafion'd by a Herd of Wolves
that made a noife among the Thickets upon the Continent.
We reimbarqued next day at ten a Clock in the Morning, and
did not run above twelve Leagues in two days, by reafon that
the Savages of our Company would needs walk along the
River fide with their Guns, to fhoot Geefe and Ducks; in




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Some New      Voyages


which they had very good Succefs. After that we incampt
juft by the Mouth of a little River on the right Hand, and the
Effanapes Slaves gave me notice, that the firft of their Villages
was not above fixteen or eighteen Leagues off. Upon this
Information, I fent, by the advice of the Savages of our Company, two of the Slaves to give notice of our arrival. The
26tb we row'd briskly, in hopes to reach the firft Village that
day; but being retarded by the huge quantities of floating
Wood, that we met in feveral places, we were forc'd to continue all Night in our Canows. The 27th about ten or eleven
a Clock we approach'd to the Village, and after putting up
the great Calumet of Peace upon the Prow of our Canows,
lay upon our Oars.
Upon our firft appearance, three or four hundred Effanapes
came running to the fhoar, and, after dancing juft over againft
us, invited us afhoar. As foon [II7] as we came near the
fhoar, they began to jump into our Canows; but I gave 'em to
know by the four Effanapes Slaves, that I defir'd they thould
retire, which they did immediately. Then I landed, being
accompany'd with the Savages of our Company, namely, the
Outagamis, and the Outaouas, and with twenty Soldiers. At
the fame time I gave orders to my Sergeants, to land and poft
Centries. As we ftood upon the fhoar, all the Effanapes proftrated themfelves three or four times before us, with their
Hands upon their Foreheads; after which we were convoy'd
to the Village with fuch Acclamations of Joy, as perfeftly
ftun'd us. Upon our arrival at the Gate, our Conductors
ftop'd us, till the Governour, a Man of fifty years of Age,




to Nortb-America.


i85


march'd out with five or fix hundred Men arm'd with Bows
and Arrows. The Outagamis of my Company perceiving this,
charg'd 'em with Infolence in receiving Strangers with their
Arms about 'em, and call'd out in the Eokoros Language, that
they ought to lay down their Arms. But the Effanapes Slaves
that I had fent in the day before, came up to me, and gave me
to underftand, that 'twas their cuffom to ftand to their Arms
on fuch occafions, and that there was no danger in the cafe.
However, the obftinate Outagamis oblig'd us to retire immediately to our Canows: Upon which the Leading Officer, and
the whole Battalion, flung their Bows and Arrows afide all on
a fudden. Then I return'd, and our whole Company enter'd
the Village with their Fufees in their Hands, which the Savages admir'd mightily. The Leader of the Savages conducted
us to a great Hutt, which look'd as if no body had liv'd in
it before. When I and my twenty Soldiers had enter'd the
place, they ftop'd the Outagamis, affirming, that they did not
deferve the priviledge of entring within the Cottage of Peace,
fince they had endeavour'd to create a difference, and occafion
[I 8] a War between us and the Effanapes. In the mean time
I order'd my Men to open the Door, and to call out to the
Outagamis, that they fhould offer no manner of Injury: But
the Outagamis in ftead of coming in, prefs'd me to return with
all expedition to the Canows, which accordingly I did, without
lofs of time, and carry'd with me the four Effanapes Slaves, in
order to leave 'em at the firft Village we came to. We had no
fooner imbarqued, than the two other Slaves came to acquaint
me that the Governor would ftop me in his River; but the




I86


Some New     Voyages


Outagamis made anfwer, that he could not do that, without
throwing a Mountain into it. In fine, we did not ftand to difpute the matter; and tho' 'twas then late, we row'd ftraight
to the next Village, which lay about three Leagues off. During
the time of this paffage, I us'd the precaution of taking from
my fix Slaves an exad information of the Conftitution of their
Country, and particularly of the principal Village. They
having affur'd me, that the Capital Canton was feated upon
a fort of a Lake, I took up a Refolution of not ftopping at
the other Villages, where I fhould only lofe time, and lavifh
my Tobacco, and fteering diredtly to the Metropolitan in order
to complain to their Generaliffimo.
We arriv'd at the Capital Canton on the 3d of November,1
and there met with a very honourable Reception. The Outagamis of our Company complain'd of the affront they had
receiv'd; but the Head General being already inform'd of
the matter, made anfwer, that they ought to have carry'd off
the Governour or Leading Officer, and brought him along
with them. In pafling from the firft Village to this we run
fifty Leagues, and were follow'd by a Proceffion of People,
that were much more fociable than the Governour that offer'd
us that Affront. After our Men had fitted up our Hutts
at [II9] the diftance of a Cannon fhot from the Village; we
went in a joynt body with the Outagamis and the Outaouas,
to the Cacick of that Nation; and in the mean time the Effanapes Slaves were brought before him by ten of my Soldiers.
1 According to Lahontan's own chronology this should be December, not November. - ED.




to North-America.


I87


I was aftually in the prefence of this petty King, when thefe
Slaves fpent half an hour in proftrating themfelves feveral
times before him. I made him a Prefent of Tobacco, Knives,
Needles, Ciffars, two Firelocks with Flints, fome Hooks, and
a very pretty Cutlas. He was better fatisfied with thefe trifling
things, which he had never feen before, than I could have been
with a plentiful Fortune. He teftified his Acknowledgment
of the Gift, by a Counter-prefent that was more folid, though
not much more valuable, as confifting of Peafe, Beans, Harts,
Roe-bucks, Geefe and Ducks, of which he fent great plenty
to our Camp: And indeed, we were extreamly well fatisfied
with fuch a feafonable Prefent. He gave me to know, That,
fince I defign'd to vifit the Gnacfitares, he would give me a
Convoy of two or three hundred Men: That the Gnacfitares
were a very honeft fort of People; and that both they and his
People were link'd by a common intereft in guarding off the
Mlozeemlek, which were a turbulent and warlike Nation. He
added, that the Nation laft mention'd were very numerous;
that they never took the Field without twenty thoufand Men
at leaft: That to repref the Incurfions and Infults of that
dangerous Enemy, the Gnacfitares and his Nation had maintain'd a Confederacy for fix and twenty years; and that his
Allies (the Gnacfitares) were forc'd to take up their Habitation in Iflands, where the Enemy cannot reach 'em. I was
glad to accept of his Convoy, and return'd him many thanks.
I ask'd four Pirogues of him, which he granted very frankly,
allowing me to pick and choofe that number out of fifty.
Having thus concerted my Meafures, I [I20] was refolv'd




i88


Some New Voyages


to lofe no time; and with that view order'd my Carpenters
to plane the Pirogues; by which they were thinner and
lighter by one half. The poor innocent People of this Country, could not conceive how we work'd with an Axe; every
ftroke we gave they cry'd out, as if they had feen fome new
Prodigy; nay, the firing of Piffols could not divert 'em from
that Amazement, though they were equally ftrangers both
to the PifPol and the Axe. As foon as my Pirogues were
got ready, I left my Canows with the Governour or Prince,
and beg'd of him that they might remain untouch'd by any
body; in which point he was very faithful to me.
I cannot but acquaint you in this place, that the higher I
went up the River, I met with more difcretion from the Savages. But in the mean time I muff not take leave of the laft
Village, without giving fome account of it. 'Tis bigger than
all the reft, and is the Refidence of the Great Commander or
Generaliffimo, whofe Apartment is built by it felf towards the
fide of the Lake, and furrounded with fifty other Apartments,
in which all his Relations are lodg'd. When he walks, his way
is ftrow'd with the leaves of Trees: But commonly he is carry'd
by fix Slaves. His Royal Robes are of the fame Magnificence
with thofe of the Commander of the Okoros: For he is naked
all over, excepting his lower parts, which are cover'd with a
large Scarf made of the barks of Trees. The large extent of
this Village might juftly intitle it to the name of a City. The
Houfes are built almoft like Ovens, but they are large and
high; and moft of 'em are of Reeds cemented with fat Earth.
The day before I left this place, as I was walking about, 1 faw




1/1
A C K (ETI








to North-America.


189


thirty or forty Women running at full fpeed; and being furpris'd with the fpedtacle, fpoke to the Outagamis to order my
four Slaves to fee what the matter was; for thefe Slaves were
my only Interpreters in [12I] this unknown Country. Accordingly they brought me word, that 'twas fome new married Women, who were running to receive the Soul of an old
Fellow that lay a dying. From thence I concluded, that the
People were Pythagoreans; and upon that Apprehenfion, ask'd
'em how they came to eat Animals, into which their Souls
might be transfus'd: But they made anfwer, that the Tranfmigration of Souls is always confin'd to the refpeEtive Species,
fo that the Soul of a Man cannot enter into a Fowl, as that
of a Fowl cannot be lodg'd in a quadruped, and fo on. The
Okoros, of both Sexes, are fully as handfom and as clever, as
this People.
December the 4th, I took leave of this Village, having ten
Soldiers on board of my Pirogue, befides the ten Oumamis,'
the four Outaouas, and the four Effanapes Slaves, that I have
mention'd fo often. Here ended the Credit and Authority
of the Calumet of Peace, for the Gnacfitares are not acquainted
with that Symbol of Concord. The firft day we had enough
to do to run fix or feven Leagues, by reafon of the Bulrufhes
with which the Lake is incumber'd. The two following days
we fail'd twenty Leagues. The 4th day a Weft-North-Weft
wind furpris'd us w.ith fuch a boifterous violence, that we were
forc'd to put afhoar, and lay two days upon a fandy Ground,
This must be a misprint for Outagamis, as no previous mention has been made
of Oumanis (Miamis) accompanying him. - ED.




190


Some New     Voyages


where we were in danger of ftarving for Hunger and Cold;
for the Country was fo barren, that we could not find a chip
of Wood wherewith to warm our felves, or to drefs our
Vituals; and as far as our Eye could reach, there was nothing
to be feen but Fens cover'd with Reeds and Clay, and naked
Fields. Having indur'd this Hardfhip we fet out again, and
row'd to a little Ifland, upon which we incamp'd, but found
nothing there but green Fields; however, to make fome
amends we fifh'd up great numbers of little Trouts, upon.which we fed very heartily. At laft, after [I22] failing fix days
more, we arriv'd at the Point or Lands-end of that Ifland
which you fee mark'd in my Map with a Flower-de-luce. 'Twas
then the i9th day of December, and we had not yet felt all
the rigorous Hardfhips of the Cold. As foon as I had landed
and fitted up my Tents or Hutts, I detach'd my Effanapes
Slaves to the firft of the three Villages that lay before us; for
I had avoided flopping at fome Villages in an Ifland upon
which we coafted in the Night-time. The Slaves return'd in
a great Alarm, occafion'd by the unfavourable Anfwer they
receiv'd from the Gnacfitares, who took us for Spaniards, and
were angry with them for conduding us to their Country. I
fhall not be minute in every Particular that happen'd, for fear
of tyring your Patience. 'Tis fufficient to acquaint you, that
upon the Report of my Slaves I immediately embark'd, and
pofted my felf in another Ifland that lay in the middle between
the great Ifland and the Continent; but I did not fuffer the
Effanapes to be in my Camp. In the mean time the Gnacfitares
fent expeditious Couriers to the People that live eighty




to North-America.


191


Leagues to the Southward of them, to defire they would fend
fome of their number to examine us; for that People were
fuppos'd to be well acquainted with the Spaniards of New
Mexico. The length of the Journey did not difcourage 'em,
for they came as chearfully as if it had been upon a National
Concern: and after taking a view of our Cloaths, our Swords,
our Fufees, our Air, Complexion, and manner of Speech, were
forc'd to own that we were not true Spaniards? Thefe Confiderations, join'd to the Account I gave 'em of the Reafons
upon which I undertook the Voyage, of the War we were
ingag'd in againft Spain, and of the Country to the Eaftward
that we poffefs'd; thefe, I fay, had fo much influence, as to
undeceive 'em. Then they invited me to encamp in their
Ifland, and brought me a fort of [123] Grain not unlike our
Lentils, that grows plentifully in that Country. I thank'd 'em
for their Invitation, and told 'em that I would not be oblig'd
to diftruft them, nor give them any occafion to diftruft me.
However, I crofs'd with my Savages and ten Soldiers well
arm'd; and after breaking the Ice in certain places (for it had
freez'd hard for ten or twelve days) I landed within two
Leagues of one of their Villages, to which I walk'd up by
Land. 'Tis needlefs to mention the Particulars of the Ceremony with which I was receiv'd, it being the fame with what
I defcrib'd upon other occafions; I fhall only take occafion to
acquaint you, that my Prefents made a wonderful Impreflion
upon the Minds of thefe People, whom I fhall call a rafcally
Rabble, tho' at the fame time they are the politeft Nation I
have yet feen in this Country. Their Governour bears the




192


Some New Voyages


Figure of a King more than any of the other Commanders of
the Savages. He has an abfolute Dominion over all the Villages which are defcrib'd in my Map. In this and the other
Iflands I faw large Parks, or Inclofures, ftock'd with wild
Beeves for the ufe of the People. I had an Interview for two
hours together with the Governour, or the Cacick; and almoft
our whole Conference related to the Spaniards of New Mexico,
who, as he affured me, were not diftant from his Country
above eighty Tazous, each of which is three Leagues. I muff
own indeed, I was as curious upon this Head as he was; and
I wanted an Account of the Spaniards from him, as much as
he did from me: In fine, we reciprocally inform'd one another
of a great many Particulars relating to that Head.  He
requefted me to accept of a great Houfe that was prepar'd
for me; and his firft piece of Civility confifted in calling in a
great many Girls, and preffing me and my Retinue to ferve
our felves. Had this Temptation been thrown in our way at
a more feafonable time, it had prov'd irrefiftible; but 'twas
not an agreeable Mefs [I24] for Paffengers that were infeebled by Labour and Want. Sine Cerere & Baccho friget Venus.
After he made us fuch a civil Proffer, the Savages, upon my
inftance, reprefented to him, that my Detachment expected
me at a certain hour, and that if I ftay'd longer, they would
be in pain for me. This Adventure happen'd on the 7th of
January.
Two days after, the Cacick came to fee me, and brought
with him four hundred of his own Subjefts, and four Mozeemlek Savages, whom I took for Spaniards. My Miftake was




to North-America.


I93


occafion'd by the great difference between thefe two American
Nations; for, the Mozeemlek Savages were cloath'd, they had
a thick bufhy Beard, and their Hair hung down under their
Ears; their Complexion was fwarthy, their Addrefs was civil
and fubmiflive, their Meen grave, and their Carriage engaging. Upon thefe Confiderations I could not imagine that
they were Savages, tho' after all I found my felf miftaken.
Thefe four Slaves gave me a Defcription of their Country,
which the Gnacfitares reprefented by way of a Map upon a
Deer's Skin; as you fee it drawn in this Map. Their Villages
ftand upon a River that fprings out of a ridge of Mountains,
from which the Long River likewife derives its Source, there
being a great many Brooks there which by a joint Confluence form the River. When the Gnacfitares have a mind to
hunt wild Beeves, they let out in Pirogues, which they make
ufe of till they come to the Crofs mark'd thus (+) in the
Map, at the Confluence of two little Rivers. The Hunting
of the wild Bulls, with which all the Valleys are cover'd in
Summer, is fometimes the occafion of a cruel War: For the
other Crofs (+) which you fee in the Map is one of the
Boundaries or Limits of Mozeemlek; and if either of thefe
two Nations advances but a little beyond their Limits, it gives
Rife to a bloody Engagement. The Mountains I fpoke of but
now, are fix Leagues broad, and fo high [I25] that one muft
caft an infinity of Windings and Turnings before he can crofs
'em. Bears and wild Beafts are their only Inhabitants.
The Mozeemleck Nation is numerous and puiffant. The
four Slaves of that Country inform'd me, that at the diftance
18




i94


Some New      Voyages


of I0o Leagues from the Place where I then was, their principal River empties it felf into a Salt Lake of three hundred
Leagues in Circumference, the mouth of which is about two
Leagues broad: That the lower part of that River is adorn'd
with fix noble Cities, furrounded with Stone cemented with
fat Earth: That the Houfes of thefe Cities have no Roofs,
but are open above like a Platform, as you fee 'em drawn in
the Map: That befides the abovemention'd Cities, there were
above an hundred Towns, great and fmall, round that fort of
Sea, upon which they navigate with fuch Boats as you fee
drawn in the Map: That the People of that Country made
Stuffs, Copper Axes, and feveral other Manufatures, which
the Outagamis and my other Interpreters could not give me
to underftand, as being altogether unacquainted with fuch
things: That their Government was Defpotick, and lodg'd
in the hands of one great Head, to whom the reft paid a
trembling Submiffion: That the People upon that Lake call
themfelves Tahuglauk, and are as numerous as the Leaves of
Trees, (fuch is the Expreffion that the Savages ufe for an
Hyperbole:) That the Mozeemlek People fupply the Cities
or Towns of the Tahuglauk with great numbers of little Calves,
which they take upon the abovemention'd Mountains: and,
That the Tahuglauk make ufe of thefe Calves for feveral ends;
for, they not only eat their Flefh, but bring 'em up to Labour,
and make Cloaths, Boots, &c. of their Skins. They added,
That 'twas their Misfortune to be took Prifoners by the
Gnacfitares in the War which had lafted for eighteen Years;
but, that they hoped a Peace would be fpeedily concluded,




to North-America.


I95


[I26] upon which the Prifoners would be exchang'd, purfuant
to the ufual Cuftom.  They glory'd in the poffeflion of a
greater meafure of Reafon than the Gnacfitares could pretend
to, to whom they allow no more than the Figure of a Man;
for they look upon 'em as Beaffs otherwife. To my mind,
their Notion upon this Head is not fo very extravagant; for
I obferv'd fo much Honour and Politenefs in the Converfation of thefe four Slaves, that I thought I had to do with
Europeans: But, after all, I muff confefs, that the Gnacfitares
are the moft tratable Nation I met with among all the Savages. One of the four Mozeemlek Slaves had a reddifh fort of
a Copper Medal hanging upon his Neck, the Figure of which
is reprefented in the Map. I had it melted by Mr. de Tonti's
Gun-fmith, who underftood fomething of Mettals; but it
became thereupon heavier, and deeper colour'd, and withal
fomewhat traftable. I defir'd the Slaves to give me a circumftantial Account of thefe Medals; and accordingly they gave
me to underftand, that they are made by the Tahuglauk, who
are excellent Artizans, and put a great value upon fuch Medals. I could pump nothing farther out of 'em, with relation
to the Country, Commerce and Cuftoms of that remote Nation.
All they could fay was, that the great River of that Nation
runs all along Weftward, and that the falt Lake into which it
falls is three hundred Leagues in Circumference, and thirty
in breadth, its Mouth fSretching a great way to the Southward. I would fain have fatisfied my Curiofity in being an
eye-witnefs of the Manners and Cuftoms of the Tahuglauk;
but that being impracticable, I was forc'd to be inftru&ed at




196


Some New      Voyages


fecond hand by thefe Mozeemlek Slaves; who affur'd me, upon
the Faith of a Savage, that the Tahuglauk wear their Beards
two Fingers breadth long; that their Garments reach down
to their Knees; that they cover their Heads with a fharppointed Cap; that they [I27] always wear a long Stick or
Cane in their hands, which is tipp'd, not unlike what we ufe
in Europe; that they wear a fort of Boots upon their Legs
which reach up to the Knee; that their Women never fhew
themfelves, which perhaps proceeds from the fame Principle
that prevails in Italy and Spain; and, in fine, that this People
are always at War with the puiffant Nations that are feated in
the Neighbourhood of the Lake; but withal, that they never
difquiet the ftrowling Nations that fall in their way, by reafon
of their Weaknefs: An admirable Leffon for fome Princes in
the World,-who are fo much intent upon the making ufe of
the ftrongeft hand.
This was all I could gather upon that Subject. My Curiofity prompted me to defire a more particular Account; but
unluckily I wanted a good Interpreter: and having to do
with feveral Perfons that did not well underftand themfelves,
I could make nothing of their incoherent Fuftian. I prefented
the poor miferable Slaves with fomething in proportion to
the Cuftom of that Country, and endeavour'd to perfwade
'em to go with me to Canada, by making 'em fuch Offers as
in their efteem would appear like Mountains of Gold: but
the love they had for their Country ftifled all Perfwafion; fo
true it is, that Nature reduc'd to its juft Limits cares but little
for Riches.




to North-America.


197


In the mean time it began to thaw, and the Wind chop'd
about to the South-weft; upon which I gave notice to the
great Cacique of the Gnacfitares, that I had a mind to return to
Canada. Upon that occafion I repeated my Prefents; in compenfation of which, my Pirogues were ftow'd with Beef as full
as they could hold. This done, I embark'd, and crofs'd over
from the little Ifland to the Continent, where I fix'd a great
long Pole, with the Arms of France done upon a Plate of
Lead. I fet out the 26th of January, and arriv'd fafe on the
Sth of February in the Country [I28] of the Effanapes. We
had much more pleafure in failing down the River, than we
had in going up; for we had the agreeable diverfion of feeing
feveral Huntfmen fhooting the Water-Fowl, that are plentiful
upon that River. You muft know, that the Stream of the
Long River is all along very flack and eafie, abating for about
three Leagues between the fourteenth and fifteenth Village;
for there indeed its Current may be call'd rapid. The Channel is fo ftraight, that it fcarce winds at all from the Head to
the Lake. 'Tis true 'tis not very pleafant; for moft of its
Banks have a difmal Profpet, and the Water it felf has an
ugly Tafte: but then its Ufefulnefs attones for fuch Inconveniencies; for, 'tis navigable with the greateft eafe, and will
bear Barques of fifty Tun, till you come to that place which
is mark'd with a Flower-de-luce in the Map, and where I put
up the Poft that my Soldiers chriffen'd la Hontau's Limit.
March 2. I arriv'd in the Miffifipi, which was then much
deeper and more rapid than before, by reafon of the Rains
and Land-floods. To fave the Labour of Rowing, we then




I98


Some New     Voyages


left our Boats to the Current, and arriv'd on the Ioth in the
Ifland of Rencontres, which took its Name from the Defeat of
400 Iroquefe, accomplifh'd there by 300 Nadoueffis. The Story
of the Encounter is briefly this: A Party of 400 Iroquefe having a mind to furprife a certain People in the Neighbourhood
of the Otentas (of whom more anon) march'd to the Country
of the Illinefe, where they built Canows, and were furnifh'd
with Provifions. After that they embark'd upon the River
Miffifipi, and were difcover'd by another little Fleet that was
failing down the other fide of the fame River. The Iroquefe
crofs'd over immediately to that Ifland, which is fince call'd
Aux Rencontres. The Nadoueffis, i. e. the other little Fleet,
being fufpicious of fome ill Defign, without knowing what
People they were, (for they had no knowledge of the [I29]
Iroquefe but by Hear-fay; upon this fufpicion, I fay, they
tugg'd hard to come up with 'em. The two Armies pofted
themfelves upon the point of the Ifland, where the two Croffes
are put down in the Map; and as loon as the Nadoueffs came
in fight, the Iroquefe cry'd out in the Illinefe Language, Who
are ye? To which the Nadoueffis anfwer'd, Some body: And putting the like Queftion to the Iroquefe, receiv'd the fame Anfwer. Then the Iroquefe put this Queftion to 'em, Where are
you a going? To hunt Beeves, reply'd the Nadoueffis. But pray,
fays the Nadouefis, what's your bufinefs? To hunt Men, reply'd
the Iroquefe. 'Tis well, fays the Nadoueffis, we are men, and fo
you need go no farther. Upon this Challenge the two Parties
difembark'd, and the Leader of the Nadoueffis cut his Canows




to North-America.


I99


to pieces; and after reprefenting to his Warriours that they
behov'd either to Conquer or Die, march'd up to the Iroquefe;
who receiv'd 'em at firft Onfet with a Cloud of Arrows: But
the Nadoueffis having ftood their firft Difcharge, which kill'd
'em eighty Men, fell in upon 'em with their Clubs in their
hands, before the others could charge again; and fo routed
'em entirely. This Engagement lafted for two hours, and
was fo hot, that two hundred and fixty Iroquefe fell upon the
fpot, and the reft were all taken Prifoners. Some of the
Iroquefe indeed attempted to make their Efcape after the
Adtion was over; but the vidorious General fent ten or
twelve of his Men to purfue 'em in one of the Canows that
he had taken: and accordingly they were all overtaken and
drown'd.   The Nadoueffis having obtain'd this Vidtory, cut
off the Nofes and Ears of two of the clivereft Prifoners; and
fupplying 'em with Fufees, Powder, and Ball, gave 'em the
liberty of returning to their own Country, in order to give
their Country-men to underftand, that they ought not to
employ Women to hunt after Men any longer.1
[I30] The I2th we arriv'd at the Village of the Otentas,
where we took in a plentiful Provifion of Turkey Corn, of which
thefe People have great ftore. They inform'd us, that their
River was pretty rapid, and took its Rife from the neighbouring Mountains; and that the upper part of it was adorn'd
with feveral Villages inhabited by the People call'd Panimaba,
This tale appears to have been an invention of Lahontan; none of his contemporaries describes any such encounter between the Sioux and the Iroquois. - ED.




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Some New Voyages


Paneaffa, and Panetonka.' But confidering that I was ftraitned
for time, and that I faw no probability of learning what I
wanted to know with reference to the Spaniards, I took leave
of 'em the next day, which was the I3th, and in four days
time, by the help of the Current and our Oars, made the
River of the Miffouris.2 This done, we run up againft the
Stream   of that River, which was at leaft as rapid as the Mijffipi
was at that time; and arriv'd on the I8th at the firft Village
of the Miffouris, where I only ftop'd to make the People fome
Prefents that procur'd me a hundred Turkeys, with which
that People are wonderfully well ftock'd.3 After that, we
row'd hard againft the Stream, and landed next night near the
fecond Village. As foon as I arriv'd, I detach'd a Sergeant
with ten Soldiers to convoy the Outagamis to the Village,
while the reft of my Crew were bufied in fitting up our
1 River Otentas is an early name for the Des Moines, so called from the tribe
encountered near its mouth. Marquette's map shows the Otontantas, whom Shea,
Early Voyages on the Mississippi (Albany, I86I), identifies with the Oto, evidently
the same as the Authoutantas of LeClercq and Hennepin. The Oto were a Siouan
tribe who by the beginning of the nineteenth century had migrated west of the Missouri, and were settled on Platte River with the remnant of the Missouri tribe. The
Panimaha, Paneassa, and Panitonka were divisions of the Pawnees, of Caddoan stock.
The Panimaha were later called Pawnee Loups. By the close of the eighteenth century they were all west of the Missouri. -ED.
2 Missouri River was first seen at its mouth by Jolliet and Marquette, who called
it Pekitanoui, meaning Muddy Stream. Marquette surmised that its upper waters
might mingle with a stream flowing into the Vermillion Sea (Pacific Ocean).- ED.
3 The Missouri were a Siouan tribe first encountered near the mouth of their great
river. It would be fruitless to attempt to locate the villages described by Lahontan;
but later, the Missouri dwelt for many years near the mouth of Grand River. From
this site they were driven late in the eighteenth century, and amalgamated with the
Kansa and Oto. On the movements of all these tribes see Dorsey, "Migrations of
Siouan Tribes," in Atner. Naturalist, xx, pp. 2aI-28. - ED.




to North-America.


201


Hutts and unloading our Canows. It happen'd unluckily
that neither the Soldiers nor the Outagamis could make the
Savages underftand 'em; and the latter were juft ready to fall
upon 'em, when an old Fellow cry'd out, that the Strangers
were not without more company, for that he had difcover'd
our Huts and Canows. Upon this, the Soldiers and the Outagamis retir'd in a great Confternation, and advis'd me to keep
a ftrong Guard all night. About two a clock in the Morning
two Men approach'd to our little Camp, and call'd in Illinefe,
that they wanted an Interview; upon which the Outagamis,
being extreamly well fatisfied that there was fome body among
'em who could underftand what they faid, reply'd [I3I] in
Illinefe, that they fhould be very welcome as foon as the Sun
appear'd in the Horizon.  Neverthelefs, the Outagamis refented the former Affront fo much, that they importun'd me
all night long to fet fire to 'the Village, and put all the fcoundrel Inhabitants to the Sword. I made anfwer to 'em, that
'twas our bufinefs to be wifer than they, and to bend our
Thoughts, not upon a fruitlefs Revenge, but upon the Difcovery that we were then in queft of. At the break of Day the
two Adventurers of the Night came up to us, and after putting Interrogatories to us for the fpace of two hours, invited
us to come up to their Village. The Outagamis reply'd, that
the Head or Governour of their Nation ought to have faluted
us fooner: and this oblig'd 'em to go back to give him notice.
After that we faw no body for three hours: but at laft, when
our Impatience was juft beginning to boil, we perceiv'd the
Governour, who accofted us in a trembling Pofture. He was




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Some New Voyages


accompany'd with fome of his own Men, who were loaded
with broil'd or dry'd Meat, Sacks of Turkey or Indian Corn,
dry'd Raifins, and fome fpeckled or particolour'd Buck-skins.
In confideration of this Prefent, I made 'em another of lefs
confequence. Then I brought on a Conference between the
Outagamis of my Company and the two Night Meffengers, in
order to make fome difcovery of the Nature of the Country;
but they ftill ftop'd our Mouths with this Anfwer, that they
knew nothing of the Matter, but that the other Nations that
liv'd higher up were able to inform us. Had I been of the
fame mind with the Outagamis, we had done noble Exploits in
this Place: but I confider'd that 'twas my bufinefs to purchafe the Knowledge of feveral things, which I could not
obtain by burning the Village. To be fhort, we re-embark'd
that fame day, about two a clock in the Afternoon, and row'd
about four Leagues up the River, where we made the River
of [I32] the Ofages, and encamp'd by its Mouth.1 That Night
we had feveral falfe Alarms from the wild Beeves, upon which
we made fufficient Reprifals afterwards; for the next day we
kill'd many of 'em notwithftanding that it rain'd fo heavily
that we could fcarce ftir out of our Hutts.   Towards the
Evening, when the Rain was over, and while we were tranfporting two or three of thefe Beeves to our little Camp, we
fpy'd an Army of the Savages upon a full March towards us.
1The Missouri was in early nomenclature frequently called "River of the
Ozages"; but Lahontan seems here to refer to that now known as Osage River.
The Osage Indians were of Siouan origin, closely akin to the Missouri and Kansa.
Nearly 2,00o still live (I902) upon their reservation in Oklahoma. -ED.




to North-America.


203


Upon that, my Men began to entrench themfelves, and to
unload their Pieces with Worms, in order to charge 'em
afrefh; but one of the Pieces happening to go off, the whole
Body of the Enemy difappear'd, fome ftraggling one way,
and fome another: for thefe People were upon the fame foot
with the Nations that live upon the Long River, forafmuch as
neither of them had ever feen or handled Fire-Arms. However, this Adventure mov'd the Outagamis fo much, that to
fatisfie them, I was oblig'd to re-embark that very night, and
return the fame way that I came. Towards Midnight we
came before a Village, and kept a profound Silence till Daybreak, at which time we row'd up to their Fort; and upon
our entring there, and difcharging our Pieces in the Air, the
Women, Children, and fuperannuated Men, were put into fuch
a Confternation, that they run from place to place calling out
for Mercy. You muff know, all their Warriours were abroad,
and 'twas a Body of them that offer'd to attack us the day
before. The Outagamis perceiving the Confternation of the
Women and Children, call'd out, that they behov'd to depart
the Village, and that the Women fhould have time to take up
their Children. Upon that the whole Crew turn'd out, and
we fet fire to the Village on all fides. This done, we purfu'd
our Courfe down that rapid River, and enter'd the River
Mififipi on the 25th, early in the Morning: the 26th, about
three a clock in the [I33] Afternoon, we defcry'd three or
four hundred Savages employ'd in the Hunting of Beeves,
which fwarmed in all the Meads to the Weftward. As foon as
the Hunters fpy'd us, they made a fign that we fhould make




204


Some New      Voyages


towards 'em. Being ignorant who, or how numerous they
were, we made a halt at firft; but at laft we put in about a
Musket-fhot above 'em, calling out to 'em that they fhould
not approach to us in a Body. Upon that, four of their
number came up to us with a fmiling Countenance, and gave
us to know, in the Ilinefe Language, that they were Akanfas.
We could not but credit their Report, for they had Knives
and Sciffars hanging upon their Necks, and little Axes about
'em, which the Ilinefe prefent 'em with when they meet. In
fine, being affur'd that they were of that Nation, which Mr. de
la Salle and feveral other French-men were intimately acquainted
with, we landed at the fame place; and they entertain'd us firit
with Dancing and Singing, and then with all forts of Meat.1
The next day they fhew'd us a Crocodile that they had
knock'd in the head two days before, by a Stratagem that
you'll find defcrib'd in another place: After that they gave
us the diverfion of a Hunting Match; for 'tis cuftomary with
them, when they mean to divert themfelves, to catch the
Beeves by the different Methods laid down in this Cut. I
put fome Queftions to 'em relating to the Spaniards, but they
could not refolve 'em. All that I learn'd from 'em was, that
the Miffouris and the Ofages are numerous and mifchievous
1 The Akansas (Arkansas) was the name by which the French designated the
great Siouan tribe of Quapaw. Dorsey (see p. 200oo, note 3, ante) thinks it was an
Illinois term for all that stock who lived on the banks of the Ohio, whence the
Quapaw moved southward (before 1540) to the region of the river now known as
Arkansas. In the beginning of the nineteenth century numerous bands of Arkansas
lived along the river of that name. About three hundred yet survive in Oklahoma.
For La Salle's adventures among the Arkansas, see Membre's account in Shea, Discovery and Exploration of Mississippi Valley (New York, 1853), pp. i69-172. -ED.




to North-America.


205


Nations, equally void      both of Courage and Honefty; that
their Countries were water'd with very great Rivers; and, in
a word, were too good for them.
After we had fpent two days with them, we purfued our
Voyage to the River Ouabach, taking care to watch the Crocodiles very narrowly, of which they had told us incredible Stories.
The next day we enter'd the Mouth of that River, and founded
it, [I34] to try the truth of what the Savages reported of its
depth.    In effedt, we found there three Fathom          and a half
Water; but the Savages of our Company alledg'd, that 'twas
more fwell'd than ufually.1 They all agreed, that 'twas Navigable an hundred Leagues up, and I wifh'd heartily, that my
time had allow'd me to run up to its Source; but that being
unfeafonable, I fail'd up againft the Stream, till we came to the
River of the Illinefe, which we made on the 9th of April with
fome difficulty, for the Wind was againft us the firft two days,
and the Currents was very rapid.2
All I can fay of the River Mififipi, now that I am to take
leave of it, is, that its narroweft part is half a League over,
and the fhalloweft is a Fathom and a half deep; and that
1The Ohio River was usually designated as the Wabash (Ouabache) below
the mouth of the present river of that name. Marquette gave it the title Ouabouskiguo, which the French soon corrupted into Ouabache. The upper reaches of the
Ohio were early known by the name it now bears. - ED.
2Jolliet and Marquette named the Illinois River St. Louis. Several names were
later given it; Seignelay (by Hennepin), Riviere Divine, etc. For an explanation
of these titles see Parkman, La Salle, p. 154 note. This river, about three hundred
and fifty miles in length, is entirely in the state of the same name. Its easy navigation made it of much value as a connecting link between the great lakes and the
Mississippi. - ED.




206


Some New      Voyages


according to the information of the Savages, its ftream is
pretty gentle for feven or eight Months of the year. As for
Shelves or Banks of Sand, I met with none in it. 'Tis full of
Ifles which look like Groves, by reafon of the great plenty
of Trees, and in the verdant feafon of the year afford a very
agreeable profpedt.  Its Banks are Woods, Meadows and
Hills. I cannot be pofitive, whether it winds much in other
places; but as far as I could fee, its courfe is very different
from that of our Rivers in France; for I muft tell you by the
way, that all the Rivers of America run pretty ftraight.
The River of the Illinefe is intitled to Riches, by vertue of
the benign Climate, and of the great quantities of Deer, RoeBucks, and Turkeys that feed upon its brinks: Not to mention feveral other Beafts and Fowls, a defcription of which
would require an intire Volume. If you faw but my Journal,
you would be fick of the tedious particulars of our daily
Adventures both in Hunting and Fifhing divers fpecies of
Animals, and in Rencounters with the Savages. In fhort, the
laft thing I fhall mention of this [I35] River, is, that the
Banks are replenifh'd with an infinity of Fruit-Trees, which
we faw in a difmal condition, as being ftrip'd of their verdure;
and that among thefe Fruit-Trees, there are many Vines,
which bear moft beautiful Clufters of very large Grapes. I
ate fome of thefe Grapes dry'd in the Sun, which had a moft
delicious Tafte. The Beavers are as unfrequent in this, as in
the long River, where I faw nothing but Otters, of which the
People make Furs for the Winter.
I fet out from the Illinefe River on the Ioth of April, and




to North-America.


207


by the help of a Weft-South-Weft Wind, arriv'd in fix days
at the Fort of Crevecoeur, where I met with Mr. de Tlonti, who
receiv'd me with all imaginable Civility, and is juffly refpedted
and honour'd by the Iroquefe.1 I ftay'd three days in this
Fort, where there were thirty Coureurs de Bois that traded with
the Illinefe. The 2oth I arriv'd at the Village of the Illinefe;
and to leffen the drudgery of a great Land-carriage of twelve
great Leagues, ingag'd four hundred Men to tranfport our
Baggage, which they did in the fpace of four days, being
incourag'd by a Bribe of a great Roll of Brafil Tobacco, an
hundred pound weight of Powder, two hundred weight of
Ball, and fome Arms, which I gave to the moft confiderable
Men of their number. The 24th I arriv'd at Chekakou, where
my Outagamis took leave of me in order to return to their own
Country, being very well fatisfied with a Prefent I made 'em
of fome Fufees, and fome Piftols.2 The 25th I reimbarqued,
and by rowing hard in a Calm, made the River of the Oumamis
on the 28th. There I met four hundred Warriours, upon the
1 If Lahontan had really been at Tonty's fort on the Illinois, he would have
known better than to call it Fort Crevecoeur. The latter was the fort built near the
site of Peoria, Ill., on La Salle's first journey to Illinois, and destroyed by mutineering soldiers two months later (Jan.-March, i680). Tonty was at this time in command at Fort St. Louis, built (i682) on "La Rocher " farther up the river near the
present Utica. For its later history see p. 133, note I, ante.  Lahontan probably
intended to say that Tonty was respected and honored by the Illinois, not the Iroquois,
against whom he waged frequent wars. -ED.
2 The portage at Chicago was first made known to the French by the voyage of
Jolliet and Marquette, who returned to Mackinac by this route (1672). They reported it as very convenient for settlement (Jes. Rel., Iviii, pp. o05, 0o7); but La
Salle wrote less favorably of the site, and that a canal would be very expensive. The
connection between Chicago River and the Illinois is now secured by the Chicago
drainage canal, between that city and Joliet, Ill. - ED.




208


Some New     Voyages


very fame place where Mr. de la Salle had formerly built a
Fort.' Thefe Warriours were then imploy'd in burning three
Iroquefe, who, as they faid, deferv'd the Punifhment; and
invited us to fhare in the pleafure of the Show; for the
Savages take it very ill if one [136] refufes the diverfion of
fuch real Tragedies. The Tragical fpeatacle made me fhrink,
for the poor wretches were put to inconceiveable Torture;
and upon that I refolv'd to reimbarque with all expedition;
alledging for an Apology, that my Men had great ftore of
Brandy with 'em, and would certainly make themfelves drunk,
in folemnifing their Vidory, upon which they would be apt
to commit diforders, that I could not poffibly prevent. Accordingly I went immediately on board, and after coafting
along the Lake, crofs'd the Bay de l'Ours, and landed at Miffilimakinac the 22d.2
I am  inform'd by the Sieur de S. Pierre de Repantigni, who
travel'd from   Quebec hither upon the Ice, that Mr. de Denonville
has took up a refolution of making a Peace with the Iroquefe, in
1 The River of the Miamis was that now known as St. Joseph, which flows into
Lake Michigan in Berrien County, Mich. La Salle built a fort at this place in
November, x679, which was destroyed the next spring by the deserters from Fort
Crevecoeur. In the autumn of the same year it was rebuilt by La Salle's lieutenant
La Forest, and there the great explorer. spent the ensuing winter.  The Jesuits
founded a mission to the Miamis about sixty miles up the river, near the present
Niles, Mich.  The mission and the fort afterwards built were known as St.
Joseph. - ED.
2The Bay de l'Ours qui Dort (Bay of Sleeping Bears) was that now called
Grand Traverse Bay, Mich. This name appears upon nearly all French maps until
the English conquest (I760). The first English maps designate it as Grand Bay;
later, it acquired its present appellation. The French name was doubtless given
because of a fancied resemblance in the rocky headlands to sleeping bears. - ED.




to North-America.


209


which he means to comprehend the other Nations that are his
Allies; and with that view had given notice to his Allies, that
they fhould not infeft the Iroquefe.1 He acquaints me further,
that Mr. de Denonville has fent orders to the Governour of
this place, to perfwade the Rat, (one of the Commanders of
the Hurons) to go down to the Colony, with a defign, to have
him hang'd; and that the Savage General being aware of
the defign, has made a publick Declaration, that he will go
thither on purpofe to defie him. Accordingly he defigns to
fet out to Morrow with a great body of Outaouas, and fome
Coureurs de Bois, under the command of Mr. Dulhut. As for
the Soldiers of my Detachment, I have difpers'd 'em in feveral
Canows among the Savages, and the Coureurs de Bois; but
having fome bufinefs to adjuft in this place, I am oblig'd to
tarry my felf feven or eight days longer.
This, Sir, is the true account of my little Voyage. I have
related nothing but the Effential Circumftances; choofing to
overlook the reft, which are fo trifling, as to be unworthy of
your Curiofity. [I37] As for the Illinefe Lake, 'tis three hundred Leagues in Circumference, as you may fee by the Scale
of Leagues upon the Map. 'Tis feated in an admirable Cli1 Jean Paul le Gardeur, sieur de St. Pierre de Repentigny, was grandson of a
Norman gentleman of good family, who early settled in Canada; and, on his mother's
side, of Jean Nicolet, first explorer of Wisconsin. He had seen service in the Northwest, probably under Du Luth. He was in 1689 sent by Denonville with orders for
the destruction of Fort Frontenac, and distinguished himself as an officer in both
King William's (1689-97) and Queen Anne's (I702-13) wars. In 1718 he built
the French post at Chequamegon Bay, on Lake Superior. His son Jacques, second
sieur de St. Pierre, was the officer whom Washington encountered upon the Allegheny (1753).- ED.
14




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Some New      Voyages


mate; its Banks are cloath'd with fine and tall Trees, and
have but few Meads. The River of the Oumamis is not worth
your regard. The Bay de 'Ours qui dort, is of an indifferent
large extent, and receives the River upon which the Outaouas
are wont to hunt Beavers every third year. In fhort, it has
neither Shelves, Rocks, nor Banks of Sand. The Land which
bounds it on the South fide, is replenifh'd with Roe-bucks,
Deer, and Turkeys. Farewel, Good Sir: And affure your
felf, that 'twill always be a fenfible pleafure to me, to amufe
you with an account of the greateft Curiofities I meet with.
But now, Sir, I hope you will not take it ill, that the Relation I here give you, is only an Abridgment of my Voyage:
For, in earneft, to be minute upon every particular Curiofity,
would require more time and leifure than I can fpare. I have
here fent you a view of the fubftantial part; and fhall afterwards hope for an opportunity of recounting to you by word
of Mouth, an infinity of Adventures, Rencounters, and Obfervations, which may call up the reflecting faculty of thinking
Men. My own Thought is too Superficial to philofophife
upon the Origin, the Belief, the Manners and Cuftoms of fo
many Savages; or to make any advances with reference to the
extent of this Continent to the Weftward. I have contented
my felf with offering fome thoughts upon the caufes of the
bad fuccefs of the Difcoveries, that feveral experienc'd Men
have attempted in America, both by Sea and Land: And I
flatter my felf, that my thoughts upon that head are juft. The
frefh Inftances of Mr. de la Salle, and feveral other unlucky
Difcoverers, may afford a fufficient and feafonable caution to




to North-America.


