MEMORIAL
OF
E. K. COLLINS & HIS ASSOCIATES
TO THE
SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
The undersigned, contractors for carrying the United States Mail
between New York and Liverpool, beg leave to call the attention of
Congress to the annexed letters of the Postmaster General and the Secretary of the Navy, in regard to the increase of the Atlantic Mail service, and the proposed additional compensation for the same.
In making this communication your memorialists beg leave to present a brief statement of what they have accomplished, the circumstances which compel them to solicit additional assistance, and the
public reasons which sustain their application.
We have built four steamers of an aggregate tonnage of more than
11,000 tons. These steamers have made twenty-eight voyages, with
an average speed greater than has ever before been attained-surpassing that of the Cunard steamers, which have been built subsequently
to ours; expressly to maintain the maritime supremacy of England.
Our steamers have been built at an expense which was unavoidable,
in view of the great enterprise to which we were committed. To excel the English lines it was indispensable that we should construct
larger vessels, with improved machinery. From the start, therefore,
we were involved in experiments; for we could borrow neither the
models, nor the machinery, nor the workmen, which were necessary
to accomplish our object. England had done her best, and we were
hro wn upon our own resources for doing better.




2
Our original proposition contemplated five steamers of 2,000 tons,
and of one thousand horse-power each. Ascertaining that we could not
compete successfully with the improved English Mail service by vessels of this description, we have built steamers of larger tonnage and
increased power, without regard to the calls of our contract or the additional expenses involved. Relying on the national objects in view,
and the national character of the enterprise, we have not been content
to regard it as a commercial speculation, but have considered ourselves
embarked in a contest of maritime skill and superiority. In the latter
view we have been eminently successful. The Postmaster General,
in his last annual report, takes official notice of the "unrivalled qualities and the speed" of the vessels of our line, and of the very satisfactory manner in which we have performed the service; establishing, in
his judgment, the "superiority of American skill and enterprise in the
construction of ocean steamers," and entitling us to the most favorable
consideration of Congress.
But these results could be accomplished only by the most liberal
outlay, without reference to the stipulated compensation for the proposed service. Hence it has ensued that our enterprise, on its present
basis, must involve all who have engaged in it in heavy losses, unless
we are met by Congress in a national spirit, responsive to that by which
we have ourselves been actuated. Nearly one-half of our present annual compensation for the Mail service is expended in effecting insurance on our ships, the cost of which has been much enhanced by their
immense tonnage, and the expensive improvements without which we
could not have competed, with any hope of success, with the greatest
naval power in the world.
The advantages which have resulted to our country from the prosecution of our enterprise in the manner to which we have referred, and
which could not otherwise have been secured, may be briefly enumerated. We are now dividing with England the carriage of the Atlantic
mails and passengers; a business of which she had a monopoly previously to the establishment of our line. The Government of the
United States has now at its control, and subject to its disposal for any
public purposes, whether of war or peace, the four largest and swiftest
steamers in the world, supported meanwhile at little present expense
to the treasury, and with a safe prospect, not only of reimbursing every
dollar of immediate outlay, but of contributing not inconsiderably to
the public revenue. It is proper that we should state in this connexion




3
the facts which make it reasonable to believe that the Government will
not only be reimbursed for all its expenditures in its ocean mail service,
but will ultimately derive a revenue from it. The amount accruing
to the Post Office Department from the postage of the ocean steamers,
for the year which ended 30th June, 1851, and during the quarter which
ended the 30th September, 1851, was $1,131,776 87. This sum
would have been paid to the British steamers, and would have aided
in keeping afloat a provisional British navy, had it not beent for the
policy of competition wisely adopted by the Government of the United
States. It is just to assume that this sum will be increased every year,
and with the increased number of trips of the American steamers the
American proportion of the postages will be augmented without reference
to the probable augmentation of international communication. This
is, of course, daily extending, leading to a daily extension of our foreign correspondence, and consequently to our receipts from ocean postages. The increased aid, then, that we solicit, and which is indispensable to the continued prosecution of our enterprise, will impose a very
inconsiderable present burden on the Treasury, and, taking the whole
ternm of our contract, no charge whatever.
Your memorialists appeal with pride to the strength, size, and speed
of their ships, not merely in view of the advantages which the country
derives from them in their pacific mission of transmitting intelligence
and passengers from one continent to the other, but also for their capacity of usefulness in time of war, in the transport of troops and supplies, of agents and despatches, as well as for all other naval purposes.
And when, in addition to all this, we consider their inexpensive intermediate support, while they are thus in readiness and preparation for
such public emergencies, we cannot permit ourselves to doubt that
Congress will regard our enterprise with reference to its great public
advantages and national ends, and grant us such additional facilities as
may be found indispensable to its further prosecution, and the maintenance of our present admitted superiority.
We make this appeal with the greater confidence from the fact that
the rival English line is sustained to every extent by the English government, and that, in a national competition, we cannot doubt the
willingness of the American people to grant all reasonable and just
assistance to their countrymen. We ask nothing beyond it, and we
know not that we can better manifest our own disposition in this matter,
and better prove that we are actuated by national and not personal mo



4
tives in our appeal, than by stipulating at this time, that whatever increased facilities may be extended to us by Congress, we will readily
transfer our ships at cost, with our contract, to any persons who may
be acceptable to Government, and capable, in their view, of carrying
out successfully an enterprise of such vital interest and importance to
the American nation.
E. K. COLLINS,
For himself and associates.
Copy.
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT,
November 15, 1851.
SIR: By their contract, the proprietors of the Collins line of steamers between New York and Liverpool, as you are aware, are required
to perform  only twenty voyages per annum-that is, monthly trips
during four months, and semi-monthly trips eight months, of each
year. In alternating, as at present, with the steamers of the Cunard
line, we are informed by Mr. Collins that, by the Ist of January next,
his steamers will have made seventeen trips, leaving only three voyages
to be performed from the 1st January to the 27th April, the end of the
contract year.
The Cunard line has now been ordered up to weekly service the
year round; and deeming it highly important, therefore, that the trips
on the Collins line should be increased from twenty to twenty-six a
year, I have already given Mr. Collins the assurance, that if he shall
see fit to run the necessary additional trips, to alternate, as at present,
with the British lines through the year, and will look to Congress for
compensation, I will recommend to Congress the allowance of pro rata,
or such additional, pay therefor as shall be considered fair and proper
under the circumstances.




5
It cannot be doubted that it is for the interest of the United States
to afford such aid to the Collins line as will enable it to compete successfully with the British lines running in connexion therewith; and I
beg leave to call your attention to the subject, in the hope that you will
unite with me in such recommendation to Congress as will secure the
increase of the service of the Collins line from twenty to twenty-six
trips a year as a permanent arrangement.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Signed)                  N. K. HALL,
Postmaster General.
Hon. WM. A. GRAHAM,
Secretary of the Navy.
Copy.
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
November 28, 1851.
SIR: Your letter of the 25th instant, in relation to further mail service for your steamers between New York and Liverpool, has been
received.
You are informed, in reply, that this Department concurs with the
Postmaster General in his requirements of additional service by the
mail steamers from New York to Liverpool, as expressed by him in his
letter to this Department, of which you have been furnished with a
copy.
You will, therefore, be pleased to furnish a schedule of the days of
sailing of the Liverpool mail steamers of your line at as early a day as
practicable.
The subject relating to compensation will be referred by the Postmaster General for the consideration of Congress.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Signed)                    WM. A. GRAHAM.
EDWARD K. COLLINS, esq., and associates, New York.
















:~!.THE
SUPREMACY OF THE SEAS,
OR FACTS, VIEWS, STATEMENTS, AND OPINIONS
RELATING TO
l)Ie   2mnericat w   cani   Btithi4    itemnerc
BETWEEN THE U. STATES AND LIVERPOOL.
FROM AMERICAN AND BRITISH SOURCES.
WITH T[-E MEMORIAL OF THE PROPRIETORS OF THE NEW YORK
AND LIVERPOOL LINE OF AMERICAN S'rEAMERS.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED BY GIDEON AND CO.
___._____- _                          -: 
B y                                      @.U1~~;",~








THE
SUPREMACY OF THE SEAS,
OR FACTS, VIEWS, STATEMENTS, AND OPINIONS
RELATING TO THE
AM ERICA N & BRITISH STEAM ERS
BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND LIVERPOOL.
FROM AMERICAN AND BRITISH SOURCES.
WITH THE MEMORIAL OF THE PROPRIETORS OF THE NEW YORK
AND LIVERPOOL LINE OF AMERICAN STEAMERS.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED BY GIDEON AND CO.
1851.




ir2C  A memorial having been presented to Congress,
relating to the American line of Steamers from New York
to Liverpool, it is deemed proper to present, in connexion
with the same, the Americah and British views on the great
question of supremacy of the seas, which, on both sides
of the Atlantic, is now supposed to be involved in the
competition of the New York and British lines. The
articles here presented will be found to embody a great
mass of interesting and instructive facts, and may enable
the reader to form just opinions and views respecting the
claims of said memorial, as well as upon the pending
national contract.




MEMORIAL
OF
E. K. COLLINS AND HIS ASSOCIATES,
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of
America.
The undersigned, contractors for carrying the United States Mail
between New York and Liverpool, respectfully ask the attention of
Congress to the statements and the petition of this their memorial.
It is now about four years since your mernorialists entered into a contract with the Secretary of the Navy for building five steamships, to be
employed as a mail line between this country and England. At that
time England enjoyed undisputed supremacy in the steam navigation
of the Altantic, and monopolized the carriage of the passengers and
letters of the world. In the interval that has since elapsed, your memorialists have built four steamers of the largest size, with acconimodations for the comfort of passengers far exceeding every thing of the
kind before known; of a speed that compares favorably with that of the
steamers of the competing English lines, and which they attained only
after ten years' experience; notwithstanding the inexperience and consequent inferiority of their engineers and firemen, the steamers of the
American line have made the shortest passages to the westward, and,
with but two exceptions, (and those of three hours only) the shortest
passage to the eastward, that have ever yet been accomplished. It is
admitted on both sides of the water, that the ships and their steam-machinery, are equal to the best of British build and manufacture. This
success has been attained at very great expense, and under very disadvantageous circumstances.
The manufacture of machinery, much larger than had ever before
been built in this country, was disproportionately expensive, (much
larger than was anticipated) and the materials employed in it were better and higher-priced than were ever before used for the same purposes. The cost was still enhanced (in comparison with that of tile
British lines) by the high prices of labor; and the result is, that when
the line is completed, so great will have been the original outlay that
the insurance alone will amount to $228,000, being considerably more
than one-half the sum agreed to be paid by Government for the transportation of the mails. Add to this, that the American line suffer dis



4
advantages from the inexperience of its engineers and firemen, besides
paying them 50 per cent. more than is paid by the English steamers;
and it will hardly be necessary to add, that your memorialists cannot
maintain a successful competition with them except upon the grant of
such aid from our own Government, as on the basis of tonnageI will correspond to that which the English admiralty extends to the Cunard
line. Even on the same terms, the system of maintaining steam-packets convertible into war steamers, is recommended by its economy; for
the cost to Government of laying up in ordinary such a steamer as the
Baltic, or the Pacific, with interest on the outlay, deterioration, &c.,
would be $150,000 per annum; as may be ascertained by reference to
the accounts of the steamer Mississippi.
Your memorialists therefore respectfully solicit from Congress an extension of the time in which to refund the money loaned to them by
the Government, so that it may be repaid 10 per cent. annually; that
amount to be deducted from the last quarterly payment in each year.
They also pray that authority may be given to the Secretary of the
Navy to increase their annual compensation, having regard to the tonnage and dimensions of the steamers employed, and to the average per
ton allowed to the other American lines, by their existing contracts.
Your memorialists further pray that the steamers, in time of peace,
may be placed under the exclusive control of your memorialists, and
be officered by them, as they apprehend that they can in no other way
secure that entire responsibility which is indispensable to the perfect
efficiency and safety of the service.
Your memorialists respectfully represent, that they have entered upon
this enterprise with no exclusive views of commercial profit, but on
national grounds, and to prevent the undisputed supremacy of the seas
from falling into the hands of a rival power. The contract of your
memorialists calls for ships of 2,000 tons burthen. Your memorialists were soon persuaded that with steamers of this size they could
never compete successfully with the improvements and increase of the
British line; and they determined to augment their bulk to about 3,000
tons. The enterprise was commenced by an incorporated company,
who were the assignees of the original contractors. Of the stock but
$1,100,000 was subscribed, and the difference between that and
$2,500,000, the entire amount which has been expended, has been
made up, with the exception of the Government advance of $385,000,
mainly by the directors of the company. Any portion of this stock
may be obtained at par by any one who is disposed to purchase it.
Your memorialists have little expectation of deriving pecuniary advantages from this contract, even with the solicited alterations. They
are merely anxious that it should be put upon grounds which will enable them to meet the extraordinary efforts of the British steamers and
the British Government and people, with an efficient and successful
competition. The question has assumed a national interest. If it is
understood that the American line will be sustained by the American




5
Government, to the extent necessary to place it on an equal footing with
the British steamers, your memorialists have no doubt that, on this
route, to which all the energies of Great Britain, commercial and
governmental, have been directed, they will be able to achieve a complete triumph. If this aid is withheld, there is no doubt that British
capital and experience, backed by the assistance of the Government,
will outstrip all American competition.
Your memorialists have said that they have not entered upon this
enterprise with the mere expectation of pecuniary advantages. They
now declare that, if their petition should be granted by the Government, they will, at any time within six months after the passage of the
act which they solicit, surrender their contract, with all its incidents
and advantages, to the Secretary of the Navy, or to any individuals
that may be indicated by him, on the repayment to them of the actual
disbursements that have accrued in its execution. They desire merely
that the monopoly which has hitherto been enjoyed may be wrested
from our commercial rivals, and that the supremacy upon the ocean,
which will result to the most efficient steam-marine of the world, may
be at least shared with Great Britain by the United States. They believe that on this ground they will not appeal to the American Governinent in vain, but that all the necessary legislative aid for the accomplishment of this most desirable object will be readily granted by the
representatives of the American people.




6
AMERICAN VIEWS.
FrouT the Washington Republic, February 11.
THE SUPREMACY OF THE SEAS.
We observe that Mr. YUL.E presented a few days since, in the Sonate, the memorial of the contractors for the New York and Liverpool
mail steam line, praying for some modification of their contract, with
additional aid from the Government, to enable them to compete successfully with the British steamers. It is to be inferred from the memorial that, under the present arrangements, the American line cannot
be sustained. The question to be solved is, whether or not the end in
view is of sufficient importance to induce the extension of further assistance.
In consequence of our progress in the art of navigation, we had, a
few years since, established between Europe and America the finest
line of sailing packets that had ever crossed the ocean. Such was their
reputation for safety and speed, that they very nearly engrossed the
trade between the two continents; and especially between the United
States and British islands. The CUNARD line of steamers was established for the purpose of wresting from us this material source of wealth
and prosperity.  So important was the object, that the British government endowed the enterprise with an immense outlay of capital,
amounting, with subsequent grants, to nearly a million of dollars annually.  The experiment proved highly successful. The vessels were
excellent, and conducted with exceeding judgment and skill.  For a
period of ten years only a single vessel was lost, arid the arrivals and
departures attained nearly the exactitude of land conveyances. The
inevitable results were, that the letter carriage, yielding thousands of
dollars annually, with the transportation of bullion, passengers, and the
finer and costlier kinds of merchandise, were almost wholly engrossed
by the CUNARD line.  Thus, not only was a large item  of our best
commerce taken from us, but the high road of travel and matl communication with the old world was transferred to the hands of our rivals.
At the same time it was obvious that the two countries had changed
positions-the Americans had lost their ascendancy, and yielded it to
Great Britain.
The American, or Collins' line of mail steamers was established
with a view to reverse this state of things; to recover the commerce
which we had created, but which had been thus forced from us; to
restore it to its natural and legitimate channels, and, in short, to assert
and maintain American ascendancy where it had befole existed. The
enterprise attracted great attention on both sides of the Atlantic, and
especially in England, where it soon became a theme of national interest and inquiry.  When the American steamers got under way, anti




demonstrated not only our capacity to excel in beauty of model, but to
contend successfully in the raee of speed, the people of the three kingdoms seemed to start as from a profound lethargy, and to cry out that
the sceptre of the seas was in danger of being wrested from the accustomed grasp of Britannia.
From this time the British press teemed with articles calculated to
excite the fears and rouse the pride of the nation to meet what they
deemed an important crisis. The beauty, speed, and success of the
American craft generally, were portrayed in vivid colors; in some cases
they were even exaggerated, as a means of straining the national spirit
up to the emergency. The columns of the London Times, Chronicle,
News, &c., either lightened with omnious.prophecy,or thundered with
disastrous fulfilment. Many of these articles have been spread before
the American public. We quote from another paper devoted to maritime affairs, and therefore a high and technical authority on this subject-the London Nautical Standard, January 4-for the purpose of
showing, in precise terms, the train of British thought, feeling, and
policy, developed by.the competition of the American line of Atlantic
steamers.  It may be well to premise that the editorial motto of this
paper is as follows: "' Whosoever commands the Sea, commands the
Trade of the World; whosoever conmands the trade of the World,
commands the Treasures of the World, and consequently the World
itself."  It is through such spectacles that the British people read such
passages as the following:
"Many times has our voice been raised, as a warning to our commercial men, to put their house in order, and not wait until it be too late.
We saw coming events casting their shadows before them, and predicted
that their supineness would, if not aroused in time, be their ruin. We
put before them facts which were, from time to time, submitted to our
consideration, not, as it has been said, with the view to frighten them,
but only and solely to awaken them to their real position.
C" A people, born as it were yesterday, has, from its own origin and
intuitive powers,already succeeded in seizing a large share in the trade
of the world, and, if left to itself, would in a short time have monopolized the whole commercial transatlantic shipping connexions between
the old and new continents.  Our warnings have been heard at the
eleventh hour. We are glad and rejoice sincerely that it is so; it is
not too late yet. It will now depend on the measures to be adopted if
England will maintain that preponderance she has so long enjoyed, or
if she will sink from the first rank in naval nations to play a secondary
part.' Now that the spirit of the British race secms to arouse from its slumbers-now that security has proved to be a snare covered with fine appearances, but deceitful and delusive to the highest degree; now that
we have seen what could be done by energetic perseverance, what other
nations can do, we awake to the sense of the danger that surrounds us,
and wonder that we have been so long before perceiving our true situation. The whole commercial transactions of the States could not, by




8
any stretch, provide for more than half the present tonnage afloat, or
actually building. The manifest intention is to trade abroad and to
supersede other nations in the carriage of goods, to give employment to
seamen, and to create by that means a mercantile navy, which, in case
of war, might immediately produce a powerful manned navy,for aggressive purposes on the foreign and colonial possessions of European
States.
"But if, as we anticipate, the English nation, now awakening from
her dreams of security, sees her former supremacy perilled by her long
undisturbed indolence; if Englishmen, now seeing their true position
and the encroachments made on their trade, resolving to shake off the
trammels of old traditions or prejudices, set fairly and heartily to work;
not only we do not despair of a successful issue, but, on the contrary,
we predict to them  a complete restoration of those high privileges
which they were once wont to consider their rights."
Here, then, is a glimpse at the mighty rivalry which has been excited,
and is now openly avowed on the other side of the Atlantic. It is perhaps as keenly felt here, though not so vauntingly expressed. It is
pushed by British writers quite beyond commercial competition to the
question of armed supremacy upon the sea; and the traditional jealously
and hereditary pride of England is'excited by intimations that the
Americans cherish the audacious scheme of usurping her birthright as
legitimate Queen of the ocean 
It is of a competition thus national, and thus existing between the
two great maritime powers of the earth, that the American steamers
have come to be considered, in some sense, the pivot or the hinge.  It
was in the track of this line that England supposed she possessed high
advantages, being more accustomed to the turbulent waters of the north
Atlantic; more trained to battle with its tempestuous seasons; and especially more familiar with the rocky and foggy coasts at the eastern extremity of the line. It was here, also, that the British govornment had
bestowed its largest and most effective pecuniary aid.
It was well reasoned that, if the Americans could beat here, they
could beat anywhere or everywhere. Hence the intense interest with
which the rival lines on this route are regarded.  The American steamers, upon their arrival in England, have been the subjects of the most
careful and critical examination.  Every trip they have made has been
registered, timed, scrutinized, and compared, with anxious exactitude.
The decision is still pending, and the issue of the conflict is likely to
depend upon the course adopted by our Government in relation to the
memorial already alluded to.
If the American line shall be forced to abandon their enterprise, the
rich commerce wrested from our packets by the CUNARD line will be
continued in British hands. Nor will this be the end. Most of what
remains on this route will also be taken away, and English merchants
will reap, at our expense, the benefits of the business naturally developed under the auspices of an improved navigation. Our mails, our
Government despatches, and the best means of intercourse, will be in




9
their hands, under circumstances at all times humiliating, and, in case
of national excitement or collision, of serious inconvenience or mischief.
This American Atlantic line has been viewed in this country as destined to be the beginning link in a grand chain of communication.
extending through this country to California, and thence to Asia.
The importance of such a line, in a national point of view, cannot be
overrated. But if the Atlantic portion shall fail, the basis of this entire
enterprise is annihilated. What has happened upon the Atlantic is
likely to take place on the Pacific; and we shall doubtless see the
richest commerce, between California and the eastern coast of Asia,
engrossed by some British Cunard-triumphing by aid of government
patronage over the best efforts of American enterprise. Nor are the
effects likely to stop here; it is quite evident that the far-sighted British
merchants and politicians do not intend it shall stop here. If the
American line is crushed, the British are the victors before the world.
What a moral effect must this have to discourage our commerce, and
to stimulate that of the British  Must it not drive capital, courage,
and enterprise from one to the other? And let it be remembered,
this is not a common case of mere private competition. The government purse of Great Britain is pledged to its support; and with
this mighty power added to their triumph. will not an ascendancy be
gained by them which years cannot recover? It is quite evident that
these things are profoundly pondered by British statesmen; and we
cannot doubt that the cloud now hanging over the American line is
looked to as the very threshold of that era in which they are to enter
upon the success they contemplate and covet. We believe, indeed,
that they calculate upon the inaction of Congress, and deem this ani
assurance of our failure and their success.
It is not possible to measure the effect of such British triumph upon
our navigation, generally.  Our steamers to Bremen and Havre,
already threatened by low and losing fares from the CUNARD line, may
speedily find direct British competition in the field. A race will be
run for the ascendancy in the boundless trade of the Pacific now opening before the world-not on this side, in the Atlantic and Gulf of
Mexico alone-but along the whole length of the western coast of our
continent. Since the opening of the California mines, from Oregon
to Valparaiso, a quickening impulse has been imparted to commerce.
The Sandwich Islands have acquired new importance; Central America has become the theatre of gigantic schemes, for connecting two
oceans, hitherto kept asunder by the landmarks of the Almighty. Peru
has been awakened from its slumber of centuries, and Chili has suddenly sprung into the active area of commercial competition. A flourishing trade, with its vivifying influence, has been called into existence
along a coast-line of three thousand miles, by our people and our enterprise. It belongs to us to hold the mastery of this traffic, not only that
we may reap its harvest, but that we may impart to the countries with
which it is connected our political and social sympathies. Yet British
2




1o0
competition is certain to meet us here; and it is a question whether we
are to contend with a people who have mastered us upon the Atlantic,
and who, therefore, bring to the struggle upon the Pacific the conscious power and energy of conquerors.
Such are some of the public considerations which are forced upon
the mind by the possibility that the American line of steamers may be
compelled to surrender. It is impossible to consider it as a mere question of individual capital and priyate enterprise. Both Britain and the
United States have made the competing lines, to some extent, national,
by direct government patronage; the vessels of both are, contingently,
government ships, and that, too, for naval purposes. Even if we treat
the American line as a private interest, and refuse to sustain it on
that ground, we leave it to be overborne by the national purse and policy of Great Britain, and in a contest which involves our own national
interests to the extent of uncounted millions.
To these general views it may be well to add a few particular facts as
to the American line. Within the short compass of three years, this
company has built and put into operation four steamships, of an aggregate burden of 11,000 tons. The vessels are acknowledged to be the
finest models that ever floated.  Their passages are among the shortest
ever known.  They have met with neither hindrance nor delay, except in the winter passages; here, a want of experience has caused
some irregularities, which are, however, now provided against.
One vessel is missing, and her fate being unknown, she cannot be
made the basis of calculation here. It may be said, in general, that the
American line has at least demonstrated our capacity to sustain a successful and triumphant competition with the British line, and thus to
maintain the credit of our navigation before the world.
In the progress of this enterprise the American company have met
with unexpected difficulties. It has been necessary to construct machinery, and to devise, make, or import tools of larger dimensions and
more massive form than existed in the country before; all of which may
hereafter be useful,if not essential,in the event of war.  The qualities
of the various kinds of iron have been tested and the best ascertained;
thus enabling future machinists to construct engines that may be relied upon for the severest ocean service. They have, as above suggested,
acquired by experience a knowledge of the peculiar difficulties of
winter steam navigation upon the north Atlantic, and ascertained the
means of countervailing them. They have thus, at great expense,
made extensive experiments, and largely advanced the knowledge
and means essential to success in steam navigation.
Other difficulties have been  experienced which are more  annoying.  "The contest," says the Philadelphia North American,
"is not a fair one, and, so far as the steamships are concerned, the
rivalry is conducted on the side of the British on such principles, and
with a resort to such expedients to secure the advantage, as show the
importance attached by them to the struggle, and their determination
to be victors at every hazard and at any cost. In a commercial aspect,




the rivalry has been pursued by them in a pitiful, hiucksterinwg spirit,
which has infected the press, the public, thle very Governtmrient, as well
as those directly irnerested in th-e British shiips.  A great many sly
means have been used to prejudice tihe character of the Amnerican
ships by the circulation of unfounded  trumors of defective machinery,
accidents, &c.; the post office authorities threw, as long as they decently could, the weight of their official influence against tile American
ships; and the imnmeliate managers of the Ernglish lines have always
been ready with the smal  l device of redutced freights to drive away
shippers."
A few days since. in an article on this subject, we nade statemenls
analagous to these.  They were qliestloned by the Albiotn, a British
colonial gazette, published at New York,.and one relating to the unfairness of tile British press was somnewh at fatly denied.  We didl nu)t
allude to open statements; for we were fully aware that, in general, the
American steamers have been praised by the London papers. We had
in view such in$idious paragraphs as the following from tilhe Liverpool
journal of October 12::" Te Atl!antic i.s lndrtr examination at INews
Yorkc, and the Arctic is to take ther place."  Both statements were utterly without foundation, and could only have been the work of invenltion; the sinister irnmort is too obvious to leave a doubt on the subject.
If the New'York Albion will consult i!s Liverpool namesake for the
last six months, we are assured it will find abundance of silmilar statements and rumors, fully bearing out our assertions.  The Latin quotation of the Albion, with its context, importing that the misfortunes of
tile Collins' line tlad drawn us into an':ebullition of spite," were too
natural and national to provoke a reply.  The material parts of our
article are confirmed by thre above extract from the North Anzerican,
and, indeed, by the small criticinms of the Albion itself; for slrely it
would not have confined itself to fishing for mninnows, if more substantial sport had been at hand.
VWe have been drawn into a much more extended notice of this sub.l
ject than we intended.  We cannrot conclude, however, without observing, that it seenms to us that a more inopportune occasion could
hardly be selected than the present for resting upon any half-way and
inadequate measures of colnpetition. Nothing is more apparent than
that wise policy, and the feeling of the people dlemand a national spirit,
tone, and action on tihe part of the Government.  No State document
ever received a more hearty response from  the people than Mr. WBerSTER.S late letter to the Austrian minister; and we believe that thle enCouragement of no branch of national interest on the part of Congress
would be more heartily approved throughout the country, than that
which aims at our mrritine independence of Great Britain.  lOur past
experience and past history have taught us all to regard this as linked
alike with individual prosperity and national power, peace, and renown.




From the Phliladelphia Lo\rth American.
THE EMPIRE OF THE SEAS.
The rapid growth of the American steam marine-the indications
furnished by at least the summer passages of the New York steamships
across tile Atlantic-in connexion with the proof, seen in the well
known voyage of the Otiental from Hong Kong to London, of the superiority of American over British sailing vessels, have produced no little alarm  among the patriots of the fast-anchored isle, who dread the
transference of the empire of the seas, so long maintained by England
against the world, to the hands of their enterprising cousins of the new
world.  It is very certain that a struggle for commercial supremacy is
going, and has long been going, on between the two countries; and it
is, perhaps, also certain that the victory would be speedily acquired by
American energies over British pride and British capital, were those
energies properly fostered by Government, and not exposed to suffer.
as they do, from the continual discouragements of an unfriendly anrid
unnatural revenue system.
The contest is not a fair one; and, so far as the steamships are concerned, the rivalry is conducted on the side of the British on such principles, and with a resort to such expedients to secure the advantage, as.,ohow the importance attached by them to the struggle, and their deter-:minition to be victors at every hazard and at any cost.  In a commercial aspect, the rivalry has been pursued by them in a pitiful, luckstering spirit, which has infected the press, the public, the very Govern-.ment, as well as those directly interested in the British ships.  A great:many sly mneans have been used to prejudice the character of the American ships by the circulation of unfounded rumors of defective machinery, accidents, &c.; the post office authorities threw, as long as
they decently could, the weight of their official influence against the
American ships; and the immediate managers of the English lines
have always been ready with the small device of reduced freights to
drive away shippers.  The following extract from  a speech by Mr.
Butler King, of Georgia, delivered in the House of Representatives as
far back as July 19, 1848, will be remembered as showing that this latter game was resorted to, at that early period, against the first American
steamer which visited Liverpool:
"' In the discussions which have been occasioned by the appropriations to meet the contracts for this mail service, it has been argued that
it is quite unnecessary for the Government to contribute in any degree
to sustain it; that private enterprise, if left untramnmelled' by Government schemes and legal enactments,' would sustain itself against all foreign competition.  To show  the fallacy of this reasoning, it is only
necessary to state a few facts connected with the recent voyage of the
steamer'United States' to Liverpool. The price of freight from Liverpool to New York, as established by the Cunard line, is A7 sterling
per ton, and the price of passage.2230 per head.  While the United
States was in the dock at Liveipool, the agents of the Cunard line, to




13
prevent freight and passengers going in her, reduced the price of freight
to X4 per ton by the'Hibernia,' and to S?2 Is. by the'Niagara,' and
they offered to take passengers as low as _412 per head.
c" It was announced at the same time, in Harnden's Liverpool circular, that the old rates would be resumed inlmediately after the departure
of the American ship. The British line, sustained by the Government,
was enabled to adopt this course with impunity in competition with a
ship sustained by individual enterprise alone; and it must, I suppose,
be admitted that our citizens, if not aided in undertakings of this sort by
their own Government, would be quite incapable of competing for any
length of time with so powerful an opposition.  This being the case, it
must be apparent to any one who will investigate the subject that, in a
very short time, the most valuable portion of our carrying trade would
pass into the bottoms of these British mail packets."
The more recent case of the Franklin will not be forgotten, where
the similar artifice was attempted-to the honor of the French shippers,
without any success-of offering to take freight from Havre to New
Y.ork at ten dollars a ton, against the thirty dollars or upwards, the
regular rates, asked by the owners of the Franklitl.
In our efforts to place American steam navigation on a safe footing,
we shall, doubtless, have to contend with thlis sort of policy, and with
all the interested prejudices of our English rivals-who have the merit
of sticking by each other in every contest, even when justice is not altogether on their side-until we have overcome both, as we shall ultirnately do. In the mean while, the moral that lies at the bottom of the
controversy should not be overlooked.  In the British view, national
safety is interwoven with the idea of marine supremacy. Every steam
packet now built in England is a steanm-frigate added to the British navy. Every American steam packet should be regarded as a similar addition to the American navy. Every thing should be done by us to
stimulate the increase of American stearn ships, and to direct their construction so as to render them  capable of being employed, whenever
necessary, as arms of the national defence.
From the TWashinrgton Republic.
THE SUPPLY OF FUEL TO THIE COLLINS LINE OF STEAMERS.
Owing to the concurrence of two of the steamers of the Collins line
recently running short of coal, and the painful anxiety which is felt
respecting the absence of a third, rumors prejudicial to the owners and
managers of the line have crept into circulation. We find in the New
York Herald a communication from an engineer, which corrects some
of these erroneous reports, and furnishes some explanation of the reasons
which caused the Baltic and Arctic to put into Provincetown and Halifax
to replenish their fuel. We presume that every American feels a proper
pride in the reputation which our steamers have acquired for speed, and




14
a solicitude that their management should also be unexcelled. Renewed
efforts were necessary to win us tahe palin for the one, and untiring energy and diligence will assuredly ntever be wanting to secure us the
meed for the other.
It is only those who fail to lrofit 33a' experience wlho are justly censurable for neglect.  hAone of the Collins line of steamers, we are
informed, have ever put to sea without an abundant supply of coal;
but that supply has proved insuflicient in two instances, from a misapprehension wvhich could only be corrected by long observation and scientific inquiry.  This misapprehension was in largely increasing the
fuel on encountering a gale, the reverse of which, it appears, is the
proper practice, and that which is pursued by the British steamers. Sir
Edward Belcher, of the British royal navy, has communicated the fact
that, when steamers are heading a gale, it is necessarv to check the draft
in order to preserve or increase the heat, because experience, he says,
has demonstrated that the immnnense volume of cold air which is pouired
into thie furnaces at such a time,  with an open draft, though it increases tilhe
combustion of the coal, yet chills the gases,and prevents the generation of
an amount of heat vwhich could be obtained firom a more moderate fire
with the draft partially cut off.  Moreover, it is ascertained that in certain cases even an increased physical momentum of the vessel is a positive disadvantage, inasmuch as by it the vessel is driven with such force,
when descending a wave into the recurring wave, that her average speed
is gteatly' diminished.  sWe have no doubt the Collins line will be
prompt to avail itself of these and other valuable suggestions which are
derived from experience; while, at the same time, it is plain that the
owner and directors should be exculpated from all criminal intent or
indifference in the matter referred to.  WVe subjoin the communication
of the Herald:
" The Collins line of steamers.-The late passages of these steamers
being su6h as to induce, wit'l thie public at large, impressions unfavorable to the capacities of these vessels for western passages in the winter
season, it is but justice to Mr. Collins, to the directors of this line, and
to the American public, wlho have manifested so much interest and
satisfaction in tile hlitherto performances of the pioneers of this line, that
they should be set aright as to the cause which has led'to the late interruptions in the homeward trips of the' Baltic' and'Arctic.''" All of the vessels of this line consume fuel, p|ro rala for the power
of their engines, in a less quantity than any marine steamers yet constructed in any country; and they also have capacity for the stowage of
it, commensurate with their consumption, in a proportion greater than
has ever yet been attained or allotted to a steamer for a like length of
route.  Their deficiency, then, has not arisen fromn the causes that have
cornpelled other Liverpool or European steamers in western passages to
put into Halifax, viz., undue' consumption and insufficient capacity;
but it has arisen friom an undue estimate of the severity and difliculties
of wnestern passages at this season, and too much preference being given
to fi-eight; added to whicat there was an error in the manner of working




15
the furnaces of the Balbic, which was not discovered until the consumption of coal had been such as to compel her to put in for a supply.
Probably the same error has been fallen into with the management of
the boilers of the Arctic.
" There is another difficulty that these steamers, in common with all
American steamers, are subjected to, and that is, the inexperience of
their firemen. The importance of this point is one that cannot be appreciated by the public; but it is one pregnant with more loss of time
and waste of fuel than I dare venture to assert with any confidence of
its general credit. It has been said, and with truth, too, by those connected with the Cunard line,' Give us your vessels and we will beat
you a day;' and they might have added, and save ten tons of coal per
day.
" Of the capacities of these vessels I am as cognizant as an intimate
knowledge of the mechanical details of all of them, and a witness of
the performance at sea (and in heavy weather, too) of one of them, can
make me, and I have the fullest conviction of their unsurpassed qualities in speed and endurance.  The recurrence of the error which has
led to the Baltic and Arctic running short of fuel has already been
guarded against, and they will assume and maintain the position they
have the elements for, and which is one that will meet the fullest wishes
of the country which has produced them.
" Of the Atlantic, a knowledge of her capacities as a sea boat, and
of her endurance as a structure, induces the opinion that, having become short of fuel, or her engines, probably her wheels, having failed
her, she had been compelled to put back when near to this coast, and
had not arrived in season to communicate with the Arctic, prior to the
sailing of this vessel on the 11th instant.  If, however, neither of these
causes has led to her non-arrival here, the failure is not frorm weakness,
or insufficient sea-going qualities, but is one arising from causes not confined to this line, or American steam navigation.
{c ENGINEER."
Prom the Washington Republic, January 28.
THE COLLINS AND CUNARD LINES.
From the commencement of CUNARD'S line, as every body knows, it
was favored by our whole country. New York and Boston vied with
each other, at the very outset, in offering it, civilities and facilities.
When the first of the line arrived at Boston, the occasion was celebrated
by high festivities, in which the city authorities and leading men of the
State participated. The officers were feted and feasted, and CUNARD
himself became the hero of the day. From that time to this the American feeling toward the CUNRAD line has been generous-not to say
magnanimous. For the first five or six years a series of untoward accidents occurred,crippling several of the vessels, and delaying or inter



16
ing their passages. One of them-the Columbia-was lost on her way'
from Boston to Halifax, and the large number of passengers escaped a
watery grave, almost by miracle. But in all these cases no spirit of hypercriticism was manifested here; on the contrary, excuse and apology
overlooked every accident, and explained away every failure.
When COLLINS'S line commenced operations this state of things still
continued, the rivalry being regarded here mainly as to its tendency to
improve steam navigation. If our national pride led us to wish for the
triumph of the American steamers, every man in the country would
have looked with disdain upon any attempt, on our part, to gain an
advantage not due to superiority in skill, courage, or energy. But how
has this liberal spirit been met in England? It is now well known
that a series of tricks has been resorted to there, for the purpose of:cutting off the patronage of the COLLINS steamers, and diverting it to the
Royal Mail line. This is done by false statements in the newspapers,
and injurious rumors spread over the country in various ways. Some
months since, when the passengers were about to set out from Paris for
Liverpool, to embark in the Pacific, a story, utterly without foundation,
was put in circulation, that she had broken her bed-plate. The passengers, deceived by this story, of course waited a few days, and took
their departure in the CUNARD steamer, which followed. Insidious
statements, of a similiar kind, have frequently been set afloat at the
critical moments when the American vessels were about to depart; and
we are informed that some of these have been traced to interested
parties. That such is their origin, the times at which they appear, and
the system with they are propagated, leave little room to doubt. The
general feeling of local interest, and the national prejudice in England,
give these rumors an abiding, not to say fatal, effect. Well knowing
that the reputation of a ship, in which men risk their lives and their property, is of the most delicate character, and may be ruined by the lightest
breath of rumor, the operators in this case have found it both convenient
and easy to poison the railways and thoroughfares of England with their
slanders. A gentleman interested in the COLLINS line, travelling in England a short time since, was told by an intelligent stranger whom he met
in one of the cars, that the American steamers were built of green timber,
and were already falling to pietces. Another gentleman, being lately
in London, was kindly and gratuitously advised by a bank clerk-a
total stranger-not to take passage in any American steamer, as they
were universally considered unsafe!
Such is a specimen of the artifices now practised in England against
the COLLINS steamers. The Bremen and Havre lines have been less
the objects of this species of warfare, because they are less direct competitors of the CUNARD ships. Yet, as the Franklin was recently taking
in her freight at Havre, in order to strike a fatal blow at her success,
the CUNARD line announced that they would take freight from that
port to New York for ten dollars a ton, which was about one-third of
ehafair rate. This was done while the shippers from Liverpool were




17
held to the ordinary prices of thirty or thirty.five dollars a ton. We
rejoice to say that the agents of the Franklin disdained to enter into
this corrupting competition, and even the shippers at Havre scorned
the bribe.   The Franklin came with a full freight, at regular
prices, leaving the CvNARD line fully exposed before the world, as to
the spirit with which it is conducted, and that too without even the solace of success.
We note these facts, not for the purpose of provoking retaliation in
kind, for we hope and trust the Americans will never descend to this
unworthy species of warfare.  We notice it only to keep our countrymen apprised of the character of those with whom we have to deal in
the impending competition, and, indeed, in every competition with
British agents.
Though we have no doubt of the final issue of this rivalry in steam
navigation, we conceive it proper to make a few suggestions, which
may moderate our expectations of immediate supremacy. It must be
remembered, that, from the beginning, steam navigation was mainly
employed by us upon our rivers. These, hundreds or thousands of
miles in length, traversing the very depths of the country, naturally
became the theatre of our first triumphs in this noble discovery. It
was glory enough that we were able to convert these into the great
thoroughfares of travel and trade, ere yet the old world was fully awake
to the new era which had begun. Our steamboats, thus confined to
shallow waters and influenced by the spirit of the country, soon became
subject to a keen competition for speed. The swiftest boat was, of
course, deemed the best. All the genius of our artisans was bent to
this species of excellence, and accordingly we soon led the world in the
celerity of our steamers.  Our boats, in their very models, suggested by
their length and lightness the predominant purpose of their construction. The arrow in its flight, or the outstretched swan skimming the
wave, were favorite images associated with our steamers, and gave name
to some of the most popular and successful boats.
It is true, indeed, that our river navigation-at first a matter of thrift
and convenience-speedily became also a matter of luxury. While
sailing up or down the Hudson, the Ohio, or the Mississippi, some of
the finest scenery in the world was added to the advantage of unrivalled speed in the passage. Thus by degrees our steamers were converted into floating palaces, with the sumptuous decorations of architecture,
and the gustful allurements of the table. All this, however, was rather
incidental, the main idea of excelling in speed still continuing to
prevail.
It was just the reverse in Great Britain. Here the most renowned
rivers are but little larger than our mill-streams. Her steamers were to
traverse the turbulent waters, which never cease to foam and thunder
around her rocky coasts. It was from the very beginning a battle of
might with might —of human will and strength against the wonted
a astery of the deep. It was not, as in the old navigation, a contest in
which the wind was seduced into coquetry with the sea-the trick of




18
the rudder teaching the ship to glide over and avoid, rather than meet,
the shock of the waves. A new power, dug by man's arm from the
bowels of the earth, and linked with iron by man's invention, was to
impel the vessel in the very teeth of the wind, and against the very
breast of the embattled billows. It was a strife worthy of the descendants of the Sea-Kings of other days. In a superstitious age of theworld it would have been' regarded as an impious waging of war upon
the gods. How would these things have rung in the sonorous numbers of the Father of Poetry?
Yet such was Britain's apprenticeship in steam navigation. While
the motto of our steamers was go ahead, her's was of necessity go sure.
And thus for five and twenty years the people of the British islands
have been trained in one set of ideas regarding steam navigation, and
we in another; and what is specially pertinent to the purpose of this article, for this period of time, she has been establishing foundries, erect.
ing ship-yards, building engines, and rearing practical engineers, exactly suited to meet us, and perhaps defeat us, in the contest which has
now begun, as to superiority in one line of ocean steam navigation.
Nor is this superior experience, in navigating the turbulent waters of
the northern seas, the only advantage in the hands of our rivals. Her
immense mineral resources, especially her inexhaustible beds of iron
and coal, lying contiguous to each other, and near to navigable waters,
with the low price of labor by which these are made cheap and abundant at any required port, place a power in her hands decisive of a contest which is not met and sustained by corresponding or countervailing
advantages, added to indomitable perseverance.
And to all this we must add, that John Buil's long and heavy purse
is put at the disposal of our British competito rs. As the haughty Brennus, while Rome hesitated about the golden ransom she was to pay,
put his sword in the scale, exclaiming, "wo to the conquered;" so
Britain casts the might of her money into the issue. The government
aid given by England to the CUNARD line is twice or thrice that bestowed by Congress upon the COLLINS steamers; and to what she has
given she stands ready to add more. The applicants need not go to
Parliament; it is only necessary to satisfy the Board of Trade to insure
additional millions for this object. An English gentleman, recently
discussing the subject, adduced this fact as insuring the final triumph of
the CUNARD line, particularly as he counted upon the supposed reluctance of an American Congress to grant money to this and kindred
objects!
Yet, fully appreciating all these advantages on the side of the British
steamers, we have no fear as to the result. In river steamers we surpass
all other nations; in ocean steam navigation, in the milder latitudes, we
are also without a rival.  No oiliher ships can compare with our lines to
the south, to the Gulf of Mexico, and from Panama to San Francisco.
In summer navigation of the northern Atlantic, Collins' line is at least
equal to Cunard's; if there be an advantage it is on our side. We now
speak only of speed; in comfort to passengers, in taste and general ar



19
rangement, we have an admitted superiority.  In the winter navigation —the only point in which our inferiority can be pretended-two of
COLLINS' line have run short of coal, owing doubtless to a want of experience as to the use of it on the part of the engineers.  For the first
eight years the CUNARD line stopped at Halifax, and always took in
coal, which is only what these two ships have done, each in one instance. Even such accidents will not be likely to occur, after this experience.
We lhave little space in which to consider the aspect which this question of superiority in steani navigation bears upon the prospects of our
own country and Great Britain.  Of the six hundred ships of war
forming the present British navy, about one hundred are steamers,
bearing the titles of Adder, Avenger, Basilisk, Bloodhound, Bulldog,
Firebrand, Fury, Goliah, Spitfire, Terrible, Viper, Vixen, Volcano,
&c. To this euphoneous list must be added her mail steamers. Such
a force is doubtless sufficient to master the other navies of Europe; and
thus, if Amnerica were out of the way, Britannia might still assert and
sing her dominion of the waves.'That in this condition of things John Bull is chewing the cud of
bitter fancies there can be no doubt.  We regret to see, in the British
press, a train of ideas and suggestions which, if indulged, may again
crimson the ocean with the blood of the two kindred nations. The
time is past when mankind will endure the idea of an iron Gibraltar
steaming over the world, and making every flag that flies the play thing
of Britain's iron will. This notion of supremacy of the seas-of triumph on the one hand and humiliation on the other-should never go
beyond commercial rivalry. And it should be the effort of all good men
to divest this, as far as possible, of any embittering tendency. Yet it
is certain, that by the manner in which this subject is discussed by
leading papers in England, that statesmen there are looking beyond
commercial superiority to their ancient maritime dominion; and it is
equally clear, that in the greedy pursuit of this object, the people of
England are returning evil for good toward this country, in respect to
the existing competition. The British steamers to our own ports have
met with universal favor; our steamers to British ports have been the
objects, and to some extent the victims, of conspiracies, to which the
press have been, in certain instances, a party!
V'These are but a small portion of the articles which have appeared
in the American papers, on this subject, concurring in and enforcing these
views.  It may be added here, that it appears from parliamentary documents, that the CUNARD line now returns to the British Government,
in, the proceeds of the mails, the full amount of the sum advanced to
them, which is about S185,000 annually.  Thus it operates only as a
loan. Were the American Liverpool line so far encouraged by our
Government as to put it on a level with the other American lines, it is
believed the operation would be the same as above stated in respect to
the CUNARD line; that is, the product of the mails would probably
restore to the Government the full amount of its advances.




