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SKETCHES
OF THE
RISE, PROGRESS, AND DECLINE
OF
SECESSION;
WITH A
Barratiie vt Dfe sgoual'I itutts anaoug test gtbtso
BY W. G. BROWNLOW,
EDITOR OF THE KNOXVILLE WHIG.
PHILADELPHIA:
GEOIRGE  W. CHILD S,
628 & 630 CIIESTNUT ST.
APPLEGATE & CO., 43 MAIN ST., CINCINNATI.
1862.




Entered according to Act of Congress, ill the year 1S62, by
WILLIAM G. BR1OWNLOW,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern
District of Pennsylvania.
STEREOTYPED BY L. JOmXNSON  & CO.
PHIIILADELPHIIA.




TO
Every honest Patriot citizen,
and unconditional Union man, who
loves Loyalty and despi3es 3 ebellion, whether
perpetrated North or South, under one pretense or
another, for the sake of oce, power, fame, money, or
malicious resentment;  To every intelligent reading
man, who, to whatever party he may belong, is unwilling
to see his Government overthrown by wicked and designing
men, and wvho has resolved to live and die beneath the folds of the
Star-Spangled Banner: To my companions in the 7Enoville Jail, who,
with me, swore upon the altar of our country that, despite the gallows
and the prison, they would adhere to the Flag of the Federal Union, and who
look to the mild umpirage of the Union as the only shield of nationality, is this work
%Who, during the progress of this revolution, has opposed it at every step, regardless
of conseqaences personai to himself, and of what designing men might say or
think, or of what a corrupt and pensioned Southern Press might charge,
as to motives; who still bears in mind that it was WVAssINGossN
who told us, "TEI CONSTIoTUTION IS sACREDLTv OBTLIGATOrE
PON ALL;" and that it was JACoSONe  who said,
"Tn'-  BUNION, IT nMST BE PRESERVED!"
This is a truth novw revealed to us,
"Which kings and prophets waited for,
And sought, but never found."








PREFACE.
I HAve prepared this work from the single
stand-point of uncompromising devotion to the
American Union as established by our fathers,
and unmitigated hostility to the armed rebels who
are seeking its destruction.  My ancestors fought
in its defence; and while their blood flows in my
veins I shall instinctively recoil from bartering
away the glory of its past and the prophecy of
its future for the stained record of that vile thing,
begotten by fraud, crime, and bad ambition, christened a Southern Confederacy.  I cannot exchange historic renown for disgrace, national
honor for infamy, how splendid soever may be
the bribe or how violent soever m ay be the compulsion. This is my faith as an American citizen;
and this book will show how sorely it has been
put to the test.  I claim, however, no merit,
further than that arising from  the discharge of
a simple duty both of religion and patriotism.
Thousands  of my  fellow-citizens  have  been
1*               5




6                  PREFACE.
equally faithful among the faithless. Their sufferings may be conceived from this narrative of my
own.
Indeed, it is not from  the slightest desire of
self-glorification that I have spoken so freely of
myself.  It would have been sheer affectation of
modesty to attempt by circumlocution of speech
to do otherwise. For I have, in this matter,
rather regarded myself as a type of the large
body of loyal people in the border States, and
have, accordingly, been the more unreserved, inasmuch as I felt that I might assume to some
that our countrymen of the North should clearly
understand the embarrassing position of this class,
and the peculiar privations they have been compelled to undergo. It is chiefly due to them
tfiait tie atthte-ffeif of etie Refefforrn Aas Rod ~eerr
transferred to Northern homes.  Their geographical location and political elements are such
treason have overlapped, and, being thus confronted face to face, they have been plunged into
all the horrors of discord and anarchy, of divided
communities and sundered households. In many




PREFACE.                 7
respects, however, we of that region do not wholly
sympathize with the North any more than with the
extreme South.  We deprecate alike the fanatical
agitators of one section and the Disunion demagogues of the other. I believe I represent the
views of multitudes of ever-true and now suffering
patriots when I declare that, Southern man and
slave-holder as I am, if the South in her madness
and folly will force the issue upon the country, of
Slavery and no Union, or a Union and no Slavery,
1 i %c thye Xxigxn, tChn   every o\Mner institution
in the country perish. I am for sustaining this
Union if it shall require "coercion" or "c subjugation," or, what is worse, the annihilation of the
rebel population of the land. These peculiarities
in my position, as an East-Tennesseean, it will be
seen, have contributed to mould the views which I
have expressed.
I am, therefore, prepared to expect that many
readers will not concur in all that I have said.
But I do verily believe that, as a National man,having had an opportunity, as from an intermediate eminence, to view this question on both
sides, —and having observed the bearings of the
whole subject for thirty years past, I am enabled




8                 PREFACE.
to suggest something worthy the consideration of
my countrymen. Hence I have not consulted the
opinions of others, nor reflected whether what I
say would be acceptable or unacceptable, would
render the writer popular or unpopular. I seek
only to utter the profound convictions of my own
mind, in order that, God willing, I may be of some
benefit in my day and generation, and, without
fear or favor, come weal or woe, may have the sad
privilege of warning my fellow-citizens, even if I
may not enjoy the cheerful satisfaction of convincing them.
I have suffered deeply in person and estate,
have avoided no responsibility, have endured evil
treatment and imprisonment, and been compelled
day by day to contemplate the near prospect of
a brutal death upon the gallows,-all in behalf
of the sacred cause I have espoused. I avouch
these things as evidence of sincerity. Not only
so, but they have left me in no mood for the use
of softened forms of speech in narrating such acts
or depicting the actors.  Hence I hairs spoken
plainly.  Extreme fastidiousness of taste may,
perhaps, shrink with over-sensitiveness from some
of the language I have employed. But it was no




PREFACE.                 9
time for dalliance with polished sentences or enticing words; for an imminent necessity-like the
"burden" of the old Hebrew prophets-was upon
us, and the cause of our LORD and LAND could be
best served by the sturdy rhetoric of defiance
and the unanswerable logic of facts.  The traitors
merited a sword-thrust style, and deserved the
strongest epithet I have applied. My persecution
by them was such that I had a fair right to
handle them roughly: they were not worth any
other mode of treatment; and I have written what
I have written.
I cannot close this preface without expressing
my thanks for the generous reception I have met
with at the North. In Cincinnati, Columbus, Chicago, Philadelphia, New York,-indeed, wherever
I have gone,-I have been welcomed by individuals and by public bodies with demonstrations
of honor and kindness which seem like a providential recompense for all I have endured.  I
shall preserve a life-long recollection of such universal and spontaneous sympathy, and leave its
precious memory and memorials as an heir-loom
to the latest generation of my descendants.  I
bear this testimony all the more willingly, beeause




10                 PREFACE.
these courtesies vindicate me from aspersions, and
are occasioned by no modification or concealment
of my opinions. I have, everywhere, condemned
the disorganizing propagandists of the North, and
have publicly proclaimed that I was a Southerner
by birth, education, and hahits; yet, when I also
announced that I was a National man and uncompromisingly for the Union, I found that other
things were forgotten, and that I had touched a
chord which made us all of kin.
God grant that we may, as Sections, Churches,
and Individuals, realize how great a share each of
ws h-als hIf aail WAce ng abOUt ons i pweseslt calaties, and, consequently, how much of the responsibility falls upon self as well as upon others!
When this shall be felt, and when a proper spirit
shall accompany the conviction, the horrors of this
wicked war will be appreciated, the hand of vengeance will be stayed, and
"Returning Justice lift aloft her scale."
W. G. B.
PHILADELPHIA, May; 1862.




CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER  I...................................................................  13
Autobiographical Sketch-Northern and Southern Agitators alike to be Dreaded
-Mutineers on board the Ship of State-South Carolina Methodists-The
Right of Secession Argued-Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson all deny the
RipbIt otssi.
CHAPTER  II.6........................................  65
Thirty-Nine Lashes and a Coat of Tar and Feathers promised me —Reply to W.
L. Yancey on the Platform  in Knoxville-Denying the Right of SecessionPronouncing the African Slave-Trade l'iracy —3Iy Ancestors Fighting for this
Country-South Carolina the Resort of Tories-Nullification in 18i32-Nullification among the Ancients.
CHAPTER  III................................................................  75
Case of Rev. Dr. Neely, the Alabama Secessionist-Praying the South not to
submit to the Inauguration of Lincoln-Exhortation to Moderation.
CHAPTER  IV.........................................................  81
South Carolina in 1780 —Ier Citizens Tories and on the side of the British Crown
-Two hundred and twenty-six Tories in Charleston addressing Sir IHenry
Clinton —i. Barnwell lRhett changes his Name-The Descendants of these
Tories spread over the South-South Carolina Royalty.
CHAPTER  V.......................................................   89
Threatening to IIang us for our Principles-Charges us with being a YankeeThe Wickedness of Secession-Origin of Secession-South Carolina Fires the
First Gun-Freedom of Speech to be Denied-Standing out for the Union.
CHAPTER  VI.................................................................  96
Patronage withdrawn from my Paper-Predicting the Success of Secession-The
Author always after Office-Indebtedness to Stores-Our own Partisans refusing to Endorse us-Members of the Church $purninguS,
CHAPTER  VII................................................................. 105
Position of Border-State Union Men-The Author'g Viewwx of Sl -sCw e        y'yrequet —131ow upon Fort Sumter struck with a view to force Virginia to Secede
-No-rthern and Southern Clergy-Reign of Terror in the South-Virginia
Statesmen all dead-For the Union under all Circumstances.
CHAPTER  VIII.......................................................    114
The Great Enemy of the Cotton States-Not an Abolitionist-Our Sympathies
with the Government-The Rebellion Originated with the South-Charge of
seeking to Subjugate the South a False Issue-The Knoxville Whig refusing
to Lie and Boast for the Traitors-Not Looking to Reward in Dollars and Cents
— Standing or Falling upon a Platform of Principles.
CHAPTER  IX................................................................ 121
Secession Forgeries at tKnoxville-Attempt to Destroy Senator Johnson, and to
Embezzle Money from Amos A. Lawrence-The Guilty Parties Detected-A
Warning to all Future Conspirators.
11




12                             CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER  X................................................................. 134
The Spirit of Secession-Savage Treatment of a Preacher-Attempting to give
the Author the Small-Pox-Proposition to have us Mobbed-Treatment of an
Old Man-Arrest of Mr. Dickinson-Personal Assaults in Prayer-Raising
Lincoln's Blockade by Prayer-The Prayer-Meeting Sign-Forming a Union
Church-Shepherds Feeding their Flocks-Secession an Epidemic-The Real
Traitors-False Dispatches-At their Old Tricks again.
CHAPTER  XI....................................................... 152
The Distinction between the Parties-Infamy of the Leaders of this RebellionRebel Stealing in Tennessee-Rebel Stealing in Richmond-Swindling HorseContracts-The Scriptures against these Extortioners.
CHAPTER  XII.......................................           158
The Conspiracy to Break up the Government-The Plot and its DevelopmentsTestimony of Secession Witnesses-Documents worthy of being Preserved, and
worthy of being Studied by the Friends of the Union.
CHAPTER  XIII.................................................... 177
Which Side is the Lord on?-Teachings of Secession Clergymen-Prayer of Rev.
Mr. Baldwin-Providences of God before and since the Development of this
Great Conspiracy-The South has had a Preponderating Influence in the Control of the Government-God has arranged the Conditions of this Great Drama
to favor the Government of the United States-Union Victories of 1861-Cities
and Towns taken from the South, by Divine Permission, in 1862-GamblingHells in Richmond-Profane Swearing and Drinking in the Rebel ArmyWickedness of the Southern Clergy-Loss of Rebel Generals.
CHAPTER  XIV............................................................... 191
Speech of W. G. Brownlow, delivered in Knoxville, in October, 1861, before the
late Presidential Election, before the Bell-and-Everett Club-Proves a Conspiracy against the Government by the Breckinridge Democracy-Concedes the
Election of Lincoln, but denies that to be a Sufficient Cause for Dissolving the
Union-The Speaker Declared for the Union at all Hazards-My Last Interview
with John Bell.
CHAPTER  XV.............................................................. 210
East Tennessee-Population-Face of the Country-Climate, Soil, and Productionsg-livrs and Minra~i —Ktnoxvlle, Description thereof-Tle "Rlegister"
Newspaper and its Degraded Editor-Railroads and Approaches to East Tennessee-Description of Cumberland Gap-Voting out of the Union-East Tennessee Loyal to the Last I
CHAPTER  XVI................................................... 224
Candidate for Governor.
CHAPTER  XVII.................................................. 245
Exhorting the Secession Leaders to Volunteer-Governor Harris calls for Thirty
Thousand Volunteers-The Brave Secessionists try to enlist Union men-Take
Offence at our ironical Articles, and stop our ru-lication-our ifarewell Address to our Patrons.
CHAPTER  XVIII..................................         256
General Zollicoffer's Correspondence-Highly Important Revelations made by the
Rebel Leaders-Union Feeling in East Tennessee-The People of East Tennessee to be crushed out.
CHAPTERS  XIX. TO XXII................................... 271-458
Incidents connected with the Great Southern Rebellion in Tennessee; to which
is added a Sketch of Prison-Life, and the Subsequent Release and Journey of
the Author.




BROWNL OW'S
EXPERIENCES AMONG THE REBELS.
CHAPTER I.
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH-NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN AGITATORS
ALIKE TO BE DREADED-MUTINEERS ON BOARD THE SHIP OF STATE
-SOUTH CAROLINA METHODISTS-THE RIGHT OF SECESSION ARGUE])
-JEFFERSON, MADISON, AND JACKSON ALL DENY THE RIGHT OF SECESSION.
IT is a delicate task for a modest man to perform,
when he undertakes to write out a memorial of himself,
and especially when he shall undertake to give both his
private and public life.  But as I have never arisen to
any thing like eminence, and as it is the custom of such
only as have, to write out a full history of themselves,
and to give their bad as well as good deeds to the world,
I will be spared the labor and mortification of any
unfavorable disclosures.
It will, perhaps, be urged that both sides of a man's
picture of life should be given, and then the reader,
having the whole man before him, will be the better
prepared to award to him a righteous verdict. Others
will insist that a man should so conduct himself as to
2                   13




14          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
be wholly free from improprieties, especially if he be a
member of the Church, or wear clerical robes. To this
I reply, that if the memoirs of only such as have lived
and died without fault, and without incurring the displeasure of designing and bad men, were written, we
should seldom, if ever, see a production of the kind.
I lay no claim whatever to inimitable excellencies;
but I do claim that my good and evil deeds, if placed
in a scale, would not be so perfectly poised that neither
end would preponderate! An anecdote of my life will
illustrate my views of this subject.
Whilst in attendance at an Annual Conference of the
Methodist Church, in Abingdon, Virginia, some twelve
years ago, I suffered from an attack of fever; and,
either from the influence of medicine, or of fever on the
brain, I became a little flighty. The opinion prevailed
that I would die, and the venerable BISHOP CAPERS,
and other ministers, became anxious to know how the
"eccentric Parson" felt in view of an exchange of
worlds. Accordingly, they visited my room, and the
Bishop read the Scriptures, and sang and prayed with
and for me. On taking his leave of me,-holding me
by the hand and looking me full in the face,-he inquired what my prospects were beyond the grave. It
is said-and I have no doubt of the truth of the statement-that I returned for an answer, "Well, Bishop,
if I had my life to live over again, I could improve it
in many respects, and would try to do so. However,




AMONG THE REBELS.               15
if the books have been properly kept in the other world,
there is a small balance in my favor!"
I have lived long enough in this present evil world to
have enlisted the sympathies of many friends, and at
the same time to have excited the bitter resentments
of many foes. This affords me proof that I have not
been a negative character. That a man engaged in the
work of propagating Christianity, in opposing error
and defending the cause of truth, and, finally, in going
about endeavoring to do good, should find himself exposed to enemies, or should meet with violent and protracted opposition, may seem strange. But history and
observation inform us that such has been the lot of all
decided public men, in a greater or less degree. While
some emblazon a man's virtues, others will amplify his
faults. A majority, however, labor
"The struggling pangs of conscious truth to hide,
To quench the blushes of ingenuous shame,"
rather than pursue the opposite course; and it is more
than likely that on this account religious sectarians and
political partisans have denied me justice. For it has
certainly been my lot in life to have the shafts of unmerited censure hurled at me; and since this GREAT
REBELLION has been inaugurated, I have been doomed
to bear the base insinuations of invidious tongues and
pens in Rebeldom!
Perhaps it will be asked, Who is the person that offers
this volume to the world? In this the inquisitive reader




16          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
shall be gratified; for short and simple are the domestic
annals of the writer, though in his fifty-seventh year.
I am the eldest son of JOSEPH A. BROWNLOW, who was
born and raised in Rockbridge county, Virginia, and
died in Sullivan county, in East Tennessee, in 1816.
My father died when I was so young that I could not
have been a judge of his character; but it has been a
source of consolation to me to hear him spoken of by
his old associates and schoolmates (General SAM
HOUSTON among them) as a man of good sense, brave
independence, and of sterling integrity.  He was a
private in a Tennessee company in the War of 1812.
Two of his brothers were at the battle of the Horseshoe,
under General JACKSON, two others of them died naval
officers, and their remains sleep in Norfolk and New
Orleans.
The death of my father was a grievous affliction to
my mother, as she was left with five helpless children, —
three sons and two daughters,-four of whom are now
dead, having heard of the death of the last of the four
since my banishment from home! My mother's maiden
name was CATHARINE GANNAWAY, —a Virginian likewise, of respectable parentage, and slave-owners.
She departed this transitory life in less than three
months after the death of her husband. Being naturally
mild and agreeable in her temperament, she was warmly
endeared to a large circle of friends and acquaintance.
But their consolation was in this, that, while sinking into




AMONG THE REBELS.              17
the cold embrace of death, she was happy in the religion
of Christ.
I was born in Wythe county, Virginia, on the 29th
of August, 1805. After the death of my parents, I
lived with my mother's relations, who raised me up to
hard labor, until I was eighteen years old, when I
removed to Abingdon, in that State, and served as a
regular apprentice to the trade of a house-carpenter. I
have been a laboring-man all my life long, and have
acted upon the Scriptural maxim of eating my bread in
the sweat of my brow. Though a Southern man in
feeling and principle, I do not think it degrading to a
man to labor, as do most of the Southern Disunionists.
Whether East or West, North or South, I recognize the
dignity of labor, and look forward to a day, not very
distant, when educated labor will be the salvation of
this vast country!
My education was imperfect and irregular, even in
those branches taught in the common-schools of the
country. I labored, after obtaining a trade, until I
acquired the means of again going to school. I afterwards entered the Methodist Travelling Ministry, and
travelled ten years without intermission.  I availed
myself of this position to study and improve my limited
education, which I did in all the English branches.
I am about six feet high, and have weighed as heavy
as one hundred and seventy-five pounds,-have had as
fine a constitution as any man need desire. I have very
2*




18          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
few gray hairs in my head, and, although rather hardfavored than otherwise, I will pass for a man of forty
years. I have had as strong a voice as any man in
East Tennessee, where I have resided for the last thirty
years, and have a family of seven children. I have been
speaking all that time; and for the last twenty-five
years I have edited and published a WHIG newspaper
having a larger circulation than any political paper in
the State, and even larger than all the papers in East
Tennessee put together. I have taken a part in all the
religious and political controversies of my day and time.
I have written several books; but the one which has
had the largest run is the one entitled, " The Iron Wheel
Examined, and its False Spokes Extracted,"-being a
vindication of the Methodist Church against the attacks
of Rev. J. R. GRAvEs, of Nashville.  My reply was
published by the Southern Methodist Publishing House,
and at the earnest solicitation of the book-agents and
other leading members of the Church. It is a work of
great severity, but was written in reply to one of still
greater severity.
In September, 1858, I was engaged in a debate upon
the Slavery question, in Philadelphia,with Rev. ABRAM
PRYNE, of New York, in which I defended the institution of Slavery as it exists in the South. The debate
was published in Philadelphia, and exhibits my sentiments upon that great question, which have undergone
no change since then.




AMONG THE REBELS.               19
I am known throughout the length and breadth of
the land as the "Fighting Parson;" while I may say,
without incurring the charge of egotism, that no man
is more peaceable, as my neighbors will testify. Always
poor, and always oppressed with security debts, few
men in my section and of my limited means have
given away more in the course of each year to charitable objects. I have never been arraigned in the
Church for any immorality. I never played a card.
I never was a profane swearer. I never drank a dram
of liquor, until within a few years,-when it was taken
as a medicine. I never had a cigar or chew of tobacco
in my mouth. I never was in attendance at a theatre.
I never attended a horse-race, and never witnessed
their running, save on the fair-grounds of my own
county. I never courted but one woman; and her I
married.
I may be allowed to say that I have ever been, as I
still am, quite a politician, though I have never been
an office-seeker nor an office-holder. I began my political career in Tennessee in 1828, by espousing the
cause of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS as against ANDREW
JACKSON. The latter I regard as having been a true
patriot and a sincere lover of his country.  The
former I admired because he was a learned statesman,
of pure moral and private character, and because I
regarded him as a FEDERALIST, representing my political opinions. I have all my life long been a FEDERAL




20          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
WHIG of the WVASHINGTON AND ALEXANDER IHAMILTON
school. I am the advocate of a concentrated Federal
Government, or of a strong central Government, able
to maintain its dignity, to assert its authority, and to
crush out any rebellion that may be inaugurated. I
have never been a Sectional, but at all times a.National
man, supporting men for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency without any regard on which side of Mason
& Dixon's Line they were born, or resided at the
time of their nomination. In a word, I am, as I ever
have been, an ardent WHIG, and CLAY and WEBSTER
have ever been my standards of political orthodoxy.
With the breaking up of old parties, I have merged
every thing into the great question of the "Union,
the Constitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws."
Hence, I am an unconditional Union man, and advocate the preservation of the Union at the expense of
all other considerations.
In 1832, I was chosen by the Holston Annual Conference as a member of the General Conference of the
Methodist Church, which was held in Philadelphia.
That year I travelled a circuit in South Carolina,
having appointments in the districts or counties of
Pickens and Anderson, and also in Franklin county,
Georgia, south of the Tugaloo River.  Nullification
raged in South Carolina to a fearful exten t, and
men of all professions took sides, either in favor of
the General Government or of the South Carolina




AMONG THE REBELS.             21
Ordinance of Disunion. Mr. CALHOUN, who was an
able statesman and a man of most excellent private
character, resided in Anderson, and was almost an
object of worship among the Nullifiers. At least,
when he took snuff, they all sneezed! The Union
sentiment was very strong, but Union men were in the
minority. I took a firm stand in favor of the Federal
Government, and whatever influence I had was thrown
into the scale against this wicked attempt of South
Carolina to destroy the Government.  So fierce was
the opposition to me in consequence of the stand I took,
that in the fall of that year I published a pamphlet
vindicating myself. This was thirty years ago; and it
will be refreshing to my Union friends to reproduce a
few paragraphs from that defence:" It is urged against me that I have meddled in the
politics of South Carolina and acted with the Union
party. Nay, it has been said that I was the tool of
Colonel SLOANE and Major PERRY.  I plead guilty
to the charge of having opposed the heresy of Nullification, but I deny having been the tool of any man,
or set of men. Deeply as I have regretted the state
of things existing here, and of the breaking up of the
Churches, as well as the social intercourse of families
and neighbors, I do not regret having taken sides in
favor of the Tariff Acts complained of, of General
JACKSON'S proclamation against Nullifiers, and in favor




22          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
of enforcing the laws of Congress. If the Tariff Acts
complained of were unconstitutional,-which I do not
allow,-they afford no plea for dissolving this Union.
South Carolina's remedy is at the ballot-box of the
country, or in the Supreme Court of the United
States, whose judges are able and, as I believe, impartial.
"South Carolina is looking to the formation of an
independent Province, but will not be allowed any
such privilege, as her leading men will infer from the
proclamation of Old Hickory.  I am threatened with
proscription and starvation, because I have dared to
assert that no law has been passed by Congress, touching the Tariff, at variance with the guarantees of the
Constitution and the rights and liberties of the slaveholding States. So far as I am concerned, I ask no
favors of the enemies of my Government, either in
South Carolina or elsewhere. I can live without you,
and live among a people who are loyal, and, having the
fear of God before their eyes, they will be more likely
to receive and appreciate the teachings of the gospel.
That there are thousands of patriotic people in South
Carolina, is true; but it is likewise true that there
were more Tories here during the Revolutionary War
than in all the other States put together. And that
the descendants of these old Tories are now in the lead
of this Nullification Rebellion, needs no proof whatever to make the charge good. I talk plainly, for one




AMONG THE REBELS.              23
who is in your midst and liable to be mobbed every
day; but this is the way to talk in times like these.
I am not to be taught my duty by a set of gassy
Union-destroyers such as constitute the staple of
the South Carolina chivalry. This attempt by moblaw to nullify the laws of the General Government is
but the development of a well-planned scheme for the
ulterior but wicked purpose of destroying our Government. It is a wild, visionary, and supremely ridiculous scheme, and will be put down, at all hazards, by
General JACKSON.  In fact, he has now crushed it
out, and I rejoice in its overthrow, though it may
starve me out and drive me from your limits. I shall
fall back into Tennessee, where the people appreciate
the blessings of the best Government in the world,
and where the gospel is likely to produce some other
effect than that of arraying the people against the
legal and constituted authorities of the land.
Thus did I write and publish thirty years ago, in
the teeth of the Rebellion of South Carolina! The principles I then avowed I have cherished and acted upon
ever since, and will continue so to do to the end of life.
I am a Southern man by birth, raising, and education,
and all my interests are there; but I am not of the
number of those who believe that the South can any
better preserve its rights out of the Union than in it.
If those rights have been invaded,-which I deny,-I




24          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
hold it to be the bounden duty of every man in the
South, as well as his highest obligation, to protect
them under the forms of law and the guarantees of
the Constitution. These rights can never be maintained by Secession, but by a faithful observance of
the Constitution and of the duties it imposes.
In October of the same year, being thirty years ago,
I had a controversy with a Mr. POSEY, a Calvinistic
preacher, a man of talents; and in a pamphlet printed
by HIRAM  BARRY, of Knoxville, on page 9, there
appears the first paragraph I ever published upon the
Slavery question. I herewith give it entire, and ask
the reader to examine it, and compare the principles
I then advocated with those I now avow:" When I drove Mr. POSEY to the wall, in our controversy, and convicted him of retailing all his slanders of me upon the authority of a negro slave of
bad character, Bacchus, the property of his co-laborer
in his dirty work, Dr. CARDES, he came out and
taunted me with the false charges that Methodist
preachers were the friends of negroes and opposed to
slavery, and that WESLEY, their great idol, wrote and
preached against slavery! Both of these specifications
are false. Many of the Methodist preachers are opposed to slavery; but as many more of them own
slaves and advocate the institution. I own none; but it
is because of my poverty, and not because I am opposed




AMONG THE REBELS.              25
to owning them. I am but a young man, and I notice
the controversy' going on between the advocates of
slavery and its opponents.  The Methodists in New
England, and other denominations, take the ground
that slave-holding is a sin, an injustice, a barbarism. I
do not believe them: I believe with the Constitution of
my country, that slaves are a lawful species of property, and that those who feed and clothe them well,
and instruct them in religion, are better friends to them
than those who set them at liberty.
"So far as Mr. WESLEY is involved, he wrote and
preached against the African kidnapping-business.  I
denounce that, and so do all honest men, whether they
live in New England or these Middle and Western
States. The American Congress has condemned it as
a piracy, and slave-holding members voted to do it. I
have paid some attention to this subject, young as I
am, because it is one day or other to shake this Government to its very foundation. I expect to live to see
that day, and not be an old man at that. The Tariff
question now threatens the overthrow of the Government, but the Slavery question is one to be dreaded.
While I shall advocate the owning of'men, women,
and children,' as you say our Discipline styles slaves,
I shall, if I am living, when the battle comes, stand by
my Government and the Union formed by our fathers,
as Mr. WESLEY stood by the British Government, of
which he was a loyal subject. Where will you stand,
$




26          BIROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Mr. POSEY?'Will you take sides against your own
country?  I shall expect you to advocate the freedom
of reg~roes, as they seem to be the only class of beings
who carry news to you!"
More recently, I held a debate in Philadelphia with
Rev. Mr. PRYNE, of New York, upon the Slavery question, and the five discourses are bound in one volume,
in the order in which they were delivered. In my fifth
and last speech, I took up the subject of a dissolution
of this Union, and I concluded as follows:"In saying this, I am not for separating from the
North, or dissolving the Union. I am willing to live
and die for America as she is and has been; but
America without the South, and blight, ruin, and
decay come upon us, and we bid a long farewell to
the last remnant of earth's beauty, and the light of
heaven!
"Who can estimate the value of the American Union?
Proud, happy, thrice-happy America! The home of
the oppressed, the asylum of the emigrant! where the
citizen of every clime, and the child of every creed,
roam free and untrammelled as the wild winds of
heaven! Baptized at the fount of Liberty in fire and
blood, cold must be the heart that thrills not at the
name of the American Union!
" When the Old World, with' all its pomp, and pride,




AMONG THE REBELS.               27
and circumstance,' shall be covered with oblivion, —
when thrones shall have crumbled and dy pasties shall
have been forgotten,-may this glorious Union, despite
the mad schemes of Southern fire-eaters and Northern
Abolitionists, stand amid regal ruin and national desolation, towering sublime, like the last mountain in the
Deluge,-majestic, immutable, and magnificent!
" In pursuance of this, let every conservative Northern
man, who loves his country and her institutions, shake
off the trammels of Northern fanaticism, and swear
upon the altar of his country that he will stand by her
Constitution and laws. Let every Southern man shake
off the trammels of disunion and nullification, and
iJelaOe  s Jf Jife a2,is sacred ZoZor to  ~acd b6y 1ilej
Constitution of his country as it is, the laws as enacted
by Congress and interpreted by the Supreme Court.
Then we shall see every heart a shield, and a drawn
sword in every hand, to preserve the ark of our political safety! Then we shall see reared a fabric upon
our national Constitution, which time cannot crumble,
persecution shake, fanaticism disturb, nor revolution
change, but which shall stand among us like some lofty
and stupendous Apennine, while the earth rocks at its
feet, and the thunder peals above its head!
"Contemplating our country and her Northern and
Southern foes, a specimen of whom is here before us,
may I not exclaim, with the poet?