211


[I38] thofe, who for the future fhall undertake to difcover all
the unknown Countries of this New World. 'Tis not every
one that's qualify'd for fuch an Enterprife, non licet omnibus
adire Corinthum. 'Twere an eafie matter to trace the utmoft
limits of the Country that lies to the Weft of Canada, provided it be gone about in a proper Method. In the firft
place, inftead of Canows, I would have fuch Adventurers to
make ufe of certain Sloops of a peculiar Strudure, which
might draw but little Water, and be portable, as being made
of light Wood; and withall carry thirteen Men, with 35 or 40
hundred weight of Stowage, and be able to bear the fhock of
the Waves in the great Lakes. Courage, Health, and Vigilance, are not fufficient of themfelves to qualifie a Man for
fuch Adventures; he ought to be poffefs'd of other Talents,
which are rarely met with in one and the fame Perfon. The
Conduft of the three hundred Men that accompany'd me upon
this Difcovery, gave me a great deal of trouble. It requires
a large ftock of Induftry and Patience, to keep fuch a Company up to their Duty. Sedition, Mutinies, Quarrels, and an
infinity of diforders frequently take place among thofe, who
being in remote and folitary Places, think they have a right
of ufing force againft their Superiours. One muff diffemble,
and even fhut his Eyes upon occafion, leaft the growing Evil
ffould be inflam'd: The gentleft Methods are the fureft, for
him that commands in Chief; and if any Mutiny or Seditious
Plot is in view, 'tis the bufinefs of the inferior Officers to ffifle
it, by perfwading the Mutineers, that the difcovery of fuch
things to the Commanding Officer, would create a great deal




212


Some New      Voyages


of uneafinefs. So, the chief Officer muff ftill make as if he
were ignorant of what paffes, unlefs it be, that the flame breaks
out in his Prefence; then indeed he lies under an indifpenfible
Obligation, of inflidting fpeedy [I39] and private punifhment,
without his prudence direds him to put off the Execution,
upon an apprehenfion of fome pernicious confequences that
may infue thereupon. In fuch Voyages he muff overlook a
thoufand things, which upon other occafions he has all reafon
to punifh.  He muff counterfeit a downright ignorance of
their Intrigues with the She-Savages, of their Quarrels among
themfelves, of their negligence in not mounting the Guard,
and not obferving the other points of Duty; in a word, he
muff pretend to know nothing of an Infinity of fuch Diforders,
as have no direCt tendency to a Revolt. He ought to ufe the
precaution of fingling out a Spy in his little Army, and reward
him handfomly for a dexterous Intelligence as to all that happens; to the end that he may remedy the growing diforders
either direftly or indireftly. This Spie may by good management, and due fecrecy find out the Ringleader of a Club or
Cabal; and when the Commanding Officer has receiv'd fuch
fatisfadion upon the matter, that there's no room left to doubt
of the Criminal's Demerit; 'twill then be very convenient to
make away with him, and that with fuch management, that no
body thould know what became of him.
Farther: He ought to give 'em Tobacco and Brandy now
and then, to ask their advice upon fome occafions, to fatigue
'em as little as poffible, to call 'em up to dance and make




to North-America.


213


merry, and at the fame time to exhort 'em to live in a good
underftanding with one another. The beft Topick he can
make ufe of for inforcing their Duty, is Religion, and the
Honour of their Country, and this he ought to defcant upon
himfelf: For though I have a great deal of Faith in the power
of the Clergy; yet I know that fort of Men do's more harm
than good, in Voyages of this nature; and for that reafon I'd
choofe to be without their Company. The Perfon [I40] who
undertakes to go upon a Difcovery, ought to be very nice and
cautious in the choice of his Men; for every one is not fit for
his bufinefs. His Men ought to be between 30 and 40 years
of Age, of a dry Conffitution, of a peaceable Temper, of an
adtive and bold Spirit, and inur'd to the fatigues of Voyages.
The whole Retinue muff confift of three hundred Men; and
of that number there muft be fome Ship-Carpenters, Gunfmiths, and Sawyers with all their Tools; befides Huntfmen,
and Fifhermen with their Tackling. You mufft likewife have
Surgeons among 'em, but their Cheft ought to contain nothing
but Razours, Lancets, External Medicines for Wounds, Orvietan and Senna. All the Men of the Detachment, ought
to be provided with Buff-Coats and Boots to turn the Arrows;
for, as I intimated above, the Savages of the unknown Countries are ftrangers to Fire-Arms. They muft be arm'd with a
double barrel'd Gun, a double barrel'd Piftol, and a good long
Sword. The Commanding Officer muff take care to provide
a fufficient quantity of the Skins of Deer, Elks, and Beeves,
in order to be few'd together, and hung round his Camps




214


Some New      Voyages


upon certain Stakes fix'd at convenient diftances from one
another. I had as many as would go round a fquare of thirty
Foot every way; for each Skin being five Foot deep, and
almoft four Foot broad, I made two pieces of eight Skins a
piece, which were rais'd and extended in a Minute. Befides
thefe, he ought to carry with him fome Pot-Guns of eight
Foot in length, and fix in breadth; with two Hand-Mills for
grinding the Indian Corn, Nails of all fizes, Pickaxes, Spades,
Hatchets, Hooks, Soap, and Cotton to make Candles of.
Above all, he muft not forget to take in good ftore of Powder, Brandy, Brafil Tobacco, and fuch things as he mufft prefent to the Savages whofe Country he difcovers. Add to this
Cargo, an Aftrolabe, a Semicircle, feveral [I41] Sea-Compaffes,
fome Simple, and fome of Variation, a Load-ftone, two large
Watches of three Inches Diameter; Pencils, Colours, and
Paper, for making Journals and Maps, for the defigning of
Land-Creatures, Fowl, Fifh, Trees, Plants, Grain, and in a
word, whatever feems worthy of his Curiofity. I would likewife advife him to carry with him fome Trumpeters and Fidlers, both for animating his Retinue, and raifing the admiration of the Savages. With this Equipage, Sir, a Man of Senfe,
Condu&, and Adion, I mean, a Man that's Vigilant, Prudent,
Cautious, and above all, Patient and Moderate, and qualify'd
for contriving Expedients upon all occafions; a Man, I fay,
thus qualify'd, and thus fitted out, may boldly go to all the
Countries that lye to the Weft of Canada, without any apprehenfion of danger. As for my own part, I ferioufly declare,




to North-America.                 215
that if I were poffefs'd of all thefe qualities, I fhould efteem
it my happinefs to be imploy'd upon fuch an Enterprife, both
for the Glory of his Majefty, and my own Satisfaction: For
the continu'd diverfity of Objedts, did fo charm me in my
Voyages, that I had fcarce time to reflect upon the fatigue
and trouble that I underwent. I am,
SIR,
Tours, &c.




216


Some New     Voyages


[142]     LETTER XVII.
Dated at Quebec September 28. I689.
The Author fets out from Miffilimakinac to the Colony, and defcribes
the Country, Rivers, and Paffes that he Jaw by the way.  The
Iroquefe make a fatal incursion into the I/land of Monreal:
Fort Frontenac is abandon'd.     Count Frontenac is fent to
Canada, and the Marquis of Denonville is recall'd.
SIR,
WRIT to you from Miffilimakinac on the 28th of May. I
left that place June the 8th, and fet out for Monreal, accompany'd with twelve Outaouas, who were divided into two
Canows, and row'd very hard. The 23d, I overtook the
Coureurs de Bois in the River Creufe, who had got the ftart
of me for fome days.' Mr. DuThut us'd his utmoft efforts to
diffwade me from going further with fo weak a Retinue. He
would have had me to go down along with him; and remonftrated to me, that if my twelve Condu&ers perceiv'd either in
the Land-carriage or upon the Rivers, any thing that might
call up an apprehenfion of falling into the hands of the Iroquefe, they would defert me and the Canows, and fly to the
1The Riviere Creuse-called by the English Deep River-is not a separate
stream, but the long, deep, still part of the Ottawa River, extending for many miles
above the Allumettes Rapids and Islands. Lahontan apparently gives that name to
all of the Upper Ottawa or to the Mattawan. -ED.




to North-America.


217


Woods to avoid the Enemy. I rejedted his Advice, though I
had like to have repented of my refolution not long after; for
according to his Predidion, my Canow-Men threaten'd to run
away to the Forrefts, at the Fall call'd Long Sautl: And indeed
if they had done it, I had follow'd 'em, upon the refletion,
that of two Evils a Man ought [I43] to choofe the leaft; but
this Storm blew over. In the great River of the Outaouas, not
far from the River of Lievre,2 I met Mr. de St. Helene at the
Head of a Party of the Coureurs de Bois, who was bound for
Hudfon's Bay, in order to retake fome Forts that the Engliih
had   feiz'd  upon.3     He    acquainted    me with     the  Prince   of
Orange's Expedition for England; and gave me to underftand,
that upon his arrival King James retir'd to France, and that
the Prince was proclaim'd King, which feem'd to prefage a
bloody and fharp War in Europe. I affure you, Sir, this piece
of News furpriz'd me extreamly; and notwithftanding that I
1 This was the Long Sault of the Ottawa, not that of the St. Lawrence, for which
see p. 68, note x, ante. The former, about three miles in length, is on the Ottawa
above the Lake of Two Mountains, and is now avoided by the Grenville Canal. It
was at the lower end of these rapids that occurred the heroic defense of Canada
by Dollard and his companions (i66i). See Parkman, Old Regime in Canada,
chap. 3.-ED.
2 Riviere au Lievre descends from the north and enters the Ottawa about three
miles above the upper end of the Long Sault. -ED.
3 For Jacques le Moyne, Sieur de St. Helene, see p. II8, note I, ante. He was
carrying supplies and despatches to his brother Iberville, who was in command of the
forts which the French had captured (I686) in Hudson Bay. Two English ships
had been sent to recover these; during St. Helene's absence, Iberville succeeded in
capturing both of these vessels, with their officers and crews. Iberville had sent
messengers to the governor of Canada, who left Fort Albany (Fr., St. Anne) Jan. 5,
1689, and came overland on snowshoes. See Charlevoix, History of New France
(Shea's trans.), iv, pp. 37-40.-ED.




218


Some New     Voyages


had it from the Mouth of a Man, whofe word I rely very much
upon, yet I had all the difficulty in the World to make my felf
believe, that a Revolution of fuch Importance could be accomplifh'd in fo ihort a time, without the effufion of Blood; efpecially confidering what a ftridt Alliance there was between our
Court, and the Court of England, and how much 'twas the
intereft of both thefe Monarchs to give mutual affiftance to
one another. July the gth I arriv'd at Monreal, after venturing
down feveral fearful Catarads in the River of the Outaouas,
and induring the hardfhips of fifteen or twenty Land-carriages,
fome of which are above a League in length.
The Navigation is prety fure from Miffilimakinac to the
River des Franfois; for in coafting along the Lake of Hurons,
we meet with an infinity of Iflands, which ferve for a fhelter.1
But in going up that River, there's fome difficulty, for it has
five Catara&tswhich oblige us to turn out and carry all overland for thirty, fifty, and a hundred Paces.          Having pafs'd
that River, we enter'd the Lake of the Nepicerinis, from
whence we are forc'd to tranfport our Canows and Baggage
two Leagues over-land, to another River which has fix or feven
Water-falls that we commonly fhoot.2           From   that River we
The distance from Mackinac to the mouth of French River, in Georgian Bay, is
nearly 200 miles, taking as direct a course as possible among the islands of the North
Channel. French River (River des Francais) was so called because it was the
accustomed waterway of the French voyageurs, who on account of the hostility of the
Iroquois, found the difficult route via the Ottawa, Lake Nipissing, and French River
more practicable than the Great Lakes. -ED. '
2 French River is fifty-five miles long, and filled with rapids and falls. Lake
Nipissing was named from the tribe of Algonquian Indians first encountered on its
banks, some of whose descendants still live on a reservation on the north bank of the




to North-America.


219


have another [I44] Land-carriage to the River Creufe, which
falls with rapid Currents into the great River of the Outaouas,
near a place call'd Mataouan.1 We continue our courfe upon
this great River, till we come to the point of the Ifland of
Monreal, where 'tis loft in the great River of St. Laurence.
Thefe two Rivers joyn one another with very gentle Streams,
and quitting their fearful Channels form the little Lake of
St. Louis. I thought to have loft my Life at the fall, call'd the
fall of St. Louis, about three Leagues from Monreal, for our
Canow having overfet in the Eddy, I was carry'd by the Current to the foot of that Catara6, from whence the Chevalier
de Vaudreuil drag'd me out by a great chance.2 The Canows
and the Skins belonging to the fix Savages were loft; and one
of the Savages was drown'd. This is the only time I was in
danger, through the whole courfe of my Voyages. As foon as
I landed here, I repair'd with diligence to a Tavern to refrefh
my felf, and to make up the loffes I had fuftain'd by a neceffary
Abftinence. The next day I waited upon Mr. de Denonville,
lake. From the eastern end of this lake, the route lay for a mile and a half along
Riviere de Vase (Muddy River), whence the Portage au Vase, of about four miles, led
over the watershed to Trout Lake, the source of River Mattawan. This river flows
east into the Ottawa, is about thirty-four miles long, and has in it fourteen rapids,
some of which are very difficult. For details of this route, see Alexander Henry,
Travels and Adventures (Bain ed.), pp. 28-37; Mackenzie, Voyages through the
Continent of North America (London, I8oi), pp. xxix-xxxvii. - ED.
1 Mattawan is now a town at the junction of River Mattawan with the Ottawa;
it is three hundred miles from Montreal. Champlain utilized this route in his voyage
to the Hurons (I615).-ED.
2 For Lake St. Louis and the fall of the same name, see p. 66, note I, ante.
Lachine Rapids were frequently dangerous to the returning voyageur, who had
escaped all the perils of the upper country. Jolliet here lost his papers on his return
from the famous exploration of I673. - ED.




220


Some New Voyages


and Mr. de Champigni, to whom I gave an account of my
Voyages, and withal, gave in the News that a great company
of the Coureurs de Bois and Savages would arrive very fpeedily;
which they did accordingly after fifteen days. The Rat I
mention'd above came down hither, and return'd home notwithftanding the threats that were levell'd againft him. By
this Adventure, he fhew'd that he laugh'd at their Intrigues.
But now that I have mention'd his name, I cannot forbear
mentioning a malicious Stratagem that this cunning Savage
made ufe of laft year, to prevent the conclufion of a Peace
between Mr. de Denonville and the Iroquefe.
This Savage is the general and chief Counfellour of the
Hurons; he is a Man of forty years of Age, and brave in his
way. When he found himfelf [I45] prefs'd and importun'd
by Mr. de Denonville, to enter into the Alliance concluded in
the year 1687, that I took notice of before; he at laft comply'd
with his defire, with this referve, that the War fhould not
be put to an end till the Iroquefe were totally routed. This
claufe the Governour promis'd to make good, and gave him
affurances to that purpofe on the 3d of September, in the fame
year, which happen'd about two days before I fet out from
Niagara, upon my Voyage to the great Lakes. This SavageGeneral relying upon Mr. de Denonville's promife, march'd
from Miffilimakinac at the Head of an hundred Warriours as
I infinuated in my I4th Letter, in order to invade the Iroquefe
Country, and atchieve fome glorious feats among 'em. In the
mean time, to carry on his defign the more cautioufly, he
thought it proper to pafs by the way of Fort Frontenac, where




~l~~iiI I z            ~ -eoz a   aI /
9-~CB~CI~ FLh~bstr) Me ZaIt,.:








to North-America.


221


he might receive fome intelligence. Upon his arrival at this
Fort, the Governour told him that Mr. de Denonville was
negotiating a Peace with the five Iroquefe Nations, whofe Embaffadors and Hoftages he expedted in a fhort time, in order
to conclude and ratifie the Peace, he having orders to condu&t
'em to Monreal: And that upon that Confideration, 'twas
moft proper for him and his Warriours to return home, and
to pafs no further. The Savage General was mightily furpris'd with this unexpeCed piece of News; efpecially confidering that by the means of that Peace, he and his Nation
would be given up as a Sacrifice for the Wellfare of the
French. When the Governor had made an end of his Remonftrance, the Rat acknowledg'd, that what he offer'd was
very reafonable, but withal, that inftead of following his
Advice, he would go and tarry for the Iroquefe Embaffadours
and Hoftages at the Cataradts, by which they were oblig'd to
pafs. He had not tarry'd there above five or fix days, before
the unhappy Deputies [146] arriv'd with a Train of forty
young Men, who were all either kill'd or taken as they difembarqued.  The Prifoners were no fooner fetter'd, than this
crafty General of the Hurons reprefented to 'em, that the
French Governour had fent him notice to take up that Poft,
in order to lie in wait for a Party of fifty Warriours, that
were to pafs that way at a certain fet time. The Iroquefe being
much furpris'd with the apprehenfion of the perfidioufnefs
that he charg'd upon Mr. de Denonville, acquainted the Rat
with the defign upon which they came. Upon that the Rat
counterfeited a fort of Rage and Fury; and to play his Cards




222


Some New     Voyages


the better, flew out in inved6ives againft Mr. de Denonville,
declaring, that fome time or other he would be reveng'd upon
that Governour, for making him the Inftrument of the moft
barbarous Treachery that ever was adted. Then he fix'd his
Eyes upon all the Prifoners, among whom was the chief Embaffadour call'd 'heganeforens,' and fpoke to this purpofe; Go
my Brethren, though I am at War with you, yet I releafe you, and
allow you to go home. 'Tis the Governour of the French that put
me upon this black A5tion, which I Jhall never be able to digeft,
unlefs your five Nations revenge themfelves, and make their jufl
Reprifals. This was fufficient to convince the Iroquefe of the
fincerity of his words; and they affur'd him upon the fpot,
that if he had a mind to make a feparate Peace, the five
Nations would agree to it: However, the Rat having loft
one Man in this Adventure, kept an Iroquefe Slave to fupply
the place of the Man he had loft: And after furnifhing the
Prifoners with Guns, Powder, and Ball, in order to their
return homeward, march'd to Mi.filimakinac, where he prefented the French Governour with the Slave that he brought
off. The poor wretch was no fooner deliver'd, than he was
condemn'd to be fhot; for at that time the French Garrifon
did not know that [I47] Mr. de Denonville defign'd to clap up
a Peace with the Iroquefe. The condemn'd Prifoner gave an
1 Teganissoren (Dekanissore) was a famous Onondaga chief who for many years
took a prominent part in the councils of the Iroquois, and in the French and English
wars. Being much attached to Frontenac, during his rule he was regarded by the
English as a French spy. Later, he became attached to the English; but in 1711
notified Vaudreuil of an intended British attack. For his negotiations with the two
powers, see N. Y. Colon. Docs., index.- ED.




to North-America.


223


account of his Adventure, and that of the Ambaffadours;
but the French thought that the fear of Death made the fellow
talk idly, and were confirm'd in that thought, by hearing the
Rat and his Men fay that he was Light-headed: Infomuch,
that the poor Fellow was put to death, notwithftanding all
the reafons he could offer. The fame day that he was fhot,
the Rat call'd an old Iroquefe Slave that had ferv'd him a long
while, and told him he had refolv'd to allow him the liberty
of returning to his own Country, and fpending the reft of his
days among his Friends and Country-men. At the fame time
he gave him to know, that fince he had been an Eye-witnefs of
the barbarous ufage that his Countrymen had met with from
the French, notwithftanding what he offer'd in his own defence,
it behov'd him to acquaint his Countrymen with the blacknefs
of that Ation. The manumitted Slave obey'd his orders fo
punctually, that foon after the Iroquefe made an Incurfion, at a
time when the Governour did not dream of any fuch thing,
for he had us'd the Precaution of giving the Iroquefe to underftand, that he difallow'd of the Rat's Treachery; infomuch,
that he had a mind to have him hang'd; and upon this profped, expeted hourly ten or twelve Deputies to conclude the
Peace he fo much defir'd.l
In effed the Deputies did come, but neither their Number
nor their Defign was fuitable to what the Governour had
1 Parkman, after careful comparison with other original documents bearing on
this story of the Rat's treachery, accepts the account of Lahontan as substantially correct. He thinks the weight of evidence, however, would place the site of the ambuscade at La Famine, rather than the Cascades of the St. Lawrence. See Frontenac,
p. 176, note. -ED.




224


Some New Voyages


promifed to himfelf. Twelve hundred Warriours landed at
the Lands-end of the Ifland of Monreal, and burnt and fack'd
all the Plantations in that Quarter: They maffacred Men,
Women, and Children; and Madam de Denonville, who was
then at Monreal with her Husband, did not think her felf fafe
in that place. A general Confternation was fpread all about;
for the Barbarians were not above [148] three Leagues from
Monreal. They burnt all the adjacent Settlements, and block'd
up two Forts.' Mr. de Denonville fent out a Detachment of
a hundred Soldiers and fifty Savages to oppofe 'em, being
unwilling to fpare a greater number out of the City: but all
the Men of the Detachment were either taken or cut in pieces,
excepting twelve Savages, one Soldier, and Mr. de Longueil
who commanded the Party, and was carried off by the twelve
Savages after his Thigh was broke: The other Officers, namely,
the Sieurs de la Raberre, Denis, la Plante, and Yilledeni, were all
taken Prifoners.2 In a word, the Barbarians laid almoft the
1 Lahontan must have been in Montreal at the time of this massacre at Lachine,
which occurred August 5, i689, and was the most appalling in the history of New
France. There are several other reports of eye-witnesses, which correspond in the
main to this account. The two forts were block-houses known as Forts Rolland and
Remy. For a detailed account, with full list of the victims, see Girouard, Lake St.
Louis, pp. 117-139.-ED.
2 Charles Le Moyne, first baron de Longueuil, later governor of New France
(1725-26), was eldest son of Charles, seigneur de Longueuil, forwhom seep. 74, note i,
ante. Longueuil distinguished himself in the Iroquois wars, was for many years governor of Montreal, and one of the most distinguished Canadians. He died in 1729.
Of the other officers, all were finally rescued from the Iroquois, except Lieutenant
de la Rabeyre, who was burned at the stake. La Plante did not return to the colony
until I692. After his release, Etienne de Villedonne led troops against the Mohawk
(1692-93), and distinguished himself in Acadia (1705). He died in 1726.- ED.




to North-America.


225


whole Ifland wafte, and loft only three Men, who having drank
to excefs of the Wine they found in the Plantations, were
decoy'd into a Fort by a Canadefe Cow-keeper, that had been
their Slave for fome Years. As foon as the three unfortunate
Iroquefe arriv'd in the Fort, they were thrown into a Cellar to
fleep themfelves fober; and, queftionlefs, as foon as they wak'd
they repented of their exceffive drinking. When they wak'd,
they fell immediately a finging; and when the Garrifon offer'd
to fetter 'em, and carry 'em to Monreal, they flew to fome
Clubs that lay in the Cellar, and made fuch a vigorous and
brave defence, that the Garrifon was forc'd to thoot 'em upon
the fpot.  The Cow-keeper being brought before Mr. de
Denonville, he told him, That the Breach made by the Rat's
Contrivance was irreparable; that the five Iroquefe Nations
refented that Adventure with fo much warmth, that 'twas
impoffible to difpofe 'em to a Peace in a fhort time; that they
were fo far from being angry with that Huron for what he
did, that they were willing to enter into a Treaty with him,
owning that he and his Party had done nothing but what
became a brave Man and a good Ally. Doubtlefs this fatal
Incurfion was a great Surprifal to Mr. de Denonville, and
afforded him a copious Field for Refledion. 'Twas already
impoffible [I49] to continue the Poffeffilon of Fort Frontenac,
where they began to want Provifions, and which could not be
relieved without expofing a great many Men to the danger
of the Paffes or Catara&ds, which I have mention'd fo often.
There was a downright neceffity of calling out the Garrifon,
15




226


Some New      Voyages


and blowing up the Fort; but the difficulty lay in finding a
Man to carry Orders for that effed to the Governour, for no
body durft undertake it, till the Sieur Peter d'Arpentigni offer'd
to go all alone through the Forefts; and accordingly he went,
and did his Bufinefs fuccefsfully. The Orders were extream
welcome to Mr. de Valrenes, the Governour of the Fort for
the time; who, upon the receiving of 'em, run a Mine under
the four Baftions, which, with the Powder he put in, was
reckon'd fufficient to blow it up.' This done, he embark'd,
and came down the River through the Cataradts to Monreal,
where he found Mr. de Denonville, and accompany'd him
hither. That Officer did not only abdicate the Fort of Frontenac, but fet fire to three great Barques that they us'd to ply
with upon the Lake, both to awe the Iroquefe in time of War,
and to convey Commodities to 'em in time of Peace. Mr. de
Denonville aded a prudent part in relinquifhing both this Fort
and that of Niagara; for, in earneft thefe two Pofts are indefenfible, by reafon of the inacceffible Catarads, upon which
an Ambufcado of ten Iroquefe may repulfe a thoufand Frenchmen by the throwing of Stones. But after all I muff own, that
the Welfare and Prefervation of our Colonies had an abfolute
dependance upon thefe two Forts, which feem'd to infure the
utter Deftru&ion of the Iroquefe; for they could not fir out
1Philippe Cl6ment Duvault, sieur de Valrennes, was already a veteran officer
when he arrived in Canada in 1685. In that year, he led one division of La Barre's
forces, and performed prodigies of valor in the relief of La Prairie de la Madeleine
(I691), for which he received high praise from Frontenac. See N. Y. Colon. Docs.,
ix, pp. 522, 523.-ED.




to North-America.


227


of their Villages to Hunt, or to Fifh, without running the
rifque of having their Throats cut by the Savages in Alliance
with us, who being then affur'd of a fafe Retreat, would have
made continual Incurfions into the Country of thofe Barbarians: [o50] And by this means the Iroquefe being unprovided with Beaver-skins to be given in exchange for Guns,
Powder, Ball, and Nets, would be ftarv'd to death, or at leaft
be oblig'd to depart their Country.
In the end of September Mr. de Bonaventure, Captain and
Owner of a Merchant Ship, arriv'd in this Port, and brought
the News of Mr. de Frontenac's Reinftallment in the place
of Governour-General of Canada,l and of the Re-calling of
Mr. de Denonville, whom the Duke de Beauvilliers has recommended to the King, for the place of Sub-Governour to the
Princes   his Grandfons.2      Some   People    are uneafie at the
re-calling of this Governour; and 'tis faid, that the Reverend Fathers the Jefuits, fall under the number of the Malecontents: For if we may credit the reports of the Country,
they contributed in a great meafure, to the re-calling of Mr.
de Frontenac feven or eight years agoe, by a6ting in concert
1 Claude Denis, sieur de Bonaventure, belonged to one of the oldest Canadian
families, and afterwards rose to the rank of admiral in the navy. In I691 he cooperated in driving the English from Acadia, and was aid to Iberville in the latter's
expeditions. - ED.
2 Paul, Duke de Beauvilliers, was one of the noted figures of the court of Louis
XIV, and famous for his probity and piety. For many years he had served as first
gentleman of the bedchamber and chief of the council of finance, and in 1670 was
chosen governor of the royal princes. He died in 1714, on which occasion St. Simon
drew the remarkable portrait of him which appears in his Memoirs. -ED.




228


Some New      Voyages


with the Intendant of Cbefneau, and the fupreme Council,
and drawing up Accufations againft him which had the defired effe&t; though now the King fhews that he is undeceiv'd, by reinitating that Gentleman once more in this Government.' In the mean time the Statefmen of the Country
that are moft guilty, know not how to drefs this kettle of
Fifh; for they make no queftion but the New Governour will
retain a juft refentment of what's paft. But the Gentlemen,
Merchants, and other Inhabitants, are making preparations
for folemnifing his Arrival, which they exped with as much
impatience, as the Jews do the Meffias. The very Savages
that live in the skirts of the Colony, fhew an uncommon Joy
upon the hopes of his return: And indeed, we need not think
it ftrange, for that Governour drew Efteem     and Veneration,
not only from the French, but from all the Nations of this vaft
Continent, who look'd upon him as their Guardian Angel.
Mr. de Denonville begins to pack up his Baggage, and that in
effeet, [I5 ] is all I can fay of him.  'Tis none of my bufinefs
to meddle with an infinity of Affairs, that relate to the Gentleman's private Intereft. As to the queftion, whether he has
manag'd well or ill, during the courfe of his Government, or
whether he was lov'd or hated, I know nothing of the matter.
'Jacques Duchesneau, sieur de la Doussiniere, was chosen (I675) successor
of Talon in the Canadian intendancy. Almost from the first he maligned Count
Frontenac, and supported the Jesuit party in opposition. The king, losing patience
at their complaints, recalled both Frontenac and Duchesneau May io, I682. In
the crisis of affairs in New France, Frontenac was sent back (I689) as the one man
capable of meeting the difficulties. - ED.




to North-America.                 229
I am at a lofs to know whether he kept a good or a forry
Table, for indeed I was never at it. Adieu.
I make account to fet out for Rochel, when the Veffel that
brings our new Governour, returns for France. I am,
SIR,
Yours, &c.




230


Some New     Voyages


LETTER         XVIII.
Dated at Quebec November I5. I689.
Giving an Account of Mr. de Frontenac's Arrival, his Reception,
his Voyage to Monreal, and the repairing of Fort Frontenac.
SIR,
THE Intelligence you give me of the adjudging of the
Lands of Lahontan, would have drove me to defpair; if
you had not affur'd me at the fame time, that I might recover
it after a Century of years, (if I had the misfortune to live fo
long) upon the condition of reimburfing to the Poffeffour,
the Sum that he pay'd for it, and of proving that I was
adually in the Kings Service in the remote parts of the
World, when that Eftate was fold. To fpeak to the purpofe,
Mr. de Frontenac has [I52] countermanded the leave I had to
go for France, and has offer'd me a free accefs to his Pocket
and his Table. All the Arguments I offer'd, have no Influence
upon him, and fo I am bound to obey.
This new Governour arriv'd at Quebec the ISth of Otlober.
He came on fhoar at eight a Clock at Night, and was receiv'd
by the Supreme Council, and all the Inhabitants in Arms,
with Flambeau's both in the City, and upon the Harbour,
with a triple Difcharge of the great and fmall Guns, and
Illuminations in all the Windows of the City. That fame




to North-America.


231


Night he was complimented by all the Companies of the
Town, and above all, by the Jefuits, who upon that occafion
made a very pathetick Speech, though the Heart had lefs
hand in it, than the Mouth. The next day he was vifited by
all the Ladies, whofe inward joy appear'd in their Countenances, as much as in their Words. Several Perfons made Fireworks, while the Governour and his Retinue fung Te Deum in
the great Church.  Thefe folemn Demonftrations of Joy,
increas'd from day to day, till the new Governour fet out for
Monreal; and the Condudt of the People upon this Head,
afforded fignal proofs of the fatisfaftion they had in his return, and of their refting affur'd, that his wife Condu&, and
noble Spirit, would preferve the Repofe and Tranquility that
he always kept up, during his firft ten years Government. All
the World ador'd him, and ftyl'd him Redemptor Patrie; to
which Title he had a juft claim, for all the Inhabitants of thefe
Colonies agree, that when he came firft to Canada, he found
all things in Confufion and Diftrefs. At that time the Iroquefe
had burnt all the Plantations, and cut the Throats of fome
thoufands of the French; the Farmer was knock'd on the
Head in his Field; the Traveller was murder'd upon the
Road, and the Merchant ruin'd for want of Commerce: All
the Planters were pinch'd with Famine, [I53] the War render'd the Country defolate; and in a word, New-France had
infallibly perifh'd, if this Governour had not made that Peace
with the Barbarians, that I fpoke of in my fifth Letter. The
bringing of that Peace to bear, was an aftion of greater
Importance, than you can well imagine; for thefe Barbarians




232


Some New     Voyages


grounded all their Wars upon a perfonal Enmity, whereas the
European Ruptures depend more upon Intereft than upon
pure Revenge.
Mr. de St. Valiers the Bifhop of Quebec, arriv'd likewife on
the iSth at the fame Port. He had imbarqu'd in the preceding Spring, on board of a Bark that he had hir'd to tranfport
him to Acadia, to Newfound-land, and to the other Countries
of his Diocefe. Mr. de Frontenac our Governour, fet out for
Monreal in a Canow, four or five days after his Arrival; and
I had the honour to accompany him. All Indeavours were
us'd to diffwade him from undertaking that Voyage, when the
feafon was fo cold, and fo far advanc'd: For, as I inform'd
you before, the Ice is thicker and ftronger here in OStob. than
'tis at Paris in January; which, is very ftrange. Notwithftanding all the Remonftrances drawn from the HardShips and
Inconveniences of the Voyage, he flighted the Fatigues of the
Water, and threw himfelf into a Canow in the fixty eighth
year of his Age. Nay, he took the abdication of Fort Frontenac fo much to Heart, that he had gone ftraight thither, if
the Nobility, the Priefts, and the Inhabitants of Monreal, had
not intreated him with joynt Supplications, not to expofe his
Perfon to the danger of the Falls and CataraSts that lie in
that Paffage. In the mean time fome Gentlemen of Canada,
follow'd by a hundred Coureurs de Bois, under the command of
Mr. Mantet, ventur'd upon the Voyage, with intent to learn
the State of the Fort. I acquainted you in my laft Letter,
that Mr. de Valrenes had blown up the Walls of the Fort, when
[I54] he made his Retreat; but by good luck, the damage was




to Nortb-America.


233


not fo great as 'twas took to be; for the Party commanded
by Mr. Mantet, have already rear'd up the ruinous Wall to
the height of fome Fathoms, and will continue to work upon
the repair of the Fort all this Winter.' This News Mr. de
Frontenac receiv'd laft Night, which was the fixth after his
return to this City.
I had forgot to tell you that he brought with him out
of France, fome of thofe Iroquefe that Mr. de Denonville had
fent to the Galleys, as I intimated in my thirteenth Letter;
the reft having perifh'd in their Chains. Of all thefe unfortunate Barbarians that he has brought back, the moft confiderable is one that goes by the name of Oreouahd. He was
not us'd as a Galley Slave, in regard that he was the Leader
of the Goyoguans, and the Governour has lodg'd him in the
Caffle, in confideration of the efteem    he fhews both for Mr.
de Frontenac, and for the French Nation. Some flatter themfelves with the hopes, that fome Accommodation with the five
Iroquefe Nations may be effeted by his Mediation; and for
that end propofals of Peace are now in agitation: But I have
three good reafons for prediting, that fuch a Defign will
prove abortive.2 I have already laid thefe Reafons before Mr.
1 Nicholas d'Ailleboust, sieur de Mantet (Mantz, Manteht), belonged to a prominent Canadian family, being grandson of one of the founders of Montreal. Like
other promising young men he took to wood-ranging; becoming an associate of
DuLuth, he acquired much influence with the Indians of the Northwest. Frontenac
employed him upon raiding parties, and he was first to enter Schenectady (1690).
His latter years were spent in trading in the upper country, where he is last mentioned
in 1709. -ED.
2 Oureahe (Ourehaoue) was a Cayuga war chief, who had been sent to France
through Denonville's treachery. Frontenac had won his good will on the return




234


Some New Voyages


de Frontenac, who gave me to know, that after the departure
of the Ships, he would difcourfe me upon that Head. I fhall
not offer at the particulars of his Interview, with Monfieur
and Madam      de Denonville; till fuch time as you and I have
an opportunity of talking under the Rofe. Some Officers
accompany Mr. Denonville and his Lady to France, in hopes
of being prefer'd. In all probability the Ships will fet fail to
Morrow, for we have now a fair and gentle Wefterly Gale;
befides, that the feafon for quitting this Port, is almoft fpent.
I am,
SIR,       rours, &c.
voyage, and employed him in negotiations with the Iroquois. On..the ill-success of
these first efforts see Parkman, Frontenac, pp., 194-207. The chief, however,
continued to serve the French, and was rewarded with the pay of a captain until his
death in the early eighteenth century. - ED.




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235


[I55]    LETTER        XIX.
Dated at Monreal Olober 2. I690.
Relating the Attempts upon New-England and New-York; a
fatal Embaffy fent by the French to the Iroquefe; and an illconcerted Interprife of the Englifh and the Iroquefe, in marching by Land to Attack the French Colony.
SIR,
BOUT fifteen days fince a Ship of Rochel laden with Wine
and Brandy, arriv'd in this Harbour; and the Captain
took care to convey a Letter from you to my Hands. As to
your defire of having a circumftantial Account of the Trade
of Canada, I cannot fatisfie it at prefent, for I am not as yet
fo thoroughly acquainted with all its Branches. But I affure
you, that fome time or other I fhall fend you fuch Memoirs,
as will give you fatisfaCtion upon that Head. In the mean
time, I hope you'll be contented with an account of what
pafs'd in this Country fince the date of my laft.
As foon as Mr. Denonville fet out from Quebec, upon his
return to France, Mr. de Frontenac took poffeflion of the
Fort, which is the common Refidence of our GovernourGeneral; and order'd one of our beft Architedts to make
preparations for rebuilding it as foon as he could.
In the beginning of this year, Mr. d'Iberville attempted to




236


Some New      Voyages


pillage a fmall Village in New-rork, call'd by the Iroquefe
Corlar; which name they likewife give to all the Governours
of that Englihz Colony. [I56] This Gentleman, who is a
Canadefe, was attended by five hundred Coureurs de Bois, and
the like number of Savages; and the whole Party made the
Expedition over Snow and Ice, notwithftanding they had three
hundred Leagues to march backward and forward, and that
the Roads were very rugged and troublefome. Mr. d'Iberville
met with wonderful Succefs, for after he had pillag'd, burnt,
and fack'd that little Village, with the adjacent Cantons, he
fell in with a Party of an hundred Iroquefe, and defeated 'em
intirely.1 Much about the fame time Mr. dePortneuf, another
Canada Gentleman, march'd out at the Head of three hundred
Men, one half Savages, and the other half Coureurs de Bois, with
intent to poffefs himself of a Fort belonging to the Englifh,
call'd Kenebeki, which ftands upon the Sea-Coaft of NewEngland, towards the Frontiers of Acadia. The Garrifon of
this Fort made a brave defence: But there being great quantities of Granado's and other Fire-works thrown in upon 'em,
1 St. Helene and Mantetwere the leaders of this expedition, which numbered only
about two hundred men, not a thousand. Iberville was one of the officers. See
N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 466-469. The Iroquois party who pursued the victors
were not routed, but defeated the rear of the French forces.
Pierre Le Moyne, sieur d'Iberville, was one of the most remarkable of early
Canadians, and has been called " The Cid of Canada." Born in i66I, the third son
of Charles le Moyne, sieur de Longueuil (see p. 74, note i, ante), he early joined the
French navy. His first exploits were in Hudson Bay, where he captured the English
forts and vessels. In I692 he served against the English in Acadia and Newfoundland. After the Peace of Ryswick (1697) he turned his attention to the Mississippi,
and led the expedition which founded Louisiana (I699). He attacked the English
fleet in the West Indies (1706), dying in July of the same year at Havana. -ED.




to North-America.


237


while the Savages (contrary to their Cuftom) fcal'd the Paliffadoes on all hands, the Governour was oblig'd to furrender
upon Difcretion. 'Tis faid, that in this Adtion the Coureurs
de Bois did their duty very bravely, but the Enterprife had
prov'd fuccefslefs without the affiftance of the Savages.'
As foon as the Rivers were navigable, Mr. de Frontenac
offer'd to fend me with Propofals of Peace to the Iroquefe.
But I made anfwer, that fince his Pocket and his Table had
been free to me during the Winter, I could not imagine that
he had a mind to be rid of me fo foon.        Being oblig'd by this
reply to unfold my meaning, I remonftrated to him, That, the
King of England having loft his Crown, and War being proclaim'd, the Governours of New-England and New-rork, would
infallibly ufe their utmoft Efforts to excite thefe Bandito's to
redouble their Incurfions; that for that end they would furnifh
[I57] 'em with Ammunition gratis, and even joyn 'em          in order
to attack our Towns; and above all, that the Intrigue of the
Rat had fo provok'd 'em, that in my opinion, 'twas impoffible
to appeafe 'em. Upon thefe Confiderations, I humbly befeech'd him to have fome other Perfon in his view, in cafe he
1 The French version of this attack upon Fort Loyal, on the present site of Portland, Maine, is found in N. r. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 472, 473. Lahontan has, as
usual, exaggerated the number of the attacking party. For the narrative of the British
captain, Sylvanus Davis, see Mass. Hist. Colls., 3d series, i, pp. Ixo-112.
Jacques Robineau, sieur de Portneuf, belonged to the early Canadian noblesse,
and was employed as an officer in the Indian and English wars. In 1687 he acted as
lieutenant under Denonville. After this attack on Fort Loyal, he served in Acadia,
where his brother Villebon was governor, and for several years led raiding parties
against the Maine settlements. He died at Quebec in 1715. The flag captured at
Fort Loyal hung for many years in the basilica at Quebec. -ED.