BRITISH VIEWS.
FProm the London Daily News, October 11.
THE SUPREMACY OF THE SEAS-COLLINS AND CUNARD.
Racing is the great passion of the Englishman. Horse-racing, boatracing, foot-racing, donkey-racing; no kind of racing comes amiss to
him.  Wherever the Englishman goes he must have his races. There
are regular boat-races at the Cook's strait settlements, in New-Zeland,
and there is a race-course at Sierra Leone.
A race is even now "coming off," on which England has a stake of
terrible magnitude. We allude to that race of an indefinite number of
heats, now running on the Atlantic, by CUNARD'S and COLLINS' ocean
steamers.  The stake is neither more nor less than the ascendancy on
the seas.  We use the word not in a silly and obsolete sense of those
who used to dream of any one nation asserting by force of arms a mastery in maritime affairs over all other nations. Henceforth there can be
no sovereign nation; the great community of nations is and must continue a republic. But even in republics there are individuals who possess more wealth, more power than others. England is still the first
citizen of the community of nations; the flag of England is still the foremost on the ocean. If England loses the Cunard and Collins race, it
will be an event of bad omen for her maritime pre-eminence.  French
pageants at Cherbourg, Russian demonstrations on the Baltic, can only
alarm old women in and out of petticoats. Pre-eminence at sea must belong to the nation which possesses the most numerous and best appointed mercantile marine, and the most important branch of the country's
mercantile marine will ere long be its ocean steamers. If it be true that
an American steamer has beaten our fastest and finest vessels on an Atlantic voyage, it is high time that we had a more searching inquiry into
the state of our ocean steam'communication than was vouchsafed by
Mr. Henley's committee.
According to the New York accounts, the American ocean steamer
Pacific made her last voyage from  Liverpool to New York in 10 days
43 hours from wharf to wharf. We suspect the time was a little longer.
A writer in yesterday's Times states, that the Pacific left Liverpool at
2 p. m. on the 11th September. The New York papers state that it
reached that city at 5h. 45m. p. m. on the 21st ult. Add 4h. 45m. for
the difference of the time occasioned by difference of longitude, and we
have 10 days 84 hours for the length of the passage.
The English ocean steamer Asia is said to have made her last homneward voyage in 10 days 7 hours. Allowance must, however, be made
for the greater speed with which, owing to the set of the currents, the
voyage from America to England is accomplished, than the voyage fromn
England to America. The Asia's outward voyage to New York was
accomplished in 10 days 11 hours 36 minutes, mean steaming time.
From this, we are told, must be deducted 5 hours for the detour by




A.1
Halifax. But this allowance is in excess; the increased distance is not
the only element to be considered; the less resistance from oceanic currents on the Halifax route ought also to be taken into account.
On the whole we are disposed to admit that the Pacific, not the Asia,
has made the quickest passage yet made between Liverpool and New
York. It is, however, a neck and neck affair.  In July last the
American ocean steamer Atlantic made the voyage from New York to
Liverpool in ten days, eight hours, twenty minutes, only one hour
twenty minutes in excess of the time taken by the Asia.
We are anxious to state the facts correctly, for there is an evident and
not unnatural straining on the part both of English and Americans to
mnake out the best case for their respective steamers. Even on the assumption that the victory is still doubtful, the result cannot be very
gratifying to onr national pride. CUNARD'S company have had ten
years' practice; the first experiment in Atlantic steam navigation, on
the part of the Americans, was made last year by the New York and
Bremen steamers.  The Pacific and Atlantic are the first steamers
launched by the COLLINS' company. Yet one of these trial ships, if
it have not beaten, has equalled the matured production of CUNARD'S
company. Is there any thing in the history of our ocean steam navigation that can account for this?
Some ten years back, Government unable or unwilling to carry the
mails across the Atlantic, granted a contract to Mr. Samuel Cunard,
which that fortunate gentleman is understood to have sold at a great
premium to a Glasgow company for the conveyance by steam-vessels of
her Majesty's mails between Liverpool, Halifax, and Boston. In 1846
this contract was renewed for ten years from the 1st of January, 184S;
and, in expectation of the Alnerican competition which has since arisen,
leave was given to omit Halifax,and make the voyage direct from Liverpool to N ew York. Both the original contract and its extension were
given without any competition. The owners of the Great Western and
other steam-vessels, who had risked their money in establishing the practicability of making the Atlantic voyage, were unceremoniously brushed aside, and the contractor has had a virtual monopoly of the steam
conmmunication between the United States and this country for the last
ten years. For this service the country pays 140,0001. per annum.
Following the example of the English government, the United States
granted in 1S48, to a New York company, a contract for carrying the
mails to Liverpool; and their two first vessels, the Atlantic and Pacific,
made their appearance this year, to be followed next spring by the Arctic and the Baltic. The CUNARD company, thus put on their mettle,
constructed the Asia and the Africa, which were also placed on the station
this year. The result of the contest, as far as it has been carried, is
stated above.
" We are ten years before you in ship-building," said a Yankee skipper, the other day; " and ten yeais behind you in machinery; in five
years more we will be ahead of you in both."  To prove JONATHSAN
wrong we shall have to get up some competition at home, and not wait




22
to be taught the old lesson that there is no such thing in nature as an
improving monopoly.
Cunard's Company commenced with vessels of 1,100 tons, and engines of 3.50 horse-power.  They have, step by step, reached 2,300
tons and 900 horse-power.  But tile size and power are the only things
changed; the model has remained thle same.  The Asia, of 2,300 tons,
is an enlarged edition of the Britannia of 1,100 tons, and goes bowling
down the Mersey, carrying a sea before her enough to swamp a revenue
cruiser.
The American steamers are of larger tonnage and less power than
the Asia and Africa, but of exquisite model.  They are " ten years
ahead" of the Asia and Africa, as far as the hulls are concerned, and
as far behind in the engines.  They slip down the Mersev with scarce
a ripple at the bow, dividing the wrater like a Gravesend steamer. In
accommodation, ventilation, and general arrangemlent, the American
vessels are far superior to anything that has been before seen in this
countly.
It will doubtless be said that we attach too rnuch importance to the
success of our transatlantic cousins.  We shall be told that "one swallow does not make a summer; one extraordinary passage is not a fair
criterion."' We shall be advised to wait for a twelvemonth before we
give an opinion. In spite, however, of these and other wise saws that
may be poured out, we confess that to us the voyages of the Atlantic
and the Pacific look like "'the handwriting on the wall" to our rulers,
which it behooves them to lay to heart.
Prom the London Atheneuma, Ja. 4.
THE GREAT NATIONAL CONTEST.
In an age like this, when the real rivalries and contests of nations
are carried on, not so much by regiments and frigates, as by means of
the shuttle, the railway, and the steamboat —it is curious and important
to note the progress of different countries in those practical arts and
sciences which more immediately promote these friendly national
contests.
European statesmen have all watched with wonder, and not a few of
them with alarm, the tremendous accession of power which the rapid
development of railways, telegraphs, and steam navigation in the
United States has given to the people of North America, an accession
of political and material influence in the affairs of the world, which
seems to stand in almost startling disproportion to the mere weight of
the masses of population.  The Brazils, by nature far richer than the
northern States in all the raw materials of power, have no more voice
in determining the direction of great historical events than a petty Gerinan or Italian principality.  Belcgiurm, covered with railways, anp
aotted withl manufactories, has already more active influence in Europe




than the once powerful and magnificent kingdom  of Spain.  Science
multiplies the resources of nations in an extraordinary degree; and
older games of anmbition are so far gone out of modern fashion, that
statesmen, with the true instincts of the future about them, care less and
less about drilling regiments, and more and more about promoting
science.
The trials of strength in this noble contest lie at present chiefly between the two great divisions of the Anglo-Saxon race.  England, by
insular position, and America by her geographical retnoteness, stand
tolerably free from the wear of intellect and waste of material means
which are daily seen in the political struggles of continental Europe;
and they are, as regards each other, therefore, on equal and fair terms
of competition. With the shuttle England might be conquered, even
while her hearts of oak defied the world. A French army on the coast
of Devonshire or Kent might prove a passing evil; but a combination
of natural and mechanical advantages secured to the workshops of the
United States, would be utter and irretrievable ruin.  Thus far, the
shuttle of Manchester beats the shuttle of Lowell; hitherto, the steam
vessel of Liverpool has outsped that of New York.
But the forces are so nearly matched as to lead all the charm of an
uncertain issue to the struggle. Especially is this the case with the
ocean steamers.  In river, lake, and coast navigation, America has long
carried away the palm of victory. The boats on the Rhine, the Elbe,
the Clyde, the Thames, and the Scheldt, are not for a moment to be
compared with the "floating palaces" on the Hudson, the Delaware,
and the Potomac, either for rate of sailing or for miagnificence of fitting
up.  We have been credibly told of vessels steaming down the Mississippi at the rate of twenty-five miles an hour! But in ocean navigation, longer practice and equal enterprise still keep us slightly ahead of
our energetic descendants.  We are proud of our rivals-as they are
proud of our rivalry. To the general reader at home, it is next to impossible to convey an adequate idea of the interest which the contests
between the English and American mails excite in Boston, New York,
and Philadelphia. Each run is carefully noted and compared; fears
are excited, hopes raised, by every voyage; and half a dozen hours in
the length of a trip of three thousand miles is thought a considerable
variation.
The struggle for mastery at this moment lies between the English
mail Asia and the American mail Atlantic; and the recent voyage of
the Asia was the quickest ever yet performed.  This passage from New
York to Liverpool was made in ten days four hours and five minutes,
being four hours and fifteen minutes less than the best voyage eastward
made by the Atlantic. The New Yorkers are building still more powerful vessels for this line of service. The prize is a great one.  The
fleetest vessels must carry out letters, orders, news, Government despatches; and, having the prestige of scientific excellence and success,
will generally command a choice of the passenger traffic. In this rivalry




the Americans possess a great advantage over us, in being less fettered
in their action by Government jobbing and monopoly.
From  the Halifax (N. S.) Chronicle.
THE UNITED STATES MAIL STEAMEE ARCTIC.
This magnificent ocean steamship arrived in our harbor yesterday
morning, after a very boisterous passage of thirteen days from the Mersey. She left Liverpool on the 11th inst., with thirty-five passengers,
a large and valuable freight, and had on board when starting about one
thousand tons of coal. The captain finding the supply of fuel decreasing rapidly, very prudently bore up for this port. This adds one more
to the thousand and one proofs of the desirableness of making Halifax
harbor, if not a terminus, at least an intermediate packet station. In
common with many other citizens, we had the pleasure of visiting this,
really splendid ship yesterday. We are happy to bear testimony to the
civility and attention extended by the Arctic's officers to all who enjoyed
the privilege. Nothing can possibly surpass the magnificence of this
the first of the Collins line, that has yet paid us a visit. So many descriptions of these vessels have already been published, by those infinitely more competent than us, that any recapitulation would be altogether
superfluous. Every thing on board, including the mammoth engines,
is in the most perfect order. The interior arrangements of the Arctic
far, very far, surpass in elegance any thing of the kind previously seen
in Halifax.




SPEECH
OF TER
HON. J, W.  ILLE R
OF NEW JERSEY,
A-MERICAN MAIL STEAMERS.
DELIVERED
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STA-TES,
APRIL 22, 1852.
"That striking simile of Elngland's military power,' the roll of her drum is heard from the rising to the
setting of, the sun,' will be changed. War and conquest will give way to pecte and com -
oeice, and the ringa of the ocean steamer's bell will be heard on every sea,
and -along every coast, bell pealinhg to bell, ihe world round."
WA~SH ING TON:
PRINTED  BY J$OHN T. TOWE RS.
1852.








S PEEC I
OF THE
HON. J. W. MILLER,
OF NEW JERSEY,
iN
FAVOR OF SUSTAINING THE COLLINS LINE
OF AMERICAN MAIL STEAMERS.
IDLIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 22, 18652.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED BY JNO. T. TOWERS,
1852.








SPEECH.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill to supply deficiencies in the
appropriations for Ihe service of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1852. The following amendment being under consideration: "For additional compensation for increasing the transportation of the United States mail between New York and
Liverpool, in the Collins line of steamers, to twenty-six trips per annum, at such
times as shall be directed by the Postmaster General, and in conformtty to his
last annual report to Congress, and his letter of the fifteenth of November last to
Secretary of the Navy, commencing said increased service on the first of January,
eighteen hundred and fifty two, at the rate of thirty-three thousand dollars per trip,
in lieu of the present allowance, the sum of two hundred and thirty-six thousand
five hundred dollars."
Mr. MILLER  said: Mr. President, I was one of the majority of the Committee on Finance which agreed to report
this amendment. The subject had been recommended to
Congress by the head of one of the departments, and a general estimate made, which was produced before the committee
by the honorable Senator from  California, (Mr. GWIN.)  The
question presented by the amendment I considered to be one
of very high importance to the country; in which not only
the parties to this contract, but many of' the great interests of
the country are concerned. In the year 1849, a contract was
entered into by this Government, through the Navy Department, with Mr. Collins and others, to build a certain number of
mail ocean steamers, giving a description of their general power
and capicity, and specifying the  purposes  for which they
were to be used.  By that contract the steamers were to perform twenty trips a year-that is, monthly trips during four
months of the year, and semi-monthly trips during eight
months of the year; and for which service he was to receive
the sum of $385,000.
The objects which the, Government and Congress had in view
in entering into this contract were of a national character.
They were, in the first place, to secure the speedy and cheap
transportation of letters to and from this country to Europe.
In the second place, the Government desired to have built
ocean steamers of sufficient power and capacity that they
might, in case of an emergency, be employed by the Government
in war.  Other collateral and public objects were taken into
consideration-such as the transportation of' passengers,  of
light articles of freight, and specie-which at that time were
under the control of English steamers. These were the objects
which induced Congress to pass the law authorizing the contract.




4
Now, Mr. President, I intend to show, in the remarks which
I shall make on this occasion, that all these national objects
have been  accomplished; that Collins &  Co. have built four
ocean steamers of great power and superior speed; that they
are transporting the foreign mails in less time than was ever
accomplished before; that the Government may at any time,
in case of an emergency, command the service of four of the
most splendid steamers that were ever built, surpassing in
speed, in power, and in tonnage any ships of the kind now
afloat; that by means of the establishment of the American
line we now successfully compete with and even surpass in
speed its great English rival, the Cunard line; that the
American people now enjoy all those great advantages which
were contemplated by Congress at the time the contract was
made, and that every obligation on the part of the contractors
has been faithfully performed by them.   But, sir, in  performing this great enterprise, so advantageous to the country, the
contractors have sustained great losses. They state their
loss during the last year to be $338,574-in other words, that
in every trip which they performed during the last year they
lost $16,928  79.
Sometime during the last autumn, the Cunard line of steamers having been ordered up to weekly service the year round,
the Postmaster General deemed it his duty to direct Mr. Collins to increase the trips of his line from twenty to twentysix per year, and to commence on the first of January last,
with assurances of additional compensation to be made by
Congress.
This arrangement appears by the letters of the Postmaster
General and the Secretary of the Navy, which I will read:
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT, November 15, 1851.
Sia: By their contract, the proprietors of the Collins line of steamers between
New York and Liverpool, as you are aware, are required to perform only twenty
voyages per annum —that is, monthly trips during four months, and semi monthly trips
eight months, of each year. In alternating, as at present, with the steamers of the
Cunard line, we are informed by Mr. Collins that, by the first of January next, his
steamers will have made seventeen trips-leaving only three voyages to be performed from the 1st January to the 27th April, the end of the contract year.
The Cunard line has now been ordered up to weekly service the year round; and
deeming it highly important, therefore, that the trips on the Collins line should be
increased from twenty to twenty-six a year, I have already given Mr. Collins the
assurance that if he shall see fit to run the necessary additional trips, to alternate,
as at present, with the British lines through the year, and will look to Congress for
compensation, I will recommend to Congress the allowance of pro rata or such additional pay therefor as shall be considered fair and proper under the circumstances.
It cannot be doubted that it is for the interest of the United States to afford such
aid to the Collins line as will enable it to compete successfully with the British lines
running in connexion therewith; and I beg leave to call your attention to the subject, in the hope that you will unite with me in such reconimendation to Congress
as will secure the increase of the service of the Collins line from twenty to twentysix trips a year as a permanent arrangement.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
N. K. HALL,
Hon. W, A. GRAHAM, Secretary of the Navy,              Postmaster General.




NAVY DEPARTMENT, NIovember 28, 1851.
Sta: Your letter of the 25th instant, in relation to further mail service for your
steamers between New York and Liverpool, has been received.
You are informed, in reply, that this department concurs with the Postmaster
General in his requirements of additional service by the mail steamers from New
York to Liverpool, as expressed by him in his letter to this department, of which
you have been furnished with a copy.
You will, therefore, be pleased to furnish a schedule of the days of sailing of the
Liverpool mail steamers of your line at as early a day as practicable.
The subject relating to compensation will be referred by the Postmaster General
for the consideration of Congress.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WM. A. GRAHAM.
EDWARD K. COLLINS, Esq., and associates, New York.
The Postmaster General, in his annual report, also expressly refers to this subject, and recommends that an appropriation be made.  I will read part of what he says:
" The contract with the Collins line of mail steamers between New York and
Liverpool requires the performance of but twenty trips out and back during the
year. For the purpose, however, of arranging weekly trips in American steamers,
alternating with those of the Cunard steamers, which depart weekly from this country and England, these steamers have made departures each alternate week, and
have thus completed a weekly line of American steamers from  New  York. If
these trips are continued as heretofore, there will have been performed in the present
year three more trips than are provided for in the contract, and to continue the
weekly trips thereafter will require additional trips per year.
"As the English Government had made new arrangements, by which the weekly
trips of the Cunard steamers were to be continued through the year, it was deemed
highly important to continue the weekly trips of the American steamers also. Under
these circumstances, Mr. Collins was requested to continue his trips every other
week, and was assured that the payment by Congress of a pro rata compensation
would be recommended. It is claimed by the contractors, and it is believed justly,
that a pro rata compensation for these extra trips, in the winter season, will not
fully indemnify them; and if the extra trips are performed, it is earnestly reconmmended that a pro rata compensation, with such addition, if any, as may be necessary to give the contractors a fair and liberal compensation for the extra service, be
authorized by Congress.  The unrivalled qualities and speed of the ships of this line,
and the very satisfactory manner in which the service has been performed, establishing the superiority of American skill and enterprise in the construction of ocean
steamers and in ocean steam  navigation, entitle the proprietors of this line to the
most favorable consideration, and I cannot doubt that Congress will make the appropriation recommended."
Here is the recommendation from the head of a department
which is called for by Senators.  There was also an estimate
made  by the  department and  submitted  to  the  committee.
This estimate was confined to the pro rata allowance mentioned by the Postmaster General. No estimate, of course,
could be made by the department for such additional compensation as Congress might think proper to give for the purpose
of sustaining this enterprise. I therefore submit that this
amendment is not subject to the technical objection made by
the Senator from  Arkansas, (Mr. BORLAND.)  We are not obliged to confine our action to the amount of the estimate. The
whole subject is before us.
These additional trips were to be performed in the winter,
with but few passengers, at an extraordinary expense; therefore a mere pro rata allowance would be no fair compensation.




6
Collins & Co. have submitted a statement showing the great
losses which they have sustained in running their ships under
the present contract; that statement has been verified by
affidavit; and no Senator who is acquainted with the character and high honor of the persons conected with the Collins
line would hardly require such a verification of their statements. At all events, the committee were entirely satisfied
that these losses have been sustained; and I think 1 can satisfy the Senate that unless the company receives this additional compensation from the government the enterprise must
fail.
I will now state to the Senate what will be the additional
compensation proposed by the amendment. Under the original
contract, they were to perform twenty trips a year, and receive for them $385,000, or $19,250 per trip. The six additional trips per year, under a pro rata allowance, would be
$115,500-making for the year's service the sum of $500,500,
under the present contract. The ammendment proposes to
give them at the rate of $33,000 per trip for twenty-six trips,
making $858,000 a year. This increases the compensation
on the fifty-two trips $357,500, or $13,750 on each trip; but
from this increase should be deducted the additional costs of
running winter trips. In the statement of losses to which I
have referred, there is given the cost of these ships, the actual
average cost of every voyage. and the amount of capital invested. The cash cost of the steamers ready for sea is stated
at $2,948,000-a little less than $300,000,000. The actual
average cost of each voyage to England and back is stated at
$65,215 64; the average receipts for each voyage at $48,286 85
-making a deficiency of $16,928 70 on each voyage; which,
for twenty trips, would amount to $338,575 80, and on twentysix trips $440,148.
The Senate will perceive by this statement that the amount
proposed by the amendment falls a few thousand dollars short
of the loss which may be sustained upon the twenty-six trips
to be run under the new arrangement.
I now wish to call the attention of the Senate to what I
consider to have been the causes of these great losses sustained by the company. It has been asserted that they are owing to extravagance; that the ships are larger and more
splended and costly than the company were bound to build
by the contract. It is true that these ships are of a superior
character in style, size, and power to those contemplated by
the contract; but ought we to complain of that? The company may, in their laudable ambition to surpass their foreign
rival, have expended more money than was required by their
contract; but surely we ought not to take advantage of this,
and object to their doing more for the success of this great
enterprise than they were bound by law to do. But, sir, the
most of these losses arose from other causes-from circum



stances over which they had no control. One great cause of
extra expenditure on the part of the company was owing to
the fact that the enterprise was an entirely new one in this
country-so new that when they commenced building their
first ship it was found that the machinery and tools necessary
for the construction of their powerful engines were not to be
found in the country. These implements of construction had
to be either procured from England, or made here at great expense; and large sums of money were necessarily expended
in experiments upon this preliminary machinery required in
the construction of the ships.
But that is not the principal cause of their losses. By the
contract, Collins & Co. were not bound to build ships of the
size and power of those they have constructed. They might
have merely followed in the wake of the Cunard line, taken
their ships as models, and imitate them in size and model, and
been contented with their speed.  But they felt, as every
American citizen felt, that this was a great undertakingthat it was a national contest —and, in competing with Great
Britain upon this subject of ocean mail steamers, they desired
to produce to the country and to the world steamers a little
superior to those built by Great Britain, and with which she
then commanded the trade of the world. In accomplishing
that they have made great sacrifices; but they have, by so
doing, put afloat ships far superior to those of the Cunard line
in power and speed. For this they have expended large sums
of money, and sustained great losses upon their capital.
Another cause why they have lost money is, that the moment their ships were put afloat, they met with a active competion in England, backed by the influence of the English Government. It was not a mere struggle between Mr. Collins and
Mr. Cunard. It was not a mere struggle between the enterprise of an American citizen and a subject of Queen Victoria,
standing upon their individual capital, talent, and enterprise.
No, sir; it was a contest with the English Government. The
moment the Collins line was established, it became a national
concern with the people and Government of England to put
down the Collins line by extending encouragement to the Cunard line. At the same time, some of the first trips made by
our steamers were unfortunate, and immediately the cry was
raised in Europe, and especially in Great Britain, that they
were not safe-consequently passengers refused to go in them
and they made many trips in which they sustained great losses on account of this alarm.
It may be true, as stated by the Senator from Virginia, (Mr.
HUNTER,) that these gentlemen, under such circumstances,
expended more money than they ought to have expended.
But yet we all know the feeling which exists in the mind of
every American for Brother Jonathan to beat John Bull in
any enterprise of this character. Urged, on by that national




8
feeling, and, perhaps, carried to an extravagant extent, these
gentlemen may have expended more money than was necessary to fulfil their contract; but surely they are not to be sacrificed on that account.
In accounting for the losses sustained by the Collins line, it
is necessary also to compare the ships of his line with those
of the Cunard line. By this comparison it will appear that
this Government is enjoying the service of ships far superior
in size, tonnage, power and speed to those of the Cunard line,
and at a less compensation upon their relative costs and power
of service. I have prepared a comparative statement of the
two lines, which I here submit to the Senate:
COLLINS STEAMSHIPS.
Names.               Tonnage.    Horse    Capable of  Length.
power.    working.
1. Atlantic............................    3,000  1,000  1,500         274
2. Pacific..........................   3,000  1,000       1,500        274
3. Baltic..............................    3,000  1,000   1,500        280
4. Arctic.................   3,000     1,000       1,500        280
12,000      4,000       6,000
Baltic.............. 9 days...... 13 hours...... 0 minutes from Liverpool to New York.
Arctic.....    "...... 13  "......10   "    from New York to Liverpool.
CUNARD STEAMSHIPS.
Names.              Tonnage.    Horse    Capable of  Length.
power.    working.
1. Africa..............................    2,266  800    1,000         280
2. America..........................    1,832   650        800         249
3. Asia...............................   2,266  800       1,000        280
4. Cambia..........................    1,423     500        700         217
5. Canada..............1.............1,832       650        800         249
6. Europa.......................   1,R32       650        800         249
7. Niagara.......................    1,832       650        800         240
13,282      4,700       5,900
Asia.       10 days......22 hours...... 30 minutes from Liverpool to New York..........  10.   2 "...... 15   "    from  New York to Liverpool.
Asia............ 10     22......30   "    from Liverpool to New York.
Baltic......... 9 "....13"......     "
Difference... I.1 "..... 9".. 30   "    of time.
Asia............10"...... 12"...... 15   "    from New York to Liverpool.
Arctic.....  9..... ".....17...... 10    " "
Difference...... 0.....". 5   "    of time.
These are  the  principal reasons why  this company  have
sustained the loss mentioned. But what'has been their loss
has been the  country's gain.  While  they have  been losing




$16,000 per trip, we have been gaining great national advantages. I will endeavor to show this. In the first place, great
advantages have been accomplished for our commerce generally. In order to illustrate this, we must look back to the
commencement of the navigation of the ocean by steamships.
England commenced this system in the year 1838. It is
true that as far back as 1819 an American ship, called the
"Savannah," had gone from New York to Liverpool, partly
by sail and partly by steam, in twenty-six days. If the American Government at that time had taken up this new enterprise with the same energy and force with which the English
Government afterwards took it up in 1838, we should have
had the honor and the glory of being the first to establish successfully the navigation of the ocean by steamers. In 1838
the "Great Britain" was built. She sailed on the 8th of April
of that year from Liverpool, with, in the language of the history of that time, "seven adventurous passengers;" and she
arrived in New York after a passage of fifteen days. In 1839
the Cunard line was established by a contract made by the
British Government with Mr. Cunard, of Halifax, in Nova
Scotia, for carrying the mails twice a month from Liverpool
via Halifax to Boston, for seven years, for ~65,000, or $325,000.
Afterwards the Government increased the compensation to
~85,000, or $425,000-the service to be performed by ships of
twelve hundred tons and four hundred and fifty horse power.
Upon the establishment of the Collins line in 1849-'50, the
English Government again increased the compensation of Mr.
Cunard to ~145,000, or 725,000, and not $697,000, as stated
by the Senator from Virginia yesterday.
Mr. HUNTER. Does the Senator from New Jersey refer
to the statement which I made as to what is given by the
British Government to the Cunarders?
Mr. MILLE It. I do.
Mr. HUNTER. Then I would say to the gentleman that
that statement was obtained from the Senator from Texas,
(Mr. RUSH,) the Chairman of the Committee on the Post Office
and Post Roads, from a statement which was put into his
hands by the Postmaster General. I received a letter from
the Postmaster General requesting me to examine the statement, but somehow it was lost. But this memorandum was
given to me by the Senator from Texas, and it is presumed to
be the most authenticate account we have of what is given
by the British Government to the Cunard steamships. The
account was made out, I believe, by the admiralty itself.
Mr. MILLER. I know there are different statements in
regard to what the English Government now pay to Mr. Cunard. I am informed-and I have confidence in the information-that the compensation is higher than I have stated, and
that is now actually over $1,000,000 a year. But I have authority here for the amount which I have stated. It is Cham



10
bers's Papers for the People"-a work of great authority, published  in  Edinburg  in  1851.   It contains  a chapter on the
English ocean mail-routes, giving a full history of the rise,
progress, and present state of the English policy upon this important subject.  It is full of statistics, which must have been
taken from  the  most authentic sources.  I will read  to  the
Senate what is stated to be the compensation received by Mr.
Cunard in 1849, and the reason why it was then increased to
the sum of ~145,000:
" Bat with the exception of the voyage of the Savannah, in 1819, the citizens of
the United States had not hitherto taken any part in conducting the steam navigation of the Atlantic; and it was not until after all but Cunard's ships had been withdrawn, that American built steamers began to ply between England aud New York.
The formation of several companies for this purpose made Mr. Cuaard anxious to
extend his contract, so as to carry the mails once a week, and thus render him
more able to meet the expected competition.  Mr. Cunard said before a committee
of the House of Commons in July, 1849:' I was most anxious to have it (the extention of the contract) done, because I knew the consequences of having these
rival lines of packets running against us, and that it would affect the Government
more than it would affect us. I could not increase the number of passengers; but
the number of letters would be considerably increased, or doubled, bscause if one
person writes, the whole must write.' The proposal was agreed to; the mails were
to be carried from Liverpool every Saturday, and from Boston or New York every
Wednesday, (except during four winter months, when it was to be fortnightly,) arrangements being made by which the detour to Halifax was to be abandoned. To
effect this service the vessels must steam altogether about 27'2,800 miles every year,
and for it Mr. Cunard was to receive ~145,000 per annum.  This is the contract
now in force.  Mr. Cunard considered not as a new arrangement, but as an extension of the old; and as the service was doubled, and as the postage revenue of the
steamers had hitherto been equal to the contract money, he naturally supposed that
the payment would now be doubled. But Mr. Goulburn, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, would not give more than ~145,000, which Mr. Cunard said was' a very
unjust thing,' and quaintly added-' I beg to say this not with any disrespect to M r.
Goulburn: he did it to save the money to the country; but he took ~25,000 a year
from me for the good of the country."'
This is the last contract that I have any certain information
of, although I am informed that the compensation has been
increased, in order to pay for the additional trips in vwinter.
Mr. Cunard's  "quaint"  reply  to  the  Chancellor of the  Exchequer ought to be noticed. It might, with propriety, be
used by Mr. Collins in  answer to the Senator from  Virginia,
(Mr. HUNTER.)   Mr. Goulburn, the  Chancellor of the  Exchequer, acting  in  pretty  much  the  same  capacity in which
my friend from Virginia acts, cut down the compensation to
~145,000-on which Mr. Cunard said,  he did it to  save the
money of the  country, but he took  ~25,000  a year from  me
for the good of the country." I have shown, therefore, upon
what I considered good authority, that the Cunard line is now
receiving  $725,009 a year, instead of $696,000, or $15,000 a
trip, instead of $13,000, as stated yesterday by my friend from
Virginia.
Mr. BORLAND.  I wish to understand fully the authority
upon which the Senator from  New  Jersey relies in this case.
I would ask him  if all the information  on  this subject, as far
as it relates to the action of the British Government, is.not to




I1
be found in the official records of the proceedings of that Government, and whether they are not to be had in this city? I
understand that we interchange official records with the British Government, and I apprehend that all their official action
in regard to this matter is to be found in these records, which
must necessarily be more reliable than a popular publication,
made, I do not know whether in this country or in England,
and thrown into general circulation-a sort of newspaper
publication. I think, in a matter of this importance, involving
facts which lie at the bottom of this question, we shall have as
authority, official information, which I apprehend our Post Office Department has. and which is probably in the Library of
Congress, or in some of the departments of the Government.
I would prefer, for that reason, to rely on official authority
rather than on this popular publication.
Mr. HUNTER. The statement of $696,000 a year, which
I derived from the chairman of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, I used because I supposed he had the
most authentic information. He derived it fiom that document, to which my attention was directed by the Postmaster
General. I confess that I had supposed before that the amount
given the Cunard line was about ~140,000 sterling per annum. It would not, however, vary it much if you were to take
that amount; for the difference between $725,000 and $696,000
is not very great.
Mr. MILLER. I will answer the question of the honorable Senator from Arkansas. I have no knowledge at all of
their being any official information in the departments here
such as he speaks of. I think there is none. The author I
have quoted rmay be relied upon; his statements appear to be
taken from the official documents in Great Britain, and if the
gentleman will take the trouble of reading the article I think
he will be satisfied of its authenticity.
Mr. BORLAND. The Senator misunderstood me if he supposed I questioned at all the authority. I simply called attention to the character of the work. I said that I would prefer, in the formation of my opinions, to have official information. The Senator says I would find that it contained a good
deal of' authentic information. I might find a great deal of
information in it, but surely, taking it as one of what we
might call the "fugitive publications" of the day, I should not
know, unless it was from an official source, whether the information was authentic or not. That is the point.
Mr. MILLER. The Senator asked me a question and I
have answered it. The regulation of the Cunard steamers,
I understand, is under the control of the admiralty, and are
connected somewhat with the war service; these compensations are increased or diminished without having a special
law passed by Parliament for the purpose. I also understand that since the Cunard line was ordered up to additional




12
weekly service, during the last year the compensation has
been again increased. But as I have no information upon
this point other than that which has been stated to me by
gentlemen here, I do not rely upon it as a fact in my argument.
The keel of the first steamer on the Collins line was laid in
1849, and their first steamer left New York about the beginning of the year 1850. What was the condition of things
at that time? I call the attention of the Senate to it for the
purpose of showing what has been accomplished since by this
line. At that time Great Britain had the monopoly of all the
foreign postage to this country. She had also driven off our
sailing packets from the carrying of passengers. She had
beaten them off in the transportation of all light articles of
merchandise, and of specie, and of all transportations across
the Atlantic which depend upon time, speed, and certainty.
Up to 1840, the American sailing packets had the control of
these matters. They had beaten the English packets away
from even a competition in the carrying of passengers, specie,
and light merchandise.  England then resorted to ocean
steam navigation. Her Government, finding that her sailing
vessels were beaten by the Yankee vessels, resorted to steam,
and by a most liberal policy she built up the Cunard line; and
such had been the success of this policy that on the day when
the keel of the first steamer of the Collins line was laid, England had a complete mastery of the ocean on all these great
interests. What has taken place since? It must be recollected that, in the carrying of letters and passengers, speed
and certainty are everything. By the establishment of the
Collins line we have beaten them upon both of these points.
By our line we carry letters and passengers in less time than
the Cunard line can carry them. By the accounts of the very
last arrival of the steamers, we are informed that, although
one of the Cunard line left Liverpool four days before the
Collins line, yet the mails of the two steamers were delivered
simultaneously at the post office here. This is what the Collins has accomplished in this great race of national steamers.
The carrying of light articles of freight and of specie has
become a very important matter in our foreign commerce.
Before the establishment of the Collins line, it was altogether
under the control of the Cunard line. We may now control
it ourselves if we will but sustain our own people. We beat
England with our sailing-vessels, and we will beat her with
our steamships, if this Government will only protect our
commerce with the same liberality with which the English
Government has protected hers. That is the great question
in this case.
The English Government and the English people are very
wise, and very liberal, too, with regard to the management
of their own great interests. They do not accomplish as many




13
magnificent projects as we do; but they have a keener eye
to their own interests.   We established a line of mail steampackets to Havre and Bremen.   They bring freight and  passengers from the continent, by way of Havre and Bremen, to
New York. Now, what do we find the Cunard line doing?
Why, in order to cripple our line, and secure to themselves the
monopoly of the carrying trade from the continent, the proprietors of the Cunard line have, I understand, eatablished a
line of small steamers, running  from   Liverpool to Havre, by
which they carry, free of charge, all goods from that point to
Liverpool intended to be conveyed in their steamers to the
United States. This they have done, and are now doing.
The  very  last packet which  arrived  brought this  piece  of
foreign news.
" BELGIUM.-The Belgium papers state that it is the intention of the Cunard line
to establish a line of steamers between Antwerp and Liverpool, to connect with the
American line."
Is it not evident that England is endeavoring to control the
passengers, the freight, and the postage from the continent to
the  United  States?-and that, unless we  sustain  our line of
steamers, she will control all these great interests?
I desire here to call the attention of the Senate to the effect
produced upon the public mind of England by the establishment of the Collins line. I read from the same authority,
(Chambers:)
" The American steamers that first plied regularly on the American route were
the Washington and Hermann, of about two thousand tons burden. They, however, did not depend entirely on the British traffic, but made the port of Bremen, at
the mouth of the river Weser, in. Germany, their terminus in Europe, calling at
Southampton on their passage up and down the British Channel.  The line of vessels that enter into direct competition with Cunard's, was projected by Mr. Collins,
of New York, and consisted of five steamers of three thousand tons burden, three
hundred feet long, and propelled by engines of one thousand horse power. They
are named after the various oceans of the world-the Atlantic, Pacific, Arctic, Baltic, and Adriatic. They are longer and more powerful than any steamer yet built,
except the Great Britain, and their competition is not to be treated lightly. The
merits of the rival lines will become a national question.
"Thus was commenced that rivalry which has made a gigantic race-course of
the Atlantic ocean-a race-course so long that the difference in the longitude of its
termini makes a difference of nearly five hours in the time of day; and thus, while
the people at the American end are rising from their beds, those at the European
have got through much of their day's work. The' flying horse Childers,' and other
notables of the turf, have done great deeds in their way, but they shrink into utter
insignificance compared with the performances of a steamer propelled by a steamer
equal to that of a thousand horses, sailing three hundred miles each day, over angry,
restless waves, twenty. four, and sometimes forty-three feet high, chasing each other
at a distance of about five hundred feet, and at a speed of more than thirty miles an
hour. All the prizes of the turf are paltry compared with that for which these
steamers are contending-the proud distinction of establishing the most speedy and
safe communication between two great continents, and two mighty nations. Hitherto the superiority has not been distinctly declared on either side, nor can any correct judgment be formed until at least a year has elapsed."
But what is more important in this case is, to show what
has been the result of the establishment of the Collins line
upon our interests at home. In the first place, its effect upon
our treasury, of which we have heard much: Have we lost




14
money by it? By the statement furnished by the Post Office
Department, and laid before the Senate by the Senator from
California, it appears that we have not lost a cent, but, on
the contrary, gained $58,675 59. That statement shows
that the revenue derived by the United States under the operation of the treaty and by the establishment of
the Collins line is    -   -      -     - $828,675 59
Of which there had been paid to Collins, for his
service for two years -    -     -      - 770,000 00
$58,675 59
Or nearly $30,000 per annum into the hands of the Government, over and above what they have paid. I do not pretend
that all this postage was derived from letters or newspapers
carried by the Collins line. No man can understand the account in that way. But it.is nevertheless true that all this
postage, whether received from Cunard's line or Collins's line,
has been received in consequence of that policy which established the Collins line. There was no postal treaty made between this Government and Great Britain, until the keel of
the first steamer of the Collins line was laid; and we should
have had no control whatever of this postage fund had not
the Collins line been established and put in competition with
the Cunard line. So far, then, as the policy is concerned, and
its effect upon the treasury, the Collins line is entitled to the
credit for the mony received for postage, against the charge
for the money which has been paid for its support.
It is true that the amount received during the last year will
not cover the amount proposed to be given by this amendment;
yet this does not prove that the receipts of the coming year
will not be sufficient to cover the appropriation. There is already an increase of postage this year. The increase in the
number of trips by both lines will add to the amount. That
has been the result heretofore. As the number of trips and
speed of the steamers have been increased, the postage receipts have advanced, and therefore, in considering this proposition, we can salely rely that for the coming year there will
be a considerable increase of the postal revenue. Heretofore
the Collins line performed only monthly trips during the Ninter, and the Cunard semi-monthly.  Now, they alternate
weekly during the whole year; and although there are not as
many passengers in these winter trips, there are just as many,
and perhaps more, letters in the winter season. 1 shall not
go into the estimate of this obvious increase of postage; but
it is manifest that by this great increase of service there -w\ill
be a corresponding increase in the postages received during
the next year.  The Postmaster General states that the
increase of trans-Atlantic postages in 1851 over 1850 is
$197,439 61. It will be much greater in 1852; so that my
friend from Virginia need not be afraid of the treasury being




15
ruined by this appropriation. It must also be recollected that
unless we increase the service of our line, we will not be able
to divide the postage with our competitors. England gets
much the largest proportion of the postage now; but the moment we put our service upon an equality with hers, we shall
be entitled to divide the whole postage, and put half of it into
our treasury.
But the advantage to be derived from maintaining this line
is not to be confined to a mere calculation of the amount of
postage that may be put into the treasury. There are other
considerations of much higher importance. The great route
now from England, and from western Europe, to the East
Indies, is from Southampton, by way of Gibraltar and Alexandria. But who does not perceive that the time is coming,
that it is not far distant, when the great mail-route to the
East Indies, not only from New York, but from London and
from Paris, will be over the Atlantic, and by either of the Cunard line or of the Collins line, under the control either of the
English Government or of the American Government. That
presents this important question to the Senate and to the
country, whether we shall not at all hazards sustain this line,
in order to preserve for our people, and for our Government,
the control of that great worlc,'s route which is to pass along
the shores of this country, and across the Isthmus of Panama,
and thence to the East Indies?
The honorable Senator from Virginia said that if this line
could not sustain itself, let it go down. The Cunard line will
not go down. The great West India mail steam-route of
England will not go down. But if our lines alone goes down,
what happens? All the communication-the passengers, the
letters, and the commerce, passing over the Atlantic, crossing
the Isthmus of Panama to the Pacific ocean, and there spreading out to the great East-will be under the complete control of
the English Government. But if you sustain the American
line of steamers-and if this route turns out, as I believe it
will, to be the most direct route, from London, and from Western Europe, to China-our line, having the superiority in
speed, and of certainty, will be the grand carrier of letters
and of passengers from Europe, through America, to the East
Indies.
It is stated in the book from which I have already quoted
that last year a letter written in the city of New York, passing in the Cunard line to England, and then put on board the
steamer at Southampton, thence by way of Alexandria to
Suez, reached Hong Kong in fifty-five days.
Now, sir, it is reduced to almost a certainty, that a letter
written in London, passing with the speed of the Collins line
over the Atlantic, and by Panama to the Pacific, will reach
the same place in forty days. This route is ours! The great
commerce of the world by steam is thus under our control.