28            BROWNLOW'8 EXPERIENCES
"' Country! on thy sons depending,
Strong in manhood, bright in bloom,
Hast thou seen thy pride descending
Shrouded to the unbounded tomb?
Rise! on eagle pinions soaring,
Rise! like one of godlike birth,
And, Jehovah's aid imploring,
Sweep the spoiler from the earth."'
With a view still further to illustrate my views and
demonstrate my consistency, I herewith submit a series
of documents which appeared in the Knoxville Whig at
the times indicated by the dates, bringing me down to
the present year:Prayer During this Winter.
Seeing that the Episcopal Bishops of the Carolinas
have composed prayers to be used by their clergy
during the sessions of their Legislatures, we have
deemed it proper, sustaining the relation to the Methodist' Church we do in East Tennessee, to compose the
following prayer, and order that it shall be used this
winter by all local preachers in all their public ministrations:
ALMIGHTY  GOD, our heavenly Father, in whose
hands are the hearts of men, and the issues of events,
not mixed up with Locofocoism, nor rendered offensive
in Thy sight by being identified with men of corrupt
minds, evil designs, and damnable purposes, such as
are seeking to up-turn the best form of government on




AMONG THE REBELS.              29
earth, Thou hast graciously promised to hear the
prayers of those who in an humble spirit, and with true
faith, —such as no Secessionist can bring into exercise,
-call upon Thee. Be pleased, we beseech Thee, favorably to look upon and bless the Union men of this Commonwealth, and sustain them in their praiseworthy
efforts to perpetuate this Government, and, under it, the
institutions of our holy religion. Possess their minds
with the spirit of true patriotism, enlightened wisdom,
and of persevering hostility towards those traitors,
political gamblers, and selfish demagogues who are
seeking to build up a miserable Southern Confederacy,
and under it to inaugurate a new reading of the Ten
Commandments, so as to teach that the chief end of
Afan is Nigger! In these days of trouble and perplexity, give the common people grace to perceive the
right path, which, Thou knowest, leads from the camps
of Southern mad-caps and Northern fanatics, and enable
them steadfastly to walk therein!
So strengthen the common masses, 0 Lord, and so
direct them, that they being hindered neither by the
fear of fire-eaters, nor by the love of the corrupt men
in power, nor by bribery, nor by an overcharge of
mean whiskey, nor by any other Democratic passion,
but being mindful of Thy constant superintendence, of
the awful majesty of Thy righteousness, of Thy hatred
of a corrupt Democracy and its profligate leaders, and
of the strict account they must hereafter give to Thee,




30           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
they may, ini counsel, word, and deed, aim supremely at
the fulfilment of their duty, which is to talk, vote,
and pray against the wicked leaders of Abolitionism
and the equally ungodly advocates of Secessionism.
Grant that those of Thy professed ministers who are
mixed up with modern Democracy, and have become
so hardened in sin as openly to advocate the vile delusion, may speedily abandon their unministerial habits,
or go over to the cause of the devil, that their positions
may at least be unequivocal, and that they may thereby
advance the welfare of the country! And grant that
these fire-eaters may soon run their race, that the course
of this world may be so peaceably ordered, by Thy superintendence, that Thy Church, and Thy whole people,
irrespective of sects, may joyfully serve Thee, in
all godly quietness, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen!
Knoxville Whig, January, 1860.
To Reasonable Men in the South.
It is ascertained, beyond controversy, that Mr. LINCOLN is President of the United States. And at a
moment when a fierce struggle is going on between
passion and reason, we propose, in a spirit of patriotism
and compromise, to submit a few leading facts for the
consideration of conservative men in the South. We
are not so vain as to suppose that what we can say will
tacv the tide of passion in certain quarters in the South,




AMONG THE REBELS.              31
and bring back the impetuous wanderers to consider
great facts and principles.  Yet the task of trying
even those of our countrymen ought not to be shrunk
from by conservative and patriotic men of the South,
whose Southern birth and raising, and long services in
behalf of the Union and the maintenance of the laws,
may be urged as a reason why they are at least entitled
to a patient and respectful hearing. It is an ungracious
and thankless task to exhort the LEADERS of the Breckinridge party in South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Virginia, Alabama, and Mississippi, to calmness, or to a
patriotic reconsideration of the perilous position to
which, under the apprehensions engendered by the election of a Northern Sectional President, they are plunging under the impulses of passion.
The fact which stares us in the face, and which all
parties have to meet, whether they support Bell,
Douglas, or Breckinridge, is Mr. Lincoln's election.
Mr. Lincoln himself is no doubt a patriotic man, and
a sincere lover of his country. He is to-day, what he
has always been, an OLD CLAY WHIG, differing in no
respect-not even upon the subject of Slavery-from
the Sage of Ashland. The great objection with us to
his election is the sectional idea upon which he was
run, the character of the partisans who supported him
and will, it is to be feared, to some extent control his
administration. But Lincoln is chosen President, and,
whether with or without the consent and participation




32          BROWNLOW Sl EXPERIENCES
of the South, will be, and ought to be, inaugurated oi:
the 4th of March, 1861. True, as the lights before us
indicate, we should say that Lincoln has not received
more than one-third to two-fifths of the aggregate vote
of the nation. Neither did Buchanan; and yet he, like
Lincoln, has been elected by divisions among his opponents. Lincoln, then, has been chosen legally and
constitutionally, without either fraud or violence,
simply by the suffrages of an enormous majority of the
people of the North, who have actually given him more
Electoral votes than Buchanan received, who was permitted quietly to take his seat. Against the Scanner
of his election nothing can be urged. It is true, as we
have before stated, he was a sectional candidate; and
it is equally true that, with trifling exceptions in Mary-.and, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, he received
no Southern votes. But do the Constitution or the
laws of our country require a man to receive Southern
votes before he can be inaugurated President?  Do
they compel a candidate to receive votes in every State
before he shall be declared our Chief Magistrate?
Certainly not.  Then there is no just ground for resistance or revolutionary movement on that score.
But the argument of Secessionists is, that the administration of a Black Republican President must neceszarily be of an aggressive character towards the South,
Alnd that the Slave States should forestall such iniquitous policy by withdrawing from the Union. Nay,




AMONG THE REBELS.             33
the election of a man to the Presidency by a party
known to be opposed to slavery, and who heretofore
have never been successful in such a contest, is alleged
to be a just cause for secession. This view of the subject is so fallacious, and so extremely shallow, that it
ought not to mislead any one. The argument is, that
the South is exposed to all the wiles and infamy of an
Abolition Government,-an argument that we cannot
accept as legitimate in fact or in reason. Did Lincoln
receive the suffrages of the North under a pledge that,
if elected, he would disregard his oath of office, violate
the Constitution, and subvert the Union?  Certainly
not; for had he given that pledge, the day his election
was announced, the entire South would have been
united in carrying out a most thorough and determined
revolution, and thousands of true men at the North
would have joined us. But, now that Lincoln is elected,
will he execute the purposes of Abolitionism? This he
cannot do under the solemn oath to be administered at
his inauguration. And who will say that he intends
taking that oath with treason in his heart and perjury
on his tongue? We have no right to judge of Lincoln
by any thing but his acts, and these can only be appreciated after his inauguration.  Ile knows very well
that he cannot violate the Constitution in any serious
particular, without rendering the dissolution of the
Union necessary on the part of the South, and thereby
involving the North in alarming troubles and certain




34          BROWiNLOW'S EXPERIENCE!
ruin.  The Constitution was planned by its sagacious
and patriotic authors to protect the South in just such
an emergency as this. If, then, Lincoln is not a patriot
at heart, —and we assume no such thing, —the Constitution and his oath will make him  administer the
Government _patioticagly.
But the attempt to break up the Union, before
awaiting a single overt act, or even the manifestation
of the purpose of the President elect, would be wicked,
treacherous, unjustifiable, unprecedented, and without
the shadow of an excuse. And then, again, disunion is
not a remedy for any evil in the Government, real or
imaginary; and it is an uncertain and a perilous remedy,
to be resorted to only in the last extremity, and as a
refuge from wrongs more intolerable than the desperate
remedy by which they are sought to be relieved. What
the people of the Southern States should do may be
summed up in a single word: PAUSE! It will be time
enough to fight Lincoln with powder and sword-to
resist him with regiments of "minute-men"-when we
find that constitutional resistance fails, or that he
and his party are bent on our humiliation and destruction. Let every man in every Southern State stand
up for the Union as long as it is possible to prevent it.
Individually, we are willing to go with the South, even
unto death, but we feel bound to aid in making the
South herself go rigpht! Let all patriots, irrespective
of parties, choose their position; let them resolve to




AMONG THE REBELS.               35
stand by the Union as long as the Federal Government
respects the rights of the people of the South. The
Constitutional Union men of the South are largely in
the majority, and they are pledged to the support of
the rights and honor of the South as well as of the
Union, and the maintenance of the spirit and form of
our Government. They cannot do less; and they ask
their extremre brethren to meet them upon a common
basis and labor for the accomplishmenut of a common end.
They ask it in a spirit of mutual toleration, and they
concede to thousands of others, who are shaping a
different course, the same integrity of purpose, patriotism, and honor which they claim for themselves. Let
the entire South unite with the thousands of conservative men North, bury their feuds, make common cause,
and in 1864 the National Constitutional men of the
country, North, South, East, and West, will overthrow
the Sectionalists, and restore the Government to a
better condition than it has been in for a quarter of a
century. The night is dark, we confess, and troubled,
but there are gleams of light along the line of the
horizon. Lincoln is President; but he is nothing more.
We trust that he contemplates no mischief, but, if he
does, he can do none. The Senate, the House of Representatives, and the Supreme Court will hold him in
check, and stand by the Constitution and the rights of
all sectior.s. Here, then, is our hope, and here is the
platform that all conservative men should occupy, and




36           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
time and reflection will, anon, inspire a sober second
thought in quarters where at this moment the blind
impulses of passion bear sway. The wise, the safe,
and the only honorable course to pursue is pointed out
in the following advice by the immortal author of the
Declaration of American Independence.  Here are his
memorable words: —
"We must have patience and long endurance, then,
with our brethren while under delusion. Give them
time for reflection and experience of consequences;
keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter
of accidents, and separate from our companions only
when the sole alternatives left are the dissolution of our
Union with them, or submission to a Government without limitation of powers."
There is one other consideration we wish to lay
before the calm and considerate men of the South, and
that is the division of power between the North and
South since the organization of the Government.  The
South has held the Presidency as follows:Under
GEORGE WASHINGTON, a Virginian........ 8 years.
THOMAS JEFFERSON,........ 8
JAMES M]ADISON,........ 8
JAMES MONROE,........ 8
JOHN TYLER,........ 4   "
ANDREW JACKSON, a Tennesseean........ 8   "
JAMES K. POL,              "........  4   "
Total by the South.......................... 48 years.




- AMONG THE REBELS.               37
The North has held the Presidency as follows, to wit:
Under
JOIIN ADAMS, of Ml/assachusetts............  4 years.
JOHN Q. ADAMS,'4............ zt 4 
M3JARTIN VAN BIUREN, New York............4   "!MILLARD FILLMORE, "    "...........4   "
FRANKLIN PIERCE, New Hampshire...... 4   "
JAMIES BUCHANAN, Pennsylvania........... 4   "
Total by the North....................... 24 years.
It will be seen that the South, though always in the
minority, from the origin of the Government down to
the 4th of Mlarch, 1861, has held the Presidency fortyeight years out of seventy-two.  The North, on the
other hand, has held it twenty-four years,-only onethird of the time! Let us do as we would be done by.
True, it will be said that the South never furnished a
sectional, but always a national, President. Those now
complaining and threatening to go out of the Union
have presented a sectionac man, as much so as Lincoln
is; and this cannot be denied!
Knoxville Whig, Nov. 17, 1860.
The Right of Secession.
The following correspondence will explain itself:GREENWOOD, S. C., Nov. 23, 1860.
W. G. BROwNLowW:SI,: —You will do me a favor by sending my account
for the Knoxville Whig, and stop my paper. Secession
now and forever!  So say the Methodists of South
Carolina.                  Yours, &c.,
RP. 11.. APPLETON.
4




38           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
KNOXVILLE, NOV. 29, 1880.
MR. APPLETON:Your note, calling for account and ordering a discontinuance, is before me. You are not indebted to
me for subscription, but, on the contrary, there are
fifteen weeks of subscription due you.  I take no
offence whatever at your discontinuance, as that is
every man's right in this free country.  But, before
parting with you, you must allow me to give you my
views upon your favorite doctrine of " Secession." I
am equally opposed to the wicked spirit of Sectionaiso m
at the North and of Secession at the South.  Your
motto is, "Secession now and forever!"  I offset this
with the following patriotic sentiments from General
JACKSON'S Message of 1833:" THE CONSTITUTION AND THE LAW  IS SUPREME,
AND THE UJNION IS INDISSOLUBLE."
Sir, the political journals, North and South, are discussing the right of a State to secede from the Union.
For my part, I deny the right of secession altogether,
though I admit the right of revolution when circumstances justify it.  It must be an extreme case of oppression on the part of Government, and of continued
oppression, that will justify revolution. Such a case
was presented when the American Colonies revolted;
and in that case revolution was called for and was
successful.
But the idea of one of these States at its pleasure




AMONG THE REBIELS.               39
claiming and exercising the right to secede from this
Union, is a more monstrous and absurd doctrine than
has ever been put forth in any republic.  If the doctrine be true that the right exists, our Government is
a mere rope of sand. Concede the truth of this dogma,
and Cuba, after we may have paid two hunidred qnillions for her purchase to Old Sptain, may take offence,
and, as a State, may at once secede, and leave the
United States Treasury to whistle!  We now have a
case in point. Texas speaks of going out of the Union
with Carolina, and I presume will do so. Less than
twenty years ago, she was admitted into the Union
upon her own solicitation, our Government paying
millions to discharge her debts, and other millions to
go into her coffers. Is she now at liberty to secede
with  all this booty, and array herself against this
Government in all time to come? Certainly not. For,
if she is, Louisiana, and all the States carved out of
that purchase, for which we paid FIFTEEN MILLIONS,
may do likewise, and carry with them the mouth of
the Mississippi Piver, transferring it to any European
Power.
So, too, States in which large amounts of Government
property may be situated may at any time secede with
that property,-j ust as South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,
and Alabama, with their Government fortifications, arsenals, custom-houses, navy-yards, and other property,
strung along the coasts from Charleston to Mobile, may




4:0          BROWIT:NLOW S EXPERIENCES
at any time do. Construct a Pacific Railroad at an expense of millions paid from the common treasure, and the
two or three States through which it passes, and which it
so enriches, may take offence at something Maine and
New Hampshire are doing, and decamp with the whole
road, its stationary, running stock, and guarantees, taking
all the property with them, and forming an alliance with
some Government hostile to the very nation which built
the road. Now, are Mfaryland, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and other States remaining loyal to the Union,
to look quietly on, and even approve the exodus of
those which have been thus enriched at their expense,
and recognize the right of each of them to secede and
take the common property of all the remaining States
with them?  I say most emphatically not!
This question of the right of secession is upon us,
and we have to look it in the face, and meet it as it
becomes men.  Therefore let us reason together upon
the subject, divesting ourselves of passion and prejudice.'rLhe right of secession, if it exist at all, is an cabsolutte
one, and a State has as much right to exercise it at
one time as another.  The Secessionists will concede
the correctness of this position. If she may secede at
will, she may do so in anticipation of a bloody and
protracted war with a foreign Power, so as to avoid
any draft upon her for men or money.  If she can
secede when she chooses, she owes no allegiance to the
Government one hour after she decides to secede, but




AMONG THE LEBELS,               41
will then be just as independent of the Government as
she is of France or England. In the midst of a violent
and protracted foreign war, then, it will be the right
of any one of the States of this Union, not only to
desert our own Government, but at the same time to
ally herself to the enemy the remaining States are
fighting!  Our Government, under such principles, if
recognized, could not exist twenty-four hours. Other
nations, and our own citizens, could have no faith in
the permanence of such a Government. It would lack
the vital principle of existence, because it would lack
every tiling like credit.  No capitalist with a thimbleful of sense would lend it a dollar; for no man could
feel assured that such a Government would last long
enough to pay a six months' loan, to say nothing of
loans for a term of years. All who deal with Governments repose upon their p Iblic fclat; and where this is
destroyed they feel that all is lacking. Business must
be destroyed; for men of sense and means would not
embark either their industry or capital, unless it were
under' the shelter of laws and institutions not liable to
change. In support of this, I need only call attention
to the great fall in the price of State bonds, negroes,
and all other property in the South, in anticzatio  of
the rupture with which we are threatened. Things
are bad enough with us in the South, and they are
even worse at the North, because of what seems to be
inevitable.  And yet they are to grow worse each day




42          rROVTNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
we live in this state of uncertainty. And your good
State of South Carolina, lir. Appleton, is more to
blame for these evils which affect the country than any
one State in the Union.
I have, myself, no sympathy or respect for the antislavery men of the North, who are agitating this
question, and enacting their " Personal Liberty Laws,"
with a view to defeat the operations of the " Fugitive
Slave Law."  I am a native of Virginia, as also were
my parents before me, but for thirty years I have been
a citizen of Tennessee, and I expect to end my days
within her borders. My wife and children are natives
of Tennessee, and all I have is here. I am a Union
man in the fullest acceptation of that term, and I shall
stand by the ship of state, as long as the storm is
howling overhead, and the breakers are roaring on
the lee-shore, though we have neither sun, moon, nor
stars to light the way! And pardon me, sir, when I
as'k you, who but cowards would seek to desert the ship?
Who but madmen would seek for safety out of it?
WVho but crazy mutineers would refuse to come to the
rescue of the ship, passengers, and crew? South Carolina, at this trying monment, refuses to do duty. The
storm aifrights her. Her Senators and Representatives
in Congress resign their seats, instead of remaining at
their posts, and fighting the battle on the floor of Congress, where it ought to be fought and must be lost or
won. Their hearts fail before the Northern Abolition




AMONG THE REBELS.               43
Simoon, and seeing only death, as they apprehend,
staring them in the face, if they abide on board, they
take to the boats, abandon the vessel in which we have
all sailed together, through many a gale, these eighty
years past, and intend, with poles and paddles, to scettle
through their cypress-swamps!
I admit the danger that menaces you all on board;
but (lo you not multiply the peril tenfold by desertion?
An overwhelming majority of the people of the Southern
States have decided at the ballot-box in favor of the
Union, voting for BELL and DOUGLAS. I regard the
Abolitionists as the " mutineers;' and I ask you, I ask
all South Carolina, is it manly, is it magnanimous, is
it just, to throw yourselves into the sea, and leave
these border States to destruction?  No, /Mr. Appleton,
it is not magnanimous, it is not just! I tell you, and
your Methodist brethren, in the language of the good
Book they so much revere, that "Except ye abide in
the ship, ye cannot be saved."
I am sorry to hear you say that the Methodists of
South Carolina are now and forever the advocates of
Secession! To appeal to them in behalf of the Union,
is but beating the air, and wasting one's breath; but I
say to them, through you, that I will stand to the Stars
and Stripes-I shall cling to the Union! I say to
them, however, as a heroic Christian apostle said to an
equally panic'stricken generation of bolters, " Except
ye abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved."  You may




44           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
leave the vessel,-you may go out in trio rickety boats
of your little State, and hoist your miserable cabbageleaf of a Palmetto flag; but, depend upon it, men and
brethren, you will be dashed to pieces on the rocks!
But the clergy,-the ministers of God, the followers
on earth of the Prince of Peace,-at this threatening
crisis, are going likewise! I know there are among
that class of citizens, in South Carolina, some of the
best men, as well as the most fearless and self-sacrificing men, of which the American people can boast.
Why, oh, why are these men on the side of civil war,
bloodshed, and revolution?  They have offered up
prayers and supplication, and made appeals to Heaven,
but, alas! they have been-not for the preservation but
for the destruction of the Union. I hear of no Paul
among them, seeking to calm the minds of his companions, and to declare to them, "Except ye abide in
the ship, ye cannot be saved." The venerable Dr.
PIERCE, of Georgia, is an exception to this rule, and
has spoken out like an American citizen and a Christian
philosopher. To my mind it is clear that the clergy of
South Carolina are wanting in courage to do what
their "consciences dictate to be done." If they possessed the courage of their Master, they would from a
Christian stand-point speak out in thunder tones!
Jesus of Nazareth walked the earth thirty odd years, in
the midst of millions of Roman Empire slaves, and dared
to counsel them against rebellion and insurrection, and




AMONG THE RFLBELS.              45
to exhort them to be obedicezt to their masters.  Here
was a courage worthy of God! Would that my South
Carolina Methodist brethren would endeavor, humbly
and courageously, to follow His example!
I believe the Union is in danger, and in regard to
the consequences of its dissolution I shall not lengthen
out this epistle in an attempt to portray the consequences. What I have to say to your ministers and
church-going people is, that the importance of the
times demands the grave and serious reflection and
prayerful deliberation of every individual and State,
before they proceed to take any action. One false
step, such as contemplated by South Carolina, may
plunge the people of the United States into unutterable
woe! We now need the cool deliberation, the conservatism, and the wisdom of the nation, to "pour oil
upon the troubled waters,"-to calm the storm now
raging in the political elements, and to save this Union.
And to no class of men living have we greater cause
to look for help in this good work, than to the ministers and members of the Methodist Church, whose
Discipline and Constitution, as well as their Bible,
require loyalty to the civil Government, obedience to
l ilers, and a devotion to a country that forbids their
assenting to its overthrow, directly or indirectly! The
South should resist unlawful aggressions, but she should
do it in the Union, under the Constitution, and with
a scrupulous regard to the forms of law. Secession is




46           BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
no remedy for any evils in our Government, real or
imaginary, past, present, or to come.
I will go further, if you please, and affirm that the
Constitution has, in the clearest terms, recognized the
right of property in slaves. That sacred instrument
prohibits any State into which a slave may have fled,
from passing any law to discharge him from bondage,
and declares that he shall be surrendered to his lawful
owner by the authorities of any State within whose
limits he may be found. M/ore than this, sir, the Constitution makes the existence of slavery our foundation
of political power, by giving to the Slave States representatives in Congress not only in proportion to the
whole number of free negroes, but also in proportion to
the the ee-fifths of the number of slaves. The Northern
States, by their " Personal Liberty Laws," have placed
themselves in a state of revolution, and unless they
repeal these laws, the revolution-a thing that never
goes backward-must go on, until these rebellious
States are declared out of the Union, and the truly
conservative States take the Union in charge!
I have, my dear sir, defined my position, and in such
terms as not to be misunderstood.  I have already
extended my remarks beyond what I intended in the
outset. I will therefore close with brief extracts from
the pens of three distinguished men, and I alsk your
attention to what they have said.  The two first




AMONG THE REBELS.               47
assisted in framing the Constitution.  Mr. JEFFERSON
remarked, in a letter to John Taylor, dated June 1, 1798,
"If on the temporary superiority of the one party
the other is to resort to a scission of the Union, no
Federal Government can ever exist.
"Who can sa-y what would be the evils of a scission,
and when and where they would end?  Better keep
together as we are; haul off from Europe as soon as we
can, and from attachments to all portions; and, if they
show their power just sufficiently to hoop us together,
it will be the happiest situation in which we can exist.
If the game were sometimes against us at home, we
must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have
opportunity to win back the principles we have lost."
Mr. 1MADISON, in a paper he drew up a short time
before his death, gives us this advice:"The advice nearest my heart and deepest in my
conviction is, that the Union of the States be cherished
and perpetuated.  Let the open enemy to it be regarded
as a Pandora with her box opened, and the disguised
one as the serpent creeping with his deadly wiles into
Paradise."
Gen. JAcKSOoN, in his message to Congress, January
7, 1833, thus disposes of the question of Secession:"The right of the people of a single State to absolve
themselves at will, and without the consent of the
other States, from their most solemn obligations, and
hazard the liberties and happiness of the millions
composing this Union, cannot be acknowledged. Such
authority is believed utterly repugnant both to the
principles upon which the General Government is constituted, and to the oij ects which it was expressly
formed to attain."