238


Some New Voyages


perfifled in his defign of making a Trial of that Nature.' The
Chevalier Do was fingled out for this fatal Embaffy, being
attended by one Colin, as Interpreter of the Iroquefe Language, and two young Canadans. They fet out in a Canow,
and when they came in fight of the Village of the Onnontagues,
were receiv'd with the honourable Salvo of feveral good
blows, and conducted with the fame Ceremony to the Village.
Such a Retinue could not but be difagreeable to the Gentleman that came to make offers of a Peace. The ancient Men
being quickly affembled, thought it moft proper to fend 'em
back with a favourable Anfwer, and in the mean time to
ingage fome of the Agnies and Onnoyotes, to lye in wait for 'em
at the Cataradts of the River, and there kill two, fending the
third back to Quebec, and carrying the fourth to their Village,
where there would be found fome Englifh that would fhoot
'em, that is, that would give 'em the fame ufage as the Rat did
to their Ambaffadours: So true it is, that that A5tion fticks
in their ftomachs. This ProjeCt had adtually been put in execution, if it had not been for fome of the Planters of Newrork, who were then among the Barbarians, having come
thither on purpofe to animate 'em againft us. Thefe Planters knew fo well how to influence the Barbarians that were
already bent upon Revenge; that a Company of young Barbarians burnt 'em all alive, excepting the Chevalier Do, whom
they tied Hand and Foot, and fent him bound to Boflon, with
a defign to pump out of him, a view of the condition of our
1 The French version indicates that Lahontan had been ill, and used his weakness
as a plea to be excused from this hazardous embassy. -- ED.




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239


Colonies and Forces.1 This piece of News [I58] we receiv'd
two Months after, by fome Slaves that made their efcape
from the Iroquefe; and Mr. de Frontenac, when furpris'd with
fuch difmal News, declar'd, that out of twenty Captains that
offer'd to execute that Commiflion, and would have taken the
Imployment for an Honour, I was the only one that had been
capable of forefeeing its bad Succefs.
June the 24th, I imbarqu'd for this place in a fluggifh
Brigantine, that the Captain of the Governour's Guards had
caus'd to be built the foregoing Winter. This venerable
Veffel had the honour to lodge the Intendant and his Lady;
and all of us being in no hafte, fpent ten or twelve days by
the way, and feafted like Kings every Night. Mr. de Frontenac
mark'd out a Fort in his paffage to the City of Trois Rivieres,
which I fpoke of before. Fifteen days after our arrival in
this place, a certain Savage whofe name was Plake, came and
gave us notice, that he had difcover'd a Body of a thoufand
Englifh, and five hundred Iroquefe that march'd up to attack
us.2 Upon this Intelligence, all our Troops crofs'd over to
1 This account of the embassy of Chevalier Pierre d'Aux (Do), sieur de Jolliet,
is substantially correct. He was a prisoner both in Boston and New York until
August, I692, when having escaped he made his way to Canada in time to furnish
Count Frontenac with useful information relative to the English plans. The governor
thereupon sent him to France to give an account of the situation of Boston and New
York, " and how easily they may be taken." He returned to New France the following year, and then disappears from history. - ED.
2 La Plaque, nephew of the Great Mohawk (called by the Dutch, Kryn), chief of
the praying Indians of Sault St. Louis mission, was useful to the French during
Frontenac's War (1689-97). After having given notice of this intended invasion,
he set out the following year (i691) to capture prisoners and secure information,
which undertaking proved so successful that he was sent to France to report. After




240


Some New Voyages


the Meadow of Madelaine, oppofite to this City, and there
incamp'd, in conjundtion with three or four hundred Savages
that were our Allies, in order to give the Enemy a warm
Reception.1     Our Camp was no fooner form'd, than Mr. de
Frontenac detach'd two or three fmall Parties of the Savages
to obferve the Enemy. Thefe Parties came loon back, after
having furpris'd fome ftragling Iroquefe at hunting on the
Confines of Champlaine Lake: The Prifoners inform'd us,
that the Engli/h being unable to encounter the fatigues of the
march, and unprovided with a fufficient ftock of Provifions,
both they and the Iroquefe were return'd to their own Country.2 This account being confirm'd by other Savages, our
Troops decamp'd, and march'd back to this place, from
whence I was detach'd [I59] fome days after to command a
Party that was to cover the Reapers of Fort Roland, which lies
in this Ifland.3 When the Harveft was over I return'd to
his return he continued to serve the French, on two occasions (I692, 1693) leading
war parties nearly to the gates of Albany. -ED.
1 La Prairie de la Madeleine is six miles above Montreal, on the opposite side of
the river. This was supposed to be the point at which the expedition would emerge,
coming by way of Lake Champlain and Richelieu River. A small division did attack
this point after Frontenac's return to Quebec, carrying off several prisoners. - ED.
2 This was part of the expedition fitted out by the British colonies for the capture
of Canada. The troops of New York and Connecticut rendezvoused at Wood Creek,
on Lake Champlain, under command of General Winthrop of Connecticut; but illness, lack of provisions, and the lukewarm attitude of their Iroquois allies, made it
necessary to abandon the attack. See Winthrop's "Journal," in N. Y. Colon. Docs.,
iv, pp. 193-197.-ED.
3 Fort Rolland was built (1670) on the site of the present Lachine, to protect the
trading houses of Francois le Noir, dit Rolland, who carried on a large traffic with
the Western Indians. During Frontenac's War, it was regularly garrisoned by detachments of soldiers. For full details, see Girouard, Lake St. Louis, pp. 70-75.-ED.




to North-America.


241


this place, along with the Hurons and the Outaouas, who had
come down from their own Country, in purfuit of their ufual
Trade in Skins, an account of which you had in my eight
Letter. Thefe Traders continued here fifteen days, and then
march'd home.l
This, Sir, is a Summary of all our Occurrences of Moment
fince the laft year.   About fifteen days hence, I think to fet
out for Quebec, in Mr. de Frontenac's Brigantin. I conclude
with my ufual Complement,
SIR,
Yours, &c.
1 The descent of the Northwest Indians for trade this year (I690) was an encouraging circumstance for New France. See N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp. 478-490;
Parkman, Frontenac, pp. 252-255. - ED.


16




242


Some New      Voyages


LETTER XX.
Dated at Rochel January 12. 169I.
Being a Relation of a fecond and very important Expedition of the
Engliih by Sea; in which is contain'd a Letter written by the
Englifh Admiral to the Count of Frontenac, with this Governour's Verbal Answer.    As alfo an account of the Authour's
departure for France.
SIR,
AM arriv'd at laft at Rochel, from whence I now tranfmit
you a Relation of all that pafs'd in Canada, fince the date
of my laft Letter. In the fpace of a few days after that date,
Mr. de Frontenac receiv'd advice that a ftrong Fleet of Englifh
[I60] Ships, amounting to thirty four Sail, was feen near
Tadouffac.'  Immediately he got on board of his Brigantine,
and order'd all the Troops to imbarque in Canows and Boots,
and to row Night and Day to prevent the Enemy; all which
was happily put in execution. At the fame time he gave
orders to Mr. de Callieres, to bring down as many of the
Inhabitants as poffibly he could. We row'd with fuch expedition, and diligence, that we arriv'd the 3d day at Quebec. As
1 The first report of the approach of the English Fleet reached Frontenac through
an Abenaki Indian, who had travelled overland with the tidings. The governor gave
this news scant credence until ftshing vessels announced the progress of the fleet as
far up as Tadoussac. For a brief but succinct account, see Jes. Rel., Ixiv, pp. 41 -53.-ED.




to North-America.


243


foon as Mr. de Frontenac debarqued, he view'd the weakeft
Pofts, and order'd 'em to be fortified without lofs of time:
He rais'd Batteries in feveral places, and though in that capital
City we had but twelve great Guns, and but little Ammunition, yet he feem'd to be refolutely bent upon an obftinate
Refiftance to the efforts of the Enemy's Fleet, which in the
mean time flood catching of Flies, at the diftance of two
Leagues from Quebec. We took the advantage of their flow
approaches, and work'd inceffantly to put our felves in a
pofture of defence. Our Troops, our Militia, and our confederate Savages, came up to us on all hands. 'Tis certain,
that if the Engli/h Admiral had made his Defcent before our
arrival at Quebec, or even two days after, he had carry'd the
place without ftriking a blow; for at that time there was not
two hundred French in the City, which lay open, and expos'd
on all hands.1 But inftead of doing that, he caft Anchor
towards the point of the Ifland of Orleans, and loft three days
in confulting with the Captains of the Ships, before they came
to a Refolution. He took the Sieur Joliet with his Lady and
his Mother-in-Laws in a Bark in the River of St. Laurence.2
Three Merchant-men from France, and one laden with Beaver1 All authorities apparently agree with Lahontan's judgment, that the capital
fault of the English commander was his waste of time. - ED.
2 Lahontan is the only contemporary authority who includes Jolliet himself in the
list of prisoners. Probably it was only his wife and mother-in-law, who were captured on their way to their seigniory of Anticosti, with M. de Grandville. Louis
Jolliet, the famous explorer, was born in Quebec in I645. Losing his father at an
early age, he was reared by the Jesuits. In I667 he visited France, and the following
year organized his first trading and exploring expedition to the Great Lakes, whither
he again went, I670-7I. His success brought him a commission to discover the




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Some New     Voyages


Skins from Hudfon Bay, enter'd the River of Saguenay, by the
way of Tadouffac, where they fculk'd, and after hauling their
Guns afhoar, rais'd very good Batteries. [I6I] To be fhort,
the Officers of the Enemy's Fleet came to a Refolution after
the lofs of three or four days in ufelefs Confultations, during
which time we were joyn'd on all hands by great numbers of
Inhabitants and Soldiers. Purfuant to the refolution of the
Councils of War, the Englifh Admiral, namely, Sir William
Phips, fent out his Sloop with a French Flag upon its Prow,
which made up to the City with found of Trumpet.l Upon
Mississippi, which he accomplished in company with the Jesuit missionary Marquette
(I673). Upon his return in July, 1674, Jolliet lost all of his papers by having his
canoe swamped in the descent of Lachine Rapids. The following year he married
Claire Francoise Bissot, who brought him property on the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
where in I679, he acquired Isles Mingan, and Anticosti a year later. In the former
year, he visited Hudson Bay, via the Saguenay and Lake St. John, and was cordially
received by the English. Labrador was explored by him in I694, his death occurring
six years later.  For the latest research concerning Jolliet, see Gagnon, "Louis
Jolliet," in La Revue Canadienne, 900oo-902.
Jolliet's mother-in-law was Marie Couillard, who after the death (1675) of
Bissot, her first husband, married Jacques de Lalande. She was a woman of much
force and ability, and according to other authorities suggested to Phips the exchange
of prisoners, and to effect it went in person to Frontenac. She was a sister-in-law of
Jean Nicolet, the explorer, and one of her sons was Sieur de Vincennes, an officer of
note in the Western country. -ED.
'Sir William Phips was born in Pemaquid (Bristol), Maine, in I65I. He was
the son of a poor colonist, and tended sheep until he was eighteen years of age, then
learned the trade of a ship carpenter. Going to Boston, he there married a wealthy
widow, who taught him to read and write. On a visit to England, he secured a
commission to search for wrecked Spanish treasure-ships in the West Indies. After
one unsuccessful attempt (1684), he raised in 1687 silver and plate amounting to
30oo,ooo. For this service knighthood was conferred upon him, and he returned to
Massachusetts to lead an expedition which captured Port Royal (May, 1690). After
the failure of the Quebec investment, Phips was somewhat discredited, but in 1692
he was appointed governor of Massachusetts, which office he held until his death in
London, in 1695.-ED.




to North-America.


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this, Mr. de Frontenac fent out another with a French Officer to
meet it, who found an Englifh Major in the Sloop, who gave
him to underftand, that he had the charge of a Letter from
his General, to the Governour of Canada, and hop'd he might
be allow'd to deliver it himfelf. Upon that the French Officer
took him into his Sloop, and having blindfolded him, condu6ted him to the Governour's Chamber; where his Face
being uncover'd, he deliver'd him a Letter, the fubftance of
which was this.
'I Sir William Pbips, General of the Forces of New'England, by Sea and Land, to Count Frontenac, Governour
'General of Quebec, by Orders from, and in the name of
'William III and Mary King and Queen of England; am come
'to make my felf Mafter of this Country. But in regard that
'I have nothing fo much in view, as the preventing of the
'effufion of Blood, I require you to furrender at difcretion,
'your Cities, Cafles, Forts, Towns, as well as your Perfons;
'affuring you at the fame time, that you fhall meet with all
'manner of good Ufage, Civility and Humanity. If you do
'not accept of this Propofal without any Reftridtion, I will
'indeavour, by the affiftance of Heaven, on which I rely, and
'the force of my Arms, to make a Conqueft of 'em. I expedt
'a pofitive anfwer in writing in the fpace of an Hour, and in
'the mean time give you notice, that after [I62] the com'mencement of Hoftilities, I fhall not entertain any thoughts
'of Accommodation.
Sign'd, William Phips.




A


246             Some New    Voyages
After the Interpreter had tranflated the Letter to Mr. de
Frontenac, who was then furrounded with Officers; he order'd
the Captain of his Guards to make a Gibbet before the Fort,
in order to hang the poor Major, who in all appearance
underftood French; for upon the pronouncing of this fatal
Sentence, he was like to fwoon away. And indeed I muft fay,
the Major had fome reafon to be affe6ted, for he had certainly
been hang'd, if the Bifhop and the Intendant, who to his good
luck were then prefent, had not interceded on his behalf.
Mr. de Frontenac pretended, that they were a Fleet of Pyrates,
or of Perfons without Commiffion, for that the King of
England was then in France. But at laft the Governour being
appeas'd, order'd the Major to repair forthwith on board of
his Admiral, againft whom he could defend himfelf the better,
for not being attack'd. At the fame time he declar'd, that
he knew no other King of Great Britain, than James II, that
his rebellious Subje6ts were Pyrates, and that he dreaded
neither their Force nor their Threats. This faid, he threw
Admiral Phips's Letter in the Major's face, and then turn'd
his Back upon him. Upon that the poor Ambaffadour took
frefh courage, and looking upon his Watch, took the liberty
to ask Mr. de Frontenac, if he could not have his Anfwer in
Writing before the hour elaps'd. But the Governour made
anfwer with all the haughtinefs and difdain imaginable, that
his Admiral deferv'd no other anfwer, than what flew from
the Mouth of Cannons and Muskets. Thefe words were no
fooner pronounc'd than the Major was forc'd to take his




to North-America.


247


Letter again, and being blind-folded, was reconduted to his
Sloop, in which he row'd towards the Fleet with all expedition.
[I63] The next day about two in the Afternoon, fixty
Sloops were fent afhoar with ten or twelve hundred Men,
who ftood upon the Sand in very good order. After that
the Sloops went back to the Ships, and brought afhoar the
like Compliment of Men, which was afterwards joyn'd by a
third Complement of the fame number. As foon as thefe
Troops were landed, they began to march towards the City
with Drums beating, and Colours flying. This Defcent was
made over againft the Ifle of Orleans, about a League and a
half below Quebec; but 'twas not fo expeditious, but that our
Confederate Savages, with two hundred Coureurs de Bois, and
fifty Officers, had time to poft themfelves in a Copfe of thick
Brambles, which lay half a League off the place of Landing.
It being impoffible for fo fmall a Party to come to an open
Battle with a numerous Enemy, they were forc'd to fight
after the manner of the Savages, that is, to lay Ambufcadoes
from place to place in the Copfe, which was a quarter of a
League broad. This way of waging War prov'd wonderfully
fuccefsful to us, for our Men being pofted in the middle of
the Copfe, we fuffer'd the Englifh to enter, and then fir'd
upon 'em, lying flat upon the ground till they fir'd their
pieces; after which we fprung up, and drawing into knots
here and there, repeated our fire with fuch fuccefs, that the
Englifh Militia perceiving our Savages fell into confufion and
diforder, and their Battalions were broke; infomuch, that




248


Some New Voyages


they betook themfelves to flight, crying out, Indians, Indians,
and gave our Savages the opportunity of making a bloody
flaughter among 'em, for we found three hundred Men left
upon the fpot, without any other lofs on our fide, than that
of ten Coureurs de Bois, four Officers, and two Savages.
The next day the Englifh landed four pieces of brafs
Cannon mounted like Field-pieces, and fought [164] very
bravely, though they were very ill difciplin'd. 'Tis certain
there was no want of Courage on their fide, and their want
of Succefs muff be imputed to their unacqaintednefs with
Military Difcipline, to their being infeebled by the fatigues
of the Sea, and to the ill condu6t of Sir William Phips, who
upon this Enterprife could not have done more than he did,
if he had been ingag'd by us to ftand ftill with his hands in
his Pockets. This day pafs'd over more peaceably than the
next: For then the Englifh made a frefh attempt to force their
paffage through the Copfe, by the help of their Artillery;
but they loft three or four hundred more in the attempt, and
were forc'd to retire with all diligence to the Landing-place:
On our fide we loft Mr. de St. Helene, who dy'd of a wound
in his Leg, and about forty French-men and Savages. This
Vi6tory animated us fo much, that we purfued the Englifh to
their Camp, and lay all Night flat upon the ground juft by it,
with a defign to attack it by the break of day: But they fav'd
us the labour, for they imbarqued about Midnight with fuch
confufion, that we kill'd fifty more of 'em, rather by chance,
than by dexterity, while they were getting into their Boats.
When day came, we tranfported to Quebec their Tents and




to North-America.


249


their Cannon, which they had left behind 'em; the Savages
being in the mean time imploy'd in fripping the dead in the
Wood.
The fame day that the Defcent was made, Sir William
Phips weigh'd and came to an Anchor with four great Ships,
at the diftance of a Musket-fhot from the lower City, where
we had only one Battery of fix or eight Pounders. There he
Cannonadoed for twenty four hours fo handfomly, that the
fire of the great Guns equal'd that of the fmall Arms. The
dammage they did to the roofs of the Houfes, amounted to
five or fix Piftoles; for as I inform'd you in my firft Letter, the
Walls of the Houfes are fo hard, that a Ball cannot pierce 'em.
[I65] When Sir William Phips had made an end of thefe
glorious Exploits, he fent to demand of Mr. de Frontenac fome
Engli/h Prifoners in exchange for the Sieur Yoliet, with his
Wife and his Mother, and fome Seamen; which was forthwith
put in execution. This done, the Fleet weigh'd Anchor and
fteer'd homeward.1 As foon as the three Merchantmen that
lay fculking in the River of Saguenay, faw the Fleet running
below Tadoufac with full Sail before a Wefterly Gale, they put
their Guns aboard, and purfuing their Voyage with great fatisfadtion, arriv'd at Quebec on the I2th of November. They had
fcarce put their Cargoe on fhoar, when the bitter cold cover'd
the River with Ice, which dammag'd their Ships fo much, that
1 There exist many contemporaneous accounts of Phips's expedition. Myrand,
Sir William Phips devant Quebec (Quebec, I893), has collected nineteen from
archives, with all the details of participants. He accuses Lahontan of exaggerating
the numbers of English taking part and wounded in the land battles, op. cit., pp. 267 -276. For the rest, however, Lahontan's account is substantially correct. -ED.




250


Some New      Voyages


they were forc'd to run 'em afhoar. This troublefom Froft was
as uneafie to me, as to Mr. de Frontenac; for I then faw that I
was oblig'd to pafs another Winter in Canada, and Mr. de
Frontenac was at a lofs, to contrive a way of fending the King
advice of this Enterprife. But by good luck, there came all
of a fudden a downfal of Rain, which was follow'd by a Thaw,
and was equally acceptable to us both.  Immediately the
Governour order'd an unrigg'd Frigat to be rigg'd and fitted
out; which was done accordingly with fuch difpatch, that the
Ballaft, Sails, Ropes, and Mafts, were all in order almoft as
foon as the Orders were given out. When the Frigat was
ready to fail, the Governour told me, that the making of
France as foon as ever I could, would be a piece of important
Service; and that I ought rather to perifh, than to fuffer my
felf to be taken by the Enemy, or to put in at any Port whatfoever by the way. At the fame time he gave me a particular
Letter to Mr. de Seignelay, the purport of which was much to
my advantage.
I put to Sea the 20oth of November, the like of which was
never feen in that place before. At the Ifle of Coudres we
'fcap'd luckily, for there the [I66] North-Eaft Wind blew
fo hard upon us, that after we had drop'd Anchor, we thought
to have been fplit in pieces in the Night-time.  The reft of
our paffage was good enough, for we encounter'd but one
Storm till we arriv'd at this place.  Indeed we met with
contrary Winds, about I5o Leagues off the coaft of France,
which oblig'd us to traverfe, and lye by for a long time, and
'twas for this reafon that our paffage was fo long.




to North-America.                  251
I hear you are now in Provence, and that Mr. de Seignelai is
gone upon a Voyage to the other World, which is of a quite
different nature from that I have juft perform'd. In earneft,
Sir, his Death is the laft misfortune to the Navy of France, to
the Colonies of the two America's, and to me in particular,
fince Mr. de Frontenac's Recommendatory Letter is thereby
render'd ufelefs to me. I am,
SIR, Yours, &c.




252


Some New Voyages


LETTER XXI.
Dated at Rochel July 26. I69I.
Containing a Defcription of the Courts or Offices of the Minifters
of State, and a view of fome Services that are ill rewarded at
Court.
SIR,
rTHE Letter you writ to me two Months agoe came to my
Hands at Paris; but I could not give you an anfwer
there, becaufe I had not then done my bufinefs. Now that I am
return'd to Rochel, I have leifure time enough to inform you
of all that befell me fince my return to France. As foon as I
arriv'd at Verfailles, I waited upon Mr. de Pontchartrain, [167]
who fucceeded Mr. de Seignelai. I reprefented to him, that
Mr. de Frontenac had given me a Letter to his Predeceffour,
in which he took notice of the Services I had done. I remonftrated to him, that my Eftate being feiz'd upon, and there
being feveral Law-fuits to be adjufted, where my prefence was
neceffary, I hop'd his Majefty would give me leave to quit his
Service. He made anfwer, that he had been inform'd of the
fate of my Affairs, and that I was allow'd to purfue the management of 'em, till the departure of the laft Ships that are
bound this year for Quebec, to which place he mean'd I fhould
return. Having receiv'd this anfwer, I went from Ferfailles to




to North-America.


253


Paris, where my Relations drew me into a confultation of feveral Counfellors, who declar'd that my Affairs were fo perplex'd, that in their opinion, I could not have 'em adjuffed in
fo fhort a time. In the mean time, the Crowns I was forc'd
to lug out for this Confultation, turn'd my Stomach againft
the going to Law with Perfons that had fo much intereft in
the Parliament of Paris; infomuch, that I was almoft in the
mind of lofing my Right, rather than to enter upon the Lawfuit. However, I did not fail to put in for a provifion upon
my confifcated Eftate, by vertue of my being a&tually in the
Service. But the folliciting of that, coft me fo much trouble
and charges, that though my powerful Adverfaries had not
been able to prevent the obtaining of my requeft, yet the
Sum adjudg'd thereupon, would not be fufficient to anfwer the
charges I was at. Meffieurs de Bragelonel are very honourable
Gentlemen, as you know very well. 'Tis true, they love Piftoles better than their Relations, and upon that Principle
contented themfelves in doing me the honour of their good
Advice, for their Generofity do's not go much further; and
if I had no other refuge than theirs, I fhould be but in a forry
condition. The Abbot of Ecouttes,2 who is more liberal, [i68]
tho' not fo rich as they, made me a Prefent of a hundred
Louis d'ors, which I applied to the payment of the Fees, for
being receiv'd into the Order of St. Lazarus. The Ceremony
1 Lahontan belonged to the Gascon family of Bragelonne, one member of which
had been of the Company of One Hundred Associates, that founded the colony of
New France. -ED.
2 The Abbe de Couttes, who was an uncle of Lahontan, being a brother of his
mother, was an ecclesiastic well known at the court of Louis XIV. - ED.




254


Some New Voyages


of that Inftallment was perform'd in Mr. de Louvois his Chamber, and did not laft fo long as the telling of the Money.'
I was in hopes that this generous Abbot would have beftow'd
upon me fome fimple Benefice that he might have thrown in
my way, without injuring himfelf: But it feems, a fcruple of
Confcience ftood my Enemy. Upon the whole, Sir, I was e'en
forc'd at laft to go to Verfailles to follicit for a Place, which is
the moft cutting and vexatious Office in the World. Do but
confider, Sir, that in thofe Royal Apartments Crowns fly, and
no body knows where they go.          One muff patiently attend
five or fix hours a day in Mr. de Pontchartrain's Apartments,
only to fhew himfelf every time that that Minifter goes out or
comes in.
He no fooner appears, than every one crowds in to prefent
Memorials clogg'd with fifty Reafons, which commonly fly off
as light as the Wind. As foon as he receives thefe Petitions,
he gives 'em to fome Secretary or other that follows him; and
this Secretary carries 'em   to Meffieurs de la Touche, de Begon,
and de Saluberri; whofe Footmen receive Piftoles from moft
of the Officers, who without that Expedient, would be in
danger of catching cold at the Door of the Office of thefe
Deputies. 'Tis from that expedient alone, that their good
or bad deftiny muff flow. Pray undeceive your felf, as to your
1 St. Lazare was one of the military orders founded in the eleventh century, during
the Crusades. It was rich and powerful, and had large property in Paris. In the
seventeenth century it was amalgamated with the order of Mont Carmel, and Lahontan is sometimes known as chevalier of Notre Dame du Mont Carmel.
Francois Michel le Tellier, marquis de Louvois, was the great war minister of
the reign of Louis XIV. Among other honors, he received in I673 the office of vicar
general of the orders of St. Lazare and Mont Carmel. -ED.




I  ~                        fir.)
k~bCd








to North-America.


255


notion of the protedtion of great Lords: The time is gone in
which the Minifters granted whatever they ask'd for their
Baftards, their Footmen, and their Vaffals. There is but two
or three Princes or Dukes, who being great Favourites, will
meddle in protecting thofe that have no immediate dependance upon 'em: And if thefe do it, 'tis very [I69] feldom;
for you know that the Gentry of France is in no great Circumftances, and thefe great Lords have oftentimes poor Friends
of their own, for whom they are oblig'd& to ask places, in order
to their Subfiftence. As the World goes now, the Minifters
are upon fuch a foot, that they'll refufe any thing to Perfons
of the higheft Dignity about Court, by replying, the King
will have it fo, or the King will have it otherwife. And as
for the Topick of Merit; that's fuch a frightful Monfter, that
it can have no Reception in the Minifters Offices, nay, moft of
the Minifters are ftruck with horrour when they think of it.
'Tis the Minifters, in effeat, that difpofe of all places, though
it appears as if 'twere the King. They do what they pleafe,
without being accountable to him, for he puts all upon the
affetion and zeal they ought to have for his Service. They
carry Extracts to him, in which the merit of the Officers they
mean to prefer, is either fuppos'd or extoll'd. But the Memorials of thofe they do not like, are far from appearing.
I'm forry I fhould be oblig'd to lay this truth before you;
however, I mention no particular Minifter, for they are not
all of that kidney. I know fome of 'em that would fcorn to
do the leaft injuftice to any Man whatfoever; and would not
fuffer their Suiffes, or their Lackeys, or even their Deputies




256


Some New     Voyages


or Clerks, to intrigue for the preferment of fuch and fuch
Perfons by the means of Piftoles. Thefe dexterous Intriguers,
do by indire& means make more Officers, than you have hairs
on your Head; and 'tis for that reafon they are faluted a
League off, and dignify'd as ferioufly with the Title of Monfieur, as their Mafters are with that of Monfeigneur or Grandeur.
Thefe laft Titles have been acquir'd by our Minifters and
Secretaries of State, with as much glory, as by our Bifhops.
We muff not think it ftrange therefore, that even our General
Officers [I70] have the words Monfeigneur and Grandeur fo
frequently in their Mouths, provided it be accompany'd with
that of your Excellency. I fwear, Sir, I could find matter for a
Book of three hundred Pages in Folio, if I had a mind to be
particular upon the intrigues of the Officers and Minifters
of State; upon the means by which the Sollicitors compafs
their ends, the notorious Knavery of a certain fort of People,
and the patience with which the Officers mufft be fortified;
upon the contempt that thofe meet with, who have no other
Recommendation than Merit, and in a word, upon all the
inftances of Injuftice, that are pra&is'd without the King's
knowledge.
Let it be as it will, I mufft acquaint you that after a fruitlefs
Sollicitation for what I thought I had fome Title to, in confideration of my Services, I receiv'd this Anfwer, that the King
would order Mr. de Frontenac to provide for me as handfomly
as he could, when an occafion offer'd: So that I was forc'd
to reft fatisfi'd with my Anfwer, and refolve to continue a




to North-America.


257


Captain for ever; for I know very well that the Governour
of Canada can not prefer me to a higher Poft.1
Having left Verfailles, I came hither with all expedition,
and then went to receive the commands of the Intendant of
Rochefort. He acquainted me that the Ship call'd Honort
was fitting up, and that I might fail as foon as 'twas ready.
He recommended to me the Chevalier de Meaupou, Madam
Ponchartrain's Nephew, who is to go along with me.2 This
Gentleman having the curiofity to fee Canada, is come hither
from Paris, with a handfom Retinue. 'Tis in vain to fet forth
to him the tedioufnefs of the Paffage, the inconveniencies of
the Sea, and the difagreeablenefs of the Country; for all thefe
Arguments ferve only to inflame his Curiofity. The Count
d' unay is to convoy us to the Latitude of Cape Finiflerre,
at which place [171] he is to take leave of us, and return to
Rochefort. We only ftay for a fair Wind to put to Sea. I am,
SIR,
Toturs, &c.
1 The king, in addition to the bestowal of a military order, had already promoted Lahontan to a captaincy. See Collecion de Manuscrits de la Nouvelle France,
ii, p. 62. The governor of New France had no higher appointment in his power.
Roy suggests that most young officers of that time would, at the age of twenty-five,
have been content with such honors.  ED.
2Probably the Sieur de Maupeau, who was later president of inquests in the
Parliament of Paris and whose son was chancellor, 1763-68. -ED.


17




258


Some New     Voyages


LETTER XXII.
Dated at Quebec Nov. o1. I691.
Which contains an Account of the Authors departure from Rochel
to Quebec, of his Voyage to the Mouth of the River St. Laurence, of a Ren-counter he had with an Englifh Ship which
he fought; of the flranding of his Ship; of his failing through
the River St. Laurence; of the News he receiv'd, that a Party
of the Englifh and Iroquefe had defeated a Body of the French
Troops.
SIR,
TWO days after I wrote to you, we fet fail from the Harbour of Rochel, upon our great Voyage to Canada. On
the 5th of Auguft we perceiv'd a great Ship, which the Count
of Aunay gave chafe to, who having a better Sailer, came up
with her in three hours time, whereupon fhe on a fudden put
up Genoefe Colours. Some Guns were fir'd upon the Prow, to
oblige her to ftrike; but the Captain was fo obftinate, that
Mr. d'Aunay was forc'd to give her a Broadfide, which kill'd
four or five of the Seamen, whereupon the reft were oblig'd
to put out their Long-boat, and carry to his Ship their Paffports and Bills of Lading. On the Ioth, after [172] they had
taken the Latitude, the Pilots thinking that they were even
with Cape FinifJer, Mr. d'Aunay fent out his Long-boat, to




to North-America.


259


acquaint me that he was then upon his return home, upon
which I wrote him   a Letter of thanks.   Father Bechefer a
Jefuit, who had been many years Superior of the College of
Quebec, whither he was now going in the fame Capacity, was
forc'd to throw himfelf into this Long-boat, in order to his
return into France, having found himfelf continually indifpos'd,
from the firft day we put to Sea.' On the 23d of Augufi we
had a great Storm of Wind from the North-Weft, which lafted
about twenty four hours, being then a hundred Leagues off
the Bank of Newfound-Land.    This Bank takes its Name from
the Ifland of Newfound-Land, a Map of which is here annex'd.
When the Storm was over, there fucceeded a Wind from
the North-Eaft, which drove us in ten or twelve hours, to the
Mouth of the River of St. Laurence. On the 6th of September we
difcover'd a Ship failing from the Coaft of Gafpk, which bore
down upon us with a full fail. We thought at firft that they
were French coming from Quebec, but their way of working
the Ship difcover'd to us within an hour after, that they were
Enemies. After we knew them, we prepar'd to fight them,
and they being about a League to the Windward of us, came
quickly down upon us with full Sail, within Musket-fhot.
Prefently they put up Englifh Colours, and gave us a Broadfide; and we put up our own Colours, and paid them home
in their own Coyn. The Fight lafted two hours, and both
'Thierry Beschefer, Jesuit missionary, came to Canada in 1665, and was for
several years stationed among the Iroquois. He had been superior of the Canadian
missions since i680, and in I688 was prefect of the College of Quebec. After this
mention by Lahontan, he disappears from Canadian history, but is thought to have
died at Rheims in 171.- ED.




260


Some New     Voyages


fides fir'd continually one upon another, but the Sea being
tempeftuous, we were oblig'd to fhear off as Night came on,
without fuffering any other lofs, than the wounding of two
Seamen, and the receiving of twenty eight or thirty fhot in
our Mafts, Sails, and Rigging. Two days after we met Mr.
Duta, Captain of the Hazardous, who was homeward bound
for [I73] France, being a Convoy to ten or twelve Merchant
Ships. He gave me fome Refrefhments, and told me fome
news of Canada, which were very acceptable. We purfu'd
our courfe in fpight of the South-Eaft Wind, which oblig'd
us to tack about feveral ways, till we came to Portneuf, near to
Tadouffac.'   In this place we were ftranded by the fault of the
Coafting-Pilot, who being obftinate for cafting Anchor near
the Land, was like to have been the caufe of a Shipwrack.
At Midnight the Ship was fo dafh'd againft the Sand, that
I thought fhe was fplit in pieces, but the Tide ebbing by
degrees, ihe was left lying upon the Coaft, without any
apparent Damage. I prefently caus'd a Kedger to be dropt
in the deep Water belag'd with feveral Ropes call'd Grelins
Epiffes (fee the Explication Table,)2 and the next Morning the
Tide returning fet the Ship afloat, and then we haul'd it in
with the Capeftan. On the I3th we caft anchor near the Red
1 The seigniory of Portneuf lay a league and a half along the St. Lawrence River
northeast of Tadoussac, in the present County of Chicoutimi, where is now Portneuf
River. The fief was founded in 1636, in favor of the family of Le Neuf de la Poterie;
in 1671 it passed by marriage to the Robineau family, who remained barons de Portneuf
until the conquest (1760). -ED.
2 In the French edition of 1728, this term is explained as follows: Grelins episses,
cables made fast end to end, interlaced and joined, one to the end of the other by means
of iron bolts which are called " cornets d'episse " (spiked horns). -ED.




to North-America.


26i


I/land, and the next day being the I4th, we pafs'd that Channel without danger, by the favour of a frefh Gale from the
North-Eaft.
On the Isth we caft Anchor at the Ille of Hares': On the
i6th we pafs'd the Ifle of Coudres: On the I7th we weather'd
the Cape of Tourmente, and the next day we anchor'd in this
Port. From the Mouth of the River to this place, we had
the fineft Sunfhine days that ever were feen: During which
time, I had both leifure and opportunity to view the Coafts
on the right Hand and the left, while we tack'd about and
about as the wind ferv'd. When I faw a great many Rivers
on the South fide, I ask'd the Pilots why the Ships us'd to
fleer their courfe on the North fide, where there is no Anchorage to be found, but at Papinachefe, the feven Ifles, and Portneuf.2   They anfwer'd me, that the ordinary Breezes of the
rough North-Weft Wind, which blows upon this River for
three quarters of a year, were [174] the true caufe why they
durft not go far from the North fide; and that no body could
enfure a Ship that fhould fleer on the South fide, except it
were in the Months of June, July, and Auguft. If it were not
for that, I believe it would be more pleafant, more eafie, and
lefs dangerous to fail on the South, than on the North fide,
1 Hare Island (Isle au Lievres) lies in the River St. Lawrence west of Tadoussac.
It was so named by Cartier (I545), because many hares were there captured on his
voyage of discovery. - ED.
2 Seven Islands is a group lying near the northerly shore of the St. Lawrence,
protecting a harbor now known as Seven Islands Bay. Papinachois is a small
bay at the entrance of a river of that name, in Saguenay County, Quebec. It was
named from a tribe of Montagnais Indians, and is said to signify, " I like to laugh a
little." - ED.




262


Some New Voyages


becaufe one might caft Anchor every Night at the entrance
of thofe Rivers which difcharge themfelves all along that Coaft,
and would not be oblig'd to be veering about continually
Night and Day, as he is forc'd to do, when he fteers his
courfe on the North fide.     This, Sir, is all I had to fay at
prefent about our failing in this River, which I fhall have
occafion to mention to you again. After our Ship caft Anchor
before Quebec, I landed with the Chevalier Meaupou, whom I
conduted to the Houfe of Mr. Frontenac, who offer'd to him
as well as to me, the ufe of his Table and Houfe. I am inform'd that 300 Englijh, and 200 Iroquefe, approach'd about
two Months agoe to the Ifle of Monreal; That the Governour
of that Ifle tranfported 15 Companies from the other fide of
the River, to watch their motions; That a Detachment of the
Enemy having furpriz'd our Out-Guards, attack'd the whole
Body of them, and our Camp at the fame time with fo much
Vigour and Courage, that they kill'd upon the fpot more than
three hundred Soldiers, befides two Captains, fix Lieutenants,
and five Enfigns; and that after this fatal Expedition, Mr.
Valrenes, a Captain of the Marines, fet out for Monreal, with
a Detachment of French and Savages, to go to Fort Chambli,
(for fear the Iroquefe fhould attack that Poft) who having met
in their paffage a party of Englifh and Iroquefe, attack'd them
vigouroufly, and defeated them.l
1This account refers to the raiding party sent out from Albany under Peter
Schuyler in August, 1691. Schuyler's report is in N. Y. Colon. Docs., iii, pp. 80oo805; that of the French ibid, ix, pp. 520-524. Parkman gives a good resume in
Frontenac, pp. 289-294. Lahontan has greatly exaggerated the numbers of the slain
- in all, about a hundred French were killed and wounded. - ED.




to North-America.                 263
All thefe different Adventures give me ground to conje&ure, that it will be much more difficult [I75] than 'tis
imagin'd, to make a good Peace with the five Nations of the
Iroquefe. Mr. Frontenac has given the neceffary Orders to all
the neighbouring Habitations, that they fhould tranfport a
great quantity of Stakes and Lime in the Winter time to the
Neighbourhood of this City. Farewel Sir, the laft Ships which
are to depart hence for France, will fail in three or four days.
I am,
SIR, Yours, &c.




264


Some New     Voyages


LETTER XXIII.
Dated at Nants Odob. 25. I692.
Containing an Account of the taking of fome Englifh Veffels, of
defeating a Party of the Iroquefe, of an Iroquefe burnt alive
at Quebec; of another Party of thefe Barbarians, who having
furpriz'd fome Coureurs de Bois, were afterwards furpriz'd
themfelves. Of the Projet of an Enterprize propos'd by Mr.
Frontenac to the Author.  Of the Authors departure in a
Frigat for France, and his flopping at Placentia, which was
attack'd by an Englifh Fleet that came to take that Pofl from
us. How the Englifh fail'd in their Defign, and the Author
purfu'd his Voyage.
SIR,
T    HIS Letter comes from Britany, and not from Canada,
from whence I parted fuddenly to return into France,
about two Months after I receiv'd your Letter, which I could
not then anfwer for want of an opportunity. You tell me,
that you are fatisfi'd with the Defcription I have fent you of
[I76] the River St. Laurence, and that you would be very glad
to have as exad an account of the whole Country of Canada.
I can fcarce fatisfie your defire at prefent, becaufe I have not
yet had time to fort all my Memoirs, and therefore you muft
not take it amifs, that I pray you to fufpend your curiofity




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265


for fome time. In the mean time, here follows the Relation
of fome things that happen'd in Canada, which may be acceptable to you.
Immediately after the Ships parted from Quebec the laft
year, Mr. Frontenac order'd a Plan to be drawn of a Wall to
encompafs the City, and having tranfported thither all the
Materials neceffary for building fome Redoubts of Stone,
he took care to fortifie it during the Summer.1 Some days
agoe a Gentleman of New-England call'd Nelfon, was brought
prifoner to Quebec, who was taken in the River of Kenebeki,
upon the Coaft of Acadia, together with three Ships belonging
to him, and becaufe he was a very gallant Man, Mr. Frontenac
gave him a Lodging at his own Houfe, and treated him with
all manner of Civility.2 About the beginning of this year,
1 The plans for fortifying Quebec were made by Levasseur and Beaucourt, two
young engineers from France. The walls, which were the first permanent fortifications of Quebec, were about three-quarters of a mile in extent, stretching from Cape
Diamond to St. Charles River.- ED
2John Nelson, a prominent Boston merchant, was great-nephew of Sir Thomas
Temple from whom he had inherited rights to Nova Scotia grants. During the
Andros revolution (I689), he headed the party that secured surrender of the fort in
Boston harbor, and used all his influence against the tyrannical government. Being
an Episcopalian and "of gay and free temper," he was accorded no place in the
provisional government, but opposed Phips and his plans. In 1691, he was captured
in St. John's River on his way to Port Royal. Frontenac treated him with marked
courtesy, as a reward for his kindness to French prisoners in Boston. Having found
means to send information to Boston of an expected attack on Pemaquid, Nelson was
deported to France, where he was kept in solitary confinement for two years. Removed to the Bastille, he made propositions for an adjustment between the crowns,
and was sent to England on parole (I696). Refusing to break his parole, though
the king forbade his return to Paris, he went back and remained prisoner until the
peace of Ryswick (1697). Upon his release, he had trouble with the English authorities because of his disobedience, but, after an absence of ten years, was finally allowed
to return to Boston. In 1707, he supported the king's party in the colony. -ED.




266


Some New     Voyages


this Governour gave the command of a Party confifting of
I50 Soldiers, to Chevalier Beaucour, with whom fifty of the
Savages that were our Friends were joyn'd, in order to march
on the Ice towards Fort Frontenac.    About thirty or forty
Leagues from Monreal, they met a Company of fixty Iroquefe,
who were difcover'd by the Foot-fteps of fome of their
Hunters, that had ftragled out of their Cottages, and the next
day they were all furpriz'd, and either had their Throats cut,
or were made Prifoners. The Sieur de la Plante who liv'd
in Slavery with thefe Wretches, had the good fortune to be
prefent in their Company when they were defeated, and he
had certainly been kill'd with his Mafters, if he had not cry'd
out with all his Might, Spare me, I am a Frenchman: He was
one of [I77] the four Officers, who had the misfortune to be
taken in that fatal Incurfion, which thefe Tygers made into
Monreal, as I told you in my I7th Letter.'    The Chevalier
Beaucour return'd again to the Colony with his Party, and
brought along with him twelve Prifoners of the Iroquefe, who
were immediately conduded to Quebec: After they arriv'd,
Mr. Frontenac did very judicioufly condemn two of the wickedeft of the Company, to be burnt alive with a flow Fire. This
Sentence extreamly terrified the Governour's Lady, and the
Jesuits; the Lady us'd all manner of fupplication to procure
a moderation of the terrible Sentence, but the Judge was
1 Josue Dubois de Berthelot, sieur de Beaucourt, a young engineer, was the
second officer on this expedition, and took command when his superior became disabled. Later, he served the colony in many capacities, planning the Quebec fortifications of 1712; acting as army officer in Newfoundland in 1705; and as governor of
Three Rivers in I730.-ED.