16
Yet, the honorable Senator says: Let this line go down; or
let it fight its way as best it can under the protection of individual enterprise.
As I said before, our people can contend single-handed with
any people on the face of the earth; but they cannot contend
with the capitalists of Great Britain, backed by the protection
of the English Government. They may contend with them
for a short time, but the stubborn endurance of John Bull will
break down the enterprise even of a Yankee, unless he be also
supported by his own Government.  Therefore, I say, throwing
aside the matter of dollars and cents-whether it costs us a
few thousand dollars, more or less-here are national considerations which should induce us to sustain this line.  There are
also other considerations. By the contract these ships are to be
made war steamers; and T intend to show they are war steamers-the best of the kind in the world for certain purposes
of war, and that they can, at small expense, be used as such
in any emergency. I have here a letter of Commodore Perry
on this subject, dated February 18, 1852, and addressed to the
Secretary of the Navy. Speaking of these ships-the Collins
line-he says:
" According to my calculations, the cost of the conversion of either the beforementioned vessels, exclusive of armaments, repair of machinery, &c., would not, or
certainly ought not to cost for each steamer over $20,000; and it could readily be
done for this at any of our navy-yards. With respect to the description and weight
of their respective armaments, I am clearly of the opinion that the first class steamers already named could easily carry four 10-inch Paixhan gulls on pivots-two
forward and two aft-of the weight of those in the Mississippi, and ten 8-inch Paixhan guns on the sides; and this armament would not incommode the vessels, and
the weight less than the ice, which is usually forty tons, and stowed away in one
mass."
Commodore Perry continues, that" In the general operations of a maritime war, they could render good service,
and especially would they be useful from their great speed as despatch vessels, and
for the transportation of troops, always capable of attack and defence, and of overhauling or escaping from an enemy.
" The Atlantic, Pacific, Baltic, and Arctic have all been built, inspected, and received by the Navy Department."
Commodore Perry adds to this letter a note, and says, " that
an ocean steamer of 3,000 tons is of the maximum  dimension
for safety and efficiency, whether for war or commercial purposes."
At the time of the construction of these ships every attention was given to their form, strength, and models by the contractors, under the special direction of the Navy Departmlent.
To show that, I will merely refer to the communications upon
the subject. They are as follows:
E. K. Collins's letter to the Secretary of the Navy, in relation to the side-lever engine, with the Secretary of the Navy's
approval.
E. K. Collins's letter to the Secretary of the Navy, asking
for consent to modify specifications, with the answer of' the




17
Secretary of the Navy that Commodore Skinner, of the Bureau of Construction, had approved of the alteration.
E. K. Collins's letter to the Secretary of the Navy, asking
for the appointment of a naval constructor and superintendent, with Secretary of the Navy's answer, appointing Capt.
S. Skiddy naval constructor.
Secretary of the Navy's answer to E. K. Collins, accepting
the Arctic, with report of Commodore Perry and Commander
Bell to Secretary of the Navy, in reference to the capacity and
usefulness of the Arctic for war purposes.
UiNITED STATES NAYY-YARD,
Philadelphia, April 14, 1852.
SiR: In answer to yours of the 13th, I have to state, as chief naval constructor,
the specifications for building the Collins line of steamers were submitted to me, and
approved, as in accordance with the act of 3d of March, 1847.
They can be converted into war steamers to carry a battery equal to our largest
steam-frigates, in a short time, and the necessary alterations to be made to receive
such a battery will not exceed a cost of $20,000 each.
I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,
FRANCIS GRICE.
To the Hon. WmT. M. GwIN,
United States Senate, Washington.
It appears by these letters, which are on file in the Navy
Department, that the vessels have been constructed with special reference for war service; that naval officers of high
character and great experience were not only consulted in
their construction, but superintended their building, who all
say that they are capable of being used in case of war, at the
small expense of about $20,000 each.
I submit to the Senate whether this is not a consideration
which should induce us to sustain these ships, and to keep
them under the control of the Government, to be used in the
case of war? No man who has seen these ships-no man
who has heard these evidences-can doubt for a moment but
that they would be, at this very hour, if war should break out,
the most effective steamships now under our control. They
may not be as strong as war steamers especially constructed
for the purpose. They may not be as powerful as many ships
constructed by the English Government; but their great utility
would be their speed and their power of action.  If we can,
by an expenditure of $20,000, put these splendid ships into the
war service, that of itself is a sufficient consideration for us
to appropriate this money, in order to keep them afloat. We
cannot maintain or keep up war steamers of equal power at
anything like as cheap a rate as we can these steamers.
With regard to the capacity of these ships, and their usefulness in war, my honorable colleague, who has had great
experience upon this subject, will, I have no doubt, sustain me
in the opinion I have expressed, that these ships will be of
great service to the country in time of war. These steamers
surpass in speed any vessel which has yet been constructed
by the Government, with all the advantages and experience of




18
the navy in the construction of ships.
I noticed that the United States steamship San Jacinto arrived at Cadiz on the 25th of March, having left Norfolk on
the third of the month. Twenty-two days steaming only
thirty-five hundred miles, or one hundred and fifty-nine miles
per day.
Mr. STOCKTON. That ship was built on an entirely different plan.
Mr. MILLER. I intend to compare her speed with the
Collins line, and to state that, at this rate of steaming, it
it would require nineteen days for the passage from New
to Liverpool, instead of nine and a half days. My colleague
states, however, that that ship was built upon entirely different principle, and therefore there cannot be any fair comparison betwen them.
I have called the attention of the Senate to the speed, the
models, and the capacity of these vessels for another purpose,
that is to show that this company have, in executing this enterprise, made experiments, secured information, and given
models of steamships, with their engines, of great practical
value to the public. If we never received a cent of postage
we should be fully compensated for the money we have paid
by the increased knowledge we have received with regard
to the building of ocean steamers. Collins & Co. have, at an
immense expense of time and money, rendered all these services to the country, and we have reaped all the advantage
of their enterprise. They have sustained all the loss. I say,
therefore, that these considerations ought to enter into the
minds of Senators when they vote on this proposition.
Again: the building and running of these ships have produced to the country a class of practical engineers that it
would not have had without this undertaking. It has been
a school for our young engineers. These vessels are now
every year training up engineers, who are to take charge of
our steam ships of war, or to be employed in the commercial
marine.  Thus the country is acquiring knowledge at the
expense of the owners of the Collins line. This, also, ought
to be taken into consideration. So great has been the cost,
and so perfect the skill in the construction of these ships and
of their machinery, that no accident of any moment has
happened to them.
Mr. HALE. The Atlantic broke her shaft.
Mr. MILLER. True; but it was one which was made in
England!
In advocating the'policy of our Government sustaining
these steamers, I wish to call the attention of the Senate and
the country to what Great Britain is doing upon this subject of ocean mail-steamers, not only with regard to the
Cunard line, but in regard to many other lines. She has
established five great routes of ocean mail-steamers.  I




19
do not speak now of her inland steam postal arrangements.
She has now under contract with the admiralty sixty-three
ocean mail steamers, every one of which may be converted
into war steamers. The aggregate power of these steamers
is twenty-nine thousand six hundred and twenty horse power;
their  tonnage  is sixty-one  thousand  three  and  forty-eight;
they annually steam one million five hundred and seventyfive thousand miles; and the aggregate amount paid by the
Government for mail service performed on these several
routes  is about $4,000,000.   These  routes  are, first, the  Atlantic route from Liverpool to New York; the second is the
route  to  the  West  Indies  and  the  eastern  coast  of South
America. That route has its depot at St. Thomas, from
which point eight branch routes, employing about twenty
steamers, are extended to the adjacent islands to the principal
cities  in  Central  and  South  America, and  on  the  Gulf of
Mexico. The third route is the great East India line, which
sails twice a month fiom  Soulhampton, in England, touching
at Gibraltar, a-:d then  to Alexandria, thence by overland route
for a short distance, take steam   again  at  Suez  to  Calcutta,
and Bombay, and China. The fourth is the route by way
of the Cape of Good Hope. The fifth is the Pacific route
from Valparaiso to Panama. There are several other proposed routes, which I understand have been contracted for, to
Australia and other portions of the East. I have prepared
tabular statements of these different routes, showing the
number of steamers, tonnage, power, and the miles steamed.
From Southampton to West Indies and South America.
Names of Steamers.                Length.    Horse power. Tonnage.
Avon......................         216            430             1,881
Clyde.......................................  213      430             1,841
Conway........................................  186          300              929
Dee..............................      214           410             1,848
Eagle.........................................  164          250              501
Great Western.................................  207          400            1,467
MIVedway..........................2..............  212       420             1,666
Reindeer......................................  15a          260              554
Serein.................................       215            430            1,886
Tay............................................  214         430            1,858
Tevoit.....................................  214            430            1,793
Thamnes........................................  215         420            1,676
Trent......................................   215            420             1,666
The number of miles steamed annually is six hundred and eighty-four thousand
eight h indred and sixteen, (684,816) or not less than thirty times the circumference
of the globe.
The steamships of this company traverse routes twenty-seven degrees north of
the tropic of Cancer to Twelve degrees south of the tropic of Capricorn-embracing
in their circuit every island of importance in the West Indies, or the west coast of
Africa, seaports around!he gulf of Mexico, the great cities of South America, and
bestow the blessings of a postal communication for every civilized nation.




20
Horse power.   Tonnage.  Miles annualIy steamed.
Pacific Company from Panama to Val
paraiso.   This company  possesses
fi;re steamers, average tonnage.....      995           3,000             110,887
Cape of Good Hope Company-just
commenced monthly in vessels not
less than (each)......................... 200                               80,400
ROUTE TO THE EAST INDIES.
1st. From Falmouth to Gibraltar.
2d. From  Gibraltar to Alexandria.
3d. From  Suez to Bomb ay.
4th. From Bombay to Calcutta.
5th. From Calcutta to Madras, Ceylon, and China.
All of these routes are now formed under one company, called the " Peninsular
and Oriental Company."
MEDITERRANEAN AND PENINSULAR SERVICE.
Names of Steamships.                Length.    Horse power.  Tonnage.
Erin.......................................     199             280               797
Euxine.................22.....................222               400             1,165
Ganges..........................................  237           500             1,200
Iberia.......................................    155            190               515
Jupiter........................................  158            210               543
Madrid.........................................   163           140               478
Montrose.............................. 166                      242               606
Pasha..........................................  160            210               548
Singapore.............................       237             500             1,200
Sultan........................................  224            420              1,090
Tagus........................................... 182           286                782
Between Southampton and Alexandria.
Hindostan.....................................  217             620             2,017
Indus.208   450    1,782
Ripon.....    231    450    1,925
Between Suez and Calcutta, via Ceylon and Madras.
Bentick.....................   217                              520             1,974
Haddington.......................     217             450             1,647
Oriental...................................... 220    420                       1,787
Precurser......                                  229            460             1,817
Between Ceylon and Hong Kong, via Singapore.
Achilles.....................................   205             420               992
Braganza.......................................  188             264              855
Lady Mary Wood.160                                             260                553
Malta.............................        205            460              1,217
Pekin.......................................    214            400              1,182
Pottinger..............                         220             450             1,350




21
Between Hong Kong and Canton.
Canton.......................................  172     150             348
All these vessels with their contract with the admiralty, " are to be good, substantial (and tfficient) steam-vessels, of such construction and strength as to be fit
and able to carry guns of the largest calibre now used on board of her Majesty's
stea m-vessels-of-war."
Number of miles steamed annually by this company, three hundred and eightyone thousand nine hundred and sixty, (381,960.)
PROPOSED ROUTES BY GREAT BRITAIN.
1st. From Panama (?) across the Pacific to the Gallapalos islands, thence to
Sydney.
2d. From Cape of Good Hope, across the Indian ocean, to Western Australia.
3d. From Singapore, via East India islands, to Eastern Australia..Recapitulation.-Number of steamships, 63; horse power, 29,620; tonnage,
61,348; miles steamed, 1,571,063.
1 will also read to the Senate a description of this great
Oriental route. Its extent and magnitude are astonishing:
"At Suez, at the head of the Red sea, two steamers are in waiting for the passengers and mails conveyed from Alexandria in small steamers up the Nile, and in
vans across the desert. One of the steamers at Suez belongs to the East India
Company, and has Bombay for its destination; the other is the property of the Oriental Company. The tenth of the month is fixed as the day of departure: and
all persons and things having been shipped, the vessels steamed down the Red
sea to Adeu, distant from Suez 1,308 miles. Here they part company; the Oriental steamer pursues a course almost due east, across the Indian ocean, to Point de
Galle, in the Island of Ceylon-a distance of 2,134 miles. Having exchanged
mails with the vessel for China, she steams up the Coromandel coast to Madras,
and on to Calcutta, where she arrives in about twenty-eicht days from Suez, after
traversing 4,757 miles, and spendinig in stoppages about five days.
" The vessel in waiting at Point de Galle, as soon as she receives what the other
has brought her, starts eastward, and after traversing 1,286 miles, arrives at Penang,
in the peninsular of Malacca; from thence, steaming down between Sumatra and
the main land, she arrives at the little island of Singapore, almost nnder the line,
and then up the Chinese sea, terrible for its typhoons, to Hong Kong, where the
little steamer in No 5 is ready to continue the line of communication to Canton.
"The Indian mail which left Southampton in August last, filled 157 chests, each
capable of holding 10,000 letters, and at Malta 120 smaller chests were added that
had been brought through France. Making allowance for the newspapers contained in these, the number of letters must still have been enormous. All this writing and transmibsion of intelligence necessarily increases trade, and consequently
bring additional supplies of articles to this country, the duties on which mnust more
than make up the difference between the paynments to the companies and the revenues of the post office. But on the higher considerations than those of mere profit
and loss, we have no hesitation in saying that the blessings to the country of these
lines of speedy communication would not be purchased dearly if not one farthing of
the contract money were returned."
"1 The number of miles steamed by the vessels of this company, under contract,
is 381,960, and the payment $204,500 per annum. The cornpatty makes an annual dividend of eight per cent. on the capital of about ~1,000,000; and supposing
that the same fleet was kept up, and the revenue reduced to that derived froin passangers and merchandise alone, not only could no dividend be paid, but an actual
loss sustained every year of more than ~120,000-another striking illustration of a
fact already adverted to, that, without a post office contract such schemes of regular and efficient ocean steam navigation could not be maintained."
This shows that, although  the proprietors of this Oriental
line now divide eight per cent. dividend per annum, if the
contract under which they carry the mails were taken away,




22
it could not be sustained, but that there would be a loss of
~126,000 per annum.
There is no doubt about what is the policy of England.
She looks to the great return to her commerce and to her
manufactures; and if' not a cent of money is added to her
revenue, by means of her postal contracts, yet she would be
the gainer by establishing and keeping up these immense lines
of steam navigation. These sixty-three ocean steamers, with
a tonnage of 61,348, steaming 1,571,000 miles per annum, are
under the control of the admiralty, and are capable of being
converted, at any time, into war steamers. Now, Senators,
look at the policy of England! By her lines of steamers she
has surrounded the world. We all remember that striking
simile of England's military power, " that the roll of her drum
is heard from  the rising to the setting of the sun."  That
figure will be changed.  War and conquest will give way to
peace and commerce, and the ring of the ocean steamer's bell
will be heard on every sea, and along every coast, bell pealing
to bell, the world round.
With these facts before us —with this mighty demonstration
made and making by the English Government for the commerce of the world —are we to stand still and to doubt about
keeping up the most important line of war steamers that we
have afloat? No, sir. While gentlemen alarm themselves
about him they call the Bear of Russia, and are terrified lest
he may march an army across Asia-"dragging its slow
length along," with all its cumbersome and costly appendages,
and thereby control the destinies of the wvorld!-yes, sir, awhile
we are dreaming over transcendental ideas about the troddendown nations of' Europe-Engcland is ploughing the oceans
from pole to pole with her mighty fleet of' steamers, and sowing the seeds of commerce and of trade from which she will
hereafter reap a harvest such as no nation on this earth ever
garnered before. That is her policy —it should be ours. It
is our mission. It is the mission of commerce to civilize the
world. It is commerce, aided by steam, that is to carry those
principles of liberty and enterprise which have given to this
country its prominence and its glory throughout the world to
the other races and nations of mankind. I am for sustaining
this policy. I am for keeping up these lines. I am for increasing them. And as soon as a communication is opened
between the Atlantic and the Pacific -as soon as the dream
of the old Spaniard shall be fully realized-I am for continuing this great route of' steam commercial navigation across the
Pacific, and in order to meet England with her great line which
passes fiom Southampton to Alexandria, the Indian seas to
China. Then the two great nations of the world-of' one blood,
decending from the same great stock —will, by means of' the
enterprise of' their citizens, protected and defended by their respective Governments, carry commerce and civilization round




23
the world. An honorable Senator suggests that we will have
to fight for it. That may be, but I think the fight is going on
now. That fight is between Collins and Cunard. The English Government stands by her man. IHe failed once, and broke
down; but the Government put him on his feet again. Collins
says he is now in the same postion; that he wants a little of
the sinews of war-$ 14,000 more per trip-in order to sustain
the contest. The question is vwhether this Government will do
for him what the English Government did for Cunard-sustain our man in this fight?  I much prefer this war of steam
and commerce to any other war. No blood will be spilt in
it. The "sinews of war" employed are only a little money;
and if the Government will only stand by its citizens in the
contest, the victory is won.
But the honorable Senator from Virginia says that this
would be encouraging a monopoly. My object is directly the
contrary. We established this line for the purpose of putting
down monopoly which England had over our commerce. Let
me say to the honorable Senator that, ift' the Collins line goes
down or is withdrawn, then there will be a monopoly over
which we shall have no control. The English Government
-will have the control of the transportation of' every letter and
every pound of specie, of passengers, and of most of' the
freights from and to Europe.  Then, indeed, we shall be subject to a complete monopoly.
Again: it is said that if we protect this branch of business,
we should protect other branches. Sir, I am willing to sustain every branch of American labor and Amnerican enterprise
which needs protection against English capital and English
combination. Whenever we find England, by means of Government patronage,,uilding up and protecting h,-r manuf'actures, we should give the like protection to the same kind of
manufactures in this country, unless we intend to yield entirely to her. The gentleman referred to the iron manufactures
of' the country. I know that they need protection. Every
man who has examined their prostrate condition must admit
that they require protection at once by some modification of
the present tariff law s. While I give my vote for the purpose
of prot ecting American enterprise and labor employed in commerce, I am also ready and anxious to give proper protection
to the manufhcturers of iron and other manufactures in the
country. I go for the principle, andt will stand by one and all
of' the great American interests to sustain them against this
overbetaring competition of Entgland.
Again: it is said that if we grant the favor to New York,
other cities will be coming in and asking similar favors.
Now, in the first place, I do not consider this is a favor granted
to the city of' New York. I look upon it as a national question, in which we are all concerned. I look upon it as a mnatter of' policy for the whole country, and that every city in the




24
Union is as much interested in this policy as New York itself.
But if the gentleman will bring forward for any city a case
like this, where there is competition between an American
and an English line of steamers, I will go for sustaining the
American line. For instance, we have now established, or
are about to establish, a line from New Orleans to Mexico.
If England establishes a line along side of it, I am ready to
protect our line against any competition that England may
bring against it.
But I know of no such case. It is easy to defeat an application of this kind, by saying that if you grant this you may
grant others. Wait till they come, and let us judge of every
case upon its own merits. It turns out, upon examination of
the petitions sent here, that twenty-one cities of this Union
have petitioned in favor of this appropriation; and I have not
heard of more than one remonstrance against it; and that is
from the city of New York. I have not heard the slightest
objection to this allowance from any other city of the Union.
I have no doubt that there is some opposition to it in the city
of New York; but that opposition is confined to a very few.
I have thus presented my views with regard to this subject.
I have done so at much length, for I consider it to be one of
high importance to the country. I must beg pardon of the
Senate for having trespassed so long upon its attention.




S P E E C H
OF
IHON. C. T. JAMES,
OF RHODE ISLAND,
ON
THE COLLINS LINE OF STEAMIERS.
DELIVERED
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
MAY 6, 1852.
"As an American citizen, I thank Heaven that my country has newelr succumbed to a foreign power.
Iler flag still waves in all its glory, and is respected by every civilized nation on earth.
Nor wvould I strike our flag of commerce. It has achieved a most important though peaceful victory, and I will not give my vote to
have it furled, or struck to any foreign rival."
WAS H IN G T ON:
I$   ~           PRINTED BY JOHN T. TOWERS.
1852.








SPEECH
OF
HON. C. T. JAMES,
OF RHODE ISLAND,
ON
THE COLLINS LINE OF STEAMERS.
DELIVERED
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
MAY 6, 1852.
40*.
"As an American citizen, I thank Heaven that my country has never succumbed to a foreign power,
Her flag still waves in all its glory, and is respected by every civilized nation on earth.
Nor would I strike our flag of commerce. It has achieved a most important though peaceful victory, and I will not give my vote to
have it furled, or struck to any foreign rival."
WASHINGTON:
PRINXTED  BY JNO. T. TOWERS.
1852.








SP E ECH.
The Senate having under consideration the bill to supply deficiencies in the
appropriations for the service of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1852, the pending
question being on the amendment proposed by the Committee on Finance, as follows;
"For additional compensation for increasing the transportation of the United
States mail between New York and Liverpool, in the Collins line of steamers, to
twenty-six trips per annum, at such times as shall be directed by the Postmaster
General, and in conformity to his last annual report to Congress, and his letter of
the fifteenth of November last to the Secretary of the Navy, commencing said increased service on the first of January, eighteen hundred and fifty-two, at the rate
of thirty three thousand dollars per trip, in lieu of the present allowance, the sum
of two hundred and thirty-six thousand five hundred dollars."
Mr. JAMES  said: Mr. PRESIDENT, I am  fully aware that
the Senate has become tired of the discussion of this amendment; and I am  tired of it myself, as I believe the people are
tired of hearing of it. Nothing would induce me, sir, to lengthen out the debate by taking part in it, but a sense of duty to
my constituents, to the people of this country, and to myself
as an American citizen. I deem the question one of great importance, not only to individual interests, but, in a national
point of view, to the whole American people. It is simply for
this reason that I feel a deep interest in the question. Novice
as I am, sir, in parliamentary affairs, I cannot expect to cope
with honorable Senators of far greater powers and much longer experience, nor yet to add much weight to the arguments
already advanced in support of this measure; much less can
I hope to bring home conviction to the mind of the honorable
Senator from Virginia, to whom I regret to find myself opposed. I hope, however, that powerful and discerning mind
will yet discover the error of its ways as regards this important subject; and when that shall occur, I know the honorable Senator's high sense of honor will not withhold an acknowledgment.
Mr.  President, I do not propose to take up the time of the
Senate by attempting a thorough investigation of the subject
now before us, with a view to ascertaining the precise num



4
ber of dollars and cents which this Government should advance to enable the Collins line of ocean steamers to compete
successfully with their old, skilled, and experienced antagonists of the British Cunard line. I would, however, take a
brief, practical, general view of the subject; and however imperfect that view may be, I trust it may be found truthful, if
not satisfactory and convincing. I trust, also, that whatever
I may say will be national in its character and bearing.
The honorable Senator from Virginia, (Mr. HUNTER,) whom
I am always pleased to hear on this floor, because, however
I may differ from his views on this question, always brings
great force and power to his aid on any subject that calls him
out, assumed the other day that the amount to be paid by the
Government in aid of this enterprise would be so much paid
for protection against foreign competition. The honorable
gentleman then added, and very properly, too, in my opinion,
that there were other interests equally meritorious which
stand in as much need of protection as the Collins line of
steamers-such as manufactures of iron, woollen, and other
articles. I have the pleasure to agree most fully with the
honorable gentleman on this point, and can but hope that we
may not disagree on a partial remedy for the evils experienced in all these cases.
But, Mr. President, the honorable Senator stated, I think,
that to extend pecuniary aid to the Collins line of steamers
would be protection in its worst form. Whether worst or
best, however, sir, it is the only available form. For the Government to discriminate between this line and the British line,
by means of custom duties, port charges, &c., would be a direct infraction of treaty stipulations; and hence the only protection we can extend to the American line is pecuniary aid
from the national treasury. But as the honorable Senator
from Virginia incidentally introduced the subject of protection to manufacturers, it may not be deemed irrelevant should
I, in passing, stop to offer a remark or two on that subject as
incidental to the question now before us.
It is an idea that has long been considered by many as an
incontrovertible fact that any aid bestowed by Government
on any branch of business, in the form of discriminating duties,
or otherwise, is a tax imposed on the consumer, and to be paid
by him, in addition to what would otherwise be the cost of the




5
article consumed, and that for the sole benefit of the manufacturer or producer. In other words, that, if the purchaser
were to pay a duty of 20 per cent. ad valorem on the article
purchased, the domestic and foreign fabric both would be enhanced 20 per cent. in price to the consumer, which addition
would become a perpetual tax, and find its way into the
pocket of the manufacturer or producer to enhance his
profits.
No doubt, Mr. President, this idea has been, and is, very
honestly entertained and advocated; yet I think it is a mistake, and feel well assured that there are facts in abundance
to prove it so. But I am not about to go into the argument
on this subject at the present time, and will merely notice one
or two facts to illustrate what I have said.
It is believed, sir, that all articles of manufacture produced
in the United States, iron included, the manufacture of which
may be said to have gained a firm footing, and been fostered
so as to enable them to compete with similar foreign articles,
have continually diminished in price to the present moment,
and are to be had at less prices in our own market than in
any other market in the world. In fact, the reduction of price
in most articles has been more than double the amount of protective duties that have been imposed on similar articles from
foreign countries. Certainly this does not look very much like
taxing the consumer.
It is truly essential to success, and therefore as important to
all branches of business, especially manufactures, that skill
and practical knowledge should be obtained by long and close
application and thorough training in regular practical operations, and as much so as that candidates for office in our army
and navy should be trained in our military or naval schools,
and in the field or on shipboard be made practically acquainted with the duties of their professions. The evidence of the
benefits of such a course of training with the artisan and the
operative is to be seen in every city, town, village and hamlet, an] on the person of every citizen, in the astonishing improvements that have been made in every department of the
mechanic arts, and the equally astonishing reduction that has
been effected in the cost of almost every production.
Mr. President, in the very nature of things it is impossible
for our mechanics and operatives to compete with those of




Europe in those branches in which their mechanical ingenuity
has liot been called out and developed. Practice is necessary.
We have as good mechanical ability as any country on the
globe, and practice, and practice alone, is necessary to its full
development. When government grants to that ability protection against foreign competition, it calls it into successful
action, and whether in the manufacture of cloth or iron, or the
construction and management of steamships, or any thing
else, that talent will not fail to return to the government and
the country a thousand fold for all the protection thus granted.
Permit me, sir, to ask, how is our mechanical talent to be
fully developed? How are our artisans, our engineers, and
our hosts of others, necessary to the business, to become skilled in the construction of large ocean steamers and their machinery, and in their management, without practice?? Yet,
sir, in accordance with the progress of the age, the skill required for this business will become as necessary on the seas
as railroads have already become to displace the mail coach
and baggage-wagon on the land. I will here introduce a fact
to show what difficulties have had to be encountered, and
what large expenses incurred, in carrying out such an undertaking as the Collins line.
The main shaft of a large ocean steamer —a war steamer,
if you please —was to be made: its length some thirty feet,
more or less, and its diameter some twenty-four inches. You
at once see that that was a huge mass of iron. For such a
work we had no furnace of sufficient dimensions and capacity
— they were altogether too small for such work. Our hammers were far too light; and our fires, while burning the surface of the metal, scarcely warmed the centre. Our best and
ablest forgers were entirely unacquainted with the process of
working such a huge mass of metal; and all, sir —all had to
learn who undertook to do it-all had to learn by practice.
Experiment on experiment failed, and resulted in consequent
heavy losses, until, by costly improvements in the means, the
artisan, by long and determined perseverance, had learned to
perfect his work.
Mr. President, permit me to inquire who is to benefited by
these experiments, these failures, these losses, this long perseverence, and this final success? The community is, or will
be, as much benefited by them as those who achieved the suc



cess and paid the cost; and infinitely more so. And the Government-yes, sir, the Government-is, or will be, as much
benefited as the community. And, sir, what I have said of
this massive shaft is equally applicable to every portion of
that huge machine-the marine engine-which propels the
mammoth ocean steamer with such mighty speed across the
Atlantic, and with which we have beaten the ablest mechanics
and the best steamships and steam engines of the old world.
And is this nothing to our Government? Is this nothing to the
people of the United States?
Mr. President, the period is rapidly approaching when canvass will be a scarce article on the ocean, and when our
steamers will constitute our navy. Then it will be found that
whatever aid our Government may have extended to our merchant steam marine will not have been lost, inasmuch as, by
that means, they will have enabled our mechanics and artisans to render invaluable aid, which they would not have
been qualified to render without it.
Sir, the Government of the United States is emphatically
dependent on the community for talent, ingenuity, anti practical skill. They have no schools or other institutions for the
purpose of mechanical instruction; and when ship-builders,
engineers, or other mechanics are wanted, the Government,
like an individual employer, must at all times be compelled
to seek them where they are to be had. It is certainly, then,
for the interest of the Government to foster those enterprises,
by means of which the very talent and skill required for Government purposes may be the most readily developed and
most properly disciplined.
In what school has been reared and qualified a race of the
best seamen in the world, and among them a fair proportion
of as bold and skilful navigators as ever trod a quarter-deck
on the stormy Atlantic? Sir, that school is our eastern fisheries-a business that has long been fostered by the hand of
the Government by the payment of large sums of money in
the form of bounty; and these hardy denizens of the ocean
have returned four-fold to their Government and their country
for every dollar thus bestowed on them. Our great ocean
steamers are rare schools for the purpose of turning out firstrate practical seamen, practical navigators, practical mechanics, and practical engineers; and I feel fully assured it is




8
not affirming too much when I say there are no institutions
in the United States in which all these professions-except
perhaps those of the seaman and the navigator-can be studied
to so great advantage, where practical knowledge of a high
order can be so readily obtained, or where men can become
so well qualified to discharge the duties of those professions,
as on board those steamers. And, sir, is this nothing to our
Government? —nothing to our country? Is it a matter of
trivial importance to have our naval and merchant marine
officered and manned by the best seamen, navigators, and engineers in the world?  Is it a matter of no moment to this
Government and this people to know that they have at their
call mechanics who are capable of beating the world in the
construction and equipment of ships, either for peace or war?
Is it a matter altogether unimportant that, in case of war with
a foreign nation, we can fill our ships with men reared in such
a school, instead of those picked up here and there, without
training, without experience, and without practical knowledge? Sir, I consider the question before the Senate as one
that bears directly on this important subject. On its face it
is a proposition to aid the Collins line of steamers, but, practically, I look upon it as one in which the Government and
the country are deeply interested, for the reasons I have
stated.
Mr. President, the honorable Senator from Virginia (Mr.
HUNTER) has taken the ground that aid is in this instance,
called for merely to enable the proprietors of the Collins line
of steamers to keep up a ruinous competition with a foreign
line, in a trial trip of speed on the ocean; and as the Collins
line has not yet been able to sustain itself, he has come to
the conclusion that it never can do so. Such being the case,
he seems to think that, the sooner the business is given up to
the Cunard line, the better. Further: he thinks also that, the
business being a losing one, the more of it the Cunard line
does, the sooner that line will be ruined. I do not think, sir,
that the honorable gentleman, in coming to these conclusions,
manifested his usual depth of thought, or clearness and force
of argument. Sir, were these conclusions correct, and had a
line of conduct been pursued in conformity with them with
regard to our manufactures, not a yard of cloth, nor a ton
of iron, would have been manufactured in this country. At




first, and for a long time, it was a losing business in this
country; and, to carry the honorable gentleman's conclusions
out, our manufacturers ought to give the entire business to
the foreign manufacturers at once, in order to involve them in
speedy ruin.
Every one acquainted with the history of manufactures in
this country well knows that those manufactures-especially
that of iron, and that of cotton by machinery-were encouraged by bonuses and exclusive privileges, bestowed by the
governments of the several States in which the were situated.
Thus early did our ancestors deem it a matter of great public
importance to encourage private enterprise for the public
good. against foreign competition. But, sir, none of these
enterprises were at first able to sustain themselves, even with
the legislative patronage they received. One after another
they all failed, and retired from the field of competition?
And why was this? Simply because in this country the business was an untried experiment. It failed. as experiments,
subsequently successful, frequently do at first, for the want
of that skill which is to be acquired only by means of experience and practice.
Mr. President, suppose our manufacturers had finally
adopted the conclusion arrived at by the honorable Senator
from Virginia, and because their business had hitherto been
a losing one given it up entirely into the hands of the foreign
manufacturer, with the view of working his speedy ruin,
what would have been the result?  The foreign manufacturer would have retained the monopoly. He would have ruled
our markets, and he would have exacted and extorted from
us prices at least fifty per cent., and in many cases a hundred,
above what we are now required to pay. To the fixed determination and indomitable perseverance of our mechanics,
operatives, and manufacturers to compete with foreign skill,
aided by protective duties, are due the invaluable improvements that have been made in all branches of manufactures,
and the great reduction in prices that has taken place. This
view of the subject in most of its bearings is equally applicable to the question now before the Senate.
In the enterprise of steam navigation on the ocean, Great
Britain was many years ahead of us. Her first experiments
were partial, and some of them total, failures. So have some
of ours been, not excepting even some made by our Govern



10
ment. But by the time we had commenced in the same line
of business, it had called to its aid in Great Britain the best
scientific skill and knowledge in the world, and their powerful energies have been concentrated on the mighty work before them. After years of trial and toil they succeeded;
and it was not till the proprietors of the Collins line had
projected their gigantic enterprise that any attempt at all to
be compared with that of the British company had been
made in America. We had, to be sure, multitudes of steam
engines, and fleets of steamboats, and few, very few, steamships; but among the whole there was no one to serve as a
model or a guide for the construction and equipment of a steamship such as the object required or the nature of the contract
with the Government demanded. Suppose the ships already
built, there were no facilities adequate to the construction of
their immense engines. All was to be created, sir, at an
enormous expense of time, skill, and money-all was created.
By long and determined perseverance the mechanical skill
and ingenuity were found equal to the emergency. Practically the experiment has proved eminently successful. But
so great has been its cost, and so powerful the rivalry, that
hitherto it has not rewarded its projectors and proprietors as
such a noble enterprise should. In this dilemma, the honorable Senator from Virginia advises those proprietors to relinquish the business to their rivals as the speediest means of
bringing ruin on those rivals. We will examine this proposition.
Mr. President, to relinquish the Collins line would be precisely what the Cunard line particularly desires. To compel
the Collins line to withdraw from its route is precisely what
the Cunard line is attempting to do. Such a result once accomplished, and the business becomes a monopoly in the
hands of the proprietors of that line. They can then have
their own way, regulate prices to suit themselves, and not
only sustain their line by means of their business, but enrich
their company. To this end, together with a pride of feeling,
they have formed the determination that no American line
to rival theirs shall traverse the same route. True to this
determination, and well knowing that the British Government
will sustain them, they have adopted that petty species of
competition which has long been practised to an extent injurious to all parties, and ruinous to some, between rival steam



11
boats and stage coaches in this country. In other words, the
British line has determined, cost what it may, to drive the
Collins line from the ocean. The Collins line, or its proprietors, though strong in wealth, cannot compete with the Lords
of the Admiralty, with the British treasury at their command;
and the question is, as our neighbors on the other side of the
Atlantic seem unwilling that we should run a line of steamers to one of their ports, whether we will or will not do it at
any rate. To do it, sir, some further Government aid must
be granted for the present. Without such aid, the enterprise
must be relinquished, and we must be reduced to an absolute
dependence on Great Britain for all the facilities required by
the Government and the people of this country by means of
steam navigation between our own ports and those of Great
Britain. But, sir, the honorable gentleman does not believe
it requires the aid asked for to enable the Collins line to go
on. I need take up no more time in reply to this point than
to say, and which is the fact, that the stock of the company
can now be purchased in the market, in any quantity, at a
discount of fifty per cent. from par. This simple fact will be,
to every man at all acquainted with business, a full and sufficient reply to all argument based on calculation which may
be intended to show that this line can continue in operation
without the aid which this amendment is intended to afford.
In order to show, sir, that the proprietors of this line and the
citizens of New York wish for no monopoly, I am authorized
to say that one million of dollars of the stock of the company will be sold at par, if wanted, to the citizons of any State
in the Union, should this amendment prevail.
Mr. President, the honorable Senator from Virginia has
characterized this competition as a mere trial of speed on the
ocean. Sir, I have shown that it embraces much more than
this. But, sir, no doubt this has had much to do with it; and,
in my own opinion, the gratification of a high and honorable
feeling of national pride is worth something to a Government
and a country. Up to the period of the war of 1812 the American people had almost unanimously yielded their assent to
the oft-reiterated boast that "Britannia rules the waves."
That war afforded some practical data that cast some doubts
on the legitimacy of the claim in a naval point of view. Our
clipper ships have increased those doubts; and the superior
speed of the little yacht America and our Collins steamers




12
over any vessels of their description ever constructed in,
Great Britain has set the r-matter at rest. And can it be matter of surprise that the American people, who have been so
long, constantly, and bitterly taunted by the English for their
supposed inferiority in everything, should manifest some degree of national pride at these demonstrations? Is it not an
amiable, patriotic feeling?  It is not wonderful then, that
they, the people, should expect, and, sir, they will expect, that
some aid should be rendered to this line of steamers which, at
such a heavy cost, and at so much loss, has achieved the
greatest victory, whether of war or peace, that was ever
achieved on the ocean-a victory, not of brute force, but of
science and skill.
Mr. President, I ask if the Government and the country
gain nothing by this enterprise?  The vast impro\vements introduced by this company into steam machinery for sea-going
purposes, and also into the vessels themselves, are invaluable,
and worth more, vastly more, to the country than all the aid
the company has heretofore received from the Government
and that now solicited by them. Certainly such an enterprise
does, on the score of the public good, demand some reward
for all the sacrifices it has cost.
Sir, whether this line of steamers will or will not, with the
aid now asked for, be able to sustain itself, is a question which
time only can definitely answer. For my own part, I should
think it would. The proprietors are good business men; and
they, together with those engaged in managing and navigating these ships, will, of course, be learning every day, by
means of practice, where improvements can be made and expenditures reduced; and, by a truly business-like and economical line of conduct, I believe the experimelnt will finally be
found profitable, as it has most assuredly proved successful as
to speed and safety. As an American citizen and an American mechanic, I feel, in common with my fellow-citizens,
proud of the Collins line, and hope it may be sustained. Sir,
I see no necessity for the apprehension expressed by the honorable gentleman from Virginia, that aid now rendered shall
become a precedent for the future action of Congress. Congress will hereafter, as now, should such a question come up,
act on the necessity, the justice, or the expediency of the case,
without regard to precedent. These ships are partially in the
employment of the Government-on them the Government




13
has a lien —and, whenever the exigencies of the case may require, they will be converted exclusively to the Government
service. Shall we, then, under such circumstances, withhold
the aid required, and thus second the efforts of its foreign
competitors to crush the enterprise at once, and thus deprive
the Government and the country of the invaluable services of
the finest and best line of steamships in the world?  Sir, I
hope not. It would mortify me, and so it would, I am certain, the great body of our citizens, to witness such a result.
Trhe honorable Senator, however, does not seem to look with
a great deal of regret on the apprehended failure of the Collins line. Let it go down, he says, and by advertising we can
have vessels as fleet as theirs, lor a great deal less money.
That the Government, by going into the market, and dickering,
as the cant phrase is, with steamship owners, might obtain
vessels for less money, is altogether likely; but whether
equally fleet, is another question. They do not exist now,
neither in this country nor any other. But, sir, the prudent
man looks at the quality of an article as well as the price.
You may procure vessels at much cheaper rates; but what
will be their quality? You will not find those that have
been built under the eye of the Government agent, and in accordance with the requirements of a Government contract.
They may be good vessels. They may be safe vessels. Who
will know, and who is to hazard the trial? Besides, sir, shall
we exercise no magnanimity —no justice'r  True, sir, the
Government has fulfilled the contract to its letter with this
company, and paid all that was stipulated-all that was
asked. But what then? Will the Government drive a hard
bargain with its citizens; and, because they happened to
make a miscalculation, compel them either to relinquish
their contract, after having made enormous sacrifices in
struggles for its fulfillment, or to fulfil it at a sacrifice still
greater. I trust not —I trust the Government has mnore magnanimity, more justice, more honor than to suffer such a result.
I hope the aid to prevent it will be cheerfully afforded, and
that this company will receive the encouragement and support they so richly merit.
But, sir, the honorable gentleman from Virginia went still
further. He assumed that, in case the aid now asked for was
granted, Congress would lie under obligation to extend similar
aid, if required, to companies in any and every other port,