148          BROWNLOW' S EXPERIENCES
To these sentiments I subscribe as heartily and as
answervingly as I do to those I have preceded them
with.      Very respectfully, &c.,
NV. G. BROWNLOW.
EIn-oxville Whig, December 8, 1S60.
To the People of East Tennessee,
The Governor has issued a call for the meeting of
the Legislature on Monday, the 7th of January, and
that body will call a Convention of the State, to act
upon the great and only issue of the day, —the breaking
up of this Union by the secession of certain States
from the Confederacy.  We shall then be called upon
to elect men from  all of our Legislative districts,
Representative and Senatorial, to represent us in that
Convention; and this election will be upon us in a very
short time, say two or three months.  The single issue
will then be, secession or no secession; or, in other
words, Shall Tennessee follow the Cotton States out of
the Urnion, or remain in the Union, ttrue to the Co0nstitution and thle laws   L Let those who dare to favor
disunion become candidates, and show  their hands.
They will not be allowed to dodge the issue: they
must declare either for or against secession.  The
people will force every man to define his position.
We desire to see a candidate in every county on each
side of the question, so as fully to test it; and we hope
to see the ablest men in the State in the field, on both




AMONG THE RELELS.                49
tickets. It will not be -Whig and Democrat, Bell and
Breckinlidge, or Douglas, but Union or Disunzion.
The Cotton States have spurned the offer of certain
border States to meet them in a friendly conference,declare they are going rashly and headlong out of the
Union, and that these border States may either follow
them or remain where they are. They allege our
unity of interests, but refuse us harmony of actionz.
Five refractory States claim the right to dictate to TEN
conservative States, and to involve them  in all the
horrors of civil war, extending along a border of fifteen
hundred miles; but they indignantly refuse to confer
with these TEN States. If these border States were
their enemies, then there would be some propriety in
refusing their counsecs.  The border States have been
their friends, through evil and good report; they have
been their companions in arms, and  side by side
they have fought many a battle and triumphed over
the British and Indians.  But now, in matters in
which we are as deeply interested as they are, they
give us the cold shoulder, and refuse to meet us in
counsel, to see if some course of procedure cannot be
agreed upon by which cle who are identified in interest
should unite forces against our enemies.
We are, in fact,'in the midst of a revolution,"a phrase whose dreadful meanling, as interpreted in
the history of nations, none of us now realize the force
of. The honest yeomanry of these border States,
5




50           BROWNLOTA'S EXPERIENCES
whose families live by their hard licks, four-fifths of
whom own no negroes and never expect to own any,
are to be drafted, —forced to leave their wives and
children to toil and suffer, while they fight for the
purse-proud aristocrats of the Cotton States, whose
pecuniary abilities will enable them to hire substitutes 
Revolution, or civil war, is no holiday cffair; and
those who expect to carry it on by the bright and
shining light of pleasure and prosperity are to experience the saddest of disappointments.
Let us be calm, fellow-countrymen of the border
States, and weigh well every step we take towards
meeting these avowed enemies of the Union in counsel.
That great teacher-history-shows a multitude of
cases in which whole communities, and sometimes
nations, have been led into disastrous and wholesale
calamities, under excitements not so terrific as that
which now agitates these States.  In proof of this, we
could refer to the South-Carolina-like insanity which
seized upon whole nations of Europe, and led them to
inhospitable graves on the bloody fields of battle. The
most impressive and notable of these is furnished by
the terrific French Revolution, which begay   with a
Conventionz, culminated in the decapitation of a king,
and ended in the worst form of a military despotism.
Tennesseans! let us not disregard these stern teachings
of history.  Human nature and man are essentially
the same in all ages.  The demagogues who denied to




AMONG THE REBELS.               61
us before the late Presidential election that they were
at all favorable to Secession, now make light of, and
affect to despise, the dangers which are only a few brief
months ahead of us. We are urged to go into a
Southern Confederacy at once; and in a few months
thereafter we shall be drafted as soldiers, and forced
to abandon our peaceful homes, never to see them more,
to perish by exposure, or hunger, or disease, on long
and dreary marches, or to fall by the hands of our
countrymen, in a war that never ought to have been
waged. This dreadful state of things is just before us
in the portentous future, and we are rushing into the
jaws of death, led' on by the iynis-fa-tzwus of the wild
and visionary theorists of the South, who believe that
the chief end of man is niger!
But it is said that five or six Cotton States will go
out of the Union, and we of the border States will be
forced to follow. WVe say, Let them go, if they are bent
upon self-destruction, but let us, Tennesseeans, remain
in the Union, whose Constitution and laws provide
adequate protection to the rights of all the States of the
Confederacy; and let us look to that instrument for
defence within the Union, warned by the experience of
the past, the dangers of the present, and the hopes of
the future.  It is worse than idle-it is fool-hardyto discuss. the question of the relative merits of the
two Governments, the new and the old.  The spirit
manifested by the Disunionists of the South shows




52          3BROWNLOW' S EXPERIENCES
most clearly that they are not the men to make laws
for our Government, or to frame a Government for conservative Union men to live under.  We may as well
live under the government of the Wil~iagv L. Garrisons
of the North, as the Williagn L. Tancey8s of the South.
In case of disruption, the formation of a Southern Confederacy, by direct taxation, by means of military
encampments, and by calling off the yeomanry of the
country from agricultural pursuits, will involve us all
in- one conmmon ruin, in financial embarrassments,
and in the overthrow of the best Government the
world ever knew. One can but involuntarily turn
even from the contemplation of this state of things.
Shall we be precipitated into this dreadful state of
things by a set of men who denied to us, but three
months ago, that they favored Disunion, because they
then wanted our votes?  If time were given to the
North, she would do the South justice: therefore let
these border States be guided by moderation. Let us,
Tenlnesseeans, stand by the Union; let us hope on, and
when hope is gone-so far as we are concerned-life
will have lost its value for us!
Knoxville Whig, Dec. 22, 1860.
Disunion Party Revived.
The old Nullifiers of the clays of JACEsoN have
revived under the lead of BRECICINRIDGE, and in the
name of National Democracy.  They were for Dis



AMONG THE REBELS.               b3
union, Secession, and Nullification, during the reign of
JAcxsoNi; but his devotion to the Union, his iron
will and towering popularity, enabled him to crush
them out.
JOHN C. CALHOUN was a man of iron will, scarcely
behind the hero of New  Orleans. He was honest,
bold, frank, and fearless,-above all taint of corruption,
all suspicion of his integrity, virtue, and courage. To
the majesty of this man's towering intellect, and his
high moral, social, and political wortlh, the Senate, in
the palmiest days of Clay, WVebster, Berrien, Leigh,
YWright, Benton, Tazewell, White, Poindexter, and
other Senators of the truest antique Roman mould,
bowed in admiration. But, representing the Disunion
sentiment of the times, he was crushed beneath the
heel of ANDREW JACKSON, and he was sustained in
crushing him out by the real people, irrespective of
parties; for then, outside of the Province of South
Carolina, all were intensely Union men. Then, too,
the Democratic party were all Union men. Not so
now: the pernicious heresy of Disunion, which strikes
its accursed roots so broadly and deeply into Southern
soil, is confined to the Democratic ranks.
This fiercely aggressive spirit of DIisunion, South,
next showed itself in the Hartford Convention held at
Nashville, and then, as now, was confined to the Democratic organization.  Their pretext for holding that
treasonable convocation was slavery, but their craven




51         B]3ROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
object was Disz1?iozn. They broke up the Vhig party
in the South, and merged all opposition into the Democratic party; what opposition remained they denounced as Abolition. The next thing, and the last
thing, was to break up the Democratic party as a
national party, so as to bring the slave-holding and
non-slave-holding  States into conflict, divided upon
a geographical line. They well knew the Union could
not long survive such a division of parties, and for that
reason alone brought it about.
Now, the men who seceded from the Charleston
Convention in April last are the men who have been
engineering for years to break up the union of these
States and to establish a Southern Confederacy. They
are the followers of that Calhoun school which ANDREw
JAcKsoN broke up in 1831. BRECLINRIDGE has loaned
himself to these bad men to be used as a tool, in the
sacred name of Democracy, to do a deed that entitles all concerned to an ignominious death under the
gallows. Ay, we have the strange spectacle presented,
of men whose principles JACIKSON denounced as those
of traitors, setting themselves up for leaders of Democracy, while true and consistent Democrats are thrust
aside for devotion to the Jackson creed I
BRECKIINRIDGE now stands upon the narrow sectional
ground that CALOUN occupied in his day; and the
issue between BRECKINRIDGE and the other tickets in
the field, disguise it as they may, is the issue of Union




AMONG- TE REBELS.               55
or Disunion; it is an issue between the United -States
and a Southern Confederacy. The Disunion men of
the South have chosen their candidate; and that man
is JOHN C. 3RECKINRIDGE,  Those who act with them
favor the cause of Disuniom, whether they intend to do
so or not.
Knoxville Whig, August 11, 1860.
" Brownlow's Plag."
It is known to this community and to the people of
this county that I have had the Stars and Stripes, in
the character of a small flag, floating over my dwelling,
in East Knoxville, since February.  This flag has
become very offensive to certain leaders of the Secession
party in this town, and to certain would-be leaders, and
the more so as it is about the only one of the kind
floating in the city. Squads of troops, from three to
twenty, have come over to my house, within the last
several days, cursing the flag in front of my house, and
threatening to take it down, greatly to the annoyance
of my wife and children. No attack has been made
upon it, and consequently we have had no difficulty.
It is clue to the Tennessee troops to say that they have
never made any such demonstrations. Other troops
from the Southern States, passing on to Virginia, have
been induced to do so, by certain cowardly, sneaking,
white-livered scoundrels, residing here, who have not
the inelt to undertake wh t they urge strangers to do.




56           BR3LOWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
One of the Louisiana squads proclaimed in front of my
house, on Thursday, that they were told to take it
down by citizens of Knoxville.
Now, I wish to say a few things to the public in connection with this subject. This flag is private property,
upon a private dwelling, in a State that has nzever voted
herself out of the Union or into the Southern Confederacy, and is therefore lawfully and constitutionally
under these same Stars and Stripes I have floating over
my house. Until the State, by her citizens, through
the ballot-box, changes her Federal relations, her citizens have a right to fling this banner to the breeze.
Those who are in rebellion against the Government
represented by the Stars and Stripes have up the Rebel
flag, and it is a high piece of work to deny loyal citizens
of the Union the privilege of displaying their colors!
But there is one other feature of this tyranny and of
these mobocratic assaults I wish to lay before the people,
irrespective of parties.  There are but a few of the
leaders of this Secession movement in Knoxville-less
than half a dozen-for whom I entertain any sort of
respect, or whose good opinions I esteem. With one
of these I had a free and full conversation, more than
two weeks ago, in regard to this whole question. I told
him that we Union men would make the best fight we
could at the ballot-box, on the Sth of June, to keep the
S iate in the Union; but that if we were overpowered,
and a majority of the people of the State should say in




AMONG THE REBELS.               57
this constitutional way that she must secede, we should
nave to come down, and bring our flags with us, bowing
to the will of the majority with the best grace we could.
I made the same statement to the colonel who got up a
regiment here, and to one of his subordinate officers. I
made the same statement to the president of the railroad, and I have repeatedly made the same statement
through my paper. The whole Secession party here
know this to be the position and purpose of the Union
party; but a portion of them seek to bring about personal coitflicts, and to engage strangers, under the influence of whiskey, to do a dirty and villainous work they
have the meanness to do, without the courage.
If these God-forsaken scoundrels and hell-dleserving
assassins want satisfaction out of me for what I have
said about them, —and it has been no little,-they can
find me on these streets every day of my life but Sunday. I am at all times prepared to give them satisfaction. I take back nothing I have ever said against
the corrupt and unprincipled villains, but reiterate all,
cast it in their dastardly faces, and hurl down their
lying throats their own infamous calumnies.
Finally, the destroying of my small flag or of my townproperty is a small matter. The carrying out of the
State upon the mad wave of Secession is also a small
matter, compared with the great PRINCIPLE involved.
Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I am a
Union man, and owe my allegiance to the Stars and




BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Stripes of my country. Nor can I, in any possible contingency, have any respect for the Government of the
Confederated Stat es, originating as it did with, and being
controlled by, the worst men in the South. And any
man saying —whether of high or low degree-that I am
an Abolitionist or a Blacki Republican, is a LIAR and a
SCOUNDREL.
W. G. BRowNLOw,
EcZibtor of the Ka~oxville Whig.
Knoxville Whig, May 25, 1861.
Twelve Months Ago.
On Saturday morning, July 28, 1860, or a year ago,
the following leading editorial appeared in our TriWeekly Whig, and again, on the following Saturday, in
the Weekly Whig. We copy it by way of vindicating
our claims to cobnsistency, and invite attention to it, as
an article having more interest about it than it had
when it was first published. It was then prophetic; it
is now prophecy fufigec:-' THIS UNION AND ITS FUTURE."
We had occasion, while at the White Sulphur Springs,
to answer a long letter addressed to us by a gentleman'n New York, who was raised in the South, on the subject of national politics.  In reply to that letter he
says:




AMION  THE RE SELS.               59
i I have perused your letter with as much interest as
I read your paper.  In most of your positions I agree
with you; in some I do not. Give us in your next issue
your honest views as to this Unr6'ion aznd its fatlure.  I
ask this because I hear it said you are a Disunionist,
and by others that you are opposed to the Secessionists.
Your editorials satisfy me that you are holding on to
the Union."
We are now, as we have always been, a Union man.
VWe say, let the Union stand; let the principles and
compromises of the Constitution be observed; let the
spirit of our forefathers, who framed out of discordant
materials this noble fabric of governiment, prevail; let
the work of the clear heads of Adams, Hancock, Jefferson, Carroll, IIarrison, and a host of others, equally true
and patriotic, be perpetual; let sectionalism, as held by
the Republicans of the North and the Democrats of the
South, and the evil passions of vile demagogues, who
seek their own, not their couzntry's good, sink to the
lowest hell; and let unity of opinfon, tolerance of differences, and patriotic sentiments alone be heard in our
national councils.
The foregoing are briefly out sentiments, and they
have never been otherwise during the twenty-one years
of our active editorial and political life.  But will these
opinions prevail in this country? WVe think not. There
is at the North a powerful party, called the Republican
party, whose leading principle is opposition to the spread
of slavery over territory now free: into this party, purely




60           BROWNV'LOW'S EXPERIENCES
sectional, are going all the shades of opinion opposed to
the institution of negro slavery. There is also at the
North a party calling itself Democratic, by no means
consistent, and having no fixed principles, willing to
stand on any sort of platform which will secure to it the
vote of the South for the Presidency and the spoils of
office. In the South, there is in every State an equally
sectional organization, calling itself Democratic, which
is dominant in all the fifteen States but Maryland.
Southern Democracy is by no means consistent with
itself. A portion of them hold on to save the Government from  disunion; another portion cling to the
organization expressly to overthrow the Union!
The large den'mands of the leaders of Southern Democracy, their violence and ultraism, are thinning the ranks
of the Nortlhern Democracy, and driving them over to
the Northern anti-slavery party.  Some go directly,
others indirectly by supporting Douglas, whose principles end in Republicanism.  It is clear to our mind
that the Democratic party has become sectional, and
that the contest before the Charleston Convention is to
turn alone on the Slavery question. All interests, State
and National, are discarded; all feelings are absorbed
in the one question, and that a sectional issue that never
ought to have been agitated in Congress. This state of
things cannot last many years longer. It has but one
issue, —that of disunion. The waters of the Mississippi
lead not more certainly to the Gulf of Mexico than do




AMONG THE REBELS.                61
these sectional issues, in the hands of these parties,
carry our Government to certain destiruction.  In other
words, we think the Union will be dissolved. WTe are
sorry to say it, and sorry that we have oeen brought to
believe it; but we are unable to resist the evidence,
drivinfg us to this melancholy conclusion!
Knoxville Whig, July, 18G61.
The North and the South.
With all our progressive developments in the South,
-and we hail them all.with pleasure,-still we are, ex
necessatcte frei, largely dependent upon the mind and
labor of the North.  If this dependence be a sin, as
Southern fire-eaters contend it is, how deeply we are all
involved in transgression! The very knives and combs
in our pockets, the hats upon our heads, the shoes upon
our feet, the clothes upon our backs, the razors with
which we shave, the cologne with which we perfume our
hair, to say nothing of the furniture of our parlors, the
ware upon our tables, the implements of husbandry in
our fields, the coffins in which we are buried, the spades
with which our graves are dug,-all come from tle
North, and will rise up and condemn us. When we
have erected manufacturing establishments, and applauded them as Southern enterprises, the truth still
stares us all in the face that they have nevertheless been
inaugurated by Northern genius, supplied by Northern
machinery, and worked by Northern men. The very
6




62           BROWN LOW'S EXPERIENCES
types on which the South is dependent for the issue of
her scores of newspapers and periodicals, as well as our
printing-presses and ink, to black these types, come
from the North! WVhile, therefore, we consent to share
the shacne of this our humiliating dependency, let us be
a little more slow to censure harshly the noble enterprise of our neighbors beyond the Potomac, and equally
so to anathematize our Southern neighbors who deal
with them, until we provide at home the necessaries of
both life and death.
WVhen South Carolina goes out of the Union, and a
few other " Cotton States" follow her iniquitous example,
where will they get shoes and coarse clothes for their
negroes? Where will they get types and presses to
print their fire-eating journals and doctrines?  The
truth is, we are acting the fool at the South, and the
Abolitionists are playing the same game at the North.
We can't do without their productions, and they can't
do without our rice, sugar, and cotton. I-ad we not,
then, better "live and let live"?
Knoxville Whig, Nov. 10, 1861.
Multum in Parvo.
" CAUDEN, ARnI., June 30, 1860.
"'W. G. BROWNLOW:  I have learned with pleasure,
upon what I consider reliable authority, that you have
made up your mind to join the Democratic party, and
in future to act with us for the benefit of the country.




AMONG THE REBELS.                63
When will you come out and announce it?  It will have
a good effect in the present election, if you will make it
known over your your own signature.  Hoping to hear from
you, I am, very truly,
"JORDAN CLARK."
KNOXVILLE, August 6, 1860.
MIR. JORDAN CLARK:-I have your letter of the 30th
nit., and hasten to let you know the precise timne when
I expect to come out and formally announce that I have
joined the Democratic party.  When the sun shines at
midnight and the moon at mid-day; when man forgets
to be selfish, or Democrats lose their inclination to
steal; when nature stops her onward march to rest, or
all the water-courses in America flow up stream; when
flowers lose their odor, and trees shed no leaves; when
birds talk, and beasts of burden laugh; when damned
spirits swap hell for heaven with the angels of light,
and pay them the boot in mean whiskey; when impossibilities are in fashion, and no proposition is too absurd
to be believed, —yo  may credit the report that I have
joined the Democrats!
I join the )Demnocrats!  Never, so long as there are
sects in churches, weeds in gardens, fleas in hog-pens,
dirt in victuals, disputes in families, wars with nations,
water in the ocean, bad men in America, or base women
in France! No, Jordan Clark, you may hope, you may
congratulate, you may reason, you may sneer, but that
cannot be. The thrones of the Old World, the courts




64  BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
of the universe, the governments of the world, may all
fall and crumble into ruin,-the New World may commit the national suicide of dissolving this Union, —but
all this, and more, must occur before I join the Democracy!
I join the Demnocr^acyy! Jordan Clark, you know not
what you say. When I join Democracy, the Pope of
Rome will join the Methodist Church. When Jordan
Clark, of Arkansas, is President of the Republic of
Great Britain by the universal suffrage of a contented
people; when Queen Victoria consents to be divorced
from Prince Albert by a county court in Kansas; when
Congress obliges, by law, James [Buchanan to marry a
European princess; when the Pope leases the Capitol at
Washington for his city residence; when Alexander of
Russia and Napoleon of France are elected Senators in
Congress from New }Mexico; when good men cease to
go to heaven, or bad men to hell; when this world is
turned upside down; when proof is afforded, both clear
and unquestionable, that there is no God; when men
turn to ants, and ants to elephants,-I will change my
political faith and come out on the side of Democracy!
Supposing that this full and frank letter will enable
you to fix upon the period when I will come out a fullgrown Democrat, and to communicate the same to all
whom it may concern in Arkansas,
I have the honor to be, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLO-w.




AMONG THlE REBELS.                  65
CHAPTER  II.
THIRTY-NINE LASHES AND A COAT OF TAR AND FEATHERS PROMISED
HE-REPLY TO W. L. YANCEY ON THE PLATFORM IN KNOXVILLE-DENYING THE RIGHT OF SECESSION-PRONOUNCING THE AFRICAN SLAVETIRADE PIRACY-MIY ANCESTORS FIGHTING FOR THIS COUNTRYSOUTH CAROLINA THE RESORT OF TORIES-NULLIFICATION IN 1832
-NULLIFICATION AMONG THE ANCIENTS.
A South Carolina Correspondent.
WE have received the following epistle from a dignitary in South Carolina, which we think is worth laying
before the public, and with it we give our reply:"UNIONVILLE, S.C., OCt. 4, 1860.
"W. CG. B3RowNLO:"SInR:-I have been taking your paper some time,
believing you to be honest in your views. But your
remarks to Yancey convince me fully you are a traitor
to the South and to your country. As to what you
say of the Secessionists, that is true.  I expect to find
you and your followers in the ranks of the Abolitionists, and if so, so help me God, I will kill you the first
man.  If it should be that we ever meet on the soil of
South Carolina, I expect to be one of the number that
will give you thirty-nine lashes on your bare back, and
6-:




66          IBROWENLOW' S EXPERIENCES
a coat of tar and feathers afterwards to heal up the
stripes.
"If my time is not out, stop my paper, anyhow.  I
make you a present of all you owe me, believing you
would steal it if I did not.
"Nothing more at present.
"JOHN W. PALMER."
KNOXVILLE, Oct. 12, 1860.
AMr. JOHN W. PALMER:I have your 2polite favor of the 4th inst., requesting
a discontinuance of the Whig to your address, and
kindly making me a present of "all" I am owing you.
I respectfully decline your liberal offer, and enclose you
twenty-four cents in postage-stamps, the amount due
you for the six remaining weeks required to complete
your year.
Your proposal to be "one of a number" who will
first thrash and then tar and feather me, illustrates
the spirit of the party with which you act, as well as
its courage.  If a number of Secessionists will join
you, you will undertake to mob me. This is the arglmnent of your party, and especially in South Carolina.
If you will undertake the task " solitary and alone,"
furnishing me with reliable proof of your respectability, I will give you an opportunity of carrying out
your threats at such time and place as you may designate
I can, I think, survive the shock of your wituihdrawal




AMONG THE REBELS.                67
from  my subscription-list.  I have a paying list of
twelve thousand subscribers,-more than any other
political paper in this State can boast of, —and I can
afford to part with every Disunionist on my list, and
really desire to be rid of them.  And if the world
were rid of them, it would be better for the country.
Aly remarks to Yancey, upon the stancd, when he
spoke here, are the immediate cause of your withdrawal, and proof to you that you will find nme and
my followers in the ranks of the Abolitionists.  Now,
sir, what were my remarks, and what is their true import? The question was, would the election of Lincoln
be a sufficient cause for dissolving this Union? I stood
forth upon the stand, by the side of Mlr. YANCEY, and
answered in the following terms:
"Yes, I endorse all Bell has said, and I go further
than he has gone. I am one of a numerous party at
the South, who will, if even Lincoln shall be elected
under the forms of our Constitution, and by the authority of law, withozt conznitting a?n? oe other offence thanc
being elected, force the vile Disunionists and Secessionists of the South TO PaSS OVER ouR DEAD BODIES
ON THEIR MARCH TO WASHItNGTON TO BREAK UP THIS
GOVERNMENT 1"
However offensive the foregoing sentiment may be
to Southern Disunionists, I am proud of it, and take
nothing back.  Our Government is the greatest and
the best the world has ever seen. I am, therefore,
opposed to dissolving it because a man not acceptable




68          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
to me is elected President, and elected upon a sectional
issue.  The object aimed at by the Disunionists is,
that they may re-open tihe slave-trade.  They prefer
Disunion with the slave-trade, to the Union without
it; although the Congress of the United States, and
the Supreme Court, have declared it to be PIRACY.
The man who calculates upon apeaceable dissolution
of the Union is either a madman or a fool. I am
among those who believe that the Union is not going
to be dissolved, because the Disunionists have no right
to do that thing; they have no power, if the right existed; and there is no cauzse for a dissolution,-not even
after Lincoln shall have been elected. I even deny the
right of secession, and I could here quote from JEFFERSON, MADISON, RITCHIE, JACKSON, and others, to
show that the right of secession does not exist; but
this would extend my letter beyond the limits I lhave
prescribed.  The American Constitution, adopted in
Convention, and ratified by the States, is higher
authority than even these great statesmen; and that
declares:
" This Constitution, and the laws of the United States
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all
treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law
of the land, and the judges in every State shall be
bound thereby, any thingt in the Constitution or laws
of any State to the contrary notwithstanding."-Art.
vI. Sec. 2.