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267


inexorable, and the Jefuits employ'd all their Eloquence in
vain upon this occafion.    The Governour anfwered them,
" That it was abfolutely neceffary to make fome terrible ex" amples of Severity to frighten the Iroquefe; That fince thefe
" Barbarians burnt almoff all the French, who had the mis" fortune to fall into their Hands, they muff be treated after
" the fame manner, becaufe the Indulgence which had hitherto
" been fhown them, feem'd to authorize them to invade our
" Plantations, and fo much the rather to do it, becaufe they
" run no other hazard, than that of being taken, and well kept
"at their Maffer's Houfes; but when they fhould underftand
"that the French caus'd them to be burnt, they would have
"a care for the future, how    they advanc'd with fo much
" boldnefs to the very Gates of our Cities; and in fine, That
" the Sentence of Death being paft, thefe two wretches muft
" prepare to take a Journey into the other World. This
obftinacy appear'd furprizing in Mr. Frontenac, who but a
little before had favour'd the efcape of three or four Perfons
liable to the Sentence of Death, upon the importunate prayer
of Madam the Governefs; but though fhe redoubled her
earneft Supplications, fhe could not alter his firm Refolution
as [178] to thefe two Wretches.1 The Jefuits were thereupon
fent to Baptize them, and oblige them to acknowledge the
Trinity, and the Incarnation, and to reprefent to them the
lThe lady who plead for the Iroquois must have been the intendant's wife,
Madame de Champigny, as the Countess de Frontenac never came to New France.
The Jesuits later reported that the terrible example made of this Iroquois prisoner had
a good effect, in causing that nation to cease or mitigate the tortures of the captured
French. - ED.




268


Some New Voyages


Joys of Paradife, and the Torments of Hell, within the fpace
of eight or ten hours. You will readily confefs, Sir, that this
was a very bold way of treating thefe great Myfteries, and
that to endeavour to make the Iroquefe underftand them fo
quickly, was to expofe them to their Laughter. Whether
they took thefe Truths for Songs, I do not know; but this I
can affure you, that from the Minute they were acquainted
with this fatal News, they fent back thefe good Fathers without ever hearing them; and then they began to fing the fong
of Death, according to the cuftom of the Savages. Some
charitable Perfon having thrown a Knife to them in Prifon,
he who had the leaft Courage of the two, thruft it into his
Breaft, and died of the Wound immediately. Some young
Hurons of Lorette, aged between fourteen and fifteen years,
came to feize the other, and carry him away to the Diamant
Cape, where notice was given to prepare a great pile of
Wood. He ran to death with a greater unconcernednefs,
than Socrates would have done, if he had been in his cafe.
During the time of Execution he fung continually; "That
"he was a Warriour, brave and undaunted; that the moft
"cruel kind of Death could not fhock his Courage, that
"no Torments could extort from him any Cries, that his
" Companion was a Coward for having kill'd himfelf through
"the fear of Torment; and laftly, that if he was burnt, he
"had this Comfort, that he had treated many French and
"Hurons after the fame manner. All that he faid was very
true, and chiefly as to his own courage and firmnefs of Soul;




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269


for I can truly fwear to you, that he neither fhed Tears, nor
was ever perceiv'd to Sigh; but on the contrary, during
all the time that he fuffer'd [I79] the moft horrible Torments that could be invented, and which lafted about the
fpace of three hours, he never ceas'd one Minute from
finging.  The foles of his Feet were roafted before two
great Stones red hot, for more than a quarter of an hour;
the tops of his Fingers were fcorch'd in a Stove of lighted
Pipes; during which Torture he did not draw back his
Hand. After this the feveral joynts of his Body were cut
off, one after another: The Nerves of his Limbs and Arms
were diftorted with a little Iron Wand, after fuch a manner,
as cannot poffibly be exprefs'd. In fine, after many other
Tortures, the hair of his Head was taken off after fuch a manner, that there remain'd nothing but the Skull, upon which
thefe young Executioners were going to throw fome burning
Sand, when a certain Slave of the Hurons of Lorette, by the
order of Madam the Governefs, knock'd him on the head
with a Club, which put an end to his Martyrdom. As to my
felf, I vow and fwear, that the Prologue of this Tragedy, created in me fo great a Horror, that I had not the curiofity to
fee the end of it, nor to hear this poor Wretch fing to the laft
moment of his Life. I have feen fo many burnt againft my
Will, amongft thofe People where I fojourn'd, during the
courfe of my Voyages, that I cannot think of it without
trouble. 'Tis a fad Speftacle, at which every one is obliged
to be prefent, when he happens to Sojourn among thefe Sav



270


Some New      Voyages


age Nations, who infli6t this cruel kind of Death upon their
Prifoners of War; for as I have told you in one of my Letters, all the Savages praCtife this barbarous Cruelty. Nothing
is more grating to a civil Man, than that he is oblig'd to be a
Witnefs of the Torments which this kind of Martyrs fuffer;
for if any one fhould pretend to fhun this Sight, or exprefs
any Compaffion for them, he would be effeem'd by them     a
Man of no Courage.
[I80] After the Navigation was open and free, the Sieur
St. Michel a Canadan, fet out from Monreal for the Beaver
Lakes, at the Head of a Party of the Coreurs de Bois, with
feveral Canows laden with fuch Goods as are proper for the
Savages. In their paffage from Long-Saut, to the River of the
Outaouas, they met fixty Iroquefe, who furpriz'd them, and cut
all their Throats except four, that had the good fortune to
efcape, and carry the news to Monreal.l As foon as this fatal
accident was known, the Chevalier Vaudreuil, put himfelf in a
Canow with a Detachment, and purfu'd this party of Iroquefe,
being follow'd by a hundred Canadans, and fome confederate
Savages. I know not by what chance he had the good fortune
to overtake them, but fo it was, he furpriz'd them, and attack'd them with Vigour, upon which they fought defperately,
but at laft they were defeated. This Vi&ory coft us the lives
of many of our Savages, and of three or four of our Officers.
1 St. Michel, the leader, was carried captive to Onondaga, whence he escaped in
1693, just as he was to be burned at the stake. Nearly naked, without food or
weapons, he made his way in twenty-four days to Quebec, where he gave warning of
an approaching Iroquois raid. - ED.




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271


The Iroquefe that were taken, were carried to the City of
Monreal, near which place they were regal'd with a Salvo of
Baftinadoes.1
About the beginning of the Month of July, Mr. Frontenac
having receiv'd fome News from the Commander of the
Lakes,2 fpoke to me of a certain Projed, which I had formerly
fhown him to be of great Importance: But becaufe he did not
fufficiently confider all the advantages that might be reap'd
from   it, and  on the contrary, apprehended a great many
difficulties would attend the putting it in execution, he had
altogether negleded this Affair, of which I fhall give you the
following account.
I obferv'd to you in my I7th Letter, the great Importance
and Advantage of the Forts of Frontenac and Niagara, and
that in the conjundture of Circumftances wherein Mr. Denonville then found them, it was impoffible to preferve them.
You have alfo [i8i] remarqu'd the advantages which the
Savages have over the Europeans, by their way of fighting in
the Forrefts of this vaft Continent. Since we cannot deftroy
the Iroquefe with our own fingle Forces, we are neceffarily
oblig'd to have recourfe to the Savages that are our Allies:
And 'tis certain, as they themfelves forefee, that if thefe Bar1 For an account of Vaudreuil's pursuing party, see N. Y. Colon. Docs., ix, pp.
53I, 536.-ED.
2 This was Louis de la Porte, sieur de Louvigny, who was commandant at Mackinac i690-94. He was an able officer, who saw much service in the colony; was
major of Quebec in 1703; led several expeditions to the upper country, notably that
of I716 to Wisconsin; and was drowned in a shipwreck (1725). For fuller details
see Wis. Hist. Colls., v, pp. 67-77, oS8-iIo; xvi, index.-ED.




272


Some New     Voyages


barians could compafs the Deftru&tion of our Colonies, they
would be fubdued by them fooner or later, as it has happen'd
to many other Nations, fo they know it to be their Intereft to
joyn with us to deftroy thefe Banditi's. Now fince they are
well affe6ted to this defign, we muff endeavour to faciliate to
them the means of putting it in execution, for you may eafily
believe that thefe People, as favage as they are, are not fo
void of Senfe, as to travel two or three hundred Leagues from
their own Country, to fight againft their Enemies, without
being fure of a place of retreat, where they may repofe themfelves, and find Provifions. There is no queftion therefore,
but we ihould build Forts upon the Lands of the Iroquefe, and
maintain them in fpite of their Teeth. This, Sir, is what I
propos'd above a year agoe to Mr. Frontenac, and it is what
he would have me ftill to undertake. I projedt therefore, to
build and maintain three Forts upon the courfe of the Lakes,
with fome Veffels that fhall go with Oars, which I will build
according to my Fancy; but they being light, and of great
carriage, may be manag'd either with Oars or a Sail, and will
alfo be able to bear the fhocks of the Waves. I demand fifty
Seamen of the French Bifcay, for they are known to be the
moft dexterous and able Mariners that are in the World. I
muff alfo have two hundred Soldiers, chofen out of the Troops
of Canada. I will build three little Caftles in feveral places,
one at the mouth of the Lake Errie, which you fee in my Map
of Canada, under the name of Fort Suppofe, befides two [182]
others. The fecond I will build in the fame place where it
was when I maintain'd it, in the years 1687, and I688, whereof




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273


I have wrote to you in my I4th and ISth Letter: and the third
at the Mouth of the Bay of Toronto, upon the fame Lake.'
Ninety Men will be fufficient to Garrifon thefe three Redoubts, and perhaps a fmaller number; for the Iroquefe who
never faw a Canon, but in a Pi6ture, and to whom an ounce.
of Powder is more precious than a Lewis-D'or, can never be
perfwaded to attack any kind of Fortification. I defire of the
King for putting this Projed in execution, I5ooo Crowns a
year, for the Maintenance, Entertainment, Subfiftance, and
pay of thefe 250 Men. It will be/ very eafie for me to tranfport with the abovemention'd Veffels 400 Savages, into the
Country of the Iroquefe, whenever I have a mind. I can carry
Provifions for 2000, and tranfport as many Sacks of Indian
Corn, as are neceffary for maintaining thefe Forts both in
Winter and Summer. 'Tis eafie to have plenty of Hunting
and Shooting in all the Ifles, and to contrive ways for croffing
the Lakes; and it will be fo much the more eafie to purfue
the Iroquefe in their Canows, and fink them, that my Veffels
are light, and my Men fight under a Cover. In fine, if you
faw the Memorial which I am to prefent to Mr. Pontchartrain,
you would find that this Enterprize is the fineft and moft
ufeful that can be invented, to diftrefs the Iroquefe in time of
War, and confine them within bounds in time of Peace. Mr.
1 Toronto Lake was the early name of Lake Simcoe. Lahontan appears to apply
it to the entire Georgian Bay, whence the Toronto portage led through the peninsula
to Lake Ontario. His intended fort was to control this passage to Canada, as that on
Lake Erie commanded the route by the Great Lakes. A contemporary document appears to be concerned with that part of Lahontan's project that related to the post at
Detroit. See Roy, Lahontan, pp. 94, 95.-ED.
18




274


Some New     Voyages


Frontenac has joyn'd to it a private Letter to Mr. Pontchartrain,
wherein he obferves to him, that if this ProjeCt were well put
in execution, thefe terrible Enemies would be oblig'd in two
years time, to abandon their Country. After this he adds,
that he judges me fufficiently qualified to go upon fuch an
Interprife; and believes I will make my point good. Perhaps
he might have light on others that know the Country and
Cuftoms of the Savages better than [I83] I do: But by an
accident which do's not tend much to my advantage, I have
purchas'd the Efteem and Friendfhip of thefe Savages, which
in my opinion was the only reafon that mov'd Mr. de Frontenac to fingle out me for this Service.
July the 27th the Governour having given me his Packet for
the Court, and the St. Ann Frigat being rigg'd and fitted out
according to his Orders, I imbarqu'd in the Port of Quebec,
and after five days failing, we met in the River of St. Laurence,
over againft Monts notre dame, twelve Merchantmen bound from
France for Quebec, under the Convoy of Mr. d'Iberville, Captain of the Poli.1 Augufl the 8th, we got clear of the Bay of
St. Laurence, by the help of a Wefterly Gale, and that in fuch
fair and clear Weather, that we defcry'd the Iflands of Cape
Breton and Newfound-Land, as diftinCtly, as if we had been
within a Musket-fhot of 'em. The nine or ten following days
were fo far of a different ftamp, that we could fcarce fee from
I Iberville was to continue to the coast of Acadia and attack Fort Pemaquid.
The plan proved abortive, because the English authorities were notified by the
prisoner Nelson. The " Poli " was wrecked the following year off the coast of Newfoundland. - ED.




to North-America.


275


the Prow to the Poop of the Ship, for all of a fudden there
fell the thickeft and darkeft Fog that ever I faw. At the end
of thefe days the Horifon clearing up, we ftood in for Newfound-Land, defcrying Cape St. Mary; and by making all the
fail we could, arriv'd that very day in the Port of Placentia.'
In that Port I found fifty Fifhermen, moft of which were
of French Bijcay, and thought to have fet out for France along
with them in a few days: But they were longer in getting
ready than I thought for, and when we were juft ready to
break ground, we were inform'd by fome Fifhermen, that five
large Englilh Ships were come to an Anchor near Cape St.
Mary.    This Intelligence prov'd very true, for on the Isth of
September they caft Anchor in fight of Placentia. The I6th they
weigh'd, and came to an Anchor in the Road, out of the reach
of our Guns. Upon this the Governour was not a little perplex'd, for he had but fifty Soldiers in his Fort, and a very
[I84] fmall moiety of Ammunition. Befides, the Fort was
commanded by a Mountain, from whence he might be gall'd
with Stones flung out of Slings; and 'twas to be fear'd, the
Englifh would poffefs themfelves of that high Ground.              I
march'd with fixty of the Seamen belonging to the Fifhermen,
to prevent their Landing, in cafe they attempted to make a
1 Placentia, the French post upon Newfoundland, possessed an excellent harbor.
Together with a portion of the southern shore of the island, it had been sold (1662)
by Charles II to Louis XIV, who immediately erected a fortification at this point.
Before King William's War, the defences had fallen into ruin, and the place become
the resort of privateers who sallied forth to attack English fishing and trading vessels.
Since I690 the French had been occupied in restoring the stronghold, and rebuilding
the fort, named St. Louis.-ED.




276


Some New     Voyages


Defcent at a certain place call'd la Fontaine; and I compafs'd
my end without firing a Gun. In effe&, fix or feven hundred
Englifh put in to the Land in twenty Sloops, with a defign to
have landed at that place; upon which my vigorous Cantabrians being full of fire and forwardnefs, appear'd too foon
upon the fhoar, in fpite of my Teeth, and by that means oblig'd
the Englifh to take another courfe, and row with all their might
to the back of a little Cape, where they threw in a Barrel of
Pitch and Tar that burnt two arpents of Thickets. The I8th
about Noon, perceiving that a little Sloop put off from the
Admiral with a white Flag on its Prow, and made towards the
Fort, I run in thither immediately. The Governour had took
care to fend out one of his own Sloops with the fame Flag, to
meet the other, and was furpris'd when fhe return'd with two
Englifh Officers on board. Thefe Officers gave the Governour
to underftand, that the Admiral defir'd he would fend an
Officer on board of him, which was done accordingly; for
Mr. de Coife-belle and I, went on board of the Admiral, who
receiv'd us with all Refpe6t and Civility, and regal'd us with
Sweet-meats, and feveral forts of Wines, with which we drank
the Healths of the Admirals of France, and England. He
fhew'd us his whole Ship, to the very Carriages of the Guns,
1 Sieur Pastour de Costabelle was sent to Placentia in 1687 in command of a
detachment of troops. Upon the retirement of the governor, he assumed control until
superseded by De Brouillon (I690), under whom he became second in command, and
with whom he was a confederate in enriching himself from the profit of the public
service. In I701 Costabelle succeeded De Brouillon as governor of Placentia- an
office he held for about twelve years, when he was sent to take charge of Isle Royal
(Cape Breton). - ED.


S




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277


and then gave the Sieur de Cojfebelle to know, that 'twould be
a great trouble to him to be oblig'd to take Placentia by the
force of Arms, in regard that he forefaw, fuch an Enterprife
would prove fatal to the Governour, to the Garrifon, and all
the [I85] Inhabitants, upon the account that he would find a
great deal of difficulty in preventing the Pillaging and other
Diforders; That in order to avoid this Misfortune, 'twould
be a prudential part in the Governour to come to a Compofition. Our Officer being fully acquainted with the Governour's
Mind, made anfwer in his name, that he was refolv'd upon a
vigorous defence, and would rather fpring the place in the
Air, than furrender it to the Enemies of the King his Mafter.
After a mutual exchange of Compliments, we took leave of
him, and being ready to get into our Sloop, he told us with
embraces, that he was infinitely forry he could not falute us
with his Guns, in the room of which he order'd five or fix
Huzza's, with a Long live the King. When we went into the
Boat, we return'd him the fame number of fhouts, to which
he return'd a feventh that finifh'd the Ceremony. Upon our
return to the Fort, Mr. de Coflebelle gave the Governour an
account of the force of the Admiral's Ship. The St. Albans
(fo the Ship was call'd) carried fixty fix Guns mounted, and
fix hundred Men Complement, but the other Ships appear'd
to be of lefs force.
The next day, which was the g9th, they advanc'd within
Canon-fhot of the Fort, where they lay bye, while a Sloop
row'd up to the Batteries. The Governour fent out another




278


Some New     Voyages


Sloop to know what the matter was, and was anfwer'd, that if
he had a mind for a Parley in the time of the Ingagement,
he fhould put up a red Flag for a Signal. I was then pofted
at la Fontaine, to oppofe a Defcent; for that was the only
place that could be ferviceable to the Englifh, in order to
mafter Placentia. The Englifh ought to have confider'd, that
their Cannon would do no fervice againft an impenetrable
Rampart, and that they would lofe their labour in fhooting
againft Flints and Earth. But it feems, they were oblig'd by
exprefs Orders from the Prince of Orange, to do [i86] it, and
at the fame time to expofe themfelves to the danger of being
funk, which had certainly been effected, if we had had Powder
and Ball enough for the Canonading lafted almoft five hours.
The 20th a French Pilot who was Prifoner on board of the
Admiral, made his efcape by throwing himfelf into the Sea in
the Night-time. He landed at the place where I lay in Ambufcade; and after he had given me an account of what pafs'd
in the Fleet, I fent him to the Governour's Houfe. He
inform'd me, that they had defign'd a Defcent with feven or
eight hundred Men, but alter'd their Refolution, upon the
apprehenfion, that there were fourteen or fifteen hundred
Seamen ready to oppofe them; that they were of the opinion,
that my fixty Bifcayans who difcover'd themfelves upon the
fhoar at la Fontaine, in fpite of all I could do, had no other
view but to draw 'em into an Ambufcade, by tempting 'em
to come up. The 2Ifl they fet fail with a North-Eaft Gale,
after having burnt all the Houfes at Pointe Verte, where the
Governour had fent a Detachment by way of Precaution that




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279


fame very day; but the ways were fo impraticable, that the
Detachment could not get there in time to oppofe the Enemy.
This one may juftly fay, that if it had not been for the Captains of the Bifcay Ships that were then at Placentia, that place
had undoubtedly fallen into the hands of the Englifh: And
this I can convince you of, when you and I meet. In this
bloody Expedition, the Engli/h loft fix Men; and on our fide
the Sieur Boat, Lieutenant of a Nantes Veffel, had his Arm
fhot off. In fine, the Engli/h did all that Men could do, fo
that nothing can be faid againft their Condudt.
OSfober the 6th, I took fhipping in purfuit of my Voyage
to France, being accompany'd with feveral other Veffels. The
Wefterly Winds were fo favourable to us in our paffage, that
we came to an Anchor [I87] on the 23d at St. Nazere, which
lies but eight or nine Leagues for this place.2 I am to fet out
immediately for Verfailles; in the mean time, I am,
SIR,
Yours, &c.
1 The English ships were commanded by Commodore Williams, whose management of the attack was later criticized. Comparison with the documentary reports of
this expedition, proves that Lahontan was accurate in this account. Charlevoix drew
from it largely in his History, iv, pp. 222-226. The governor represented to the court
the services of Lahontan on this occasion. See Roy, Lahontan, p. 97. - ED.
2 St. Nazaire is a harbor at the mouth of the Loire River. -ED.




280


Some New     Voyages


LETTER XXIV.
Dated at Nantes May io. 1693.
Containing an Account of Mr. Frontenac's ProjeCt, which was
rejefled at Court, and the reafon why it was rejeited. The
King gives the Author the Lieutenancy of the Ifle of Newfound Land, &c. together with a free Independent Company.
SIR, '
I AM now once more at Nantes, from whence I wrote to you
in OCober lafl. I am now return'd from Court, where I
prefented to Mr. Pontchartrain Mr. Frontenac's Letters, and
the Memorial I mention'd in my laft. I was anfwer'd, that it
would not be proper to execute the Projeft I propos'd becaufe the forty Seamen which were neceffary for my purpofe,
could not now be allow'd me, and befides the King had given
Orders to Mr. Frontenac, to make Peace with the Iroquefe upon
any terms whatfoever. This Inconveniency alfo was found to
attend the Projed, that after the Forts which I intended to
build upon the Lakes were intirely finifh'd, the Savages that
are our Friends and Confederates, would rather feek after
Glory, by making [I88] War upon the Iroquefe, than take
pleafure in Hunting the Beavers, which would be a confiderable damage to the Colonies of Canada, that fubfift only as
one may fay, by the trade of Skins, as I fhall fhew you more




to North-America.


281


particularly in a proper place. The Engliflz will by no means
take it ill, that we do not build thefe Forts, for befides that,
they are too much concern'd for the prefervation of the
Iroquefe, they will always be ready to furnifh with Merchandize
the Savage Nations, that are our Allies, as they have done
hitherto. I muft own my felf mightily oblig'd to the Englijh,
who attack'd us at Placentia the laft year; they declar'd publickly, though without any juft ground, after they arriv'd in
England, that they would infallibly have taken that place, if I
had not oppos'd their Defcent. I have already inform'd you,
that I did not at all hinder them from Landing at the place
where I was pofted with fixty Bifcayan Seamen: So that they
attribute to me a glorious Adion, in which I had no fhare,
and by that means have done me fo much Honour, that his
Majefty hath beftow'd upon me the Lieutenancy of the Ifle of
Newfound-Land and Acadia, which I never deferv'd upon that
fcore. Thus you fee, Sir, that many times fuch Perfons are
preferr'd, who have no other Patrons in the World, but pure
Chance. However, I fhould have been better pleas'd, if I
could have put the abovemention'd Projed in execution, for
a folitary Life is moft grateful to me, and the manners of the
Savages are perfedly agreeable to my Palate. The corruption of our Age is fo great, that it feems the Europeans have
made a Law, to tear one another in pieces by cruel Ufage and
Reproaches, and therefore you muft not think it ftrange, if I
have a kindnefs for the poor Americans, who have done me fo
many favours. I am to fet out the next day after to Morrow,
from this [I89] place, in order to embark at St. Nazere. The




282


Some New      Voyages


Meffeurs d'Angui, two Nantes Merchants, have taken upon
them to maintain the Garrifon of Placentia, upon condition of
certain Grants made by the Court, who furnifhes them with a
Ship, wherein I am to have my Paffage. Pray fend me your
News by fome Ships of S. John de Luz, which are to fail from
this place within two Months, in order to truck with the
Inhabitants of Placentia.
I cannot conclude this Letter, without giving you fome
account of a Difpute I had very lately at my Inn, with a
Portugueze Phyfician, who had made many Voyages to Angola,
Brezil, and Goa. He maintain'd, that the People of the Continent of America, Afia, and Africa, were defcended from three
different Fathers, which he thus attempted to prove. The
Americans differ from the Afiatics, for they have neither Hair
nor Beard; the features of their Face, their colour and their
cuftoms are different; befides that, they know neither meum
nor tuum, but have all things in common, without making any
property of Goods, which is quite contrary to the Afiatic way
of living. He added, that America was fo far diftant from the
other parts of the World, that no body can imagine, how a
Voyage fhould be made into this New Continent, before the
ufe of the Compafs was found out; That the Africans being
black and flat Nos'd, had fuch monftrous thick Lips, fuch a
flat Face, fuch foft woolly Hair on their Head, and were in
their Conftitution, Manners, and Temper, fo different from
the Americans, that he thought it impoffible, that thefe two
forts of People fhould derive their Original from Adam, whom
this Phyfician would have to refemble a Turk or a Perfian in his




to Nortb-America.


283


Air and Figure. I anfwer'd him prefently, that fuppofing the
Scripture did not give convincing evidence, that all Men in
general are defcended from one firft Father, yet his reafoning
would not be fufficient [I90] to prove the contrary, fince the
difference that is found between the People of America and
Africa, proceeds from no other caufe but the different qualities of the Air and Climat in thefe two Continents: That
this appears plainly to be true, becaufe a Negro Man and
Woman, or a Savage Man and Woman, being tranfplanted
into Europe, will produce fuch Children there, who in four or
five Generations, will infallibly be as white, as the moft ancient
Europeans.  The Phyfician deny'd this matter of Fad, and
maintain'd, that the Children defcended from this Negro Man
or Woman, would be born there as black as they are in
Guinea; but that afterwards the Rays of the Sun being more
oblique and lefs fcorching than in Africa, thefe Infants would
not have that black fhining Luftre, which is fo eafily diftinguifhed upon the Skin of fuch Negroes as are brought up in
their own Country. To confirm his Hypothefis, he affur'd me,
that he had feen many Negroes at Lisbon, as black as in Africa,
tho' their Great Grandfather's Grandfather had been tranfplanted into Portugal many years agoe. He added alfo, that
thofe who were defcended from the Portugueze, that dwelt at
Angola, Cape Vert, &c. about a hundred years agoe, are fo
little tawn'd, that 'tis impoffible to diftinguifh them from the
Natives of Portugal: He further confirm'd his way of reafoning, from an unconteftable matter of fad, for, fays he, if the
Rays of the Sun were the caufe of the blacknefs of the Negroes,




284


Some New Voyages


from hence it would follow, that the Brazilians being fituate
in the fame degree from the Equator with the Africans, fhould
be as black as they are; but fo they are not, for 'tis certain
their Skin appears to be as clear as that of the Portuguefe.
But this was not all, he maintained farther, that thefe who are
defcended from the firft Savages of Brazil, that were tranfported into Portugal, above an Age agoe, have as little Hair
and [I91] Beard as their Anceftors, and on the contrary, thofe
who are defcended from the firft Portugueze, who peopl'd the
Colonies of Brazil, are as hairy, and have as great Beards, as
if they had been born in Portugal. But after all, continued
he, though all that I have faid is abfolutely true, yet there are
fome People, who rafhly maintain, that the Children of the
Africans and Americans, will by degrees degenerate in Europe.
This may happen to thofe whofe Mothers receive the imbraces of Europeans, which is the reafon why we fee fo many
Mullatto's in the Ifles of America, in Spain, and in Portugal:
Whereas if thefe Women had been as clofely kept up in Europe, as the Portugueze Women are in Africa and America, the
Children of the Brafilians would no more degenerate than
thofe of the Portugueze. Such Sir, was the reafoning of this
Dodtor, who hits the matter pretty juftly towards the end of
his Difcourfe; but his Principle is moft falfe, and moft abfurd,
for no Man can doubt, unlefs he be void of Faith, good Senfe
and Judgment, but that Adam was the only Father of all Mankind. 'Tis certain, that the Savages of Canada, and all the
other People of America, have not naturally either Hair or
Beard; that the features of their Face, and their colour ap



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to North-America.


285


proaching to an Olive, fhow a vaft difference between them
and the Europeans. What is the caufe of thefe things I know
not, and yet I cannot believe them to be the effe&t of their Air
and Food. For at that rate, thofe who are defcended from
the French, that firft fetled in Canada near a hundred years
agoe, and for the moft part run up and down in the Woods,
and live like the Savages, fhould have neither Beard nor Hair,
but degenerate alfo by degrees into Savages, which yet never
happens. After this Phyfician had alledg'd all thefe Reafons,
he digrefs'd from this Subje&, and having a mind to difcover
his extravagant Opinions, ask'd me what I [192] thought of
the Salvation of fo many Americans, to whom in all probability
the Gofpel was never preach'd. You may very well believe,
that I made no fcruple to condemn them by wholefale to
Eternal Fire, which he took very ill. 'How can you, faid he,
'condemn thefe poor People with fo much affurance: 'Tis
'probable that their firft Father, having never finn'd as our
'Adam did, had a good Soul, and an upright Heart, fince his
'Pofterity do exadtly obferve the Law of natural Equity,
'which is exprefs'd in Latine in thefe well known words, Alteri
'ne feceris quod tibi fieri non vis; and allow no property of
'Goods, nor any Diftindtion or Subordination among them,
'but live as Brethren, without Difputes, without Suits, with'out Laws, and without Malice. But fuppofing, added he,
'that they were originally defcended from Adam, we ought
'not to believe, that they are damn'd for their ignorance of
'the Chriftian Dodrine, for who can tell but God may impute
'to them the Merits of Chrift's Blood, by ways fecret and




286


Some New     Voyages


'incomprehenfible to us; and befides, (fuppofing that Man
'has a Free Will) his Divine Majefty without doubt will have
'a greater regard to his moral Adions, than to his Worfhip
'and Belief. The want of Knowledge, continued he, is an
'Unhappinefs, but not a Crime, and who can tell but God has
'a mind to be honour'd by infinite ways of paying him Hom'age and RefpeCt, as by Sacrifices, Dances, Songs, and the
'other Ceremonies of the Americans?  He had fcarce made
an end of his Difcourfe, when I fell foul upon him with all my
might, as to the preceding Points; but after I had given him
to underftand, that if among the multi vocati, i. e. thofe who
profefs the true Religion, who are but a handful of Men, there
are found but Pauci eleti, all the Americans mufft be in a very
deplorable condition: He anfwer'd me impudently, that I was
very rafh [I93] to determine who fhould be in the number of
the Reprobate at the laft Judgment, and to condemn them
without giving any Quarter; for, fays he, this is to infult the
Wifdom of God, and to make him deal as capricioufly by his
Creatures, as St. Paul's Potter did by his two Veffels. Neverthelefs, when he faw that I treated him like an impious, unbelieving Wretch, he to be even with me, reply'd in thefe foolifh
words, Fidem ego hic que adhibetur Myfleriis facris interpello, fed
fidem illam quae bonae mentis foror eft, quaeq; reStam rationem amat.
From hence you may judge, Sir, whether this fine Phyfician
was able to remove Mountains. I am,
SIR,
Tours, &c.




to North-America.


287


LETTER XXV.
Dated at Viana in Portugal January 31. 1694.
The Author's departure from France for Placentia.    A Fleet of
30 Englilh Ships came to feize upon that place; but is difappointed, and flieers off. The Reafons why the Englifh have
bad fuccefs in all their Enterprifes beyond Sea.  The Author's
Adventure with the Governour of Placentia. His departure for
Portugal. An Engagement with a Flufhing Privateer.
SIR,
DO not at all doubt but you will be fenfibly affedted with
my fad and fatal Mifadventure, which I am now to give you
an account of. And firft [I94] you muft know, that after we
had waited for a fair Wind fifteen or twenty days at St. Nazere,
we fet fail on the I2th of May laft. Our Paffage was neither
long nor fhort, for we arriv'd at the Harbour of Placentia the
20th of June, having taken an Engli/h Ship laden with Tobacco,
on the edges of the Bank of Newfound Land. After I landed,
I went to falute Mr. Brouillon, Governor of Placentia, and
declar'd to him how glad I was to obey the Orders of fo wife
a Commander.l He anfwer'd, that he was much furpriz'd
1 Jacques Frangois de Brouillon belonged to a good family from Guienne, France,
and had served as an infantry officer since I670. Twenty years later he was honored
with the appointment of governor of Placentia, where he arrived early in the spring
of I690. lHe was an officer of merit, but inclined to peculation, and both merchants




288


Some-New     Voyages


to find, that I had follicited to be employ'd there, without
acquainting him with it the preceding year; and that he now
plainly perceiv'd, that the Projed about the Lakes of Canada,
(which I had mention'd to him) was a mere fham pretence.
I endeavour'd in vain to perfwade him          to the contrary; for
it was not poffible for me to undeceive him.1 Neverthelefs, I
landed my Goods, and hir'd a private Houfe, till fuch time as
I could build one for my felf, which I carried on with fo much
diligence, that it was finifh'd in September, by the affiftance of
the Ship-Carpenters, who were lent me gratis, by all the Bifcay
Captains. The Sieur Beray of St. yohn de Luz,2 arriv'd at Placentia on the I8th of July, with one of his Ships, and brought
me a Letter, wherein you acquaint me, that in regard to your
Nephew defires to vifit Canada the next year, you would be
very glad to have a Dictionary of the Language of the Savages, together with the Memoirs which I promis'd you.
On the i6th of September we perceiv'd an Englifh Fleet of
twenty four Sail, which caft Anchor in the Road much about
the time that it was difcover'd. It was commanded by Sir
Francis Wheeler, who had        gone to Martinico with a defign
and habitants made frequent complaints under his administration. He remained in
Placentia until 1701, when he was transferred to Acadia, serving there as governor
until his death in I705.  Indications are not lacking from official sources that
Lahontan's accusations against De Brouillon had some justification.  See Roy,
Lahontan, pp. 176-179.-ED.
1 Roy shows from the letters of De Brouillon himself, that the arrival of Lahontan
in the capacity of lieutenant of the king, not only deprived the governor of certain
sources of profit, but also of hopes for placing his brother in that position. -ED.
2 St. Jean de Luz is a small port at the southwestern extremity of France on the
Bay of Biscay. It had considerable commerce with Placentia and its fisheries. - ED.




to North-America.


289


to feize that Ifle, and in his return from thence had fail'd
to New    England, to take in fome Forces and Ammunition
there, in order to make himfelf Mafter [i95] of Placentia;
but when he difcover'd a Redoubt of Stone lately built upon
the top of the Mountain, which I mention'd to you in my
laft Letter but one, he thought it more advifable to return
quietly into Europe, than to make a fruitlefs Attempt.            We
had planted four Canon upon this high Redoubt, which fo
gaul'd the Ships of his Fleet, that they were forc'd to weigh
Anchor, and hoift Sail fooner than they intended.' The fault
of the Englifh upon this occafion, was, that they did not enter
the Harbour the fame day that they appear'd before the
place. I have obferv'd it many times, that Attempts do commonly mifcarry, by delaying them for a little while; and of
this I could give you at leaft fifteen or fixteen Inftances within
the compafs of my own Knowledge. But now I return to the
Quarrel the Governour had with me.
Fancying that I had follicited my Employments without
taking notice of him, he treated me with all manner of Reproaches and Outrages, from the time of my Landing, to
that of my Departure, and was not fatisfy'd with appropriat1 Sir Francis Wheler, born in i656, entered the navy when twenty-two years of
age, and by i680 was captain of a man of war. The following year he captured two
Algerine corsairs, and was knighted by James II in the last year of his reign. After
the Revolution (i688) Wheler was made rear-admiral and sent with a squadron to
the West Indies. There he made an unsuccessful attack on Martinique (April, I692),
and arrived in Boston June io, where he requested Phips to cooperate in a second
attack upon Quebec. Finding that impracticable, he sailed for Placentia, with the
results Lahontan details. The following year (I694) his flag ship foundered off the
coast of Gibralter, and the admiral, with all on board, was lost. - ED.
19




290


Some New Voyages


ing to himfelf the Profits and Advantages of the free Company that was given me, but likewife ftop'd without any
fcruple, the pay of the Soldiers that were employ'd in the
Cod-fifhing by the Inhabitants, and made the reft work without Wages. I fhall take no notice of his publick Extortion;
for tho' he has formally counteracted the ten Articles contain'd in the Orders of Lewis the Ioth, yet he had fo many
Friends in all the Courts, that he could not be found guilty:
There's fome pleafure in making Prefents in his way, for by
them he has made ooo50000 Crowns per fas & nefas, in the fpace
of three or four years. I fhould never have done, if I offer'd
to give you a particular account of all the trouble and vexation he gave me. I fhall only mention three Inftances which
crown'd all the reft.
[I96] On the 20th of November, i. e. a Month after our
Fifhermen fet fail, while I was entertaining at Supper fome of
the Inhabitants, he came Mask'd into my Houfe, with his
Servants, and broke the glafs Windows, Bottles, and Drinking-Glaffes, and threw down the Tables, Chairs, Chefts of
Drawers, and every thing that came to hand. Before I had
time to get into my Chamber, and take my Piftols, this infolent Mob difappear'd very feafonably; for I would have loaded
my Piftols and purfu'd them, if my Gueffs had not hindred
me. Next Morning his Servants fell upon mine, who expeCted
nothing lefs than to be threfh'd to death with Clubs. This
fecond infult having provok'd my Patience to the laft degree,
I was meditating fome Revenge upon thefe Affaffins, when the
Recollets came and remonftrated to me, that I muft diffem



to North-America.


291


ble my Refentment, to prevent any Innovation in the King's
Affairs. Then I refolv'd to ihut my felf up, and apply my
felf to Study, to divert the vexatious Thoughts, of not being
able to pull off my Mask. The third trick which he play'd
me, at the end of three days, was this; he fent to arreft two
Soldiers, whom I had imploy'd to cut down fome Grafs in the
Meadows, about half a League from the Garrifon: They
were feiz'd while they were Mowing, bound and carried away
Prifoners, under the pretence of being Deferters, becaufe they
had lain two Nights out of the Garrifon, without his leave;
and, which would have prov'd yet more fatal to thefe innocent
Men, he had certainly caus'd 'em to be knock'd on the Head,
on purpofe to vex me, if the Recollets, and his own Miffse,
had not earneftly interceded on their behalf.
After this Accident, the Recollets advifed me to go and
fee him, and to entreat him to put an end to all his Perfecutions, affuring him at the fame time, that I was entirely his
Servant and Friend. Durus eft hicfermo. Whatever reludancy
I had to yield to an advice fo [I97] contrary to nature, which,
I muff confefs, ftruggled furioufly within me, yet I offer'd fo
much violence to my felf, that I fubmitted to it. I was at his
Houfe, went into his Chamber, and being with him all alone,
I fpoke to him for a quarter of an hour in the moft fubmiflive
Terms, that any Slave could ufe. I am afham'd to make this
Confeffion to you, for I blufh to my felf every time I think of
fo mean a fubmiffion. However, inftead of his liftening to my
Reafons, and treating friendly with me, he fell into a moft
furious Paffion, and loaded me with a torrent of moft bitter




292


Some New      Voyages


Reproaches. In this cafe, Sir, I preferr'd the Service of the
King, before the Punctilio's of Honour, for I did nothing but
retir'd to my own Houfe, being well fatisfy'd that I was not
affaffinated by his Domefticks: But the diforder which this
Affair produc'd, would require a long Difcourfe. It will be
more to the purpofe, to come to matter of Fadt; I do affure
you, that he would have laid me up, if the Inhabitants had
appear'd to be in his Intereft. He pretended that he had
been infulted, and confequently that he was in the right in
revenging himfelf, whatever it coft him. But the tragical end
of a Governour, whofe Throat was cut in this Country about
thirty or forty years agoe, furnith'd him with abundant matter
of Reflexion. He judg'd it therefore his fafeft way to diffemble his Anger, being perfwaded, that if I fhould have run him
through with my Sword, the Soldiers and Inhabitants would
have favour'd my efcape to the Englifh, in the neighbourhood
of Placentia. In the mean time the Recollets, who had a mind
to compofe thefe growing Differences, found no great trouble
in reconciling us, for they Remonftrated to him, of what confequence it would be for us to live in a good Correfpondence,
and to avoid the troubles that would enfue upon our quarrels.
This propofal of an Accomodation, was in appearance [I98]
moft agreeable to him, and fo much the rather, becaufe he
was glad to diffemble his Refentments by the external figns of
Friendfhip. So we faw and embrac'd one another with mutual
Proteftations of forgetting all that had pafs'd between us.
After this Reconciliation, I had reafon to believe, that




to North-America.


293


his Heart would not give the lye to his Mouth, becaufe I
thought he was not fo imprudent as to inform the Court of
fome Trifles, wherein he would appear to have proftituted his
Honour; but I was deceiv'd, for he took the pains to add
afterwards to the Verbal Procefs he had given in before our
Accommodation, fome falihoods which he ought to have conceal'd.  'Tis needlefs to acquaint you, how by chance his
Papers fell into my Hands; that Indifcretion might prove a
difadvantage to fome Perfons, whom Heaven blefs. I fhall
only tell you, that after the Recollets had feen and read the
Allegations contain'd in his Papers, they made no fcruple to
advife me to take care of my felf, and ingeneoufly declar'd
to me, that they never intended to meddle any more in that
Affair, becaufe they perceiv'd that they had innocently contributed to do me a prejudice, by reftoring peace between him
and me.1 This wholfom advice made me perceive the danger
to which I fhould be expos'd, if I continued any longer at
Placentia, infomuch, that the fear I had of being fent to the
Baflile, after the arrival of the Ships from France, made me
refolve to abandon all hopes of making my fortune here, and
to throw up my Places. After the Inhabitants were acquainted
with this News, all of 'em except three or four, came running
to my Houfe, to affure me they were ready to fign my Verbal
1 For copies of De Brouillon's accusations against his lieutenant, taken from the
French archives, see Roy, Lahontan, pp. Ioo, ioi. It is amusing reading, as one
recognizes the unpopularity of the governor with the inhabitants, and the mocking
spirit of Lahontan who composed satiric songs concerning his superior, and sang
them in the taverns of Placentia. - ED.