14
formed for similar purposes. Sir, I cannot see the force of
this argument. My own impression has been that Congress
possessed some discretionary powers not exactly limited by
precedents. The object in view in this case seems to me to
test thoroughly our steam communication with England, the
ablest mechanic power in the world, and in which attempt
we necessarily come in competition with her own steamships,
for the satisfaction and benefit of our whole country. By
the result of this trial people in all the ports in our country
will be ruled. Those who would wish to engage in this business are as much interested in having this experiment carried
out as are the proprietors of this line. Should the experiment fail of success, then, of course it must be abandoned,
and others would not be very ambitious to renew it. Should
it succeed, no further aid would be required; and thus the
people everywhere will learn the result without the further
sacrifice of either private or public means. But there is still
another important-feature of the case to be considered.
Mr. President, can any other company come here under
similar circumstances with those connected with the Collins
line, and present similar claims? I believe not. The gentlemen constituting this company have invested in their noble
steamers the amount of very nearly three millions of dollars.
These ships have been regularly run at a continual heavy loss,
in the fulfilment of the company's contract with the Government; and without some additional compensation for their
services to the Government, their operations must cease, and
the immense capital invested be very much impaired, if not
lost. I believe it a case without a parallel in this country; and
whenever another like it may come up here, it will be time
enough to meet it. These facts would be sufficient to justify
me in my own mind in voting for the relief asked for in this
case; but I have others, if possible, more potent still. I refer,
sir, to the contract between the Government and this company.
The Government required vessels of great strength and burden, capable of being converted into ships-of-war when required.  The mail and passenger service required speed.
Hence the company had to secure both objects. The ships
are much heavier than would have been required for the mail
and passenger service. Therefore they cost more than they
world otherwise have done, required much heavier and more
powerful engines, and are propelled and navigated at a much




15
heavier expense. All these items combined make up the sum
total of the extra expenses for which the appeal is now made
to the justice as well as magnanimity of Congress. The proprietors of the line say, and I have no doubt truly, that, in
building their vessels so much stronger and heavier than they
would otherwise have done in carrying out their contract with
the Government, and thereby incurring a greatly increased
expense in constructing, equipping, and sailing, they acted in
conformity with the wishes and instructions of the Navy Department. All this has been done by them in good faith; and
after this, for them, in the face of a ruinous competition by a
foreign line, sustained by a foreign Government, to be compelled to run their ships at a tremendous sacrifice to themselves, in the Government service, is, in my view, a flagrant
violation of the principles of justice and equity.
Mr. President, during the discussion of this amendment, the
amount paid per annum, or per trip, by the British Government to the Cunard line, has been stated and spoken of by
way of comparison with the amount paid by our own Government to the Collins line. I have also made the statement,
the truth of which will appear self-evident, that the cost of
construction, equipment, and navigating the steamers of the
Collins line had been greatly enhanced by reason of their excess of strength and tonnage over what would have been required for ordinary mail and passenger service alone. And
the additional strength and tonnage were given to these vessels to fit them for war vessels. And, sir, I am now prepared
to show, from.the statement I hold in my hand, that the amount
paid to the Collins line, will not be, all things considered, including what is contemplated in the amendment before the
Senate, quite equal to the amount paid to the Cunard line.
The Cunard line has seven ships, the aggregate tonnage of
which is 12,252 tons. These ships cross the Atlantic eightyfive times per year, or rather what is equivalent to eighty-five
trips for one ship. This makes the total tonnage worked
across the Atlantic, in the eighty-five trips, 148,750 tons. For
this service they receive from the British Government, in
round numbers, $856,820-making $5 75 per ton. The Collins line has four ships, of an aggregate of 13,702 tons, which
cross the Atlantic fifty-two times per annum, or perform a
service equal to fifty-two trips for one vessel. The amount
to be paid by this amendment, and what is now paid, is




16
$858,000, or $4 82 per ton, and  a fraction  less than twenty
per cent. below  what is paid  by the  British  Government to
the Cunard line.
I have  also a statement to which I desire to advert:
"In the London Times of the 10th of March occurs the following statement,
which, though part only of it relates directly to the subject under consideration, we
give entire for the benefit of such of our commercial readers as may feel an interest
in looking over a complete table of the ocean mail service of Great Britain for the
coming year:
"'The following table. partly compiled from a parliamentary paper, will show
the estimate for the post office packet service for the coming year, as compared with
that for the twelve months which will terminate on the 5th of April. The increase in the contracts last year was ~98,135, and now we have a further augmentation of ~64,862, caused chiefly by an enlarged allowance to the Cunard line for
additional service, the extension of the West India contract to Brazil, and the establishment of new lines to Africa and Australia.  On the other hand, there is a
diminution of ~4,200 in the expense of Queen's vessels employed; and the increase upon the aggregate total is therefore reduced to ~60,662;
Year.
To and from —                 Company.
1852-'3. 1851-'2.
Liverpool and Tsle of Man.............................         850    ~850
Holyhead and Kingstown.........   City of Dublin........   25,000   25,000
Abeideen and Lerwick..........................             900      900
Southampton and Channel Islands.. S. W. Railway........    4,000    4,000
England and Hamburg, and England
and Rotterdam............... General Steam..        17,000   17,000
Southampton, Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon,
Cadiz, and Gibraltar......... Peninsular and Oriental.  20, 500   20, 500
Liverpool and Halifax, and Boston
and Liverpool, and New York.... Cunard..............   71,364  145,000
Halifax, Bermuda, and St. Thomas's,
and Halifax and St. John's, Newfoundland.....Cunard...............   14,700   14,600
Southampton and West Indies......  Royal Mail...........  240,000  240,000
Southampton, Brazil, and Buenos
Ayres............. Royal Mail...........  30,000   30,000
Callao and Valparaiso............. Pacific..............   25,000   25,000
Plymouth and Cape of Good Hope.. General Screw.......7. 30, 730,   30,'i 30
England and West Coast of Africa.. Laird...............    11,500
England and Australia............ Australian............   26,000
England and Alexandria.......... Peninsular and Oriental.1 22, 500   23,000
Alexandria and Beytoot........... Hall, Brothers........ 1,560)   1,560
Suez and Calcutta, ~115,000; less
7-16ths, payable by East India
Company, ~51,312.......... Peninsular and Oriental.  64,681  64,688
Ceylon and Hong Kong, ~45,000;
less, as above X~19,688.......... Peninsular and Oriental.  25,312   25,312
Bombay, (proportion paid to East
India Company)............... East India...........   50,000   50,000
Allowances of Government agents on
board the contract packets..........10,683    9,285
~792,287 ~727,425
Expense of Queen's vessels employ-                       792,287
ed in the packet service.........                       77,871   82,071
Total expense................................ 870,15:        809,493..........~8                 7,18~0,9




17
The Cunard line receives, it will be seen, for 1852. ~171,364
While it received for 1851.. 145,000
Making an increase of... 26,364
Equal to...............$131,820
The amount now  received by the Cunard line is $856,820being within  less than  $2,000  of what is asked  for by Mr.
Collins.
But, Mr. President, the honorable Senator from Virginia has
said that these steamers were not fit for war steamers, as he
had been informed by naval gentlemen, whose judgment was
to be relied on.  Well, sir, suppose this statement to be correct, it would weigh nothing in the argument. On the other
hand, should these steamers prove the best war vessels in the
world, their owners could not claim the credit of it. If they
are totally unfit to be incorporated into the navy, it is no fault
of theirs. They were built under the directions of persons
appointed by the proper authorities to act for the Government.
The company furnished the means, and the instructions from
the Navy Department were  carried  out.  If, then, the ships
were to prove utterly worthless for war purposes, why should
we blame their owners, and compel them to suffer the loss?
No. 1.
NEW YonRK, January 19, 1848.
SiR: Having altered the dimensions of the mail steamers to be built by myself
and my associates, as per contract dated 1st November last, under a law of Congress passed 3d March last, entitled "An act providing for the building and equipment of four naval steamers," I beg leave to wait on you with a specification for
building the same, which I trust will meet your approval; and if so, you will please
substitute it for schedule "A," now attached to the contract.
Yours, very respectfully,
E. K. COLLINS.
To Hon. J. Y. MAson, Sec. Navy, Washington.
No. 2.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHITNGTON, January 26, 1848.
SIR: I received a letter dated at New York on the 19th instant, without signature, enclosing a "specification" for the building of the New York and Liverpool
mail steamers for E. K. Collins and his associates. This paper being signed by
yourself, it is presumed the communication was made by you. The subject has
been referred to the Bureau of Construction for opinion, and, upon the recommendation of Commodore Skinner, the dimensions and specifications for building the
mail steamers under the act of 3d March last, above referred to, are approved by
the department.
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. Y. MASON.




18
No. 3.
NEW YORK, February 10, 1848.
Sin: Your letter of the 26th ult. was duly received.  The unsigned letter,
therein referred to, I hand you herewith, signed.  My specifications for building
the steamers, as mentioned in yours of the 26th, having been accepted, I am progressing in their building with as much speed as prudence dictates, watching
strictly the interest of the Government and the owners, which interests I think inseparable.
I will thank you at an early day to appoint a naval constructor to superintend
their construction in conformity to the law.
Yours, very respectfully,
E. K. COLLINS.
To Hon. J. Y. MasoN, Sec. Navy, Washington.
No. 4.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, February 14, 1848.
SIR: Your letter of the 10th instant, with the enclosure, has been received, and
Captain Wm. Skiddy, of New York, has been appointed naval constructor for the
purpose of superintending the construction of the steamers to be built under the
act of Congress of March 3, 1847.
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. Y. MASON.
To E. K. COLLINS, esq., New York.
The contract referred to in the first of these letters contains
the following:
" That whereas the said Collins and his associates submitted to the Postmaster
General, on the sixth of March, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and forty-six,
proposals to carry the United States mail between New York and Liverpool twice
each month during eight months of the year, and once a month during the other
four months, for the sum of three hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars per annum, payable quarter-yearly, and for this purpose proposed to build five steamships
of not less than two thousand tons measurement, and of one thousand horse-power
each, to be built for great speed, and sufficiently strong for war purposes."
Schedule A states the "intended size of said steamships
about 3,000 tons."
In this connexion I will introduce the following:
Abstract of letters written by Commodore Perry and Captain
William  Skiddy, in reference to the Collins line of steamships, to the Secretaries of the Navy.
Commodore Perry, in his letter, dated February 18th, 1852,
addressed to the Hon. William A. Graham, Secretary of the
Navy, says:
"That the following-named Atlantic steamships may be converted, by slight alterations, into war-steamers of the first class-of Collins line, the Atlantic, Pacific,
Arctic, and Baltic.
"According to my calculations, the cost of the conversion of either of the before
mentioned vessels, exclusive of armaments, repair of machinery, &c., would not,
or certainly ought not to cost for each steamer over $20,000, and it could readily
be done for this at any of our navy yards,  With respect to the description and
weight of their respective armaments, I am clearly of the opinion that the first class
steamers already named could easily carry four ten-inch Paixhan guns on pivots,
two forward and two aft, of the weight of those in the Mississippi, and ten 8-inch




19
Paixhan guns on the sides, and this armament would not incommode the vessels
and the weight less than the ice, which is usually forty tons, and stowed away in
one mass."
Cornmodore Perry continues, and says:
" That in the general operations of a maritime war, they would rend(er good service, alnd especially would they be useful, from their great speed, as despatch vessels, and for the transportation of troops, always capable of attack and detfence, and
of overhauling or escaping from an enemy.
"The Atlantic, Pacific, Baltic, and Arctic, have all been built, inspected, and
received by the Navy Department."
Commodore Perry adds to this letter a note, and says:
" That an ocean steamer of 3,000 tons is of the maximum dimensions for safety and efficiency, whether for war or commercial purposes."
And this is the precise measurement of the Collins steamships.
In another note he says:
" That the best practical relative power of engines to tonnage for ocean steamers
is one nominal horse power to every three tons of tonnage, custom-house measurement."
And this is the  precise ratio  of power used in the Collins
steamships.
Commodore Perry, in his letter to the Hon. John Y. Mason,
Secretary of the Navy, dated January 30, 1849, says:
"In accordance with my instructions from the department, I have carefully examined the vessels (Atlantic and Pacific) at present under construction and equipment, and in comparing them with the precise stipulations, I find some few deviations. The contract of E. K. Collins and his associates is in progress of completion.
Two ships (the Atlantic and Pacific) are nearly ready, or quite ready for launching,
and their engines and boilers are sufficiently advanced for commencing the work of
putting them on board. As the contract with Mr. Collins does not refer to any
particular vessel as a guide for a model or manner of construction of his ships, he
has availed himself of the best material at command, and of his well known judgment and experience in ship-building, and in producing two very superior sea
steamers."
Commodore Perry says, according to the statement of Captain William  Skiddy, "that the ships are better fastened than
was contracted for," and adds:
"The several contracts provide that all of these steamers shall be so constructed
as to be easily converted into war-steamers, should the government exercise the
right of taking them into their public service.
" Steamers are more easily armed than sail vessels, inasmuch as they have
greater space on deck for pivot guns, possessing as they do greater facilities of motion, and consequent choice of position, and very little time would be required in
arming and equipping them for war service."
Commodore Perry concludes this official statement as followv's:
" The undertaking is one of great magnitude for individual enterprise, and of
momentous character to the commercial interests of the country-an undertaking
alike creditable to the liberal views of the Government and the public spirit of the
contractors, and reflecting honor and credit upon both contracting parties.




20
" They (the steamships) will all have the merit of possessing the great essentials
of capacity, buoyancy, and fleetness, and capability of carrying effective armaments;
and if taken for their estimated worth at the time of the transfer, the Government
will be the gainer, at a period of emergent want for such vessels."
Captain William Skiddy writes to " Commodore Perry, general superintending agent for the United States ocean mail
steamers," on the 21st of January, 1849, as follows:
"I have received your communication of the 18th inst., requesting information
respecting the construction and equipment of the United States mail steamers built
and building in this port (New York) under my inspection.
"Mr. E. K. Collins' specifications and agreements with the G6vernment call
for much less than has been executed, such as iron diagonal framing only one way;
whereas they are double, crossing each other at right angles, and well bolted to timbers and riveted together; also the filling in amidships has been extended the whole
length of the ships, with many other additions.
"These ships have great buoyancy, flat broad floors extended well forward and
aft, with sharp ends, and are considered beautiful models. They have spacious
deck room, and could carry guns of the largest calibre on the gun or middle deck.
"' These ships can all, in case of emergency, be converted into fast war steamers. They would by law be received by appraisement on their original cost and
their efficiency as to strength and materials; the necessary alteration included
would cost the Government much less-perhaps one-half of the amount required
to build or purchase for the occasion.
" In case of a war, these are the only ships of sufficient strength and size in the
United States that could be converted into war steamers."
Commodore Perry, April 9, 1850, writes to the Hon. W. B.
Preston, Secretary of the Navy, thus:
"The models of the ocean mail steamers, built under the recent act of Congress, whether for the navy or mail service, may be considered as excellent.
"' Experience has shown that the best general proportions for a war steamer with
side-wheels are six times the breadth for the length and two thirds the breadth for
the depth." (By a singular coincidence, this is the exact size of the Collins steamships )
" The highest probable speed that can with known machinery be given to commercial steamers of 1,500 tons, and carrying fourteen days fuel, and embracing an
aggregate of voyages across the Atlantic, perhaps 10~ knots per hour has been the
average.
"' The aggregate of voyages across the Atlantic by the Collins steamships show
that 12 knots per hour has been the average.
" The mail steamers of Howlarnd & Aspinwall, and of E. K. Collins, esq., can
be easily converted into war steamers.
" These vessels, with little strengthening of the decks, can be made to carry
each a few guns of heavy calibre, and may be rendered useful to convoy and in
the transportation of troops, &c.  The use of steamships in our future naval operations must inevitably change in a great degree the art of naval war."
Captain Wm. Skiddy, on the 18th of February, 1852, writes
to the Hon. Wm. A. Graham, Secretary of the Navy, thus:
" I herewith acknowledge your communication of the 10th instant to Corn. M.
C. Perry and myself, relative to the United States mail steamers built under contract with the Navy Department, and others carrying the mails of the United
States.
" These ships (Atlantic, Pacific, Baltic, and Arctic) are not suitable for immediate war purposes, but can be made efficient in four or six weeks, and the cost of
these alterations would not exceed for each ship $15,000 or $20,000.  They
would then be relieved of about one hundred and fifty tons weight, or nearly
double the weight of guns and carriages, and would then have less resistance to
water and wind, adding in increase to their already great speed."




21
The Hon. Wm. A. Graham, the present Secretary of the
Navy, on the 20th of March, 1852, writes to the Hon. Wm. R.
King, President of the Senate, in reply to a resolution for information in relation to contracts for the transportation of the
mail by steamships between New York and California, on the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans, as follows:
"It is respectfully suggested that a limited number of them, (steamships,) employed in time of peace in the transportation of the mails, would be found a most useful resource of the Government on the breaking out of war.
" In conformity to the standards required by these contracts, their readiness to be
used at the shortest notice, their capacity as transports for goods and munitions of
war, and their great celerity of motion, enabling them to overhaul merchantmen,
and at the same time to escape cruisers, would render them terrible as guerillas of
the ocean, if fitted with such armaments as could be readily put upon them in their
present condition."
But, sir, what are the properties necessary for a war steamer?
Speed is undoubtedly one. In point of speed what other seagoing steamers equal those of the Collins line? None, sir;
none. They have beat the world and stand confessed without
a rival on the ocean. The want of speed, therefore, cannot
be among the supposed delinquencies of these ships. Great
strength is another necessary property. Well, sir, I hazard
nothing in saying the strength of no ship in the American
navy has been so severely tested as the strength of these
steamers. In gales of wind, when sailing vessels are lying
to, and merely breasting the force of the waves, these ships
are urging their way ahead with the mighty force of their
powerful engines, perhaps at the rate of eight or ten miles
per hour, and thus increasing the resistance, and consequent
strain, to at least two-fold, compared with the sailing vessel.
Yet, in this war of elements, they have never suffered.
Again, Mr. President: consider the enormous power of the
engines by which these steamers are propelled. Each of
these engines is of the calculated power of fifteen hundred
horses, operating directly on the ship itself, as the fulcrum of
the mighty lever by which she is driven through the waves.
Every stroke of the piston is felt, sir, from  stem  to sternfrom plankshear to keel —in every plank, in every timber, and
in every fibre. Why, sir, one of these engines exerts a power
sufficient to propel a ball of the weight of fifteen hundred
pounds, with a velocity of thirty-three thousand feet per minute-a body which, taking the velocity into the account, would
demolish the largest vessel that ever floated. The recoil of




22
teh of the largest batteries in the world would not exercise so
much strain on one of these steamers as does the power of
her enormous engines. And yet, sir, with the buffeting of the
waves, in gales and storms-with the exertion of all this propelling power-these gigantic ships, like the ocean rock
amidst the waves, have withstood, unscathed and unshaken,
some of the most terrible storms that agitate the Atlantic.
Sir, what more perfect test can be given of strength, solidity,
and seaworthiness than has been applied to these noble ships.
For myself' I can conceive none.
But, sir, the honorable Senator now takes up another position. He says that propellers are superior to side-wheel
steamers for war purposes. In this statement I perfectly
agree with him, taking it as a general rule. But, sir, propellers would not answer the purpose of our Government for mail
steamers. Their speed is not such as the times require. Under
the Government direction, therefore, these steamers were
equipped with side-wheels, and without which, however much
they may take from their value and efficiency for war purposes,
they would not have been available for the mail service.
With the British or Cunard line the case is the same. However, sir, the honorable Senator admits we require soine sidewheel steamers; and, sir, it fortunately happens that in the
Collins line we have some-that is, we have four side-wheel
steamers, the best in the world. The honorable Senator,
however, regrets that the navy and the mercantile marine
should be united at all. Sir, the honorable Senator's regrets
come too late. As far as these steamers are concerned, it has
already been done; and, in doing it, we have but copied the
example of the greatest naval power in the world; and I am
far from apprehensive that any evil will result from the act.
Mr. President, it does appear to me that not only pride of
country, but also our mercantile interests demand that this
line of steamers should not be left to an untoward fate without at least one more effort of this Government to prevent
such a result. Sir, the war of 1812 cost this country three
hundred millions of dollars. And for what was the war
waged and prosecuted on our part? It was, sir, to secure our
rights and promote our commercial interests on the ocean,
and to cause them to be respected. The great object was
gained; and, sir, as an American citizen, I thank Heaven that




23
my country has never succumbed to a foreign power. Her
flag still waves in all its glory, and is respected by every
civilized nation on earth. Nor would I strike our flag of
commerce. It has achieved a most important though peaceful victory, and I will not give my vote to have it furled, or
struck to any foreign rival. But, sir, such must be the case
should we refuse the aid contemplated in this amendment;
and we must suffer the mortification of descending in the
scale of commercial enterprise, and, for the want of some
trifling pecuniary sacrifice, consenting to become second,
when we were and might have remained first.
Sir, the superiority of our immense fleet of sailing vessels
is already established. Foreign nations, with all their apparent superior advantages, have been unable to cope with
us in this species of naval architecture. Our ships traverse
every sea and unfurl our flag in every port in the world, and,
wherever they appear, command the admiration of all observers. In this, our favorite and unequalled line of ocean
steamers, we have also the evidence that we can excel, young
as we are in this modern enterprise, all the rest of the world
even in navigating the ocean by means of steam. To deprive
us of this cause of triumph, and to prevent us from reaping
its fruits, it is that those concerned in the British line have
conspired to drive the ships of our American line from its
route. This effected, and you suffer the spirit of enterprise
concerned in the business to be crushed; and it will be a long
time before it can again be aroused to action. On the other
hand, encourage and sustain it, and but a few years will have
elapsed ere we shall have a fleet of steamships traversing the
ocean in ever direction, giving much greater facilities to commerce than it ever yet enjoyed, and greatly facilitating our
communication with all parts of the world. Besides this, sir,
our superiority in this matter being fully established, and universally known, as it will be, what is to prevent us from obtaining a large share of that lucrative business, now monopolized by Great Britain, of building steamships for other nations which lack the skill to build them for themselves? This
would be extremely beneficial to our merchants and mechanics, and in fact to all classes in the community.
Mr. President, the increase of our steam-marine would also
make heavy draughts on our immense coal fields. From




24
Ohio, from Indiana, from Kentucky, from Virginia, from Pennsylvania, and wherever coal is found, it may be transported
to all our seaports, from Portland to New Orleans, and at
every port it would meet with a ready sale. If all these interests are of any importance in our view, let us unite to
promote them by lending a helping hand to the company
which solicits it, and whose noble ships, I trust, are destined
to become the nucleus of a numerous fleet, all equally excellent.
Mr. President, I cannot permit myself to close these remarks without paying a well-merited compliment to the gentlemanly proprietors of the celebrated Collins line of steamers, equalled by none that float on the bosom of the ocean.
Sir, these gentlemen certainly deserve well of their country.
With a degree of munificence seldom equalled they have expended their money without stint on an object truly national,
and by the result have placed our country ahead of all others,
in point of practical success, with respect to steam navigation on the ocean, and thus wrested the palm of victory from
the brow of that mighty naval power which has claimed for
centuries to be the mistress of the seas. More than this, sir:
the millions they have expended, and by which they have not
profited themselves, have gone to reward honest industry and
mechanical science and skill. They have probably in this
way done more for the working portion of the community
and the cause of steam navigation than a like number of
men in the same length of time have ever done before in the
United States; and, whatever may be the ultimate fate of
their enterprise, on which they have expended so much money, they are now honored, and will long be remembered
with honor, for their noble work-a work that has opened a
new era in the history of steam navigation, the effects of
which will be seen and felt for generations yet unborn.




SPEEC II
OF
HON. SOLON BORLAND,
OF ARKANSAS,
AGAINST THE COLLINS LINE OF STEAMERS,
AND AGAINST
SPECIAL LEGISLATION-THE DOCTRINE OF PROTECTIONAND ALL MONOPOLIES.
DELIVERED
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
MAY 12 AND 17, 1852.
" Beginning with the first charter of the United States Bank, and ascending through the whole
series of minor monsters and monopolies to this model contract with the Collins line, vary
its aspect, and disguise it as you will, the principle you violate is the same, and
the evil you do is of the same general character, only less or more in proportior to the degree of force you move it with. This is-it must
be so, if God governs his universe by laws."-Page 19.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE.
1852.








SPEECH.
The Seaate tesrnmed, as in Committee of the Whole, the |' their practice had so uniformly and brilliantly ex"onsideration of the bill from the Hosie of Representatives  ermplified. On the contrary) by some of these,
entitled'An act to supply deficiencies in the appropriations  those views have been opposed.  I do not mean'for the service of the fiscal year ending the 30th of June,  by this that no o e in this discussion has sustained
1852," the pending uestion being on the amnendmenit of the principles and the maxims I espouse. I could
The Committee on Finance, as it hadbeen amended, to insert  not mean that, while the honorable Senator from
the following:                                    Virginia Mr. HNTR] is in my  ye, and espeFor additional comrpensation for increasing the transport-  Vially while the ability  eye, and  e speation of the tUnited States mail between NeV York and
Liverpool, in tile Collins line of steamers, to twenty-six  he has resisted this appropriation are so fresh and
trips per annum, at such times as shall be directed by the  glowing in my memory, And there have been
Postmaster General, and in conformity to his last annual
other honorable Senators, newer on this theater,
report to Congress, and his letter of the 15th of November                  newer on this theater,
last to the Secretary of the Navy, commoe'.cing said in-  who have come to the rescue, and done good sercreased service on the first of January, 1852, at the rate of  vice on the same side,. From their political asso$.33,000 per trip, in lieu of the present allowance, the sum   ciations I had not hoped this of them. But a sense
of 236a,500: Provided, atat it shtall be in the power of  of patriotism, superior to that of mere party, has
Congress at any time after the first day of January, 1854, to
terminate the arrangement for any additional allowance  lifted them above the barrier of those associations,
herein provided for,                              and brought them, battling, to the cause of right,
Mr. BORLAND said:                               and that, too, when the odds are against her;
Mr. PRESIGENT: It was not my wish or inten-  when, alas) right is not might upon this field. I
tion to speak at all upoms this deficiency bill, further  honor them for it.  Would that we could always
than to vote ay or nay upon the various items  have them with us.
which compose it, as they might be severally sub-    What the Senator from  North Carolina [Mr.
mitted to the Senate. And if others, on both sides  BADGER] said of the Senator from Virginia, [Mr.
of the Chamber, had not debated it at such length,  H.c'TER,] in this connection the other day, was
and in such a way as some have done, I should  well deserved. It is, indeed, true, " that if in numcertainly now remain silent. But the discussion  ber he is but one, in force he is a host."  I will
has been so extended and elaborate, and especially  not say his valor or his prowess was exaggerated
the amendment in favor of the Collins line of ocean  by comparing him with "Achilles upon the plains
steamers, now under consideration, has been advo-  of Troy, driving whole battalions before him."
cated by its friends, so urgently and upon such  But, as my honorable friend [Mr. BADGER] has
grounds, that I deem  it a duty, which I owe to  sought classic ground for similitudes, I would
myself and those I represent, to record my views  suggest that he need not have stretched his fancy
on the other side.                                so far back into the regions of antiquity as to disIn thus recording what I call my views, it is not  turb the mythical shades of a mythicalpoet's demibecause they are my views, and mine alone, that I  gods. An apter comparison, I apprehend, might
wish to declare them. Such a reason could not-   be found in the annals of more reliable history
could never, indeed-induce me to occupy the time  some six hundred years later, when that Spartan,
of the Senate.  But it is because I believe those  whose name has come down to us as the synonym
views are, in the first place, founded upon facts;  of firmness and devotion, stood almost alone in the
and, in the second place, are in accordance with  famed pass of Thermopyle.  And, perhaps, this
those principles of legislation and those maxims  comparison might appear the more striking and
of political economy which have so long been held  appropriate were it extended a little further.  For
to be sound and sacred by the political party to  it does seem clear to my mind that if every Greek
which I belong. And, further, because I have  had but proved true to Leonidas, the Persians
not found those principles and maxims sustained,  could never have prevailed. The repulse of their
on this occasion, by some of those under whose  onslaughts for three succesive days had driven
lead I have heretofore been accustomed to contend  them back, conquered and desponding; and, in my,
for them-some whose fortune and whose pleas-  opinion, they never would have renewed the ature it has heretofore seemed to be to stand in the  tack while, with the mountain barriers of the
forefront of the battle in their support-some  Constitution on his right hand and the deep sea
whose duty and whose interest I had trustingly  of good policy on his left, the bold front and
hoped would hold them alike to the faith they had  trenchant blade of our gallant chief had continued
so long and so ably taught, and to the good works  to occupy that'" twenty-five feet of ground " over




which, alone, by a forward movement of the enemy,    Such, Mr. President, is the spirit which actuthe heart of his country could be reached. But,  ates me-such the purpose which engages me in
alas! sir, for the supremacy of constitutional legis-  this discussion.
lation and sound political economy " in the mid-    In the execution of this purpose, it is not at all
die of the nineteenth century," as for Grecian in-  necessary, nor shall I undertake, to occupy the
dependence more than two thousand years ago,  whole ground of dispute, or consider every point
there has ever been such a thing as stratagem  in  of interest it presents. This has already been
politics as in war —back ways of approach to an  sufficiently done, and well done, by the honorable
American Congress, as there were secret " moun-  Senator from Virginia, [Mr. HUNTER,] whom  I
tain passes " to the rear of the Spartan camp. have acknowledged as my leader on this occasion.
Sir, we are surrounded-we are beaten! I not  I shall content myself, therefore, with touching
only see before me the interminable lines of our  a few of the main points upon which the decision
natural enemies, but I hear in close proximity,  of the whole question turns; and even so much,
and with painful distinctness behind me, the tramp  not with the slightest expectation of influencing a
of some heavy cohorts we had always deemed our  single vote, nor with even the shadow of a hope
friends, now acting in concert with the five millions  of turning any man's mind from the fixedness of
of Persians which Xerxes leads againt us. Ay,  present determination. This is another case, and
sir, we are attacked in front and rear. And you  it is likely to be a memorable one, of " foregone conare aware, Mr. President, that in politics as in war, elusion. "  I speak, therefore, for the sole purpose
it is a fearful hazard to be attacked in front and  of placing the reasons of my own vote upon the
rear at the same time. You remember how even  record, and that my constituents may see that in
the tried valor of General Scott quailed at its con-  this instance, as I trust in all others, I have, howtemplation when he went to Mexico. And it is  ever feebly, yet faithfully, represented their prinvery certain that such an attack, as planned by  ciples and their interests, by asserting my own.
Santa Anna, had it been executed by Mifion, would    The original ground upon which the first approhave beaten General Taylor at Buena Vista.       priations were asked and advocated for this line
I repeat, sir, we are surrounded and beaten. I  of steamers, and the only one upon which their
see it all-I feel it-I know it. Arid since, in la-  advocates seemed then to rely with any confidence,
menting this calamity, I have been tempted by the  was the adaptation of the vessels to " war purexample of my classical friend over the way, [Mr.  poses"-ay,,sir, that was the term-" war purBADGER,] far back into the shadowy land, for in-  poses;" and their incorporation, as the most imcidents of comparison, he, at least, must bear with  portant element, alike for economy and efficiency,
me while I linger there, to find some likeness of  into our system of naval armament and defense.
myself to the faithful Erarytl&s; for if, like him, in  We all well remember how earnestly and conficonscious weakness, I have bided at./lpenus, and  dently this was urged and insisted upon, as a
kept aloof from  my gallant chief while the ene-  consideration in its behalf; and no one, I appremy were all in front, and he seemed able, with his  bend, will question or deny that it was the consingle arm, to beat them off and drive them back;  sideration which secured a majority in its favor,
yet, now  that he is surrounded, ani evidently  and determined the success of the proposition.
doomed to fall, I, too, have left that position —   Upon that ground, alone, I hesitated, and was
whence, from " the loop-holes of retreat," I might  some time in doubt, whether I should support or
have watched the battle from afar, in silence and  oppose it. My instinctive aversion to all monopin safety-and hasten to his side in that hour,  olies, to class legislation in everyform, and under
when, if I cannot bring him aid to win a triumph,  whatever specious guise it might present itself,
I may, at least, share with him the martyrdom   and to all partnerships between the Government
and glory of defeat. For, sir, intuitive and strong  and speculators in patriotism, made me suspicious
as are my likings for a majority-and in this I am   of it at the first, and I was disposed to reject it
every inch a Democrat-yet, with the principles  without much examination. But there I was met
of Democracy I have learned, in part, at least,  with'this attractive and captivating phrase of
from  you and the distinguished Senator from   " war purposes."  I confess it was very atMichigan, [Mr. Css,] who sits behind me, (but  tractive and captivating to my fancy. I had but
should always be before me,) and which I have  recently returned from Mexico; and although a
ever professed and practiced, I would infinitely  year and a half in that interesting country-one
prefer to record my name upo0 your Journal as  third of the time a prisoner of war-had somewhat
the single one of a forlorn minority against this  abated my military ardor, yet it had not " taken
measure, than to be the foremost man of the heavi-  the starch quite out" of me. The very name of
est majority in favor of it, which that Journal  " war," and the means of its successful prosecucould be made to bear. J.tmicits Plato, amicus So-  tion, bore then a spell of power to me, as now, I
crates, sed maois amnica veritas!-an appropriate  doubt not, they do to the martial spirit of the honversion of which noble sentiment I adopt, in  orable Senator from Michigan, [Mr. CASS,] which
strong, terse old English, from the proud avowal  I found it difficult, as it now seems impossible for
of that great American heart, no longer here to  him, to resist. But not only did this attract. I
electrify a listening Senate, but a little way hence,  was reminded of the wonders which steam, as a
paling its fires before the light of another world,  motive power, had already worked in commerce
and stilling its mighty pulses on the margin of an  and the arts; and was pointed to the future, for
honored grave-                                   the still greater triumphs it was to achieve in arms.
" I HAD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN BE PRESIDENT!"  The past I was bound to admit-the future I could
-A  sentiment, sir, to which no heart bows with a  not contradict. I was, further, reminded of our
deeper reverence than mine, but which might fall  expensive naval establishment, which apparently,
with far more fitness and significance, on this occa-  or at least comparatively, useless, though scarcely'on, from other lips.                          less expensive, in our long intervals of peace, was




growing into a subject of complaint with a portion  presence of this proposition here before us at this
of the people. This I knew to be so. Then, by  time, that, in every material particular, the exwhat seemed a very natural transition, the import- periment has failed-utterly failed-upon its oriance of our Atlantic mails, and the good policy of ginal conditions. The steamers for war purposes
having them regularly, and speedily, and econom- were to be built, but they have not been built; the
ically transported back and forth across the ocean, efficiency of our Navv was to be increased, but it
were suggested and enlarged upon-I will notsay  has not been increased; the expenses of our naval
exaggerated, but certainly they were not estimated  establishment were to be reduced, but they have
at less than their true value. The array, so far, not been reduced; the cost of transporting our
was attractive, and imposing, and formidable-   Atlantic mails across the ocean were to be paid by
certainly so to one like myself, fresh from a region  the revenues from this line; but, instead of that,
where such things were not familiar, and new to  we have not yet received back quite one dollar for
the business and appliances of national legislation.  the three paid out.  In a word, all this service of
But one more element was needed to make the  curing evils and securing good was to be rendered
demonstration complete. That was speedily sup-  for the amount of money then appropriated, but
plied; and the solution was before me-as clear in  it has not been done; so far from it, indeed, that
its terms, as accurate in its letters, and-as precise in  here before us we have the broad confession of the
its lines and angles, as I, when a school-boy, and  fact of the failure, in the demand from the same
"' crammed for an examination," had ever made, parties, for nearly double the amount of compensato blunder through pons assinorum, on the black  tion; and we are coolly told, that unless we choose
board. Eureka! exclaimed the kind and skillful  to giveit, the experimentwill fail and beabandoned,
Palinurus, who had conducted me so far into these  and all we have heretofore intrusted to the science,
strange seas, as he opened to my astonished and  and skill, and enterprise, and patriotism of this
delighted vision the fair harbor of 1Nqew York, company, to be expended for the promotion of the
crowded with the Collins steamers, each one  public interest, and to sustain the national honor,
freighted with mail-bags for all Europe, and em-  will be a dead loss. Such a demand, from such a
brazured with guns to whip the world in arms! source and under such circumstances, argues, to
Here, I was told, was to be found a panacea for  my mind, one or the other of two propositions:
all the ills complained of, in the way of a useless  either that the parties making it are afflicted with
and expensive naval establishment, alike, in peace  a grievous inability to appreciate the relations of
and war, and of deficient mail service; and which, cause and effect, or that they are gifted with a still
at the same time, would prove the very nursery  more remarkable shrewdness of reliance upon the
and handmaiden, par excellence, of science, litera-  facility with which Congress yields to demands
ture, commerce, and the mechanic arts. TheSen-  boldly made, and pertinaciously pressed upon us.
ator from New Hampshire, [Mr. HALE,] had not  The result, alone, will prove whether Mr. Collins
then added, as he did the other day, civilization,  and his associates shall hereafter lay their grateful
morality, and religion, to the catalogue of its  votives upon the altars of dullness or sagacity.
blessings, present and prospective. This panacea    I have not given the items of the account upon
-this wonder-working, and good-compelling in-  which I have based my general statement of restrumentality-when disclosed, was neither more  sults, and from which I have drawn my general
nor less than to advance Mr. Collins money to build  conclusions. They have been already and suffihis ships, and when they should be built, to pay  ciently given, by the honorable Senator from Virhim for transporting in them our mails from New  ginia,'[Mr. HUNTTER,] who. in the performance of
York to Liverpool.                             his duty as chairman of the Committee on FiA distinguished medieal professor once said of nance, has thoroughly investigated this subject in
Crawford's(since Liebig's) combustion hypothesis  its details, and laid the facts before us. I need
of animal heat, that " if the facts which served as a  not weary the Senate by recapitulating them. It
foundation for this beautiful theory, were not false, is enough, for my purpose, that they are before us,
the deductionswouldbeirresistibie."  Somesuch  and before the world. I rely upon them, and
defect, it occurred to me, there possibly might be, feel perfectly well satisfied that they warrant every
in this hypothesis of the Collins line. For I was  inference I have drawn from  them. I may, in
not, as I am not now, without suspicion that there  publishing my remarks, incorporate or append
are such things as "false facts" in commerce, some of them, in the form of extracts and tables.
steamships, and speculation, as well as in the ex-    I have assumed that the element of" war purperimental science of chemistry. Upon this sus-  poses," however polentional it may have been in
picion I paused, and I also examined the question  the original problem, never was legitimately there;
-imperfectly and with difficulty,'admit, yet with  and even if it had been, yet, in the course of the
the best lights before me, and surely with an  demonstration, it has been left out as incongruearnest wish to ascertain the truth. It is not neces- ous and impracticable. The exposition made by
sary to trouble the Senate with the whole process  the Senator from Virginia [Mr. HUNTER] rendered
of that examination. It is enough, for my present this fact indisputable. But, sir, even if that were
purpose, to say that it failed to satisfy me that the  not so, it has been proved so clearly, and signifipositions assumed were facts established, or that cantly, and conclusively, by the honorable Senathe promises made either would be or could be  tor from North Carolina, [Mr. BADGER,] that I
performed. So I adhered to my original principle  cannot suppose it will ever be seriously insisted
of.action, and opposed the contract and appropri-  on again. That Senator, a friend, too, to this apation. And what has the result proved? It may  propriation, and as well informed upon these subbe said, I know, that time enouzh has not been  jects as any gentleman upon this floor-always
yet allowed to make a full trial of the experiment. excepting, of course, the honorable Senator from
Be that as it may, this I do know, and all the  New Jersey, [Mr. STOCKTON,] on my left-has
country knows, what indeed is proved by the very Jproposed to amend the bill, by cutting all, even




seeming connection, between this line and the  would have been stamped, as it deserves to ber
Navy, and turning them over, bodily, to the Post  as a Post Office arrangement, and nothing more.
Office Department.                             I therefore assume this to be a fact, satisfactory
The Senator withdrew his proposition; but he  to my mind at least, and I think fully sustained
had made it.                                   by the evidence before us. I think the proposiMr. BADGER. I am still in favor of it.       tion of the Senator from  North Carolina was
Mr. BORLAND. I have no doubt of it; and  right, as it was significant. It carried with it an
for that reason, were there no other, I attach im-  important explanation, which I think it is time
portance to it. But, sir, not only has the Senator  the American people had before them. It was
from  North Carolina done so, but the Senator I straight-forward and intelligible.  At any rate, I
from Texas, [Mr. RUSK,] in his place here yes-  think it placed the thing in its true position beterday, cut that connection, even more abruptly  fore the Senate. It stripped the daw of its borand completely than the Senator from North Car-  rowed plumage. It let the gas out of the balloon;
olina proposed to do. And how? In the course  and gave to the speculators' "airy nothing" of
of an incidental debate upon the proposition of the  "war purposes" its true name and "local habitSenator from Florida, [Mr. MALLORY,] he spoke  ation."  There, for the present, I leave it.
of the connection between the Navy and.this line    The whole proposition, then, to my mind, is to
of vessels as "seeming, and seeming only;" and  establish and maintain a mail-line across the Atthat its expenses ought not to be set down to the  lantic ocean. To that proposition, in itself, I
Navy account. Yes, sir, the connection, he said,  have no objection. Indeed, I am inr favor of itbetween the two was "seeming, and seeming  as much so, I apprehend, as any Senator upon
only."                                         this floor. or any citizen of this country. But the
Mr. RUSK. I stated distinctly, and I have  question is-How shall we establish and maintain
done so before, that no reasonable, intelligent man,  such a line?
could charge the expenses of these ocean mail-   In answering this question practically, it is well
steamers to what is termed the Navy proper. I  to consider how the other portions of our mail
have expressed that idea on more than one occa-  system are arranged and conducted, how the lines
sion. So far from holding the position that these  are established, how the service is procured, how
are not sufficient war vessels, I maintain now that  it is performed, and how it is paid for.
they are; and not to trespass further upon the    By our general law, all navigable waters are deSenator, when he asks who says these vessels are  clared to be mail routes; and, by occasional laws,.
capable of being war-steamers? I tell him Captain  certain roads upon the land are, also, declared to
Skiddy and Commodore Perry; and he is entitled  be mail routes. To establish lines, or, in other
to the benefit of my opinion, for I believe they are  words, to put service, or have the mails carried,
better than any vessels in the Navy.           upon the routes which have been established by
Mr. BORLAND. I do not question that such  law, is in the power, and at the discretion, within
is the opinion of the Senator on that subject. He  certain limits, of the Post Office Department.
has declared it over and over again, and the whole  When, in the judgment of that Department, the
country knows it. I alluded to his statement  public interest requires it, these lines are estabupon an incidental proposition here yesterday, lished, and their service procured. As the law
when he admitted the impropriety of having this  now prescribes, and as I trust it always will preappropriation, or any part of the expenses of this  scribe, public advertisement, giving due notice, is
line, connected with the Navy fund, or with the  made throughout the country, inviting proposals
Navy in any respect; declaring that this connec-  for carrying the mails; the contract to be awarded
tion was "seeming, and seeming only." But I ask  to the lowest and best bidder. Formerly-I think
any intelligent man, if these are ships of the  until 1845-the advertisements specified the means
Navy, capable of being used for war purposes,  and mode of service, as well as the time, the route,
where is the impropriety of charging the money  and the distance; and the contracts were made to
for sustaining them to the naval appropriations?  conform tothat specification. Since that time, the
It seems to me that would be the most natural  simple act of service, conditioned only as to time,
connection in the world; and with whatever ease  route, and distance, is alone provided for; the
a person practiced in examining the accounts of means and mode of transportation being left to the
the different branches of our public service, might  contractor. This change was not made without
be able to determine that this money was not  cause, or without reflection. I thought, at the
properly charged to the naval appropriation; yet,  time, it was a wise and a proper change; and I
1 apprehend, it would go out to the country as  also think the result has proved it to have been
the strongest declaration, which ninetees-twen-  so. For, thereis nothing more clearly and fully
tieths of the American people wno saw it, whether  established than the fact that, while the mail serintelligent or not intelligent, would takeas evidence  vice, generally, has been as well and efficiently
that this line was a part of the Navy, and that this  performed-perhaps better-the rate of its cost
sum was a part of the naval appropriations, and  has been very greatly reduced. To prove this, we
properly so.                                   need only refer to the annual reports of the Post
Mr. President, it seems that, not only is this  Office Department, before and since the change.
opinion entertained of this matter by the Senators  There was another reform in the same conlection,
to whom I have alluded, and by myself; but you  and the same time; and that was to abandon the
remember that yesterday, when the vote was  requirement which had, up to that time, been made
taken upon the proposition of the Senator from   of the new contractor, to purchase of the old
Florida, there was almost a tie vote in the Senate  one, all his old and worn-out " stock"-that is,
upon it; and there is no question, in my opinion,  horses, coaches, &c., which he might have on
that in a full Senate the present connection would  hand, however worthless it might be, at the close
have been severed, and the whole transaction  of the old and the beginning of the new contract.