AMONG THE REBELS.               69
For argument's sake, I will concede what the Disunionists claim,-to wit, that the right of secession is a
"reserved right."  Let us illustrate that point.  One
State has as much right to secede as another. Our
Government acquired Louisiana by purchase from
Spain, and paid a round sum of money: suppose
Louisiana should take offence at some Federal law,
or at the election of Lincoln, and secede. WThat would
become of all we paid in the purchase?  WVe paid millions for Texas; and if she were to secede, what becomes
of all that money?
But I am not yet done with this szupposable case of
the election of Lincoln.  I will say more than I have
said, and I will go on to state my position in the event
of his election; and I am free to confess that his chances
are now better than those of any other candidate in
the field. Should Lincoln be elected, and should he,
for instance, recommend the abolition of the slavetrade between the States, I shall advocate waiting to
see if Congress will sustain him. If Congress will
sustain him in the outrage and violation of the Constitution, I shall advocate an appeal to the Supreme
Court; and if that tribunal sustain Lincoln, I would
take the ground that the time for Revozlution has come,
-that all the Southern States should go into it; AND
I WOULD GO WITH THEAM!  Here is where I stand,
and where all Union-lovi:.g and law-abiding men are




70          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
bound to stand, whether they were born North or
South.
But, liMr. Palmer, you say I am a traitor to the South
and to my country. I am willing to compare notes
with you, or any man in the Disunion party South.
Your idol, Yancey, characterized the Bell men, in his
speech here, as the descendants of Tories. This charge
is too base and contemptible to attempt a refutation of
it, and no man but a malicious slanderer would urge
it in the indiscriminate terms Yancey did.  But how
stands the case as between you and myself?  I am, as
were my parents before me, a native of Virginia. A
portion of my relatives on my mother's side were in
the War of 1812,-the second War of Independence,and lost their lives at Norfolk. IMfy father was a "high
private" in Captain Landon's company from Sullivan
county, Tennessee, when peace was made and terminated
that war. My uncle, WMTr. L. B]ROWNLOW, was a captain in the United States Navy, died in the service,
and his bones repose in the navy-yard at Norfolk.
Another, ALEXANDER BROWNLOW, was first lieutenant
in the Navy in that same war, and his bones rest in
the graveyard at New Orleans, having died in the
service. A third uncle, SAMUEL L. BROWNLOW, was a
wagon-master under General JAcxsoN, and was in the
battle of the Horseshoe. A fourth uncle, ISAAC BR]3OWNL1OW, was an inferior officer under General JACKSON,
and bore his dispatches from the Creek War to Hunts



A110NG THE REBELS.              71
ville, swimming the Tennessee Liver on horseback. A
fifth uncle, JOHN BROWNLOW, was an inferior officer in
the Navy, and died at sea.
Now, sir, what is your pedigree?  You hail from a
State which mustered more Tories in the War of the
Revolution than all the other States in the Confederacy
put together. There are, I am  free to allow, many
Union-loving, law-abiding, patriotic, and gallant citizens in South Carolina, and there were during the War
of the Revolution; but still, I repeat, it was the resort
of Tories, and the home of traitors, during that dark
and trying period of our history. And I have no
doubt that your ancestors, on both sides, were operating in the cypress-swamps, and figured with that
illustrious class of robbers who were hunted down by
General MARION, the "Swamp Fox," for giving "aid
and comfort" to the British army.
I have no doubt there are Tories enongh still in
South Carolina, and the descendants of Tories, to influence an attempt to go out of the Union in the event
of Lincoln's election. And I think it a great misfortune that the Constitution does not provide some means
of letting that State out peaceably. As matters stand,
she will have to be thrashed iznto line. It will not,
however, become necessary to send an army to South
Carolina, if she should attempt to secede. Let the
Government blockade her ports; and then let all mail



72           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
communications wvith the State be closed, and she will
herself propose liberal terms of compromise.
I resided in South Carolina in 1832, when  utlifica.tion raged, and when the Ordinance of the Nullifiers was
put forth, which called for the proclamation of General
Jackson.  I took sides in favor of the General Government then, as I do now; while the Churches were
enveloped in the smoke of faction, and many of the
ministers-Presbyteriails, Baptists, and Methodistsvolunteered to support the " Ordinance," and preached
expressly on Nullification, declaring that it was both
scritutrcal and right.  They received now commissions
to " Go into all the world and preach lalZification to
every creature;" and, like the deluded followers of
Mohammed, they carried the Al/koranz of Nullification in
one hand, and the sword of vengeance in the other.
The Nullifiers throughout the country, in that memorable day, distinguished themselves by wearing a
cockade on their hats, made of blue ribbon.  The boys,
not free from the apron-strings of their mothers, had
these badges displayed in bold relief and in the true
style of chivalry.  A vast number of the common
people left the country, as they will do again, not feeling exactly willing to fight the battles of demagogues
and designing leaders.
It is plain to be seen that the same spirit of disloyalty to the Union which prevailed there in 1832
is now working in the hearts of the Breckinridge un



AMONG THE REBELS.              73
believers; and a similar fate awaits them. Nullification has been attended with the worst of consequences
in all ages. In the garden of Eden, our first parents
were induced by the devil, in the form of a serpent, to
nullify the laws of God; and, believing it to be a
"peaceful remedy," they made the dreadful "experiment."  Cain, in the case of Abel, nullified the law of
God; and he was branded in the forehead as a traitorous murderer. The nation of Jews who perished
in the siege of Jerusalem were all nullifiers. So were
the rebellious inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah.
And the antediluvians, for their South-Carolina polktics, encountered the very devil, in the days of the
Flood. And the King of Egypt, in trying to carry
his "Ordinance" into effect, lost his life in the Red
Sea. And had the South Carolina Nullifiers gone a
little further with their scheme of secession, Old
Hickory Jackson would have drowned them in the
harbor of Charleston.  Indeed, General Scott was
ordered to the port of Charleston with the regular
army, and the writ of old Jackson was in the hands
of the United States Marshal for the arrest of the
leaders of the rebellion, with a view to hanging them.
Knowing this, they came to terms, and a compromise
was effected.
And, by way of admonition to all Disunionists, I
conclude this epistle in the language of Holy Writ:"Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers.
7




74          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
For there is no power but of God: the powers that be
are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth
the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they
that resist shall receive to themselves DAMNATION."
W. G. BROWNLOW,
Editor of the Knoxville Whig.
Knoxville Whig, Oct. 13, 1860.




AMONG THE REBELS.                75
CHAPTER III.
CASE OF REV. DR. NEELY, THE ALABAMA SECESSIONIST-PRAYING THE
SOUTH NOT TO SUBMIT TO THE INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN-EXHORTATION TO MODERATION.
Another Withdrawal from our List.
THE following correspondence will explain itself; and
we therefore leave it to our readers to pass upon:"JEFFERSON, ALA., Oct. 4, 1860.
"REV. W. G. BROwNLow:
"DEAR SIR:-I subscribed for your paper a month
or so ago, in the belief that you would honorably advocate the principles of the party to which I belong, and
use all proper means to secure the election of Bell and
Everett. But, a short time since, to my utter astonishment, you published a short editorial about Dr. Neely,
of the Alabama Conference, which I think is very far
from honorable, and shows your unscrupulousness,
and the little regard you have for the reputation of
others, and is also a reflection upon the Church to
which Dr. Neely belongs, and a slander upon the
Alabama Conference, before which he was tried and




76          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
fully acquitted of improper motives, and has gone forth
for the last ten years with the endorsement of this
body. I am a strong party man, but love my Church
and the reputation of her ministry more than party;
and I have no confidence in the political honesty of a
man who will defame the name of a minister and
slander such a body of men as I know the Alabama
Conference to be, for party purposes. I am no satellite
of Dr. Neely's: I am barely acquainted with him,only regard him with that friendship I have in common
for the ministers of the Church to which I belong.
You will please discontinue your slanderous sheet to
my address, and I will bestow my patronage upon
those who will promote my political principles in an
honorable and gentlemanly way.
"Yours, &c.,
"A. W. COOPER."
KNOXVILLE, Oct. 15, 1860.
MR. A. W. COOPER:-I have before me your insulting and dictatorial epistle, ordering a discontinuance
of your paper with something of a flourish,-all characteristic of its author, who is known to be a self-willed
and self-conceited man, suffering greatly from a disease,
common among men of your calibre, known as the
big-head. You have only thirteen weeks of the paper
due yoi after receiving the issue containing this correspondence; and, when you speak of ordering a discontinuance, confine yourself to the truth in this respect.




AMONG THE REBELS.              77
It seems that I have offended you by my well-timed,
but moderate, castigation of Rev. P. P. Neely, a
Methodist travelling preacher in the Alabama Conference, for making stump-speeches favorable to the cause
of Breckinridge and of an organized band of traitors
and hell-hounds in the South, who seek to overthrow
this Government and to erect upon its ruins a
Southern Confederacy, where a few corrupt and ambitious demagogues may get offices and spoils they can
never enjoy while the Union is preserved. You say
that you will bestow your patronage elsewhere. Do
so, and carry with you as many bigoted Neely men
and as many blind partisan Methodists as you can
influence. I can live without your patronage or theirs;
and, to be candid with you and them, I want the names
of no such partisan fools upon my list. Nay, I invite
you and Neely, and all such men as can be enlisted,
to take the field and the stump against me and my
paper; and the only effect of your opposition will be to
increase my list of paying subscribers I
Now, Mr. Cooper, you write as "one having authority, and not as these little scribes;" and, if you do
not represent the "Alabama Conference," you at least
represent Neely and his clique. Let me review you
and your esteemed pastor Neely for a brief spell.
It was in the Sumpter (Ala.) Demnocrat of September
1, I first learned that Mr. Neely had made a stumpspeech in the court-house in Livingston in favor of the




78          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Breckinridge-Yancey ticket.  After this, I found an
account of this Livingston speech by Neely in the
Montgomery Advertiser, from which I take this brief
extract, premising that the Advertiser characterized it
as a "patriotic and Christian sentiment:""Whilst he was not a disunionist per se, yet'he
would get down on his knees to every man in the Souzth,
and beseech him not to submit to the inauguration of
a Black Rep2ublican or his administration.'"
Now, I, in commenting on this passage from Neely's
speech, declared that in counselling resistance to the
inauguration and administration of a man elected by a
majority of the voters of the country, under our Con
stitution and forms of law, Mr. Neely was neither re
presenting the sentiments of the Southern Methodist
Church nor the teachings of Christ and his apostles. I
also stated that, as the salaried agent of the Methodist
Publishing House at Nashville, he was not required to
fall upon his knees before any man in the South, and
beseech him to resist, "with force and arms," the inauguration and administration of a Black Republican!
I also stated that the neighbors and friends of Mr. Bell
were doing, and had done, more for the " Southern Book
Concern" than the neighbors and friends of Breckinridge
had ever done or ever would do. I stated-and now
repeat-that there are more Bell-and-Everett men in the
South connected with the Methodist Church South, than
there are advocating Breckinridge and Lane, and tbat




AMONG THE REBELS.               79
Bell-and-Everett Methodists did not care to see the
Church pay any man a large salary to do the dirty
work of farling upon his'knees and beseeching Southe rn
men to resist the Constitution and laws of the country
and "precipitate the Cotton States into a revolution."
Our gospel is one of peace, and not supported for the
purpose of plunging the country into all the horrors
of civil war!
For this, you say I have resorted to dishonorable
means to secure the election of Bell and Everett, and
that I am unscrupulous and have but little regard
for the reputation of others. Nay, you say that I am
a slanderer, and have reflected upon the Alabama Conference. In what respect have I slandered Neely or
the Alabama Conference? I said nothing about the
Alabama Conference in. any publication I made; and
you have only evaded the truth in shielding Neely
behind that Conference. I seek no controversy with
the Alabama Conference; but, at the same time, I ask
no favors of that body. I know what my rights are,
and I know where my remedy is in a matter of church
controversy.
*      *       *       *   *       *
In conclusion, sir, if you can have any control over
the deluded friends and admirers of Mr. Neely, prevail
on them to cease their clamors in his behalf, and especially their letter-writing and their newspaper eulogies
of him at the expense of better men; and let the low




80          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
murmurrigs of the autumnal night-winds, sighing
among the tree-tops, waft his faults and imperfections
to the distant shores of oblivion! Prevail on him to
humble himself before God, and pray much, repudiating all agitation of the questions now dividing the political parties of the day. And then shall the pale moonDearns of forgetfulness sleep around the tomb of his
follies, in deathlike stillness, no more making the air
hideous with the mournful cadences of his past indiscretions.
W. G. BROWNLOW,
-Editor of the Knoxville Whig.
Knoxville Whig, Oct. 13, 1860.




AMONG THE REBELS.                 81
CHAPTER IV.
SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1780-HER CITIZENS TORIES AND ON THE SIDE
OF THE BRITISH CROWN —TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX TORIES
IN CHARLESTON ADDRESSING SIR HENRY CLINTON-R. BARNWELL
RHETT CHANGES HIS NAME-THE DESCENDANTS OF THESE TORIES
SPREAD OVER THE SOUTH-SOUTH CAROLINA ROYALTY.
South Carolina in 1780.
IN the spring of 1780, Sir Henry Clinton and ViceAdmiral Arbuthnot appeared before Charleston and
demanded a surrender to His British Majesty's forces.
The gallant General LINCOLN, in command of the American forces, repulsed this arrogant demand with the
scorn and contempt of a brave officer.  They have
hated the name of Lincoln ever since! The people of
Charleston, and of nearly all South Carolina, being
Tories of the basest character, took the matter into
their own hands, and threatened the gallant Lincoln
with betraying him into the hands of the British forces
if he did not come to such terms as pleased them. And
Sir Henry Clinton, writing to Lord George Germaine,
one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, from
"Head Quarters, Charles-Town, South Carolina, June
4th, 1780," by way of boast, says,



82           BPROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
" Vith the greatest pleasure I further report to your
lordship that the inhabitants from every quarter repair to the detachments of the army, and to this garrison, to declare their allegiance to the King, and to
offer their services in arms in support of his government.  In many instances they have brought prisone'rs
their former oppressors or leaders; and I may venture to assert that there are few men in South Carolina
who are not either our prisoners or in arms with us."
The very day after Sir Henry Clinton wrote that
letter disclosing the Toryism of South Carolina, two
hundred and twenty-six of their leading citizens, representing almost every family connection in the State,
addressed the following begging, supplicating petition to
Sir Henry, furnishing the proof of their own infamy:" To their Excellencies SIR HENRY CLINTON, Knight of
the Bath, General of -fis Jajesty's Forces, and
JMARIOT ARBUTHNOT, Esq., Vice-Admiral of the
Blue, H~is Mlajesty's Commissioners to restore peace
and good government in the several colonies in rebellion in N~orth America:
"THE HIUMBLE ADDRESS OF DIVERS INHABITANTS OF
CHARLES-TOWN:
"The inhabitants of Charles-Town, by the articles
of capitulation, are declared prisoners on parole; but
we the underwriters, having every inducement to return
to our allegiance, and ardently hoping speedily to be
readmitted to the character and condition of British
subjects, take this opportunity of tendering to your
Excellencies our warmest congratulations on the restoration of this capital and Province to their political connection' with the Crown and Government of Great




AMONG THE REBELS.              83
Britain; an event which will add lustre to your Excellencies' characters, and, we trust, entitle you to the
mostD distinguished mark of the Royal favor. Although
the right of taxing America in Parliament excited considerable ferments in the minds of the people of the
Province, yet it may, with a religious adherence to
truth, be affirmed, that they did not entertain the most
distant thought of dissolving the union which so happily subsisted between them and their parent country;
and when, in the progress of that fatal controversy, THE
DOCTRINE OF INDEPENDENCY, WHICH ORIGINATED IN
THE MORE NORTHERN COLONIES, made its appearance
among us, OUR NATURE REVOLTED AT THE IDEA, and
we look back with the most painful regret on those
convulsions that gave existence to a power of subverting a Constitution, for which we always had, and ever
shall retain, the most profound veneration, and substituting in its stead a RANK DEMOCRACY, which, however
carefully digested in theory, on being reduced into
practice, has exhibited a system of tyrannic domination
only to be found among the uncivilized part of mankind, or in the history of the dark and barbarous ages
of antiquity.
" We sincerely lament, that after the repeal of those
statutes which gave rise to the troubles in America,
the overtures made by His Majesty's Commissioners,
from time to time, were not regarded by our late rulers.
To this fatal inattention are to be attributed those
calamities which have involved our country in a state
of misery and ruin, from which, however, we trust, it
will soon emerge, by the wisdom and clemency of His
Majesty's auspicious Government, and the influence of
prudential laws, adapted to the nature of the evils we
labor under; and that the people will be restored to
those privileges, in the enjoyment whereof their former
felicity consisted.
" Animated with these hopes, we entreat your Excellencies' interposition, in assuring His Majesty that we




84          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
shall glory in every occasion of manifesting that zeal
and affection for his person and Government, with
which gratitude can inspire a free and joyful people.
"CHARLEs-ToWN, June 5, 1780.
John Wragg,             And. Mitchell,
Wm. Glinn,              Parq. McCollum,
John Stopton,           George Adamson,
John Rose,              Winm. Vallentine,
Wm. Greenwood,          Christo. Williman,
Jacob Vulk,             I)D. Pendergass,
Robert Wilson,          Daniel Bell,
Leonard Askew,          Edw. Cure,
And. McKenzie,          Thomas Timms,
Rob. Lithgow,           Thomas Buckle, sr.,
Wm. Wayne,              Hopkins Price,
Jas. G. Williams,       George Denholm,
James Ross,             Roger Brown,
John Moncrief,          James Strictland,
John Wells, jr.,        Wm. McKinney,
Allard Bellin,          John Abercromnbie,
John Wogner,            David Bruce,
John Ward Taylor,       John Gray,
Jock Holmes,            Thos. Dawson,
James Mlesgown          Tho. Winstanley,
Wm. Davie,              Cha. Ramadge,
James Dunning,          Wm. Bower,
John Sprisd,            Alex. Walker,
Wm. Nervcob,            John Lyon,
John Daniel,            Robert Philip,
John Collum,            Robert Johnson,
John Smith,             David Tayler,
Lewis Dutarque,         John Latuff,
James McKlown,          John Gillsnocz,
Wm. Burt,               John Barson,
John Watson,            Jo. Donaven, jr.,
Anthony Montell,        Nicholas Boden,
James Lynch,            Ja. McKenzie,




AMONG THE REBELS.              85
George Grant,           Henry Walsh,
Abraham Pearce,         Isaac Clarke,
John Miot,              John Durst,
Fred. Augustine,        William Cameron,
John Webb,              John Russell,
Robert Williams,        John Bell,
Alex. Macbeth,          John Hayes,
John Robertson,         James McKie,
John Liber,             James Gillandeau,
Hugh Rose,              Hugh Truir,
Patrick Bower,          Lewis Coffere,
Thomas Todd,            Hugh Kirkham,
Brian Foskie,           Wm. Farrow,
Thomas Eustace,         Wm. Arisam,
Emanuel Marshall,       Tho. Deighton,
Thomas Clary,           Robert Paterson,
Thomas Hooper,          John Parkinsoh,
Ch. Sutter,             John Love,
Robert Lindsey,         Alex. Ingles,
Tho. Richardson,        William Mills,
James Rach,             James Duncan,
Peter Dumont,           Ja. Blackburn,
Tho. Saunders,          John Johnston,
Ed. Legge,              Samuel Perry,
Henry Hardroff,         Geo. R. Williams,
Aaron Locoock,          Matthias Hunkin,
Arch. Brown,            Edm. Petrie,
Wim. Russell,           Win. Nisbett,
Thomas Coram,           Geo. Cook,
James Hartley,          Tho. Stewart,
Andrew Thompson,        Gideon Dupont, jr.,
William Layton,         Jer. Savage,
Nich. Smith,            Andrew Reid,
Andrew Stewart,         Jeph Kingsby,
John Hartley,           Alex. Oliphant,
James Cook,             Paul Hamilton,
Ch. Fitz Simmons,       Ch. Bouchomeau,
John Davis,             John Bury,
8




86          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Benj. Baker, sen.,      Daniel Boyne,
John Fisher,            Peter Lambert,
Charles Atkins,         Hen. Bookless,
Wm. Edwards,            Thomas Hutchinson,
Thos. Buckle, jr.,      Thomas Mise,
Henry Ephram,           Alex. Harvey,
John Hartley,           John Paffork,
James Carmichael,       Tho. Phepoe,
Samuel Adams,           Samuel Knight,
Chr. Shutts,            Archibald Carson,
Alex. Smith,            Tho. Elliott,
John McCall,            Gilbert Chaliner,
Michael Hubert,         Arch. Downs,
Joseph Jones,           Alex. Johnstone,
Henry Branton,          James Fagan,
John Callagan,          Ja. Bryant,
John Ralph,             James Courtonque,
Samuel Bower,           Joseph Wyatt,
George Young,           John Cuple,
Jas. Milligan,          James McLinachus,
Anthony Geaubeau,       Wm. Jennings,
William Smith,          Patrick McKam,
Jas. Robertson,         Robert Beard,
Michael Quin,           Stephen Townshend,
John Gornley,           Ja. Snead,
Walter Rosewell,        Ch. Burnham,
Richard Dennis,         Charles H. Simonds,
John W. Gibbs,          Rob. McIntosh,
Benj. Sinker,           G. Thompson,
John Rartels,           Isaac Lessenes,
Wm. Miller,             Isaac Manyeh,
John Burges,            Peter Procue."
We print the names of these infamous Tories, because
their descendants are spread all over the South, and
a portion of them are now figuring in this Secession
movement, and some of them ever in their late Con



AMONG THE REBELS.              87
vention. They have a hereditary title to the contempt
of all honest and patriotic men. g- Did not a man
by the name of R. Barnwell Smith, some twenty-five
or thirty years ago, have his name changed to that of
Rhett, by the Legislature? and, if so, what was the motive? Was he not prominent in the late Convention,
in declaring South Carolina out of this Union? We
ask for information; because there have been more
names changed in South Carolina, by Act of General
Assembly, than in any State in the Union!
In thus showing up the original Toryism of South
Carolina, we have desired to retort upon Mr. Yancey,
who stood upon the platform in Knoxville last summer,
and gave it as his opinion that the Bell-and-Everett
men of the South were the descendants of the Tories
of the Revolution. Mr. Yancey is a native of South
Carolina; and who among this list of names were his
" illustrious predecessors"? He may pei haps be able
to say, when he inspects the list!
All who have noticed with care the proceedings in
the South Carolina Convention must have been struck
with the royalty displayed, when their President was
marched in, dressed in mazarine blue, and attended
by Lords and Commoners, equalling the coronation
services in the installation of a king.  There is a
great deal of this monarchical and despotic feeling in
South Carolina. To this very day, they clothe their
circuit judges in black silk gowns, and attend them




88          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
to and from the court-room every time court adjourns,
with a sheriff and his deputy on either side, wearing
cocked hats, and carrying drawn swords in their
hands! We have witnessed this mock-royalty time
and again, and laughed in our sleeves, as these dignitaries approached!
These are not the people to head a Confederacy for
Tennesseeans to fall into. Their notions of royalty, and
their contempt for the common people, will never suit
Tennesseeans. In Tennessee, free white men vote who
are twenty-one years of age, and they are not required to
own land and negroes before they are qualified to vote.
In a late speech made by R. BarnwellU Rhett-who, by
the way, was the leading spirit in this Convention-lhe,
distinctly enunciated that capital and property must
hereafter be represented at the ballot-box. It is not
strange that Andy Johnson, a tailor by trade, should
denounce this whole movement in a speech in the
Senate! And nine-tenths of our people will veto this
Southern Confederacy at the ballot-box, and vote to
stay in the Confederacy founded by GEORGE WTASHINGTON and others, who thought a poor but honest man
should be entitled to vote for or against those who
were to rule over him! Let Tennessee once go into
this -Empire of Cotton States, and all poor men will at
once become the free negroes of the Entpire! We are
down upon the whole scheme.
Knoxville Whig, Jan. 12, 1861.