294


Some New     Voyages


Procefs, in cafe I would change my Refolution: But inftead
of accepting their offer, I gave them to underftand, having
thank'd them firft for their Good-will, that [I99] they would
bring Mifchief upon themfelves, and be look'd upon at Court
as Seditious Perfons, and Difturbers of the publick Peace;
fince by a deteftable principle of Politicks, an inferior Perfon
is always judg'd to be in the wrong, whatever reafon he may
have on his fide. Indeed I would gladly have avoided this
fatal neceffity of throwing up my Places, which feem'd infenfibly to lead me to fome great Fortune; but at laft the confinement in the Bafiile, made fuch a deep impreffion upon my
Mind, after I had ferioufly refleted upon the troublefom
Circumftances of my Affairs, that I made no fcruple to embark
in a little Veffel, which was the only one, and the laft that was
to go to France. The Propofal I made to the Captain of
prefenting him with a Iooo Crowns, was fo well receiv'd, that
he engag'd to land me upon the Coaft of Portugal for that
Sum, upon condition that I fhould keep the Secret. The beft
of the matter was, that my Enemy had ufed the precaution of
writing to the Governors of Belle Ifle, of the Ifle of Re, and of
Rochelle, to feize me as foon as I fhould land.l He reckon'd,
and not without reafon indeed, that this Veffel would put into
one of thefe three Ports: But three hundred Piftoles, dexteroufly convey'd to the hands of fome People that are not much
1 Three well-known harbors on the west coast of France. Belle Isle lies off from
Britanny opposite the bay of Quiberon; Isle de Re is over against the harbor of La
Rochelle in the Bay of Biscay. -ED.




to North-America.


295


accuftom'd to finger Gold, have a wonderful effedt; for that
very Sum, which indeed I was loth to part with, fav'd me my
Liberty, and perhaps my Life.
Purfuant to this Refolution, I imbarqu'd the i4th of the
laft Month, notwithftanding the rifque that one runs by failing in the Winter time, through fuch a Sea as lies between
Newfound-Land and France. 'Tis needlefs to inform you, that
I left at Placentia a great deal of Houfhold Furniture, which I
could neither fell nor carry off. 'Twill be more edifying for
you to hear the Journal of our Voyage. We incounter'd three
terrible Storms in our Paffage, [200] without any damage;
and in the laft of thefe, which lafted three days, the Wind at
North-Weft, we run a hundred and fifty Leagues without any
Sail. This laft Storm was fo violent, that the Seamen imbrac'd,
and bid an eternal adieu to one another; for every Minute
they expected to be funk without relief. As this Storm alarm'd
us, fo the contrary Winds from the Eaft and North-Eaft, that
fprung upon us a hundred Leagues to the Weftward of Cape
Finiflerre, occafion'd an equal dread; for we were oblig'd to
traverfe the Sea for three or four and twenty days, after which
we defcry'd the Cape by vertue of our frequent tackings, and
by a ftrange accident, were attack'd by a Flu/fling Privateer,
which could not board us, becaufe the Sea roll'd fo high, but
contented her felf with firing upon us, and that with fo little
effe&t, that we did not lofe one Man. Our Mafts and Rigging
indeed was fo dammag'd, that after we were parted from the
Privateer, by the help of the Night and a great Fog, we could




296


Some New      Voyages


fcarce make ufe of our Sails. However, we refitted with all
poffible diligence, and the Captain of the Ship having then a
fair pretence to luft out of the dire&t courfe ftood to the SouthEaft in the Night-time. This feign'd courfe did not fecure us
from the Privateer, which might happen to fteer the fame
courfe; fo that in the Night-time we put our felves in a readinefs to renew the fight in the Day-time. In effed, he did not
purfue us, as we apprehended: But about Noon we efcap'd
yet more narrowly, for we were purfu'd by a Sallymanl in fight
of the Coaft for four hours, and were within a hairs breadth
of being taken, before we got under the Canon of the Fort
of this City. Had we been catch'd, the Governour of Placentia
would have had fome ground for the joyful Exclamation, Incidit
in Scillam, &c. But thank God we were only frighted.
[20I] As foon as we came to an Anchor, I paid down my
Iooo Crowns to the Captain, who has reafon to look upon this
Adtion, as one of the beft he ever did in his Life-time. The
Long-boat was no fooner in the Water, than I went afhoar
with all my Baggage; and as foon as I came into this City, I
procur'd Ammunition and Provifions for the Ship with that
Expedition, that the Captain weigh'd Anchor the very next
day, and fo continu'd his courfe to France.
As for the Memoirs of the Country of Canada, which you
have fo often defir'd, I have addrefs'd 'em to the Rochel Merchant, who convey'd your Letters to me all the while I was in
1 A Salleeman was a Moorish pirate ship, so called from the port of Sallee on the
coast of Morocco. - ED.




to North-America.


297


Canada. To thefe I have tack'd a fmall Catalogue of the moft
neceffary words of the Algonkin Language; which, as I have
often told you, is the fineft and the moft univerfal Language
in that Continent. If your Nephew continues his defign of
undertaking a Voyage to that Country, I would advife him to
learn thefe words in the time of his Paffage, that fo he may be
able to ftay five or fix Months with the Algonkins, and underftand what they fay. I have likewife fent you an explication
of the Sea-Terms, made ufe of in my Letters. The making
of this little Table, was a diverfion to me in my Voyage; for
in perufing my Letters, I drew out fome remarks which I
defign to impart to you, if I find that the infuing Memoirs
give you fatisfadtion.
You will readily guefs, that from the year 1683, to this
very day, I have renounc'd all manner of ties to my Country.
The curious Adventures that I have related to you in Writing
fince that time, will undoubtedly afford an agreeable diverfion
to your Friends; provided they are not of the number of thofe
unfufferable Devotees, who would rather be crucifi'd,-than fee
an Ecclefiaftick expos'd. Pray be fo kind as to write to me
to Lisbon, and inform [202] me of what you hear, in reference
to my concern.   You have fuch good Correfpondents at
Paris, that you cannot mifs of knowing how things go. I
doubt not but my Adverfary feeds himfelf with the hopes,
that his ufual Prefents would procure the apprehending of me
in France, where he thinks I would be the fool to land: But
now to be fure he'll fret his Heart out, for that he cannot gall




298             Some New     Voyages
me to his Wifhes. However, 'tis as much his intereft to follicit my Death, (purfuant to his unjuft Charge againft me) as
'tis my Glory to procure him a long Life. Upon this foot,
Sir, the longer he lives, the more revenge I fhall have; and
confequently I fhall have an opportunity of an eafie folace for
the lofs of my Places, and the Difgrace I have met with from
the King. I am,
SIR,
rours, &c.




[203] MEMOIRS
OF
North-America;
Containing a Geographical Defcription of that vafi Continent; the
Cufjoms and Commerce, of the Inhabitants, &c.
SIR,
N my former Letters, I prefented you with a view of the
Englifh and French Colonies, the Commerce of Canada,
the Navigation upon the Rivers and Lakes of that Country,
the courfe of failing from Europe to North-America, the feveral
Attempts made by the Englifh to mafter the French Colonies,
the Incurfions of the French upon New-England, and upon the
Iroquefe Country: In a word, Sir, I have reveal'd a great many
things, that for reafons of State or Politicks, have been
hitherto conceal'd; infomuch, that if you were capable of
making me a Sacrifice to your Refentment, 'tis now in your
power to ruine me at Court, by producing my Letters.
All that I writ in the foregoing Letters, and the whole
fubftance of the Memoirs I now fend you, is truth as plain as
the Sun-fhine. I flatter no Man, and I fpare no body. I fcorn
to be partial; I beftow due praife upon thofe who are in no




300


Some New Voyages


capacity to ferve [204] me, and I cenfure the ConduCt of
others, that are capable of doing me an injury by indirect
Methods. I am not influenc'd by that principle of Intereft
and Party-making, that is the rule of fome folks words. I
facrifice all to the love of Truth, and write with no other view,
than to give you a juft Reprefentation of things as they are.
'Tis beneath me to mince or alter the matter of fact, contain'd
either in the Letters I fent you fome ten or twelve years agoe,
or in thefe Memoirs.   In the courfe of my Voyages and
Travels, I took care to keep particular Journals of every
thing; but a minute relation of all Particulars, would be irkfom to you, befides, that the trouble of taking a copy of the
Journals, before I have an opportunity of fhewing you the
Original, would require more time than I can well fpare. In
thefe Memoirs you'll find as much as will ferve to form a
perfed Idea of the vaft Continent of North-America. In the
courfe of our Correfpondence from the year 1683, to this
time, I fent you five and twenty Letters, of all which I have
kept a double very carefully. My only view in writing of
thefe Letters, was to inform you of the moft effential things;
for I was unwilling to perplex and confound your Thoughts,
with an infinity of uncommon things, that have happen'd in
that Country. If you'll confult my Maps, as you read the
abovemention'd Letters, you'll find a juft Reprefentation of
all the places I have fpoke of. Thefe Maps are very particular, and I dare affure you, they are the corredteft yet extant.
My Voyage upon the Long River, gave me an opportunity of
making that little Map, which I fent you from Mifilimakinac in




to North-America.


30I


I699 [I689], with my fixteenth Letter. 'Tis true, it gives only
a bare Defcription of that River, and the River of the Miffouris: But it requir'd more time than I could fpare, to make
it more compleat, by a knowledge of the adjacent Countries,
which have [205] hitherto been unknown to all the World, as
well as that great River, and which I would never have vifited,
if I had not been fully inftruded in every thing that related to
it, and convoy'd by a good Guard. I have plac'd the Map of
Canada at the front of thefe Memoirs, and defire that favour
of you, that you would not fhew it to any body under my
Name. To the latter part I have fubjoyn'd an Explication
of the Marine, and other difficult Terms, made ufe of in my
Letters, as well as in thefe Memoirs; which you'll pleafe to
confult, when you meet with a word that you do not underftand.
A fhort Defcription of Canada.
You'll think, Sir, that I advance a Paradox, when I acquaint
you that New-France, commonly call'd Canada, comprehends a
greater extent of Ground, than the half of Europe: But pray
mind what proof I have for that Affertion. You know that
Europe extends South and North, from the 35 to the 72 degree
of Latitude, or if you will, from Cadiz to the North Cape on
the confines of Lapland; and that it's Longitude reaches from
the 9th to the 94th Degree, that is, from the River Oby, to the
Weft Cape in rflandia. But at the fame time, if we take the
greateft breadth of Europe, from Eaft to Weft, from the imaginary Canal, (for Inftance) between the Tanais and the Volga,




302


Some New     Voyages


to Dinglebay in Ireland, it makes but 66 Degrees of Longitude,
which contain more Leagues than the Degrees allotted to it
towards the Polar Circle, though thefe are more numerous, by
reafon that the degrees of Longitude are unequal: And fince
we are wont to meafure Provinces, Iflands, and Kingdoms by
the fpace of Ground, I am of the Opinion, that we ought to
make ufe of the fame Standard, with refped to the four parts
of the World. The Geographers who parcel [206] out the
Earth in their Clofets, according to their fancy; thefe Gentlemen, I fay, might have been aware of this advance, if they had
been more careful. But, to come to Canada;
All the World knows, that Canada reaches from the 39tb
to the 65th Deg. of Latitude, that is, from the South fide of
the Lake Erri~, to the North fide of Hudfon's Bay; and from
the 284th, to the 336th Degree of Longitude, viz. from the
River Mif/ifipi, to Cape Rafe in the Ifland of New-Foundland.1
I affirm therefore, that Europe has but I I Degrees of Latitude,
and 33 of Longitude, more than Canada, in which I comprehend the Ifland of New-Foundland, Acadia, and all the other
Countries that lye to the Northward of the River of St.
Laurence, which is the pretended great boundary that fevers
the French Colonies from the Englifli. Were I to reckon in all
the Countries that lye to the North-Weft of Canada, I fhould
'The claim for Canadian limits as far south as 39~ of latitude would extend them
nearly to the Ohio River. Longitude was reckoned at this time from west to east
entirely around the globe, the prime meridian in most common use being that of the
Canary Islands, supposed to be the " Fortunate Isles " of Ptolemy. The longitude
of the Mississippi, therefore, at its eastern projection would be about 284~; that of Cape
Race was usually estimated at about 330~. -ED.




to North-America.


303


find it larger than Europe: But I confine my felf to what is
difcover'd, known and own'd; I mean, to the Countries in
which the French trade with the Natives for Beavers, and in
which they have Forts, Magazines, Miflionaries, and fmall
Settlements.
'Tis above a Century and a half fince Canada was difcover'd.     John Verafan     was the     firft  Difcoverer, though      he
got nothing by it, for the Savages eat him up.' James Cartier
was the next that went thither, but after failing with his Ship
above Quebec, he return'd to France with a forry opinion of
the Country.2 At laft better Sailors were imploy'd in the Difcovery, and trac'd the River of St. Laurence more narrowly:
And about the beginning of the laft Century, a Colony was
fent thither from Rouan, which fetled there after a great deal
of oppofition from the Natives.3 At this day the Colony is fo
1Giovanni da Verrazzano was a Florentine navigator, who, sailing under the
French flag, explored the coast of North America (1524) from Carolina to Newfoundland. The authenticity of his narrative has been doubted, and for a long time there
was a critical controversy concerning his Relation; but its genuineness is now generally
accepted by historians. See Old South Leaflets, No. 17, and authorities therein cited;
also Harrisse, Discovery of North America (London and Paris, 1892), pp. 218-228.
One of his earliest biographers relates his death upon a later voyage at the hands of the
Indians. -ED.
2 For an account of Cartier's explorations, and the recent investigations concerning
them, see Pope, Jacques Cartier (Ottawa, 1889); Dionne, Jacques Cartier (Quebec,
1889). A version of his Voyages was published by Stevens (Montreal, 1890). Cartier
made three (possibly four) voyages to North America (1534-42), discovered and
explored the St. Lawrence as far as Lachine rapids, and made full reports of his adventures. His accounts are far from being as discouraging as Lahontan represents. -ED.
3 Lahontan here refers to the first permanent settlement of New France, made by
Champlain upon the site of Quebec (I6o8). The colony was fostered by a company
of Rouen merchants-see Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France (Toronto, 190o). The opposition of the aborigines is exaggerated by our author. -ED.




304


Some New      Voyages


populous, that 'tis computed to contain 80000oooo Souls.l I have
already given you fome account of that Country in [207] my
Letters, and therefore fhall now only point to the moft noted
places, and take notice of what may gratifie your curiofity
beyond what you have yet heard.
We are at a lofs to find the Head of the River of St.
Laurence, for tho' we have traced it feven or eight hundred
Leagues up, yet we could never reach its fource; the remoteft
place that the Coureurs de Bois go to, being the Lake Lenemipigon, which difimbogues into the Upper Lake, as the Upper
Lake do's into the Lake of Hurons, the Lake of Hurons into
that of ErriM alias Conti, and that of Erri?, into the Lake of
Frontenac,2 which forms this laft great River, that runs for
twenty Leagues with a pretty gentle Stream, and fweeps thro'
thirty more with a very rapid Current, till it reaches the City
of Monreal; from whence it continues its courfe with fome
moderation to the City of Quebec; and after that fpreads out,
and inlarges it felf by degrees to its Mouth, which lies a
hundred   Leagues further.      If we may credit the NorthCountry Savages, this River takes its rife from the great
Lake of the Affinipouals, which they give out to be larger than
any of the Lakes I mention'd but now, being fituated at the
1 This should be I8,ooo. Ferland, Cours d'Histoire du Canada (Quebec, 1865),
ii, p. 390, gives the exact population in 1713 as 18,440, taken from the archives of the
diocese of Quebec. -ED.
2Lake Lenemipigon was the present Nipigon, north of Lake Superior (Upper
Lake). For the first exploration of this region see p. 136, note I, ante; also
Thwaites, Early Western Travels (Cleveland, I904), ii, p. 87, note 45. Lake
Ontario was frequently called " Frontenac " by the French. -ED.




to North-America.


305


diftance of fifty or fixty Leagues from the Lake of Lenemipigon.'
The River of St. Laurence is 20 or 22 Leagues broad at its
Mouth, in the middle of which there's an Ifland call'dAnticofti,
which is twenty Leagues long. This Ifland belongs to the
Sieur Joliet a Canadan, who has built a little fortify'd Magazine upon it, to guard his Goods and his Family from the
Incurfions of the Eskimaux, of whom more anon. He deals
with the other Savage Nations, namely, the Montagnois, and
the Papipanachois in Arms and Ammunition, by way of
exchange for the Skins of Sea-Wolves or Sea-Calves, and
fome other Furs.2
Over againft this Ifland, to the Southward of it, we find
the Ifle call'd L'Ifle Percde, which is a great Rock with a
paffage bor'd through it, in which [208] the Sloops can
only pafs.3    In time of Peace the Bifcayans of France, and
the Normans, us'd to fifh for Cod at this place: For here
that Fifh are very plentiful, and at the fame time larger, and
more proper for drying than thofe of New-Foundland. But
there are two great Inconveniencies that attend the fifhing
1 The Assinipouals were the present Assiniboin Indians, a large Siouan tribe of
the Northwest region. The lake here referred to was Winnipeg. -ED.
2 For Jolliet and the seignoiry of Anticosti, see pp. 243, 244, note 2, ante. The
Indians mentioned are noticed on p. 26I, note 2. -ED.
3Isle Perce (now called Perce Rock) is a remarkable cliff of primitive rock
separated from the mainland of Gaspe by the action of the waves and ice, which
have also worn through it a great arch from which the islet takes its name. The
village of Perce, near by, is one of the oldest and most interesting fishing stations
on the continent. For an excellent and well-illustrated description, see Clarke,
" Perce: a brief sketch of its geology," in Report of New York State Paleontologist,
I 903.-ED.
20




306


Some New     Voyages


upon this Ifland; one is, that the Ships ride in great danger,
unlefs they have good Anchors and ftrong Cables; another
Inconvenience is, that this place affords neither Gravel nor
Flint-ftones to ftretch out the Fifh upon before the Sun,
and that the Fifhermen are forc'd to make ufe of a fort of
Hurdles.
There are other Fiihing-places befides this, which lie fome
Leagues higher up upon the fame fide of the River. Such is
that call'd Gafp?, where the Ships Crew fometimes trade in
Skins with the Gafpefions, to the prejudice of the Proprietors
of this River. The other places for Cod-fifh lie toward Monts
notre dame, in the little Bays or Rivers that empty themfelves
into the River of St. Laurence.l
On the other fide of the River, there lies the wide extended
Country of Labrador, or of the Eskimaux, who are fuch a wild
barbarous People, that no means whatfoever, have hitherto
been able to civilife 'em. One would think that good old
Homer had this People in his view, when he fpeaks of the
Cyclopes; for the Charadter of the one, fuits the other admirably well, as it appears from thefe four Verfes, in the ninth
1Gasp6 is an Indian term signifying "that which is separated," and originally
applied only to Cape Forillon, a lonely detached rock at the extremity of the peninsula. It is now extended to the entire broad peninsula between the St. Lawrence
and the Bay of Chaleurs, the coast of which is dotted with French-Canadian fishing
villages. Monts Notre Dame was the early name for the Chicchack (Shickshock)
range, which traverses the peninsula and forms the watershed. The interior of Gaspe
is still a forested wilderness, and the home of big game. At several points wealthy
Americans have of recent years bought large tracts for game preserves; on the other
hand, the lumber industry, also largely capitalized by Americans, is rapidly making
inroads into the forest. - ED.




to North-America.


307


Book of his Odyffea, which are fo pretty, that I cannot forbear
inferting them in this place.
To7Yw cJ Yi' '9Pc)t 3siAnDpoz Srs 64uMW.
A?^' v~e' n^Zv opewv vosw xanvc.
'EY bnele yXwAPOpoi'o keju*PL  aE 1xacs$
ITlErv    ' ac' dctov e'6 dAw v CA;9^.
[209] That is; this People do not perplex themfelves
with voluminous Laws, and vexatious Suits; they delight only
in the tops of Mountains, and deep Caves, and every one
confines his care to the management of his own Family, without troubling his Head about his Neighbour. The Danes
were the firft difcoverers of this Country, which is full of
Ports, Havens, and Bays, that the Quebec Barques refort to in
the Summer, in order to truck with the Savages for the Skins
of Sea-Calves.1 The Commerce I fpeak of, is carried on after
this manner. As foon as the Quebec Barques come to an
Anchor, thefe Devils come on board of them in their little
Canows made of the Skins of Sea-Calves, in the form of a
Weavers Shuttle, with a hole in the middle of it, refembling
that of a Purfe, in which they ftow themfelves with Ropes,
fitting fquat upon their Brech. Being fet in this fafhion they
row with little Slices, fometimes to the Right, and fometimes
to the Left, without bending their Body for fear of Over1 It is not probable that Lahontan here refers to the early discovery of this country
by the Norsemen. Gomara, in Histoire Generalle des Indes Occidentalis et Terres
neuves, translated into French and published in 1569, declares that the Bretons and
Danes made the first voyages to Baccaleos -a term used for both the Newfoundland
and Labrador coasts. Lahontan is probably following this authority, or a similar one,
for his historical remarks; the description of the trading is evidently the report of an
eye witness. - ED.




308


Some New      Voyages


fetting. As foon as they are near the Barque, they hold up
their Skins upon the end of the Oar, and at the fame time
make a demand of fo many Knives, Powder, Ball, Fufees, Axes,
Kettles, &c. In fine, every one fhews what he has, and mentions
what he expedts in exchange: And fo when the Bargain is
concluded, they deliver and receive their Goods upon the end
of a Stick. As thefe pitiful Fellows ufe the precaution of not
going on board of our Boats, fo we take care not to fuffer
too great a number of Canows to furround us; for they have
carry'd off oftner than once, fome of our fmall Veffels, at a
time when the Seamen were bufied in hauling in the Skins,
and delivering out the other Goods. Here, we are oblig'd to
be very vigilant in the Night-time, for they know how to
make great Sloops, that will hold thirty or forty Men, and
run as faft as the Wind: And 'tis for this [2IO] reafon that
the Malouins, who fifh for Cod at Petit Nord, and the Spaniards who follow the fame Fifhery at Portochoua,l are oblig'd to
fit out long Barques to fcour the Coaft and purfue 'em; for
almoft every year they furprife fome of the Crew on fhoar,
and cut their Throats, and fometimes they carry off the Veffel.
We are affur'd, that their number of Warriours, or Men that
bear Arms, amounts to thirty thoufand; but they are fuch
cowardly fellows, that five hundred Cliflino's from Hudfons
1 French fishers from St. Malo and other Breton towns were among the earliest
explorers of the Newfoundland coast. They termed all of the great upper peninsula
of the island, from White Bay northward, Petit Nord, and it was their favorite fishing
ground. The Spanish Basque fishermen frequented the northwest coast, and their
port was Portachua, now called Old Port au Choix. -ED.




to North-America.


309


Bay, ufed to defeat five or fix thoufand of them.l They are
poffefs'd of a very large Country, extending from over againft
the Ifles of Mingan to Hudfons Streight. They crofs over to
the Ifland of Newfound-Land every day, at the Streight of
Belle Ifle, which is not above feven Leagues over; but they
never came fo far as Placentia, for fear of meeting with other
Savages there.
Hudfon's Bay adjoyns to this Terra of Labrador, and
extends from the 52d Degree and thirty Minutes to the 63
of Latitude. The Original of its name was this. Captain
Henry Hudfon, an Englilh Man by Birth, obtain'd a Ship from
the Dutch, in order to trace a paffage to China through an
imaginary Streight to the Northward of North-America. He
had firft form'd a defign of going by the way of Nova Zembla;
but upon feeing the Memoirs of a Danifh Pilot, who was a
friend of his, he drop'd that thought. This Pilot, namely,
Frederick An/child, had fet out from Norway or rflandia, fome
years before, with a defign to find out a Paffage to Japan by
Davis's Streight, which is the Chimerical Streight I fpoke of.2
1 The Cristinaux (Killistinoe, Clistino) Indians are a large branch of the Algonquian family, that roam the Hudson Bay country and far to the west. They are now
known as the Cree, their present number being reckoned at twelve thousand. For
further details of this tribe see Henry, Travels and Adventures (Bain, ed., Boston,
190I), p. 246. -ED.
2 The standard authority for the voyages of Hudson is Asher, Henry Hudson
the Navigator (London, i860), printed for the Hakluyt Society, vol. xxvii. The
editor in his introduction says that the story of the Danish pilot Anschild (Anskoeld)
is a myth, growing out of the expedition of a Pole, Johannes Kolnus, whose voyage
(1476) was cited by the geographers of the sixteenth century in distorted terms. See
also Read, Historical Inquiry concerning Henry Hudson (Albany, 1866); De Costa,
Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson (Albany, I869). -ED.




31o


Some New      Voyages


The firft Land he defcry'd was Savage Bay, feated on the
North fide of the Terra of Labrador; then fweeping along
the Coaft, he enter'd a Streight, which about twenty or thirty
years afterwards, was chriften'd Hudfon's Streight. After that,
fleering to the Weftward, he came upon fome [2II] Coaft that
run North and South; upon which he ftood to the North,
flattering himfelf with the hopes of finding an open paffage
to crofs the Sea of Jeffo; but after failing to the Latitude
of the Polar Circle, and running the rifque of perifhing in
the Ice, I do not know how often, without meeting with any
paffage or open Sea, he took up a refolution of turning back;
but the Seafon was then fo far advanc'd, and the Ice fo cover'd
up the furface of the Water, that he was forc'd to put in to
Hudfon's Bay, and winter there in a Harbour, where feveral
Savages furnifh'd his Crew with Provifions and excellent
Skins. As foon as the Sea was open, he return'd to Denmark.    Now, Captain Hudfon being afterwards acquainted
with this Dane, undertook upon his Journals to attempt a
paffage to Japan through the Streight of Davis; but the
Enterprife fail'd, as well as that of one Button, and fome
others.' However, Hudfon put in to the Bay that now goes
1From 1576 to 1632 there were sixteen English voyages of exploration for a
Northwest Passage. That of John Davis, whose name is commemorated in Davis
Strait, occurred in 1585. The same navigator made two later voyages to Arctic
regions, and was finally murdered by Japanese pirates in the East Indies (i606). See
Markham, "Voyages and Works of John Davis, Navigator" (London, I88o),
Publications of Hakluyt Society, No. 59. Sir Thomas Button followed on the track
of Henry Hudson, and explored the great bay bearing the latter's name (1612-13);
he was knighted for his services. See Christy, Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe and
Captain Thomas James (London, i894), Hakluyt Society, No. 88. - ED.




to Nortb-America.


3"I


by his name, where he receiv'd a great quantity of Skins from
the Savages; after that, he difcover'd New Holland, which is
now call'd New-Tork,l and fome other Countries retaining to
New-England: upon the whole, 'tis not fair to call this
Streight and this Bay, by the name of Hudfon; in regard that
the  abovemention'd     Dane, Frederick Anfchild, was the firft
difcoverer of them; he being the firft European that defcry'd
the Countries of North-America, and chalk'd out the way to
the others.   Upon this Hudfon's Journals, the Englifh made
feveral attempts to fettle a Commerce with the Americans.
The great quantity of Beaver-Skins and other Furs that he
purchas'd of the Savages while he Winter'd in the Bay, put
the notion into the heads of fome Englifh Merchants, who
thereupon form'd a Company for the carrying on of this New
Commerce. With this view, they fitted out fome Ships under
the command of Captain Nelfon, who lof fome of 'em in the
Ice not far from the [2I2] Streight, having efcap'd narrowly
himfelf. However, he enter'd the Bay, and plac'd himfelf at
the Mouth of a great River, which rifes towards the Lake of
the Afimpouals, and falls into the Bay at a place where he built
a Redoubt, and mounted fome Cannon upon it.2 In the fpace
1 Hudson did not discover the great bay of that name until his fourth voyage
(I6Io-I), whence he never returned. His exploration of New Holland (preferably
New Netherlands) occurred upon his third voyage (I609).- ED.
2 This voyage of Nelson is hypothetical, apparently invented to account for the
name Nelson River. The wintering place at its mouth was named Port Nelson by
Button, in honor of his sailing master, who died and was buried there; thence the
name extended to the river. In the confusion of Lahontan's account, it is uncertain
whether he refers to the organization of the Hudson's Bay Company (I670), or to the




312


Some New     Voyages


of three or four years after, the Englifh made fome other little
Forts near that River, which prov'd a confiderable baulk to
the Commerce of the French, who found that the Savages who
us'd to deal with 'em in Furs on the North fide of the upper
Lake, were not then to be feen.
It came to pafs in procefs of time, but how I cannot tell,
that one Ratiffon, and one Grozelier, met in that great Lake
fome Cliftino's, who promis'd to conduf 'em to the bottom of
the Bay, where the Englifh had not yet penetrated. In effe&t,
the Clifino's were as good as their word; for they fhew'd 'em
the place they fpoke of, befides feveral other Rivers upon
which there was a fair profped of making fuch Settlements,
as would carry on a great trade in Skins with feveral Savage
Nations.' Thefe two Frenchmen return'd to the Upper Lake,
the fame way that they went, and from thence made the beft
of their way to Quebec, where they offer'd to the chief Merchants of the place, to carry Ships to Hudfon's Bay; but their
incorporation of "The Company of the Merchants of London, Discoverers of the
North-West Passage," which latter received its charter in I6I2 (Hakluyt Society,
No. 89, pp. 642-664). -ED.
1 Pierre Esprit Radisson and M6dard Chouart des Groseilliers were among the
most interesting and daring adventurers of the early years of New France. It is not
beyond probability that Lahontan had known them either in Canada or at the English
court. Their alleged overland visit to Hudson Bay, on what is known as their
" fourth voyage," is open to doubt. For the evidence see Campbell, "Radisson and
Groseillers," in Parkman Club Papers (Milwaukee, 1896); Wis. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, I895, pp. 88-116; Bryce, The Remarkable History of Hudson's Bay
Company (Toronto, I900), pp. 4-7. The latter author (pp. 39-46) has unearthed
some new evidence concerning Radisson's later life and death in England (1710).
Radisson's Voyages (Boston, x885) are published by the Prince Society, No. i6; see
also Wis. Hist. Colls., xi, pp. 64-96; Dionne, "Chouart et Radisson," in Can.
Roy. Soc. Proceedings, 1893, x894.-ED.




to North-America.


313


Projet was reje6ted. In fine, having met with this repulfe,
they went to France, in hopes of a more favourable hearing at
Court: But after the prefenting of Memorial upon Memorial,
and fpending a great deal of Money, they were treated as
whimfical Fellows. Upon that occafion the King of England's
Ambaffadour did not lofe the opportunity of perfwading them
to go to London, where they met with fuch a favourable Reception, that they got feveral Ships, which they carry'd to the
Bay, not without difficulty, and built feveral Forts in different
places, [2I3] that did great fervice in promoting the Commerce.l Then the Court of France repented, though too late,
that they did not give ear to their Memorials: and finding no
other remedy, refolv'd to diflodge the Englifh at any rate. In
effedt, they attack'd 'em vigoroufly by Sea and Land, and difpoffefs'd 'em of all their Forts, excepting Fort Nelfon, where
they could not expe&t fuch an eafie Conqueft.2 Some years
after, the Englifh refolv'd to ufe their utmoft efforts to retake
thefe Pofts; and their refolution was crown'd with Succefs,
for they diflodg'd the French in their turn, and at this day the
The first permanent trading fort (or factory) in Hudson Bay was that erected
by Groseilliers upon Rupert River in the autumn of x668, and christened Fort Charles
in honor of the king. The success of this trading venture led to the chartering (1670)
of the Hudson's Bay Company. -ED.
2 Radisson organized an expedition in the French interest in I682, set out for the
bay, captured a ship and the English governor, and built Fort Bourbon not far from
Fort Nelson. Upon his return (1684), when France was on the point of dispatching
another squadron under his guidance, he deserted to the English, returned to Fort
Bourbon, and retook it and its furs in the interest of the Company. The authorities
of New France resolved on retribution, and an overland expedition (I685-87), headed
by De Troyes and d'Iberville captured all the forts except that upon Nelson River.
See p. 217, note 3, ante. -ED.




314


Some New     Voyages


French are making preparations to repay 'em in their own
Coin.'
That Country is fo cold for feven or eight Months of the
year, that the Sea freezes ten Foot deep, the Trees and the
very Stones fplit, the Snow is ten or twelve Foot deep upon
the Ground, for above fix Months of the year, and during
that feafon, no body can ftir out of Doors, without running
the rifque of having their Nofe, Ears and Feet mortified by
the Cold. The paffage from Europe to that Country is fo
difficult and dangerous, by reafon of the Ice and the Currents, that one muff be reduc'd to the laft degree of mifery,
or be blind to a foolifh heighth, that undertakes fuch a
wretched Voyage.
'Tis now time to pafs from Hudfon's Bay, to the Superior
or Upper Lake. 'Tis eafier to make this Voyage upon Paper,
than to go adually through it; for you muff fail almoft a hundred Leagues up the River of Machakandibi, which is fo rapid
and full of Catarads, that a light Canow work'd by fix Watermen, fhall not fail 'em under thirty or thirty five days. At the
head of this River we meet with a little Lake of the fame
name, from whence we are oblig'd to a Land-carriage of feven
Leagues, to get at the River of Michipikoton, which we run
down in ten or twelve days, though at the fame [214] time we
1 After the first Canadian punitive expedition (see preceding note), each nation
made frequent armed attempts to dislodge the other from the lucrative trading posts of
Hudson Bay. See the brief summary in Bryce, Hudson's Bay Company, pp. 47-55.
Lahontan probably refers to the preparations being made for d'Iberville's brilliant
expedition of 1697. The French were not finally expelled from the forts on the lower,
or James, Bay until after the treaty of Utrecht (1713). -ED.




to Nortb-America.


315


have feveral Land-carriages upon it: For going down this
River we pafs feveral Cataradts, where we are oblig'd either
to carry our Canows by Land, or to drag 'em              back again.'
Thus we arrive at the Upper Lake, which is reckon'd to be
five hundred Leagues in Circumference, including the windings of the Creeks, and little Gulfs. This little frefh-water
Sea is calm enough from the beginning of May, to the end of
September.    The South fide is the fafeft for the Canows, by
reafon of the many Bays, and little Rivers, where one may put
in in cafe of a Storm. There is no fetled Savage Nation upon
the brinks of the Lake, that I know of. 'Tis true indeed,
that in Summer feveral Northern Nations come to Hunt and
Fifh in thefe parts, and bring with 'em the Beaver-Skins they
have got in the Winter, in order to truck with the Coureurs
de Bois, who do not fail to meet 'em there every year. The
places where the Interview happens, are Bagouafcb, Lemipifaki,
and Cbagouamigon.2 'Tis fome years fince Mr. Dulhut built
1 Probably Lahontan had conversed at Mackinac with natives or coureurs des bois
who described the journey from Hudson Bay to Lake Superior. The " River of Machakandibi " is likely the present Moose River, whence the portage to the Michipiciton
is not long. - ED.
2 It is probable that Lahontan had his information concerning Lake Superior from
Duluth (see p. 73, note I, ante), who roamed this region for a dozen years. Bagouasch is a river on the north side of the lake, east of Nipigon, where, according to an
inscription upon a map of I756, Duluth had had a fort. Neill, Minn. Hist. Coils.,
v, p. 417, identifies (but without giving reasons) Lemipisaki with Nipigon; but there
is a greater probability that it was Nemitsakouat, at Bois Brule River, which empties
into Lake Superior to the west of Chequamegon Bay; Duluth had a rendezvous with
the Indians, on the Bois Brule. See Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, p. Io8. Chequamegon
was a well-known post on the present bay of that name, where a fort was first built by
Radisson and Groseilliers. See Thwaites, " Story of Chequamegon," in Hocw George
Rogers Clark Won the Northwest, etc. (Chicago, 1903).- ED.




316


Some New Voyages


a Fort of Pales or Stakes upon this Lake, where he had
large Magazines of all forts of Goods. That Fort was call'd
Camanifligoyan, and did confiderable Differvice to the Engli/h
Settlements in Hudfon's Bay; by reafon that it fav'd feveral
Nations the trouble of transporting their Skins to that Bay.'
Upon that Lake we find Copper Mines, the Mettal of which
is fo fine and plentiful, that there is not a feventh part lofs
from the Oar.2 It has fome pretty large Iflands, which are
replenifh'd with Elks and wild Affes; but there's fcarce any
that goes to hunt upon 'em, by reafon of the danger of
croffing over. In fine, this Lake abounds with Sturgeons,
Trouts, and white Fifh. The Climate is unfufferably cold
for fix Months of the year, and the Snow joyn'd to the Froft,
commonly freezes the Water of the Lake for ten or twelve
Leagues over.
[215] From    the Superiour or Upper Lake, I fteer to that of
Hurons, to which I allot four hundred Leagues in Circumference. Now to make this Lake, you muft fail down by the fall
call'd Saut St. Mary, which I defcrib'd in my fifteenth Letter.
This Lake is fituated in a fine Climate, as you'll perceive from
1 Kamanistiquia (Camanistigoyan) was the site of Duluth's first western fort,
erected in 1678. It was later abandoned until I717, when the Canadian authorities
sent Sieur de la Noue to restore it. This post was maintained throughout the French
regime, and was the site of the famous Fort William, the North West Company's
headquarters well into the nineteenth century. It was at the mouth of Three Rivers,
and commanded the Grand Portage route to the interior, along what is now the
boundary between Minnesota and Ontario. The locations on Lahontan's map are
obviously incorrect. - ED.
2 For early copper mines on the shores of Lake Superior, consult Wis. Hist. Colls.,
xvi, xvii. -ED.




I~t~d
9 4ft )


I/,
i.


d
4
4
49
4
^g


4,;
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(..,








to North-America.


317


the Map. The North fide of it is beft for the Navigation of
Canows, by reafon of the frequency of Ifles which afford
fhelter in bad Weather. The South fide is pleafanter, and
more convenient for the Hunting of Deer, which are there
very plentiful.   The figure of this Lake comes near to an
equilateral Triangle. Of all its Ifles, that call'd Manitoualin,
is the moft confiderable, being above twenty Leagues long,
and ten broad. In former times, the Outaouas of the Nations
of Talon and Sable dwelt in it; but the dread they were under
upon the account of the Iroquefe, oblig'd both them and their
Neighbours to retire to Miffilimakinac.    That part of the Continent that faces this Ifland, is inhabited by the Nockds and the
Miffitagues, in two different Villages, which are twenty Leagues
diftant, the one from   the other.'   Towards the Eaft end of
this Ifland, we fall in with the River des Francois, which I took
notice of in my fixteenth Letter. 'Tis as broad as the Seine is
at Paris, and runs not above forty Leagues in length from its
fource in the Lake Nepicerini, to its Mouth. To the NorthWeft of this River, there lies the Bay of Toranto, which is
twenty, or five and twenty Leagues long, and fifteen broad at
its Mouth. This Bay receives a River that fprings from a
little Lake of the fame name, and forms feveral CataraCts that
1 For Manitoulin Island and its inhabitants, see p. 153, note 2, ante. The Nocke
(Noquets) were an Algonquian tribe that early merged with others of the same family
-see Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 117, 360; they left their name upon two bays in
Upper Michigan. The Mississagua occupied the north shore of Lake Huron, and
later built villages in the peninsula between Lakes Erie and Ontario. In 901o they
numbered about eight hundred, settled upon reservations in Ontario. -ED.




3 8


Some New      Voyages


are equally impradticable both upon the afcent and defcent.1
Upon the fide of this River you'll fee a Man's Head mark'd
in my Map, which fignifies a large Village of the Hurons, that
was deftroy'd by the Iroquefe. You may go from the fource
of this River to the [2i6] Lake Frontenac, by making a Landcarriage to the River of Tanaouate, that falls into that Lake.2
Upon the South fide of the Bay of Toronto, you fee the Fort
call'd Fort Suppofd, which I mention'd in my 23d Letter, and
about thirty Leagues to the Southward of that, you find the
Country of Theonontate, which being formerly inhabited by the
Hurons, was entirely depopulated by the Iroquefe.3
From thence I pafs direftly to my Fort, without amufing
you with the different Landskips I met with in the fpace of
thirty Leagues. That Fort I have fpoke fo often of already,
that without flopping there, I fhall run diredly to the Bay of
Sakinac, reckoning it needlefs at the fame time, to take any
notice of the many Shelves and Rocks that lye hid under the
Water for two Leagues off the Coaft. This Bay is fixteen or
feventeen Leagues long, and fix broad at its Mouth: In the
middle of which we meet with two little Iflands, that are very
ferviceable to the Paffengers; for if it were not for the con1 Concerning the Bay of Toronto, see p. 273, note i, ante. The text should
read southwest, instead of northwest. - ED.
2 Lake Toronto is the modern Simcoe, whence the entire region was often
called Toronto; see Scadding, Toronto of Old (Toronto, i893). The "River of
Tanouate," which appears upon a map of I746, is to be identified with the chain of
lakes ending in Trent River, falling into Quinte Bay. Lahontan's reference may be
to the present Humber River, as the Toronto portage was used upon both or either of
these routes. -ED.
3 See p. 154, note 2, ante. - ED.




to North-America.


319


veniency of putting in there, they would be oblig'd for the
moft part, rather to march quite round the Bay, than to run
the hazard of crofling diredtly over in a Canow.1 The River
of Sakinac falls into the bottom of the Bay. This River runs
fixty Leagues in length, with a gentle Current, having only
three little Cataradts that one may fhoot without danger. 'Tis
as broad as the Seine is at Seve Bridge. Once in two years the
Outaouas and the Hurons, are wont to hunt great quantities of
Beavers upon the confines of the River of Sakinac. Between
the River I now fpeak of, and Mifilimakinac, we meet with no
place that is worth our regard. As for Miffilimakinac it felf, I
have already imparted to you all that I can fay of that Poft,
which is of fo great importance to our Commerce, and at the
fame time fent you a draught of it. I fhall therefore purfue
my courfe to the Lake Errie, remembring that I [2I7] defcrib'd the Ilinefe Lake in my fixteenth Letter.
The Lake ErriS is juftly dignified with the illuftrious name
of Conti; for affuredly 'tis the fineft Lake upon Earth. You
may judge of the goodnefs of the Climate, from the Latitudes
of the Countries that furround it. Its Circumference extends
to two hundred and thirty Leagues; but it affords every
where fuch a charming Profpedt, that its Banks are deck'd
with Oak-Trees, Elms, Chefnut-Trees, Walnut-Trees, AppleTrees, Plum-Trees, and Vines which bear their fine clufters up
to the very top of the Trees, upon a fort of ground that lies
as fmooth as one's Hand. Such Ornaments as thefe, are fuffi1 See p. 143, ante. The islands were probably those now known as the Charity
group. - ED.