7
I well remember the great reduction in the rate of And so, Mr. President, I think it ever has been,
cost of mail-service, from these two items of re- and feel sure it ever will be, in every pursuit in
form, set forth in his report, by the Postmaster  life, and with every article or fabric of production.
General, in 1846. He assigned the saving from    Look, sir, at the planting of corn, and of cotton,
these items, alone, as a very considerable resource, and of tobacco, and of sugar, and of hemp! What
if not the main one, which had sustained the De-  does this Congress know of those pursuits, or of
partment, in any tolerable degree, under the sud- those productions, which is not far better known
den and very great reduction of the rates of postage  to those individuals whose intelligence is sharpby the act of 1845.                            ened by.an interest we cannot feel, whose knowlThese changes, proper and useful as they were,  edge is enriched by observations we have no opin point of financial economy, were, in my opin-  portunities to conduct, and whose judgment is
ion, still more proper and more useful, by repu- matured by an experience not attainable by us,
diating the principle and abolishing the practice of nor in the habitual channels of our thoughts and
an interference by the Government, any further occupations? Why, then, should we interfere with
than may be indispensable to the public interest, them? Why undertake, by special legislation, to
in the business of the country, or of its under- prescribe the manner in which those crops shall
taking to regulate, except by general laws, the or- be cultivated, or the quantity of each which shall
dinary transactions between private individuals. be produced, or how  they shall be carried to
All the Government wanted, and all it could legiti- nwtrket, or at what prices they shall be sold? All
mately ask, was the performance of certain ser- those things should be left, as, thank God, they
vice-the transportation of the mail over certain  have been left, to the practical intelligence, the
routes, within certain times-and for this to pay  ample knowledge, the mature judgment, of the
a certain sum  of money, the smallest sum for men whose interest it is to regulate them wisely.
which this would be undertaken, by some compe- The result has been, good management and thrift,
tent and responsible man, binding the contractor, under the salutary laws of demand and supply;
in sufficient bonds, to perform his contract faith- and the inevitable consequence is a prosperity as
fully, and so supervising the service, in the course  glorious as it is unexampled.
of its performance, as to secure the public interest   Then look at the various manufactures of the
from detriment. This done, the duty of the Gov- country!  WVhat do we know of them which is
ernment was performed, and its functions ceased, not far better known, or what can we do for them
in that direction. Further than this it could not which cannot be far better done, by the practical
legitimately go, and, in my opinion, should never minds and hands which are engaged in their manbe permitted to go. I think the history of our agement and identified with their success? The
Government shows that whenever, by itself, it has  same principles of human action, and the same
undertaken to perform the functions of private in- general laws of business and of trade, apply here
dividuals, there has always been a failure to per- and determine results, as in agriculture, as I have
form those functions well; and especially has this  mentioned. Unfortunatelyfor manufacturesthemfailure been manifest, and most mischievous in its  selves, unfortunately for the country, and, at one
consequences, whenever, by special legislation and  time, almost to the ruin of this Government, the
time-serving policy, the Government has under- same wisdom has not, in every instance, presided
taken to provide for and regulate the business of over our national councils; or, at any rate, if she
the country-business which should be left where  did preside, she sadly verified what was said of
it properly belongs, to be suggestedby the saga-  her predecessor in remote antiquity, that wisdom
city, pushed forward by the enterprise, and man-  "sometimes nods."  For if we did not directly
aged by the enlightened self-interest of the citizen  interfere with manufactures, to the extent of prehimself. All history, I think, teaches us that this  scribing the several processes of spinning and
has been so; and that it will ever be so in all time  weaving, or of directing, in so many words, the
to come, is no less the suggestion of reason than  precise quantity and quality and price of producit is the admonition of experience.            tion, we did what, perhaps, was in equal disregard
Upon this idea, a saying of Nathaniel Macon,  and violation of principle, and what, in the end,
who once honored the Senate with his presence, proved even more mischievous in practice, when,
and guided it by his wisdom, may be quoted here,  by special legislation, at the expense of every
as an apposite and instructive exemplification. I  other interest of the country, we administered a
heard it attributed to him here a few years ago, by  stimulus to manufactures of certain classes, which,
a Senator no longera memberof this body. "If,' while it excited them to temporary excesses, alike
said Mr. Macon, "the Governrment of the United  of investment and production, was yet insufficient
States should undertake to become afarmer, it would, to protect them adequately against foreign or dobefore the end of five years, have to buy its corn for  mestic competition, or place them upon a secure
planting."  That1 sir, presents the very beau ideal, and permanent foundation; and with what conseor, in the language of the day, the daguerreotype,  quences to those manufactures themselves?  Need
of an incompetent and unthrifty farmer.        I remind Senators of what almost every page of
So, sir, it has ever been, and so it will ever be, our legislative history discloses?  Who does not
whenever the Government has left, or shall leave, know?  What student of that history has not
the sphere of its legitimate functions, to interfere  dwelt with interest, and felt his heart throb with
in the affairs of the people, or undertake the per-  alternate fear and hope, as he traced the rise and
formance or regulation of duties which individual  progress of the protection I allude to, during that
men should perform, and which they alone, when  stormy period of thirty years, from 1816, when it
left to themselves, can properly and efficiently per- began, until 1846, when it was last the wager of a
form.                                          battle which shook these walls? If the time were
This has been so with the mails. Mr. Macon  at my disposal, it would be of interest, and might
said it would be so with the crops, and I believe it.  be instructive, to pass, in review, all the leading:




8
incidents which make up that history. It may, occur again in our history. With the occasion,
under present circumstances, however, only be  then, which originated and justified the policy of
admissible, and will be enough for my purpose,to  protection, the policy itself must cease and deterrefer to a few of them only.                   mine. And here, sir, that I may avoid all chance
Except that it has been cited as a precedent, of being misapprehended, or of being suspected of
and has furnished some color for subsequent inconsistency upon this point of protection, I must
abuses, I do not say that I find objections to the  remind all who hear me of what that protection
tariffactof 1816. Thecircumstances under which  in 1816 consisted. The rate of the duties then
it was enacted, and the reasons which governed  imposed, I cannot now, -from memory, state with
its authors, I have ever thought justified it at the  precision. I am quite sure, however, that it did
time. We were then in our infancy as a nation, not exceed thirtyper cent. ad volorem. But,at arny
(as I was in mine as an individual.) Our re- rate, it did not exceed therates ofourrevenuetariffs
sources were limited. We had just emerged from  since that time; and in itself was entirely within
a harassing and expensive war, with the most the revenue limit of its day. My impression is,
powerful nation in the world; with our patriotism  that it averaged about twenty-eight per cent.
purified by blood and fire, and aroused to its full   But, Mr. President, that was the beginning;
strength and ardor; with our hatred of England  and though, like that apple which "brought death
and everything English intense and concentrated; into the world, and all our woes," it was harm;and with our hearts open and warm to all who  less in itself, and even pleasing to the taste, from
had given us sympathy and assistance in our days  that time dates, and from that has sprung, innuof trial, and were here to rejoice with us in our  merable woes in our world of politics. It may
hour of triumph. We wanted revenue to relieve  be in accordance with human nature, for it cerus from the burden of a debt, which was the price  tainly followed, that what was first received as
of our second independence, as well as to defray  bounty and protection, was soon demanded as a
the expenses of a Government whose power and  right; and that, too, by parties who had not even
value had now begun to be felt. Our people were  earned the first bounty! The poet has said that
galled and exhausted by the direct taxation, which j                    Fools rush in
had been onerous during the war. Relief was                Where angels fear to tread."
desired and needed, in all quarters. If ever there    I need hardly express the analogy which the
was, or could be, an occasion in the career of any  demands of this second class of claimants for propeople, when a resort to duties upon imports, for  tection suggest to my mind. If I did, it would be,
the means of relief and support was presented,  that
indeed forced upon them, it was our occasion in        Knaves are clamorous for gain,
1816. But in addition to this general considera-       Where honest men would hold their peace.
tion, which was scarcely less than a necessity, the    But the demand was made, and pressed with a
few manufactures then in our country had arisen, zeal and in a spirit of such sturdy beggary, that it
and were then placed, under very peculiar cir-  seemed to defy alike refusal and resistance; and
cumstances. They had arisen during the war, had attained its height of exorbitancy and success
fostered and encouraged by the non-intercourse, in 1828. The tariff act of that year was not inand comparative isolation,which war with a mar-  aptly characterized, at the time, as " the bill of
itime power had imposed upon us. And not only  abominations."  You were here, Mr. President,
had these manufactures been thus fostered and  and know all about it. I was still a boy-though
encouraged, but they had rendered important, in- not even then altogether uninformed, and cerdispensable services, by supplying our wants dur- tainly not indifferent, as to what was passing of a
ing those dark days of isolation, and suffering,  nature so important to the welfare of my country,
and danger. In view of their condition, then, and  and so generally agitating the minds of the people.
especially in consideration of the indispensable    Pardon me, sir, for these reminiscences. They
services they had rendered in our time of need, are of deep interest to me; being, of that period
there was not only a sense of good policy in the  of my life, when my political opinions may be
minds of our public men of that day, which sug- said to have had their birth-or, at least, to have
gested this mode of raising revenue, but there was  taken their indelible impression from " the form
also a sentiment-anda worthy sentiment it was-  and pressure of the times."  And in this connecof gratitude in the hearts of al), which conceded  tion, I trust the honorable Senator from North
protection to our infant manufactures. And to  Carolina, [Mr. MANGUM,] who sits furthest from
appreciate fully the need they had of some pro-  me, will not object that I refer to him for the
tection, it must be borne in mind, that not only  state of popular sentiment in the good old State,
were they immature and feeble in themselves, but which he still so ably represents; for those were
that, during the war, there had accumulated in  stirring times, sir, and that honorable Senator
various European countries, especially in England, was among the foremost of those strong spirits
large stores of manufactured goods which awaited  who stirred them-and that, too, against " abombut the hand of peace to remove the barriers which  inations."  I, then a boy-perhaps not older than
war had erected, to pour their floods upon our  the youthful Norval, when martial ardor drew him
shores, at prices reduced by excess of quantity, from his mountain home-I, too, " longed to follow
and thus to sweep our friends from the face of our to the field some warlike lord;" and my honored
own soil. Such is my reading of the history of father, himself a disciple of Jefferson, more lsrothe tariff of 1816, and such the considerations for pitious than young Norval's sire, pointed to that
which, I apprehend, I should have sustained it, Senator, as a leader most fit for me to follow.
had I been here to vote.                       From  that time, in armor suited to my years,
But, sir, as I said, the circumstances of that "with bended bow and quiver full of arrows, I
occasion were peculiar. The mere recital of them   hovered about the enemy, and marked the road
proves that they have not occurred, and never can H he took." Nor did I lose sight of my chosen




9
leader. My eye was fixed upon the white plume  the ruins of the compromise of 1833. Again was
of "free trade" which waved so bravely from  the country agitated; again were the Stuart's exhis "bonnet o' blue" —my ear lost no sound of pelled; and again were the friends of " free trade"
his clarion voice, as it rang'out from the summit restored to power. Upon that, followed the tariff
of " Red Mountain," reverberating among the  act of 1846; a return, in substance, to the eomprolesserhills of Hertford and Northampton, and ran  mise —a revenue tariff-of 1833; and once again,
along the valleys, even of the Meherrin and  upon this question, the country was at rest. And
Chowan, arousing the slumbering genius of " State  so, upon that question, it has remained until this
sovereignty."  And my very heart leaped upi time; for, although the "monopolists" under a
with a joyous exultation, as I saw "6 monopoly "  new name, under peculiar circumstances, and upon
after "monopoly " go down before " the fateful no distinct nor definite issues of public policy,
steel " of his broad claymore, until not one " mon- gained access to Executive power, in 1848, and
ster " of that hated clan was left. Such, sir, is a  retain it now, they have not yet been bold enough
transcript of my faithful memory of those days —  to disregard the past, or venture upon that experidoubtless less vivid than the original impression. ment directly, or in any palpable form, which has
I thus followed the same leader until 1832, and  ever proved fatal to their predecessors of the same
through that memorable year. Then, by some  faith.
mischance, I will not say how or to whom, I   My object in making this incidental recurrence
missed him. Here, perhaps, the curtain had as  to the history and consequences of the tariffs, or
well be dropped, except to say that when I  protective legislation of this Government, has not
next was able to take a full and unobstructed  been to revive unpleasant memories-nor to enter
view of his position and pursuit, the color of his  into any argument against it, further than to replume was changed, and the black weeper of mind the Senate and the country how disturbing
"protection" was in its place; the cry of "State  and injurious that legislation has been to the gensovereignty " had died upon his lips, and he mur-  eral interest of the country, sometimes even threatmured,not loud, but deep, Federal "consolidation,"  ening the very existence of the Union itself; and
in its stead; and instead of striking, as of old, all this, without conferring that benefit upon the
against " monopolies," I found, and still find him, particular interest it was designed to protect, which
upholding them  with all his Bruce-like power.  led to its adoption. For, after all, what has been
Here the curtain shall fall. I am, in all sincerity,  the effect upon manufactures, of all this muchgrateful to the honorable Senator for much I coveted protection?  Fluctuation, FLUCTUATIOONlearned from  his precepts and example some  the greatest curse, a curse which no benefit, nor
twenty-odd years ago. I trust I do no injustice to  all benefits combined, can compensate-has been
his present position.                          its unfailing and fatal attendant. As I said before,
But to return to the tariff of 1828. That year  it stimulates the business for the time; and, thus
witnessed the expulsion of the "monopolists"  encouraged, investments are extended, operations
from Executive power; and then commenced the  aire enlarged, and expenses multiplied; and, as a
real struggle for the repeal of " the bill of abomin- consequence of this, the productions are excesations."  It is needless to do more than allude to  sively increased. And this, not in view of the real
the fact of that struggle, or the crisis in the fate of wants of the country, nor in accordance with the
the Union to which it led in 1832and 1833. Those  laws of demand and supply, which alone ever have
incidents are but too fi-esh and painful in the minds  given, or can give, stability and success to any
of all; and many yet survive, who are still un- legitimate or useful pursuit: but, growing out of
healed of wounds received in the struggle which  mere enactments of arbitrary, special legislation,
developed them. It is enough that the crisis was  conceived in a spirit as narrow as the single interso imminent, that extremes met; and, as it were  est it would subserve, it neither comprehends the
of necessity, joined hands in a " compromise,"  relations which necessarily subsist between every
which, allowing ten years to equalize its burdens  other interest, and every pursuit, nor is competent
and its benefits,was solemnly agreed to be a sacred  to sustain the conflicts which, like "' a comet shot
league and covenant that, upon the questions it madly from its sphere," it must unavoidably enadjusted, there should be no more strife among  counter in its eccentric course, among interests
brethren forever. And for ten years, that cove- with which if left, undisturbed, to the general laws,
nant was kept; for during that period, the friends  it would be in perfect harmony. That this is so,
of " free trade" were in power; and they, as they  I appeal to the manufacturers themselves, whether,
have ever done, kept their faith. But, at the end of in their workshops at home, or here by their enthat period, by remarkable coincidence, the " mo- lightened Representatives in both Houses of Connopolists"gainedpower,again. And,sad spectacle  gress. If it be otherwise, what mean these jereit was-sad for the country! in the very hour of miads, and tales of terrible disaster, which crowd
their triumph, and as if to signalize it by a deed  the columns of every newspaper, of factories
which might mark the age that witnessed its per-  closed, of operatives without employment, of forpetration, with a stone so black that the memory  tunes ruined, of opulence reduced to beggary?
of man should never efface its impression-in that Or, perhaps, more significant still, what mean
hour, they broke that covenant, which had owed  those numerous memorials which besiege the
its existence- almost to the death-throes of the  doors, and pile the tables, and fill the committeeUnion-had been sealed, as it were, with the  rooms, of Congress, session after session, for
heart's blood of the nation, and been ratified by  " protection  protection! more protection!" Sir,
vows which can never be violated with impu- it is like a hot-bed crying for more fire, to sustain
nity. But those vows were violated, as I have  its unnatural plants, sickly from  artificial nutrisaid; and, sure and swift, followed punishment in  tion, and weak from  excessive growth, against
the track of the violation. The tariff act of 1842, the bracing atmosphere which gives life, and vigreturning to high protection, was erected upon  or, and healthy luxuriance to every other tree, and




10
shrub, and fruit-bearing herb, which God intended or does she now demand, protection for her one
fortheproper use of man, and which always thrives  hundred and twenty-seven ships, her seventy-five
best under the influence of his natural laws. Sir, brigs, her one hundred and fifteen schooners, all
you hear none of these complaints, and receive  built in the single year 1850, making an aggregate
none of these memorials, from the farmers and  of one hundred thousand tons for that year? Go
planters of the country. And the cause of this is  to Maryland-I appeal,also, to her Senators-has
twofold: First, because, as I have said, theirpur-  she ever had, or does she now demand, protection
suits are left in the hands of those who best know  for her one hundred and twenty-five clippers, built
how to conduct them, and thrive, as they progress, in 1850, which are the models for the world? Go,
in the free and wholesome air of individual intelli-  sir, to the West-to western Pennsylvania,to Qhio,
gence, enterprise, and exertion, and under the op-  to Kentucky, to Missouri-but no,sir, I will not go
eration of their own general and salutary laws.  there. Their Senators are here, but I do not now
And secondly, because of the more manly, and  appeal to them. 1 will not trust myself to do that
independent, and self-relying spirit.those pursuits  now. If I did, I should speak too much, perhaps,
are calculated to foster and maintain.         from  my heart, and consume the day-nay, I
And all this, Mr. President, brings me back al-  might consume a week upon that single theme.
most to the starting-point of my argument, and  But this I will say, and say it now, for the West,resolves itself into the general principle with which  that we have had no protection, and we ask none.
1 set out-that the Government should restrict it-  We want nothing, and we ask nothing, but justice
slf to the exercise of its few, simple, well-defined  and equality in the operation of your laws. Neifunctions, by means of general laws, of equal, ther of these, which are our guarantied rights ununiform, and universal application; leaving, not der the Constitution, have we ever had. I may
placing, all men and all pursuits, upon the same  have more to say on one point in this connection,
relative and substantial footing, which nature gave  presently.
them; and trusting individual pursuits to individual    But to return, sir, to the protection of commerce.
choice, and the results of their industry to be  I deny-and I think the facts sustain me-that
determined by the general laws of demand and  commerce, or navigation, as a legitimate, special
supply.                                        interest, needs protection; and even if it did need
Now, sir, if these general propositions be true-   such protection, I could never give it by special or
and I apprehend there are few members of the  exclusive laws, by which other interests, equally
political party to which I belong, and which are  entitled to it, and equally important, shall inevitin a decided majority in this Chamber, who will ably be put at disadvantage, or be made to pay
deny them-I say, if these be true, and, more es-  tribute to its advancement.
pecially if, as I have undertaken to show, and as.l  Mr. President, my strength has failed me. I
the same party has always maintained, they be  was quite unwell when I began, and am unable
applicable to the agricultural and manufacturing  to stand on my feet any longer. I hope, thereinterests, why-why, I ask, are they not appli-  fore, it will be agreeable to the Senate to postpone
cable-why shall they not be applied-to the cona- the subject till to-morrow, when, if able to be here,
mercial pursuits of our people?               I I will conclude what I have to say.
Sir, it needs no industrious search after facts,   The postponement was agreed to.
and still less does it require a labored or ingenious
argument, to answer this question. The facts are           MONDAY, May 17, 1852.
before us, and before the world. They are to be
seen from the dome of this Capitol. They are to be    Mr. BORLAND resumed:
seen on every river, and harbor, and "inland sea,"    When, Mr. President, I was compelled, from
of this vast continent of ours. They are asserted  illness, to suspend the remarks I was making
with a boldness which startles the world, under  upon this question, last Wednesday, the Senate
every sky, where float tfe stars and stripes from  was kind enough to postpone the subject; and,
an American mast, and where every sea is cut by  even next day, when I was yet too ill to be present,
the swift keel of an American ship, whether that a further postponement was permitted, in courtesy
ship be wafted by the free winds of heaven, or to me. This is the first moment when I could repropelled by the steam of American genius. The  sumemy remarks. I tender my grateful acknowlgrowth and vigor of our commercial marine, and  edgments for the courtesy extended to me; and
especially the rich argosies of commerce which it now proceed with the discussion, from the point
wafts to and from our shores, and through every  at which I was compelled to leave it.
vein and artery of our land, are among the chief   1 had then concluded my general views of the
glories and boasts of the nation. And yet, they, question before us, and of the principles involved
sir, starting from nothing, have grown and flour- in its discussion. I come now to the application
ished, as the commerce of no other people in the  of those principles to this particular amendment.
whole world has ever grown and flourished, since   And this brings up some special examination of
the Phoenicians first ventured in little boats from  this Collins line of steamers. To what branch
Aradus to Mount Carmel, to the hour when the  of the business of the country does this line belast new clipper left her " ways" at Baltimore, to  long? Which of the great interests, or industrial
shame the naval architecture of the world. And  pursuits, does it represent? The answer 1 have
all this growth and glory, without protection-  given, and which I have undertaken to show is the
without any help from the Government. All of true answer to these questions, is, that it comes
it, sir, achieved by the genius and enterprise of under the head of commerce-that is, commerce
individual people, left to the exercise of their own  and navigation combined, which are here inseparfree thoughts, and to the untrammeled use of their  able, and may be treated under one head.
own skillful hands. Go, sir, to Maine-I appeal   Then, sir, what is there peculiar to this line,
to her Senators, now present-has she ever had, which removes it beyond, or lifts it above, the




11
rule we apply to other ships, or other commercial    But to be serious, sir, this much we have seen,
interests?                                       and do know: the influence of this line has already
", Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed,   full sway in the Executive counsels of this GovernThat he is grown so great?"                  ment-it has already the monopoly of the newsI anticipate the answer Mark Antony will give. Oh,  paper press of this Metropolis; and, remorseless
sir, I know it-I have heard it-1 have read it here,  still, like some huge and hungry Boa Constrictor,
there, everywhere.  And I might have seen, and  it is fast winding its tortuous and fearful folds
perhaps enjoyed it too, "or a part thereof," had I  about the body and limbs of this Congress,until
but visited " the beautiful Baltic," when she came  our strong ribs are giving way, and our very heart
a-wooing here, some month or two ago-another  seems ready to be squeezed out, in the ghastly
Venus, from the froth of the sea, as she rose upon  form of appropriations, which, if this pressure be
the vision of admiring thousands, and stood re-  not removed, will pour the life-blood of the Navealedin allthe nude voluptuousness of her charms,  tional Treasury into the capacious and rapacious
without even the hands covering the chaste genius  maws of bankers and speculators. Already, hunof Praxiteles has thrown before the Cnidian statue  dreds of thousands have thus been squeezed out
of the goddess,-leading in her train Bacchus, with  and swallowed up. The cry is still for " more!"
his cups, to intoxicate the brain; and perhaps, too,  And now, millions upon millions are demanded!
the boy-god son of the zoned Cyprrian, bearing, with  A few days will determine whether that demand
arch and graceful impudence, his heart-compelling  shall be granted.
quiver. And we all know that Orpheus was there,    And, apropos, Mr. President, of the influence
as he certainly was here, with his negromantic lyre,  this line is bringing to bear upon us, and which I
strung to the modern " higher law," and played  have called a "pressure:" A remark which fell
upon by steam, who successfully moved even this  the other day from  the honorable Senator from
grave Senate to adjourn; and, as he sung, I almost  Michigan, [MIr. CAss,] and which suggested this
fancied that we-                                  designation, struck me with great force. I will;" sat upon a promontory,      read it:
And heard a mermaid, on a dolphin's back,    "; Sir, you know, and we all know, that there is a great
Uttering such dulcet and harmonious breath,  external pressure in favor of all subjects of this kind; and
That the rude sea grew civil at her song;   it should be guarded against and resisted with ceaseless vigiAnd certain' stars shot madly from their spheres,'  tnce, or it will, in time, acquire an ascendency, injurious
To hear the sea-maid's music. "              lance, or it willineto the best interests of thie country."
And I know  not how many, or what other, pro-         ere, Mr. President, is the orgnal of the deaHere, Mr. President, is the original of the ideafane gods and goddesses besides, were there, no, sir, I am wrog; not the idea, for my own obto mingle and minister at the institution of Saturservation had suggested that; but of the terms in
nalia for this capital of the New World. But,  which I have attempted to express the idea of the
sir, not possessing a soul so easily as others
sir, not possessing a soul so easily as others  influences which are operating to squeeze this ap" moved by the concord of sweet |s ounds," nor  ]nspropriation out of us. Sir, the Senator was right;
yet, I trust, more fit than they "for treason, strat-  he called things, as he usually does, by their right
agem, and spoils," I was not led away, by the  names, and gave us a fair and salutary warning,
ears, on that occasion. It was I, as you may  "that there is a great external pressure;" that
remember, who  cried, "Get thee behind me,  "it should he guarded against and  resisted;"
Satan!"  And, thanks to the spirit of the sacred
prase, I was not led into that temptation.        11 L"or it will prove injurious to the best interest of
phrase, I was. Pot l      ed into that temptatiov.   the country."  I, myself, have felt this " presMr. President, the answer, however, which I  sure" the Senator from  Michigan [Mr. CASS]
have heard and read so much, has not satisfied   u
have heard and read so much, has not satisfied  must have felt it, too, to have characterized it so
me. It does not satisfy meyet; and Iapprehend   well.  I sincerely regret that we cannot have his
it never will or can, for the reason that I have not vote to help us to comply with his advice to refound it in accordance with the facts, nor  on vote to help us to comply with his advice to refound it in accordance with the facts, nor con- sist it.
sonant with the principles which govern my judg-    And still sir holding tthe Constrictor,  am
ment, and determine my votes                    reminded of the description which an Oriental
But, Mr. President, the history of this line, traveler has given of one of these monsters he
and the circumstances under which It comes before  awin theIsland of Ceylon. It was fifty feet long
us, have suggested another answer which, while                   proportion; ad, after long lying 
it is certainly clearer, and more comprehensible, is    t, had    cceeded in capturing a large musk
also more in accordance with what I understand  ai h
also more in accordance with what I understand ox. I need not give the whole description, though
the facts to be. And that, sir, is the vast amount it is interesting. At the close of it, however, he
of capitaI invested in this enterprise; cosisting   It is interesting. At the close of it, however, he
of capital invested in this enterprise; consisting,             raphically says:
as that capital does, nominally at least of large  quaintly but
s  ct  a    s  "As the folds tightenied, and the broad chest of the noble
sums of money-some $3,000,000, or more-and  but now suffering animal began to yield under the great exof a fund and a force of mental shrewdness, bold-  ternal pressure, its bones were snapping with a noise as of
ness, pertinacity, and want of delicacy, it has i so many pistol shots. and strange sounds were emitted from
never before been my fortune to witness, and  itslaboringthroat
which it sometimes amazes me to contemplate.    But, sir, to return to the question: what is there
Such a capital is potent, beyond all my powers of peculiar to this line, which should exempt it from
computation. I doubt if my honorable friend  the rule we apply to all other ships, and their asfrom North Carolina, [Mr. BADGER,] armed with  sociated commercial interests? To my mind, there
that Dilworth's arithmetic of his, and even my  is nothing which should do so.  Inasmuch, howhonorable friend from  Kentucky, [Mr. UNDER- I ever, as various reasons have been assigned why
WOOD,] with the talisman of his "square root,"  this should be done, I will briefly examine the
were to come to my assistance, whether even  main ones upon which reliance seems tobe placed
then, we could estimate the sum of that potency,  by the friends of the proposition.
or trace it out in all its ramifications.,       First, then, the ships of this line are said to be




adapted to war purposes.  I have already alluded  line which performed it was a part of the Navy.
to this, and expressed the opinion that, although  On the contrary, in special reference to this very
the contract required it, and it was the only  point, he declared the connection between this line
ground upon which a sufficient number of votes  and the Navy to be "seeming, and only seeming. "
could be got for the original appropriation, yet it  I could draw no other inference than I did. But
is a condition which has not been complied with.  the Senator says now, it is his opinion that these
And this opinion is based upon what certainly are  steamers are suitable for " war purposes," and
significant and, I think, conclusive facts and cir-  may, in time of need, be made useful as such.
cumrstances.  I have said, and I repeat, that apart  For the Senator's opinion I have great respect, as
from  every other circumstance in the case, the  I have entire confidence in his candor. He must
proposition of the Senator from  North Carolina,  excuse me, however, if I cannot adopt his opinion,
[Mr. BADGER,] a leading friend of the measure, to  when I do not find it sustained by what my mind
turn this whole line over to the Post Office Depart-  can recognize as facts; and more especially, when
ment, was proof, to me, that it was no suitable nor  I do find it opposed by an incidental argument of
proper part of our naval establishment; was, in-  his own, which strikes me as of great force and
deed, a virtual, as well as an actual abandonment,  significance.  But, besides this general reason,
by those competent to judge, and authorized to  there are some special reasons for denying that
speak, of the whole original ground of wzar purposes.  these ships are adapted to " war purposes."
And if this needed corroboration, that was surely    We have it from reliable authority, and it was
furnished by that admission the Senator from   so stated here by the Senator from Florida, [Mr.
Texas [Mr. R-usK] made, incidentally, to the Sen-  MALLORY,] who is familiar with such things, and
ator from Florida, [Mr. MALLORY,] that this line  it has not been denied, that these ships are built of
has " a seeming, and only a seeming connection"  unsuitable materials for war service; that their outer
with the Navy, to which I have already alluded.   walls are made of "pine plank;" whereas, those of
Mr. RUSK.  All that I said was, that the ex-  all vessels of war are made of oak; and that their
penses charged upon the books of the Treasury to  " timbers and frames" are a " mixture of live-oak,
this service, ought not to be charged either to the  locust, and pine;" whereas the  " timbers and
Post Office or to the Navy fund proper, and esti-  frames" of all vessels of war are mnade of live-oak.
mated as appropriations for either of those De-  Whywasthis? Will any one undertake to say that
partments. That was all that I said in relation to  live-oak, and all other kinds of wood used in naval
that point.  But so far from admitting that these  architecture, and that, too, in abundance,and of the
vessels were not suitable for war purposes, 1  best quality, cannot be had at any and all of our
stated at the time, if 1 remember aright, that they  yards? Why,then,was thisliglht,unusual, and unhad been examined by a board of respectable  suitable material made use of in the construction of
naval officers, appointed for that purpose; that  these ships?  Sir, but one answer can be giventhey had been pronounced suitable, and had been  certainly, in view of the facts, but one should be
accepted by the Government.                       received-and that is, they were never intended for
Mr. BORLAND.  I remember, very well, that  " war purposes," and therefore were not built of
the Senator said so. I am  not speaking of his  materials suited to those purposes.
opinion.  I am only stating  the facts. When I    Again: it has been objected, and upon what I
made this allusion before, the Senator made a sim-  must receive as good authority-certainly as reilnar explanation to the one he has now given. He  spectable for character and competency, as any
thougtht I gave an erroneous interpretation of his  which has been adduced on the other side, and
remarks.  What he did say, may not have fairly  superior in number of witnesses, and in the directrepresented what he 7meant; but I apprehend, as  ness, point, and force of their statements-that, behis remark was reported in the papers, it would  sides their defective material, the strtcture of these
be understood by the country precisely as I inter-  ships unfits them for " war purposes," or for easy
preted it. The other day, when I made the allu-  conversion to such purposes.
sion, I did not have before me the Senator's re-    Of the persons who have been called in to susmarks.  I have since examined them, in print,  tain the character of these ships for convertibility
and now have them before me.                      into war steamers, I find Commodore Perry, CapIn opposition to the amendment offered by the  tain Skiddy, and Mr. Francis Grice, a naval conSenator from  Florida, [Mr. MALLoRY,] and ap-  structor, themain,ifnotthe onlyonesrelied upon.
pealing to him, he said:                          This, I confess, hasstruck me with some surprise,
"Is he willing to separate the Navy from a seening, and  and is, at any rate, a very significant circumstance.
only a seeming connection'with this line, by throwing it  I can well understand how it is that the testimony
upon ihose ivwho pay postage upon letters, throughout the  of ally great number of naval officers has not been
given or presented here against the war clharacter
I think my interpretation of this was the only  of these ships.  Being officers of the Government
one it would naturally bear.  And I think, fur-  which they find engaged in an enterprise of seemther, it derives additional propriety, if needed,  ing great importance, and under the orders of an
fronm the suggestion, evidently made, in his opinion  Administration that they know to be favorable to
then expressed, that the whole policy of making  that enterprise, what more natural, if not actually
the Post Office Departmentdepende-tupon its own  becoming, than for them to remain silent at least,
revenues was wrong; and that as the payment of  and abstain firom what might be regarded by their
this mail service directly from the Treasury was,  superiors, as unwarranted and officious?  And I
pro tanto, a correction of that wrong, lhe was for  can appreciate, also, the motive, as well as official
continuing to make it there.  Nowhere, in that  delicacy, which would restrain them fiom coming
connection, did he even intimate that this service  forward unasked with their opinions, especially if
(mark, it is mail service) should be paid for out of  those opinions were unfavorable to the views of
the general Treasury, upon the ground that the I the Administration, or to any private interests.




13
But, sir, some have been asked-how many 1 do $  "It will be well,however, to premise that, under no cirnot know, and a fetw  have given their opinions.  cumrtances, and at whatever cost, can a steam-vessel, built
Of those, as I      have  said, the three  whose  names I  expressly for the transportation of freight or passengers,
Of those, as I have said, the three whose names I  be made, in any manner, equal in convenience and efihave mentioned, seem to be all who have spoken  ciency to a vessel originally intended for war purposes,
favorably-certainly all who have been relied upon  even assuming that the materials of which the respective
as authority to sustain the naval character of these  vessels are constructed are in all respects equal. And for
ship.I repeat, Sir, that, to my mind, this is  the obvious reason, that in the construction of a vessel of
ships.    repeat, sir, that, to my mind, this is   war, from the laying of the keel, every part of the vessel is,
both surprising  and significant-surprising  that  in the progress of completion, nlade subservient to the acso small a foundation handlarrangement of the armament, the safelarge a superstructure as has been attempted to  bkeeping of the munitions, provisions, water, &c., and the
larg     upon at                                      berthing of the several classes of officers, and the crew;
build upon it; significant of the general condem-  while in mail or packet steamers-in this country-no prepnation which the officers of our Navy have given  arations are made for any armament, the ingenuity of the
to this new system.                                    builder being alone taxed to render them extravagantly
And of these three witnesses who have been  showy and best adapted for the accommodation of numerous
brought forward for these ships, Commodore Per-              ers and the stowe of freight."
ry is the first in rank, and perhaps the first in    " Question first.'VVhether the steamships employed in
authority.  And even he is summoned by both' the transportation of the United States mail, under conthe  prosecution and defense.  The  Senator from'tract with the Navy Department, or anly other steamships
the prosecution and defense. The Senator from      employed in the transportation of our foreign mails,-are,
Texas, [Mr. RuSKE, as now the leading advocate''in all respects, suitable for immediate conversion inlto
of this line, quotes him to prove that these ships' steamers fobr war purposes, capable of carrying the armahave been properly constructed, and may, at no' ment or battery appropriate to the class specified in the' contract?'
great additional cost, be adapted to "war pur-    "In answer to the foregoing [first] question, I am of opinposes."  But, then, he is also quoted by the Sen-  ion that they are'not in all respects suitable.'"
ator from Virginia, [Mr. HUNTER,] to show that
the witness's own statement is exceedingly in-  if It should be taken into view that those mail steamers,
if called into service as war vessels, would be considered
definite and unsatisfactory.  It  is true  e does  as forming an auxiliary force to the regularly-contstructed
say, as quoted by the Snator from  Texas, in  ships, and hence the impolicy of expending much money
speaking of the Baltic, (and I take her as the best,  on them. The requisites of sound hulls and powerful enand this as the summary of the best he has said  gines, with efficient armaments, should alone be considered,
and this as the summary of ther:)          has said  leaving superfluous ornament out of the question."
of her:)
", Although not in accordance with every particular stipu-    So much for Commodore Perry as a witness
lation of the contract, as has already been made known to  in this case.  I make no question of his candor
the Department, by the superintendent in charge, she    i  either of
constructed of suitable dimensions, build, and finish, to conform with the contract forcarrying the mails on her destined  he has here made.  I am  only dealing with his
route, and with the preparations and additions of suitable  statements as 1 find them.  It will be observed
war appointments, she could be easily converted into awar  that his last statements, as here quoted on each
steamer of the first class."_November 25, 1850.        side, are of the same date, February  18, 1852.
February 18, 1852, he says:                         Let those reconcile their discrepancy who can.
eAccording to my calculation, theecost of the conversiot  If it may be said to preponderate on either side, 1
of either of the before-mentioned vessels, exclusive of arma-  think  t s against  ese ships-certainly against
ments, repair of machinery, and ordinary repair, would not,
or certainly ought not, exceed, for steamers of the first class,  the system  under which they were contracted for.
$20,o00, and for those of the second class, $15,000; and it  But, upon the whole, I think he has so far ridcould be readily done for this at any of our navy-yards, pro-  den on " both sides of the sapling" at the same
vided that useless alterations were not made. *        *    *                     may well be dispensed
"The armaments of the respective vessels would, of  time, that his testimony may well       be dispensed
course, be a separate cost; and to arrange the guns on the  with altogether. And   feel very sure that, in a
upper deck, it would only be required to close up three or  court of justice where the "rights of person or of
four of the hatches or sky-lights; to strengthen the deck by  property" were to be decided between individuals,
additional beams and stanchions; to cut ports, and construct the pivot and other carriages; probably it might be  although a very technical judge might admit his
desirable to shift the capstan and cables."            statements to sustain some "special plea" upon
But here, again, as quoted on the other side by  that verylucid and elastic phrase "war purposes;"
the Seniator from Virginia, he says:                   yet any intelligent and fair-minded jury, who de" The mail steamers of the contracts of Howland & As-  sired to ascertain the real merits of the case, would
pinwall, of George Law, and of E. K. Collins, can be easily  certainly "set him aside."  But, I confess, I have
converted into war steamers for temporary service, in  some curiosity to see an experiment tried upon the
cases of particular emergency. These vessels, with little  Commodore himself, and that is, to offer him this
strengthening of the decks, can be made to carry each a   -,,
few guns of heavy caliber, and may be rendered useful to
convoy, in the transportation of troops, carrying dispatches,  ron, with which he is going out as a missionary
conveying public functionaries, &c., &c.; but their service  to the isolated Japanese, to whom, it seems, for
could only be contingent, and, as before remarked, temposome mysterious purpose, supposed to be political,
" The cost of converting them to war purposes would be  our present Federal Executive deems it salutary
large, and in no respect would they be as economical, or  to administer a little./merican opiunl, or something
in any way equal to vessels built expressly for Government  stronger, from the muzzles of certain heavy guns
service; nor should they, in my opinion, interfere in the  upon "land carriages."  I apprehend the expeleast with the organization and gradual increase of an efficient and permanent steam navy. The use of steamships  rienced Commodore would hardly risk them for
in ouir future naval operations must inevitably change in a  even such " war purposes" as that.  If he did, I
great degree the art of naval war. Indeed ino one can im-  should regard him  as a fit companion for those
agine what changes will be effected, as well upon the ocean  famous  three wise men of Gotham, who went to
as upon the land, by means of the new agencies which have
been more practically developed within the last quarter of  sea in a bowl."
a century." —.pril 9, 1850.                              I observe, here, another thing that seems signifiExtracts from  a letter to the Secretary of the  cant. It is the peculiar character of the certificates
Navy, from  Commodore M. C. Perry, of 18th of  which JMr. John Lenthall (whom  I take to be a
February, 1852:                                        naval constructor) appends to the Commodore's