AMONG THE REBELS.                 89
CHAPTER V.
FHREATENING TO HANG US FOR OUR PRINCIPLES-CHARGES US WITH
BEING A YANKEE-THE WICKEDNESS OF SECESSION-ORIGIN OF
SECESSION-SOUTH CAROLINA FIRES THE FIRST GUN-FREEDOM OF
SPEECH TO BE DENIED-STANDING OUT FOR THE UNION.
Threatening to Hang us!
VWE call attention to the two following letters, as
they are from men responsible in the ranks of the
Secessionists, and reflect the sentiments and feelings
of the great Southern mob known by this name. The
Georgia letter regards us as seceding from the South,
and threatens violence. This letter we give entire.
The one from Mississippi comes out in the proscriptive
and mobocratic spirit of this whole party in the South.
We give an extract: —
" COVINGTON, Jan. 8, 1861.
" BROTHER BROWNLOW:Having been a subscriber to your once readable
paper for a goodly number of years, and having through
the agency of its columns formed an opinion of your
character which I must in candor own was favorable,
I take the privilege which my age, experience, and position in society afford me, to advise, entreat, and warn
Q8



90          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
you of your approaching danger. Among the most
important things in which we have noticed your deviation from the path of rectitude is, that in this present political commotion you have dabbled more than
becomes you. From all appearances, you have turned
finom  a private and respected citizen to a contentious,
qfucarLrelsome politician,-from a Southern-Rights man to
a friend of the North,-from  a Union man to a Secess'ionist.  Can these charges be true?  Am I not deceived?  I hope so.  Yet these reports come from
every quarter, and are strengthened by the tone of your
paper. With you alone, my dear brother, it renlains
to refute them by your future conduct. These remarks
are prompted by a generous heart, and the feeling that
causes a friend to inform another of his errors, hoping
thereby to correct them.  We will close, as'a word
to the wise is sufficient.'  That a speedy reformation
may take place, is the wish of
"Your affectionate friend,
"GoEORG:E P. NICKOLS."
"CORINTH, MISS., Jan. 10, 1861.
" MR. BROWNLOW, OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
-I see, in a late issue of your dirty sheet, that you are
full of braggadocio, and that you declare positively that
if Tennessee, and the South generally, secede, you will
still cling to that most abominable of all abominations,
the Union. Now, Parson, if you adopt this policy,




AMONG THE REBELS.               91
what do you think will be the consequence? You will
certainly be hung, as all dogs should be, until you are'dead, dead.' Your crime will be treason of the deepest dye.
"I have never believed you to be a Southern man,
but a shrewd, money-making Yankee; and, if you will
give me time, I will look into your nativity. When
Tennessee secedes, I will head a company of Tennesseeans and Mississippians and proceed to hang you by
law, or by force if need be. The South can look upon
you in no other light than as a traitor and a Tory, and
the twin brother of Andrew Johnson. -Remember, and
beware, you shall be hung in the year 1861, unless you
conclude to live the life of an exile.
"Yours, &c.,
"W. AM. YANCEY."
KNOXVILLE, Jan. 15, 1861.
~MATCHLESS SIRS:In a brief reply to your letters, I will first correct
the error into which one of you has fallen as it regards
my nativity, &c. I am not "a shrewd, money-making
Yankee," nor am I a money-making man at all,-never
was. My town-property and printing-office I estimate
to oe worth about ten thouszand dollars. This is all
I have, and is fully as much as I ever did own at any
one time. I am, therefore, a poor man, and never expect to be any thing else.  It would have been other



C92         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
wise with me, if I had not given away half of all I
ever did make, and if I had sought to make money.
As it regards my nativity, I was born and raised in
Wythe county, Virginia, and my parents were both
natives of the same State. I have lived in East Tennessee for thirty years; and, although I am now fiftyfive years of age, I walk erect, have but few gray hairs,
and look to be younger than any whiskey-drinking,
tobacco-chewing, profane-swearing Secessionist in any
of the Cotton States, of forty years.
As it regards your threats, (and both of your letters
are of a threatening character,) they have no terrors for
me. I have no doubt but there are thousands of Secessionists in the South who would be willing to see me
hung, and would assist in swinging me up, could they
have the slightest pretext for so doing, and meet with
an opportunity. When you come to East Tennessee,
with a company of Tennesseeans, Mississippians, and
Georgians, to hang me, please give me ten days' notice,
and I will muster men enough in the county where I
reside, to hang the last rascal among you, and then use
your carcasses for wolf-bait!
This whole scheme of Secession is the most wicked,
diabolical, and infernal scheme ever set on foot for the
ruin of any country. It has long been contemplated
by the Tory leaders of the Cotton States, and the details of it, I see, have just come to light through the National Intelligencer, one of the most reliable journals in




AMONG THE REBELS.               93
America. The scheme to avoid a collision about the
revenue, is to declare Southern ports free to the commerce of the world, raise their revenues by direct taxation and forced loans, and leave the United States and
foreign Governments to fight out the question of the collection of the revenue. Another one of their schemes
was to seize upon all the forts and Southern fortifications along the entire coast from Maryland to Texas;
and this, like lawless rebels, they have been doing, even
b'fore they have seceded. This was all agreed upon before the Charleston Convention, and a part of the programme was to break it up in a row, and prevent the
nomination of Douglas, for if nominated they knew he
could be elected, and this would prolong the existence of
"that most abominable of all abominations, the Union,"
at least four years longer.
South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida
have actually gone out of the Union, and Georgia,
Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas will soon follow.
The first four States named have passed their Ordinances of Secession, and published them to the world.
They call them ordinances; I call them so many
covenants with death and agreements with hell! They
are so many decrees to carry out the behests of qnadmen and traitors.  Each ordinance is the twin sister
of treason,-" treason de facto." 0 Secessionism! "hell
is moved at thy coming;" for hell and its infinitely
infernal Government are thy offspring.  The fallen




94          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
angels were the first seceders from Paradise, and
declared their "independence" by promulgating an
ordinance in "a lake that burns with fire and brimstone," and "where there is weeping, wailing, and
gnashing of teeth; and where the smoke of their
torment ascends up for ever and ever,"-the reward o]
their treason being "eternal damnation."
But war has commenced. The first guns have been
fired,-and fired by South Carolina rebels upon unoffending American soldiers sailing into port und(r
the Stars and Stripes of their country. In four of che
States of this Confederacy rebellion bids defiance to law,
and "bloody treason flourishes over us." Throughout
these four States, judgment and truth seem to have
"fled to brutish beasts, and men have lost their
reason."  Even in the halls of our national Capitol
traitors stalk unblushingly, and openly proclaim their
treason, denouncing the Government and declaring
their purpose to destroy it. Traitors stand on the
floor of the American Senate and receive nine dollars
per day for proclaiming treason, rank and damning,for which they ought to be hung, and would be it
the laws of the land were enforced.
Every man who is worthy of the name of an
American citizen will dendunce this treason, and rally
to the defence of our Constitution and laws. They are
the bonds of our Union, and around that Union cluster the hallowed memories of the past and the brightest




AMONG THE REBELS.               95
hopes and dearest interests of the future. Blood, it
is plain to be seen, will be shed in its defence; but
upon these Secession aggressors be the consequences
and responsibilities.
I am for my country, and on the side of the General
Government; and in every contest, either at sea or on
land, I shall rejoice in the triumph of the Government
troops fighting under the Stars and Stripes. Should
Tennessee go out of the Union, I shall continue to
denounce Secessionism, and wart against the storms of
fanaticism at the North and the assaults of demagogues and traitors at the South, though their number
be legion. In all candor, I believe that in a Southern
Confederacy the freedom of speech and of the press
will be denied; and for the exercise of them I will be
hung. But, come what may, through weal or woe, in
peace or war, no earthly power shall keep me from
denouncing the enemies of my country until my tongue
and pen are paralyzed in death!' Once destroyed, this
Union can never be reconstructed. And, with others,
I have resolved that no earthly power shall prevail
against it; that it shall be " perpetual," as our fathers
intended it, —" one and indivisible, now and forever."
W. G. BROWNLOW,
Editor of Knoxville Whig.
Knoxville Whig, Jan. 19, 1861.




96           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER VI.
IPATRONAGE WITHDRAWN FROM MY PAPER-PREDICTING THE SUCCESS
OF SECESSION-THE AUTHOR ALWAYS AFTER OFFICE-INDEBTEDNESS
TO STORES-OUR OWN PARTISANS REFUSING TO ENDORSE US-MEMBERS OF THE CHURCH SPURNING US.
A South Carolina Correspondent.
WE are receiving quite a number of letters from
South Carolina, and it is only at intervals that we condescend to notice one, and then only when the name
of the writer is given. The following polite note we
publish on account of its information derived from
Knoxville:-'ABBEVILLE C. H., S.C., Jan. 27, 1861.
"W. G. BROWNLOW:
" SIR:-I wrote to you a few days ago under the signature of'T. J. C.,' and informed you that you were
the greatest liar out of hell, and one of the most infamous scoundrels living between heaven and earth;
and I then told you, and now repeat, that nothing
would afford us as much pleasure as to see you in
Abbeville, where we could treat you to a coat of tar
and feathers. I told you in that brief letter that my
understanding was that the people of Knoxville were
a respectable and intelligent people, and that it was




AMONG THE REBELS.               97
a matter of surprise that they would allow you to remain in their midst,-a vile scamp, as you have shown
yourself to be.
"Since writing that note to you, I have seen a long
and interesting letter from Knoxville to a citizen of
this Republic, giving some facts in regard to you that
I am resolved the world shall know, at least to the
extent of the circulation of Southern papers. I was
permitted to take down the points made against you
in the Knoxville letter, and they are as follows:"1. The Southern States having withdrawn their
patronage from your Abolition sheet, you no longer
have subscribers enough to defray the expenses of publication, and you are about to starve out.
"2. The town and county in which you publish your
slanderous sheet will shortly cast a majority of their
votes for Secession, and so will your State.
"3. You have repeatedly thrust yourself forward as
a candidate for office, but never have been elected.
"4. You are indebted to every store in your town,
-and nothing can be made out of you at law,-until
you cannot get credit in any store for a suit of clothes!
"5. Your own partisans refuse, upon the stump, to
endorse any thing you say, and will not be held to an
account for your doctrines; while the common people
send off to other sections of your State for newspapers.
"6. The members of your Church have no respect
9




98          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
for you, and the better class refuse to speak to you,
either publicly or privately.
"This, you lying old hypocrite, is your character
furnished by a South Carolinian from your own town,
where you are best known.
"T. J. CINCLAIR."
KNOXVILLE, Feb. 14, 1861.
T. J. CINCLAIR:-Your insulting letter is before me,
and I take the opportunity to reply, though I have no
idea that I am replying to a gentlemaqn, or a man who
pays his just debts, or tells the truth in common conversation. I am not ignorant of the deadly opposition
to me in South Carolina, and more especially from the
blackguard portion of her citizens, of whom you are
a fit representative.  I expect that the vials of contumely, reproach, and defamation will be poured upon
me by a hireling press of a corrupt and plundering
Southern Confederacy, by the insolvent bullies, hardened liars, and vulgar cut-throats whose only ambition is to serve as tools under an arrogant and hateful
pack of aristocratic leaders.  But whiile I have strength
to wield a pen, my nerve shall be exerted in defence of
that UTbiov? which was purchased with blood. Under
the mantle of freedom, dark assassins of our National
Constitution are endeavoring to insinuate themselves
into the temple of those privileges, our rights to which
were secured by the toil of our fathers and sealed




AMONG THE REBELS.              99
with their blood. But these border States will teach
you that our Constitution is not built upon such a
sandy foundation as to be shaken and demolished without the rotten pillar of reputed South Carolina orthodoxy to support it.
As it regards your Knoxville letter-writer, he is a
lia) and a coward, and dare not give his name to the
public. My neighbors, without distinction of parties,
will testify that he is a liar. Even my enemies-and
I have some-will testify from their own personal
knowledge that he is a liar. I do not believe, for one
moment, that any citizen of Knoxville ever wrote any
such letter to South Carolina. You have been duped for
once, or else some straggling subject of your contemptible Southern Confederacy has passed through here
and sent to your would-be Republic the infinitely infernal production from which you quote your six propositions.
I would as soon be engaged in importing the plague
from the East, as in helping' to build up a Southern
Confederacy upon the ruins of the American Constitution. I expect to be abused for my defence of the
Union. "Tray, Blanclhe, and Sweetheart" will all bark
at me. The kennel is now unloosed: all the packfrom the deep-mouthed bloodhound of South Carolina
and Florida to the growling cur of Georgia-are baying at me. If I were to stop to throw stones at all
the snarling puppies that yelp at my heels in Soulth




100         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Carolina and elsewhere, I should have little time to do
any thing else.
Your first falsehood, as gathered from a Knoxville
writer, is that my subscription has so diminished of
late that my office does not pay expenses. There are
twelve newspapers in Ea, t Tennessee besides mine,
and I have more paying subscribers than all of them
put together. I have the largest list of any political
paper in the State; and my list of yearly subscribers
is now larger than it ever was before,-increasing now
at the rate of two hundred per week, and the rise of
that. So much for my prospects of starving out.
2. But my town and county have cast a majority
of their votes for Secession, and my State was to have
done so!  Well, sir, on Saturday last our election
was held, and a full vote was had all over the State,the issue being Union or Disunion. In my town, out
of a vote of 960 the Secession ticket received 113, and
in the remainder of the county the Secession ticket
received about 100 votes, leaving the Union majority
in the county and town upwards of three thousand!
In the State at large the Secession ticket is so badly
beaten as to be absolutely disgraced. It has been
"routed, horse, foot, and dragoon," the Secessionists
having elected only about hatf a dozen members to the
State Convention!
3. As to my thirst for office, I simply have to say
that I never declared myself for office in my life. I




AMONG THE REBELS.              101
have been frequently urged to run, but declined. There
is but one office within the gift of my State that I would
accept, and that is the office of Governor; and I am not
sure that I will not run for this. I would like to fill
that office for two years, in order to meet the issues
that will be raised by the seceding States and traitors
of the South; and, further, to take the State Bank and
its numerous branches out of the hands of the Secessionists, who now have them in charge.
4. I am indebted to no stores in this or any other
town, and I would not give the Republic of South Carolina twenty-five dollars to pay all my store-debts in this
world. I have never been refused credit in any store
here, and I am of the opinion that there is not a store
in this city but would be willing to credit me for more
than they can induce me to purchase.
5. The assertion that my partisan friends refuse to
endorse any thing I say is simply an unmitigated falsehood. The Secession candidates have never made such
an issue, and, if they were to, they would be promptly
met by my "partisan friends."  As it regards the
sending to other sections of the State for papers by the
common people of my county, it is simply a lie.  I
have, to-day, a larger list of subscribers in this county
than any paper ever had, published in or out of the
county. The "common people" are with me in sentiment, and the recent election shows that in this large
county, voting something under four thousand votes,
9!\




10 2        BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
only two hundred and thirty-eight of them refused to
endorse my "doctrines" at the ballot-box.
6. The last of your six propositions is the only one
that contains a squinting towards the truth, and it, as
a, whole, is basely false. There are a few of the members of the Methodist Church in this city, Democrats
and Secessionists, who do not interchange civilities with
me, and have, for aught I know to the contrary, no sort
of respect for me. If these entertain more profound
contempt for me than I do for them, they are truly
objects of pity. And if the great body of the " common
people," in the town and county, have no more respect
for me and my "doctrines" than they have for these
Methodist brethren of mine, I would leave the country,
and settle where I could find persons agreeing with
me in "doctrines."  Upon these persons, wanting in
respect for me as they are, I have no disposition to
make war. The alarming and wasteful disease of Disunion is now raging among them and prostracting its
victims.  If their symptoms grow  worse, and the
disease continue to spread, I may, through compassion, convert the basement of my office into a hospitaC for the afflicted! Already their elongated faces
evince to the passers-by that they have passed the
Rubicon!
In conclusion, allow me to inform you, Mr. Cinclair,
that in Tennessee the heresy of Secession, sick with
contradiction and crazed with a superabundance of




AMONG THE REBELS.              103
inconsistency, is flying to falsehood as a remedy, and
expiring from the venom of its own fangs. The night
of TREASON has passed away in Tennessee; the purple
morn of PATRIOTISM has dawned. Already do the tints
of truth appear, while the gloomy mists rising from the.
swamps of a polluted Southern Confederacy fade in the
distance, and sink below the horizon to rise no more!
A cloudless day is breaking around us in Tennessee;
emerging from the ocean of the UNION, the sun of American liberty is rising along the whole line of the border
States, refulgent in light, brilliant with patriotism, and
resplendent in glory! The hallowed name of the AMERICAN UNION, more fragrant than the spicy gales of
Arabia, more balmy than Gilead's air, thrills the
bosom of the patriot, where despair once revelled, and
whispers good tidings for all lovers of the Union!
Trophies of victory, in smiles and peace, deck the
brows of those who were once saddened with doubt
and uncertainty and sunk with sorrows to the depth
of hell.
Parent of good, these are thy works! Thou art the
great mover in the minds of deluded and distracted
men, and wilt turn them "as the rivers are turned,"
until they shall see thy glory, bask in the sunshine of
our national prosperity, and drink living waters at the
wells of American salvation!
Finally, sir, when you put forth your batch of villainous falsehoods, through the brawling Jacobin jour



_104       3BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
nacs of a demoralized Southern Confederacy, have the
candor and charity to accompany them with this reply,
and I will remain the defiant opponent of a wilful and
despicable South Carolina rascal!
W. G. BROWNLOw,
Editor of the Knoxville WVi.gq.
Knoxville Whig, Feb. 16, 1861.




AMONG THE REBELS.                 105
CHAPTER VII.
POSITION OF BORDER-STATE UNION MEN-THE AUTHOR'S rVIEWS OF
SLAVERY GIVEN BY REQUEST-BLOW UPON FORT SUMTER STRUCK
WITH A VIEW TO FORCE VIRGINIA TO SECEDE-NORTHERN ANI
SOUTHERN CLERGY-REIGN OF TERROR IN THE SOUTH-VIRGINIA
STATESMEN ALL DEAD-FOR THE UNION UNDER ALL CIRCUMSTANCES.
Position of Union Men.
THE following correspondence will explain itself.
We will only say that the writer of the letter from
Albany resides in the city of New York, is a Marylander by birth, and was a ]3reckinridge Democrat in
the late Presidential election:"ALBANY, N.Y., May 8, 1861.
"W. G. BROWNLOW, Esq.:
"I send you by mail the Albany Evening Journal,
containing Hon. Benj. Nott's speech on the crisis.
Judge Nott is a life-long Democrat, of the Hard-Shell
school, and an avowed advocate of the Dred Scott
decision.
" I read your paper with great interest, and your
course is the subject of conversation in every circle North,
meeting the approval of all parties, for all parties here
are for the Union.  We understand you to be a pro



T1Ul6       BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Slavery man, but for the Union, opposed to Secession,
-not even regarding the election of Lincoln as any
just cause for dissolving the Union. Can't you give
us a leading editorial on these points, and at the same
time state the position of the Union men in the border
Slave States in the event the Administration were to
interfere in any way with the institution of slavery?
"The masses of the Northern people have no feelings
but the most friendly towards their brethren of the
South, and are ready to concede to them all their rights.
They are even for returning to them their slaves who
have escaped, as the law requires. This Administration
would protect Southern rights, and if it would not of
choice, the public would require it to be done. And, in
saying this, I assure you I am no Lincoln man. But
this you very well know.
"Hoping that you may be sustained, and live to see
the Stars and Stripes float on every hill-top, and in
every valley, from the St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande,
I remain, very truly,                 L. M. E."
KNOXVIILLE, May 14, 1861.
To L. M. E.
I have your letter of the 8th, and also the Evening
Journal.  I have perused the speech of Judge Nott:
it is able, conservative, and eminently patriotic. Had
you more Notts in the North, and fewer Slavery agituators, and had we fewer Rhetts, Yanceys, and Davises,




AMONG THE REBELS.             107
in the South, none of these troubles would now be upon
the country.
You correctly interpret the Union men of the border
Slave States when you pronounce them "pro-Slavery
men."  I think I correctly represent them in my paper,
as I shall do in this brief epistle, except, perhaps, that
I am more ultra than most of them. I am a native
of Virginia, and so were my parents before me, and,
together with a numerous train of relatives, they were
and are slave-holders. For thirty years I have lived
in Tennessee, and my wife and children are native Tennesseeans. My native State did more to form the old
Confederacy and to form the Constitution of the United
States than any other State; her soil is now the resting-place of the honored dead, the most ultra old
Unionists dead or alive,-Washington, Jefferson, Mladison, Monroe, Marshall, Henry, and a host of others.
I am sorry to have to record that it has, in the mysterious providence of God, been reserved to Virginia to
do more towards overthrowing the Confederacy and the
Constitution than any other State, South Carolina not
even excepted. It took the Virginia Convention of
1861 to overthrow her State Government,-changing
her organic political status contrary to the expressed
direction of her people at the ballot-box when they
elected the men who perpetrated the deed! Virginia,
I am sorry to say, if I may be allowed to use an humble
illustration, is like a Aill ofpotatoes,-the best part under




108         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
ground: the part above ground reminds me but of
vines. When citizens of other States are called upon
to name their great statesmen, they point to living men.
Make the call upon Virginians, and they ask you out
into a graveyard, when they will point you to the tomb
of Washington, the monument erected over Madison,
or the grave of Jefferson!
I am a pro-Slavery man, and so are the Union men
generally of the border Slave States.  I have long
since made up my mind upon the Slavery question, but
not without studying it thoroughly. The result of my
investigation is, that there is not a single passage in
the New Testament, nor a single act in the records of
the Church, during her early history even for centuries, containing any direct, professed, or intended censure of slavery.  Christ and the apostles found the
institution existing under the authority and sanction
of law; and in their labors among the people, unlike
ultra Abolitionists, masters and slaves bowed at the
same altars, and were taken into the same Church.
communing together around the same table,-the
Saviour and his apostles exhorting owners to treat
slaves as became the gospel, and slaves to obedience
and honesty, that their religious profession might not
be evil spoken of.
The original Church of Christ not only admitted the
lawfulness of slavery, but in various ways, by her teachings and discipline, expressed her approbation of it,




AMONG THE REBELS.              109
enforcing the observance of "Fugitive Slava Laws"
which had been enacted by the State. God intended
the relation of master and slave to exist, both in and
out of his Church. Hence, when Christ and his apostles found slavery incororated with every department
of society, they went to work and adopted rules for the
government of the Church providing alike for the rights
of slave-holders and the wants of slaves. Slavery in
the days of the apostles had so penetrated society, and
was so intimately interwoven with it, that a religion
preaching freedom to the slaves would have arrayed
against it the civil authorities, armed against it the
whole power of the State, and destroyed the usefulness
of its preachers.
Finally, I hold-and thirty years of observation and
experience among slave-holders in the South have convinced me that I am not mistaken-that all the finer
feelings of humanity may be cherished in the bosoms of
slave-owners; that there are thousands of devout slaveowners and slaves in the South who are acceptable to
God, through Christ. And, however much the bonds
of the slaves of the South may provoke the wrath of
the ultra Abolitionists of the North, the Redeemer of
the world smiles alike upon the devout master and
the pious slave!
Now, sir, allow me further to say that the Union
men of the border Slave States are loyal to their
Govertiment, and do not regard the election of Lincoln
10




110         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
as any just cause for dissolving this Union. We
believe that slavery had very little to do with inaugurating armed secession, which commenced at Charleston, to overthrow the United States Government: it
was the loss of the offices, power, and patronage of the
Government by corrupt politicians and bad men in
the South, who had long controlled the Government.
Believing this, as we honestly do, we can never, like
Mexico, inaugurate political conflicts and anarchy by
armed secession. We can never agree to assist in the
inauguration of a Government of conventions by armed
secession,- which Government, in the case of England
and her Rump Parliament, resulted in the Protectorate
of Cromwell, and in Frahce, in the military despotism
of Bonaparte, and in both cases resulted in anarchy,
as it is bound to do in this country if not put down by
the power of the Government.
Whilst I say this, let me say, in all candor, that if
we were once convinced in the border Slave States
that the Administration at Washington, and the people
of the North who are backing up the Admninistration
with men and money, contemplated the svbjugation
of the South or the abolishing of slavery, there would
not be a Union man among us in twenty-four hours.
Come what might, sink or swim, survive or perish, we
would fight you to the death, and we would unite our
fortunes and destinies with even these demoralized
seceded States, for whose leaders and laws we have




AMONG THE REBELS.              111
no sort of respect.  But we have not believed, nor
do we yet believe, that the Administration has such
purposes in view. Demagogues and designing men
charge it here, and by this means enlist thousands
under their banner who, otherwise, would never support
their wicked schemes of Secession. We Union men
believe that the blow was struck upon Fort Sumter
to induce Virginia to go out, and to create sympathy
elsewhere, and that the Administration at Washington
is seeking to repossess its forts and property and to
preserve its existence; and, as long as we believe this,
we are for the Union and the Administration. I, of
course, speak for Union men in the general. We are
sustained in this by the Mobile Advertiser, which
glories in the fact that the seven Confederated States
f' strzckl the first blow in the conflict," and " threw down
the glove of mortal combat to their powerful foe."'
The Mobile organ of Secession adds, "It was plucky
in the seven Confederates: it was more,-it was sublimely courageous and patriotic."
Allow me to say that the curse of the country has
been that, for years, north of Mason & Dixon's line,
you have kept pulpits open to the abuse of Southern
slavery and of the Southern people.
In like manner, the clergy of the South, —without
distinction of sects,-men of talents, learning, and
influence,-have raised the howl of Secession, and it
falls like an Indian war-cry upon our citizens from




112         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
their prostituted pulpits every Sabbath. Many of them
go so far as to petition their God, in their public
prayers, to blast the people of the North! I have no
idea that a God of peace will answer any such blasphemous supplications; but it shows the spirit of these
minions of anarchy, who have sworn allegiance to the
kingdom of Davis, and have been released from any
further obligations to the kingdom of Jesus,-at least
during the war! Some of our clergy are officers in
volunteer companies, with swords hung to their sides,
and stripes on their pants. Others, having an eye to
the loaves and fishes, are anxious to serve as chaplains.
We are in the midst of a reign of terror in Tennessee, and where it will end, and in what, I am not
able to conjecture. We vote for or against the Ordinance of Secession on the 8th of June; and, although
there is a majority of the voters of the State utterly
and irreconcilably opposed to Secession, I can't promise
you that it will not carry. Fraud and force, and all
the other appliances of Secessionism, will be brought
to bear in carrying the State out of the Union. When
overpowered and voted down, we shall be forced to
submit. When I surrender, it will be because I can
no longer help myself; but it shall be under protest,
claiming the right, as a Union man, to curse this whole
movement in my heart of hearts! And, whether in or
out of the Union, as long as I remember it was Waslhington who told us, " The Constzitztion is saccrecdly




AMONG THE REBELS.             113
obligatory upon all;" and that it was Jackson who told
us, " The Union, it must be preserved,"-I shall offer
this prayer upon the altar of my country: Mania to
the brain of him who would conceive, and palsy to the
arm of him who would perpetrate, the dissolution of
the Union!
And, whether my humble voice is hushed in death,
or my press is muzzled by foul legislation, I beg you,
and all into whose hands this letter may fall, to credit
no Secession falsehood which may represent me as
having changed.
W. G. BRowNLow,
Editor of the Knoxville Whig.
Knoxville. Whig, AMay 18, 1861.