320


Some New     Voyages


cient to give rife to the moft agreeable Idea of a Landskip in
the World. I cannot exprefs what vaft quantities of Deer
and Turkeys are to be found in thefe Woods, and in the
vaft Meads that lye upon the South fide of the Lake. At the
bottom of the Lake, we find wild Beeves upon the Banks of
two pleafant Rivers that difembogue into it, without Cataradts
or rapid Currents. It abounds with Sturgeon and white Fifh;
but Trouts are very fcarce in it, as well as the other Fifh that
we take in the Lakes of Hurons and Ilinefe. 'Tis clear of
Shelves, Rocks, and Banks of Sand; and has fourteen or fifteen fathom Water. The Savages affure us, that 'tis never
difturb'd with high Winds, but in the Months of December,
January, and February, and even then but feldom, which indeed
I am very apt to believe, for we had but very few Storms,
when I winter'd in my Fort in I688, though the Fort lay open
to the Lake of Hurons. The Banks of this Lake are commonly frequented by none but Warriours, whether the Iroquefe,
the Ilinefe, the Oumamis, &c. and 'tis very dangerous to ftop
there. By this means it comes to pafs, that the Stags, RoeBucks and Turkeys, run in great Bodies up and down the
fhoar, all round the Lake. In former times the Errieronons,
[218] and the Andaflogueronons, liv'd upon the Confines of this
Lake, but they were extirpated by the Iroquefe, as well as the
other Nations mark'd in the Map.1
1The identity of the Erie nation is much in doubt- see Jesuit Relations, xxi,
pp. 3I3-315; but their habitat was originally south of Lake Erie, named for them.
Andastes was a generic term by which the French designated a congeries of tribes in
Pennsylvania, among whom were those known to the Dutch as Minquas, and to the




to North-America.


321


Upon the North fide of the Lake we defcry a point of
Land, that fhoots fifteen Leagues into the Main'; and about
thirty Leagues beyond that to the Eaftward, we meet with a
fmall River that takes its rife near the Bay of Ganaraske, in
the Lake of Frontenac; and would afford a fhort paffage from
the one Lake to the other, if 'twere not incumber'd with Catarads.2 From thence to the Streight or Mouth of the Lake,
you have thirty Leagues; the Streight being a League over,
and fourteen Leagues long. Upon this Streight you fee Fort
Suppoft mark'd in the Map, which is one of the Forts that I
mention'd in my 23d Letter. From that imaginary Fort to
the River of Condd, we have twenty Leagues.
The River of CondS runs fixty Leagues in length without
Cataradts, if we may credit the Savages, who affur'd me, that
one may go from its fource to another River that falls into the
Sea, without any other Land-carriage than one of a League in
length, between the [one] River and the other.3 I faw only the
Mouth of the firft River, where our Outaouas tried their Limbs,
as I told you in my fifteenth Letter. The Iflands that you
fee mark'd in the Map at the bottom of the Lake Errie,
English as Susquehannocks, or Conestogas. All these tribes were of Huron-Iroquois
stock, but at war with the Five Nations. The suffix ronons (roanu) signified people,
or tribe. -ED.
1 For Long Point, Lake Erie, see p. 138, ante. -ED.
2 The bay which Lahontan calls " Ganaraske," is usually designated upon maps
of the period as Ganadoke, and is the present Hamilton Bay, or rather all the western
end of Lake Ontario. It seems likely that the river must be the present Grand, which,
as Lahontan indicates, was too rugged for a trade route. - ED.
3 For the River of Conde, see p. I55, note I, ante. Lahontan has here a confused
notion of the Ohio, probably taken from Indian descriptions. -ED.
21




322


Some New     Voyages


are replenifh'd with Roe-Bucks, and with Fruit-Trees, which
nature has generoufly provided, in order to entertain the
Turkeys, Feafants and Deer with their Fruit. In fine, if there
were a clear and free paffage for Veffels, from Quebec to this
Lake, it might be made the fineft, the richeft, and the moft
fertile Kingdom in the World: For over and above all the
beauties I have mention'd, there are excellent Silver Mines
about twenty Leagues up the Country, upon a certain Hill,
from whence the Savages brought [219] us great lumps, that
have yielded that precious Metal with little wafte.
From the Lake Erri?, I fteer my courfe to that of Frontenac, which I could not forbear to fpeak of in my feventh and
feventeenth Letters. This Lake (as I intimated above) is I8o
Leagues in Circumference, its figure is Oval, and its depth
runs between twenty and twenty five Fathom. On the South
fide it receives feveral little Rivers, particularly thofe of the
Tfonontouans, of the Onnontagues, and of the Famine'; on the
North fide 'tis joyn'd by the Rivers of Ganaraske, and of TeonontatM. Its fides are deck'd with tall Trees, and the ground
is indifferent even and level, for it has no fteep Coafts. On
the North fide we meet with feveral little Gulfs. You may go
from this Lake to that of Hurons, by going up the River
Tanaouate, from whence you have a Land-carriage of fix or
eight Leagues to the River of Toronto, which falls into it. You
may likewife have a paffage from the Lake of Frontenac, to
that of Errie, through the Bay of Ganarask?, by making a
lThe Genessee, Oswego, and Salmon Rivers, New York. See p. 72, note i,
ante. -ED.




to North-America.


323


Land-carriage from thence to a little River that's full of
Catarads.   The Villages of the Onnontagues, Tfonontouans,
Goyogouans, and Onnoyoutes, are not far diftant from the Lake
of Frontenac.l Thefe Iroquefe Nations are very advantageoufly
feated. They have a pleafant and fertile Country; but they
want Roe-Bucks and Turkeys, as well as Fifh, of which their
Rivers are altogether deftitute, infomuch that they are forc'd
to fifh in the Lake, and to broil or dry their Fifh with a Fire,
in order to keep 'em and tranfport 'em to their Villages.
They are in like manner forc'd to range out of their own
Territories, in queft of Beavers in the Winter time, either
towards Ganaraske, or to the fides of the Lake of Toronto, or
elfe towards the great River of the Outaouas; where 'twould
be an eafie matter to cut all their Throats, by purfuing
the courfe I laid down in my [220] Letters. I have already
touch'd upon the Forts of Frontenac and Niagara; as well as
upon the River of St. Laurence, which here takes leave of
the Lakes, and purfues a compafter courfe to Monreal and
Quebec, where its waters mingling with thofe of the Sea,
become fo brackifh, that they are not drinkable.
It remains only to give you a Defcription of Acadia, and
the Ifland of Newfound-Land, which are two Countries that
differ widely from one another. The Coaft of Acadia extends
from Kenebeki, one of the Frontiers of New-England, to l'Ifle
Percee, near the Mouth of the River of St. Laurence. This
Sea-Coaft runs almoft three hundred Leagues in length, and
1 For the names of the Iroquois tribes, see p. 58, ante. -ED.




324


Some New     Voyages


has upon it two great Navigable Bays, namely, the Bay call'd
Franfoife, and the Bay des Chaleurs.1 It has a great many little
Rivers, the Mouths of which are deep, and clean enough for
the greateft Ships. Thefe Rivers would afford a plentiful
Salmon-fifhery, if there were any body to undertake it; and
moft of 'em as well as the Gulfs that lies before 'em, furnifh
fuch Cods as we take at the Ifle PercSe. For in the Summer
time, that fort of Fifh make in to the Coaft in Shoals, efpecially about the Iflands of Cape Breton, and of St. John2 'Tis
true, the latter has no Harbours, and the former has none
that receive any Veffel above the burthen of a Barque; but if
thefe two Iflands were peopled, the Inhabitants might fit out
Sloops to manage the Fifhcry; and towards the latter end of
Augufl, when the Fifh are cur'd and ready, the Ships might
come to an Anchor near the Land, and fo take 'em in. Two
Gentlemen of the name of Amour of Quebec3,have a Settlement
1 Bay Francaise was the early name for the Bay of Fundy, which was first adequately explored by Champlain (I604-08). The tercentenary of Champlain's landfall
on the shores of the Bay of Fundy was appropriately celebrated in June, 1904: at
Annapolis Royal (old Port Royal), the 2ist and 22d, by the Nova Scotia Historical
Society; at St. John, the 23d and 24th, by the New Brunswick Historical Society; at
Isle St. Croix, at the head of Passamaquoddy Bay, the 25th, by the Maine Historical
Society.
The Bay of Chaleurs was so named by Cartier, who (1534) experienced great
heat therein. - ED.
2 St. John (St. Jean) was the present Prince Edward's Island. Harisse has shown
(Decouverte de Terre-Neuve) that the former name was first (1505) applied to the
northeastern portion of Cape Breton Island, and afterwards by a misconception given
to the smaller island in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Cape Breton was the name used
first for the southeast extremity of the island, now known by that name, because it was
the haunt of certain fishers from Brittany. Later, the term was extended to the entire
island, thus succeeding the name St. John. -ED.
3 Three sons of Mathieu d'Amours, councillor of the King at Quebec, received




to North-America.


325


for Beaver-hunting upon the River of St. John; which is a
very pleafant River, and adorn'd with Fields that are very
fertile in Grain. 'Tis Navigable for twelve Leagues up, from
its Mouth. Between the point of Acadia, and the Ifland [22I]
of Cape Breton, there is a Channel or Streight about two
Leagues in breadth, which is deep enough to carry the greateft
Ships in France. 'Tis call'd the pafs des Canfeaux,l and would
be much more frequented than it is, if the Merchant-men
bound to Canada, would fet out from France about the Isth
of March; for then they might pafs that way, being affur'd
of a clear paffage at all feafons of the year, whereas the Channel of Cape de Raye, is oftentimes cover'd with Ice in April:
And by this contrivance, the Ships would arrive at Quebec in
the beginning of May.
Moft of the Countries of Acadia abound with Corn, Peafe,
Fruit, and Pulfe; and have a plain diftindion of the four
Seafons of the year, nothwithftanding that 'tis extream cold
for three Months in Winter. Several places of Acadia, afford
Mafts as ftrong as thofe we have from Norway; and if there
were occafion, all forts of Ships might be built there: For if
you'll believe the Carpenters, the Oak of that Country is
grants on St. John River in I684, and established what was known as "seigneuries
sauvages" -stations for trade, hunting, and fishing- and a kind of pre-eminence
over the neighboring Indians. Two of this family, Rene and Mathieu, aided (1696)
in the defense of the St. John against the English. -ED.
1The strait of Canso (Campceaux, Canseaux) lies between Nova Scotia and
Cape Breton Island. The word is undoubtedly of Indian origin, and was first applied
to the point at the southeastern extremity of the mainland. On his map of 1612
Champlain called the strait " Le Passage Courant "; but by I632 it appears as that of
Campseau. - ED.




326


Some New      Voyages


better than ours in Europe. Ina word, 'tis a very fine Country; the Climate is indifferent temperate, the Air is pure
and wholefom, the Waters clear and light, and there's good
accommodation for Hunting, Shooting, and Fifhing. The
Animals that we meet with there moft commonly, are Beavers,
Otters, and Sea-Calves, all of'em being very numerous. Thofe
who love Meat are indebted to the DoCtors, who perfwaded
the Popes to Metamorphofe thefe terreftrial Animals into
Fifh; for they are allow'd to eat of 'em without fcruple in the
time of Lent. To be plain, the knowledge I have of that
Country, makes me forefee that the Englifh will be mafters of
it fome time or other. I could give very plaufible reafons for
the Prophecy. They have already begun to ruine the Commerce that the French had with the Savages, and in a fhort
time, they'll compafs its intire Deftruftion. The [222] French
they will prize their Goods too high, though they are not fo
good as thofe of the Englifh; and yet the Englifh fell their
Commodities cheaper. 'Twere a pity that we fhould tamely
leave to the Englifh a Country, the Conqueft of which they
have attempted fo often, in confideration of our Fur-trade
and Cod-fifhing. 'Tis impoffible to hinder 'em to poffefs
themfelves of the Settlements upon the Coaft of Acadia, by
reafon that they lye at fuch a diftance from one another; fo
that they'll certainly fucceed in fuch Enterprifes, as indeed
they have done already. The French Governours, they aCt
with the fame view, as many of thofe who are imploy'd in
Pofts beyond Sea. They look upon their place as a Gold
Mine given 'em, in order to enrich themfelves; fo that the




to North-America.


327


publick Good, muff always march behind private Intereft.
Mr. de Meneval fuffer'd the Englifh to poffefs themfelves of
Port Royal, becaufe that place was cover'd with nothing but
fingle Paliffado's. But why was it not better fortified? I can
tell you the reafon; he thought he had time enough to fill
his Pockets, before the Englifh would attack it. This Governour fucceeded to Mr. Perrot, who was broke with Difgrace,
for having made it his chief bufinefs to enrich himfelf; and
after returning to France, went back again with feveral Ships
laden with Goods, in order to fet up for a private Merchant
in that Country.      While Mr. Perrot was Governour, he fuffer'd the Englilh to poffefs themfelves of feveral advantageous
Poffs, without offering to ftir.    His chief bufinefs was to go
in Barques from River to River, in order to traffick with the
Savages: And after he was difgrac'd, he was not contented
with a Commerce upon the Coafts of Acadia, but would needs
extend it to the Englifh Plantations; but it coft him dear, for
fome Pyrates fell in with him, and after feizing his Barques,
duck'd himfelf, upon which he died immediately.'
[223] The three principal Savage Nations that live upon
the Coaffs of Acadia, are the Abenakis, the Mikemak, and the
Canibas.2 There are fome other erratick Nations, who go and
1 For a sketch of Perrot see p. 53, note 2, ante; it is generally believed that
Lahontan's strictures upon his rapacious conduct are justifiable. He was not killed
by the pirates (I690), but rescued by a French privateer, being again in Acadia in
I691. See N. Y. Col. Docs., ix, p. 475.-ED.
2 Abenaki was a generic term for the Algonquian Indians of Maine and New
Brunswick. They were a powerful but mild people, dwelling in villages when first
encountered by the French; but later losing their village habit to some extent, under
the influence of the French, who induced them to revert to the hunting stage, in the




328                   Some New Voyages
come from     Acadia, to New-England, and go by the names of
Mahingans, Soccokis, and Openango.1 The firft three (having
fix'd Habitations) are intirely in the interefts of the French;
and I muff fay, that in time of War they gall the Englifh Colonies with their Incurfions, fo much, that we ought to take
care to perpetuate a good underftanding between them and
us. The Baron of Saint Cafleins, a Gentleman of Oleron in
Bearn, having liv'd among the Abenakis after the Savage way,
for above twenty years, is fo much refpeted by the Savages,
that they look upon him        as their Tutelar God.2       He was formerly an Officer of the Carignan Regiment in Canada; and
upon the breaking of that Regiment, threw himfelf among
the Savages, whofe Language he had learn'd. He married
among 'em after their fafhion, and prefer'd the Forrefts of
interest of the all-absorbing fur-trade. The name Abenaki is said to mean " people
of the East." See Vetromile, Abnakis and their History (New York, 1866);
Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis (i866). They are now represented by the Penobscot
and Passamaquoddy Indians in Maine, and a few at the mission village in Canada.
See p. 49, note i, ante.
The Micmac were dwellers in Nova Scotia and Cape Breton- a large confederated tribe, of whom Membertou was the chief when Port Royal was founded (I605).
They were frequently called Souriquois by the French, and not only were devoted to
the latter's interests, but many were converted to Christianity.
The Canibas were an Abenaki tribe settled around Naroutsouat (Norridgewock),
Maine. Their name was a variant of Kennebec. -ED.
1 See p. 90, note I, ante. -ED.
2 Jean Vincent St. Castin, of whom Lahontan gives so succinct an account, was
born about i636, and settled in the forests of Maine in 1667. After 1676 he was commandant of Pentagoet, the French fort upon the Penobscot. For many years he
traded with the English, but aided his own people in King William's War (1689-97),
leading his savage allies against the English settlements. Late in the century he
inherited a considerable fortune in France, whither he returned about 1700. His son
Anselm succeeded to his influence among the Penobscot Indians, to whom he was
allied on his mother's side. See Maine Hist. Colls., vii, pp. 42-72. -ED.




to North-America.


329


Acadia to the Pyrenean Mountains, that encompafs the place
of his Nativity: For the firft years of his abode with the Savages, he behav'd himfelf fo, as to draw an inexpreffible efteem
from 'em. They made him their Great Chief or Leader, who
is in a manner the Soveraign of the Nation; and by degrees
he has work'd himfelf into fuch a Fortune, which any Man
but he would have made fuch ufe of, as to draw out of that
Country above two or three hundred thoufand Crowns, which
he has now in his Pocket in good dry Gold. But all the ufe
he makes of it, is, to buy up Goods for Prefents to his Fellow-Savages, who upon their return from    Hunting, prefent
him with Beaver-Skins to a treble value. The Governours
General of Canada keep in with him, and the Governours of
New-England are afraid of him. He has feveral Daughters,
who are, all of [224] 'em, married very handfomly to Frenchmen, and had good Dowries. He has never chang'd his
Wife; by which means he mean'd to give the Savages to
underftand, that God do's not love inconftant Folks. 'Tis
faid, that he indeavour'd to convert thefe poor People, but
his indeavours prov'd fuccefslefs; fo that 'tis in vain for the
Jefuits to preach up the Truths of Chriftianity to 'em;
though after all, thefe good Fathers are not difcourag'd, nay,
they think that the adminiftring of Baptifm to a dying Child,
is worth ten times the pains and uneafinefs of living among
that People.1
1 Lahontan here belittles the Jesuit missions, which nevertheless had a considerable success among the Acadian Indians. Druillettes began his visits to the Kennebec
about x646, and by x68o a large number of converts had been removed to the mission




330


Some New Voyages


Port-Royal, the Capital or the only City of Acadia, is in
effe6t no more than a little paultry Town,' that is fomewhat
inlarg'd fince the War broke out in 1689. by the acceflion of
the Inhabitants that liv'd near Boflon, the Metropolitan of
New-England.        A  great many of thefe People retir'd to PortRoyal, upon the apprehenfion that the Englilh would pillage
'em, and carry 'em      into their Country.        Mr. de Meneval furrendred this place to the Englilh, as I faid before; he could
not maintain fuch a poft with the handful of Men that he had,
becaufe the Paliffadoes were low, and out of order. He
made a Capitulation with the Commander of the Party that
made the Attack; but the Englifh Officer broke his word to
him, and us'd him both ignominioufly and harfhly.2 PortRoyal is feated in the Latitude of 44 Degrees, and 40 Minutes, upon the edge of a very fine Bafin, which is a League
colony. See p. 49, note i, ante. For a fuller account of the Acadian mission, see
Jesuit Relations, i, Introduction. - ED.
1 For a good summary of the history of Port Royal, the settlement at which was
decided upon in I604, but not actually undertaken until the following year, see
Hannay, History of Acadia (St. John, N. B., I879); Hannay, Story of Acadia
(Kentville, N. S., 1904); Acadiensis (special number, June, 1904); Savary, History
of the County of Annapolis (Toronto, i897). The census of I686 gave 885 persons
in all Nova Scotia, of whom 592 were at Port Royal, exclusive of 30 soldiers. See
Suite, Les Canadiens Franfais (Montreal, i882), vi, pp. 8, 9. -ED.
2 The reference is here to the siege of Port Royal by Sir William Phips in May,
i690. Menneval, son of the Baron de Portneuf, had but recently succeeded Perrot as
governor of Acadia. The fort was inefficiently garrisoned and provisioned, and was
entirely unable to resist the demand for surrender made by the well-equipped English
fleet. The charge that Phips broke the terms of capitulation, seems to be sustained.
Menneval was carried captive to Boston, where after a short imprisonment he was sent
to England, afterwards exchanged, and returned to Canada, where he was useful in
affording information of New England conditions. -ED.
3 First called Port Royal Basin, but now Annapolis Basin. Situated on the
northwest coast of Nova Scotia, and pouring its enormous tide into the Bay of Fundy




to North-America.


331


broad, and two Leagues long, having at the entry about fixteen or eighteen fathom Water on one fide, and fix or feven
on the other; for you muff know that the Ifland call'd lifle
aux Chevres which ftands in the middle, divides the Channel
into two. There's excellent anchorage all over the Bafin;
and at the bottom of it, there's a Cape or point of Land that
parts two Rivers, at which the tide rifes ten or [225] twelve
Foot. Thefe Rivers are bounded by pleafant Meads, which
in Spring and Autumn are cover'd with all forts of frefh
Water-foul. In fine, Port-Royal is only a handful of Houfes
two Story high, and has but few Inhabitants of any Note.
It fubfifts upon the traffick of the Skins, which the Savages
bring    thither   to  truck   for  European     Goods.      In  former
times, the Farmer's Company had Magazins in this place,
which were under the care of the Governours. I could
through the narrow Digby Gut, this strikingly-beautiful fjord appealed strongly to
the French explorers- De Monts, Champlain, and Poutrincourt - who discovered
it about the twenty-fourth of June, I604. Poutrincourt obtained from De Monts a
grant of the region, and determined to settle there; but the ill-fated winter of 16o4-05
was actually spent by the party on Island St. Croix, at the mouth of St. Croix River,
where it empties into Passamaquoddy Bay. The next year, the remnant of the company settled on Poutrincourt's grant, on the shores of Annapolis Basin. This first
settlement of the French in Canada was on the mainland, in Lower Granville, opposite Goat Island (the " Isle aux Chevres " of our author), about seven miles below
and on the opposite shore to the present Annapolis Royal, at the head of the basinwhither the colony removed in later years. Annapolis Basin was too far removed
from the fur trade of the interior, also was subject to English attacks, for which reasons
Champlain wisely decided to found Quebec (i608) as the capital of New France.
Along the east shore of the basin is now a continuous and prosperous farming
community, chiefly the descendants of early Scotch settlers and American Loyalists,
with several small towns. Digby is a considerable summer resort, chiefly for New
Englanders; Annapolis Royal (iooo inhabitants) is a quiet market town. Concerning the tercentenary celebration of the landfall of the early French, see p. 324, note i,
ante. - ED.




332


Some New Voyages


eafily mention fome of 'em, if I were not apprehenfive that
thefe Memoirs may be feen by others befides your felf.
The Ifland of Newfound-Land, is three hundred Leagues
in Circumference. It lies at the diftance of fix hundred and
fifty Leagues from France, and forty or fifty Leagues from
the Bank of the fame name. The South fide of the Ifland
belongs to the French, who have feveral Settlements there for
the fifhing of Cod. The Eaft fide is inhabited by the Englilh,
who are poffefs'd of feveral confiderable Pofts, fituated in
certain Ports, Bays, and Havens, which they have taken care
to fortifie.  The Weft of the Ifland is wafte, and was never yet
poffefs'd. The Ifland is of a triangular Figure, and full of
Mountains, and      impradCicable Forrefts.      It has fome great
Meadows, or rather Heaths, which are covered with a fort of
Mofs inftead of Grafs. The Soil of this Country is good for
nothing, as being a mixture of Gravel, Sand and Stones; fo
that the Fifhery was the only motive that induc'd the French
and the Englilh to fettle there. It affords great ftore of Game,
for Water-fowl, Patridges and Hairs; but as for the Stags,
'tis almoft impoffible to come at 'em, by reafon that the
Mountains are fo high, and the Woods fo thick.' In this
1 The area of Newfoundland, which in its extreme length from north to south is
350 miles and in its average breadth from east to west I30 miles, is 40,200 square
miles. Its population in 190o was 2I6,215, for the most part littoral; the interior
being still a wilderness, chiefly forested, although there are several broad rocky
plateaus which yield little beyond moss and low-growing shrubs. The lumbering
industry is being rapidly developed, the lakes and rivers furnishing easy timber highways to mill and port; mining interests are also fast growing in importance-the
present annual output of copper, pyrites, iron ore, and other products amounting to a
million dollars; under recent governmental bounties, the area of cultivation has been




to North-America.                            333
Ifland, as well as in that of Cape Breton, we find Porphyry of
feveral colours; and care has been taken to fend to France
fome pieces of it for a Pattern, which were [226] found to be
very pretty, only they were hard to cut. I have feen fome of
'em that were red ftreak'd with green, and feem'd to be
extream fine; but the mifchief is, it fplits fo when 'tis taken
out of the Quarries, that it cannot be made ufe of, but by way
of incruftation.
This Ifland of Cape Breton affords likewife black Marble,
or a fort of Brefche with grey Veins, which is hard, and not
extended to upwards of xoo,ooo acres, largely along the coast, by fishermen; the
fisheries, however, are, as in Lahontan's day, still the chief industry, employing in
all branches of that pursuit nearly 60,000 of the inhabitants-while American, French,
and a few Portuguese vessels are also engaged in the catch. The total annual value of
the cod-fish catch in this region is $0o,ooo,ooo, Newfoundland's share being $600,000ooo;
to these, may be added herring, lobsters, seal, and whale-while the interior waters
abound in salmon and trout, which attract tourists from Canada, England, and the
United States. The principal manufacturing establishments are in St. Johns; but
factories for canning lobsters, and making seal and cod-liver oil, and guano, are
numerous along the coast. The island is for the most part a plateau, creased by
numerous river gorges and lake basins, and capped by a few mountains of not more
than 20oo feet above sea-level, with a deeply-indented, fjord-like coast -more
rugged on the west, north, and east sides than on the south. The numerous fjords
are valuable to fishermen as land-locked harbors, and the population, as in Norway,
clings closely to the ragged fringe of shore. For a century and a half, French fishermen have controlled the west and north coasts, from Cape Ray to Notre Dame Bay;
but a recent treaty between England and France (1904) has effectively disposed of this
long-pending source of discontent on the part of the English residents, and England
now dominates (or will, when the stipulation is formally confirmed by both parliaments) the entire island. Newfoundland is not a part of the Dominion of Canada,
preferring to remain a separate colony of the British Empire.  Reid's Transinsular
Railroad (narrow gauge), built in x893-98, now runs from Port-au-Basques to St.
Johns, but thus far has had but slight effect in developing the island, for the cheaper
water carriage is still quite generally preferred. Labrador is owned by Newfoundland,
and many of the tourists who now flock to the island for fishing and hunting, take
pleasure trips on Newfoundland steamers as far north as Nain. -ED.




334


Some New     Voyages


eafily polifh'd.' This Stone is apt to fplit, for 'tis not equally
hard, and it has knots in it. There are no fetled Savages in
the  Ifland   of Newfound-Land.2          'Tis true, the Eskimaux do
fometimes crofs over to it at the Streight of Belle Ifle in great
Sloops, with intent to furprife the Crew of the Fifhermen
upon    the  Coaft    call'd  Petit Nord.     Our Settlements are        at
Placentia, at the Ifland of St. Peter, and in the Bay of Trepaffez3
From Cape Rafe to Chapeau Rouge, the Coaft is very clean, but
from Chapeau Rouge to Cape Rafe, the Rocks render it dangerous.4     There    are   two   confiderable    Inconveniences, that
attend the landing upon this Ifland. In the firft place, the
Fogs are here fo thick in the Summer, for twenty Leagues off
into the Main, that the ableft and moft expert Sailor dare not
ftand into the Land while they laft: So that all Ships are
oblig'd to lye bye for a clear day, in order to make the Land.
1 The author probably means breccia, a conglomerate of angular fragments. - ED.
2 The aborigines of Newfoundland were few in number, and occupied chiefly the
northern portion. They were known to the early French as Beothics, and exhibited
an ineradicable hatred of the whites. After an act of treachery on their part, in I8Io,
they were nearly all exterminated. -ED.
3 For Placentia, see p. 275, note I, ante. The little island of St. Pierre was one
of the earliest visited by French fishers in the sixteenth century, and by 1670 became
a permanent French settlement, with slight fortifications. After the Treaty of Utrecht
(1713), all French inhabitants were expelled; but in 1763, the islands of St. Pierre
and Miquelon were retroceded to France, as a refuge for fishermen; the sovereignty
is still in her hands, these now being, after the Newfoundland French Shore treaty
(I904), her only possessions in North America, save those in the West Indies.
Trepassey Bay is the first large indentation southwest of Cape Race. The permanent French settlement here was broken up in 1713. See Prowse, History of Nevwfoundland (London, I895), p. 542. -ED.
4 The first should be Cape Ray, not Race. Chapeau Rouge is the extremity of
the great peninsula between Fortune and Placentia Bays. Eastward from this point,
the coast is more wild and rocky than that to the west. -ED.




to North-America.


335


The fecond Inconveniency, which is yet greater, proceeds
from the Currents which run to and again, without any perceivable variation, by which means the Ships are fometimes
drove in upon the Coaft, when they reckon upon ten Leagues
offing. But, which is worft of all, the infenfible motion of the
rowling Waves, throw's 'em infenfibly upon the Rocks, which
they cannot poffibly avoid, for want of ground to anchor
upon. 'Twas by this means that the King's Ship the Pretty
was loft in 1692, as well as a great many others upon feveral
occafions.1
[227] Of all our Settlements in North-America, Placentia is
the Poft of the greateft Importance and Service to the King,
in regard that 'tis a place of refuge to the Ships that are
oblig'd to put into a Harbour, when they go or come from
Canada, and even to thofe which come from South-America,
when they want to take in frefh Water or Provifions, and
have fprung their Maft, or been dammag'd in a Storm. This
place is fituated in the Latitude of 47 Degrees, and fome
Minutes, almoft at the bottom of the Bay that goes by the
fame name. The Bay is ten or twelve Leagues broad, and
twenty odd Leagues long. The Fort ftands upon the fide of
a Neck or narrow Streight, which is fixty Paces over, and fix
Fathoms water deep. The Ships that enter into the Port,
are oblig'd to graze, (fo to fpeak) upon the angle of the
Baftions. The Port or Harbour is a League long, and a
1 This was probably the ship "Joli," which under command of Monsieur
Beaujeu conveyed La Salle's ill-fated colony to the Gulf of Mexico (I684). See
Thwaites, Hennepin's New Discovery (Chicago, 1903), pp. 388-392, where in the
original text of the reprint (London, i698) it is misprinted " Toby." - ED.




336


Some New     Voyages


quarter of a League over: Before the Port there's a large,
fine road, which is a League and a half wide; but lies fo
bleak to the North-Weft, and Weft-North-Weft Winds, the
ftrongeft and moft boifterous Winds that are, that neither
Cables nor Anchors, nor large flout Ships can withftand
their furious fhocks; tho' indeed thefe violent forms feldom
happen but in the latter end of Autumn. The fame year
that the Pretty was loft, the King loft another of 69 Guns
call'd the Good, in this Road; and if the four or five other
Ships that belong'd to the fame Squadron, had not took the
precaution of fleering into the Port, they had certainly underwent the fame fate. This Road then which is only expos'd
to the North-Weft, and Weft-North-Weft Winds, has fome
hidden Rocks on the North fide, befides thofe at Pointe
Verte, where feveral of the Inhabitants are wont to fifh. All
thefe things you may fee plainly upon the Plan that I fent
you along with my 23d Letter.
[228] Commonly, there comes thirty or forty Ships from
France to Placentia every year, and fometimes fixty. Some
come with intent to fifh, and others have no other defign than
to truck with the Inhabitants, who live in the Summer time on
the other fide of the Fort. The ground upon which their
Houfes ftand, is call'd La grand Grave, for in effedt, they have
nothing but Gravel to fpread their Cod-fifh upon, in order to
have 'em dry'd by the Sun after they are falted. The Inhabitants and the French Fifhermen, fend their Sloops every day
two Leagues off the Port to purfue the Fifhery; and fome



to North-America.


337


times the Sloops return fo over-loaded, that they are in a
manner bury'd in the Water. You cannot imagine how deep
they fink, and 'tis impoffible you fhould believe it, unlefs you
faw it. The Fifhery commences in the beginning of June, and
is at an end about the middle of Augufi. In the Harbour they
catch a little fort of a fifh, which they put upon their Hooks
as a bait for the Cod.
Placentia is in great want of Gravel, which occafions the
thinnefs of the Inhabitants. If the Governours prefer'd the
King's Service to Avarice, they might make it a confiderable
Poft, and a great many would make gravel Walks at their own
charge; but as long as the Governours prey upon the fortunes of private Men, under the fair pretence of the King's
Service, which is always in their Mouths, I can't fee that this
Settlement will ever be inlarg'd or improv'd. Do's not the
Governour difgrace his Prince, and fink the charader of his
Poft, in turning Fifherman, Merchant, Vintner, and adting in
the way of a thoufand meaner and more Mechanical Trades?
Is not this a piece of Tyranny? To force the Inhabitants to
buy what Goods they want, out of fuch and fuch a Ship, and
to fell their Cod to fuch other Ships as the Governour is
interefs'd in, and that as a principal Owner: To [229] appropriate to himfelf the Rigging and Tackle of the Ships that
are caff away upon the Coaft, to ftop the Crew of Merchantmen for his own Fifhery, to fell Habitations or Settlements,
to ftifle the bidding up for Effe&ts fold by way of Audtion
that he may ingrofs them by his fole Authority, to change
22




338


Some New Voyages


the Provifions laid up in Magazines for his Majefty's Troops,
to carry off the good Biskuit and put bad in the room of it,
to make fo much Beef and Bacon for the fubfiftance of the
Garrifon, to force the Inhabitants to fend their Servants and
Carpenters to fome work, in which his Majefty's Service is
lefs concern'd than his own Pocket: Thefe, I fay, are things
that I take to be plain infra6tions of the Orders iffued forth
by Lewis the XIV. Thefe are abufes that muff be redrefs'd,
if we would have the King to be well ferv'd: And yet there's
nothing done in it. For my part, I am unacquainted with
the reafon of the delay; thofe that have a mind to know, had
beft ask the Deputies of Monfieur de P * * *. I am fully
perfwaded, that all thefe Pyracies do not come to the King's
Ear, for he's too juft to fuffer 'em.
To conclude; Placentia bears neither Corn, nor Rie, nor
Peafe, for the Soil is good for nothing; not to mention, that
if it were as good and as fertile as any in Canada, yet no
body would give themfelves the trouble to cultivate it; for
one Man earns more in Cod-fifhing in one Summer, than ten
would do in the way of Agriculture. In the great Bay of
Placentia, there are fome little Harbours, (befides that of the
Fort) which the Bifcay Fifhermen refort to. Such are the
little and the great Burin, St. Laurence, Martir, Chapeau
Rouge,1 &c.
1The inlets here mentioned are all upon the western coast of Placentia Bay, and
still retain practically their old names. Burin Inlet has at its entrance an island of
the same name. " Martir " is the present Mortier Bay, being thus named for two
well-known cartographers of the seventeenth century, Corneille and Pierre Mortier.
Burin and St. Lawrence were early seats of shipbuilding. —ED.




to North-America.


339


[230] A Lifl of the Savage Nations of Canada.
Thofe in Acadia.
The Abenakis.
The Micmac.              Thefe are all of 'em   good Warriours;
The Canibas.          they are more adtive and lefs cruel than
The Mahingans.        the Iroquefe.    Their Language differs a
The Openangos.        little from that of the Algonkins.1
The Soccokis.
The Etechemins.      i
The Nations that lye upon the River of St. Laurence, from the Sea
to Monreal.
The Papinachois.
The Mountaneers.       Thefe fpeak the Algonkin Language.
The Gafpefians.    J
The Hurons of Loreto, the Iroquefe Tongue.
The Abenakis of Scilleri.      T      lgnin Language.
T   The Algonkin Language.
The Jlgonkins.              )
The Agnies of the Fall call'd Saut St. Louis; they fpeak the
Iroquefe Language, and are good Warriours.
The Iroquefe of the Mountain of Monreal; they fpeak the
Iroquefe Language, and are a brave People.2
For these tribes see pp. 90, 327, 328, ante. The Etechemins-nomads, whom the
French found it difficult to convert - occupied the region from the Penobscot east to
beyond St. John River, and in I677 numbered from four to five hundred. The remnants of one Etechemin tribe are the so-called Quoddy Indians of to-day. - ED.
2 For the Papinachois, see p. 26i, note 2, ante. They were one of the tribe of
the Montagnais (Mountaineers), by which term the French designated the wander



340


Some New     Voyages


Thofe upon the Lake of Hurons.
The Hurons, the Iroquefe Language.
The Outaouas.
The Nockes.
The  fi es.        The Algonkin Language.
The Miffifagues.
The Attikamek.
The Outehipoues, alias Sauteurs, good Warriours.1
ing Algonquian bands north of the St. Lawrence, among whom they had missions.
As the name indicates, the Gaspesiens were the aborigines of Gaspe, extending
from the territory of the Etechemins northeast to the St. Lawrence. In 1677 there
were from four to five hundred of these savages, whom the Jesuits found gentle and
tractable.
The other tribes mentioned in this division are the Indians of the mission colonies.
For Lorette, see p. 48, note I, ante; for Sillery, p. 49, note I; for the mission of Sault
St. Louis to the Agnies (Mohawks), p. 56, note I; for that of La Montagne, p. 55,
note 2. - ED.
1 The Huron confederacy was one of the largest and most enlightened bodies of
North American Indians. When first encountered by the French they numbered
about I6,ooo, and had agricultural villages in the region between Lake Simcoe and
Georgian Bay-see p. 154, note 2, ante. An important Jesuit mission was founded
in the Huron country (Huronia, in Jesuit annals), but was destroyed and the Hurons
dispersed by Iroquois war-raids (1648-49) -see Jesuit Relations, i, pp. 21-27.
Ottawa (Outaouat) was the name applied by the early French to the Northwestern Algonquians. When first encountered, they dwelt chiefly upon Manitoulin
Island, in Lake Huron, whither they had sought an asylum from the Iroquois-see
p. 153, note 2, ante. Later, their chief habitat was about Mackinac. They were
especially faithful to French interests, and Pontiac was an Ottawa chief. The remnants of this tribe were removed to Indian Territory.
For the Nockes and Mississagues, see p. 317, note i, ante.
The Attikamek (Attikamegues) were a Montagnais tribe dwelling chiefly upon
the upper St. Maurice River, and trading with the Western Indians. They were
destroyed by the ravages of the Iroquois, and an epidemic of small-pox.
For the Saulteurs (men of the Sault), by which term the French designated the
entire Chippewa (Ojibwa) nation, whether living at Sault Ste. Marie or elsewhere, see
p. 149, note i, ante. -ED.




to North-America.


341


[231] Upon the Ilinefe Lake, and the adjacent Country.


Some Ilinefe at Cbegakou.
The Oumamis, good Warriours.
The Maskoutens.
The Kikapous, good Warriours.
The Outagamis, good Warriours.
The Malomimis.
The Pouteouatamis.
The Ojatinons, good Warriours.
The Sakis.


They fpeak the Algonkin Language, and are a
fprightly a6tive fort of
People.'


j


In the Neighbourhood of the Lake of Frontenac.


The Tfonontouans.
The Goyoguans.
The|Yf'onontouan.  Thefe  fpeak  a different Language
The Goyoguans.          j   from  the Algonkin.
The Onnotagues.
The Onnoyoutes and Agnies, at a fmall diftance.2
For the Illinois (Ilinese) and Miami-(Oumamis), see p. 77, note i, ante. The
Ouiatonon (Ojatinons) were a Miami tribe, later settled in western Indiana, and
known to the English as Weas.
For the Mascouten and Kickapoo, see p. 174, note 2; for the Outagami (Fox)
and Sauk (Sakis), p. 175, note 2; for the Menominee (Malomimis) and Potawatomi
(Pouteouatamis), p. z68, note:. These dwelt for the most part in Wisconsin,
which was more densely populated with aborigines than any other Northwestern
state. - ED.
2 These were the Iroquois, for whom see p. 58, note x, ante. -ED.




342


Some New     Voyages


Near the River of the Outaouas.
The Tabitibi.
The Monzoni.
Th                            hey fpeak the Algonkin LanThe Machakandibi.,,...        guage, and all of 'em     are very
The Nopemen d'Achirini.            c
cowardly.'
The Nepilirini.
The Temiskamink.
To the North of Miflifipi, and upon the Confines of the Upper
Lake, and Hudfon's Bay.
The Nadoueffis.
The Affimpouals.
The Sonkaskitons.
The Ouadbatons.
Te O.                          Thefe fpeak Algonkin.2
The Atintons.
The    Clifinos brave Warriour's
and ative brisk Men.
The Ekimaux.
1 The Abittibi (Tabitibi) were the Indians of the lake and river of that name,
tributary of the Moose. In 1760 the French maintained a post upon Abittibi Lake.
The Monsoni lived in the eastern part of Rupert Land, but wandered widely, some
of that nation being present at Sault Ste. Marie when St. Lusson took possession of
the Northwest (1671).
For the identification of Machakandibi, see p. 315, note I, ante.
The Achirigouans (Nopemen d'Achirini) and Nipissing (Nepisirini) were
kindred tribes, living north of the lake named for the latter. Charlevoix says that
they were the original Algonquians, and spoke the language in its purity. There
are now about two hundred of the tribe on their reservation on Lake Nipissing.
The Temiscaming (Temiskamink) Indians took their name from that of the
lake, which signified "deep." About two hundred still frequent the agency on Lake
Temiscaming in northern Ontario. -ED.
2 Lahontan is mistaken in stating that these tribes spoke the Algonquian language




to North-America.


343


[232] A Lift of the Animals of the South Countries of Canada.
Wild Beeves.
Little Stags or Harts.
Roebucks of three different Species.
Wolves, fuch as we have in Europe.
Lynx's, fuch as we have in Europe.
Michibichi, a fort of baftard Tygre.
Ferrets      )
Ferrets        fuch as we have in Europe.
Afh-colour'd Squirrels.
Hares.       1
Rabbets.       fuch as we have in Europe.
Badgers, fuch as we have in Europe.
White Beavers, but very fcarce.
Reddifh Bears.
Musk Rats.
Reddifh Foxes, as in Europe.
Crocodiles in the Mifffipi.
Offa, an Animal like a Hare, upon the Mififipi.
-another evidence of his lack of knowledge of the Siouan country. Of all the tribes enumerated, the Cristinaux (Clistini, Cree) were the only members of that stock, although
intimately associated with the Assinboin (Assimpouals) -see p. 309, note i, ante.
With the exception of the Eskimo (Ekimaux), the other tribes are all Siouan
(Dakotan) -see p. 175, note 3, ante. The Assiniboin separated from the Yankton
tribe of Dakota, moved north and west, and are still one of the strongest bands of
the Northwest. The Chonkasketons (Sonkaskitons) were "people of the fortified
village"; the Wahpetons (Ouadebatons), a branch of the Issati (Santee); the Tetons
(Atintons) a fierce tribe of western Sioux, whose later habitat was the Upper Missouri
River. See Thwaites (ed.), Original Journals of Lecwis and Clark Expedition
(New York, i904), index; also Wis. Hist. Colls., xvi, pp. 193, 194.-ED.