14
several reports in favor of the several ships of              *   *   * *   *   "The steamers of Mr. Colthis line.                                            lins's line, now in progress of construction, will cost $550,000
Mr. STOCKTON, (in his seat.)  He is among   each. Yet the boilers of these vessels, and all the other
mail steamers, are of iron, their hulls are not constructed
the ablest and most experienced of our naval con-  of live-oak, and the vessels are without the spars, rigging,
structors.                                            armament and equipment of naval steamers."    *   *
Mr. BORLAND. I have no doubt of it. Then,    "1 The first mail steamers have proved inadequate to their
service, from the insufficiency of their construction; and
M.M~r. Lenthall says:                                 after but two and a half years' service, and at a cost of re" I concur in this report, as to her being a mail steamer  pairs and alterations exceeding their first cost, they are now
of the first class.'                                 incapable of any useful naval purpose; they, therefore, an
And he says no more.  But that is a point that  ignorance of their worthlessness existing, are estimated in
no one questions.  1" Mail steamers of the first  our means of naval defenses; and when required for such
purpose, the dependence would prove as disastrous to our
class" we admit them  to be.  It is their being  national interests as their construction has been to our prosuitable for "war purposes," that we question  fessional reputation as constructors and engineers."
and deny. This gentleman seems cautious and
prudent in his certificate, and is, no doubt, reliable,    Upon the points touched  upon  so far, I think
the testimony overwhelming and conclusive, to
I shall have occasion to use his testimony upon   prove that these ships are not suitable for  war
another point in this connection, presently.ese ships are not suitable for " war
Next comes Captain Skiddy, upon whom  the              purposes.'
honorable Senator from  Texas [Mr. RUSK] lays           In respect to the means and mode of propelling
great stress.  I find his statements coincide, sub-  ocean steamers, and especially as to the mode
stantially, with those of Commodore Perry, in  adopted in these ships,.here is difference of opinstantially, with those of Commodore Perry, in  ion.  But in teference to that mode, as connected
favor of these particular ships; with this advant- i   on. Bu          t in reference to tha t m ode, as connected
age for them, that he does not contradict himself.           war purposes," the weight of testimony is
Mr. Francis Grice, a naval constructor, isthe ~    still more against them, if that be possible, than
third authority upon whom the advocates of these  upon the other points I have already examined.
ships rest their claims to be suitable for " war    I allude particularly here to the difference bepurposes."  Well, he is a good witness for the  tween the "side wheels, or paddles," and the
parties who have introduced him, to the extent of  " screw," usually called the   propeller."  All
his competency and credibility; for he certifies to  these ships of the Collins line are "paddle-wheels.
I do not know that I can better express my own
all they desire-to rather more, I apprehend, than
the Senator from  North Carolina [Mr. BADGER]  opinion upon this. point than by quoting a short
believes to be true.  He was first introduced by   paragraph from the speech of the honorable Senthe Senator from  New  Jersey, [Mr. MILLER,]  ator from Ohio, [Mr. WADE,] delivered here last
and afterwards by the Senator from  North Carolina.  He is clearly in, for all sorts of" war pur-      I know nothing of war or of naval operations, nor do I
pD ~,s" sprofess to know anything about them; but any man of the
poses.                                                least common sense, at the very first glance at these steamI now come to the witnesses on the other side.  ers, would perceive that they were not designed for the
It will be remembered that Commodore Perry has  purposes of war. Nor are they compatible with it at all.
been " set aside," or stands neutral as to the ships;  Why, one cannon-all, raking the paddle-teheels-whicl
form  a most palpable mark-of one of those steamers,
and is against the system.                            would cripple her as effectually as a man could cripple a
First, then, on this side, I introduce an extract  goose on the wing. Talk about their utility as vessels of
from the report of Commodore Charles William   war! I know they would not be of the slightest use."
Skinner, to the Secretary of the Navy:                  Nor, sir, does the Senator from  Ohio stand
", 7. What is the best instrument for propelling commer-  alone in this opinion; for, without counting mycial ocean steamers, the paddle-wheel or submerged screw?  self, there is high and decisive authority fo giving
and do these instruments require different models for the  self, there
hull?                                                 the "screw" the preference over the "paddles,"
"' Jnswer. The paddle-wheel is generally considered the  particularly for "war purposes," and indeed for
best instrument of propulsion where speed is required; but  all purposes of ocean navigation, especially on
lbr the purposes of war the screw would be preferable, and  long voyages. But, in view of the obvious nathey do require different models.long voyages.  But, in view of the obvious na"'8. Do you consider commercial ocean steamers, as now   ture of the case itself, it seems to me that but
built, convertible at once into war steamers, and capable of  little authority is needed beyond ordinary powers
efficiently performing war service  into war ste      of observation, and a fair allowance of common
1 A.nswer. They cannot be convertedinto war steamers
without great expense, and then they would be inferior to  sense, to enable and compel any man to determine
those designed solely for that purpose."              for himself that this must be so.  When we conThis, I think, will do for a set-off to Captain  sider that the paddle-wheels of a steamer are a
Skiddy.                                               "most palpable mark," as expressed by the SenSecond, comes Mr. Haswell, Chief Engineer of  ator from  Ohio-a mark that could hardly be
our Navy.  His testimony, I apprehend, will  missed by an enemy's shot; and further, that
stand a comparison with that of Mr. Grice.  It is  upon those wheels depend the whole means the
this:                                                 ship possesses to make her way through the
" With alarge majority of the commercial ocean steam-  water, the conclusion seems to me equally palpaers now built, the proportions, capacities, and construction  ble with the wheels, that the whole fabric is most
of their hulls, and the design and arrangement of their engines and boilers, are such as to render them incapable of exposed in its most vital part, and i constantly
efficient and economical war service, without incurring ar  liableto becrippledand knockedup by a singleshot,
expenditure in alterations and a loss of time that would not,  or at most, by a couple of shots, from an enemy's
except in cases of national emergency, be at all repaired  gun. Brak te wheels of the largest and best apby the ultimate durability of the hulls of the vessels i a their  n
ready transfer to, or in their economical performance of inted steamer which floats upon the Atlanticactive.service."                                     "the beautiful Baltic," if you please, even best
*   *   *   *   *   "They are so deficient in  adapted to "'war purposes," and such an accident
stability, withoumt the spars and armament of a naval steam-  might easily happen from a single cannon shoter, that it is necessary to:depress them beyond theirintended
limits, in order to effect their passages with the probability  and she would,  deed, lie like "a crippled goose"
of security."                                         upon the waters, rolling, helpless in the trough of




16
the sea. And I apprehend  that he who had    "From the superficial examinations I had the opportu"'gone down to the sea" in her, would feel very  oity of making, these ships appeared in about the same degree of readiness for immediate conversion into steamers
much like a crippled goose, also, as he lay at the  for war purposes as merchant ships, according to their size
mercy of the enemy's fire, unable to attack, un-  and speed, are into frigates or other classes of ships of war
able to escape!                                      possessing the advantages common to large vessels Of a
On the contrary, the "screw-propellers" are  capacity permitting, if required, the additional materials
necessary, and the armament and equipments required to be
perfectly safe in this respect. All their machinery   placed on board to make them war vessels."
is below the "water line," and the screw itself is    Then, here is English authority upon the same
deeply submerged below  the stern of the ship;
deeply submerged below  the stern of the ship;  subject, and from a source entitled to the highest
thus not only securing  all the motive power  respect:
against the reach of danger, but leaving the deck
flush, and the broadsides of the ship to be filled  Extracts from the "Jinutes of Evidence taken before
with guns, as in the regular man-of-war; and    the Select Committee on Steam.N'avy," ordered by
permitting the hull to be fashioned after such a    t  British House of Commons in 1849.
model as shall best give strength and facility of    At page 73 of the printed reportW is the testi
motion.                                            mony of Captain W. H. Henderson, R. N., C.
And here I had as well add, that in the side-  B., as follows:
wheel ships, it is not alone the " paddles" that are   "' 741. Do you think that vessels of that packet class,
whexposedl sibutptheentisnet inelf the wolem acnery  taking a superior class of vessels, might be made useful in
exose.d, but the engine itself, the  hole machinery  the case of war, for channel purposes and protecting our
of motion, is above the water.  This, it is true, Is  coast, and for looking out? Very useful.
mainly covered by the upper decks, a very frail    "742. But not to supersede men-of-war? No; I concovering at best, while the vessel remains, as she  sider that they are a different kind of vessel; they are made
for working against the head winds of the Atlantic, aind
was built, a merchant ship or mail steamer.  But  they are underrigged, and are not intended for sailing."
everybody concurs in the statement, and we all 
know the fact, that the first step towards convert-    At page 81, same report, is the testimony of
ing such a ship into a vessel-of-war, must be to  Captain H. D. Chads, R. N., as follows:
remove those upper decks; and although such pro-    " 892. Do you think that they would supersede the use of
tection as they afforded was almost nominal, yet  steamships built expressly as ships-of-war? I should aptection as they ~alfforded was almost nominal, yet  prehend that we should make a sad mistake if we attempted
their removal certainly, completely, and at once,  to do away with our own. I think that under no circumexposes all the machinery, as well as the paddles,  stances could you apply them as men-of-war, strictly in the
to every kind of missile from  an enemy.  And  meaningoftheterm'men-of-War.'
"893. You do not conceive that they are so well adapted
there is no remedy for the evils of this exposure.  for fighting purposes, and for keeping company with fleets,
The position of the machinery cannot be shifted.  as ships that are built for the Royal Navy? I apprehend
When the ship was built, every part and appur-  that they would be always required to be under steam, to
tenance designed to be permanent, was placed in  keep company with our fleet; I do not think, from their
rig, that they have sufficient canvas to enable them to keep
its appropriate position, and accurately adjusted to  way with our vessels without steaming; that they would
every other portion, so as to secure due concert  be constantly under a certain portion ofsteam, consequently
of action among the several parts, and the greatest  their coals would be soon exhausted.;'
power and facility of motion, as a whole.  If any      At page 89, of same report, is the testimony of
of the material conditions of this arrangement be  Rear-Admiral Sir Charles Napier, K. C. B., as
changed, the equilibrium will be disturbed and the  follows:
harmony of parts destroyed.  The upper decks    ", 1015. Would you confine the use of those vessels to
are originally intended to be removed, upon oc-  the channel, or would you make use of them by sending
casion, and are constructed accordingly.  When  them abroad into our Colonies? I do not think they would
removed, this beautiful bird of the sea, to which  be fit to go abroad with that fitting, which I think they
ought to have at all times, because it is too late to begin to
they had before given some pretense of shelter and  fit when the enemy is on your shores. I do not think they
protection, must go forth entirely naked and ex-  would be fit to go abroad, because they would be too small,
posed, alike in her wings and her vitals, or she  and as the greater number of large ones would be abroad at
cannot go forth at all.                              the time, you would not be able to get hold of them."
But I said there was good authority for these          From  similar sources the honorable Senator
opinions-and I am not aware of any against them.  from Virginia [Mr. HUNTER] makes the fallowing
And here I will introduce Mr. Lenthall again.        brief, but pregnant summary:
Extracts from  Mr. John Lenthall's letter to,"I omitted the testimony of Lieutenant Roberts, of the
Commodore C. W. Skinner, dated 18th of Febru-  English navy, in 1848. He was asked whether the American steamers could carry guns? He said, no better than
ary, 1852:                                           their own, and not quite so well as their own merchant
"I would, in the first place, state, that there is some  steamers. I say, that these facts prove undoubtedly, that,
doubt whether a side-wheel steamer can be made into a war  according to the opinions of all, or almost all, the pr ofessteamer of the first class.                          sional men of eminence, both in the British Navy and in
" The machinery of such a steamer should be placed be-  ours-and my friend from Florida (Mr. MALLORY] tells me
low the level of common dangers from shot;, and to enable  that such also is the practice and opinion in the French
her to become a cruiser requires that she should be a per-  Navy-it is considered that no other steamer is fit for purfect sailing vessel in all respects-not only in the power of  poses of war except the screw-propeller."
the sail, but also in its position. The ftllness of the ex-    And then, the same Senator condenses his opintremities should be such that the motions of pitching andand clearl, and sustain  it so conascending may be within moderate limits, and they should  ion so forcibly and clearly, and sustains it so conbe able to support the heavy guns at their extremities,  clusively in another short paragraph, that I must
which are deemed essential to their armament. It is desir-  be permitted to  substitute his words for my
able that they should be fast vessels, but they must be capable of using as well as carrying their armament; and as no
other quality can compensate for a deficiency in this, it be-    "I am authorized in saying, from all that I can see, and
comes a primary consideration."                      from all that I canl learn, that it is now an admitted fact
*   *        * *  *   *   "The words'suitable  amongst professional men, that steamers with the paddlefor immediate conversion into steamers for war purposes,' I  wheel cannot be made efficient war-steamers-that the
understand to mean the state in which an actual ship of  screw-propeller is the only mode of making a war-steamer
war would be if temporarily employed in carrying the mail-  which can be efficient. That is distinctly proved as the
of passengers.                                       opinion of those English officers who were examined at the




16
time to which I have referred. I have recently read a book  merchant service; and Mr. Ward said that they had anof great interest, written by Captain Halstead, of the British  swered perfectly, in the Holland trade, when they had been
Navy, in 1850, in which he demonstrates that fact. The  tried. He was asked in 1848:' Are you aware whether it
screw-steamer is superior for these reasons: 1. She can  has become common in the merchant service to use the
carry a whole broadside, which a paddle-wheel steamer  screwt-propeller?' He answered:
cannot carry. 2. Her machinery can be effectually pro-    "' It is extending in the merchant service, and has protected from shot-and I am told that it was but last year, or' duced some very curious results. The experiments had
the year before, that a British paddle-wheel steamer was' been particularly successful in the case of those small
disabled by a single shot fired from a slaver off the coast of' schooners which are built for the trade with Holland, and
Africa. 3. She can go to sea with a much less supply of'then they seem to have succeeded completely. They have
coal, for she uses steam only as an auxiliary power to sails.' engines which occupy only one seventh of the vessel,
She is capable of being built upon the finest models for' while the engines ofthe Blenheim occupy nearly one third.
strength and speed, which cannot be done with the side-' And they attain very considerable speed, eight knots, eight
paddle, because the necessity of carrying the armament'and a half knots, and nine knots. The screw is never
fore and aft impairs the force of the ship."'raised. The apertures are all immersed, and the voyage'of two hundred and sixty miles, upon a long series of exI must here say, that I am not indebted to my   ~ periments, averages about thirty-six hours.'
own research for most of the facts and authorities," I was shown, this morning, a letter just received from
which I have cited and relied upon. 1 have already   Boston, from a gentleman of high authority and great exsaid to the Senate that I: have drawn largely, asP   perience in such matters, who says:
said to the Senate that I have drawn largely, as I,,'My opinion is so strongly in favor of propelling with
rely with confidence, in this respect, upon my' strong auxiliary steam, that I believe if two steamers were
honorable friend from Virginia, [Mr. HUNTER.]'to be sent on a survey, or a naval cruise of any kind, the
I have had his kind permission to do so, and avail'paddle starting to-day, and the propellerbeing laid down a' month hence, at the end of eighteen months the latter would
myself of the privilege to take from one of his late'be ahead in her work, at a cost fifty per cent. less! In
speeches the following extracts:' short, the paddle must be constantly near the coal-yard' and the machine-shop, while the other would be inde" Extract from note accompanying the letter from Com-' pendent of both.'
modore Perry, of 18th February, 1852, from which the above     Indeed, e says much to jutify the opinion that the
extracts were taken:                                  screw-propeller, as an auxiliary, is destined to make a rev-'" The deterioration of ocean mail steamers growing out  olution in the merchant service. It is a fact of which I have' of wear and tear and gradual decay, notwithstanding every  no sort of doubt. I was told, on Monday, at the Navy De-'possible repair, may be estimated at five per cent. per an-  partment, that they had made a comparison of the log of the'num for live-oak ships-perhaps a trifle less."' San Jacinto,' before her machinery broke down, with the
" I could go further, and produce you the same sort of log of the' Saranac;' the' San Jacinto' being a propeller,
testimony from other sources; but that is enough. I know   and the' Saranac' a side-wheel steamer. The' Saranac'
the friends of the amendment rely upon a letter which Com-  beat the' San Jacinto' less than three per cent. in point of
modore Perry wrote, and which, I suspect, is to be inter-  speed, while the superiority, in every other respect, was
preted into an opinion that the ships might suit for tempo-  with the' San Jacinto."
rary purposes-for transportation, and kindred services. I    "' So that if we are to expend the money which ought to
looked into the proceedings of the special committee to  be expended in the gradual increase of the Navy in thus
which I have referred, raised in the British Parliament, in  keeping up side-wheel merchant steamers, we will not
1848, upon the subject of steamships, and I found there the  only expend it in a service to which it will not be ultimately
same opinion expressed by Captain Henry D. Chads, and  useful, but we take away a fund which is necessary, in
by captain Henderson, and by Admiral Napier, all of the  order to increase the Navy in a mode which will be useful
Royal Navy.  They said that their merchant steamers  to it, and which will enable us to exercise our officers.
could not supersede the war steamers, and were not equal  Why, what is our policy in relation to the Navy? We seek
to them for war purposes. They all said that such steam-  to maintain just such a Navy, and no more, as will preserve
ers were not fit to send abroad, and would burn out all their  the police of the seas, so far as it is incumbent on us to
coal before they could get abroad. But they said-what is  maintain that police. We also keep up a skeleton arrangetrue in their country-that they might be eminently ser-  ment, capable of extension and expansion in time of war.
viceable for purposes of defense in time of an invasion-to  To make that skeleton arrangement efficient, it is indispensdefend the Channel in case their country should be in-  able that we should have all possible means of exercising
vaded. It is evident that this examination was made under  and training our young officers. How can we do it, if we
great apprehensions of a French invasion, for their inqui-  expend the money on steamers to be commanded by merries seemed to be directed to that contingency.  Upon  chant captains? And that is the case, I understand, with
being questioned, in order to ascertain whether they could  these Collins steamers. Ought we not to expend the money
make war steamers out of those ships, Captain Clads said,  which we can devote to such services upon war steamers
that if they were strengthened, fore and aft, so as to make  of proper models, and with proper machinery, so that our
them capable of carrying guns, they would lose the quality  officers may command them, and be exercised in a steamer
of superior speed; and he intimated that a British war  with all her appointments, and complete as to machinery,
steamer was not much more valuable for the quality of s-  sails, and battery?"
perior speed, if she was not able to fight anything of her
cost and size. Of what advantage was that to her, but to    The Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Graham  himrun away?-and was that a quality which was valued in a  self, who seems to be in some sort relied upon by
British steamer? Sir, if that is a quality which is not tobe.friends in support of this line, is compelled
valued in a British steamer, I Wvould ask whether it should  ts
be highly valued in an American steamship of war?    evidently with reluctance, to admit, from the dis" Now, if you will look to the testimony of Commodore  cussions and testimony of competent naval officers,
Perry, you will find that he had some ideas of the same  c" that vessels of this description cannot be relied on
sort, for he italicizes the words "for temporary purposes."
And why for temporary purposes?  You could not use  to supersede those modelled and built only for purposes
them long. They would soon burn out their coal and use  of war."  The highest merit he claims for them is
up their fuel. They could not carry guns enough for any  that, while " a limited number of them may be emextensive service."                                   ployed inime o peace in  he trnsort            of the
" I find, too, that in the examination, in England, in
1848, Lord Auckland says the English are using the screw-  mail," they  might also  be useful upon  " the
propeller* to a large extent, as an auxiliary power in the  breaking out of war," as " transports for troops and
* " Extracts from a work entitled' The Screw-fleet of the' and then it calls upon all of us to pay for the expense of
Navy,' by Captain E. P. Halstead, of the English Navy.' burning them.'
He commends the adoption of screw-ships in the Brazil    "And again, he says, at page 89:
mail service, for the following reasons: At page 87-    "' I am not in error when I state that the practical differ"' Because it is a principle which is capable of reducing' ence between paddle propulsion and screw propulsion,' public expenditure, at the same time that itimprovesgen-' that is to say, between large ships carrying large cargoes' eral commerce. Because it takes less out of the public' of coal and small cargoes of goods, amounts to this, viz:' purse, and puts more into private ones, while paddle pro-' That the auxiliaries are able to make a profitable return' pulsion draws very largely upon both; for, instead of car-'upon freights which are twenty-two per cent. lower than' rying goods, the paddle is compelled to carry coals only,'those demanded by the full powered steamer.',




17
munitions qof war;" but he looks to using them in I trasts somewhat strongly in appearance, it is true,
no higher naval capacity than in the way men-  with the high pretensions under which they got the
tioned, and as a sort of occasional " privateers or  Government and themselves into the present diffiguerrillas of the ocean;" but only then "fitted with  culty. Yet is not so unnatural a transition after all;
such armaments as could be readily put on board, even  for mendicity and self-abasement form no unusual
in their present condition. "  This is his own lan-  sequel to high pretensions, and magnificent display.
guage, in his report of March 8, 1852, in which  Itisintimatedthatthereisadisposition,somewhere,
he was evidently endeavoring to say all in their  to disregard the good faith of the Government in
favor which conscience would permit.  Under  this case, and ruin Collins & Co. by a violation of
these circumstances, he not only does not pretend  their contract. Now, sir, it is as well that we should
that these ships can be substituted for our vessels  understand one another, and that the country, and
of war, but he expressly says they " cannot be re-  Mr. Collins too, should understand us all, upon
lied on" for any such purpose. Mark, sir, this is  this point. Where, I ask, has any disposition
said by the Secretary, in an official report, designed  been manifested, anywhere in Congress, to violate
as the basis of Congressional action, and from the  this contract, or to make its conditions even hard,
best professional advice which his command of the  upon Collins & Co.? I deny any such wish or
whole Navy could enable him to procure.         intention, for myselV, and for those with whom I
Now, what is the natural and unavoidable in-  am acting. Nor, sir, has any such wish or intenference from all this?  A Senator here and there  tion been evinced on any occasion, or in any remay rise in his place, and tell me that he believes  spect whatever. The suggestion, that there has
"these ships are as good for war purposes as any  been any such thing in existence, is as unfounded
ships in the Navy."  But, while I admit the  in truth, as the claims of this company, to further
honesty of that belief, and highly respect the gen-  favor at the hands of Congress, are unfounded in
eral information and intelligence of those who en-  merit. This last, I think, has been pretty clearly
tertain it, yet, to receive that for proof which shall shown already; and will, I further think, be placed
disprove so much that is based on established facts  beyond dispute, before I have done with it.
and sustained by reason, is rather too large a pill    "The contract!"  Well, sir, what of the confor my credulity and'complaisance, combined, to  tract? Gentlemen seem  to forget its terms and
swallow at a single dose. Opinion and belief will conditions, as well as the circumstances under
not do for this occasion. Proof is required-it is  which it was entered into, and the manner of its
indispensable. If it existed, the Secretary of the  prosecution. To prevent misapprehension, it is
Navy, together with this very astute company,  well we should recur to them. I have nothing parwould certainly have it here before us. But it is  ticular to say of the beginning of this affair, when
not here; and though called for time and again, it  it was originally begged and bored through Conis not forthcoming. I can infer only that it does  gress. That was before my day here, and comes
not exist.                                       down to me as a part of the unwritten history of
Surely I have said enough upon this problem of  those times, from  those who were here, and ob" war purposes," especially in reference to the  servers of what took place. But I am sure it has
Collins line of " paddle-wheels."  I consider the  not been exaggerated to me, from my own obserproblem solved. It certainly is to my own con-  vation since I came-especially in the advance of
viction. For the reasons I have adduced, and  money for building these ships, and the extension
many others which might be brought forward,  of the time for completing them-and still more
and which, I think, make proof, both circumstan-  vividly in view of what has been going on all this
tial and positive, completeagainstthem, Iconclude  session, and is now at work. I allude to that
that the ships of this line are not, in the true and  " great external pressure," which the honorable
proper sense, suitable for war purposes, and that,  Senator from Michigan [Mr. CASs] reminded us
to answer such purposes to any really important  of the other day, and which I have already likened
or useful extent, can never be made so. The Sen-  to a huge snake, involving and compressing us in
ator from  North Carolina was right, therefore,  its powerful folds. But these considerations, much
when he openly abandoned the ground that they  as they disgusted me before, and humiliate me
were so, and proposed directly to turn them over  now, do not affect my opinion of the contract itself,
to the'Post Office Department. And the remark of  nor will they influence my course in regard to it.
the Senator from Texas was also true, whether he  So far as it is a contract, l will observe its terms
intended to be so understood or not, that the con-  and conditions, myself, as fully and as firmly as
nection of this line with the Navy was " seeming,  any man who voted for it. And sir, I will go a
and only seeming."                               step further, which some of those who have voted
Upon this ground, then, of" war purposes,"  for it do not seem  disposed to go-and that is, I
this enterprise, however meritorious in other re-  will make the other parties observe it too. But
spects, is a failure, and must be abandoned. It is  further than that, on either side, I will not go.
not exempt from the operation of the same rule,    I ask, again, what are the terms and conditions
therefore, which, in our ordinary legislation, we  of this amuch-vaunted contract?  Here are the
apply to other navigating and commercial interests;  facts: In November, 1847, Collins & Co., under
and, therefore, it has no just claim to this allow-  the act of March 3d of that year, contracted to
ance out of the Treasury.                        build, and have ready for service, five ships of a
And here, Mr. President, I think it not improp-  specified character,four of them at the expiration
er to notice what has seemed to me a somewhat  of eighteen months, and the fifth " as early as may
extraordinary feature in the discussion of this  be practicable thereafter;" and for the service bf
question. Intimations have been thrown out by  these ships, in carrying the United States mails
the friends of this measure, that Collins & Co. are  across the Atlantic, the United States to pay them
very ill-used individuals-suffering patriots, and  #385,000 a year, in quarterly payments, to begin
threatened victims, as it were, in their country's after the service had commenced. This is the first
cause! Well, sir, such an attitude, for them, con-  contract. It binds both parties to do certain things.




18
The obligation is reciprocal. It is binding equally  allel in its transactions, and passively complying
upon the company and the United States. And,  to every demand?  What has it refused?  Or,
bear in mind, sir, it was a contract, in all its terms  rather, what has it not granted and agreed to, in
and conditions, into which Collins & Co. actu-  every particular of terms, time, and money, which
ally begged, and bored, and teased the Congress,  this company demanded? Mr. Collins's tongue
upon the earnest and reiterated assurance, that they  seems to have been gifted with the spell of" open
could and would execute it promptly and faithfully.  sesame," to the heart of Congress and the doors
Well, what was the result? Why, sir, before half  of the Treasury; and surely he has not been idle
the time had expired, at the end of which they  in its use. Three times has he uttered the magic
were to have four of these ships ready for service,  phrase, and as often have we all said "ay," and
(under this much-coveted contract of their own  the public coffers given up their gold.  Cui bono?
proposing,) this very sagacious company dis-  What part of the public interest hits been promoted
covered that they had not the ability to execute  by all this?  For whose benefit has it all been
their contract at all. So here theycomeback upon  done?  Has it realized the expectations for the
Congress, representing that unless we extended  public s'ervice, upon the hypothesis of which we
them some relief and assistance, the whole scheme  authorized this contract to be made?  Or has it
must fall through and end in smoke. Then, to  relieved us of these pressing demands upon our
carry out this addition to their scheme, there com-  time and attention, or saved the Treasury from
menced another series of begging and boring. I  these perpetual drains?  No, sir, no! But, it is
speak of this from my own observation, and it is  a fact beyond dispute, and patentto the world, that
familiarly known to the Senate. The result of this  this company, themselves, have disregarded the
was a provision in the naval appropriation bill, of  terms of their contract from the beginning; and,
August 3, 1848, authorizing the Secretary of the  in almost every essential particular, have set it at
Navy to advance to Collins & Co. $25,000 a month  defiance. Its fundamental, and still subsisting,
for each of their ships, to enable them to build  condition has been left out of view; and seems
them; that is, $100,000 a month for the four ships  now, indeed, to be impossible of execution. And,
until they should be completed and ready for ser-  at every session, since the thing began, we have
vice. This was consummated under asupplemental  been besetby them, with the cry of "help me,Cascontract, dated February 6, 1849.  With this  sius, or I sink!"  This cry has come up from the
concession, which was all they pretended to ask  ocean, as if from throats fast filling with the bitter
for then, and far more than they had asked for in  brine; and the other week we heard it gurgling,
the beginning, this company expressed themselves  as if from one going down, for the last time, besatisfied, and gave renewed assurances of a speedy  neath the tide of near Potomac. Indeed, I never,
and faithful performance of their contract. But,  nowadays, cross the bridge, in walking on the
again, what was the result?  Why, sir, a month  Avenue, without listening for the voice of some
had not elapsed, perhaps not a day, before they  drowning Caesar, from the fetid waters of our own'discovered again that they were unable to fulfill  little Tiber. And just as often as we have heard
their contract, and we had them upon us again,  this cry, just so often have we given help. Let
even more clamorous than before; thus proving, us beware, lest the parallel be extended; and ere
it would seem, that concessions of advantage to  long we find that we have as little cause as Casthe speculator, like blood upon the tongue of a  sius had, to rejoice in the charity of helping a
wolf; instead of appeasing, but serves to make his  tyrant to the land. Not that I fear Mr. Collins,
appetite ravenous for more. And so actively did  or his line, for any direct or immediate mischief
they work, and sturdily beg, that from the 6th of he may do, even if he shall get the millions he
February to the 3d of March,'some twenty-five  now demands. No, sir, I have no fears of that.
days, they got a provision in the naval appropria-  But, there is good cause to fear that, if we recogtion bill, of the latter date, allowing them an exten-  nize the principle which his demand involves, as
sion of time to June 1, 1850, in which to finish  a rule of action for the Congress, we shall, thereby,
their ships and begin their service; in the mean  have set up a power over us, not less subversive
time, the advance of $100,000 a month to them to  of the principles of the Constitution, and destructcontinue.                                       ive to the just and equal rights of the people, than
This is a true history of the transactions, under  was the usurpation of Caesar to the liberties of
that famous contract, up to the beginning of this  Rome.
session of Congress; when it had reached its third    " The contract!" Call you this a contract? By
reading, with amendments at every stage, and  whom has it been recognized as binding?  Surely,
each of them against the United States, and in not by this company. They have not complied
favor of Collins & Co.! And these are the un-  with its conditions from the beginning; and they
protected, persecuted, sufferingindividuals, whose  have told us often, and they tell us now, they canmodesty and patriotism, have brought them under  not comply with it. Nay, more, that unless we
the heel of a hard and grasping Government! change it, they must give it up. I say this upon
Commend me to such modesty and patriotism! Of authority; at any rate, upon an authority which
a truth, I know no parallel to them, unless it be  this company will not dispute, and are bound to
found in the standard moderation of those gentle  recognize. I say it upon the authority of the Sendaughters of the horse-leech, whose incessant cry  ator from New York, [Mr. SEWARD,] who is the
is, " Give! give  "                             Fidus./lchates and.1jax combined, of this company
No'one can deny these facts, or dispute the  on this floor-their friend in counsel and their
statements I have based upon them. They are  champion in fight. In his speech in their behalf,
from the official records here before me. Contem-  on the 27th of last month, in showing their condiplate the picture they present!  Has Congress  tion,hesaid:
been niggardly in its disposition, or hard in its,' They further show that a capital of.$3,000,000 invested
dealings, with this company? Has it not, on the  has paid no dividends, and been reduced, by inevitable
contrary, been liberal to a degree without a par-  losses, to a little n;ore than $2,500,000; that their stock is




19
sold, in Wall street, at fifty cents on a dollar; and that,  to secure the freedom and efficiency of its vitality
even if they would, yet they cannot dispatch another ship or  a
mnail after the 15th of May next."aa              and vigor, by a frequent periodical recurrence to
the source of all legitimate power-the elective
Here, sir, is their confession, in the most direct franchise.  Without repudiating the very principle
and emphatic manner, made by their authorized  upon which they were assembled, and stultifying
organ and advocate, before the Senate, in the pros-  themselves, the framers of the Constitution could
ecution of their claim. In the face of this confes-  not, as they did not, mar, with such a solecism as
sion, call you this a " contract "-a subsisting and  the grant of such a power as this, the perfection of
binding obligation?  Why, sir, it is but the name  those fair tablets of political law they have transof such a thing in mockery.  It has not one sin-  mitted to us, and which, in my heart, I religiously
gle substantial quality of a valid contract; or, if it  believe were, from  "the burning bush" of our
ever had, it has been excluded by the purposed  Revolution, delivered to our fathers, by the hand
violation of one of the parties.  Nihil, nihil! even  of Inspiration itself.
as reduced in the derivation, being ni-less, hilum,    I know, sir, but too well, that such considerthan a bean-chaff! Ay, sir, " less and lighter than  ations as these have often been disregarded, and
a bean-chaff;" and blown away by the first breath  the great principle I have mentioned has been vioof reason.  It has hardly the form of such an in-  lated, in the exercise of the very power I deny.
strument left to commend it to one moment of re-  Banks, and corporations of an humbler grade, and
spect. A contract is reciprocal in its terms, and  contracts almost innumerable, lie as thick upon
binding equally upon both parties, or it is no con-  the course of Congressional legislation, as did the
tract at all. When violated by one of the parties,  black stones along the path of the children of the
it is, virtually, at an end for both; or, if it be per-  eastern King, and are just as clamorous when we
mitted to continue for the benefit of either, it is  will not, like those who have preceded us, forget
only at the sufferance of the one who has faith-  the lessons of the good Dervise, whom  we had
fully observed it. From  the moment, then, that  consulted at the start.  I trust there are some
this company came before us, and, avowing their  here, yet, who will follow  the example of those
inability to execute their part of the contract, asked  wise children, a(nd stop their ears with leaves
us to alter its conditions for their relief, it ceased  from the Constitution; for thus alone will any of
to be binding upon us, and has continued ever  us be able to save ourselves, and protect the counsince, and is subsisting now, only at our suffer-  try, against these dangerous clamors which assail
ance. At any time since that moment, it has been  us here, on every side.
voidable to us; and we may now, rightfully, de-    But, sir, seeing that the Constitution has thus
dare it absolutely void whenever we think the  been disregarded, and that Congress has been so
public interest requires it to be done; and, if we  often degraded from its high functions of legisladid it in this very hour, the mouth of this com-  tion, and reduced into a mere administrative bupany, by their own wrong, is closed forever against  reau, what have been the consequences to the
a single murmur of complaint.                     country?  I appeal to the experienced members
As will be readily inferred, Mr. President, by  of this body-and to you, sir, the most experiall who hear me, I am not a lawyer. To my own  enced of them all, for the truth of what I sayconsciousness of this, was once added a very sharp  when I assert that in no instance when such
reminder, by an eminent member of the bar,  things were done, has the result ever failed to be
when, in a political discussion, he told me that I  productive of anything better than disappointment
had learned my law from  books very different  to all good expectations; and mischief, more or
from his. I confessed this to be as true, as that  less serious and extensive, to the legitimate interthere was an equal difference between the books  ests of the country.  Beginning with the first
from which we had, respectively, learned our pol-  charter of the United States Bank, and descenditics. And so I would say now, in anticipationof  ing through the whole series of minor monsters
the musty tomes on "vested rights,"which,upon   and monopolies to this model contract with the
such avowals as I have made, I imagine starting to  Collins line, vary its aspect, and disguise it as you
the memory of certain learned members upon this  will, the principle you violate is the same; and the
floor. Sir, if I am  not a lawyer-as certainly I  evil you do is of the same general character, only
am not-I nevertheless have read, with some care, less or more in proportion to the degree of force
a brief, and to my mind, very comprehensive and  you move it with. This is-it must be so, if God
conclusive treatise on this doctrine of " vested  govern his universe by laws.
rights," arising under charters and contracts ema-    Pardon me, Mr. President, if such general views
nating from Congress. That treatise is from the  as these be somewhat unusual in a speech upon
pens of George Washington, and that body of  this floor. They lie at the source of all my
learned jurists and wise statesmen over whom he  opinions, whether in law, in medicine, in morals,
presided at Philadelphia, and bears date Septem-  or in politics.  It is my very being to believe that
ber 17, 1787. It is entitled " The Constitution of  punishment, often swift, sometimes slow, but
the United States."  In that treatise, sir-and it  always certain, follows in the path of wrong, and
is the fullest and highest authority with me-i  falls with crushing power upon the violator of any
find no power in Congress, expressly given, or  of the laws of the creation, or constitution, of exnecessarily implied, to grant charters to individu-  isting things; and has ever done so, from the
als, or make contracts with them, of any kind;  original sin of our first parents to the last instance
certainly not to the extent of trammeling the action  when any man has told a lie, in word or deed.
of any subsequent Congress. Such a power is  Surely, as I have said, the whole history of this
repugnant to the very genius of the Government  Government is strewn thick with proofs of this,
that was then forming, and would have been fa-  as with bleaching bones and still festering forms, is
tally incongruous with all the other provisions of  some vast battle-field; and, sad to say, it is as little
its fundamental law. That genius is Popular and  free from jackals and hyenas, which prowl about
State representation; and all those provisions went it, to feast upon the corrupt and sickening spoils.




20
But, sir, to come back to particulars.  I deny  1850, to May 17th, 1852. Upon the $750,000,
that the Thirtieth or Thirty-first Congress, in the  then, for these two years, during which time it
way it has done, had any legitimate power to make  has been withheld from investment, in violation of
this contract with Collins & Co.; and even if it had,  the contract, the interest amounts, as I said, to
that it was binding upon this. So, even if that con-  $90,000; and this they have saved.
tract had been kept in good faith, in all respects,    How much they may have saved from  other
by the company; and even if the enterprise it was  and minor instances of violation of contract, I am
designed to carry out had been entirely successful  unable to ascertain with precision.  I learn, howin securing all the public benefits it proposed, I  ever, upon what I deem good authority, that they
deny that there is upon this, the Thirty-second  do not "carry, accommodate, and subsist,"as
Congress, any constitutionally legal obligation to  the contract requires, "four passed midshipmen,
recognize or consummate it, because of its having  and one mail agent, upon each of their ships." And
been a contract with a preceding Congress. Com-  further, that they have not provided suitable and
mended to us, if it were, by the propriety of its  secure apartments for the mails, as the contract reterms and the practical value of its conditions, we  quires.  What would be the sum  of these sevmight adopt and continue it during this Congress  eral items of expense, I have no means of estias a measure of wise expediency. And it is, of  mating with precision.  It cannot be  less, I
course, equally competent for us to repudiate this  apprehend, than several thousand dollars a year.
contract, and refuse to have anything whatever to  Whatever it may be, however, it is so much saved
do with it, if, upon investigation, it is not found  to them; and, when added to the $90,000 of interworthy of adoption, whether by reason of its in-  est, makes up a sum  perhaps not less than
herent defects, or of the bad faith or incompetency  $100,000 per annum, which most men, of reasonof the other parties.  I have not time, however,  able desires, in this plain, republican country of
nor is it necessary to my present purpose,to elabo-  ours, would deem a good fortune for a lifetime.
rate this view any further.                       But this sum  is saved by this company, upon
The question recurs as to the character of the  these two items alone, every year,'and is either
contract itself, the manner in which it has, so far,  added to theirprofits, or deducted from their losses.
been executed, and the propriety of continuing it,  It will be apt to strike a plain man, of common
especially upon the new conditions now proposed.  sense, that if $100,000 a year will not cover the
The leading considerations upon these points, I  losses upon a business, it must be a very " bad
have already endeavored to present. What I have  business," and ought to be abandoned; or it is in
here to say, relates to somewhat minor and inci-  the hands of very "bad managers," and ought to
dental points, which have been suggested by the  be taken from them.
friends of this measure, in the course of debate.   The sums they have paid for building their ships
As a consideration in behalf of this company,  are set down at a very large amount-$750,000
and as strongly commending them  to our favor,  each. Those who claim to be competent to judge,
we have been told of the great exertions they have  declare it to be much larger than is either reasonmade, and the heavy expenses incurred, first in  able or sufficient.  In proportion to tonnage, these
building their ships, and next in contesting the su-  ships have cost much more than the British ships
premacv of the seas, with the Cunard line, backed  of the same class. Thus, while they exceed the
by the Treasury of the British Government.        British ships only two hundred tons in size,
How stands the first item of this account-that  (which, even at their own estimate of their costis, their exertions and expenses? The contract  at $250 a ton-make only $50,000 excess over the
requires them  to build five ships. They have  British,.) they do exceed them $200,000 in cost, or
built but four.  In this, then, instead of exceeding,  four times the ratio of excess here assumed, which
in exertion andexpense, what they voluntarilyun-  is evidently excessive in itself. This difference
dertook to do-nay,what they begged Congress to  cannot be accounted for upon the difference bepermit them to do, and at their own price, they  tween the prices of labor and materials in the two
have done and expended onefifth less. For build-  countries. We know that such a difference does
ing and using in the service of the Government  not, in the very nature of things, and cannot exthosefive ships, they were to receive, and have re-  ist. I must resort, then, to the only rational,
ceived,$385,000 perannum. So theyhavealready,  though it may be an extraordinary, explanation
and regularly, received the full amount of compen-  which I have been able to find. I amn indebted to
sation, and furnished only four fifths of the consid-  a friend, a member of this body, for the papereration to which the contracts bind them. They  containing it. It is the New York Evening Post
allege that the four ships they have built, cost them   of the 8th of this month. The explanation it gives
$3,000,000, or $750,000 each. Then, they have  of this matter consists of three short paragraphs.
saved the expenditure of that sum, the interest  I will read them:
upon which, at six per cent, for two years, is    "The Amrericans can construct and navigate steamers
$90,000. I assume two years for this estimate.  cheaper than they can be constructed and navigated by any
for the reason, that their contract was made the  other nation. For the accuracy of that statement, we ap1st day of November, 1847, conditioned for the  peal to every disinterested ship-builder on the Atlantic
completion of the first four ships by the end of  coast, from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake. Whyv, then,
completion of the first four ships by the end of  does this company ask twice the aid which is necessary to
eighteen months, and the fifth one "as early as  sustain the Cunard line?
practicable thereafter."  It has now  been four    "In the first place. we have the authority of the comyears and a half since that contract was made. Al-  pany for stating that their four steamers cost 8t3,000,000,
thenthe hcontracttiefrhecmpletin  while their cash capital amounted only to.$1,000,000; so
lowing, then, the contract time for the completion  that before the had begun to earn a cent, they were in debt
of the first four ships, which would have made  $2,000,0o0. They were paid for, therefore, mostly in stock;
them  ready by the 1st of May, 1849, and then  the builders, the engine-makers, the furnisllers, All had to
allowing one year more as a sufficient " practice-  take more or less of their pay in stock of the company; in
as a i...consideration of which they were permitted to put what
ble time to buildthe fifth one, itleaves alittle  price they pleased upon their work. This accounts for the
over two years to this time, that is, from May 1st,  Collins vessels costing 200,000 apiece more than the Asia,