114           BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER  VIII.
THE GREAT ENEMY OF THE COTTON STATES-.-NOT AN ABOLITIONISTOUR SYMPATHIES WITH THE GOVERNMIENT-THE REBELLION ORIGINATED WITH THE SOUTH-CHARGE OF SEEKING TO SUBJUGATE THE
SOUTH A FALSE ISSUE-THE KNOXVILLE'WHIG REFUSING TO LIE
AND BOAST FOR THE TRAITORS —NOT LC9)KING TO REWARD IN
DOLLARS AND CENTS-STANDING OR FALLING UPON A PLATFORM
OF PRINCIPLES!
Doctors will Differ.
THE following correspondence will explain itself.
We take the writer of the letter to us to be a clever
man carried astray upon the Secession wave that has
swept over the land, blinding the eyes of honest men
to all sense of duty, and burying beneath it the last
remnant of the privileges of the Constitution:"CEDAR GROVE, FLA., June 15, 1861.
" DR. BROWNLOW:"As a freeman, you have a right to your opinions,
in common with other men, but, sir, you have no right
to defame those who are laboring to throw off the
yoke of Northern oppression. I have ever been an
admirer of yours, and of your principles; but permit
me to tell you this morning that you are doing more
injury to the Cotton States than any of the Greeleys or




AMONG TIHE REBELS.            115
Webbs of Yankeedom. I do not believe you to be an
Abolitionist, as some do in this quarter.  These being
my honest opinions, I do not wish to read your paper
longer. If there be any thing due me on my subscription, I wish it applied to the family of Jackson the
martyr.        Very truly, &c.,
" R. M. ScARBOROUGH,"
KNOXVILLE, June 25, 1861.
MR. ScARBOROUGH:I received your letter of the 15th only on yesterday,
and I hasten to reply very briefly. Upon examination,
f find thirty cents due you on my book, and I enclose
you the amount in United States stamps, which you
can transmit to " the family of Jackson the martyr,"
who can use them in their locality.
You are correct in supposing me free from the taint
of Abolitionism. I have fought the agitators of the
Slavery question at the North for the last two-andtwenty years, during which time I have edited a WThig
paper in Tennessee. With my Government, and its
Constitution and laws, I intend to stand or fall,
having no regard to who may be President for the
time being.  This rebellion is utterly without cause.
Nothing but force will put it down; and hence there
never was a more necessary, just, and lawful war
than this, to preserve a necessary, just, and noble
Government against inexcusable, unnatural, and vil



116         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
lainous rebellion. This rebellion, on the part of the
South, originated in falsehood, fraud, and perjury, and
the men who inaugurated it, and are now at its head,
are as bad men as ever agitated the Slavery question
in New England, or any who suffer the vengeance
of eternal fire for having flagrantly violated God's
law through a long and eventful life of wickedness!
Knowing this, or rather believing it, as I honestly do,
I can have no sympathy with the men in the South
who have brought about this war and are urging it
on. No mad-dog cry of the invasion of the sacred soil
of the South by the Vandals of the North can blind
my eyes to the facts in the case, or shift the responsibilities of its origin upon those who are fighting to
preserve the Government. Men need not talk to me
about the unnatural, fratricidal, and horrible war Lincoln is waging!  Why is it unnatural?  I think it
the most natural thing in the world for a nation to
fight for its Government against a vile rebellion which
has never yet been able to allege an excuse. That any
portion of the people should stand aloof from such a
cause, is indeed unnatural, but that does not make the
war unnatural.
That any people should rebel against so benign a
Government, and make war upon it, is most unnatural.
It is the greatest crime that could be committed
against humanity, for it and its consequences include
all other crimes. It was not the falsely-alleged Sla



AMONG THE REE ELS.             11very question that excited the Cotton States to tho
fatal point, and brought about their acts of secession. It was because they lost the race for the
Presidency, and with it the spoils and power of a
Government they had been plundering and living off of
for years.  Hence, it was only when the Government
changed hands, and, in the legitimate exercise of its
lawful powers, resorted to the only means that would
preserve it- and a vestige of liberty to the American
people, that the war became unnatural, fratricidal, and
horrible to the advocates of a Southern Confederacy.
Southern-Rights politicians and hypocritical clergymen may ejaculate that their heads may be made
water, and their eyes fountains of tears, that they may
weep day and night over the unnatural war of the best
Government that has ever existed, against the most
villainous rebellion that history gives any account of,
and they can never excite my sympathies but in favor
of the Government.
The Secessionists, for the purpose of hiding their
traitorous course, create a false issue before the people.
They assert that the effort to preserve the Government
is an attempt on the part of the North to crush the
South, and that a sectional fight is the real issue before
the people. This attempt to creaue a false issue is an
acknowledgment on their part that they dare not meet
the true one. The effort to enforce the law is not a
fight against the South, but it is a fight against the




118         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
traitors to the General Government; and, whether they
appear North or South, it is the duty of the Government to crush the treason. When Southern traitors
resist the laws of the land, they call all attempts on the
part of the Administration to enforce those laws, outrageous acts of oppression,-attempts to invade and
subjugate the free and independent people of fifteen
sovereign States. Rebellion with this class of men is
liberty, whilst they denounce all attempts to execute
the laws of the land as the essence of despotism. To
such subterfuges are Secessionists driven to sustain
the rebellious course they have. entered upon under a
Southern Confederacy.
For daring to oppose Secession, the chivalry of
my own section have denounced me in unmeasured
terms, and declared me less sane than the inmates
of Bedlam. And because I have refused to lavish
volumes of whimsical abuse upon the North for their
defence of the National Government, I have been
pelted with a most horrible bombardment of uncleanly
epithets by the veracious chroniclers who control the
pensioned press of the South. The complaint against
me is, that my paper has not teemed with bragging
and fantastical lies about the origin of this war, and
the ability of one Southern soldier to whip five Yankees. I have been even required by my Southern subscribers to declare, upon the receipt of the news of every
engagement by scouting-parties, that the Yankees




AMONG TIlE REBELS.            119
took to their heels, and that soon the Southern troops
would have the Yankees harnessed tandem-fashion,
and with their own hands conveying them back to
their Southern plantations in a Broadway omnibus!
I have been expected to state in every issue of my
paper, that the mantle of Washington sits well on Jeff
Davis! This would be a funny publication. The bow
of Ulysses in the hands of a pigmy! The robes of the
giant adorning Tom Thumb! The curls of a Hyperion
on the brow of a Satyr! The Aurora Borealis of a
cotton farm melting down the icy North! This would
be to metamorphose a minnow into a WHALE!
I never look through telescopes made of cotton-stalks,
and hence I never make these ridiculous discoveries.
And I tell the misguided men of the South, who have
been laboring to make a demi.god of Davis, to undeceive themselves, and look at men "as trees walking."
Look at battles as they occur, and at chances as they
are. The deception they are imposing upon the honest
masses is only temporary. It will become more and
more apparent, as their humbugged victims draw near
to the sober realities of a war which must terminate
fatally for the interests of the South.
I assure you, my dear sir, that I am honest in my
convictions of right, and that in advocating my Governnent I am not looking to a reward in dollars and
cents. Indeed, I am a loser by my course, as I knew I
would be; but I feel tranquil under losses incurred in




120         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
the manly defence of PRINCIPLES. I shall look on the
progress of affairs with as much interest as any one
man in the country. If the Federal Government prevails, it will prove that the Union was a nationality;
if the Cotton States make good their independence, it
will prove that the Union was a partnership during
pleasure. In other words, if we have a Government, I
want to know it; and this war will determine the issue.
I am, sir, very truly,
W. G. BROWNLOW.
Knoxville Whig, June 29, 1861.




AMONG THE REBELS.               121
CHAPTER IX.
SECESSION FORGERIES AT KNOXVILLE-ATTEMPT TO DESTROY SENATOR
JOHNSON, AND TO EMBEZZLE MONEY FROM AMOS A. LAWRENCE-THE
GUILTY PARTIES DETECTED-A WARNING TO ALL FUTURE CONSPIRATORS.
SENATOR JOHNSON has at length captured the hellhounds, letter-forgers, and thieves, at Knoxville, who
have been seeking his ruin by means as foul as the
parties are corrupt, and as wicked as the deeds of the
infernal regions. Let the people of Tennessee ponder
over this worse than "Gunpowder Plot," this dark and
damning attempt to have a Senator assassinated, and
ask themselves if the guilty perpetrators of the forgery
and attempt at theft do not merit the vengeance of
eternal fire. Ought such traitors, slanderers, thieves,
and assassins be allowed to live longer in any community? Never before have we been brought to witness
such perfidy, malice, and corruption on the part of any
clique as is now proven upon the Secession clique in
Knoxville, who are concerned in this disgraceful, hellborn, and hell-bound expedition against the reputation
and life of Andrew Johnson.
We here insert the letters forged, and remarks of
11




122,       nBROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Governor Johnson just as he has published them, and
to the whole we annex a few paragraphs which will
throw some further light upon this most infamous
transaction.
"BOSTON, May 18.
"DEAR SIR:-If your note to me were printed in our
newspapers, it would be good for ten thousand dollars
in three days' time. But, of course, I must only use it
as a private letter.
" In order that you may be sure of something at once,
I write below this a draft, which some of your Union
bankers or merchants may be willing to cash at the
usual premium for East exchange. Probably Gardner
& Co., Evans & Co., Douglas & Co., of Nashville, will
know it.
"The Government will soon exhibit a power which
will astonish even you. The Nullifiers have been playing into Scott's hand for three weeks, and now they
have lost the game.
"Yours, with regard,
" AMOS A. LAWRENCE.
"If you cannot use the draft, return it, and tell me
what to send.
"BOSTON, May 18, 1861.
"At sight, without grace, pay to Andrew Johnson, or
order, one thousand dollars, for value received, and
charge to my account.
"AMOS A. LAWRENCE.
"To MASON, LAWRENCE & Co., Boston.




AMONG THE REBELS.              123
"Across the face of the draft is the acceptance of
Mason, Lawrence & Co.
"No one, I am sure, could have been more surprised
than I at the appearance of the above article. As I
had never written to Amos A. Lawrence, Esq., upon
the subject of East Tennessee affairs with the view of
obtaining either money or other material aid, I saw at
a glance that forgery, fraud, and robbery of the mails
formed the basis of this mendacious article, and I therefore wrote to Mr. Lawrence, (the first and only letter
ever written by me to Mr. L. upon any subject whatever,) requesting him to forward to me the original
letter or letters upon which his draft had been predicated.
"I have just received his reply thereto, in which he
expresses his regret at the deception practised, and
encloses two letters purporting to have been written
by me, as follows:" [Private.]          KNOXVILLE, TENN., May 15, 1861.
"AMOS A. LAWRENCE, ESQ., NEAR BOSTON, MASS.
"DEAR SIRp:-I received your kind favor on yesterday, and hasten to reply.
"Thank you for the high regard you seem to have for
my patriotism and my devotion to my country.
"What assurances can I have from you and your
people of material aid in the way of money, men, and
arms, if I can succeed in arousing my people to resist



124         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
ance to this damnable treason in the South? This is
very important. We have a formidable Union element
in East Tennessee, which can be judiciously managed if
we can obtain the aid alluded to. Harris, Governor of
this State, will not let us have arms nor money: therefore we must appeal to you. Let me hear from you
forthwith.
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"ANDREW JOHNSON.
"KNOXVILLE, TENN., June 6, 1861.
"AMos A. LAWREENCE, ESQ., NEAR BOSTON, MASS.
"M MY DEAR SIR:-I have received your two letters today. Thank you most sincerely for your proffered aid.
We need it,-need it badly. As yet I have not been
able to use your draft; I am afraid to do so. Send me,
if you can, $5000 or $10,000 in New England currency, in large bills, by mail, via Cincinnati. Be sure
to do it promptly. Don't delay. I can now purchase
a lot of arms if I had the means.
" How do you propose to introduce aid or arms into
East Tennessee? By what route, and by what method?
Answer soon.
"Respectfully, your obedient servant,
"ANDREW JOHNSON.
"I pronounce both of the above letters deliberate,
wilful, and unmitigated forgeries, perpetrated, no doubt,




AMONG THE REBELS.             125
with the view not only of injuring me, but of damaging
the Union party of Tennessee, by connecting me with
Northern men and Northern means in a manner supposed to be obnoxious to the noble patriots of my own
State.
"The letter of the 15th ultimo, it seems, is the private
letter to which Mr. Lawrence refers in his letter as
published in the Enqzuirer, and upon which the draft
was drawn. This is the first forgery.
"The letter of the 6th instant clearly shows that the
draft-which could not be made available, so palpable
was the fraud-was to be retained and used in the
work of injuring me just as circumstances might favor;
while the call for'$5000 or $10,000 in New England
currency, in large bills,' if responded to, would have
served individual purposes, and, I doubt not, would
have been unhesitatingly used therefor. To make this
fraud and bold attempt at robbery still more conclusive,
I will state the fact that, on the 15th of May, the date
of the first letter, I was present at and addressed a
large Union meeting in Elizabethton, one hundred and
eighteen miles from Knoxville, where the above letters
were written and mailed; and on the 6th of June, the
date of the second letter, I was filling one of a series
of appointments at Montgomery, about forty miles west
of Knoxville. This town of Knoxville, let it be remembered, is about seventy-five miles distant from
Greeneville, my post-office address. I will add, further,
11



126         BRtOWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
that there is not, either in the body of the letters or
the signature thereto, the slightest similarity to my
handwriting or signature.
" It would have been impossible for such a fraudulent
and mail-robbing transaction to have been carried out
in the post-office at Knoxville without the knowledge
or consent of the postmaster, and he and his confederates must be held responsible for it by an enlightened
public judgment. Time may develop all the facts connected with this and other transactions of a similar
character perpetrated at this same post-office.
" I have not made this statement of facts for the purpose of exonerating myself from the charge of treachery,
treason, and corruption based upon the publication of
the Richmond Enquirer, for I feel that I stand beyond
the reach of the shafts of calumny and defamation;
but my object is to expose the dishonorable and wicked
means resorted to by'Secession' to carry out its
nefarious and corrupt designs in attempting to overthrow and break up the best Government the world
ever saw.
"ANDREW JOHNSON.
"'WASHINGTON CITY, June 30, 1861."
REMARKs. —Upon the subject of this most infamous
transaction on the part of the vile author or autkors
we shall make but few remarks; but they shall be
pointed, and such as the facts call for.




AMONG THE REBELS.             127
1. The letters purporting to be from Johnson to
Lawrence are base forgeries, not in Johnson's handwriting, -forged here by Secessionists, and at two
several times when Johnson was speaking in Elizabethton, one hundred and eighteen miles east, and at Montgomery, forty-five miles northwest, of Knoxville. When
we published the Lawrence letter and the copy of the
one-thousand-dollar draft, we charged the corruption of
intercepting and the infamy of the forgery upon Nashville and Knoxville; but, from our knowledge of some
of the Secession materials here, we give the preference
to Knoxville 
2. The scoundrel, cut-throat, and midnight assassin
who forged the letters was first aiming to steal money
through this medium. He could not use the draft
without forging the name of Johnson, and in this he
would have been detected by the banker or broker to
whom he might have passed it off. But for this,
Governor Harris would not have been furnished with
the original letter and draft with which to expose
Johnson. Now, as Governor Harris is mixed up with
this matter, and has furnished copies of the letter and
draft for publication, he owes it to himself to tell the
world who sent him the original from Knoxville!  Will
he tell? or will he seek to shield the guilty, and make
himself a party to the nefarious transaction?
3. Had the "$5000 or $10,000 in New England currency, in large bills," been furnished by Lawrence, the




-28         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
thief would have used them for his own purposes,' and
for the purposes of such as may have been connected
with him in thus getting money under false pretences.
The scoundrel ought at once to be sent to the penitentiary. Whoever he may be, he can, no doubt, throw
some light upon the history and mystery of the SEVENTEEN HUNDRED DOLLARS lost in this office and belonging to the branch of the Bank of Tennessee at Athens!
That dark transaction was traced to this place by M[r.
Francis and others, Government officials, and mysteriously and suddenly hushed into profound silence! We
speak of it, because it is alluded to by Governor Johnson, and known to this whole community. We have no
information as to who is even suspected. A poor devil
of a dancing-master was sent to the penitentiary for
taking out of this office and opening a letter not his
own; but these Secession forgers and stealers of large
sums of money are allowed to go scot-free!
4. Certain Secessionists in Knoxville know these
letters to have been forged, and they know who perpetrated the forgery, though we are not informed who the
parties are. Nay, when the corrupt liar, low-down
drunkard, irresponsible vagabond, and infamous coward
of the Register paraded these documents before the
world as evidence of Johnson's corruption, he then knew
them to have been forged. A man capable of such
scoundrelism, corruption, fraud, and duplicity is a dangerous man in any community, —not too good to burn




AMONG THE REBELS.              129
a house down in the dead hour of the night, and
capable of bribing a runaway negro or convict to assassinate an enemy!
5. Governor Johnson has implicated the Knoxville
postmaster and his confederates. This they can't complain of, upon a moment's reflection, for the facts in the
case deeply involve the postmaster and all who were
acting as deputies and clerks at the time. The public
will hold them responsible, and they owe it to themselves to explain. They are welcome to our columns
to do so, free of charge. They ought to tell the public
who mailed letters there under the forged frank of
Andrew Johnson, addressed to Amos Lawrence! If
they are not able to do this, let them tell to whom they
handed out letters addressed to Andrew Johnson, postmarked Boston, one of which contained a check for one
thousand dollars!  These things need explanation.
Johnson's signature is as peculiar as that of Andrew
Jackson: it is coarse, heavy, and bold, and can't be
mistaken. The post-office employes are familiar with
it; and, what is more, they knew Johnson was not in
or near Knoxville at the time these letters were deposited under this forged frank!
6. This desperate effort to destroy Johnson will
multiply his friends in every direction, and cause thousands to come out in his favor who have heretofore felt
indifferent, and occupied neutral ground, so far as he is
concerned.  And, to-day, there is not an honorable




130          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
enemy to Johnson in this State who will hesitate to pronounce him a gentleman, a patriot, and a Christian, compared with any man concerned in this base, dark, and
infinitely infernal transaction!
Knoxville Whig, July 20, 1861.
After learning as I did that the guilt of this transaction attached to a prominent Secessionist, a citizen of
Knoxville, I stereotyped the following article, and kept
it in my paper until it was suppressed the last of October:
Keep it before the People.
Keep it before the people, That the Secessionists of
Knoxville actually forged the name of Governor Johnson, and carried on a correspondence with Amos Lawrence, of Boston, with a view, first, to destroy Johnson's
character, and to have him assassinated, and, next, to
steal money, upon the credit of Johnson's name and
political position, from a Northern capitalist.
Keep it before the people, That the forgery is traced
to this town, and is known to have been perpetrated
here, and the fact, as well as the author of the forgery,
are alike known, and can be proven by Secession authority of respectability.
Keep it before the people, That the letter containing
one thousand dollars, enclosed to Johnson here, in answer to this vile forgery of his name, was handed out
of the post-office here to the forger or his representa



AMONG THE REBELS.             131
tive, and that the letters in reply were mailed here,
upon which Johnson's frank was forged, and, although
this has been charged time and again, in this paper,
no one has dared to deny it!
Keep it before the people, That Governor Harris was
furnished with this forger's letters drawn from Lawrence, and with the check for one thousand dollars,
and he gave out copies of them to the prejudice of
Johnson; and, while he knows them to have been obtained by forgery and theft, he refuses to tell who his
villainous Knoxville correspondent is, or to say or
publish one word that will go to do an act of justice
to Johnson.
Keep it before the people, That all concerned in this
dark, damning, and most infamous transaction should
be held up to public gaze, as objects for the scorn, contempt, and hatred of all honest men of all parties in
all time to come!
Keep it before the people, That Johnson has procured
from Lawrence the original forged letters, written and
mailed in Knoxville,-that he recognizes the handwriting, and will in due time expose the forger.
Keep it before the people, That as many as a halfdozen respectable East Tennesseeans have been to
Washington, inspected these base forgeries, in Johnson's, possession,-that they report them clear and palpable cases of forgery, and that they readily recognized
the handwriting as the production of Knoxville.




132         BROWNLOW'S'EXPERIENCES
Keep it before the people, That the Knoxville -Register, edited and published in the buildings where the
post-office was kept during this diplomatic and financial correspondence, and familiar with the turpitude
of the whole affair, nevertheless paraded the correspondence before its readers as a wonderful discovery,
and as evidence of Johnson's corruption and Abolitionism.
Keep it before the people, That this whole case of
forgery is before the leading men of the Confederate
Government at Richmond, and that they know who
the guilty parties are; and, however little they may
think of Governor Johnson, they cannot think well of
the means resorted to to destroy him.
P. S. I have since seen the original letters, and find
them to be in the handwriting of W. G. Swan, a lawyer,
and at present the Rebel Congressman from the Knoxville District. Other citizens of Knoxville have seen
the letters, and they recognize the handwriting of the
same man. But the question comes up, How came he
to be elected to their Congress? First, such conduct is
no draw-back upon a man in the Southern Confederacy; and, next, this man only received from seven to
eight hundred votes. The people refused to vote, as
they had previously given ten thousand votes to Horace
Maynard, whom they elected to represent them in the
Congress of the United States.




AMONG THE REBELS.              133
As further evidence of the turpitude of this affair,
it is susceptible of proof at Knoxville that Rev. ]Xr.
Charlton exhibited the forged letters written to Lawrence before they were mailed, in his office, to as many
as two different men! Mr. Charlton is a Methodist
preacher of intense Secession proclivities, and the postmaster at Knoxville. Besides, Senator Wigfall stated
in Richmond that Swan had written there that such
letters were passing between Johnson and Lawrence even
before they came to light. What a commentary upon
the morality and integrity of this bogus Confederacy!




134          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER X.
THE SPIRIT OF SECESSION-SAVAGE TREATMENT OF A PREACHER —
ATTEMPTING TO GIVE THE AUTHOR THE SMALL-POX-PROPOSITION TO
HAVE US MOBBED-TREATMENT OF AN OLD MAN-ARREST OF MR.
DICKINSON-PERSONAL ASSAULTS IN PRAYER-RAISING LINCOLN'S
BLOCKADE BY PRAYER-THE PRAYER-MEETING SIGN-FORMING A
UNION CHURCH-SHEPHERDS FEEDING THIER BLOCKS-SECESSION
AN EPIDEMIC-THE REAL TRAITORS-FALSE DISPATCHES-AT THEIR
OLD TRICKS AGAIN.
UNDER the heading of this chapter I propose to
give various brief editorials from my paper during the
months of July, August, September, and October, 1861,
as they go far to disclose the vile spirit that works in
the hearts of the rebel children of disobedience in the
so-called Confederacy.
The McMinn County Arrests.
Some twenty-five persons, citizens of McMinn county,
were brought before Judge Humphreys on Monday,
about twenty of whom were released on the ground
that there was nothing against them.  The truth is,
they had voted the Union ticket, and they had voted
for years against certain men; and this explains their
arrest. They were taxed with small fees to pay costs,
and required to take the oath, although they had
committed no offence.




AMONG THE REBELS.             135
The other five were retained for further hearing, and
sent into camps, under a military escort, for the night.
Among these was Rev. Wm. H. H. Duggan, a member
of the Holston Annual Conference, and the preacher in
charge of the Athens circuit. He was arrested at a
quarterly meeting, on Friday night, and marched on
foot on Saturday nine miles, being refused the privilege of riding his own horse, and on Sabbath he was
landed at Knoxville.  He is a large, fleshy man,
weighs two hundred and eighty-one pounds, and was
recovering from a long spell of fever. He gave out at a
spring some seven miles from where he started. The
day was warm, and his feet were sorely blistered. He
begged permission to ride: he was refused, cursed, and
denounced, and threatened with bayonets!  -Iis horse
was led after him, as if to aggravate him. They even
refused him water to drink, or any thing to eat, until
Sunday.
On Thursday evening he was discharged without
entering into bonds or taking any oath. The indictment was read to him by Attorney Ramsey, and
charged that he had prayed for the Government of the
United States; but this praying was the previous winter
and spring. Duggan is a very poor man, with a wife
and six helpless children. He is a man of truth and of
strict integrity, and has the confidence of men of other
denominations. He has been most shamefully treated.




136         BlROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
This was in October, and he would have suffered
with cold at night, but for the fact that my wife sent
him several blankets.
The Spirit of Secession.
One day last week, the Southern mail brought us a
small package, done up precisely like a newspaper, and
about equal in size to one of our exchanges, with the
usual endorsement, " Brownlow's Whig, Knoxville, Tennessee," and postpaid. Upon opening it, we found it
to contain about half a yard of brown domestic, with
an appearance resembling that of a cloth taken from
some one afflicted with small-pox. We had it burned
in the front yard of our printing-office, after handling
it with tongs!  This is the spirit of Secession,-its
mode of warfare, and its sense of honor. Clever men,
heretofore high-minded, will not be long in their ranks
until they will openly justify even this mode of warfare against Union men.
This attempt at our death, by the planting of a
masked battery manned by the iniquitous spirit of
Secession, entitles the cowardly villain who did it, to
the honor of being picketed in the deepest gorge leading to hell! Not only so, but he should be required
to make nightly advances upon the ambuscades of the
devil; and every morning of his life, by way of healthful exercise, he should make a reconnoissance of the




AMONG THE REBELS.              137
damned, having the entire control of the guerrilla rebels
of the infernal regions.
A Band of Villains.
An officer accompanying some troops from Mississippi informed us that men, unknown to him, but looking like citizens, advised the troops, while changing cars
at Chattanooga, to mob us on their arrival at Knoxville.
Two young soldiers, associated with our sons in Emory
& Henry College, said similar advice was given to some
of the Louisiana troops by officials on the railroad between Chattanooga and Knoxville. And it is a well-,
ascertained fact that citizens of this town have repeatedly urged the same thing upon troops, and have
sought to do so when they found them  under the
influence of ardent spirits.
These unmitigated cowards, God-forsaken scoundrels,
hell-deserving  villains, and black-hearted  assassins
and murderers, seek to induce strangers in the army to
take up quarrels and fight battles which they themselves are too cowardly to fight. For years we have
held up a portion of these unprincipled dastards, dishonest, lying, swindling scoundrels, and revolting hypocrites, to the scorn, contempt, and hatred of honest
men, passing and re-passing them, day by day, and
it never occurred to the loathsome villains that they
ought to resent it, until an opportunity offered to
hide behind some infuriated troops, made drunk
12 -




138         DROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
for the occasion.  Some of them  are white-livered
cowards, who live by lying and swindling; others are
cloaking their deceit, adultery, and numerous acts of
baseness in one or another of the Churches, under a
pretence of being religious; and others of them are
acting for pay, as the tools of men of position and property. The superiors of many of these men in honor
are in the penitentiary; and the superiors of others of
them in morals and piety are in hell!
July 6, 1861.
Treatment of an Old Man.
Bryant Breeden, an old man, some sixty years of
age, and a very respectable citizen of Sevier county,
recently had a daughter to die in Illinois, leaving
several helpless and unprotected children. Mr. Breeden
determined to go after his grandchildren, and took
klienphis on his way.  There he fell into the hands of
the Secessionists, whose great concern for the safety of
the South and her rights led them  to arrest him.
Upon learning that he hailed from East Tennessee,
and from the odious Union county of Sevier, they
procured a rope, and led him around, threatening every
moment to hang him. He had, therefore, to abandon
his trip, and leave his poor little orphan grandchildren
to the mercy of strangers in Illinois. He was a
quiet man while in Memphis, as he is at home,disturbed no one,-but, when interrogated, acknowledged himself to be a Union man from East Ten



AMONG THE REBELS.              139
nessee, and for this, and no other offence, was he
thus treated.  This is the spirit which everywhere
actuates the self-constituted Secession Committees of
Safety, and the leaders of those most intolerant and
odious organizations. No'wonder that freemen of East
Tennessee, by thousands, have resolved not to go into
this Southern Confederacy! No wonder that the Union
men of the thirty counties of East Tennessee should
desire to be cut loose from the rest of the State, and
allowed to form a separate State. To live in such a
Confederacy, under the control of such men, actuated
by such a spirit, is literally to live in hell!
June 29, 1861.
Arrest of Mr. Dickinson,
On Saturday evening, Mr. Perez Dickinson, for the
last thirty years a successful merchant of Knoxville,
returned from the North, whither he had gone, with
the written permit of Governor Harris, to attend to
business connected with the two firms of which he is
a member. On ~Monday morning he was arrested
upon a warrant, based upon an affidavit filed by Attorney Ramsey, setting forth that, said Dickinson was
born in the State of Massachusetts, and that he had
recently been to the North and held intercourse with
the Northern people. This was the charge, and this
affidavit was all the proof offered against him.  His
Honor Judge Humphreys bore testimony to the good




140         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
character and high standing of Mr. Dickinson, and
proposed to him that he should at once, and without any
investigation, take an oath of allegiance and fidelity to
the Confederate States. AIr. Dickinson rose, and responded in a brief address, spoke of his coming here
when a boy, some thirty years ago,-of his being an
orderly and law-abiding citizen,-of his all being here,
and of the bones of his mother, sisters, and brother
resting here,-denied that he had held any intercourse
with the people of the North, in violation of his parole
to Governor Harris,-and declined, under the circumstances of compulsion surrounding him, to take the oath.
His Honor then instructed him that he would have to
give a bond of ten thousand dollars for his good behaviour during the few days allowed him to remain in
the State. He gave the required bond, and was discharged.
Thus, a man who has spent his life here,-acquired
by industry and business talents a fortune,-a man
whose relatives sleep in these graveyards,-a man who
has committed no offence but the one committed by his
parents in allowing him to be born in Massachusetts,
-is forced to leave his property and abandon the home
of his adoption and choice, and go into exile!  He
has less than one week allowed him to get out of the
State: and he has made up his mind to go. From such
oppression and tyranny may God deliver the people
of this distracted and ruined country!