344


Some New Voyages


A Lift of the Animals of the North Countries of Canada.
Orignals or Elks.
Caribous or wild Affes.
Black Foxes.
Silver colour'd Foxes.
A fort of wild Cats, call'd Enfans du Diable, or the Devil's
Children.
Carcaious, an Animal not unlike a Badger.
Porcupines.
Fontereaux, an Amphibious fort of little Pole-Cats.
Martins.
Pole-Cats, fuch as we have in Europe.
Black Bears.
[233] White Bears.
Siffleurs, an Animal that makes a whizzing noife.
Flying Squirrels.
White Hares.
Beavers.
Otters.
Musk-Rats.
Suiffe Squirrels, or a fort of Squirrels, whofe Hair refembles a
Suiffe's Doublet.
Great Harts.
Sea-Wolves or Calves.




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to North-America.


345


A Defcription of fuch Animals or Beafis, as are not mention'd in the Letters.
T    HE   Michibichi is a fort of Tyger, only 'tis   The Animals
lefs than the common Tyger, and not fo        of the South
much fpeckl'd.     As foon as it defcries a Man,     Countries.
it runs away, and climbs up the firft Tree it meets with. It
attacks all brute Animals whatfoever, and conquers 'em with
eafe; and, which is very fingular and peculiar to it above all
other Animals, it runs in to the affiftance of the Savages, when
they purfue Bears and wild Beeves; upon fuch occafions it
makes as if 'twere affraid of no body, and fally's out with fury
upon the hunted Animal. The Savages call thefe Animals a
fort of Manitous, that is, Spirits that love Men; and 'tis upon
that fcore they efteem and refpe&t 'em to fuch a degree, that
they would choofe rather to die, than to kill one of 'em.1
The white Beavers are much valued, upon the account of
their being uncommon, though at the fame time, their Hair is
neither fo large nor fo fine as that of the common Beavers.
As there are but few of thefe white Beavers, fo thofe which
are quite black are very fcarce.2
1 The animal here described as " Michibichi" is undoubtedly the puma or
American tiger-cat (Felis concolor). Marquette describes one that he saw swimming
a river, and one of the Jesuit missionaries gives this title to a manitou. Consult
Jesuit Relations, lix, p. xo9; Ixvii, pp. I59, I6I.-ED.
2 The white beaver is an albino of the ordinary Castor canadensis, and is very




346


Some New Voyages


[234] The Reddifh Bears are mifchievous Creatures, for
they fall fiercely upon the Huntfmen, whereas the black ones
fly from 'em. The former fort are lefs, and more nimble
than the latter.'
The Crocodiles of Miffifipi, are exadtly the fame with thofe
of the Nile and other places. I have feen that Crocodile that
is at Engolifma in Aquitaine, and find that it has the fame figure
with thefe, only 'tis fomewhat lefs. The moft ufual method
that the Savages have for taking 'em alive, is to throw great
Wreaths or Cords made of the barks of Trees with a running
knot, upon their Neck, the middle of their Body, their Paws,
&c. After they are thus fiez'd, they fhut 'em up between ten
or twelve Stakes, and there tie 'em after their Belly is turn'd
upwards. While they lie in this pofture, they flea 'em without
touching their Head or their Tail, and give 'em a Coat of
Fir-bark, to which they fet fire, having cut the Ropes that
keep'd 'em faft. Upon fuch occafions, thefe Animals make a
fearful houling and crying. To conclude, the Savages are
frequently fwallow'd up by thefe Creatures, whether in
fwimming over a River, or in fleeping upon its Banks. Ariofle
in the 68 Diapafon of his iSth Song, gives this Defcription of
a Crocodile.
Vive fub lito e dentro a la Riviera,
Ei Corpi Umani fon le fue Vivande,
De le Per/one mifere e incaute,
Di Viandanti e d'infelice naute.
rare. The black beaver is less unusual, but only about one in ten thousand is found
of this color. See Martin, Castorologia, p. 39.- ED.
1 It is still a question among naturalists whether the cinnamon bear and the ordi



to North-America.


347


That is, it lives both in the River, and upon its Banks;
it fquafhes People with its murdering Tooth; it feeds upon
the Bodies of poor Travellers, of unfortunate Paffengers, and
Sailours.1
The Offa, are little Animals like Hares, and refemble 'em
in every thing, excepting the Ears and Hind-feet. They run,
and cannot climb. Their [235] Females have a Bag under
their Belly, where their young ones enter upon a purfuit, in
order to fave themfelves along with the Mother, who immediately betakes her felf to flight.2
The Silver-colour'd Foxes are of the fame           he Animals
fhape with thofe of Europe, as well as the black     orBeafs ofthe
ones.   The black ones are very fcarce, and who-     North Counfoever catches one, is fure to fell it for its weight  tries.
in Gold. This fpecies is met with only in the coldeft Countries.
The White Bears are a monftrous Animal, and extraordinary long; their Head has a formidable Afped, and their
Hair is very large and thick; they are fo fierce, that they'll
come and attack a Sloop in the Sea, with feven or eight Men
in it. 'Tis faid, that they'll fwim fix or feven Leagues without
being tyr'd.   They live upon Fifh and Shells upon the Seanary black bear (Ursus americanus) are two species or one. Huntsmen, however,
usually discriminate, as Lahontan does. -ED.
1 It is possible that Lahontan received his description of the crocodile (Alligator
mississippiensis) from some members of La Salle's ill-fated colony, whose survivors he
met at Mackinac. See p. 145, ante. -ED.
2 The ordinary opossum of North America (Didelphys virginiana). -ED.




348


Some New     Voyages


fhoar, from whence they feldom ftraggle far. I never faw but
one of 'em in my Life-time, which had certainly tore me to
pieces, if I had not fpy'd it at a diftance, and fo had time to
run back for fhelter to Fort Louis at Placentia.l
The Flying Squirrels are as big as a large Rat, and of a
greyifh white colour. They are as droufie, as thofe of the
other Species are watchful. They are call'd Flying Squirrels,
in regard that they fly from one Tree to another, by the
means of a certain Skin which ftretches it felf out in the form
of a Wing, when they make thefe little Flights.
The White Hares are only fuch in Winter, for as foon as
the Spring comes on, they begin to turn grayifh, and by
degrees recover the fame colour as our Hares have in France,
which they hold till the end of Autumn.
The Suiffe Squirrels are little Animals, refembling little
Rats.2 The Epithet of Suiffe is beftow'd upon 'em, in regard
that the Hair which covers their Body, [236] is ftreak'd with
black and white, and refembles a Suiffe's Doublet; and that
thefe ftreaks make a ring on each Thigh, which bears a great
deal of refemblance to a Suiffe's Cap.
The large Stags are neither higher nor thicker, than thofe
we have in Europe; but they are call'd large in proportion
Lahontan must refer here to the polar bear (Thallassartos maritimus), which
occasionally ventures as far as the southern coast of Newfoundland. -ED.
2The well-known flying squirrel (Sciuropterus volucella) is well described.
Several of the North American hares change color as thus noted; probably Lahontan
meansLepus timidus, var. arcticus. The Swiss squirrel is either a chipmunk (Tamias
striatus) or a ground-squirrel (Spermophile tridecemlineatus). See Jesuit Relations,
vi, p. 315. —ED.




to North-America.


349


to two other Species of Harts that frequent the Southern
Countries. The leffer fort affords the moft delicious Meat.
The Sea-Wolves, which fome call Sea-Calves, are as big as
Maftiffs. They are almoft always in the Water, or at leaft
they never go far from the Sea fide. Thefe Animals do not
walk fo much as they crawl, for when they raife themfelves
out of the Water, they only creep upon the Sand or Clay.
Their Head has the form of an Otter's Head, and their Feet,
which have no Legs, refemble thofe of a Goofe. The Female
kind bring forth their young ones upon the Rocks, or upon
fome little Iflands, juft by the Sea.  The Sea-Wolves live
upon Fifh, and refort to cold Countries.  There's a prodigious number of 'em about the Mouth of the River of
St. Laurence.1
As for the remaining Animals of Canada, I gave you an
account of 'em in my Letters. I will not offer to fhew you
what methods the Savages take to catch or kill all thefe Animals, for fuch an undertaking would be endlefs. This I can
affure you of in the general, that they rarely go a Hunting to
no purpofe, and that they make no ufe of their Dogs, but in
the Hunting of Elks, and fometimes in Hunting of Beavers,
as you fhall fee under the Head of the Diverfions of Hunting
and Shooting among the Savages.
1 The ordinary seal (Phoca,vitulina), often called sea-calf, from the sound it
emits. - ED.




350


Some New     Voyages


[237] A Lifl of the Fowl or Birds that frequent the South Countries
of Canada.
Vultures.
Huards, a River-fowl as big as a Goofe.
Swans.
Black Geefe.   I
Black Ducks.     fuch as we have in Europe.
Plungeons.
Coots.
Rayles.
Turkeys.
Red Partridges.
Pheafants.
Large Eagles.
Cranes.
Blackbirds.   fuch as we have in Europe.
Thrufhes.
Wood-Pigeons.
Parrots.
Ravens. ( fuch as we have in Europe.
Swallows.
Several forts of Birds of Prey that are not known in Europe.
Nightingales unknown in Europe, as well as feveral other little
Birds of different colours, particularly that call'd Oifeau
Mouche, a very little Bird refembling a Fly; and great
quantities of Pelicans.




to North-America.


35I


The Birds of the North Countries of Canada.
Buffards.     )
White  Ge.     fuch as we have in Europe.
White Geefe.
Ducks of ten or twelve forts.
Teals.
Sea-Mews.
Grelans.
Sterlets.
[238] Sea-Parrots.
Moyacks.
Cormorants.
Heath-Cocks.
Snipes.
Plungeons.
Plovers.
Lapwings.            fuch as we have in Europe.
Herns.
Courbeious.
The Water- Fowl
call'd Chevalier.
Beateurs de Faux, a Fowl as big as a Quail.
White Partridges.
Large black Partridges.
Reddifh Partridges.
Woodhens.
Turtledoves.




352


Some New     Voyages


White Ortolans, a Bird no bigger than a Lark.
Sterlings.  fuch as we have in Europe.
Ravens. )
Vultures.
Spar-Hawks. '
Merlins.. like ours in Europe.
Swallows.    J
Becs De fcie, a fort of a Duck.
A Table of the Insedts that are found in Canada.
Adders.
Afps.
Rattle-Snakes.
Lowing Frogs.
Gnats or Midges.
Gad-Bees.
Brulots or burning Handworms.




to North-America.


353


[239j A Defcription of fuch Birds as are not accounted for
in my Letters.
T    HE Huards are a Frefhwater-Fowl, as big  The Fowl or
as a Goofe, and as dull and heavy as an  Birds of the
Southern CounAfs. They have black and white Feathers, a    out
tries.
pointed Beak, and a very ihort Neck. They
only duck or dive in the Summer, for they cannot ufe their
Wings; and in that Seafon, the Savages take the Diverfion
of furrounding 'em with feven or eight Canows, difpers'd
here and there, and fo obliging 'em to dive down, when they
offer to come up to take breath. The Savages have Entertain'd
me feveral times with this agreeable Amufement, during the
courfe of the Voyages I made with them.
The Red Partridges are wild and little, and much different
from the Red Partridge we have in Europe, as well as the Pheafant, whofe Feathers being of a white colour with black fpecks,
make a very agreeable diverfity.1
The largeft Eagles we find in this Country, are no bigger
than Swans. Their Head and their Tail is white, and they
have frequent Ingagements with a fort of Vultures, that commonly have the better of it. In our Voyages we had frequent
1 There are no true partridges in America; those so called are quail or grouse.
This was probably Ortyx virginianus, our ordinary " bob white," which formerly
was common in Canada. -ED.
23




354


Some New Voyages


occafions of feeing thefe Ingagements, which laft as long as
the Eagle can keep up the force of its Wings.
The Parrots are met with in the Ilinefe Country, and upon
the River of Mifffipi. They are very fmall, and are the fame
with thofe that we bring from Brazil and Cayenne.l
That fort of Nightingale that I faw, is of a peculiar form;
for 'tis of a leffer fize than the European, and of a blewifh
colour, and its notes are more diverfified; befides that, it
lodges in the holes of Trees, and four or five of 'em do commonly keep [240] together upon the thickeft Trees, and with
joynt Notes Warble o'er their Songs.
The Flylike Bird is no bigger than one's Thumb, and the
colour of its Feathers is fo changeable, that 'tis hard to faften
any one colour upon it. They appear fometimes red, fometimes of a Gold colour, at other times they are blew and red;
and properly fpeaking, 'tis only the brightnefs of the Sun that
makes us unfenfible of the change of its gold and red colours.
Its beak is as fharp as a Needle. It flies from Flower to
Flower, like a Bee, and by its fluttering fucks the flowery Sap.
Sometimes about Noon it pearches upon the little branches of
Plum-trees or Cherry-trees. I have fent fome of 'em dead to
France, it being impoffible to keep 'em alive, and they were
look'd upon as a great Curiofity.2
There are ten or twelve forts of Ducks in this Country.
1 All the early travellers speak of paroquets in the Ohio valley. They were the
Carolina parakeets (Conurus carolinensis), now restricted to Florida and some Southwestern States. - ED.
2 The humming bird is peculiar to America; the ordinary variety in the Eastern
States and Canada is the ruby-throat (Trochilus colubris). - ED.




to North-America.


355


Thofe call'd Branchus, are the smalleft indeed, but they are
much the prettyeft. The Feathers upon their Neck  The Birds
looks fo bright, by vertue of the variety and liveli- of the
nefs of their colours, that a Fur of that nature Northern
would be invaluable in Mufcovy or Turky. They   Countries.
owe the name of Brancbus, to their refting upon the branches
of Trees. There's another Species of Ducks in this Country,
that are as black as Jackdaws, only their Beak and the circle
of their Eyes are red.
The Seamews, Grelans and Sterlets, are Fowls that fly inceffantly over Seas, Lakes, and Rivers, in order to catch little Fifh.
Their Flefh is good for nothing, befides that, they have no
fubftance of Body, though they feem to be as big as Pigeons.
The Sea-Parrots bear the name of Parrots, upon the account
that their Beak is of the fame form with that of the Land
Parrot. They never quit the Sea or the Shoar; and are always
flying upon the furface of the Water, in queft of little Fifh.
Their [241] colour is black, and their fize is much the fame
with that of a Pullet. There are great numbers of 'em upon
the bank of Newfound-Land, and near the Coaft of the Ifland,
which the Seamen catch with Hooks cover'd with a Cod's
Roe, and hung over the Prow of the Ship.
The Moyacks are a fort of Fowl, as big as a Goofe, having
a fhort Neck, and a broad Foot; and which is very ftrange,
their Eggs are half as big again as a Swan's, and yet they are
all Yelk, and that fo thick, that they muff be diluted with
Water, before they can be us'd in Pancakes.
The White Partridges, are as big as our red Partridges.




356


Some New     Voyages


Their Feet are cover'd with fuch a thick down, that they
refemble thofe of a young Rabbet. They are only feen in the
Winter time, and fome years they are fcarce feen at all, though
on the other hand, in other years they are fo plentiful, that
you may buy a dozen for Nine pence. This is the moft
ftupid Animal in the World; it fits upon the Snow, and fuffers
it felf to be knock'd on the head with a pole without offering
to ftir. I am of the opinion, that this unaccountable numbnefs is occafion'd by its long flight from Greenland to Canada.
This conjecture is not altogether groundlefs, for 'tis obferv'd,
that they never come in flocks to Canada, but after the long
continuance of a North or a North-Eaft Wind.
The Black Partridges are truly very pretty. They are
bigger than ours; and their beak together with the circle of
the Eyes, and the Feet are red; their plumage being of a
fhining black colour. Thefe Animals are very proud, and
feem to have a fenfe of their beauty as they walk. They are
but very uncommon, as well as the reddifh Partridges, which
refemble Quails in their bulk and brisknefs.
The White Ortolans are only met with in Winter; but I am
of the opinion, that their Feathers are naturally [242] of a
white colour, and that they retrieve their natural colour in the
places they retire to, when they difappear in Canada. They
are indifferent good to eat when they are fat, but that they
feldom are. In the Winter great quantities of 'em are catch'd
about the Barns, with Nets ftretch'd out upon the Straw.'
1 For the birds of Canada, see Macoun, Catalogue of Canadian Birds (Ottawa,
1900-03). -ED.




to North-America.


357


A  Defcription of the InfeSs of Canada.
THE Adders of Canada do no harm at all. The Afps
indeed are very dangerous, when the People bathe in
the ftagnating Water towards the South Countries. The
Rattle-Snake or Sounding Serpent is fo call'd, in regard that at
the extremity of its Tail, it has a fort of a Cafe, containing
certain bones which make fuch a noife when the Serpent
creeps along, that 'tis heard thirty Paces off. Thefe Serpents
betake themfelves to flight when they hear the found of Mens
Feet, and commonly fleep in the Sun either in green Fields, or
open Woods. They never fling but when they are trod upon.'
The Lowing Frogs are fo call'd with refpe6t to their croaking, which founds like the lowing of an Oxe. Thefe Frogs
are twice as large as thofe we have in Europe. The Canada
Gad-Bees are a fort of Flies about twice as big as Bees; but of
the fame form with a common Fly. They fting only between
Noon, and three a Clock in the Afternoon; but then they do
it fo violently, that they fetch Blood. However, 'tis only
upon certain Rivers that they are met with.
The Brulots are a fort of Hand-worms, which cleave fo
hard to the Skin, that their pricking occafions the fame fenfe,
1 Bain says (Alexander Henry, p. i68, note z) that there is no true rattlesnake
(Crotalus horridus) in Canada; the variety found there is the Caudisona tirguemina. - ED.




358


Some New     Voyages


as if 'twere a burning Coal, or a fpark of Fire. Thefe little
Animals are unperceivable, though at the fame time they are
pretty numerous.
[243] The Names of the Fifh in the River of St. Laurence, from
its Mouth to the Lakes of Canada.
Balenots or little Whales.
A Fifh almoft as big as a Whale, call'd Souffleur.
White Porpoifes.
Salmon, fuch as we have in Europe.
Eels.
Maycrel, as in Europe.
Herrings.
Gafperots, a fmall Fifh like a Herring.
Bafes.
Shad-fifh.
Cod-fifh.
Plaices.
Smelts.
Turbots.
Pikes.
The Gold-colour'd Fifh.
Roaches.
Lampreys.
Merles or Sea-Tench.
Thornbacks.
Cungars.
Sea-Cows, a kind of Porpoifes.




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359


Little Lobifers.        heShell-Fifth.
Crab-fifh.
Cockles.
Mufcles.
T'he Filh that are found in the Lakes of Canada, and in the Rivers
that fall into 'em.
Sturgeons.
The Armed Fifh.
[244] Trouts.
White-Fifh.
A fort of Herrings.
Eels.
Mullets
Carp.
Gull-Fifh.
Gudgeons.
T'he Filh found in the River of Miffifipi.
Pikes, fuch as we have in Europe.
Carps.
Tench.
Perches.
Dabs, and feveral others that are not known in Europe.




360


Some New     Voyages


A Defcription of the Fifh that are not mention'd in the
Letters.
hhofe between T  HE Balenot is a fort of a Whale, only 'tis
the Mouth of     lefs and more flefhy, and does not yield Oil
the River, and in proportion to the Northern Whales. This
the Lakes.
the Lakes.  Fifh goes fifty or fixty Leagues up the River.
The Souffeurs are much of the fame fize, only they are
fhorter and blacker. When they mean to take breath after
diving, they fquirt out the Water through a hole behind their
Head, after the fame manner with the Whales. Commonly,
they dog the Ships in the River of St. Laurence.
The White Porpoifes are as big as Oxen. They always go
along with the Current; and go up with the tide till they
come at frefh Water, upon which they retire with the ebb
Water. They are a ghaftly fort of Animals, and are frequently taken before Quebec.
[245] The Gafperots are a fmall Fifh, not unlike a Herring.
In the Summer time they make in to the fhoar in fuch fhoals,
that the Cod-fifhers take as many of 'em as ferves for Bait for
that Fifhery. Thefe Fifhermen do likewife make ufe of Herrings, when the feafon obliges them to put into the fhoar to
Spawn. In a word, all the Fifh that are made ufe of for a Bait




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361


to make the Codfifh bite at the Hook, are call'd Boete in the
Fifhermens Diale6t.
The Gold-colour'd Fish are nice Food. They are about
fifteen Inches long; their Scales are yellow, and they are
valued very high.
The Sea-Cows, which are a fort of Porpoifes, are bigger
than the Normandy Beeves. They have a fort of Paws cut like
a Goofe's Foot, their Head refembles that of an Otter; and
their Teeth, which are two Inches thick, and nine Inches long,
are reckon'd the fineft Ivory that is. 'Tis faid that they range
wide of the ihoar, towards Sandy and Marihy places.
The Lobfters of this River feem to be exadtly the fame with
thofe we have in Europe.
The Cockles are of a piece, with thofe we have upon the
coaft of France, excepting that they are larger, and have a more
agreeable tafte, though their Flefh feems to partake more of
crudity and indigeftion.
The Mufcles of this River are prodigious large, and tafte
very well; but 'tis next to an impoffibility to eat 'em without breaking one's Teeth, by reafon of their being ftuff'd
with Pearl; I call it Pearl, tho' the name of Gravel or Sand
may be more proper, with refpedt to its value, for I brought
to Paris fifty or fixty of the largeft and fineft, which were
rated only at a penny a piece; notwithftanding that we
had broke above two thoufand Mufcles to make up that
number.
[246] The Lake-Sturgeons are commonly five or fix Foot




362


Some New     Voyages


long: But I once faw one of ten Foot, and another of twelve
in length. The Savages catch 'em with Nets in the Winter,
and Grapples in the Summer. 'Tis faid, they have a certain
fort of Flefh about their Head, that tafts like Beef, Mutton,
and Veal; but I have eat of it feveral times, and never could
obferve any fuch thing, which makes me look upon the allegation as chimerical.
The Fijh in Armour, is about three Foot and a half long.
'Tis defended by fuch ftrong and hard Scales, that 'tis
impoflible for any other Fifh to hurt it. Its Enemies are
Trouts and Roaches, but 'tis admirably well provided for the
repulfing of their Attacks, by vertue of its pointed Snout,
which is a Foot long, and as hard as its Skin. It eats very
well, and its Flefh or Subftance is as firm as 'tis white.
The Lake Dabs or Sandings are not above a Foot long, but
they are very thick all over. They are call'd Barbues in
French, with allufion to a certain fort of Beards that hang
down from the fide of their Muzzle, and are as big as ears of
Corn. Thofe which we find in the River of Miffifipi, are of
a monftrous fize.  Both the one and the other are catch'd
with a Hook, as well as with a Net; and make very good
Vidtuals.
The Mififipi Carps are likewife of an extraordinary fize,
and admirably well tafted. They are of the fame form with
ours. In the Autumn they put in towards the fhoar, and are
eafily catch'd with a Net.
The largeft Trouts we meet with in the Lakes, are five Foot




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363


and a half long, and of one Foot Diameter. Their flefh is
red, and they are catch'd with great Hooks made faft to
pieces of Wire.
The Fifh catch'd in the Lakes, are better than thofe we
take at Sea, or in the Rivers, particularly [247] the white Fifh,
which for goodnefs and nice Eating, are far beyond all the
other Species. The Savages that live upon the fides of thofe
little frefh-water Seas, prefer the Broth of Fifh, to Meatbroth, when they are indifpos'd. This choice they ground
upon experience; whereas the French on the other hand find
that Venifon Broth is at once more fubftantial and refforative.
The Rivers of Canada are replenifh'd with an infinity of
other fifhes, that are not known in Europe. The Fifh catch'd
in the North-Country Rivers, are different from thofe of the
South; and thofe taken in the Long River, which difimbogues
into the River of Miffifipi, favour fo rank of Mud and Clay,
that 'tis impoffible to eat of 'em; abating for a fort of little
Trouts that the Savages take in the adjacent Lakes, which
make a tolerable Mefs.
The Rivers of the Otentats, and the Miffouris, produce fuch
odd fhap'd fifhes, that 'tis impoffible to defcribe 'em without
they were drawn upon Paper. Thefe Fifhes tafts but forrily,
and yet the Savages love it mightily, which I take to proceed
from their knowing no better.




364


Some New     Voyages


The Trees and Fruits of the South Countries of Canada.
Beech-Trees.   fuch as we have in Europe.
Red Oak.
Bitter Cherry-trees.
Maple-trees.
Afh-trees.
Elms.         1
Elms..        fuch as we have in Europe.
Linden-trees. J
Nut-trees of two forts.
Chefnut-trees.
Apple-trees.
[248] Pear-trees.
Plum-trees.
Cherry-trees.
Hazel-trees, fuch as we have in Europe
Vines.
A fort of Citrons.
Water Melons.
Sweet Citruls.
Wild Goofeberries.
Pine-apples.
Tobacco, fuch as our Spanifh Tobacco.
'The Trees and Fruits of the North Countries of Canada.
White Oak.
Red Oak.
Birch-trees.




to North-America.36


365


Bitter Cherry-trees.
Mapple-trees.
Pine-trees.
Epinettes.
Fir-trees of three forts.
Peruffes.
Cedar-trees.
Afpin-trees.
White Wood.
Alder-trees.
Maiden Hair.
Strawberries.
Rasberries.
Goofeberries.
Bluets.




366


Some New     Voyages


A Defcription of the above-mention'd 'rees and Fruits.
YOU muft remark, that all the Wood of Canada is good of
its kind. The Trees that ftand expos'd to the NorthWinds are apt [249] to be influenc'd by the Frost, as it
appears from the chops and chinks that it occafions.
The Bitter Cherry-tree, has a hard and whitifh Wood, with
a grey Bark. Some of 'em are as tall as the loftyeft Oaks, and
as big as a Hogfhead. This Tree grows ftreight; it has an
oval Leaf, and is made ufe of in Beams, Rafters, and other
Carpenter's work.
The Mapple-tree is much of the fame height and bulk; but
it has a brown Bark, and the Wood is reddifh. It bears no
refemblance to that fort we have in Europe. It yields a Sap,
which has a much pleafanter tafte than the beft Limonade or
Cherry-water, and makes the wholfomeft drink in the World.
This Liquor is drawn by cutting the Tree two Inches deep in
the Wood, the cut being run floping to the length of ten or
twelve Inches. At the lower end of this gafh, a Knife is thruft
into the Tree flopingly, fo that the water running along the
Cut or Gafh, as through a Gutter, and falling upon the Knife
that lies acrofs the Channel, runs out upon the Knife, which
has Veffels plac'd underneath to receive it. Some Trees will
yield five or fix Bottles of this water a Day; and fome Inhabi



to North-America.


367


tants of Canada, might draw twenty Hogfheads of it in one
day, if they would thus cut and notch all the Mapples of their
refpe6tive Plantations. The gafh do's no harm to the Tree.
Of this Sap they make Sugar and Syrup, which is fo valuable,
that there can't be a better remedy for fortifying the Stomach.
'Tis but few of the Inhabitants that have the patience to make
Mapple-Water, for as common and ufual things are always
flighted, fo there's fcarce any body but Children that give
themfelves the trouble of gafhing thefe Trees. To conclude,
the North-Country Mapples have more Sap than thofe of the
South Countries; but at the fame time the Sap is not fo fweet.
[250] There are two forts of Nut-trees in this Country.
The one bears round, and the other long, Nuts; but neither
of 'em is good for any thing, no more than the wild Chefnuts
that grow in the Ilinefe Country.
The Apples that grow upon tome of their Apple-trees, eat
well when they are Codled, but they are good for nothing
when they're Raw. Upon the Miffifipi indeed, there's a fort
of Apples that have a tafte not unlike that of fome European
Apples. The Pears are good, but very fcarce.
The Cherries are fmall, and extream red; and though their
tafte is not good, yet the Roe-bucks like 'em fo well, that in
the Summer time they fcarce ever mifs to lye under the Cherrytrees all Night long, efpecially if it blows hard.
This Country affords three forts of excellent Plums, which
bear no refemblance to ours either in figure or colour. Some
are long and fmall, fome are round and thick, and fome very
little.




368


Some New Voyages


The Vines twine round the Trees to the very top; and
the Branches of thofe Trees are fo cover'd with Grapes, that
one would take the Grape to be the fruit of the Tree. In fome
Countries of North-America, the Grape is little, but very well
tafted; but towards the Miffipi, 'tis long and thick, and fo is
the clufter. There has been fome Wine prefs'd from the
Grapes of that Country, which after long ftanding became as
fweet as Canary, and as black as Ink.
The Citrons of North-America are fo call'd, only becaufe
their form refembles that of our Citron. Inftead of a Rind,
they have only a fingle Skin. They grow upon a Plant that
rifes three Foot high, and do's not bear above three or four
at a time. This Fruit is as wholfom as its Root is dangerous;
for the one is very Healthy, and the juice of the other is a
mortal fubtile Poyfon.1 While I ftay'd at Fort Frontenac,
[251] in the year I684, I faw an Iroquefe Woman take down
this fatal Potion, with a defign to follow her deceas'd Husband; after lhe had took leave of her Friends, and fung the
Death Song, with the Formalities that are ufual among thefe
blind Wretches. The Poifon quickly work'd the defir'd
effed; for this Widdow, who in Europe would be juftly look'd
upon as a miracle of Conftancy and Fidelity, had no fooner
fwallowed the murdering Juice, than fhe fell into two or three
fhivering Fits, and fo expir'd.
The Water-Melons, call'd by the Spaniards Algiers Melons,
1 Doubtless Lahontan here refers to the may apple or mandrake (Podophyllum
peltatum), from whose root a poison may be extracted. The Jesuit missionaries
called this fruit citron. -ED.




to North-America.


369


are round and thick like a Ball; fome are red, and fome white,
and the kernels, which are very large, are fometimes black,
fometimes red. As for their tafte, 'tis exaftly the fame with
that of the Spanilh or Portugueze Melons.
The Citruls of this Country are fweet, and of a different
nature from thofe of Europe; and I'm inform'd, that the
American Citruls will not grow in Europe. They are as big as
our Melons; and their Pulp is as yellow as Saffron. Commonly they are bak'd in Ovens, but the better way is to roaft
'em under the Embers, as the Savages do. Their tafte is
much the fame with that of the Marmelade of Apples, only
they are fweeter. One may eat as much of 'em as he pleafes,
without fearing any diforder from 'em.1
The wild Goofeberries are good for nothing, but for Confits: But that fort of Confits are feldom made, for Sugar is
too dear in Canada, to be imploy'd for fuch ufes.
1 For the citrul (citrouille), see p. 148, note 2, ante. - ED.


24.




370


Some New Voyages


[252] A Defcription of the Trees and Fruits of the Northern
Countries.
HE Canada Birch-trees are much different from thofe we
have in fome Provinces of France; both for bulk and
quality. The Savages make Canows of their Bark, fome of
which is red, and fome white; but both are equally proper
for that ufe. That which has the feweft Veins and Chops, is
the beft; but the red bark makes the fineft {how. There
are fome little Baskets made of the young Birches, that are
much efteem'd in France; and Books may be made of 'em, the
Leaves of which will be as fine as Paper. This I can fpeak
by experience, for I have frequently made ufe of 'em for want
of Paper, in writing the Journal of my Voyages. Nay, I
remember I have feen in a certain Library in France, a Manufcript of the Gofpel of St. Mattbew, written in Greek upon this
fort of Bark; and, which is yet more furprifing, I was then
told, that it had been written above a thoufand years; and at
the fame time I dare fwear, that 'twas the Genuine Birch-bark
of New-France, which in all appearance was not then difcover'd.
The Pine-trees are very tall, ftraight, and thick; and are
made ufe of for Mafls, which the King's Pinks do oftentimes
tranfport to France. 'Tis faid, that fome of thefe Trees are
big enough, to ferve for a Mafl to a Firft-rate Ship.




to North-America.


37I


The Epinette is a fort of a Pine, with a fharper and thicker
Leaf. 'Tis made ufe of in Carpenters work, and the matter
which drains from it, fmells as fweet as Incenfe.1
There are three forts of Firs in this Country, which are
faw'd into Dales [deals] by certain Mills, that the Quebec
Merchants have caus'd to be built in fome places.
[253] The Peruffe is the propereft of all green Woods for
the building of Ships, upon the confideration that 'tis compacter, and has clofer Pores, fo that it do's not foak or drink
in the moifture as much as others.
Here are two forts of Cedar, namely, the white and the red;
but one muft view 'em narrowly before he can diftinguifh 'em,
by reafon that both of 'em have much the fame fort of Bark.
Thefe Trees are low, bufhy, and full of Branches and little
Leaves, refembling the tag of a Lace. The Wood of this
Tree, is almoft as light as Cork; and the Savages make ufe of
it in the Wreaths and Ribs of their Canows. The red fort
looks admirably well, and may be made into Houfhold-Goods,
which will retain an agreeable fmell for ever.
The Afps are little Shrubs, which grow upon the fides of
Pools or Rivers; and in a word, in moift and marfhy Countries. This Wood is the common food of the Beavers, who,
in imitation of the Ants, take care to make a collection of it
round their Hutts in the Autumn, which ferves 'em for fuftenance when the Ice imprifons 'em in Winter.
The White JWood is a midling fort of Tree, that's neither too
1 The "epinette" has been identified as the hemlock spruce (Abies canadensis). - ED.




372


Some New Voyages


big nor too little. 'Tis almoft as light as Cedar, and as eafily
work'd upon. The Inhabitants of Canada make little Canows
of it, for fifhing and croffing the Rivers.
Maidenhair is as common in the Forrefts of Canada, as
Fern is in thofe of France, and is efteem'd beyond that of
other Countries; infomuch, that the Inhabitants of Quebec
prepare great quantities of its Syrup, which they fend to Paris,
Nants, Rouan, and feveral other Cities in France.
Strawberries and Rasberries, are wonderfully plentiful in
Canada, and tafte extream well. We meet likewife with fome
white Goofeberries in this Country; but they ferve for no
ufe, unlefs it be to make a fort of Vinegar of 'em, that is very
ftrong.
The Bluets are certain little Berries, not unlike fmall Cherries, only they are black, and perfectly round. The Plant
upon which they grow, is as big as a Rasberry-buih. Thefe
Berries ferve for feveral ufes, after they are dry'd in the Sun,
or in an Oven; for then they make Confits of 'em, or put 'em
into Pyes, or infufe 'em in Brandy. The North-Country Savages make a Crop of 'em in the Summer, which affords 'em
very feafonable relief, efpecially when their hunting comes
fhort.1
'"Bluet" is the term still used by Canadians for the blueberry (Vaccinium
canadense). - ED.




to North-America.


373


A General View of the Commerce of Canada.
I COME now to give a brief and general account of the
Commerce of Canada, which I have already touch'd upon
in my Letters. The Normans were the firft that fat up this
trade, and ufually they fet out from Havre de Grace, or Dieppe;
but the Rochellers have now work'd 'em out of it, for as much
as the Rochel Ships furnifh the Inhabitants of that Continent
with the neceffary Commodities. There are likewife fome
Ships fent to Canada from Bourdeaux and Bayonne, with Wines,
Brandy, Tobacco, and Iron.
The Ships bound from France to that Country, pay no
Cuftom for their Cargo, whether in clearing in France, or in
their entries at Quebec; abating for the Brazil Tobacco which
pays five Sols a pound; that is to fay, a Roll of 400 pound
weight, pays a hundred Livres by way of Entry, to the Office
of the Farmers-General.1
Moft of the Ships go laden to Canada, and return light or
empty. Some indeed bring home Peafe when they are good
cheap in the Colony, and others take in a Cargo of Planks
1 In addition to large quantities of tobacco raised in New France, much was
imported, this being preferred by both Indians and habitants. As early as 1676 an
impost of ten per cent advalorem was laid upon Brazil tobacco; five sols being equivalent to about nineteen cents in the American money of to-day, the retail price of imported tobacco must, at that rate, have reached nearly two dollars per pound.- ED.




374


Some New      Voyages


and Boards: Others again go to the Ifland of Cape Breton,
and there [255] take in a Cargoe of Pit-Coal, which they carry
to the Iflands of Martinico or Guardaloupa, where the refining
of Sugars occafions a great confumption of Coals. But
thofe Ships which either belong, or are recommended to the
topping Merchants of the Colony, are fraughted with Skins,
which turns to a great account. I have feen fome Ships
unload at Quebec, and then fteer to Placentia, to take in Codfifh which they purchas'd with ready Mony; but generally
fpeaking, there's more loft than got by that way of trading.
The Merchant that has carried on the greateft trade in
Canada, is the Sieur Samuel Bernon of Rochel, who has great
Ware-Houfes at Quebec, from which the Inhabitants of the
other Towns are fupplied with fuch Commodities as they
want.' 'Tis true, there are fome Merchants at Quebec, who
are indifferent rich, and fit out Ships upon their own bottom,
that ply to and again between France and Canada; and thefe
Merchants have their Correfpondents at Rochel, who fend out
and take in every year the Cargoes of their Ships.
There's no difference between the Pyrates that fcowr the
Seas, and the Canada Merchants; unlefs it be this, that the
former fometimes inrich 'emfelves all of a fudden by a good
Prize; and that the latter can't make their fortune without
trading for five or fix years, and that without running the
hazard of their Lives. I have known twenty little Pedlars
that had not above a thoufand Crowns ftock when I arriv'd at
1 Bernon was a Huguenot, whom the bishop required the governor to order out
of his domain. See Parkman, Old Regime, pp. 291, 292. -ED.




to North-America.


375


Quebec, in the year 1683; and when I left that place, had got
to the tune of twelve thoufand Crowns. 'Tis an unqueftion'd
truth, that they get fifty per Cent upon all the Goods they deal
in, whether they buy 'em up upon the arrival of the Ships at
Quebec, or have 'em from France by way of Commiffion; but
over and above that, there are fome little gaudy Trinkets,
fuch as Ribbands, Laces, Embroideries, Tobacco-Boxes,
Watches, [256] and an infinity of other baubles of Iron Ware,
upon which they get a hundred and fifty per Cent, all Cofts
clear.
In this Country a Hogfhead of Bourdeaux Wine, which
contains 250 Bottles, is worth about forty French Livres, in
time of Peace, and fixty in time of War. A Hogfhead of
Nants or Bayonne Brandy, will fetch 80 or a oo00 Livres. In
the Taverns a Bottle of Wine cofts fix French Sous, and a
Bottle of Brandy is fold for twenty. As for dry Commodities, their price rifes and falls upon occafion. Brazil Tobacco
is worth 40 Sous a pound by way of Retail, and 35 by Wholefale. Sugar will fetch at leaft 20 Sous a pound, and fometimes 25 or 30.
The earlieft Ships that come from France, fet out commonly in the latter end of April, or the beginning of May;
but to my mind, they might fhorten their Voyage by one
half, if they put to Sea about the middle of March, and then
fweep'd along the North Coaft of the Azores Iflands; for in
thofe Seas the South and South-Eaft Winds commonly blow
from the beginning of April, to the end of May. I have mention'd this feveral times to the moft expert Pilots; but they




376


Some New Voyages


ftill put me off with the plea, that they dare not fteer that
Courfe for fear of fome Rocks: And yet thefe Rocks are not
to be met with but in their Charts. I have read fome Defcriptions of the Ports, Roads, and Coafts of thefe Iflands, and of
the adjacent Seas, done by the Portugueze, which make no
mention of the Shelves that are chalk'd down in all our
Charts: On the contrary, they affirm that the Coaft of thefe
Iflands is altogether clear, and that for twenty Leagues off
into the Main, thefe imaginary Rocks were never met with.
As foon as the French Ships arrive at Quebec, the Merchants of that City who have their Fadtours in the other
Towns, load their Barques with Goods in [257] order to
tranfport 'em to thefe other Towns. Such Merchants as ad
for themfelves at Trois Rivieres, or Monreal, they come down
in Perfon to Quebec to Market for themfelves, and then put
their Effedts on board of Barques, to be convey'd home. If
they pay for their Goods in Skins, they buy cheaper than if
they made their payments in Money or Letters of Exchange;
by reafon that the Seller gets confiderably by the Skins when
he returns to France. Now, you muff take notice, that all thefe
Skins are bought up from the Inhabitants. or from the Savages, upon which the Merchants are confiderable Gainers.
To give you an inftance of this matter. A Perfon that lives
in the Neighbourhood of Quebec, carries a dozen of Martins
Skins, five or fix Foxes Skins, and as many Skins of wild Cats,
to a Merchants Houfe, in order to fell 'em for Woollen
Cloth, Linnen, Arms, Ammunition, &c. In the truck of thefe
Skins, the Merchant draws a double profit, one upon the




to North-America.


377


fcore of his paying no more for the Skins, than one half of
what he afterwards fells 'em for in the lump to the Factours
for the Rochel Ships; and the other by the exorbitant rate he
puts upon the Goods that the poor Planter takes in exchange
for his Skins. If this be duly weigh'd, we will not think it
ftrange that thefe Merchants have a more beneficial Trade,
than a great many other Tradefmen in the World. In my
feventh and eighth Letter, I related the particulars of the
Commerce of this Country, efpecially that which the Inhabitants carry on with the Savages, who fupply 'em with the
Skins of Beavers, and other Animals. So that now it remains
only to give you an Inventory of the Goods that are proper
for the Savages, and of the Skins which they give in exchange,
together with their neat [net] Prices.
[258] Short and light Fufees.
Powder.
Ball and cut Lead, or Small-fhot.
Axes both great and fmall.
Knives with their Sheaths.
Sword-blades to make Darts of.
Kettles of all fizes.
Shoomakers Awls.
Fifh-hooks, of all fizes.
Flint Stones.
Caps of blew Serge.
Shirts made of the common Brittany Linnen.
Woolfted Stockins, fhort and coarfe.
Brafil Tobacco.




378             Some New    Voyages
Coarfe white Thread for Nets.
Sewing Thread of feveral colours.
Pack-thread.
Vermillion.
Needles, both large and fmall.
Venice Beads.
Some Iron Heads for Arrows, but few of 'em.
A fmall quantity of Soap.
A few Sabres or Cutlaffes.
Brandy goes off incomparably well.




to North-America.