21
which is only about two hundred tons less burden, which  line alone, from the 27th April, 1850, to 31st March, 1852'
will average as good time throughout the year as one, if not was as follows, viz:
two, of the Collins steamers, and will carry twice the    Letter postages.........6.............$326.670 58
amount of freight, and nearly twice the number of passen-   News paper postages......................  8,560 02
gers.            J                                   Closed mails...........2..........  2,104 25
"The Cunard vessels were built for.cash at the most
favorable cash prices. When launched they did not owe a                                  $337,334 85
penny; they were subject to no extortionate charges for
interest, and they commnenced earning money for their own-   In the foregoing statement, the dead letters are not iners the moment they were started, instead of being pledged  eluded; but an allowance of'5,322 87 was made in the
to pay off mortgages to their builders."           adjustment of the postal accounts with Great Britain for
I said this was both reasonable tand extraordi I dead letters received from England by all the lines.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
nary.  Is it not so?  It is reasonable, because it is  servant,          J. W. FARRELLY,.duditor.
based upon the statements of the company them-    Hon. TnoMAs CORWIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
selves, and accounts for what is otherwise unaccountable.   It is extraordinary, else it would be    Here, then, it is seen, that while $1,039,500
inapplicable to a most extraordinary transaction.   have been paid to this company by the United
States, they have paid back only $337,334, the
Here we have presented to us a state of things  States, they have paid back only $337,334, the
Here we have presented to us a state of things  United States being out of pocket just $702,166.
that at first, I confess, astounded me, and almost
staggered tmy belief.  It is a lifting of the curtainIt is  a little less than a million, as 1 said, yet it is
from a picture which, if one half be true to nature,  a very large sum-an enormous sum to be thrown
is alike disgusting in itself, and mortifying in the  away upon what was a doubtful experiment at
reflection that we could have had any connection  first, and is now  an exploded scheme.
with such a transaction.  Here, sir, is one of those I   he stem of" dead letter" postage, paid by us
" noble enterprises"  upon which, as we are so Ito Great Britain, set down at the close of the Auoften and so eloquently told, the progress, and   ditor's letter at $25,332, I am  not sure, from my
prosperity, and honor of our country depends.  If  want of familiarity with such accounts, that I
this be one of the sources of our progress and  quiteunderstand.  I apprehend, however, it is a
prosperity and honor-and perhaps it has received  charge to the expense of transporting the mails.
Itighser praise than any other-then  our condition  If I am not right in this, the Senator from Texas
as a people is indeed deplorable; and from all such  will correct me.  I assume, then,that it is so;and
that, relating to "all the lines," as the Auditor
I pray, in all sincerity, our country may soon be,     ne 
~~~~~~delivered.                     1~says, one half of it, or $12,666, must be added to
the account of expense we have paid for the ColBut our astonishment, at such an exposition as  the account of expense we have paid for the Colthis, should not result from  the character of the  lins line, and this makes the dead loss to us just
transaction itself, for that was to have been ex-  $714,832.  These are facts and figures which no
pected as the natural resutlt of the hot-bed system   one will or can deny.  I make this exposition and
of special legislation, which has never given birth  record of them that they maybe heard and seen
to anything better than monsters, or abortions.  by those who have to pay these large sums in the
But the astonishment should be that an American  way of taxes.  Let them be remembered!
Congress-the representatives of a people more I  In addition to this, we are told here upon this
remarkable for common sense than any other in  floor, by the best friends of this company-nay, it
remarkable for common sense than any othieer in  is one of their pleas for help-that their stock is
the world-should have beome a partnern      into this companyter-  now selling in the market for fifty cents on the dolprise, and become a partner in this company, expecting success in business, or advantage to the  the  tombstone ofaetny mass of mortalitythalyut upon
country. Well, the result is now before us. And
it, confessedly, is a failure of the enterprise, and  simple statement writes it on the decks of this
ruin to the company; and, besides the shame of  company of the Collins line.
disappointment, a dead loss of little less than      The honorable Senator from  Michigan  Mr.
$1,000,000 of the public money;  a sum, we had  CAss] the other day dwelt upon this fact of the
as well, for any good, have thrown to the fishes  fifty pel cent. discount, with  much emphasis; and
in the sea.                                        assumed, what is certainly true, that the rate thus
i do not make this statement at random.  I de-  indicated was the unerring measure of the value
I do not make this statement at random. I derive the facts from an official source. To insure  of that stock.  But there the Senator stopped.
accuracy, I addressed a letter, last Friday, to the  Why did he not go a step further in his equation
Secretary of the Treasury, inquiring for the entire   of stock economy, if I may so express it, and asamount paid, by the United States, to Collins &   sume, as he could have done, with equal truth
Co., in cash; and the entire amount received from   and much more significance in this connection,
them, in postages. Here is his answer:             that this depreciated price of their stock in the
market was the measure and the weight, among
TR:.he snIv DEPAIRTMENT, May 15, 1852.   sensible men of business, of this company and
SIR: I have the honor to inclose herewith a statement  sensible
from the Sixth Auditor, showing the receipts from the Col- I their enterprise, and the proof, from  which there
lins line ofsteamers, as requested in yourletter ofyesterday.  is no escape, that the whole thing is a failure, and
A reference tothe Navy Department shows the payments  a bubble bursted?  " Fifty cents on the dollar!"
to have been $1,039,50t), as will appear in detail by referring hy, sir, it is the very language in which failure
to Ex. Doc. No. 91, 32d Congress, 1st session, page 3, No
payment has been made since 1.2th February last.   is emphatically expressed.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,          And how could the result be otherwise? Look
THO. CORWIN,i   a moment at the transaction! A speculation, clean,
on.   ON BORLND Secretary of the Unted Statesuy.    naked, and unredeemed!  Upon one millio,n of
money, this company issued three millions of stock;
The statement of the Sixth Auditor, referred to and upon that, bearing interest, they engaged in a
by the Secretary, is the following, in his letter of pursuit, of which, in view of the result, one of
the same date:                                     two things must be said: Either the scale upon
"The amount of revenue which accrued by the Collins  which it was planned was not required, and could




not be sustained by the business of the country;  the tonnage, and, therefore, even if the difference were
or it has been most shamefully mismanaged. Pos-  material, it would not strengthen the application of the Collins company.
sibly both may be true, to some extent.  How far    s Here we have a difference of $345,042 annually-a
the first may be, I do not now  inquire.  I have  sum equal, within about $5,000, to the'entire allowance of
already shown that there is much truth in the last  the British Government to the Cunard company. Among
and to show  this still more cleary  the items on the pay-roll, there is one worthy of a specific
supposition; and to show  this still more clearly  reference. The Cunard captains receive, all round, $p2,500
and strongly, I have a few more facts, which seem   a year. The captains of' the Collins steamers receive
to me to prove that, even had this enterprise been  $6,000 —difference, $3,500 on each ship. The reason of
entirely legitimate and well conceived in itself, yet  this difference is, as we are told, that the Collins captains
are obliged to own a quantity of the stock of the company
th at it has beens   conducted u pon a system of com   d($30,000 worth is the amount we have heard stated) before
plication and expense, which could not possibly  they can receive a commission.
result in anything better than the ruin it has    " That being the case, they certainly have not been overwrought.  And added to the inherent viciousness  paid thus far, if, as we presume, they bought at par; but it
is none the less extravagant and wastefuil in the company
of that system  of mismanagement, as if to make   to do  their business en such a way as to be obliged at the
success impossible, beyond a doubt, Congress was  very commencement of their enterprise to pay people in
wheedled into a participation and partnership of  their company to take their stock-for a portion of these
salaries can be looked upon in no otherlight-and to saddle
thi blind and blundering empyricism! An agency,                                        n
the stockholders with the expense."
as I have said, which never yet has meddled, but
to mar even the wisest plans of individual enter-    These facts need no comment,to  answer t         he
prse.                                                purpose for which I have introduced them. They
iTo show, still further, the miserable misman-show the true character of this company, and put
To show, still further, the miserable mismanagement of this Collins line, I will read, from the  the sealof condemnation, beyond escape, upon all
same paper, a few of the items of expense of navi-  their operations.  They commenced without capgating these ships, after incurring, as we have seen,  ital, and have conducted themselves throughout as
the enormous expense of building and fitting them   wild and reckless speculators-speculators upon
tfheenor mous service, p Here ofbuilding t they are:  individual credit and credulity, and upon the faith
for service. Here they are:                          of this Government.
of this Government.
"' By the statement submitted to the Senate committee by    My honorable friend from ntucky  Mr. UN
Mr. Collins, it appears that the running expense of these  M oo     l fnd   these statements I have
steamers is $10 a mile. This is twice as much as is usual-  DERWOOD] Will find in these statements I have
ly allowed by the British Admiralty in their calculations for  read, something like a solution of the questions
ocean navigation. They always estimate for a guinea a  which puzzled even his arithmetic the other day.
mile. The cost of running Americansteamers, we believe,  When he mrlade his calculations then, I suppose he
does not generally amount to that, except on the Pacific
coast. Here is a difference of half, between the two lines,  estimated the payments to be in cash, and therewhich it woruld have been as well for Mr. SEwARD to have  fore put all the items down at the standard of a
directed his attention to, before he made his imaginary trip  cash valuation.  He did not then know that those
with his brother Senators to St. Stephen's Chapel. Here
*is a difference just covering the depreciation, which, he  payments were made In stocks depreciated to fifty
says, the Collins stock has experienced in finding its level  cents on the dollar.  So, if he was puzzled over his
in Wall street. If the imaginative Senator had spent less  arithmetic then, because its relentless rules would
time in getting up his rhetoric, and more at getting at the  not carry the legitimate amount of expense up to
material facts in the case he attempts to discuss, he would
probably have done what, for his own sake, we wish General CAss had done.                                  apprehend that the straight-forward honesty of
*    *   *   *    *   *   *               *    *   *  his mind will be even more amazed now, at the
" He would have inquired, as we have done, the cause of  cause of the difficulty, than he was puzzled then,
this extraordinary expense of running the Collins steamers,  at the difficulty itself.  Now, sir, as practical
and he would have learned, as we have learned, that it is uestions to a practical manI ask my friend from
not one which it becomes the United States, or any other  questons to a practical man, I ask my friend from
Government, to countenance or encourage.             Kentucky, what would be thought of a company
"1AWe happen to have the meansofcoinparingsome of the  in his State who should engage in business (no
expenses of running the two rival lines, and we propose to  matterhow legitimate and promising in itself) upon
submit the facts to the public, in the hope that they will     legti         a   pis    i  tel   pn
have some influence upon those whose support of this         of which was borrowed at innopoly does not originate in other considerations than those  terest; and then, in the prosecution of that busiwhich are addressed to their reason or their patriotism.  ness, should undertake to pay all its expenses by
l The following estimate of the cost of running the tworket at fifty cets
lines was made up, we have reason to believe, and do be-  on te dollar?  How long could such a company
lieve, from the books of the two companies:          on tie dollar?    ow long could such a company
sell its paper at all?  How long could it obtain
Collins.I Caunard.        credit at all? Would any sensible man among
Cost of the Asia... 500,000                        his constituents take stock in such a company, or
Pay-roll for two months... $9,000  $5,400         become in any way connected with it?  Would.Consumption of coal a round                        not the undivided sentiment of the community be,
voyage........2,000 tons 10,000                  that there was ridiculous folly or deep knavery at''   1,400 tons 47000
Ins 6 pr et pr ann.    s           7,000            the bottom  of the whole' concern?  Well, sir, it
Depreciation pe r for2ms  23333  16666             seems to me this is a case in point.  If there be
cent. a                                           any Material difference between them, in a practiRepairs 6 per ct. J             l                   cal point of view, I am unable to perceive or ap$42,333 $29,066            preciate it.  But it is said, I am aware, that I and
_   _ —            a few others here do not take " broad, statesmanExcessofCollins'sexpendi-    -      -              like, national views" of such questions as this.
ture per ship............    -   -    $13,267   And I trust I never shall, if in doing so, as in this
Or for 4 ships for 26 voyages           $345,042
case, I must repudiate my principles and the com" It may be objected that the Collins ships are larger than  mon sense which the God of my creation has enthe Asia, and therefore more expensive to run. The differ-  dowed me with.
ence is only about two hundred tons, not enough to increase
the expense materially, and besides, the rate of increase in  But even this extraordinary cause of increased
the expense of running steamships is always inversely as  expenditure for two months, or a trip, as set




23
forth in the paper I have read, does not carry the  anywise compelled to pay, or did, actually, pay
amount up to the #65,000, as stated by the corn-  double, or even a third, over the rates and prices
pany. But it makes only.42,333; although this  that the other paid, upon all, or any one of those
estimates for the Collins pay-roll #9,000, while  items, as he had set it forth?  I asked the questhe Cunard is but $5,000; for the Collins coal  tions in good faith; for the statement struck me as
bill $10,000, while the Cunard. is but $7,500; and  so extraordinary, that I was not sure I heard the
for the Collins insurance, depreciation, and re-  Senator correctly.  He did not answer me then;
pairs 623,333, while the Cunard is but #16,666-   but as he has put the same statement in print, I
total Collins $42,333-total Cunard  $29,066.  takethatas his answer.  Let my questions and
Here is an excess, yet, of $13,267 per trip, to be  this answer go to the public together.  I submit
accounted for. Perhaps some light may be thrown  it to the practical sense of men of' business, that if
upon this, if any one can or will answer certain  the Senator's statement be true, that Collins & Co.
interrogatories which I will here propound. Per-  do pay these excessive prices, when lower ones
haps if the Senator from  New Jersey [Mr. MIL-  are at their option, their business is either grossly
LER] were here, he might, from  the familiarity  mismanaged for want of sense, or want of honwith the subject he evinced by his speech some  esty.  Compete with the British, indeed! At such
weeks ago; or, at any rate, I have no doubt that  a rate, and by such a system, we cannot pay them
the Senator from  New  York  [Mr. SEWARD]  money enough to enable them  to compete.  We
could furnish us an answer from that rich budget  might enable them  to go on; but it would be at
of facts with which he seemed prepared the other  the expense of both the interest and honor of the
day, and of which he gave us a glimpse so curious.  country.  It would be no competition, but a misBut, whether I can have them  answered here or  erable scramble for a premium upon incompetency
not, I will now propound them, and then put  or corruption. I do not believe a word of it. And,
them in my printed speech, so that some one else  most assuredly, I will never countenance or susmay answer them for the information of the coun-  tain such a state of things, if it be true, by any
try, if not of the Senate. We want light.  Here  vote of mine.
are the interrogatories:                            Again: we are told that we must sustain this
1. WVho are the shareholders in the company  Collins line, because the British Government susowning the Collins line of ocean steamers, and  tains the Cunard line. Even as a general propowhere do they reside?                             sition, I do not admit this to be true.  But I will
2. What commission is charged by Brown &   not discuss that further than I have done in anBrothers, the British agents, per voyage, or per  other portion of my remarks. Admitting it, howannum, for their services to this line?           ever, for the argument, though not in fact, I yet
3. What extra prices, above the current market  deny that such a consideration gives any force or
prices, are paid for disbursements, provisions, and  validity to the claim for this increased allowance,
outfits at Liverpool?                            now made by the Collins line.  It is a fact beyond
4. What commissions are charged by Collins  dispute, that in this matter of following the examat New York for his services to the line?         ple of the British Government, and giving large
5. Do not the expenses, on these accounts,  compensation to our steamers, because she gives
amount to more than $13,000 a trip?              I large compensation to hers, we are not only not be6. Is not this line mortgaged to a member of  hind, but we have already exceeded her, in the rate of
the British Parliament for $700,000?              compensation allowed.  We already pay Collins
7. Where are the insurances effected, and at  several thousand dollars more, per trip, than Great
what rates? Where is the coal purchased, and at  Britain pays Cunard for similar service.  Thus,
what prices? W hat is the difference between  we pay Collins  $19,000, while Cunard receives
those prices and the prices paid by the Cunard  from his Government but #15,000; the excess in
line? Where are the officers and crews employed,  favor of Collins being $4,000 per trip, or $96,000
and are they paid at American or English prices,  per annum.
and what is the difference?                         I know, sir, we are told that the British GovThen there are a few  questions I asked the  ernment has latterly increased the compensation
Senator from New York [Mr. SEWARD] the other  of the Cunard line from ~145,000 to X~175,000 per
day in debate, which he has not answered, and  annum. But I have not seen sufficient evidence
which I wvill now repeat.  I hope he, or some  to satisfy me that this is true. The only evidence
other competent person, will answer them at their  we have, about which there seems to be no doubt
convenience. That Senator then said that-         on this point, gives the ~145,000 as the annual
" Thie insurance on the Cunardl line of steamships, valued  compensation, which makes about $15,000 per
at $500,00U, atttlree per cent. in England. is..... 15,000  tip    We are told that a.   Livisto,  who
Insurance of the Collins line of steamships. valued at O700?000, at six per cent., is.............. 4',000  seems to be one of the Collins Company, or is
The total irasrLatnce on the Collins line is......... 168,00  deeply interested with it, has said that this had
The total insurance on the Cunard line is........ 60,000  been increased to X175,000. Gentlemen may take
Making a lifference against the Collins line of.... 108,00  this as evidence of the increase of ritish
"The rate of wages tor the persons employed as captains, ellgineers, an-d commlon sealien, is about onethird  sation, who choose to do so.  To mne it has so
higher in this country than in England."          far appeared only as a vague rumor, the truth of
I copy this from  his printed speech. When I which no Senator here seems willing to vouch for.
lie made it, I asked him if I heard aright, and if i It is also from anl interested source, and offered as
that statement could be true?  I asked him  if it  aid to a certain end. Of the individual who offers
could be true of two companies, each running a  it I know nothing.  I neither admit nor deny the
line of ships of the same character, upon the same  truth of his statement. The amount which I have
ocean, to and from the same ports-engaged in  assumed, I find stated in a book of unquestioned
the same kind of business-having access to the  authority for facts of this kind —" The British
same markets for similar materials, labor, sup-  Almanac, for 1851.'"  On page 63, in the article
plies, money, and insurance-that one was in  on " North American MLails," I find the following:




24
" It was in the autumn of 1845 that the negotiations were  moment's notice; and no more than that should
going on; and in the spring of next year the new contract  be given.
was completed, by virtue of which the Cunard Cotpany    But, sir, this amendment declares that ours is
undertake to dispatch a mail steamer once a ftbrtnight from
Liverpool to Halifax and Boston, and another mail steamer  an empty boast. It declares, in words which canonce a fortnight from Liverpool to New York, the price  not be mistaken nor misunderstood, thatAmerican
being ~ L45,000 per annum, and the contract to remain in  enterprise and skill cannot stand against the British
force till 1858."
upon equal terms-nay, not even when we have
I find nothing on this point later, or different, in  the advantage of aheavier purse. The confession
any official document, or from any other reliable  is there made-ay, sir, there it stands upon the
source. This, moreover, is admitted on all hands  table before you, in the official records of the nato be true.  But suppose it to be true, that this  tion. If it be true, its tortuous lines should be
increase of ~175,000 has been given to the Cunard  taken from that table, and, by some British loom,
line. It does not materially affect the argument.  woven into a veil, as black as the ink in which
It still leaves the compensation to the Cunard line  they are traced upon the record, to hang forever
a little short of $18,000 per trip; while the Collins  upon these bold American faces of ours, in this
line still receive the $19,000, or $1,000 per trip  day of our national humiliation!
more than the British line. There is no estab-    Sir, if I thought it true, I never would, I never
lished truth, therefore, in this part of the plea; could again, as an American citizen, hold up my
and even if there was, it has no force nor validity  head, in pride of my native land. I never would
whatever. Instead of sustaining this claim, then,  assert again that America was the equal of any
it is directly against it.                       other nation in the world. But, on my knees, 1
These are facts which are indisputable. In  would go down before that strong Genius of Ameview of them, what becomes of this plea of the  rican enterprise and skill, of whom we hear so
necessity of sustaining the Collins line, against the  much, and pray him  to strike the galling libel
patronage of the British Government? Gone, sir; from our escutcheon, and swear by him who spoke
gone, like mist before the morning sun. Protec-  this glorious land of ours into being, that no hand
tion of American enterprise against British gold! should ever write it there again. But, sir, it is
That is the demand. And all who do not at once  not true. As an American, 1 swear it. We
concede it, are charged with want of patriotism.  are able to stand against the world, without the
And yet the facts, here staring us in the face, prove  heavier purse-without adventitious aid from any
beyond dispute, that we have not merely given  quarter. Even when the odds have been against
this protection-not merely placed the American  us, as they always have upon the ocean, we have
ships on an equal footing with the British-but  been successful in every encounter, and have gone
we have done more, sir. We have given them   on prospering and to prosper, while competing
more money and more protection. And now they  with every nation, upon every sea. Sir, no indemand still more-nay, nearly double as much.  stance can be cited in which it ever was pretended
They already receive (at the highest estimate for I that success had failed us, until the coming of this
the British) $19,000, while the British receive but  Collins line. But, tell me not that such a thing as
$18,000; and now they demand $33,000, or an in-  that, truly represents the enterprise, or skill, or
crease of $14,000 a trip upon what they now re- talent, or spirit, of our countrymen. No, sir, no!
ceive, or $15,000 a trip more than the British ships  It is a false heir-a miserable pretender-a monster,
receive! Call you this American enterprise? Call  begot by folly on corruption, sent from some dark
you this American competiton with British energy  abode below to degrade us before the world; or,
and British skill! Why, sir, it is but a game of if by decree of Heaven, surely sent to chastise us
bragg, with stakes of gold, the party winning who  for our sins, and move us to repentance. Mark
has the heavier purse. "This is not the enter-  its coming with the blackest stone the calendar
tainment to which we were invited."  We came  affords; but not, I protest, as a sign of our people's
not here to gamble-certainly not with the public  degeneration and decay.
money. And yet, sir, if this be not so, in what    No, sir; the day of our declination in the great
attitude does such a proposition as the amendment cycle of time has not yet come. My trust in God
makes place us before the world? It has ever been  is, that, high already as we have climbed the sky,
our boast, and it is one which every American  in progress and prosperity, the point of our culmiheart may make with an honest pride, that "give us  nation is yet far higher and further away; and that
but daylight and fair play," and American enter-  we, and our children, and our children's children,
prise, arts, and arms can stand against the world, and generations to come after them, shall not see
and win a glorious triumph everywhere. And  that highest point attained; but that our country's
our history proves it to be not unfounded.  Upon  course shall be onward and upward, as long as
no battle-field, whether in arts or arms, from our  time shall last.
national birthday to the present hour, even with   Mr. President, my strength again has failed
the odds against us, have we ever been defeated. me. I know, also, that the Senate is fatigued
The amount of money our Government might with a long sitting, and is anxious to adjourn.
collect, and expend in magnificent display, has  While, therefore, there are several other points in
never been the subject of a boast from any true  this question of interest to me, and particularly
American heart. It never will be. That monev, one of special interest to my constituents, which I
under the genius of our institutions, is better in  have been unable to reach, I shall seek another
the pockets of the people; so much of it as may  opportunity to present my views upon those points,
be needed for a just and equal administration, and  if my health permit, before the question shall be
for defense, being ready, as we all know, to be  finally disposed of. For the present, I have no
poured with freedom into the public coffers, at a I more to say.




AMERICAN STEAM NAVIGATION.
SPEECH
OF
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
FOR
THE COLLINS STEAMERSO
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 27, 1852.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS.
1852.








AMERICAN STEAM NAVIGATION.
SPEECH
OF
WILLIAM H. SEWNARD,
FOR
THE COLLINS STEAMERS.
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 27, 1852.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS.
1852.








SPEECH.
Mr. PRESIDENT:
What will Congress do-what has Congress done-for
the Collins steamers?  These are questions which meet
every visiter returning from the Capital on his arrival at
New York, and which every traveller from America
encounters, on Change in Liverpool and London, and in
the Courts of Paris and St. Petersburg. There is
reason enough for all this curiosity and interest among
the merchants and statesmen of the two continents.
Mr. President, under a contract with the United
States made on the 19th of April, 1849, between E. K.
Collins, James Brown, and Stewart Brown, merchants of
New York, and the United States, those persons now
prosecute, between the ports of New York and Liverpool,
forty voyages across the ocean, or twenty outward and
inward voyages, annually, in steamships carrying freights
and passengers on their own account, and also public
mails on account of the United States, and receive
from the Treasury, as a compensation for that service,
three hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars a year,
which is equivalent to somewhat more than $19,000 for
each outward and return passage. The Committee on
Finance propose an amendment to the annual Deficiency




4
bill, the effect of which is to increase the number of
mails and voyages from twenty to twenty-six, and the
compensation from $19,000 to $33,000 for each voyage.
OUGHT THIS MEASURE TO BE ADOPTED?
I assume, for the present, that the existing enterprise
is to be perseveringly sustained.  In that view the
question arisesWhether the proposed increase of mail service is
expedient.
When this line was established, the British Cunard
steamers, consisting of seven vessels, were making semimonthly voyages and carrying semi-monthly mails between the same ports during the eight temperate months,
and monthly mails during the four other months; and
thus they had a monopoly of steam ocean postage between the two countries. We authorized the Collins
line to carry just the same number of mails, alternating
with the Cunard steamers; and so we broke up the
monopoly, and divided the postages of the route equally
with Great Britain. So far, all was right and well.
But recently the Cunard steamers have continued their
semi-monthly mails throughout the whole year, while
ours were limited to the eight temperate months; and so
the equality of postage revenues has been subverted, and
the early British monopoly has been partially restored.
By the proposed increase of mails we shall exactly alternate again; and on every day that an American or European mail steam-vessel shall leave New York, one of the
other line will leave the opposite port; and so the monopoly will again be broken, and the complete equality of




5
postage revenues will be re-established. We must do
just this, or relinquish in an important degree the great
postal object of the enterprise. The Postmaster General and the Secretary of the Navy, and the Senate's
Committees on the Post Office, on Naval Affairs, and on
Finance, agree that the service must be thus increased,
if it is to be at all continued. The increase, then, is not
merely expedient, but even necessary and indispensable.
Assuming now that the service is to be increased, the
question comes upIs the increase of compensation from  $19,000 to
$33,000 per voyage just and reasonable?
It is just and reasonable, if necessary. It is clear
that some increase is necessary. The proprietors decline
to make the six new voyages for nothing, and even to
make them for $19,000 a voyage. We cannot oblige
the contractors to make them for that compensation, nor
even to make them for any compensation, for they are
beyond the contract. No one else offers to make them
on those terms, or, indeed, on any terms. We must
therefore apply to Mr. Collins and his associates to enlarge the contract. But opening the contract for enlargement opens it for revision. They consent to enlarge,
but they equally appeal to us to remodel it; and they
show for reasons, that while the average cost of each
voyage is                               $65,216.64
The average receipts are only - -         48,286.85
And that they incur an average loss of -    16,928.79
And an aggregate loss annually of  - -  $338,574.40




They further show that a capital of three millions
invested has paid no dividends, and been reduced by
inevitable losses to a little more than two and a half
millions; that their stock is sold in Wall street at fifty
cents on a dollar; and that, even if they would, yet they
cannot despatch another ship or mail after the 15th of
May next. Something must be allowed, if not for profits,
at least for renovation; and so the actual loss on each
voyage being in round numbers $17,000, it is quite certain that an increase of not less than $19,000 is necessary to keep the steamers in vigorous and sure operation.
All questions of the fairness of this showing are precluded by the offer of the contractors to relinquish the
enterprise to the United States, or to any assignee indicated by them, after the contract shall have been remodelled, and by the neglect of any other party to propose
for a new contract, even on the terms thus recommended.
So, the increase of compensation solicited is just and
reasonable, and is, moreover, like the increase of the
mail service, necessary and indispensable.
Now, sir, we have arrived at the very question of the
whole question. We must do just what is thus proposed,
or relinquish the contract altogether.
The honorable Chairman of the Committee on Finance,
[Mr. HUNTER,] dissenting from his associates, advises
that alternative. Sir, with a profound respect for that
distinguished Senator, not now for the first time, nor for
mere effect, expressed, I must have his pardon, nevertheless, for preferring the authority of his associates.
Extreme caution is apt to be the fruit of the patient and




patriotic labors of his office.  An appropriation bill
seldom has passed this House without calling forth from
him or his predecessors eloquent, yet groundless, alarms
of an exhausted treasury, and of impending taxation, if
not bankruptcy.
While we cannot, without wounding the national sensibilities and impairing the national character, abandon
any great enterprise, it is equally true that indecision is
among the worst vices of the statesman, and that vacillation in the conduct of public affairs is fruitful of national demoralization, and indicative of certain national decline. Persistence, when practicable, invigorates national
energies, discourages foreign rivalry, and prevents foreign
insult and aggression. Compare France-enlightened,
vigorous, and energetic, but unstable as water —with
England, cautious, constant, and persevering, or even
with Russia, unimpassioned and cold as her climate, yet
with her eyes unswervingly and forever fixed on Stamboul, and you have an apt illustration of my moral.
Nevertheless, these general observations are inconclusive, and I grapple therefore cheerfully, with this great
question.
If this enterprise must be abandoned, it must be for
one of two reasons, namely: either because1. It was erroneously conceived; or because, 2. It
has been rendered unnecessary, unwise, or impracticable,
by subsequent events and circumstances.
1. Was it erroneously conceived? To determine this
question, we need to ascend some high eminence of -time,
from which we can look back along the past, and pierce,




as far as is allowed to human vision, through the clouds
and darkness that rest upon the future. Come, then,
Senators, and suppose that you stand with me in the
galleries of St. Stephen's Chapel on a day so long gone
by as the 22d of March, 1775. A mighty debate has
been going on here in this august Legislature of the
British Empire, Insurrection against commercial restriction has broken out in the distant American colonies; a
seditious assembly in Philadelphia has organized it; and
a brave, patient, unimpassioned, and not untried soldier
of Virginia, lies, with hastily gathered and irregular
levies, on the heights of Dorchester, waiting the coming
out of the British army from Boston.  The question
whether Great Britain shall strike, or concede and conciliate, has just been debated and decided. Concession
has been denied. A silence, brief but intense, is broken
by the often fierce and violent, but now measured and
solemn, utterance of Burke: "My counsel has been
rejected.  You have determined to trample upon and
extinguish a people who have, in the course of a single
life, added to England as much as she had acquired by
a progressive increase of improvement, brought on, by
varieties of civilizing conquests and civilizing settlements, in a series of seventeen hundred years. A vision
has passed before my eyes; the spirit of prophecy is
upon me. Listen, now, to a revelation of the consequences which shall follow  your maddened decision.
Henceforth there shall be division, separation, and eternal conflict in alternating war and peace between you
and the child you have oppressed, which has inherited




all your indomitable love of liberty and all your insatiwable passion for power. Though still in the gristle, and
not yet hardened into the bone of manhood, America
will, within the short period of sixteen months, cast off
your dominion and defy your utmost persecution. Perfecting the institutions you have not yet suffered to ripen,
she will establish a republic, the first confederate representative commonwealth, which shall in time become the
admiration and envy of the world.. France, the hereditary rival whom, only twenty years ago, with the aid of
your own colonies, you despoiled of her North American
possessions, though they had been strengthened by the
genius of Richelieu, will take sweet revenge in aiding
the emancipation of those very colonies, and thus dismembering your empire. You will strike her in vain
with one hand, while you stretch forth the other to
reduce your colonies with equal discomfiture. And you,
even you, most infatuated yet most loyal prince, will
within eight years sign a treaty of peace with the royal
Bourbon, and of independence with republican America!
With fraud, corruption, fire, and sword, you will compensate England with conquests in the East, and within
half a century they will surround the world, and the
British flag shall wave over provinces covering five millions of square miles, and containing one-sixth of the
inhabitants of the globe. Nor shall you lose your retaliation upon your ancient enemy; for she, in the mean
time, imbibing and intoxicated by the spirit of revolution
in her American affiliation, shall overthrow all authority,
human and divine, and, exhausting herself by twenty



10
five years of carnage and desolation throughout continental Europe, shall at last succumb to your victorious
arms, and relapse, after ineffectual struggles, into the
embraces of an inglorious military despotism.  Yet,
notwithstanding all these unsurpassed conquests and triumphs, shall you enjoy no certain or complete dominion.
For, on the other hand, wild beasts and savage men and
uncouth manners shall all disappear on the American
continent; and the.three millions whom you now despise,
gathering to themselves increase from every European
nation and island, will, within seventy-five years, spread
themselves over field and forest, prairie and mountain,
until, in your way to your provinces in the Bahamas,
they shall meet you on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico,
and on your return from the Eastern Indies, they will
salute you from the Eastern coast of the Pacific ocean.
In the mean time, with genius developed by the influence
of freedom, and with vigor called forth and disciplined in
the subjugation of the forest and trained and perfected
in the mysteries of ship-building and navigation, by the
hardy exercise of the whale fisheries under either pole,
they will, in all European conflicts, with keen sagacity,
assume the relation of neutrals, and thus grasp the prize
of Atlantic commerce dropped into their hands by fierce
belligerents. In the midst of your studies and experiments in hydraulics, steam, and electricity, they will seize
the unpracticed and even incomplete inventions, and
cover their rivers with steamboats, and connect and bind
together their widely separated Territories with canals,
railroads, and telegraphs.  When a long interval of




11
peace shall have come, your merchants, combining a vast
capital, will regain and hold for a time the carrying
trade, by substituting capacious, buoyant, and fleet packet-ships, departing and arriving with exact punctuality;
but the Americans, quickly borrowing the device and
improving on your skill, will reconquer their commerce.
You will then rouse all the enterprise of your merchants,
and all the spirit of your Government, and wresting the
new and mighty power of steam from the hands of your
inveterate rival, will apply it to ocean navigation, and
laying hold of the commercial and social correspondence between the two continents, increasing as the
nations rise to higher civilization and come into more
close and intimate relations, as the basis of postal
revenue, you will thus restore your lost monopoly
on the Atlantic, and enjoy it unmolested through a
period of ten years. During that season of triumph,
you will mature and perfect all the arrangements for
extending this mighty device of power and revenue,
so as to connect every island of the seas and every
part of every continent with your capital. But just at
that moment your emulous rival will appear with steamships still more capacious, buoyant, and fleet, than your
own, in your harbors, and at once subverting your
Atlantic monopoly, will give earnest of her vigorous
renewal of the endless contest for supremacy of all the
seas. When you think her expelled from the ocean,
her flag will be seen in your ports, covering her charities contributed to relieve your population, stricken by
famine; and while you stand hesitating whether to de



12
clare between republicanism and absolute power in continental Europe, her ambassadors will be seen waiting
on every battle-field to salute the triumphs of liberty;
and when that cause shall be overthrown, the same constant flag shall be seen even in the Straits of the DardaneIIes, receiving with ovations due to conquerors the temporarily overthrown champions of freedom. Look towards Africa, there you see American colonies lifting her
up from her long night of barbarism into the broad light
of liberty and civilization. Look to the East, you see
American missionaries bringing the people of the Sandwich Islands into the family of nations, and American
armaments peacefully seeking yet firmly demanding the
rights of humanity in Japan. Look to the Equator,
there are American engineers opening passages by canals
and railroads across the isthmus which divides the two
oceans. And last of all, look Northward, and you behold American sailors penetrating the continent of ice in
search of your own daring and lost navigators."'
ISir, this stupendous vision has become real.  All this
momentous prophecy has come to pass. The man yet
lives who has seen both the end and the beginning of its
fulfilment. It is history. And that history shows that
this enterprise of American Atlantic steam navigation
was wisely and even necessarily undertaken, to maintain
our present commercial independence, and the contest for
the ultimate empire of the ocean. Only a word shall express the importance of these objects. -International
postal communication and foreign commerce are as important as domestic mails —and traffic. Equality with




other nations in respect to those interests is as important as freedom from restriction upon them among ourselves. Except Rome —which substituted conquest and
spoliation for commerce-no nation was ever highly prosperousj really great, or even truly independent, whose
foreign communications and traffic were conducted by
other States; while Tyre, and -Egypt, and Venice, and
the Netherlands, and Great Britain, successively becoming the merchants, became thereby the masters of the
world.
But the learned and honorable Chairman of the Committee on Finance raises a question on a warlike feature
of the enterprise which has not yet come under our
notiee. Departing, after the most profound considerar
tion, from the ancient naval policy which separated the
National Ocean Police from the National Mercantile
Marine, Great Britain constructs all the steamships employed in her postal service; so that they are "good,
substantial, and efficient-of such model and strength
as to be fit and able to carry guns of the largest caliber
used on board of her Majesty's steam-vessels of war,'.
and they-are subject to be taken in emergencies by the
Government, at cost, for the public naval service. And
in this way Great Britain is rapidly and steadily building
up a new and peculiar naval force, which will always be
in complete condition and ready for effective use. The
same principle was adopted in the contract with Collins
and his associates; and the evidence is complete that it
has been faithfully and fully carried out. The honorable
Senator now disputes the soundness of the principle itself,




14
and insists that merchant steam-vessels cannot be constructed so as to be practically useful for warlike purposes. I reply, first, that having, on such careful examination and with such weighty example, adopted the principle, we could not now wisely abandon it, without proof,
by practical trial, long I hope to be delayed, that it is
erroneous. Secondly: No ship of war, however constructed, is adapted to all the exigencies of naval service,
while these steamships are certainly adapted to some of
them.  Commodore Perry, on the 15th of February,
1852, reports to the Secretary of the Navy that " these
steamships (of the Collins line) may be converted, at an
expense of $20,000 each, into war steamers of the first
class; and that each of them could carry four 10-inch
Paixhan guns on pivots, fore and aft, of the weight of
those in the model ship Mississippi, and ten 8-inch Paixhan guns on the sides, and that this armament would not
incommode the vessel; and that, in the general operations
of a maritime war, they would render good service; and
especially that, from their great speed, they would be
useful as despatch vessels and for the transportation of
troops, being always capable of attack and defence, and
of overhauling and escaping from an enemy."
The Secretary of War reports to the Senate, on the
20th of March, 1852, that " the readiness of the steamers to be used at the shortest notice, their capacity of
being used as transports for goods and munitions of
war, and their great celerity of motion, enabling them
to overhaul merchantmen, and at the same time




15
escape cruisers, would render them terrible as guerrillas
of the ocean."
Thirdly. Great Britain has already more than two
hundred and fifty steamers, armed and capable of armament. What would be our situation, in the emergency
of a war, if we were unprovided with a similar force for
defence and aggression?
But, fourthly. The warlike adaptation of the steamers is a collateral and contingent feature of the enterprise, which will stand safely on the accomplishment of
its postal and mercantile ends, even if that feature
should prove valueless.  These steamers, at least, are
built and in use, and accomplish their important civic
purposes. We may correct our system, not in this, but
in future operations.
Thus, Mr. President, it appears that the enterprise
was wisely adopted. And now I pray you take notice
that it has not been rendered unwise or impracticable by
any change of circumstances or of public interests.
Everything in these respects remains as it was, except
that we have increased ability and increased need to put
it forth in the struggle for the freedom of commerce and
the command of the seas.
Nor does the expense complained of affect the question
of perseverance. The excess of expense above the estimates results from the wise policy of building larger and
better ships than were at first contemplated, whereby in
achievement we have not merely equalled but surpassed
Great Britain.
Nor is the expense of the American steamers dispro



16
portionate to that of the British. Although we all know
that for a time it might well be so, because the rate of
interest, and the cost of labor and of skill, are higher on
this side of the Atlantic than on the other, and because
higher insurance must be paid on more valuable vessels.
Nevertheless, the Cunard steamers, seven in number,
have an aggregate capacity of 12,252 tons, averaging
1,750 tons for each, and they cross the Atlantic eightyfive times annually; thus the whole tonnage worked by
them across the Atlantic is 148,750 tons.
The Collins steamers have an aggregate tonnage of
13,700, averaging 3,425 tons for each; and the aggregate tonnage worked by them across the -ocean is
178,100 tons; the cost to the Government is $850,000,
not exceeding, in proportion to their work, the expense
of the Cunard line. At the same time, they excel the
Cunard steamers in speed. The shortest westward passage of the Cunard steamers was ten days and twentytwo hours, and the shortest eastward passage ten days
and twelve hours; while the quickest westward passage
of the Collins steamers was nine days and twelve hours,
and the quickest eastward passage was nine days and
eight hours.
Nor is the expense disproportioned to the benefits
received. The first effect of the enterprise was a postal
treaty with Great Britain; and under that treaty, in
lieu of receiving no steam ocean postages, as before, we
now receive postages amounting in round numbers to
$400,000; and this revenue must swell, and is actually
swelling, at the rate of $200,000 annually. Thus, in




17
the first place, it is clear that in two years the postal
revenue alone will defray the expense; and, secondly,
there lies very near to us in the future what my friend
from Massachusetts [Mr. SUMNER] so justly denominates, and what every patriot and philanthropist so earnestly seeks, the great boon of cheap ocean postage.
And now, while we maintain postal communication to
every part of our country, at no matter how great
expense, provided that the revenue of the whole system
shall equal the cost of all its parts, I desire to know
why we should depart from a principle so enlightened in
foreign postal conventions, which are ancillary to commerce, to immigration, and to political influence and
power. But if we change the terms of the question, it
will be more easily solved. What, then, shall we lose
by arresting the enterprise? We shall lose all the postages on steam mails, and all the hopes of cheap postage,
and all the profits on passengers and freight transported
by steam. It is not easy to estimate these losses; but
we have some knowledge of the profits of Great Britain,
arising from the monopoly she enjoyed before our competition. The duties received into the treasury from the
Cunard steamers rose in six years from $73,809 to
$1,054,731. She paid the steamers for carrying the
mails six years $2,550,000, and received postages in
return amounting to $7,836,800; giving her a clear
profit, on the postal revenue, of $5,286,800, or little
less than a million a year. We have gained at least
one-half of what benefits Great Britain has lost by reason of our enterprise.  Let that monopoly be restored




18
and re-established, we shall then lose all that gain, and
with it we shall see the postages, and freights, and rates
of passage, raised to their ancient standards, and continually adjusted equally to injure our prosperity and promote the interests and gratify the caprice of Great Britain.  What shall we then look for but decline of trade
and industry, with a long train of commercial embarrassments and national humiliations?
At most, we can save by abandoning this enterprise
only about $300,000 in two years.  Could we not now
easily retrench to that extent in some other quarter?
We can save as much, and more, by laying up one of
our frigates in ordinary during the same time, and twice
as much by burning it down to the water's edge. No
one would advise this, and yet it would be far less disastrous than the retrenchment now proposed.
Still, sir, the argument that the expense exceeds the
estimates is pressed. Well, there is nothing new in
that. This is a deficiency bill. It makes appropriations of some millions to supply deficiencies in the customs service, in the construction of public edifices, in
the improvement and embellishment of the capital, in
the department of Indian Affairs, in the department of
the Territories, and in the department of Foreign Relations. And just such a deficiency bill comes up from
the House of Representatives, at the middle of every
session of Congress, as punctually as the estimates for
the year come in at the beginning, and as the appropriation bill based on these estimates appears at the close.
Shall we, then, abandon the customs, the public edifices,




19
the seat of Government, the army and navy, the Indian
tribes, the Territories, and all foreign intercourse, because we can never estimate accurately, at the beginning, the cost of maintaining them throughout the fiscal
year?
But it is said that the enterprise is a departure from
the principle of free trade.  Sir, it is a departure from
that principle, but not a divergence from the fixed and
ancient policy of the country. Widely, and I think
unwisely, as we have differed among ourselves about the
policy of protecting agriculture and manufactures, to the
hindrance of the growth of commerce itself, yet we have,
from first to last, uncompromisingly and unwaveringly
adhered to the policy of protecting navigation. We
inherited it from England, whose navigation act, passed
by the Long Parliament, and co-operating with her
encouragement of manufactures, broke the monopoly of
Holland, and secured to the British islands the commerce of the world and the command of the ocean. If
this measure enhances protection of our navigation, it is
because British largesses enhance the protection of her
navigation. Let her revert to her old measure of protection, and we can at once safely return to ours.
The honorable Senator from Virginia tells us that it
is wise to give up now, because, the system being unprofitable, we shall be obliged to give up at last. But
this is only a temporary contest, not yet fully decided,
and growing in success. Collins's contract has eight
years to run. Long before that time, Atlantic steam
navigation will prove itself to be either self-sustaining




20
or not self-sustaining. In either case, Great Britain
will withdraw her patronage from her line, and we can
then safely discontinue our contributions to our line.
The honorable Senator from Virginia seeks to divide
us on this question, by presenting the claims of what he
calls the poorer cities for a share in the benefits of this
policy, now concentrated upon New York. I learn that
a bill is near its third reading in the Legislature of the
-Old Dominion, having for its object to establish a line of
first-class steamships between Norfolk and Antwerp.
Sir, I assure the honorable Senator that when a proposition shall come before us for material aid to the trade of
any of our Atlantic cities, which shall at the same time
be beneficent to the whole Union-whether that- city be
Boston, or Philadelphia, or Baltimore, or Norfolk, or
Charleston, or New Orleans-I shall greet it with no
reluctant hearing. But in the mean time the field of