AMONG THE REBELS.              141
Personal Assaults in Prayer.
It is becoming the practice of our Secession clergymen, in part, to take the hides off Union men by
holding them up before their congregations in prayer,
and pretending to pray for them, —condemning their
"reported" offences and deprecating their "reported"
treachery to their country. We think that in all
cases of attack, whether in public or private prayers,
the parties assailed ought to be present, and allowed a
division of time, in laying the other side before the
Lord. We admit the fairness of telling the Lord
that we formed our charges against individuals upon
"reports," and thus conditionally pray for their destruction. We also allow  that the Lord ought to
be posted as to the numerous "reports" put in circulation by Secessionists, the enemies of the parties
accused.. It would be proper, too, in presenting the
case of a "traitor" to God in prayer, to state to the
Most High what we admit in private,-to wit, that we
make the assault to gratify certain members of our
congregations. This would enable the Lord to receive
what we say with certain "grains of allowance." But;
in all cases where the heads of families are to be
attacked from our praying batteries, let the fenales of
the family be previously notified by the deacons or
elders, that they may not be mortified and insulted,
have their feelings outraged, and be constrained to




142          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
go home crying through the streets. These are only
suggestions thrown out by us in kindness to preachers
and people. Let them pass for what they are worth.
This attack was made upon Hon. Horace Maynard,
who was at Washington, by -Rev. iMr. Jifartin, pastor
of the Second Presbyterian Church in Knoxville. He
prayed that his traitorous feet might never again press
the soil of Tennessee. Mr. Maynard was an elder in
his church, and his estimable wife then in the congregation.  Next day the parson called on her, and
excused himself on the ground that he was urged by
some of his members to make the attack!
Raising Lincoln's Blockade.
We are informed that one of the pastors of our city
actually appointed a prayer-meeting last Sabbath
night to especially pray for the raising of the blockade, and that he called on God, in fervent prayer, to
strike Lincoln's ships with lightning and scatter them
to the four winds of heaven!  The idea of a Secession
preacher heaving and setting at a throne of grace,like a ram at a gate-post, —asking God to raise Lincoln's blockade, is a bright idea and a rich conception,
in our judgment.  That churches throughout the
country have become demoralized, that preachers have
prostituted themselves, for Secession, is as plain as the
nose on a man's face; but it does not yet appear that the
Almighty has mixed Himself up with any such scenes.




AMONG THE REBELS.             143
This parson was Rev. Jfr. Harrison, pastor of the
First Presbyterian Church in Knoxville. He held his
prayer-meeting, and, assisted by several old clericals,
made a desperate effort to raise the blockade! God,
in answer to their prayer, gave them a lift on Roanoke
Island, some weeks after the prayer-meeting, when the
entire Rebel forces were either killed or taken prisoners by Burnside's blockading squadron.
This man Harrison is the same preacher who
boasted in his pulpit that Jesus Christ was a Southerner, born on Southern soil, and so were His apostles, except Judas, whom he denominated a Northern
man! Speaking of the Bible, he said he would sooner
have a Bible printed and bound in hell, than one
printed and bound north of Mason & Dixon's line!
The Prayer-Meeting Sign.
It is well known to our citizens that a Union PrayerMeeting has been kept up for several years in this
city by the several religious denominations, and that
they occupy a room on the corner of Gay and Main
Streets, where there is a modest sign out, with the
inscription, in bronzed or gold-leaf letters, "Union
Prayer-Meeting Room." Not long since, some troops
from one of the Cotton States were passing through
the streets, looking at the town, and, burning with
indignation for the old defunct Union, could not bear
to see a sign up with a word upon it that would call the




144         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Union to mind. They halted, looked at it, and swore, by
the God who made them, "That d-d thing must come
down!" One of the Secession leaders of the town
approached them, and assured them that the allusion on
the sign was not to the Federal Union, but to a union
of denomincations. But the infuriated advocates of
Southern rights brought it down, and destroyed it on
the street.
Forming a Union Church.
A gentleman of character and influence suggests
that portions of us, belonging to different denominations, and even to no sect, organize a new congregation
for religious worship, and that we employ some man
of talents and piety to preach to us, irrespective of
creeds or confessions of faith. We like this idea, and
bring it before our readers as a well-timed suggestion.
WVe want some man to instruct us all in the comnmon
gospel of God our Savtiour, who will not mix up the
sacred truths of holy writ with the abominable
heresy of Secession, who will refrain from denouncing
one party in his congregation as traitors to their
country and their God, and who will not attack private families in public prayer.  We have-among
us-brought disgrace upon the church, destroyed
confidence in the ministry, disbanded our congregations, and broken up the social and religious ties that
formerly bound, us together. It is useless for us to
meet in our churches on the Sabbath, put on long,




,,!.~~~~~~~~~~~~N':.,~,.,,~
" i 6
Brta t        t.        WuR,jbl (ge16
I 9~~~~~~~~
Brutal treatment of Rev. Win. H. H, Duggan by the Rebels, (Page 135.)








AMONG THE iREBELS.             145
pious faces, offer up long prayers, hand round the
bread and wine, and then pass out in society and
vilify each other as a set of pickpockets, liars, and
traitors, and keep up this holy and patriotic warfare
until we meet again the next Sabbath. The fool, the
wayfaring man, and the untutored African can see
that we are wicked, and on the high-road to the devil!
Let us break up our hypocritical organizations called
churches, and out of a half-dozen of them make up
one new one, whose pastor and members shall neither
preach, exhort, nor pray any thing connected with
party politics.
August 10, 1861.
"Shepherd, Feed my Sheep."
This was the command of Christ to His apostles,
and through them, in all time to come, to His ministers. The nourishment given in the earlier days of
the gospel dispensation was any thing but what it is
now, under the improverzLents of our age. "Repent
and believe the gospel," was the first dish; "Give all
diligence to make your calling and election sure," was
the second course. The dessert, which was the closing
out of the meal, was to the effect, that " if ye do these
things ye shall never perish."
Then we were not prepared to see our Southerr
preachers, so early as 1861, following the bad example of these false teachers, by preaching Secession,
13




146         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
profaning the Sabbath, and taking commissions in the
army to aid in carrying on a most wicked and unholy
war,-seeking the overthrow of the best Government
the world has ever known. Ascending the sacred
pulpit on the Lord's day, under a pretence of "feeding the sheep," these reverend traitors to God and
their country deliver inflammatory stump-speeches,
excite the worst passions of a people not extravagantly given to prayer, and thus more effectually serve
the cause of the devil than all the ultra Abolition
preachers of the North have been doing for a quarter
of a century past.  The South is now full of these
reverend traitors, and every branch of the Christian
Church is cursed with their labors. They can find
nothing in the teachings or example of the meek and
lowly Jesus to justify them in feeding their flocks on
the treasonable doctrines of Secession and Southern
Rights, or the still more damnable heresy of the right
of a State of this Union to secede at pleasure from the
Federal compact, merely because a few bad mqn and
corrupt politicians have been turned out of the Federal
offices by the vote of the people.
Preachers, all must admit, have a right to their
opinions and to the exercise of the right of suffrage,
but they have no right to disgrace their pulpits on
Sunday by delivering inflammatory stump-speeches,
under the pretence of preaching Christ to the people.
They have no right to abandon the congregations to




AMONG THE REBELS.              147
whom they say God has called them to preach, and sew
stripes upon their pants, swing swords to their sides,
and actually turn rowdies in the camps of Jeff Davis!
And these reverend gentlemen should rememberas very few of them do-that preachers don't make
any better traitors than the most abandoned sinners in
the country. Counterfeiting money, or forging checks
upon a bank, are not less wicked acts because perpetrated by a preacher than they would be if perpetrated
by an infamous gambler.
July 6, 1861.
Secession an Epidemic.
Secession has assumed an epidemic form in most of
the Southern States, and men become Secessionists with
marvellous rapidity. It is nothing to know that a particular man was a Union man last night: how is he
this morning? This is the question, and where inducements are held out to fall in with the heresy,
it is well to inquire of men, morning, evening, and
at noon, where they stand upon this great office-andmoney question. Men change in a night. Men rise
up and dress as Union men, and turn Secessionists
before breakfast is over. The worst symptom is the
morbid excitement of the organ of credulity. The cry
of a loss of one's rights originates the disease, and it
never abates till the patient " goes clear out." If a
man is pressed for money, and some one in favor of
"immediate separation" has some to lend on time, the




148         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
man wanting to borrow sees that our only safety is in
" a united South."  If a man is a Union mechanic, and
out of work, the furnishing him with a small job at
once discloses the startling fact that Lincoln commenced this war, that it is a war of conquest, and
that the sacred soil of the South is to be invaded and
the negroes all set at liberty. The malady is short;
the disease runs its course in twenty-four hours, and
the patient heads a committee to order better men than
himself to leave the State in a given time. He be.lieves every lie he hears, and swears to the truth of
every lie he tells. He drinks mean whiskey, and associates with men whom the day before he would have
scorned. The disease is contagious, and a clever man
will contract it by drinking mean whiskey out of the
same tumbler with one afflicted with it.
July 6.
The Real Traitors.
Much is said of late about the traitors who have
brought the existing troubles upon the country, and a
good deal is said, by way of dispute, as to who they
are. Portions of them live on both sides of Mason
& Dixon's line.  But the real traitors who are responsible for the disruption of the American Union,
and the present civil war, threatening such fearful
consequences, are Yancey, Rhett, Toombs, Pryor, Davis,
Keitt, Iverson, Wise, Mason, Wigfall, and Breckinridge and Lane, who lent themselves to these miserable




AMONG THE REBELS.             149
purposes. If there are any men in this country who
deserve the doom of traitors, it is these authors
of our national calamities. And if the war continue
three to five years, the men we have named, and other
smaller lights, will be fugitives in foreign countries.
They have misled and deceived the Southern people
to the ruin of the country. And when the reaction
takes place,-as it surely will, —popular vengeance
will seek them for punishment. When disaster and
suffering pervade the South, as they surely will,when the innocent people cry out under the burden
of taxes and debt which this war will force upon
them,-then will come the day of reckoning for the
real traitors, the political demagogues, who are the
authors of the nation's calamity. To avoid this doom,
these men will make superhuman efforts to carry
the day on the field of battle, and thus prevent the
reaction which promises their ruin. But they cannot
evade their accountability to God and to an outraged
people.
July 6.
False Dispatches.,
We find in Secession papers some of the most notoriously false dispatches ever published in the world.
These appear frequently, under sensation heads, displayed in large capitals, and with exclamation-points.
We never copy them; and the reason is that we are
13*




150         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
satisfied that they do not contain a word of truth.
They have turned out to be false, and, as a natural
result, they have destroyed public confidence in these
Secession sensation dispatches. Usually, they carry
the lie upon their faces, representing a few hundred Southern troops as whipping several thousand
Yankees, killing and wounding so many, while nobody
is hurt on the Confederate side. To listen to the
"loud-swelling; words" uttered by these men, one would
suppose that a regiment of Yankees will take to flight
upon seeing one Southern man in uniform. We never
give these exciting dispatches to our readers, and for
the reason, we repeat, that we do not believe one word
they set forth, and do not wish to. humbug our readers,
many of whom take no journal but ours.
July 6.
At their Old Tricks again.
We see letters, and extracts from letters, in several
Southern Secession papers, boasting of the vast numbers
of Union men in East Tennessee who are coming out
for Secession since the late election. Nay, one gifted
writer in a Georgia paper speaks of whole counties
having turned over to Secession. This is a revival of
their system of wholesale lying carried on before the
February election, and again before the late June election. In this late election their lying letters and dispatches, published in the Nashville and Memphis




AMONG THE REBELS.              151
papers, claimed that they would carry East Tennessee.
And yet when the votes were polled they lacked some
twenty thousand votes of carrying East Tennessee,
whilst out of thirty-one counties they carried five,four of these by small majorities.
As soon as one defeat is over, they prepare for
another, and tell, write, and publish the most extravagant falsehoods as to changes that are going on. We
notify them that the ballot-box, on the first Thursday
in August, will again convict them of lying. If they
have the recruits they boast of, let them elect members
to Congress and to the Legislature from East Tennessee. We give them  notice that the Union raen
intend to elect, and that they will do it fairly by
majorities, and through the ballot-box.
July 6.




152          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XI.
THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE PARTIES-INFAMY OF THE LEADERS
OF THIS REBELLION —REBEL STEALING IN TENNESSEE-REBEL STEALING IN RICHCOIND-SWINDLING HORSE-CONTRACTS-THE SCRIPTURES
AGAINST THESE EXTORTIONERS.
As a general thing, in speaking of the troops of the two
contending armies we speak of them as "Union troops"
and" Confederates." The European papers call the former
the "Federal troops." The Government troops should
be called the lVational troops, because ours is a NATION,
and has been ever since we abandoned the old " Confederation" and established a National Government.
The Southern troops should not be designated as
"Confederates," for we do not recognize their right to
separate themselves from the National Government.
They are legally nothing more nor less than rebels, or
insurgents, and they should be so characterized when
we have occasion to speak of them. There is much in
a name. Let the two parties, then, in all time to come,
be known as the Rebels and Nationals.
The day is coming when the originators of this
rebellion will be pilloried in history, as history must
name them, and can only name them with scorn. I
do not allude to those in obscurity, persons of no




AMONG THE REBELS.              153
mark, who have retired within the veil of the obscurity
of mediocrity; but I allude to the leaders,-the men
raised to high public positions, who led off in this
infernal crusade, and now head their bogus Government and their retreating army. They are now being
despised by thousands who have been their tools, and
who had not nerve enough to resist their bad designs
in the outset. These villains will stand conspicuous in
all coming time, as a man upon the gallows stands; and,
to increase their misery, they will have no sympathy
from any quarter. No loyal man will welcome one of
them to his house, or call a child by his name. Their
careers will end before their lives, and after death-if
not before-their names will become the synonyms of
dishonor and contempt.
Rebel swindling has outstripped any other thieving
heard of in the history of this war. I could give many
instances, but will content myself with a few, authenticated by Rebel papers. The Clarksville (Tenn.)
Chironicle thus rebukes certain unmitigated Shylocks
in M[iddle Tennessee:"When we think of the self-sacrificing patriotism
of our brave volunteers, and then look at the Shylocks
at home who extort the last cent from their families
for the necessaries of life, the contrast is painfully disgusting. The cause of the South must suffer severely
under such a state of things; and should the war continue long, the country will learn, to its cost, that men
will not volunteer to fight its battles, leaving their
dependent wives and daughters to the tender charities




154         3IBROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
of the sharpers who have no higher or holier ambition
than to speculate upon the scanty pittance of daily
bread that prolongs, without comforting, life.  The
soldier has no spirit to fight the common enemy when
he knows that he leaves behind him a deadly foe to the
comforts of his family, and is made to feel that every
danger he encounters and every hardship he endures
is for the defence of the mercenary and heartless speculators who make dire necessity the pretext for oppression. The press, in every section of the Confederacy,
is loud in its complaints against such unnatural conduct, and in North Carolina the Government has found
it necessary to interpose its authority for the protection
of families against the monopolizing greed of those who
seek to build up fortunes upon the necessities of the
times. If common humanity, or a sense of shame, cannot reach these men, and the laws will not, the time is
not distant when Judge Lynch will pass sentence upon
them."
The Richmond -Examiner-the organ of Jeff Davis
-for January 17, thus notices the frauds in the Treasury Department at Richmond:"We are aware of the recent occurrence of some
bold frauds on the Treasury, which have been conveniently hushed up in that department.  We have
avoided any particular statement of the facts, as Mr.
MIemminger, instead of bringing the matter to the examination of the civil courts, where it would have
got to the public, adopted the expedient of turning out
all the clerks in one of the rooms of the department,
thereby confounding the innocent with the guilty, on
account of the former of whom we were loath to make
the subject one of publication in the newspapers.
"In the matter, however, of these frauds there has
been an amount of official carelessness and negligence
to which we not only feel free, but are constrained by




AMONG THE REBELS.              155
public duty, to refer. It appears that the fraud consisted in the abstraction of whole sheets of signed Treasury notes. At one time one sheet was abstracted, and
the fraud reported to Mr. Memminger.  But a few days
ago two sheets were abstracted. In both instances,
occurring at different times, the fraud was accomplished by the neglect in the department to count the sheets
as they passed fromn hand to hand. Each sheet probably represented several thousand dollars, and was as
good as so much money; and the practice of shuffling
them from hand to hand, and taking no account of
them, affords not only an instance of the grossest carelessness ever heard of in a Government, but actually
offered a premium  for the fraud of clerks. What
would be thought of not counting coin in a mint? And
yet it would be less reckless than the omission to count
sheets of paper representing thousands of dollars, any
one of which might be abstracted as easily as a single
gold eagle from a heap of coin."
The Richmond Examiner for January 15 thus
exposes the swindling of its partisans in "horse-contracts:"The Horse-Contracts.
"We have reason to believe that, in some of the
purchasing departments of the Government, monstrous
and audacious frauds have been perpetrated; and we
expect soon to be in possession of the facts to authorize
a complete exposure of this matter. There is talk on
the street that one single horse-contract of a wellknown official here has realized him a fortune. We
have more than once had our attention called to the
curious management of a fraud in the purchase of
horses for the Government. It is for the purchasing
officer, in the first instance, to reject horses that are
offered, as not coming up to the Government standard
or as unsound; a pimp or accomplice is kept to buy




156         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
the horse, after he is rejected, at a reduced price, and
then the purchasing officer buys from the accomplice,
and charges the horse, of course, at the full Government price.
"The subjoined statement of a correspondent hints
at this acute trick of complicity by which the Government is defrauded:"'Some time since, I rode to one of the Government
stables in the neighborhood of the Potomac, and offered
to sell to the agent there a very fine pony, both for
riding and working purposes; but the agent said he did
not want said horse at any price. He was too small,
&c. &c. I concluded that I would take a look at the
horses there, expecting to see them all large and fine;
but, to my great surprise, I found horses there not
much more than half as heavy as my own, with sore
backs, swollen legs, hip-caps gone, lame, big heads and
little bodies, sharp behind and low before, legs scarred
from kicking in gear, &c. &c. The mules were in
similar condition. I asked the men who were attending to them if the agent there bought those horses for
the Government. They said he had. I then remarked
that said agent would not purchase mine at any price,
and yet I would not give him for a stable full of such
horses as I saw there. An old man, who stammered
badly, replied, by saying, " iM-m-aster, I-I-I r-r-reckon,
s-s-sir, you do-don't be-be-long to-to dat par-party wharwhar dey fa-fa-favors, s-sir."  Of course, I disclaimed
all connection with that party. I had heard a report
before this, that only a certain party or parties could
sell horses there, and that a handsome profit was made
out of the Government on every horse purchased. How
true the report is, I can't say; but certainly an investigation ought to be had in the matter. Horse-dealers
had told me that I could not sell any horse to the Government,-that lie must get into certain other hands
first. I wonder if such is true?'"
This stealing from their bogus Government and de



AMONG THE REBELS.              157
frauding the common soldier, has been going on all
over the so-called Confederacy. They have no faith in
the ultimate triumph of their arms, and hence they
seek to make out of the Rebellion all they can,thieving and singing,When we're here a few more days,
A fobbing public money,
We'll have less ways to make a raise
Than when we begun-ah!
For the edification of those of them who vend goods,
wares, and merchandise for all that they can get, and
swindle their bogus Government, I advise their whiskeydrinking chaplains to preach to them from the following passages of holy writ:Ezekiel xxii. 12.-" In thee have they taken gifts to
shed blood; thou hast taken usury and increase, and
thou hast greedily gained of thy neighbors by extortion,
and hast forgotten me, saith the Lord God."
Isa. xvi. 4. —"Let mine outcasts dwell with thee,
Moab; be thou a covert to them  from the face of the
spoiler; for the extortioner is at an end, the spoiler
ceaseth, the oppressors are consumed out of the land."
1 Cor. vi. 10.-" Nor thieves, nor covetous, nor
drunkards, nor revilers, nor extortioners, shall inherit
the kingdom of God."
14




158         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XII.
TIE CONSPIRACY TO BREAK UP THE GOVERN3IENT-TTHE PLOT AND ITS
DEVELOPMENTS-TESTIMIONY OF SECESSION WITNESSES-DOCUMIENTS
WORTHY OF BEING PRESERVED, AND WORTHY OF BEING STUDIED BY
THE FRIENDS OF THE UNION.
IN one of the issues of our paper we published an
article nearly two columns in length, with the proof
carefully arranged, going to convict this BreckinridgeYancey party of Seceders of the foul crime of seeking
to disrupt this Government. They are guilty; it is
what they are after, —what they had in view when
they bolted at Baltimore and nominated Breckinridge.
We can establish it beyond doubt; it is due to the
public that we do so; and, for reference among the
friends of the Union, we here insert the whole story.
The conspiracy against this Union by that wing of
the Democratic party which has gone off in the Breckinridge crusade, is now established beyond controversy.
But, with a view to open the eyes of honest and patriotic men in the Democratic ranks, of whom there
are thousands, we will submit other proof, and still
more convincing evidence, so that none need be in
doubt who will read, and read the testimony of Demo



AMONG THE REBELS.              159
crats. Their infernal plotwas, themselves being witnesses,
to break up the Union, to revolutionize the Government,
and to establish upon its ruins -a Southern Confederacy.
They have gone with cold-blooded, deliberate maliceinto the plot, and Breckinridge has lent himself, as the
tool of these conspirators, to head them, and really
deserves to be hung. Their treason and fraud no
longer burrow beneath the surface in the names of
Nfashville Southern Convention or Southern Commnercial Convention. They have now thrown off the mask
and raised their traitorous heads to the view of the
world.
Old Davy Hubbard, an ex-Congressman from Alabama, and a delegate to Charleston and Baltimore, thus
discoursed to his Disunion brethren on the great
struggle between the factions:"Let us proceed at once to examine the relation
sustained by each section to the great issue,'Negro or No
Negro,' now before the country, and which has brought
these dissensions,-the main issue, before which all
others shzould and will give way, until it is settled,emancipation and equality of races on one side, protection by the Union Government in, or protection out
of it, on the other."
Governor Wise, who was afterwards so anxious to
give the vote of the Old Dominion to Breckinridge,
addressed letters to all the Southern Democratic Governors, in 1856, with a view of concerting measures
to prevent the inauguration of Fremont in the event




160         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
of his election, which amounted to revolution and
disunion. Here is the letter as it since appeared in the
papers:"tIcHnrOND, VA., Sept. 15, 1856.
"DEAR SIR:"Events are approaching which address themselves
to your responsibilities and to mine as chief Executives
of slave-holding States. Contingencies may soon happen
which would require preparation for the worst of evils
to the people. Ought we not to admonish ourselves by
joint counsel of the extraordinary duties which may
devolve upon us from the dangers which so palpably
threaten our common peace and safety? When, how,
or to what extent may we act, separately or unitedly,
to ward off dangers if we can, to meet them most
effectually if we must?
"I propose that, as early as convenient, the Governors
of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas,
Arkansas, Mississippi, and Tennessee, shall assemble at
Raleigh, North Carolina, for the purpose generally of
consultation upon the state of the country, upon the
best means of preserving its peace, and especially of
protecting the honor and interests of the slave-holding
States. I have addressed the States only having
Democratic Executives, for obvious reasons.
"This should be done as early as possible before the
Presidential election, and I would suggest Monday,




AMONG THE REBELS.              161
13th of October next. Will you please give me an
early answer, and oblige,
"Yours, most truly and respectfully,
"HENRY A. WISE.
"His Excellency ToAbAs XV. LioNx, Governor of Maryland."
The same to Thomas Bragg, Governor of North
Carolina; James H. Adams, Governor of South Carolina; H. V. Johnson, Governor of Georgia; James C.
Broome, Governor of Florida; John A. Winston, Governor of Alabama; John J. McRae, Governor of Mississippi; Robert Wickliffe, Jr., Governor of Louisiana;
Edmund M. Pease, Governor of Texas; Elias N. Canway, Governor of Arkansas; and Andrew  Johnson,
Governor of Tennessee.
MlIr. Spratt, of South Carolina, afterwards a supporter
of Breckinridge, said, in the Southern Commercial
Convention at Vicksburg, —
"It might be said that the slave-trade could not be
legalized within the Union, and that to re-establish it
the Union would have to be dissolved. Let it be so.
The men of the South had higher trusts than to preserve the Union."
Judge Jones, of Georgia, afterwards for Breckinridge,
said, in this same Vicksburg Convention, —
"HIe proclaimed himself a Disunionist since 1829, but
he did not believe the Southern States would go out of
the Union unless they were kicked out. He believed
I 4



162          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
there was no chance of equality in the Union; and he
would rather die a poor wolf in the woods than live a
fat dog with any man's collar on his neck. He owed
no allegiance to any power but Georgia! He urged
the fallacy of the apprenticeship-theory.  They would
be brought here as apprentices, and as soon as their
time was out they would be sold as slaves. That might
not be slave-stealing, but to him it squinted a good
deal like it. [Applause.]  If he were on a jury, and a
man were tried before him under the slave-trade acts,
he would never find him guilty, because they were
unconstitutional. "
In 1858, this Southern Breclkinridge party put forth
a pamphlet, with which they flooded the Southern
States, avowedly with a view to form a "great Southern
party," and, after a Disunion preamble, the first of a
series of resolutions is in these words:"Resolved,-l. That, with that purity of motive,
consciousness of rectitude, and noble determination to
do right, we recommend, and will do ALL WE CAN to
bring about, an honorable and, if possible, a peaceable
separation of the Southern Slave States from the
Northern free States."
Senator Iverson, of Georgia, afterwards an ardent
Breckinridge man, said in the United States Senate,
7th of January, 1859, —
"Sir, there is but one path of safety for the institution of slavery in the South when this mighty avalanche of fanaticism and folly shall press upon us, and
that path lies through separation and a Southern Confederacy. This is the great ultimate security for the
rights, honor, and prosperity of the South. Sir, there




AMONG THE REBELS.              163
are even now thousands of her sons who believe that
the Slave States, formed into a separate Confederacy
and united under such a government as experience and
wisdom would dictate, would combine elements of more
political power, national prosperity, social security, and
individual happiness, than any nation of ancient or
modern times; and, sir, I am amnong the number."
South Carolina was for Breckinridge, and her Legislature cast her Electoral vote for him. Here is a resolution adopted by that same Legislature, in advance:
" Resolved, That the election of a President of the
United States by a sectional party, with views adverse
to the institution of domestic slavery as it exists in the
slave-holding States and Territories, or of one who is
opposed to the grant of the protection claimed in the
foregoing resolution, would so threaten a destruction
of the ends for which the Constitution was formed, as
to justify the slave-holding States in taking counsel
together for their separate protection and safety."
Alabama was furious in hier support of Breckinridge;
and here is a resolution adopted by her Legislature
with absolute unanimity:"2d. Be it further resolved, That in the absence of
any preparation for a systematic co-operation of the
Southern States in resisting the aggressions of their
enemies, Alabama, acting for herself, has solemnly
declared that under no circumstances will she submit
to the foul domination of a sectional Northern party,
has provided for the call of a convention in the event
of the triumph of such a faction in the approaching
Presidential election, and, to maintain the position thus
deliberately assumed, ha/s appropriated the suvm  of