379


The Names of the Skins given in exchange, with their
Rates.
THE Skins of Winter Beavers, alias Mufcovy Beavers,
are worth per pound in the Farmer Generals Warehoufe.       -         -        -      4 Livres.  10 Sous.
The Skins of fat Beavers, the Hair of which falls
off, while the Savages make ufe of'em, per pound,l 5 L. o S.
Of Beavers taken in Autumn, per pound           -    3     Io
[259] Of dry or common Beavers, per pound       -    3     o
Of Summer Beavers, per pound.      -      -          3      o
The Skin of a white Beaver is not to be valued,
no more than that of a Fox that's quite black.
The Skins of Silver-colour'd Foxes a piece.      -   4      o
Of common Foxes, in good order, -         -      -   2
Of the common Martins.      -      -      -                 o
Of the prettyeft fort of Martins.               -    4      o
Of red and fmooth Otters. --                     -   2      o
Of the Winter and brown Otters. -               -    4     o1
or more.
1 The skins of beavers most valued by the French were those known as castor
gras d'hiver (fat winter beaver); that is, skins killed in the winter, then made by
the savages into robes, and worn long enough to be thoroughly greased by contact
with their bodies. See Perrot, Memoire sur les Maeurs, Coustumes et Relligion des
Saulvages de I'Amtrique Septentrionale (Paris, I864), p. 317.-ED.




380


Some New     Voyages


Livres. Sous.
Of the fineft black Bears.          --           7      o
The Skins of Elks before they're drefs'd, are worth
per pound about.  -     -     -     -o              12
The Skins of Stags are worth per pound about  -  o      8
The wild Cats or Enfans de Diable, a piece   -    I    I5


Sea Wolves - a piece.
or more.
Pole-Cats, and Weafels
Musk Rats.        -
Their Tefticles.
Wolves.                   -     -
The white Elk-skins, i. e. thofe drefs'd
ges a piece -          -
A drefs'd Harts Skin is worth
A Caribous


-   I  I5
-   0  I0
-     6
-o     5


2      10


by the Sava

--  8 or m.
— 5 orm.
- 6


A Roe-buck's -


-  -  - 3


To conclude, you muff take notice that thefe Skins are
upon fome particular occafions dearer than I rate 'em, but the
difference is but very fmall, whether under or over.'
1 For comparison with this interesting table of prices, see that given for 1713 in
Martin, Castorologia, pp. xxo, xi; those for about 1750, in Jesuit Relations, Ixiv,
p. I27; and those at the beginning of the English regime, in Henry, Travels, pp.
55, 56.-ED.




to North-America.


38I


[260]    An Account of the Government of Canada in
General.
IN Canada the Politick, Civil, Ecclefiaftical and Military
Government, are all in a manner one thing, in regard, that
the wifeft Governours have fubje6ted their Authority to that
of the Ecclefiaflicks; and fuch Governours as would not imbarque in that intereft, have found their Poft fo uneafie, that
they have been recall'd with difgrace. I could inftance in
feveral, who for not adhering to the Sentiments of the Bifhop
and the Jefuits, and for refufing to lodge their Power in the
hands of thefe infallible Gentlemen, have been turn'd out, and
treated at Court like hot-headed Incendiaries.   Mr. de Frontenac was one of this number, who made fuch an unhappy exit;
for he fell out with Mr. Duchefnau, Intendant of that Country,
who finding himfelf protected by the Clergy, induftrioufly infulted that illuftrious General; and the General was forc'd to
give way, under the weight of an Ecclefiaftical League, by
reafon of the Springs they fet at work againft him, in oppofition to all the principles of Honour and Confcience.1
The Governour General that means to negle6t no opportunity of advancing or inriching themfelves, do commonly
1 Lahontan, as a partisan of Frontenac, presents his side of the disagreements with
Duchesneau. For an account of their petty quarrels, which led to the recall (x682) of
both governor and intendant, see Parkman, Frontenac, pp. 44-7. -ED.




382


Some New     Voyages


hear two Maffes a Day, and are oblig'd to confefs once in four
and twenty hours. He has always Clergy-men hanging about
him where-ever he goes, and indeed properly fpeaking, they
are his Counfellours. When a Governour is thus back'd by
the Clergy; the Intendants, the Under-Governours, and the
Sovereign Council, dare's not cenfure his Condu&t, let it be
never fo faulty; for the protetion of the Ecclefiafticks, fhelters him from all the charges that can be laid againft him.
The Governour General of Quebec, has twenty thoufand
Crowns a year, including the pay of his [26I] Company of
Guards, and the particular Government of the Fort. Over
and above this Income, the Farmers of the Beaver-Skins make
him a Prefent of a thoufand Crowns a year; his Wines and all
his other Provifions imported from France pay no Fraight;
not to mention that by certain ways and means he fucks as
much Money out of the Country, as all the above mention'd
Articles amount to. The Intendant has eighteen thoufand
Livres a year; but the Lord knows what he makes otherwife:
I have no mind to touch there, for fear of being rank'd among
thofe Detra&ors, who fpeak the truth too fincerely.1 The
Bifhops Incomes are fo fmall, that if the King were not gracioufly pleas'd to add to his Bifhoprick fome other Benefices
in France, that Reverend Prelate would be reduc'd to as fhort
1 The office of intendant was established in New France when the King took over
the colony from the hands of the commercial company (1663). It was analagous to
the intendancy in France, and created substantially a second head to the colony, causing
much friction with the governor general. The duties of the intendant were numerous,
and the powers vague and far-reaching; he was especially charged with the administration of finance and justice. For a list of both governors and intendants in New
France, see Jesuit Relations, Ixxii, pp. II6-ii8.- ED.




to North-America.


383


Commons, as a hundred of his Charader are in the Kingdom
of Naples.l The Major of Quebec has fix hundred Crowns a
year, the Governour of Trois Rivieres has a thoufand; and the
Governour of Monreal is allow'd two thoufand.2 A Captain
has a hundred and twenty Livres a Month, a Lieutenant ninety
Livres, a reform'd Lieutenant is allow'd but forty, and a common Soldier's pay is fix Sous a Day, of the current Money of
the Country.
The People repofe a great deal of confidence in the Clergy
in this Country as well as elfewhere. Here the outward fhew
of Devotion is ftritly obferv'd, for the People dare not abfent
from the great Maffes and Sermons, without a lawful Excufe.
But after all, 'tis at the time of Divine Service, that the married Women and Maids give their humours a full loofe, as
being affur'd that their Husbands and Mothers are bufie at
Church. The Priefts call People by their names in the Pulpit; they prohibit under the pain of Excommunication, the
reading of Romances and Plays, as well as the ufe of Masks,
and playing at Ombre or Lanfquenet. The Jefuits [262] and
the Recollets agree as ill as the Molinifts and the Janfenifts.3
'Laval, first bishop of Quebec, was titular bishop of Petraea, and had a large
private fortune; see p. 43, note 2, ante. St. Vallier, the second bishop, was abbe of
a rich monastery of that name in France. -ED.
2The three local divisions of New France. In 1722 the government of Quebec
comprised forty-one parishes, Three Rivers thirteen, and Montreal twenty-eight.
Frontenac attempted to establish a rudimentary type of self-government, by permitting
the inhabitants to elect their local officials; but the autocratic paternalism of the
French court reversed these plans, and all officials were thereafter appointed by the
King. -ED.
3 The Molinists and Jansenists were two schools of theologians, the former followers of the Jesuit Molina (1535-i600), the latter those of the Dutch scholar Jansen




384


Some New Voyages


The former pretend that the latter have no right to confefs.
Do but look back to my eighth Letter, and there you'll fee
fome inftances of the indifcreet zeal of the Ecclefiafticks.
The Governour General has the difpofal of all Military
Pofts; He beftows Companies, Lieutenancies, and UnderLieutenancies, upon who he pleafes, with his Majefty's gracious
Approbation; but he is not allow'd to difpofe of particular
Governourfhips, or of the place of a Lord Lieutenant of a
Province, or of the Major of any Town. He is impower'd
to grant to the Gentry and the other Inhabitants, Lands and
Settlements all over Canada; but thefe Grants muff be given
in concert with the Intendant. He is likewife authoris'd to
give five and twenty Licences a year to whom he thinks fit,
for trading with the Savage Nations of that vaft Continent.
He is invefted with the power of fufpending the execution of
Sentences againft Criminals; and by vertue of this Reprieve,
can eafily procure 'em a Pardon, if he has a mind to favour
'em.   But he can't difpofe of the King's Money, without the
content of the Intendant, who is the only Man that can call it
out of the hands of the Treafurer of the Navy.'
(1585-x638). The controversy agitated Western Europe throughout the seventeenth
century, involved courts and society, and had a profound influence upon French literature. In his later years, Louis XIV, prompted by the Jesuits, persecuted the party
of the Jansenists, and finally broke up their retreat at Port Royal. -ED.
' The governor-general of Canada, usually a military noble, was commandant of
the army, leader of military expeditions, supreme arbiter of life and death in criminal
justice - in short, representative of the king and of paternal government in the colony.
For his commissions, see Edits et Ordonnances (Quebec, I856), iii, pp. 5-8I. On
the subject of licenses (conges), see p. 99, note i, ante. The "Treasurer of the
Navy " is the English translator's rendition of the Department of the Marine, which
had the colonies in charge. -ED.




fl C-reat  o.  o. o3.. o.
Qafar       Covp t s Sort.           -Stu r dam   --
0u1C         liArIJll
fu           a rt~ran.
3 I*       wf  -
r     2FOU2NiD    i, C
^~~" ** M  ^  jn dik
]F`O TT f^/u tttyf g; ^^ Q.A,








to North-America.


385


The Governour General can't be without the fervice of the
Jefuits, in making Treaties with the Governours of NewEngland, and New-rork, as well as with the Iroquefe.      I am at a
lofs to know, whether thefe good Fathers are imploy'd in fuch
Services, upon the fcore of their judicious Counfels, and their
being perfetly well acquainted with the Country, and the
King's true interefts; or upon the confideration of their
fpeaking to a Miracle, the Languages of fo many different
Nations, whofe intereft are quite oppofite; or out of a fenfe
of that condefcenfion and fubmiffion, that is due to thefe
worthy Companions of our Saviour.l
[263] The Members of the fupreme Council of Canada,
can't fell or convey their Places to their Heirs, or to any body
elfe without the King's approbation; though at the fame
time their places may be worth not fo much as the place of
a Lieutenant to a Company of Foot.2 When they have nice
points under their confideration, they ufually confult the
Priefts or Jefuits: And if any caufe comes before 'em, in
which thefe good Fathers are interefs'd, they are fure not to
be caft, unlefs it be fo very black, that the cunningeft Lawyer
can't give it a plaufible turn. I've been inform'd by feveral
Perfons, that the Jefuits drive a great trade in European Com1 The employment of the Jesuit missionaries as envoys and interpreters was not
only due to their skill in languages, but to their large acquaintance with the habits and
customs of the Indians, and a certain degree of ascendancy which they had acquired
over the latter's minds. The negotiations with New England and New York dealt
almost entirely with Indian relations. - ED.
2 For the sovereign council of New France, see p. 41, note 3, ante. In 1703 the
title was changed to superior council. In a few cases, the king permitted a son to
succeed his father in this office. See Parkman, Old Regime, pp. 274, 275. -ED.
25




386


Some New     Voyages


modities, and Canada Skins; but I can fcarce believe it, or at
leaft if it be fo, they muft have Correfpondents and Fadors that
are as clofe and cunning as themfelves; which can never be.'
The Gentlemen of that Country, are oblig'd to be very
cautious in carrying even with the EcclefiafJicks, in refpe&t of the
good or harm that the good Fathers can indireftly throw in
their way. The Bifhop and the Jefuits have fuch an influence
over the Governours General, as is fufficient to procure places
to the Children of the Noblemen or Gentlemen that are
devoted to their Service, or to obtain the Licences that I
fpoke of in my eighth Letter.         'Tis likewife in their power
to ferve the Daughters of fuch Gentlemen, by finding 'em
agreeable and rich Husbands. The meaneft Curates muff
be manag'd cautioufly, for they can either ferve or differve
the Gentlemen, in whofe Seignories they are no more than
Miffionaries, there being no fix'd Cures in Canada, which
indeed is a grievance that ought to be redrefs'd.2 The Officers
of the Army are likewife oblig'd to keep up a good correfpondence with the Ecclefiaflicks, for without that 'tis impoffible
for 'em to keep their ground. They mufft not only take care
that their own condud be regular; but likewife [264] look
1 The charge was often made that the missionaries participated in the advantages
of the fur-trade. There is evidence that this was sometimes true before 1642; but
there was passed about that time a stringent order against it, and they thenceforth
almost wholly refrained, except in the case of lay brothers, and an occasional transgressor who was speedily punished. See Jesuit Relations, index. - ED.
2 Lahontan probably means that all the parish priests (cures) were affiliated
with the seminary which Bishop Laval had established; see p. 42, note r, ante. St.
Vallier attempted to break up the system, and it was probably in the interest of this
movement that Lahontan wrote as above. - ED.




to North-America.


387


after that of the Soldiers, by preventing the Diforders they
might commit in their Quarters.
Commonly the Troops are quarter'd upon the Inhabitants
of the Cotes, or Seignories of Canada, from Otober to May.
The Mafter of the Houfe furnifhes his Military Guefts only
with Utenfils, and imploys him all the while at the rate of
ten Sous a Day befides his Viduals, in the cutting of Wood,
grubbing up of Grounds, rooting out Stumps, or the threfhing of Corn in a Barn. The Captain gets likewife by their
work; for to make 'em difcount the half of their pay to him,
he orders 'em to come thrice a Week to exercife their Arms
at his Quarters. Now, their Habitations being diftant four
or five Arpents from one another, and one Cote or Seignory
being two or three Leagues in Front, the Soldiers choofe
rather to give the Captain a fpill, than to walk fo far in the
Snow and the Dirt: And the Captain takes it very confcientioufly, upon the plea that Volenti non fit injuria. As for fuch
Soldiers as are good Tradefmen, he's fure of putting their
whole pay in his Pocket, by vertue of a Licence that he gives
'em to work in the Towns, or any where elfe. In fine, moft of
the Officers marry in this Country, but God knows what fort
of Marriages they make, in taking Girls with a Dowry, confifting of eleven Crowns, a Cock, a Hen, an Ox, a Cow, and
fometimes a Calf. I knew feveral young Women, whofe Lovers, after denying the Fa&, and proving before the Judges
the fcandalous Converfation of their Miftreffes, were forc'd
upon the perfwafion of the Ecclefiaflicks to fwallow the bitter
Pill, and take the very fame Girls in Marriage. Some Officers




388


Some New     Voyages


indeed marry well, but there are few fuch. The occafion of
their marrying fo readily in that Country, proceeds from the
difficulty of converfing with the foft Sex. After a Man has
made four Vifits to a young Woman, he is oblig'd to unfold
his Mind to her Father and Mother; [265] he muff then
either talk of Marriage, or break off all Correfpondence; or
if he do's not, both he and fhe lies under a Scandal. In this
Country a Man can't vifit another Man's Wife, without being
cenfur'd, as if her Husband was a Cuckold. In fine, a Man
can meet with no diverfion here, but that of reading, or eating,
or drinking.  Though after all, there are fome Intrigues
carry'd on, but with the fame caution as in Spain, where the
vertue of the Ladies confifts only in difguifing the matter
handfomly.
Now, that I am upon the Subjeft of Marriage, I can't forbear to acquaint you with a comical Adventure that happen'd
to a young Captain, who was prefs'd to marry againft his will,
becaufe all his Companions and Acquaintances were already
buckled. This young Officer having made fome Vifits to a
Counfellor's Daughter, he was defir'd to tell what Errand he
came upon; and Mr. de Frontenac himfelf, being related to the
young Lady, who is certainly one of the moft accomplifh'd
Ladies of this Age, us'd his utmoft efforts to ingage the Captain to marry her. The Captain being equally well pleas'd
with a free accefs to the Governour's Table, and the company
of the Lady whom he met there not unfrequently; the Captain,
I fay, being equally fond of thefe two Advantages, endeavour'd to ward off the defign, by asking fome time to confider




to North-America.


389


of it. Accordingly, two Months were granted him; and after
that time was expir'd, he had ftill a mind to let out his Traces,
and fo defir'd two Months more, which were granted him by
the Bifhop's interceflion. When the laft of thefe two was at
an end, the Cavalier began to be apprehenfive that he was in
danger of lofing both his good Cheer, and the agreeable company of the Lady. However, he was oblig'd to be prefent at
a Treat that Mr. Nelfon (the Englifh Gentleman I [266] fpoke
of in my 23d Letter) gave to the two Lovers, as well as the
Governour, the Intendant, the Bifhop, and fome other Perfons
of Note: And this generous Englifh Gentleman, having a kindnefs for the young Ladies Father, and her Brethren, upon the
fcore of their trading with one another, made an offer of a
thoufand Crowns to be paid on the Wedding Day, which added
to a thoufand that the Bifhop offer'd, and a thoufand more
which fhe had of her own, befides feven or eight thoufand
that Mr. de Frontenac offer'd in Licences, not to mention the
certain profpeft of Preferment; all thefe Items, I fay, made
the Marriage very advantageous to the Captain. After they
had done eating, he was prefs'd to fign the Contra&t, but
made anfwer, that he had drunk fome bumpers of heady Wine,
and his Head was not clear enough for weighing the conditions
of the Contra&t; fo that they were forc'd to put off the matter
till the next day. Upon this delay he kept his Chamber till
Mr. de Frontenac, at whofe Table he us'd to eat, fent for him
in order to know his Mind immediately. Then there was no
room left for thuffling; there was a neceffity of giving a pofitive anfwer to the Governour, who fpoke to him in plain and




390


Some New     Voyages


precife terms, and at the fame time reminded him of the favour
they had fhewn him, in allowing him fo much time to confider
of the propos'd Marriage. The young Officer reply'd very
fairly, that any Man that was capable of Marrying after four
Months deliberation, was a fool in buckling to. 'I now fee,
'fays he, what I am; the eager defire I had of going to Church
'with Mademoifelle D.... has now convinc'd me of my folly;
'if you have a refped for the Lady, pray do not fuffer her to
'marry a young Spark, that is fo apt to take up with extrava'gant and foolifh things. As for my own part, Sir, I proteft
fincerely, that the little reafon and free [267] judgment that
'is left me, will ferve to comfort me upon the lofs of her, and
'to teach me to repent of having defir'd to make her as
'unhappy as my felf. This Difcourfe furpris'd the Bifhop,
the Governour, the Intendant, and in general, all the other
Married Officers, who defir'd nothing more than that he
fhould be catch'd in the noofe as well as they; fo true it is,
that Solamen miferis focios habuiffe doloris. As they were far
from expe6ting any fuch retraCtation; fo the poor reform'd
Captain fuffer'd for't; for fome time after Mr. de Frontenac
did him a piece of Injuftice, in beftowing a vacant Company
over his Head, upon Madam de Ponchartrain's Nephew, notwithftanding that the Court had fent orders on his behalf;
and this oblig'd him to go for France along with me in the
year I692.1
1 Under this thin disguise, Lahontan here relates an episode in his own career.
The lady in question was doubtless Genevieve, daughter of Mathieu d'Amours of the
sovereign council, whose brothers traded with Nelson, the English merchant —see




to Nortb-America.


391


To refume the thread of my Difcourfe: You muff know
that the Canadefe or Creoles, are a robuft brawny well made
People; they are ftrong, vigorous, aftive, brave and indefatigable; in a word, they want nothing but the knowledge of
polite Letters. They are prefumptuous, and very full of
themfelves; they value themfelves beyond all the Nations of
the Earth, and, which is to be regrated, they have not that
veneration for their Parents that is due. Their Complexion
is wonderfully pretty. The Women are generally handfom;
few of them are brown, but many of 'em are at once wife and
lazy. They love Luxury to the laft degree, and ftrive to outdo one another in catching Husbands in the trap.
There's an infinity of diforders in Canada, that want to be
reform'd. The firft ftep of a true Reformation, muff be that
of hindring the Ecclefiafticks to vifit the Inhabitants fo often,
and to pry with fuch impertinence into the minuteft affairs of
the Family; for fuch pradtices are frequently contrary to the
good of the Society, and that for reafons [268] that you are
not ignorant of. The next thing to be done, is to prohibit the
Officers to ftop the Soldiers pay, and to injoyn 'em to Difcipline their Men every Holy-day, and every Sunday. In the
third place, the Commodities ought to be rated at a reafonable price, fo that the Merchant may have his profit, without
exating upon the Inhabitants and the Savages. A fourth
Article of Reformation, would confift in prohibiting the
exporting from France to Canada, of Brocado's, Gold and
pp. 265, 311, ante. Mademoiselle d'Amours married (1703) Jean Baptiste Celoron
de Blainville. For further details, see Roy, Lahontan, pp. 92, 93. -ED.




392


Some New Voyages


Silver Galloons or Ribbands, and rich Laces. In a fifth place,
the Governour General ought not to fell Licences for trading
with the Savages of the great Lakes. Sixthly, there ought to
be fix'd Courts.1 In the feventh place, they want to have
their Militia modell'd and difciplin'd, that upon occafion,
they may be as ferviceable as the Regular Troops.2                 For an
eighth Article, the fetting up Manufadories for Linnen,
Stuffs, &c. would       be very ufeful.3      But the moft important
alteration would confift in keeping the Governours, the
Intendants, the fupreme Council, the Bifhops and the Jefuits,
from   fplitting   into  Fadions, and      making    Clubs one againft
another; for the confequences of fuch Divifions can't but
thwart his Majefty's Service, and the Peace of the Publick.
Were this but happily effeded, that Country would be as
rich again as 'tis now.
I wonder that inftead of banifhing the Proteftants out of
France, who in removing          to  the Countries of our Enemies,
1 It is difficult to know what Lahontan means by " fixed courts," since justice in
New France was well administered by a series of such. The sovereign council was
the court of appeal; judges held sessions in the three towns of Montreal, Three
Rivers, and Quebec; the seigneurs administered justice in petty disputes; and above
all was the jurisdiction of the governor and intendant, the latter holding a special
court in his palace, which was known therefrom as the Palace of Justice. -ED.
2 Canadians had served as militia from the foundation of the colony, no regular
troops coming out until i665. In time of war all the male population between the
ages of fifteen and sixty was enrolled in the militia, and officers were appointed from
each parish, besides general officers for especially exposed localities. In I691, 1313
Canadians received pay as soldiers- Sulte, Canadiensfranfais, vi, 46; vii, 47. - ED.
3 Unlike the English government, the French authorities stimulated and protected
colonial manufactures. But the population was too sparse to accomplish much in
this direction. Some cloth had been woven and articles in iron produced, and shipbuilding had been inaugurated early in the eighteenth century. -ED.




to North-America.


393


have done fo much damage to the Kingdom, by carrying their
Money along with 'em, and fetting up Manufacturies in thofe
Countries; I wonder, I fay, that the Court did not think it
more proper to tranfport 'em to Canada. I'm convinc'd, that
if they had receiv'd pofitive affurances of injoying a liberty of
Confcience, a great many of 'em would have made no fcruple
[269] to go thither. Some have reply'd upon this Head, that
the Remedy had been worfe than the Difeafe; in regard that
fome time or other they would not have fail'd to expel the
Catholicks by the affiftance of the Englifh: But I reprefent'ed
to 'em, that the Greeks and Armenians, who are fubject to the
Grand Seignior, and at the fame time are of a Nation and
Religion that's different from that of the Turks; I reprefented, I fay, that thefe diffenting Subjeds did fcarce ever.
implore the aid of foreign Powers, in order to rebel and fhake
off the Yoak. In fine, we have more reafon to believe, that if
the Huguenots had been tranfported to Canada, they had never
departed from the fealty they ow'd to their natural Soveraign.
But, let that be as it will; I do but fpeak as that King of
Arragon did, who boafted, that if God had daign'd to confult
him, he could have given him feafonable advice with reference
to the fymmetry and the courfes of the Stars: For in like
manner, I do affirm, that if the Council of State had follow'd
my Scheme, in the fpace of thirty or forty years, New-France
would have become a finer and more flourifhing Kingdom,
than feveral others in Europe.




394


Some New      Voyages


A Difcourfe of the Intereft of the French, and of the
Englifh, in North-America.
INCE New-France and New-England fubfift only upon the
Cod-Fifhery, and the Fur-trade, 'tis the intereft of thefe
two Colonies to inlarge the number of the Ships imploy'd in
the Fifhery, and to incourage the Savages to hunt and fhoot
Beavers, by furnifhing them with what Arms and Ammunition
they have occafion for. 'Tis well known, that there's a great
confumption of Codfifh in the [270] Southern Countries of
Europe, and that few Commodities meet with a better and
readier Market, efpecially if they are good and well cur'd.
Thofe who alledge that the deftrudtion of the Iroquefe,
would promote the intereft of the Colonies of New-France,
are ftrangers to the true intereft of that Country; for if that
were once accomplifh'd, the Savages who are now the French
Allies, would turn their greateft Enemies, as being then rid of
their other fears. They would not fail to call in the Engliflh,
by reafon that their Commodities are at once cheaper, and
more efteem'd than ours; and by that means the whole Commerce of that wide Country, would be wrefted out of our
hands.
I conclude therefore, that 'tis the intereft of the French to
weaken the Iroquefe, but not to fee 'em intirely defeated. I
own, that at this day they are too ftrong, infomuch that they




to North-America.


395


cut the Throats of the Savages our Allies every day. They
have nothing lefs in view, than to cut off all the Nations they
know, let their Situation be never fo remote from their
Country. 'Tis our bufinefs to reduce 'em to one half of the
power they are now poffefs'd of, if 'twere poffible; but we do
not go the right way to work. Above thefe thirty years, their
ancient Counfellors have ftill remonftrated to the Warriours
of the five Nations, that 'twas expedient to cut off all the
Savage Nations of Canada, in order to ruine the Commerce of the French, and after that to diflodge 'em of the
Continent. With this view they have carry'd the War above
four or five hundred Leagues off their Country, after the
deftroying of feveral different Nations in feveral places, as I
fhew'd you before.
'Twould be no difficult matter for the French to draw the
Iroquefe over to their fide, to keep 'em from plaguing the
French Allies, and at the fame time to ingrofs all the Commerce with the five Iroquefe [271] Nations, that is now in the
hands of the Englifh in New-Tork. This might be eafily put
in execution, provided the King would allow ten thoufand
Crowns a year, for that end. The method of effecting it is
this. In the firft place, the Barques that were formerly made
ufe of about Fort Frontenac, muff be rebuilt, in order to convey to the Rivers of the Tfonontouans and the Onontagues, fuch
Commodities as are proper for 'em, and to fell 'em for the
prime coft in France.' Now this would put the King to the
1 By I677 La Salle had four vessels upon Lake Ontario, with a capacity of twentyfive to forty tons each. These were all destroyed when Fort Frontenac was abandoned (X68o). -E.




396


Some New      Voyages


charge of about ten thoufand Crowns for fraight; and I'm
perfwaded, that upon that foot the Iroquefe would not be fuch
fools as to carry fo much as one Beaver to the Englijh Colonies, and that for four Reafons. The firft is, that, whereas they
muft tranfport 'em fixty or eighty Leagues upon their backs
to New-York, they have not above feven or eight Leagues
travelling from their own Villages, to the banks of the Lake
of Frontenac. For a fecond reafon, 'tis manifeft that the Englifh can't poffibly let 'em have their Commodities fo cheap,
without being confiderable lofers, and that thereupon every
Merchant would drop that fort of Trade. The third is
drawn from the difficulty of having Subfiftance upon the Road
between the Iroquefe Villages and New-York; for the Iroquefe
go thither in great Bodies, for fear of being furpris'd, and I
acquainted you before feveral times, that there's no Venifon
in that fide of the Country. The fourth reafon is this. In
marching fo far from their Villages, they expofe their Wives,
their Children, and their fuperannuated Men, for a prey to
their Enemies, who upon that occafion may either kill 'em, or
carry 'em off; and of this we have two Inftances already.
Over and above the cheapnefs of our Commodities, 'twould
likewife be requifite that we made 'em Prefents every year,
and at the fame time intreated 'em not to difturb the repofe
of our [272] Confederate Savages, who are fuch fools, as to
wage War one with another, inftead of entring into a joint
League in oppofition to the Iroquefe, the moff redoubted of
their Enemies, and thofe whom they have moft reafon to fear.
In a word, if we would manage our affairs with the Iroquefe to




to North-America.


397


the beft advantage, we ought to put in execution that Projedt
that I mention'd in my 23d Letter.
To alledge that thefe Barbarians have a dependance upon
the Englifh, is a foolifh Plea: For they are fo far from owning
any dependance, that when they go to New-Tork to truck
their Skins, they have the confidence to put rates upon the
Goods they have occafion for, when the Merchants offer to
raife their price. I have intimated already feveral times, that
their refped for the Englijl, is tack'd to the occafion they
have to make ufe of 'em; that this is the only motive which
induces 'em to treat the Engli/h as their Brethren, and their
Friends; and that if the French would fell 'em the Neceffaries
of Life, as well as Arms and Ammunition, at easfier rates,
they would not make many journeys to the Englifi Colonies.
This is a confideration that ought to be chiefly in our view;
for if we minded it to the purpofe, they would be cautious
of infulting our Savage Confederates, as well as our felves.
The Governours General of Canada would do well to imploy
the fenfible Men of the Country that are acquainted with our
Confederates, in preffing 'em to live in a good correfpondence
with one another, without waging War among themfelves; for
moft of the Southern Nations worm out one another infenfibly, which affords matter of joy to the Iroquefe. Now, 'twere
an eafie matter to prevent this fatal mouldering, by threatning
to give 'em no further fupplies of Commodities in their Villages. To this precaution, we ought to add that of indeavouring to ingage two or three Nations to live together; [273]
the Outaouas, for inftance, with the Hurons; the Sakis with the




398


Some New Voyages


Pouteouatamis, alias Puants.l If all thofe Nations who are
imbarqued in a Confederacy with'us, would but agree one
with another, and put up their quarrels, they would give
themfelves wholly to the hunting of Beavers, which would tend
to the inlarging of our Commerce; and befides, they would
be in a condition of making one joint Body, when the Iroquefe
offer'd to attack either one or t'other.
'Tis the intereft of the Englifh to perfwade thefe Nations,
that the French have nothing lefs in view, than to deftroy
them as foon as they meet with an opportunity; that the
growing populoufnefs of Canada, is a fufficient ground of
alarm; that they ought to avoid all Commerce with the
French, for fear of being betray'd in any way whatfoever;
that to hinder the repairing of Fort Frontenac, and the rebuilding of Barques for that Lake, is to them a thing of the
lat Importance, by reafon that the French might in four and
twenty hours, make a Defcent from thence to their Villages,
and carry off their ancient Men, their Women and their
Children, at a time when the Warriours might be ingag'd in
the hunting of Beavers; That they would promote their own
intereft by waging War with the French from time to time, by
ravaging the Seignories and Settlements in the upper part of
the Country, in order to oblige the Inhabitants to abdicate
the Colony, and to difcourage thofe who would otherwife
remove out of France, and fettle in Canada; and in fine,
1 Lahontan here confuses two entirely different, though neighbouring, Wisconsin
tribes; the Potawatomi were of Algonquian, the Puants (Winnebago) of Siouan
stock. - ED.




to North-America.


399


That in time of Peace 'twould be very proper to ftop the
Coureurs de Bois at the Catarads of the Outaouas River, and to
feize the Arms and Ammunition that they carry to the Savages upon the Lakes.
Farther, if the EngliJh would purfue their meafures to the
beft advantage, they ought to ingage the Tfonontouans or the
Goyoguans to go and fettle upon the Banks of the Lake Errid,
near the Mouth [274] of the River of Condl; and at the fame
time they ought to build a Fort there, with fome long
Barques or Brigantines: For this is the moft convenient and
advantageous Poft of all that Country, and that for an infinity
of Reafons which I am oblig'd to conceal. Befides this Fort,
they fhould build another at the Mouth of the River des
Franfois; and then 'twould be abfolutely impoffible for the
Coureurs de Bois to reach the Lakes.
They ought likewife to ingage the Savages of Acadia in
their intereft; which they may do with little charge. The
Planters of New-England fhould mind this, as well as the fortifying of the Ports in which they fifh their Cod. As for the
fitting out of Fleets to deftroy the Colony, I would not advife
the Englifh to give themfelves that trouble; for fuppofing
they were affur'd of Succefs, 'tis but fome places that can be
reckon'd worth the while.
To conclude; I muff fay the Englifh in thefe Colonies are
too carelefs and lazy: The French Coureurs de Bois, are much
readier for Enterprifes, and the Canadefe are certainly more
vigilant and more adive. It behoves the Inhabitants of Newrork to inlarge their Fur-trade by well concerted Enterprifes;


L




400             Some New    Voyages
and thofe of New-England, to render the Cod-fifhing more
beneficial to the Colony, by taking fuch meafures as many
other People would, if they'were as advangeoufly feated. I
do not intend to fpeak of the limits of New-France, and NewEngland, for they were never well adjufted; though indeed
'twould feem that in feveral Treaties of Peace between thefe
two Kingdoms, the Boundaries were in a manner mark'd out
in fome places. Whatever is in that matter, the decifion of it
is too nice a point for one that can't open his mind without
pulling an old Houfe upon his Head.
The End of the Firfl Volume.




[275] A TAB L E explaining fome Terms made
ufe of in both Volumes.
A.
STROLABE is a Mathematical Inflrument that can fcarce
be ufed in the Ocean by reafon of the AWaves.   There are
two forts of them.  The firfl are made ufe of by Eaft-India
Maflers, at a time when the Sea is as fmooth as the face of a
Looking-glafs. This fort are ferviceable in taking the heighth
of the Sun, by the means of two little Pins, which are bor'd o as
to have two dioptrick Perforations, thatferve to conduet the rays
of light to that Luminary. The latter are fuch as the Mathematicians commonly make ufe of for Afironomical Obfervations,
and are furbifh'd with Azimuths, Almucantara's, Loxodromick
Tables, and the Concentrick and Excentrick Tables of the Sphere.
B.
Bank of New-found-land, or Bank in general, is a rifing Ground
in the Sea, which /hoots like a Hat beyond the other brims. The
Bank of New-found-land has thirty or forty Fathom Water,
and is pav'd with Cod fifh.
Bafin, is a head of flagnating Water, not unlike a Pool or Lake.
Bouteux fignifies little Nets belag'd to the end of a Stick. The
Fifhermen make ufe of them to catch Fifl upon a fandy Ground,
and efpecially Eels, upon thefide of St. Laurence River.
26




402


A TABLE.


Bouts de Quievres, are Nets not unlike Bouteux, which ferve for
the fame life.
Breaking ground fignifies the weighing Anchor and putting to Sea.
Brigantine, a fmall Veffel one Deck, built of light [276] Wood,
which plies both with Oars and Sails. 'Tis equally fharp at
Prow and Poop, and is built for a quick Sailer.
C.
Calumet in generalfignifies a Pipe, being a Norman Word, deriv'd
from Chalumeau. The Savages do not underfland this Wford,
for 'twas introduc'd to Canada by the Normans when they firfl
fettled there; and has fill continued in ufe amongfl the French
Planters.l The Calumet or Pipe is call'd in the Iroquefe Language Ganondaoe, and by the other Savage Nations Poagan.
Canadefe or Canadans, are the Natives of Canada fprung from a
French Father and Mother. In the Iflands of South-America
the Natives born of French Parents are called Creoles.
Capa y d'efpada, A Gafcogne Title which the People of that
Province gave in former times by way of Irony, to the Members of
the fupreme Council of Canada, becaufe the firfl Counfellors wore
neither Robe nor Sword, but walk'd very gravely with a Cane
in their Hands, both in the City of Quebeck, and in the Hall.
Caffe-tete fignifies a Club, or a Head-breaker.2  The Savages call
it Affan Ouffick, Ouftick fignifying the Head, and Affan, to
break.
1 Strictly speaking, the word calumet (chalumeau) referred only to the reed or
stem of the pipe. - ED.
2 The word casse-tete is usually rendered by the Indian term tomahawk, although
more properly a war-club than a hatchet. - ED.




A TABLE.


403


Channel is a fpace of pretty deep Water between two Banks, or
between two Shoars. Commonly the Channels are inclofed by
Flats, and for that reafon Bouys or Mafls are fixt upon 'em, in
order to dired the Pilots, who fleer either by thefe Marks, or by
founding, for they would run the rifque of loofing their Ships, if
they did not keep exagly to the Channel.
Coaft along, fee Sweep.
Compafs of Variation.   'Tis larger than the ordinary Compaffes,
and ferves to point out the inequal Motions of the Needle, which
leans always to the North-Eafl in the other Hemifphere, whereas
it fill plies to the North-Jrefl; in this, I mean on this fide the
Equinoitial line: The [277] Needle touch'd with the Loadflone
departs from the true North a certain number of Degrees to the
right and left; and Mariners compute the Degrees of its departure by the means of an Alhidada, and a thread which divides the
Glafs of the Compafs into two equal parts, and fo fhews the
Variation of the Needle at Sun-fet, that being the true proper
time for making the Obfervation; for at Sun-rifing, and at Noon,
one may be deceiv'd by Refraftions, &c.
Coureurs de Bois, i. e. Fore/f Rangers, are French or Canadefe,
fo call'd from employing their whole Life in the rough Exercife
of tranfporting Merchandize Goods to the Lakes of Canada, and
to all the other Countries of that Continent, in order to Trade
with the Savages: And in regard that they run in Canows a
thoufand Leagues up the Country, notwithflanding the danger
of the Sea and Enemies, I take it, they fhould rather be called
Coureurs de Rifques, than Coureurs de Bois.




404


A TABLE.


E.
Eddy, or boyling Water, is little Watery Mountains that rife at the,foot of Water-falls or Cataratts, jufl as we fee the Water plays
in the Ciferns of Water-works.
Edge of a Bank, is the fhelving part of it that runs fleep like a Wall.
F.
Fathom, among the French is the meafure of fix foot.
Feaft of Union, a Term us'd by the Iroquefe tofignify the renewing of the Alliance between the five Iroquefe Nations.
Flats are a ridge of Rocks running under Water from one Station
to another, and rifing within five or fix foot at leafl of the Surface
of that Element, fo as to hinder Ships, Barques, &c. to float
upon 'em.
Fraight, fignifies in this Book the Cargo, tho' in other Cafes itfignifies likewife the Hire or Fare.
Furl the Sails, fignifies the drawing them up to a heap [278]
towards the Top-mafl, not long ways as we do the Curtains of a
Bed, but from below upwards. This is done by two Ropes, that
draw up the Sail as a String does a Purfe.
H.
Head-Bars are two round pieces of Wood, reaching on each fide from
one end of a Canow to the other. Thefe are the Supporters of
the Canow, for the Ribs and Spars are made fafi upon them.
K.
Keel of a Ship, is a long piece of the flrongefl Wood, or at leafl feveral
pieces joyn'd together, to bear the great weight of all the other
Timber.




A TABLE.


405


Kitchi Okima, is the general Name for the Governour General of
Canada among all the Savages, whofe Languages approach to
that of the Algonkins. Kitchi fignifies Great, and Okima,
Captain. The Iroquefe and Hurons call the Governor General Onnontio.
L.
Latitude. Every Body knows that it imports the Elevation of the
Pole, or the difance from a fix'd Point of the Equator.
Land-carriage fignifies the tranfporting of Canows by Land from
the Foot to the Head of a CataraSl, or from one River to
another.
Light Ships are fuch as are empty, without any Cargo.
P.
Poop is the Stern or After-part of the Ship in which the Rudder
is fix'd.
Precipice of a Bank, fee Edge.
Prow is the Head or Fore-part of a Ship, which cuts the Water firf.
Q.
Quarter. Tho' the Word Quarter in a Maritime Senfe, is not well
explain'd; I put the meaning of it to be this. [279] The North
Quarter comprehends the fpace that lies between North-Weft and
North-Eafl.  The Eafl Quarter runs from    North-Eafl to
South-Eaft.  The South Quarter comprehends that part of the
Heavens that falls between South-Eaft and South-Weft: And
the Wefi Quarter extends from South-Weft to North-Wefi.




406


A TABLE.


R.
Refitting of a Ship, fignifies the repairing and dreffing of it, and
putting it into a Condition to fail, by putting in new Planks,
caulking the Seams, &c.
Ribs of a Canow, are much like thofe of a Pink, only there's this
difference, that they line the Canow only on the in-fide from one
Head Bar to another, upon which they are inchas'd. They have
the thicknefs of three Crowns, and the breadth of four Inches.
Ruche, an Inflrument for fifhing, refembling a Bee-hive.
S.
Scurvy, is a Corruption of the Mafs of Blood. There are two forts of
it; one call'd the Land Scurvy, which loads a Man with Infirmities thatgradually bring him to his Grave; the other is the Sea
Scurvy, which infallibly kills a Man in 8 days unlefs begets a-fhoar.
Shieve, i. e. Row the wrong way, in order to affif the Steer/man to
fleer the Boat, and to keep the Boat in the Channel.
Shoot.   To fhoot a Water-fall or Catara t, implies the running a
Boat down thefe dangerous Precipices, following the fiream of
the Water, and fleering very nicely.
Sledges are a Conveniency for travelling, built in an oblong quadrangular form, upon two pieces of Wood, which are 4 foot long,
and 6 foot broad; upon the Wood there are feveral pieces of
Cloath or Hide nail'd to keep the Wind off. Thefe two pieces
of Wood are very hard, and well fmooth'd, that they may flide
the better on Snow or Ice. Such are the Horfe Sledges. But
thofe drawn by Dogs are open, and made of two little pieces of
hard fmooth, and Jhining Wood, which are half an Inch thick,
5 foot long, and a foot and a half broad.




A TABLE.


407


[280] Spars are little pieces of Cedar Wood, of the thicknefs of a
Crown, and the breadth of 3 Inches, and as long as they can be
made. They do the fame Service to a Canow, that a good lining
does to a Coat.
Stand in for Land, fignifies to fail direftly towards it.
Steer a Ship, imports the managing of a Ship by the means of a
Rudder, (as we do a Horfe with a Bridle) when there's Wind
enough to work her; but if there be no 1Wind, a Ship is more
unmoveable than a Gouty Perfon in an Elbow Chair.
Stem a Tide or the Current of a River, i. e. to fail againfl the Current,
or to fleer for the place from whence the Tides or Currents come.
Strike, to firike the Sails or Flag fignifies the lowering of 'em,
whether it be to fubmit to an Enemy, or by reafon of high Winds.
Sweep a Coafi, fignifies to fail along the Coafi fide at a reafonable
difiance.
T.
Top-gallant-Maftls are two little Mafls fet upon the two TopMafls, and have two Sails fitted for 'em.
Top-Sails are two Sails fitted for the two Top-Mafls, which fland
diretlly above the two great Mafls.
Traverfe.   To traverfe fignifies failing Zigzag, or from fide to fide
as a drunken Man reels, when the Wind is contrary, for then
they are oblig'd to tack Sometimes to the right, and fometimes to
the left, keeping as near to the Wind as they can, in order to
make what way they can, or at leaf/ to prevent their lofing Ground.
Tree of Peace, a Symbolick Metaphor for Peace it felf.


[End of Volume I.]




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