battle is chosen, not by us, but by the enemy; it is not
a provincial contest for provincial objects, but it is a
national one. We must meet our adversary on that
field, not elsewhere; and we must meet him or surrender the whole nation's cause without a blow.
And now I pray honorable Senators to consider what
it is that we are invited to surrender.  It is no less than
the proud commercial and political position we have
gained by two wars with Great Britain, and by the vigorous and well-directed enterprise of our countrymen
through a period now reaching to three-quarters of a
century.
Next, -I pray you to consider what position we must




21
take after that surrender-the position of Mexico, of the
Canadas, and of the South American States. Surely
there is nothing attractive in such a change, in such a
descent.
I conjure you to consider, moreover, that England,
without waiting for, and, I am sure, without expecting,
so inglorious a retreat on our part, is completing a vast
web of ocean steam navigation, based on postage and
commerce, that will connect all the European ports, all
our own ports, all the South American ports, all the
ports in the West Indies, all the ports of Asia and
Oceanica, with her great commercial capital. Thus the
world is to become a great commercial system, ramified
by a thousand nerves projecting from the one head at
London. Yet, stupendous as the scheme is, our own
merchants, conscious of equal capacity and equal resources, and relying on experience for success, stand here
beseeching us to allow them to counteract its fulfilment,
and ask of us facilities and aid equal to those yielded by
the British Government to its citizens.  While our commercial history is full of presages of a successful competition, Great Britain is sunk deep in debt. We are free
from debt. Great Britain is oppressed with armies and
costly aristocratic institutions; industry among us is unfettered and free. But it is a contest depending not on
armies, nor even on wealth, but chiefly on invention and
industry. And how stands the national account in those
respects? The cotton-gin, the planing machine, steam
navigation, and electrical communication-these are old
achievements.- England only a year ago invited the na



22
tions to bring their inventions and compare them together
in a palace of iron and glass. In all the devices for the
increase of luxury and indulgence, America was surpassed, not only by refined England and by chivalrous
France, but even by semi-barbarian Russia. Not until
after all the mortification which such a result necessarily
produced, did the comparison of utilitarian inventions
begin. Then our countrymen exhibited Dick's Antifriction Press-a machine that moved a power greater by
240 tons than could be raised by the Brama Hydraulic
Press, which, having been used by Sir John Stevenson
in erecting the tubular bridge over the Straits of Menai,
had been brought forward by the British artisans as a
contrivance of unrivalled merit for the generation of
direct power.
Next was submitted, on our behalf, the two inventions
of St. John, the variation compass, which indicates the
deflection of its own needle at any place, resulting from
local causes; and the velocimeter, which tells, at any
time, the actual speed of the vessel bearing it, and its
distance from the port of departure; inventions adopted
at once by the Admiralty of Great Britain. Then, to
say nothing of the ingeniously constructed locks exhibited'by Hobbs, which defied the skill of the British artisans,
while he opened all of theirs at pleasure, there was
Bigelow's power-loom, which has brought down ingrain
and Brussels carpets within the reach of the British
mechanic and farmer. While the American plows took
precedence of all others, McCormick's reaper was
acknowledged to be a contribution to the agriculture




23
of England, surpassing in value the cost of the Crystal
Palace. Nor were we dishonored in the fine arts, for
a well-deserved meed was awarded to Hughes for his
successful incorporation in marble of the ideal Oliver
Twist; and the palm was conferred on Powers for his
immortal statue of the Greek Slave. When these
successes had turned away the tide of derision from our
country, the yacht America entered the Thames. Skilful architects saw that she combined, in before unknown
proportions, the elements of grace and motion, and her
modest challenge was reluctantly accepted, and even
then only for a tenth part of the prize she proposed.
The trial was graced by the presence of the Queen and
her Court, and watched with an interest created by
national pride and ambition, and yet the triumph was
complete.
In the very hour of this, of itself conclusive demonstration of American superiority in utilitarian inventions,
and in the art " that leads to nautical dominion," a further
and irresistible confirmation was given by the arrival of
American clippers from India, freighted at advanced rates
with shipments, consigned by the agents of the East
India Company at Calcutta to their own warehouses in
London. Such and so recent are the proofs, that in the
capital element of invention we are equal to the contest
for the supremacy of the seas. When I consider them,
and consider our resources, of which those of Pennsylvania, or of the valley of the Mississippi, or of California, alone exceed the entire native wealth of Great Britain; when I consider, moreover, our yet unelicited manu



24
facturing capacity-our great population, already nearly equal to that of the British islands, and multiplying
at a rate unknown in human progress by accessions from
both of the old continents; when I consider the advantages of our geographical position midway between
them; and when I consider, above all, the expanding
and elevating influence of freedom upon the genius of our
people, I feel quite assured that their enterprise will be
adequate to the glorious conflict, if it be only sustained
by constancy and perseverance on the part of their Government. I do not know that we shall prevail in that
conflict; but for myself, like the modest hero who was
instructed to charge on the artillery at Niagara, I can
say that we "will try; " and that when a difficulty
occurs no greater than that which meets us now, my
motto shall be the words of the dying commander of the
Chesapeake-" Don't give up the ship."




THE COLLINS' STEAMERS.
The policy of the American Government has been for many years
to throw their foreign trade and commerce open to the legitimate competition of every flag, and under this policy the shipping and commercial interests of the country were for a time prosperous and satisfactory.
Our packet ships were completely successful, and finally got possession
of the largest portion of the freight and passenger traffic. Under these
circumstances England became anxious, and saw no remedy, but by
the establishment of a line of mail steamers to regain what by fair competition she had lost, and therefore commenced such a line of steamers,
and placed it wholly under the admiralty jurisdiction, as a government
undertaking. They found soon by experience that they could not do
it satisfactorily to the public, and the expenses were so enormous, that
they considered it good policy to discontinue it.
They then proposed to several intelligent merchants to try the experiment under governmental patronage, and finally after some negotiation
Mr. Cunard and his associates entered into a contract in July, 1840,
to carry the mails, and for which they were paid -b60,000 annually,
equal, a 4 8~, to $288,000.
They commenced the service with four steamers, 420 horse power
each, and of the capacity or gross tonnage or 4,600 tons, or 624 6 per
ton, and made at the commencement one passage each month. The
Government of Britain soon perceived the importance of this line; it at
once changed their position with this country; it gave them a revenue
on their mail matter, and on that of the American people. It gave
them almost the monopoly of the passenger traffic, and the most valuable of all freights, that upon bullion, and the rich and high priced
merchandise of Europe. This far-sighted measure of the British cabinet,
at one blow, took from the American packets the three most important
items of their business, viz., valuable freights, passengers, and mail
money, and thus almost ruined them. The number of sailing packetGIDEON, Print.




2
ships in every port has been lessened, and many of them could not now
be kept afloat, were it not for the immense immigration from Ireland
and the continent of Europe.
The first six years, England actually derived from the Cunard line
of mail steamers a clear revenue of $5,286,800, and the proprietors of
this line large profits. The whole nearly was obtained at the expense
of American sailing packets, and from the American public, with the
aid of the public money of England.
At first this line confined itself to one port; now two ports are used:
the company have increased and are increasing the capacity and number of their steamers at the expense of the American people, and this is
owing entirely, at the commencement, to the policy of England, in
granting them aid to ensure the destruction of all individual competition
of Americans. The American people and Government felt all this,
and through the press, and every other channel, called loudly for an
American line of steam packets; the press and people promising to support such a line with money and their patronage. Under these assurances, an American line was built and put into service. The result
has been, the American proprietors have built the best ocean mail
steamers afloat, in point of strength, speed, and comfort, and have
wrested back a portion of the mail money, passenger traffic, and the
freights of bullion, and valuable merchandise, and have given general
public satisfaction.
No private individuals in the Kingdom of Great Britain, at a time
when no opposition was in their way, and when all the trade of America and Europe was open to them, dared at the commencement, begin
such an enterprise, knowing as they did the large expenditure of ocean
steamers, without substantial aid from the British Government, and the
further assurance of indemnity against loss.
The American enterprise was undertaken with four steamers of 1000
horse power each, and of the capacity or gross tonnage of 13,702 tons,
for a compensation of $385,000 per annum, or 28' 1 per ton, making
semi-monthly passages for eight months, and monthly for four months
in each year, say twenty passages in all. This was accomplished by
a few individuals at an outlay of more than 3,000,000 dollars, in the
face of a line with many years of experience, and having the public
confidence, and supported by adequate aid from the British treasury,
and the patronage of British and American merchants and manufacturers. The British merchants and manufacturers have been true to




3
the Cunard line; they send their merchandise by them, they take passage in them, they send their letters by them, and keep back their duplicates and triplicates for their own line, rather than allow them to go
by an American steamer. And the British Government through their
agents have done every thing to promote the interest of this line, and
have actually charged the inland postage on all of the continental letters going by American steamers, and when by British, the inland postage has been rernitted or not charged.
This matter is now before the Postmaster General; and this stroke of
management has taken thousands of dollars from the American treasury to the loss and injury of our line of steamers.
This country must always be in competition with Great Britain, and
if England opens her treasury to sustain mail lines, then must the
United States do the same thing to such of their lines of steamers as
come in direct competition with them, or abandon the field, after winning the battle, to their rivals.
If the American line from necessity, that is, the want of means, is
compelled to be withdrawn, the consequence must be, the building up
of an increased and formidable number of British mail steamers at the
expense of the American people. Through such lines they will pay
the British Government for the carrying of their letters, and surrender
to British capitalists, already made rich by American patronage, all the
freights on bullion and valuable merchandise, and the whole of the
passenger traffic.
Had England allowed her merchants (without governmental aid at
the beginning of ocean steam navigation) to compete legitimately with
American merchants, no American merchant would ever have presented
himself before an American Congress asking aid against competition
with British merchants on the high seas.
There is another very important point of view in which to consider
this matter.
Suppose the proprietors of this American line of steamers, for want
of the necessary governmental aid, be compelled to relinquish their
contract, and to withdraw them from service.
It would be a national disgrace, and would cause much mortification
to every American at home and abroad, and great joy and exultation
on the other side of the water.
No line of equal capacity and fitness could be again put afloat by
individual capitalists.




Where could $3,000,000 of private capital be found?' And where
are the capitalists able and willing to attempt it?
Let the present line sink, and the Cunard line will then have a complete monopoly, that in time could not be resisted or overcome, unless
expelled from our coasts by law. They would have possession of the key
of all the commerce of this country with Europe. They would control
and raise at will the prices of freights, and the rates of passage, and
even the rates of postage of mail-matter would be at their disposal.
The rate of freight, when this line commenced, was  t7 10 per ton,
now..L4 from England to the United States, and from the United
Slates to England, any rate of freight the shipper chooses to pay, from
6d. to 3s. per barrel. But for this low rate of freight our produce, say,
flour, pork, beef, bacon, hams, cheese, lard, butter, apples, &c., &c.,
could not, at the low prices ruling in Europe, be shipped from this
country; and some of them being perishable, can only be shipped by
steamers of great speed and good ventilation.
These freights by steamers and sailing packets, constantly on an
average rule low, but owing to their departures on regular and specified
days, rather than go empty, they take any freight offering; and frequently the freight from New York to Liverpool is actually less than
the drayage from the warehouse to the vessel of embarkation.
What has killed the navigation from the St. Lawrence to England,
and given millions to the great State of New York, in the shape of tolls
on her canals, and employment to her boatmen and laborers, but the
low freights and the certainty and expedition of the sailing, and steam
packets from New York to Liverpool?
It has transferred a large portion of the products of Canada to the
city of New York for a market, and for shipment to Europe, and has
actually brought the statesmen of Canada to the very halls of Congress, asking to be placed, as regards exports and imports of the products of both countries, upon a footing of equality.
The cash cost of the Collins' line of steamers, ready
for sea, was                                 - $2,944,142 71
The following items show the present position of the
Collins' line of steamers, viz:
The amount of stock subscribed is  -    -      -  1,132,000 00
Of which has been paid    -       $1,099,900 00
The Government loan was  -       -   385,000 00




5
The company have borrowed and issued their bonds for          -   700,000 00
Their floating debt is now, exclusive
of interest, about -          - 1,000,000 00
3,184,900 00
They have sunk over      -     -      -      -    350,000 00O
No dividends have been made to the stockholders.
The actual average cost of each voyage
to England and back is   -    -  $65,215 64
The average receipts of each voyage
have been -                        48,286 85
Deficiency each voyage                       -     16,928 79
Or for 20 voyages                                $338,574 40
d. h. m.
The shortest passage eastward   -     -      -    9  19  45
The shortest passage westward   -     -      -    9  13  45
Such is the absence of remunerative employment for these steamers
in the winter season, that the last steamer, the Atlantic, to England
had no freight, and only eight first and nineteen second class passengers.
The estimated expense of keeping four war steamers of the capacity
of the Collins' line in commission, exclusive of fuel, is not less than
$2,000,000 per annum; and for keeping them in the navy yards ready
for sea, $640,000 per annum.
The amount of postage derived exclusively from the Collins' line of
steamers from Ist of January to 1st of May, 1851, say 4 months, was
$126,606 00, less by $1,727-,33 than paid to said line by contract.
The mail service since May has fallen off, owing to the British Government having suddenly increased the mail service of the Cunard
line, and consequently increased theirpay considerably.
This move has cut us off from alternating with their line since May
last, up to which time we shared with them nearly equally all the
receipts on mail matter. We must compel them by some new postal
arrangement to again alternate with our line, which will give annually
to our Post Office over $400,000 to begin with; and this will go on,
gradually increasing, until it reaches a million of dollars per annum,
and thus create a revenue beyond all the compensation to the steamers.




6
The policy pursued by the British Government towards their mail
steamers has not only secured the numerous collateral public advantages attendant upon their service, but a permanent revenue exceeding
the annual outlay. They have found a liberal expenditure the best
economy.
Since the foregoing was printed, the following official document has
been transmitted from the Postmaster General to the Committee on
Naval Affairs of the United States Senate, showing a revenue has been
derived, in consequence of the establishment of this line of steamers,
up to 31st March last, of $828,675 59 against the contract; which will
amount, on the 27th April, 1852, to $770,000-leaving, therefore, a
nett gain to the Treasury of $58,675 59.
Exhibit of postage on zails received and sent by the Cunard and
Collins' steamers,from Feb. 21st, 1849, to March 31st, 1852.
Postage by Cunard line, from Feb. 21, 1849, to
April 27, 1850   -    -      -     -      -  $665,311 55
United States portion  -   - $138,606 55
British portion -   -      -   526,705 00
$665,311 55
Postage by Cunard line, from April 27, 1850, to
March 31, 1852  -                            1,071,302 34
United States portion  -   - $223,188 00
British portion -   -  -       848,114 34
$1,071,302 34
Postage by Collins' line, from April 27, 1850, to
March 31, 1852                                 373,337 80
United States portion  -   - $326,670 58
British portion -   -      -    46,667 22
$373,337 80
$2,109,951 69




United States revenue for the same period1st. By Cunard line, letters, to April 27, 1850   -  $138,606 55
2d. By             "   April 27, 1850,  to
March 31, 1852      -      -     -           223,188 00
3d By Collins' line, letters, April 27, 1850, to
March 31, 1852      -      -     -      -   326,670 58
4th. Newspaper postage, to December 31, 1851  -    46,858 88
5th. Balance on closed mails    -     -   -    90,151 58
6th. Postage for State Department  -      -      3,200 00
$828,675 59
The increase of trans-atlantic postage in 1851, over
that of 1850, was     -     -      -      -  $197,435 61
Increase by Collins' line   -  $183,734 05
Increase by other line  -    13,701 56
$197,435 61
NOTE. —In the preceding statement, the closing mails are estimated
for the quarter ending 31st December, 1851, and the newspaper closed
mail accounts for the quarter ending 31st March, 1852, and not included.
(Copy.)                            P. O.DEPARTMENT,
Foreign Desk, April 7, 1852.
I certify, that the above is the copy of the statement from the Auditor's office referred to in the P. M. General's note of to-day's date to
E. K. Collins, esq.
(Signed)                         HORATIO KING.








AMERICAN STEAM NAVIGATION.
-SPEECH
OF
ONo GEORGE E, BADGEB
OF NORTH CAROLINA,
FOR
THE COLLINS STEAMERS,
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY 6. 1852.
WASHINGTON. D. C.:
BUELL & BILANCIHARD, PRINTERS.
1852















AMERICAN STEAM NAVIGATION
SPEECH
OF
HON. GEORGE E. BADGER,
OF NORTH CAROLINA,
FOR
THE COLLINS STEAMERS.
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY 6, 1852.
WASHINGTON, D. C.:
BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS.
1852.








SPEECH.
The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill from the House of Representatives, entitled " An act
to supply deficiencies in the appropriations for the service of the fiscal
year ending the 30th of June, 1852," the pending question being upon
the amendment of the Committee on Finance to insert the following:
For additional compensation for increasing the transportation of the United
States mail between New York and Liverpool, in the Collins line of steamers, to
twenty-six trips per annum, at such times as shall be directed by the Postmaster
General, and in conformity to his last annual report to Congress, and his letter of
the 15th of November last to the Secretary of the Navy, commencing said increased service on the 1st of January, 1852, at the rate of $33,000 per trip, in lieu
of the present allowance, the sum of $236,500.
Mr. BADGER. Mr. President, I desire to submit some observations upon the subject of the amendment before the Senate, and, if no
other gentleman is disposed to say anything, I will submit my remarks
now. My friend from Virginia, [Mr. HUNTER,] the other day, took
occasion to remark that he stood almost alone on this question-most,
if not all, of those who had mingled in the debate having taken part in
support of the pending amendment. But my friend from Virginia
should have remembered that if in number he is but one, in force he is a
host. He stands amongst us like Achilles upon the plains of Troy,
driving whole battalions before him, and requiring the concentrated
energies of a mighty army to arrest his advance. Therefore, he must
not be surprised if, when he opposes, many of us should think it necessary that we should support-well knowing that such is the weight and
force of his reasoning, the influence of his position, the keen and skilful
dexterity of his logic, by which he is able always to " make the worse
appear the better reason," it is absolutely necessary that we should
summon up all our powers to secure that success to this amendment
which we believe its intrinsic merits require.
My friend from Virginia yesterday was pleased to say, in reference to
a remark made by the honorable Senator from New York, [Mr. SEWARD,] as to the narrowing influence produced upon the mind by occupying the position of Chairman of the Finance Committee, that, if the suggestion of the Senator from New York were correct, it would be perhaps a happy thing to place me at the head of that committee, as such
a narrowing influence might not be amiss upon what he supposed to be
the too profuse liberality of my disposition.
Mr. President, there are several difficulties in the way of my occupying the distinguished position to which the partiality of my friend




4
would assign me. In the first place, I do not belong to the right side
of this House to assume the direction of any committee. I am much
better placed in the capacity of trailing a pike under the command and
direction of the honorable Senator from  California, [Mr. GWIN,] to
whose committee I have been assigned. An experiment was once made
by the distinguished gentleman who is now the presiding officer of this
body, of placing me at the head of one committee of this body, and an
important committee it was. He made me the Chairman of the Committee on Enrolled Bills. But whether it was that I discharged my
duties in that high and important position so badly, or neglected them
so much, or, as my honorable friend from Michigan says, discharged
them so well, and was so critical and careful about the phraseology of
our laws-whatever might have been the reason, I seem to have lost
caste and credit; for, at the next session, I was summarily displaced
from the position of chief in command, and put where I was but a private soldier.
I am by no means ambitious of assuming the position to which my
friend from Virginia would assign me; but he will permit me to say,
that, if placing me at the head of that committee would have the narrowing influence which he supposes, by equal force of reasoning it seems
to me he ought to leave the station which he has assumed; for I know
of no gentleman in this body, or in this country, with his high understanding and enlarged views, who needs liberalizing more than he does
in regard to the public expenditures of the country for great and noble
objects.
Mr. President, the question submitted for the consideration of the
Senate is, we all admit, a question of high and controlling importance.
It has been said in the course of this discussion that the contest between these two lines has now become a national contest between this
country and Great Britain. I desire to amend that statement. From
the very moment of the institution of the Collins line, it was a national
contest. It has not recently assumed that character. It has always
borne it. The enterprise was very far, indeed, from being in fact, or
from being regarded by the country, as a mere contest between two
rival companies of ship-owners. It was one great, active contest in
that mighty drama for thei mastery of the seas-for superiority in
everything that belongs to strength, speed, effective power, and success
for war and for commercial purposes, which long has been, and ever
must be, the mightiest contest between this country and Great Britain.
After having entered upon this peaceful, and, at the same time, most
important contest, the question presented to the American Congress
now is, whether we shall dishonorably retrace our steps; whether, when
the hand is just stretched out to seize the crown of victory-we shall
voluntarily forego all our advantages, retire from the high and eminent
position we now occupy in the eyes of all the civilized world, and voluntarily surrender that which to obtain and perpetuate Great Britain
would without any hesitation sacrifice a hundred times the amount of
money which is involved in the question now before the Senate.
We are now reduced to this position: We must do one of three
things; we must either afford the aid which is now asked by this company, and which this amendment proposes to give it; or we must en



force upon it the performance of the contract entered into with this
Government, to the utter ruin of its members; or we must permit this
line to go down, and permit Great Britain to be, by the acknowledgment of the world, first, not only in naval power, but in naval enterprise, and in national sympathy for her own glory; and to allow her to
take possession of the sea by our own voluntary retreat, which, in a fair
conflict, the experience of three quarters of a century has shown she
never could obtain by skill and power of her own.
I have said that we must do one of these three things; and is it not
manifest that one of the three must be done? Why, sir, it is proved;
it is not a subject of debate; it does not depend upon minute speculations in arithmetic; it cannot even be necessary to resort to the squareroot of my friend from Kentucky to resolve it; but it is proved by
clear, distinct, incontrovertible sworn testimony, that the running of
the Collins line, at the present rate of compensation, has brought, on
twenty-eight trips, an average loss of nearly $17,000 each trip to the
company. Now, it requires nothing to be said to show that it is impossible that the line can be kept up and maintained upon the present rate of
compensation, with the loss which must necessarily be thrown upon the
intelligent, enterprising, wealthy, and patriotic citizens by whom the
line has been established. Gentlemen may say-the honorable gentleman from Virginia has said-that there is not a necessity for this increase of compensation. Gentlemen may say, and gentlemen may think,
that the line can be run, and will be run, at the present rate of compensation; but if gentlemen so say and so think, they are greatly deceived. The members of this company are now bearing heavy drafts
upon their private funds to meet daily recurring deficiencies, so large
that a quarter of a year of them accruing upon persons of ordinary
ability would crush them, and which no company, however able, can
long sustain.
References have been made to the rate of compensation or assistance
afforded by the British Government to the Cunard line; and it has been
attempted to be shown that the rate of compensation so given is less
than what is proposed to be given by this amendment to sustain the
Collins line. Well, suppose it were so; do we not all know that the
expenses of maintaining a line, consisting of steamships, depends not
so much upon the number as upon the size of the vessels employed?
No doubt my friend from Virginia is right in saying that we could
maintain a dozen steamers, and send them across the ocean, not merely
for twenty-six trips, but for fifty trips, at far less expense than is incurred by the Collins line, even at the present rate of compensation.
What the expenses are is to depend upon the size of the vessels engaged. And what is that size? Why, there are four Collins steamersthere are seven Cunarders.  The aggregate tonnage of the four Collins
steamers exceeds the aggregate tonnage of the seven Cunarders by
more than a thousand tons.  It is, therefore, no accurate mode of proceeding, to ascertain what amount of expenditure may be needed, to
calculate only according to the number of ships and the number of trips.
You must take into connection with that the relative size of the vessels
employed. Why, sir, in a few years, the wear and tear of these vessels, and the outlay required for the purpose of keeping them afloat,




6
will amount to an actual absorption of the whole principal invested.
Permit me to add, also, that another element is to be taken into the
account; and that is, the speed with which the vessels traverse the
ocean. The more the speed is increased, the greater is the injury to
the ship, the more rapidly are the works worn out, and a larger outlay is
required for the purpose of keeping her in a running condition. So that
it may be very true, that, if we would reduce our ships to the size of
the Cunarders; if we would drop them down to a screw propeller, going
at the rate of six miles an hour, we might, perhaps, be able to run the
vessels, to walk them, or to let them creep, at less money than is required to maintain these large ships, and keep them in that state of
proud superiority as to speed which now distinguishes them.
Gentlemen may speculate upon the question, whether these ships
ought to cost so much money in maintaining and running them; but the
fact is, they do cost it. The fact is, that the expenses exceed the receipts of the company at the rate of nearly $17,000 a trip. Then,
what is proposed by this amendment? It is to add, not the $17,000,
but we propose to increase the rate of compensation: from $19,250 a trip
or voyage, to $33,000; that is, we add $13,750 to the compensation
allowed for each trip. We hope for better and brighter times. We
hope that with this addition these enterprising and patriotic men may
be enabled to make good the contest and maintain their superiority. If
there be any truth in evidence, if any reliance can be placed upon testimony, the fact is shown that they are losing within a fraction of
$17,000 upon every trip. If, therefore, we are to support or assist
them at all, it is difficult to conceive what else we could do than to add
between $13,000 and $14,000 to the present amount of compensation.
But again, under the additional arrangement entered into by the Post
Office and the Navy Departments with these gentlemen, six additional
trips have to be made, in order to maintain a constant and equal competition through the winter as well as in the spring and summer months.
Then we must recollect, that with regard to these winter trips, besides
all the enhanced difficulties whidh accompany them, they fall greatly
short in the ordinary remuneration. The winter freights are small,
and the winter passengers are few. So that, putting all these considerations together, I think it must be evident to every gentleman, that
if any assistance is to be afforded, that proposed in the amendment is
by no means unreasonably large.
Gentlemen may suppose that if this assistance is withheld, this enterprise will still be prosecuted.  Permit me to assure them that they
are entirely mistaken. So sure as the proposed amendment is rejected, and Congress declines to give the asked for, the desired aid, the
very next step will be an application from these gentlemen to be relieved from the ruinous contract into which they have entered with the
Government.  If we refuse this aid, the other application we cannot
deny. It would be unjust and cruelly ungenerous to deny it. No
question can remain, but that the moment that application is made to
Congress, it will be favorably considered, and promptly granted. Then,
how should we stand?  The line is to be discontinued! Who would
benefit by its discontinuance? English capital, English enterprise,
English reputation, and the national honor and glory of England. By




whom is the loss to be borne? In each and every one of these particulars it is to be borne by us.
My honorable friend from Virginia said, that if at a single stroke all
these Collins steamers were sunk into the bottom of the ocean, there
was no doubt but that the Cunard steamers would still bring us the
mails. No doubt of that, sir. And does any man doubt, that if the
whole American marine were to-morrow gulphed in the depths of the
ocean, but that British commercial vessels would still bring us the products of foreign countries, and take away the products of our own?
But is there any man here, is there any man in America, whose soul is
so dead to the perceptions of national honor and national interest, who
would be willing to accept the last alternative? Not my friend from
Virginia, I am sure. But, if there be any correctness in the reasoning which he applied to the case of the steamers, the reasoning applies
with precisely the same force, and is entitled to just the same weight,
in the case to which I apply it. Would anybody be benefited? Why,
surely not, sir. Would the vessels engaged in prosecuting, under sail
and without the aid of steam, the commercial pursuits of the United
States gain the advantage of discontinuing this line? Surely they
would not, sir. The passengers would then go by the Cunard line from
this country to England, and from England here. And why? Because,
in the rage for rapid motion now prevailing, men will always travel
by that conveyance which gives them the speediest transmission from
one end of their journey to the other.  Would sailing vessels be benefited with regard to freights by the discontinuance of this line? Surely
not; for the freights which are transmitted by the Collins line would
then, for a very obvious reason, be transmitted by the Cunard line. If
the Collins line were put out of the way, there would be no effectual
competition in regard to freights between ordinary sail-vessels and
steamn-vessels. The steamers carry those freights which are of comparative lightness and of increased value.  The ordinary heavy
freights, which seek sure and cheap transmission, cannot afford to bear
the additional expense of steamer transportation.
My friend from Virginia mentioned yesterday that he understood
from some persons concerned in iron works, that these steamers had
actually brought over iron at so small a rate as almost to put it on the
footing of taking it in for ballast. Now, I think my friend's informant
must have been mistaken. I learn from a source which is, I think,
optitled to the highest credit, that not one ton of iron has ever been
brought in these steamers as ballast. They do not want ballast, with
the immense weight of their machinery, with the immense quantities of
coal which they carry. One great object is to reduce the amount of
pressure, and to enable them to move, therefore, with more rapidity.
Sail vessels are in the habit often of carrying articles in that way, because when they are solid and heavy, it relieves them from the necessity of cumbering themselves with the ballast which they would otherwise require.
Then it seems to me that the discontinuance of this line involves the
certain consequence of giving the whole steam communication between
this country and Great Britain, and, as a consequence of it, the steam
communication between this country and the continent of Europe, into
the hands of British steamship owners. There is no escape from it.




8
If I were now to suppose that a large outlay would be required
during the whole continuance of this contract, for a very small remuneration in the form of postages to the United States, I should, for one,
be exceedingly unwilling to see this line go down. I do not exactly
agree with my friend from Virginia. I do not believe that money is
devoted to its proper purposes by being hoarded. I do not believe that
money expended to advance the honor, to promote the interests, to
maintain the supremacy of my own country, is ever otherwise than well
and effectually bestowed-bringing that return which nations should
consider as the highest and the best, the improvement of the condition
of their people, the elevation of the character of the whole; for with
regard to nations the reputation of strength is strength. He who has
established a character of invincibility will not be very likely to have
his pretensions put to the test by an actual conflict. Nothing, undoubtedly, supports individual States more in the world than the reputation of perseverance, strength, and inflexible integrity. But, then, is
there any reason to suppose that we shall be left in such a situation?
My friend from Virginia does not believe that this line will be so
prosecuted, or can be so prosecuted, as to make an adequate return to
the Treasury, in the shape of postages, for the expenditures which will
be involved. Now, upon what is that founded? In all our domestic concerns, have we not ever found that the postages of the country are upon
the increase, that every facility given to correspondence increases correspondence, and that just and reasonable reductions upon the prices
of postage are followed by a large increase in the amount received from
postages? Postal arrangements by steam-vessels are now in their beginning. They are just in the commencement, where they are showing
us what they will do. I entertain a strong and confident expectation
and hope, that if we give the required assistance to this line, it will be
able to maintain itself, and overmaster the competition in which it is
now engaged; and that in a few. years we shall have not only the satisfaction of knowing that our country has maintained, increased, and
consolidated its reputation in the eyes of the world as a great naval
power, as a nation of enterprise and untiring perseverance, and that
even in a pecuniary point of view we shall receive the just reward of
this high and elevated course of conduct, by having immense amounts
of money poured into the Treasury.  What has been the increase
already? Why, the increase of the line to Havre the year before,
makes nearly $200,000. Who shall set bounds to it? No one.
If, therefore, it were to be viewed solely as a question of dollars and
cents —as the outlay of money with the expectation of a return in
money-I think the case is one which, if my friend from Virginia would
bring his peculiar tact to bear of calculating, which, as the Chairman
of the Committee on Finance, he ought to do, how much will be received for a given sum laid out, he will see that even upon that mode
of treating this subject, and keeping a careful and watchful eye upon
the Treasury, we are likely to bring a great deal more into it than will
be paid out of it by this proposition.
Then, Mr. President, there are other considerations connected with
this matter. These are war steamers. They enable us not only to
accomplish the mastery and to insure victory in the peaceful contest of




9
skill and enterprise in which we are now embarked, but they are well
calculated, in the event of another and bloody contest, to enable us to
maintain in that the same superiority. My friend from Virginia thinks
that they are not calculated for war steamers. I have heretofore said,
on another occasion, that I should consider them as capable of being
efficient vessels of war until the contrary had been demonstrated by
experiment.  And why, sir?  They were built for vessels of warthey were built under the direction of the Navy Department, directed
and superintended by all the skill in naval construction of which that
Department is master. Every requisition made by Government in
their construction was fully and completely complied with; and with
regard to strength, the requirements of the Department were even exceeded by the proprietors of the line.
Mr. HUNTER. I dislike to interrupt the gentleman, but does he
mean to say that these steamers are built of white oak, as ships of war
are built?
Mr. BADGER. I said they were built according to the requisitions
of the Navy Department. Although I once had the honor to be at the
head of the Navy Department, I do not claim for myself a perfect acquaintance with all the details of naval armament. I do not say that
I have not the time, but I have not the energy of my friend from Virginia, to make myself acquainted with these particulars. I take my
position here.  I have no skill in such matters; I pretend to none.
These vessels were built under the direction of an act of Congress,
which required that they should be built under the superintendence of
the Navy Department. They were built under the supervision of the
proper officers of the Navy Department-those officers to whom the
Government trusts when it builds shipsof its own, to see that they have
the necessary qualities. I suppose that, when my friend used the term
" white oak," he did not mean " white oak," but " live oak."  I understand from my friend from Rhode Island, [Mr. CLARKE,] who comes
from a quarter of country where every man understands these matters,
even Senators, that they are built of white oak, though not of live oak.
Mr. HUNTER. The Senator from Florida, [Mr. MALLORY,] who
is acquainted with these subjects, tells me that they are planked with
pine, and not with white oak, as is usual with vessels of war.
Mr. BADGER. Well, sir, I was not speaking of planking. I was
speaking of timbers.
Mr. HUNTER. The strength of vessels depends in some degree on
the planking.
Mr. BADGER. I wish my friend from Florida would get up and
give his testimony now.
Mr. MALLORY. What testimony is it?
Mr. BADGER.  I do not know.  You are not my witness.
[Laughter. ]
Mr. MALLORY.  If the question is what the steamers are planked
with, I will say that every ship that I have happened to know anything
about, built under naval directions, has been planked with oak planks.
The Collins steamers are planked with pine. If they are not, they have
been officially misrepresented.'I'he timbers and frames of naval vessels are live oak, and the timbers and frames of the Collins steamers
are a mixture of live oak, locust, and pine.




10
Mr. BADGER.  Well, be it so.  I would ask the Senator from
Florida one question. He says these steamers are planked with pine.
Are they not planked with Southern pine?
Mr. MALLORY.  Certainly, sir.
Mr. BADGER. Enough said. If they are planked with Southern
pine, it is a great deal better than Northern oak.  [Laughter.]
Mr. MALLORY.  All I have to say is, that it has not been so considered by the naval authorities of this country, who have uniformly
preferred oak.
Mr. BADGER. That is because they have inclined to Northern
interests. I am very happy to say that they are coming round. I
am for Southern pine against Northern oak. The naval constructors
had the direction of these vessels, they were approved by them, and
they were accepted by the Department. As I have said, and now repeat, I shall consider them as competent steam war-vessels, until, by
some experiments, the contrary shall be shown. Nothing can be urged
against this but opinion. My friend from New Jersey [Mr. MILLER]
the other day read two brief opinions upon this subject-one from  the
naval constructor, and the other from one of the most eminent gentlemen who belong to the Navy.
Commodore Perry, in a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, says:
"According to my calculations, the cost of the conversion of either the beforementioned vessels, exclusive of armaments, repair of machinery, &c., would not, or
certainly ought not, to cost for each steamer over $20,000; and it could readily be
done for thts at any of our navy yards. With respect to the description and
weight of their respective armaments, I am clearly of the opinion that the firstclass steamers already named could easily carry four 10-inch Paixhan guns on
pivots —two forward and two aft-of the weight of those in the Mississippi, and ten
8-inch Paixhan guns on the sides; and this armament would not incommode the
vessels, and the weight less than the ice, which is usually forty tons, and stowed
away in one mass."
Again, he says:
" Tn the general operations of a maritime war they could render good service,
and especially would they be useful from their great speed as dispatch vessels, and
for the transportation of troops, always capable of attack and defence and of overhauling or escaping from an enemy.'' The Atlantic. Pacific, Baltic, and Arctic, have all been built, inspected, and
received by the Navy Department."
My friend from New Jersey also read a letter of Mr. Grice, very
well known for his skill as a naval constructor. He says, in a letter to
the Chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs:
UNITED STATES NAVY YARD, PHILADELPHIA, April 14, 1852.
SIR: In answer to yours of the 13th, I have to state, as chief naval constructor,
the specifications for building the Collins line of steamers were submitted to me,
and approved, as in accordance with the act of 3d March, 1847.
They can be converted into war-steamers to carry a battery equal to our largest
steam frigates, in a short time, and the necessary alterations to be made to receive
such a battery will not exceed a cost of $20,000 each.
I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,
FRANCIS GRICE.
To the Hon. WILLIAM M. GWIN, United States Senate, Washington.
We have, then, the opinion of Commodore Perry, that these vessels,
in case of a general maritime war, would be exceedingly valuable, not




11
merely as transports, as my friend from Virginia seemed to suppose,
but that they would be pre-eminently valuable for war purposes, from
two considerations-first, their superiority of speed; and, secondly,
their power both of attack and defence.
But my friend from Virginia seemed to be of opinion that speed was
not any recommendation to a war vessel.  " What," said he, " do we
prepare our ships with speed in order that they may run away from an
enemy? " I answer, Yes, when there is occasion to run; and we
should furnish them with speed to overtake an enemy when there is occasion to overtake him. However dignified and lofty it may sound for
a gentleman to say that he does not think it a recommendation that one
of our ships of war should have speed to escape from an enemy, yet
tried by its practical application to things, every man knows that there
are occasions in the history of all bodies of men, whether they serve by
land or by sea, where nothing is of more importance than to have speed,
in order to escape a foe whom they cannot overmaster or successfully
resist. My friend from Virginia should recollect that the very speed
which enables them to escape a superiority of force, carries them also
with triumphant power and unexpected suddenness, which gives additional force to the attack upon an enemy whom it is desirable to meet,
and against whom they are capable of successfully contending.
It seems to me, then, that in either view of the subject, first considering these vessels as mere instrumentalities for the transmission of
intelligence, and maintaining our postal arrangements, we have every
reason to believe that the money which this amendment proposes to
give, in addition to their present compensation, will be amply remunerated to us; and, in the second place, if this were not so, we have, what
is of great importance to us, the four largest and fleetest steamers in
the world, ready at any and all times to be incorporated into our warlike marine. The Senator from Virginia talks about there being six or
eight weeks required for preparing them for war purposes. Now, they
can be speedily prepared, and at a very small cost.  What that' speed " means is very readily shown by the extracts which were read
yesterday by the Senator from Texas, [Mr. RusK,] showing that, in
the British service, the change of steamers into vessels for war purposes was accomplished in three days, when it was desirable to convert
them into vessels of war.
But, in order to avoid any difficulty whatever in regard to the supposed loss which the Government is ultimately to sustain, I have an
amendment which I mean to propose, if the Senate shall adopt the
amendment now under consideration, as a proviso, for transferring to
the Post Office Department the charge of this line of steamers, and
supposing it should result in such great loss, after a fair experiment has
been tried upon the subject, authorizing Congress to discontinue the
contract. This, I think, will relieve the amendment of all reasonable
objections. I have no fear, myself, that Congress will ever be called
upon to exert such a power. On the contrary, I believe that the longer
the line exists and is maintained, the more the hearts of the people will
cluster around it as a source of national advantage and national pride.
There is, however, Mr. President, one other objection which has
been sometimes urged against this amendment. It is said that, sup



12
posing the amendment to be proper in itself-supposing it is proper to
be adopted upon a suitable bill, and at a suitable time, it is not a
proper amendment to put upon this bill. Upon that subject I wish to
say a few words. This is a bill to supply deficiencies in the appropriations for the service of, the present half fiscal year. In my opinion,
the amendment is in itself proper, and suitable to this bill. It will be
recollected that, during the recess of Congress, the heads of the Post
Office and Navy Departments came to an arrangement or understanding with the proprietors of the Collins line, that they should increase
the trips from twenty to twenty-six per annum; that they should commence the increased service on the first of January last, and that they
should trust to Congress affirming what had been done, and for fixing
the rate of additional compensation, if any should be given. The subject was brought to our attention by reports from the proper Departments. Now, if Congress think proper to give their sanction to this
arrangement, there is a deficiency in the appropriations made at the
last session for this half fiscal year. I cannot conceive why this provision is not as appropriate to this bill as any of the other provisions
which are contained in it. True, sir, the necessity for this appropriation did not exist when the general appropriation bill was passed; true,
the arrangement which has caused this deficiency has been made since
the close of the last session of Congress; true, it has arisen under a
conditional understanding and agreement, subject to the ratification of
Congress; but still, if we are disposed to ratify it, we give it validity
and effect from the commencement, and thereby produce the very deficiency which this appropriation is intended to supply. But suppose
that it is not so. Forms must yield to substance. There is a necessity
sometimes for disregarding the ordinary routine in which business is
discharged, and to accomplish what is necessary at the time and in the
manner in which it can alone be accomplished. Now, if this amendment is not put here, it will be too late. The moment it is rejected,
we shall be called upon by this company to discharge them from the
obligation of running the line which they are now running at such ruinous sacrifices-a call which we cannot, without great injustice and
want of generosity, resist. The consequence will be, if this amendment is thrown out upon an idea that it is not appropriate to the bill
now pending before the Senate, that the line will go down.
I had in my possession a few days ago (and which, I am very
sorry to say, I have lost) a letter addressed to my honorable friend
from New York, [Mr. FISH,] by a very distinguished citizen of this
country, well known as once a member of the other House from the
State of New York-well known for being one of the most liberal,
intelligent, and enterprising of American merchants for many years.
I mean Moses H. Grinnell. He wrote a letter to my friend from New
York upon the subject of this line, and with that letter I had proposed
to support, as by authority, some of the suggestions which I have ventured to throw out. I have unfortunately mislaid it. In that letter
he says, to my friend, it might be supposed that the maintenance of
this line would operate injuriously upon the large packet interests in
which he is concerned. But he says that he wishes him distinctly to
understand that his pride as an American would never permit him to




13
suffer any such paltry interests of his own to stand in the way of the
maintenance of a line which was reflecting such distinguished honor and
bringing such distinguished advantage to the country. Besides, he says
that even that view must be considered to a great extent fallacious;
because, if this line were discontinued, it would do nothing for the sailing packets, but would merely throw what is now transported of passengers and of freight by the Collins line entirely in the hands of the
English steamers.
He makes another remark, that enterprising and intelligent merchants who look far ahead-further, I believe, than politicians or even
statesmen, for their horizon is generally bounded by the approaching
Presidential election, and we are too much in the habit of controlling
our views and circumscribing our patriotism by considerations connected with the advance or defeat of a particular party-see, in the present condition of Europe, symptoms of such an outbreak there as may
necessarily involve the removal, temporarily at least, of the Cunard
steamers from the purposes to which they are now devoted; and, if then
the Collins line should go down, one of the greatest benefits to commerce
that this country or the world has ever experienced-that of speedy,
prompt, almost instantaneous, communication between Europe and this
country, would be entirely destroyed. So that, in any event, whatever
may be the case, he is clearly of opinion that the honor and the interests of the country equally require that Congress should give it such
aid as is necessary to enable it effectually to succeed-not doled out
with a grudging hand, but given with the spirit of men who realize
what is their duty to themeelves and their country, and who are
resolved to discharge it.
Mr. President, I have occupied rather more time than I intended
upon this subject. I wish to conclude by merely saying that though
personally I am as far removed from any connection with, or any immediate advantage from, the Collins line, and all the various facilities
it affords, as any other gentleman on this floor, and perhaps as any
other gentleman in this country, yet as en American citizen I should
deeply regret to see that line go down. I should regret it, from a just
and honest pride in the superiority of my country-regret it, from an
eager and anxious desire to see all her interests developed, and to see
her growing in wealth, and in power, and in reputation. If we give
this assistance, and if, having supported this line with all the available
means in our power, we should at last, in a fair contest, be beaten by
our English rival, I should regret that, deeply regret it; but I should
feel that we had suffered no disgrace; for he who does all he can, and
is overmastered, may be unfortunate, but he can never be looked upon
with contempt. But if we voluntarily recede from the undertaking in
which we are embarked-if we withhold the necessary aid-if we say
to England, " Take possession of this great line; we retire from the
contest; be you the mistress of the seas in the estimation of all the
world, and let us sink into a secondary, contemptible position "-if we
should do that, I should feel that we had not only committed a false
step, had not only lost what we might have maintained, but had covered ourselves with dishonor. From that I hope my country will ever
be safe.