164          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
$200,000 for the military contingencies which such a
course may involve."
Governor Mouton, of Louisiana, was a delegate in
the Charleston Convention, and was for Breckinridge.
He offered the following resolution in the State Convention on the 6th of.March, 1860; and it was adopted
by acclamation:" 6. That in case of the election of a President on
the avowed principles of the Black Republican party,
we concur in the opinion that Louisiana should meet
in council her sister slave-holding States to consult as
to the means of future protection."
Texas, also for Breckinridge, adopted the following
resolution in a State Convention at Galveston, in April,
1860:"Resolved, That we regard with great aversion the
unnatural efforts of a sectional party at the North to
carry on an'irrepressible'conflict' against the institution of slavery; and whenever that party shall succeed
in electing a President upon their platform, we deem it
to be the duty of the people of the State of Texas to
hold themselves in readiness to co-operate with our
sister States of the South in convention, to take into
consideration such measures as may be necessary for
our protection, or to secure out of the Confederacy that
protection of their rights which they can no longer
hope for in it."
The Mississippi State Convention in January, 1860,
adopted this resolution, and the men who were most
prominent in that Convention were for Breckinridge:



AMONG THE REBELS.             165
"Resolved, That in the event of the election of a
Black Relpublican candidate to the Presidency by the
suffrages of one portion of the Union only, to rule over
the whole United States, upon the avowed purpose of
that organization, Mississippi will regard it as a declaration of hostility, and will hold herself in readiness to
co-operate with her sister States of the South in whatever measure they may deem necessary for the maintenance of their rights as co-equal members of the
Confederacy."
We could add any number of the treasonable sayings
of the men and States who backed up Breckinridge,
but the proof of their infamous conspiracy is now complete. Breckinridge himself was aware of the designs
of the men who procured his nomination, and he went
into it understandingly. He expected what was coming,
and sympctthized wvith this infernal movement. In a
speech delivered at Frankfort, and written out by
himself for publication, he said:- 
"Perhaps the most imminent danger springs from
the possible action of certain members of the Confederacy. The representatives from South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, not to mention
other Southern States, say that they represent their
constituents, —nay, that they scarcely go so far as their
constituents; and most of them ieclare that they are
ready at any moment for a separate organization.
Some of the Southern Legislatures have passed resolves
of this character; and we may safely assume that is the
true feeling of the people."
In other portions of the speech, Mr. Breckinridge




166         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
tells the people of Kentucky that resistance must be
resorted to, sooner or later! And General Mlartin, of
South Carolina, in a late ratification speech of his, thus
alludes to Breckinridge:"And having read carefully his speech, delivered at
Frankfort, Kentucky, when he could not have expected
a nomination, I am now better satisfied that he is a
States Rights man of the strictest school, more satisfied
than I was when I gave him my vote at Richmond. In
that speech he lays down a broad ground,-a ground
that I will close my remarks with, and save me a great
deal of what I intended otherwise to say. He tells his
people that the Democratic party was a very good
thing in itself, but they were not to rely upon the
Democratic party or any party. They were to rely
upon themselves.  The South must rely upon its
own strong arm, and be prepared for any and every
emergency."'
We will only add that every prominent Disunion
man in the South was for Breckinridge.
W. L. Yancey, of Alabama, is the bell-wether of the
Disunion flock in the South, and the man who had an
interview with Breckinridge at Washington and coaxed
him into the lead of the traitorous gang who have conspired to subvert this Government.  Here is said
Yancey's celebrated ~laughter letter, which defines his
principles, and which will slaughter Breckinridge, and
all others engaged in the same infamous cause of Disunion, and their children after them in all time to come.
We predicted that twelve months from that timb, Aaron




AMONG THE REBELS.              167
BuVrr will be regarded as a patriot, compared with the
movers, speakers, and active partisans in this Disunion
scheme:
"MONTGOarERY, June 15, 1858.
"DEAR SIR:"Your kind letter of the 15th is received. I hardly
agree with you that a general movement can be made
that will clean out the Augean stable.  If the Democracy were overthrown, it would result in giving place
to a greater and hungrier swarm of flies.
"The remedy of the South is not in such a process.
It is in a diligent organization of her true men for the
prompt resistance of her next aggression.  It must
come in the nature of things.  No national party can
save us; no sectional party can ever do it.  But if we
should do as our fathers did,-organize comnmittees of
safety all over the Cotton States, (and it is only in themn
we can hope for any effective movenment,)-we shall fire
the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, give
courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by
one organized, concerted action, WE CAN PRECIPITATE
THE COTTON STATES INTO A REVOLUTION.
"The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by
MAr. Ruffin, — has been taken up and recommended by
the Advertiser, under the name of'League of United
Southerners,' who, keeping up the old party relations
on all other questions, will hold the Southern issue para



168          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
mount, and will influence parties, Legislatures, and
statesmen. I have no time to enlarge, but to suggest
merely.
"In haste, yours, &c.,
"W V. L. YANCEY.
"To JAMES SLAUGHTER, Esq."
But why disguise the issue? This Breckinridge
party made up the issue of Disunion, and throughout
the South boasted of their purpose to convene a
Congress at Richmond and go out of the Union. A
Breckinridge meeting in Louisiana adopted a string of
twenty-seven resolutions, and a friend at Homer, Louisiana, enclosed them to us in a printed slip. The following are two of these resolutions:" Resolved, That, while we place a high value on the
Union, we place a still higher on the institution of
slavery, and if unfortunately we must be compelled to
part with one or the other, we cannot hesitate to part
with the Union.
"Resogved, That we will use all possible means to
keep the yellow fever from New Orleans and other seaport towns of the Slave States, by establishing and
enforcing the quarantine law, and encourage emigration from the whole world to the great commercial city
of the South, where health and prosperity is most abundantly found."
Hon. James O. Harrison, a Douglas Democrat, made
an able speech at Lexington, Kentucky,-at the door




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AMONG THE REBELS.              169
of Breckinridge, as it were,-and said he could sustain
the following five propositions:1. That there was a Disunion party South prior to the
Charleston and Baltimore Conventions.
2. That the party entered the convention with the
design of dividing the Democracy on the slave line, as
a preparatory step to Disunion.
3. That it aided in the formation of a Southern sectional platform, plausible, but dangerously delusive, on
which said party knew?national Democrats neither
would nor could unite.
4. That this sectional platform has been adopted by
the Secessionists, and that the Disunionists now stand
on it.
6. (A natural sequence.) That the tendency of the
platform is to Disunion, by bringing on an irrepressible
conflict; and that this tendency is increased by the Disunionists who stand on it.
General John McQueen, a Representative in Congress
from South Carolina, made a speech on the 4th of July,
at Bennettsville, in that State, of which a sketch is
given in the local paper, —Son of Temperance.  It
says,"He reviewed the Federal politics of the day, cordially endorsed the nomination of Breckinridge and
Lane for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency,-said
they were good and true men for the South to support,
and would maintain the constitutional rights of the
Confederacy, and should be supported by every Soutnern man.,4~-    ~tc,:,stc,~c 1




170          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
" If they submit, and permit Lincoln to be inaugurated
President, without resisting and seceding- from  the
Union, in such an event he, for one, believed that we
were a degraded people, and a thousand times more than
the colonies were under Great Britain. He counselled
secession of the South from the Union if a Black Republican was elected President of the Government; for
it would be an open declaration of an irrepressible conflict against our peculiar institutions, which are as dear
to us as our lives."
Hon. Lawrence M. Keitt, another Representative in
Congress from South Carolina, in a letter, said,"But, should the Black Republican party obtain
power, and the South remain passive,-what then?
While I invoke co-operation, —while I appeal to the
States around us to be true to their honor,-yet, if
these fail, I will counsel this State alone, if necessary,
and at all hazards, to secede from the Union.
" This Union is just as travellers tell us many Eastern habitations are, —a palace to look upon, all fair on
its outside, and presenting the appearance of a house
that should last for generations; but the master puts
his walking-stick or his boot-heel through the rafters,
and he finds that the white ants have eaten all the substance of the timbers, and that all that he sees about him
is a coating of paint, which an intrusive blow may disperse in a cloud of dust. The skirting-boards have
already perished; the rafters are now ready to tumble
in."
A few extracts from some Breckinridge-Yancey papers
ill the South, in this connection, may throw further
light on this plot against the Union:



AMONG THE REBELS.              171
(From the Camden [Ala.] Democrat.)
"'We run up our flag to-day for Breckinridge and
Lane, the Democratic nominees for President and VicePresident of the United States.  We have unwaveringly contended for the last ten years that it would be
better for all concerned to make two or more distinct
Governments of the territory constituting the United
States of America,-and that such will ultimately be
done with fairness and justice to every section of the
Union; and, believing that the party to which we belong is the only reliable one to carry out this measure
and secure to our own section all her rights, we intend
to battle for its principles to the fullest extent of our
ability."
(From the Montgomery [Ala.] Mail.)
"Run three Presidential tickets against Lincoln,
thereby giving Lincoln the best chance for election.
After Lincoln is elected, some Southern communities
-most of them, perhaps-will refuse to let a postmaster appointed under his administration take possession of the office. Then the United States authorities will be interposed to'enforce the laws.' Then the
United States authorities will either be shot down, or
they will shoot somebody down. Then the people of
the community will rise up against the United States
Government, and will be sustained by neighboring communities, until civil war, with all its horrid butcheries,
envelops the land in blood and carnage."
(From the Cahawba [Ala.] Slave-Holder.)
"THE SOUTHERN TICKET.-We hoist to-day, as our
choice for nominated candidates for the Presidency and
Vice-Presidency, the names of John C. Breckinridge,
of Kentucky, and Joe Lane, of Oregon.
" Our selection is made with special reference to the
principles we have heretofore advocated, the most prominent and controlling of which is a union of the Southern people for the protection of our Southern institutions."




172          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
(From the Mobile Mercury, April, 1S59.)
"The times are now ripe for the organization of a
political movement in the slave-holding States, irrespective, of course, of all old party designations; and
there are peculiar reasons why such a movement should
be undertaken now and here.  Indeed, we are credibly
informed that conferences have already been held by
leading patriotic gentlemen of this city, of all parties,
and the plans of Southern organization have been set
on foot and almost matured, prfeparatory to action. W7e
earnestly hope the good wol/; may go on, and speedily.
" The country, we repeat, is ripe for the movement,
and, if judiciously inaugurated, it will sweep over the
land with a force that no opposition will be able to check.
We therefore caution our friends in the country everywhere to be prepared for it, and to keep themselves
from  all entangling alliances which may hinder them
from joining in it untrammelled."
The Charleston.lfercury, in April, 1859, said of the
Democratic Presidential Convention of 1860, " Unless
at is limited exclusively to delegates from  the South, it
will be no convention of the Democratic par/ty."  I-ow
truly it spoke the Disunion sentiment, late events have
fully shown.
(From the New Orleans Delta, April, 1859.)
"In 1860 the South and the North are to be arrayed
in deadly contest; the battle of the sections is then to
be fought for the last time, and its issues are to be decisive of our fate."
(From the Montgomery Advertiser, March, 1859.)
"It is important that we should send such men to
represent us (in Congress) as possess the ability to com



AMONG THE REBELS.               173
bat the approaches of Republicanism, and the nerve to
secede from  ]Vashington in case Abolitionism  should
install one of its leaders in the Executive mansion of
the nation. It is important to the South, also, that her
delegation should present a united front of State-Rights
Democrats, for in the principles and the doctrines of the
State-Rights Democracy rests the hope of the South, in
the Union OR OUT OF IT."
(From the Eufaula [Ala.] Gazette, March, 1859.)
"Could we all think and feel alike, were our interests identical and our occupations similar, we might
adopt a common government without detriment to
either; but, as we are different in all these, it becomes
us to prepare for an immediate withdrawal from the
alliance which has hitherto held us together; and we
hold it to be the first duty, as it should be the first
object, of Southern statesmen and the Southern press,
to inaugurate a Southern Confederacy, AND THEREBY
ESTABLISH SOUTHERN INDEPENDENCE."
(From the Eufaula Spirit of the South, March, 1859.)
"The North and South, agreeing about some things
and differing about others, made a Union for their
benefit and a Constitution for their common government.  The Supreme Court, who, according to the
established creed of the North, are the final expounders
of the Constitution, say that by its provisions slavery
is protected in the Territories; but the greater portion
of the North denounces that decision openly, while the
remainder covertly repudiate it.  What remains, then,
but to do that which has been done in all ages and
countries by sensible and right-minded people who
have the misfortune to differ irreconcilably,-To sErARATE?
(From the Charleston Mercury, May, 1859.)
"A revolution is, therefore, inevitable. Submission
or resistance will alike establish it.  The old UnionI.,~




174          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
the Union of the Constitution, of equal rights between
sovereign States-is abolished. It is gone forever;
strangled by consolidation, and is now the instrument
of centralism to establish an irresponsible despotism of
the North over the South. To break up the present
Union and establish another of the South alone, is no
greater revolution than that which now exists. In
tact, it will be a lesser change. Let the struggle come
when it may, the South, to achieve her safety, will
have to trample down a Union party in the track of
her political emancipation."
Knoxville Whig, Aug. 25, 1860.
This conspiracy is not complete without the following
letter from Senator Yulee to one Finegan, a member
of the "Sovereignty Conference" of Florida:"WASHINGTON, Jan. 7, 1861.
":MY DEAR SIR: —On the other side is a copy of
resolutions adopted at a consultation of the Senators
from the seceding States,-in which Georgia, Alabama,
Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida,
were present.
" The idea of the meeting was that the States should
go out at once, and provide for the early organization
of a Confederate Government, not later than 15th February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and
Texas to participate. It seemed to be opinion [sic]
that if we left here, force, loan, and volunteer bills
might be passed, which would put Mr. Lincoln in
immediate condition for hostilities; whereas if [sic] by
remaining in our places until the 4th of March, it is




AMONG TEHE REBELS.              175
thought we can keep the hands of ll+. Buchanan tied,
and disable the Re~publicans from  effecting any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming
Administration.
" The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the
President of the Convention.  I have not been able to
find Mr. Mallory this morning. Hawkins [the member
from Florida] is in Connecticut. I have therefore
thought it best to send you this copy of the resolutions.
" In haste,
"Yours, truly,
" D. L. YULEE.
"JOSEPH FINEGAN, Esq., Sovereignty Conference, Tallahassee, Fla."
Now, it will be seen that this important letter, which
breathes throughout the spirit of the conspirator, in
reality lets us into the most important of the numerous secret conclaves which the plotters of TREASON
then held in the national capital. It was then, as it
appears, that they determined to strike the blow, and
precipitate the Cotton States into secession. And yet
the perjured villains resolved that it would be imprudent for them openly to withdraw from Congress, as in
that case Congress might pass "force, loan, and volunteer bills, which would put Mr. Lincoln in immediate
condition for hostilities."
The substance of this whole affair is, that a knot of




176         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Senatorial traitors, fourteen in number, representing
seven Cotton States, so late as January and February,
1861, sat in their seats in the Senate-Chamber, under
an oath administered on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God to support the Constitution and laws of
the United States, and in good faith to act as the confidential and constitutional advisers of the President,
and yet were wickedly, corruptly, and secretly plotting
the overthrow of the Government. In the daytime
they went through the forms of obeying their oaths,
but after night they set their own swearing at defiance!
The perjured scoundrels-for such they are-ought to
have their foul tongues cut out, and each and all of
them should be taken back to the District of Columbia,
and hung by the negroes recently set free by Congress!




AMONG THIE REBELS.                 177
CHAPTER XIII.
WHICH SIDE IS THE LORD ON?-TEACHINGS OF SECESSION CLERGYMEN-PRAYER OF  EV. MR. BALDWIN-PROVIDENCES OF GOD BEFORE AND SINCE THE DEVELOPMENT OF THIS GREAT CONSPIRACY
-THE SOUTH HAS HAD A PREPONDERATING INFLUENCE IN THE
CONTROL OF THE GOVERNMENT-GOD HAS ARRANGED THE CONDITIONS OF THIS GREAT DRAMA TO FAVOR THE GOVERNMENT OF
THE UNITED STATES-UNION VICTORIES OF 1861-CITIES AND TOWNS
TAKEN FROM THE SOUTH, BY DIVINE PERMISSION, IN 1862-GAMBLING-HELLS IN RICHMOND-PROFANE SWEARING AND DRINKING
IN THE REBEL ARMYI-WICKEDNESS OF THE SOUTHERN CLERGYLOSS OF REBEL GENERALS.
FROM the very beginning of this WICKED REBELLION,
the advocates of Secession and of a war upon the
Government of the United States have arrogantly
claimed that God was on their side,-pointing to the
evidences of divine Providence favoring the Southern
side of the GREAT CONSPIRACY.  Secession clergymen,
roused by the excitement of the war, have brought reproach upon religion, in many portions of the South,
both by the bitterness of their sermons and the wickedness of their sentiments. It is by no means an uncommon thing to hear Secession chaplains, and other
clergymen, teach soldiers from the pulpit, and assure
the relatives of soldiers in the event of their death,
that the cause in which they fall, battling for the inde



178         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
pendence of the South in opposition to the Vandal
hordes of the North, constitutes a passport sufficient to
introduce them to all that exceeding weight of joy at
God's right hand!
On the occasion of the inauguration of Eye-Sham
G. Harris as Governor of Tennessee, which took place
in the Capitol at Nashville in October, 1861, a prayer
was offered up by Mr. Baldwin, a Methodist minister,
eminent as an orator and an author, though crazy upon
the subject of "Southern rights," of a blasphemous
character, most decidedly. He opened in these words:
- " WE THANK THEE, O LORD, FOR HAVING INAUGURATED THIS REVOLUTION!" The rest of the prayer
was in keeping with the opening sentence. It was
blaspheming God, and reviling Him, by denying and
ridiculing His perfections and word, and by ascribing
to Him work base and sinful. What has been done by
the agency of the devil, is ascribed to the finger of
God, in this unpardonable prayer. An evil spirit, subject to the powers of Satan, influenced certain bad
men in the South, evidently possessed of devils, to precipitate the Cotton States into this revolution. All
the agency that God had in the matter was to permit
these devils to enter into these Secessionists, just as He
permitted them to enter the herd of swine and precipitate them into the Sea of Galilee! May the successors of these devils, who have entered into the




AMONG THE REBELS.              179
Southern leaders in this rebellion, precipitate them
into the Gulf of Mexico!
When Mr. Baldwin offered up this remarkable
prayer, he should have done it at one of the various
very ancient altars that existed at Athens, the Greek
metropolis, upon which was the inscription, "To THE
UNKNOWN GOD," whom the Athenians ignorantly worshipped. An ancient sect has long since taught us
that there are two Gods,-the one, the author of all
good, the other, the author of all evil. It was this
evil god who "inaugurated this revolution."  What
a calmly argumentative and sweetly persuasive prayer
this, to offer up to a God of order, justice, and mercy,
opposed to falsehood, plunder, and murder!
But, gentle reader, let us look calmly at the providences of God, as developed before and since the introduction of this great conspiracy. If the South had
been wantonly oppressed and wickedly proscribed by
the North, and if the North had "inaugurated" the
war, it would have been natural to expect the God of
right and justice to espouse the cause of the South.
But up to 1861 the South had furnished seven out of
the thirteen Presidents, and enjoyed twelve out of the
eighteen terms, or forty-eight out of the seventy-two
years since the adoption of the Federal Constitution;
thus leaving the Presidential office to be occupied by
Northern men only twenty-four years, or just onethird of the time!




180               BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
And, to show the advantage the South has been
allowed to enjoy over and above what she was entitled
to, I subjoin a table of Electoral votes which the fifteen
Southern  States and the znineteen Northern States cast
in the Presidential election of 1860.
SOUTHERN STATES.                   ENORTHERN STATES.
Alabama..................   9   California................   4
Arkansas.................   4   Connecticut.............   6
Delaware............  3   Illinois...................  11
Florida...................   3   Indiana.................. 13
Georgia................... 10  Iowa.....................   4
Kentucky................. 12   Maine..............                 8
Louisiana..............    6   Massachusetts.......... 13
Maryland................        8   1Michigan................  6
Mississippi...............   7   Minnesota................  4
Missouri..................   9  New  Hampshire........   5
North Carolina.......... 10   New  Jersey.............   7
South  Carolina.........  8   New  York............... 35
Tennessee...............    12   Ohio..................... 23
Texas.....................   4   Oregon...................  3
Virginia.................. 15  Pennsylvania............ 27
Rhode Island...........   4
Vermont................  5
Wisconsin...............   5
120                                 183
Total Electoral vote..................................... 303
Necessary for an election of President............... 152




AMONG THE REBELS.              181
But another and a strong point is this. Five of the
Southern Presidents each served two termns, or eight
years; while no Northern man has ever been allowed
a re-election. Besides, two Presidents, Messrs. Van
Buren and  Buchanan, were "Northern men with
Southern principles;" and this, in effect, gives eight
years more to the South,-making fifty-six years in
which they have had almost supreme control, and
leaving but sixteen years during which the Government
has been administered, even nominally, by Northern
Presidents. But during these sixteen years the two
hundred and sixty-three thousand slave-owners of the
South had a preponderating influence in the affairs of
the nation, and in shaping public policy.
So long as the country was satisfied with this state
of things, the political leaders of the South, of course,
did not complain; but the moment the people ventured, by perfectly legal and constitutional means, to
elect Mr. Lincoln,-a man who, if not representing the
clearly-revealed sentiments of the majority, was at
least the choice of that majority,-the Southern politicians revolted, aiId, in eleven of the fifteen Southern
States, passed ordinances of Secession.
An able writer, in reviewing the events -of the last
year, in a religious periodical of high standing, together with the circumstances which preceded and prepared the way for them, develops the guiding hand of
Providence, and the arcgumbnts in favor of His being
16




182             BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
on the side of the National Government.  How  wonderfully has God arranged all the conditions of this
great drama, to favor the Government of the United'
States and the millions of loyal citizens adhering
thereto! I present these views, and assure the reader
that he will profit by their perusal:" I. I notice, first, the abundant cotton-crop of 185960, by which the wants of Europe and the world were
more fully supplied than ever before:In 1856 the crop amounted to......................,529,841 bales.
In 1857    " "......................2,939,519   "
In  1858    " "...................... 2,113,962          "
In 1859    " "...................3....,851,481   "
In 1860    " "....................4,600,000   "
"Of this Great Britain received,In 1856.....1....................,038,886,304pounds.
In 1857...................... 996,318,896   "
In  1858........................................1...1,034,342,176  "
In   1859............................................... 1,225,989,072  "
In 1860.................................. 1,390,935,752  "
" These tables show the enormous yield in the last year
named, and also to what extent Great Britain, by far the
largest consumer in the world, was supplied. There
was, in addition to this immense amount of raw material, an  unprecedented  stock  of manufactured  goods
seeking  a market or stored up in all the marts of the
world.
" II. Next we notice the extraordinary crops of grain
in this country in 1859, 1860, and 1861, which afforded
not only abundance at a.cheap rate  for our own people
during the war, but a largely-augmented amount for
European  consumption, and this amount all the while
steadily  increasing, thus  turning  the  current of exchanges  in  our favor,-a  financial phenomenon  not
before witnessed in this country for many years. The
following table, showing  the exportations of domestic




AMONG THIE  REBELS.                       183
produce, principally breadstuffs, during the last five
years, will clearly demonstrate this point:In 1857 the exports were.............................. $61,803,235
In 1858       "............................. 53,949,703
In 1859       "............................. 5 9,929,531
In  1860      "..............................  95,4 8,296
In 1861       "..............................131,235,995
"III. Another most important circumstance in the
work  of preparing  the  nation was the short crop  in
Great Britain, France, and generally throughout Europe, during  the years 1859, 1860, 1861, and 1862,their lean years being exactly our most abundant ones.
Thus, an unexpected and unheard-of increase in the
demand for breadstuffs from this country sprang up
just at the moment when war was involving  us in  extraordinary expenses, and when we had overflowing
granaries to meet the timely demand.
"IV. In consequence of this happy concurrence of
events, several millions of gold came back from Europe
in exchange for breadstuffs and provisions in a single
week, at the very commencement of our struggle; and
this process went on for several months or nearly a
year, by which our financial means were greatly increased, and  our Government and  people encouraged
and sustained, while the conspirators were correspondingly depressed and disheartened. The truth of this
will more readily appear from the following tables,
showing the movement of specie and bullion between
this and foreign countries during the last five years:In 1857 we exported................................... $44,360,174
In 1858      ".................................... 26,001,431
In 1859      ".....................................  69,715,886
In 1860      "...................................   42,191,171
In 1861      "....................................  4,236,250
In 1857 we imported.................................. $12,461,799
In 1858'".................................... 19,274,496
In 1.859.....................................   7,434,789
In 1860      "....................................   8,550,135
In 1861      "....................................  44,439,859




184           BRLOWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
"The  cotton exported to Great Britain, in  1860,
amounted to the enormous sum  of two hundred and
seventy millions of dollars; and yet, notwithstanding
no cotton went forward in 1861, and the supply was
thus suddenly and unexpectedly cut off, a kind Providence had so ordered events that our breadstuffs and
provisions came in at that particular juncture to serve
as a medium of exchange and to prevent any sudden
and overwhelming revulsion in trade."
In a review of the battles lost and won in this war,
it is plain to be seen which army has the approbation
of Providence.  I herewith give the dates and localities of these battles; and I collect them from official
sources.  The reader cannot but be struck with the
contrast, in the successes and defeats of the respective
armies:Union Victories, 1861.
June 3-Philippa.
June 18-Booneville.
July 11-Defeat of Pegram by Rosecrans.
July 13-Carrick's Ford, (death of Garnett, Rebel.)
August 29-Hatteras forts.
September 11-Rout of Floyd, Gauley Bridge.
October 5-Second defeat of Rebels at Hatteras.
October 9-Santa Rosa Island.
October 12-Repulse at Southwest Pass.
October 21-Jeff Thompson defeated at Fredericktown.
" " —Zollicoffer repulsed at Camp Wild Cat.
October 24-Charge of Fremont's Guard at Springfield, Mo.
October 25-Romney, (Kelley wounded.)
November 7-Port Royal.
December 13 —Camp Alleghany, Virginia.
December 18-1600 Rebels captured by Pope in Missouri.
December 20-Drainesville.




AMONG THE REBELS.                   185
1862.
Second Rebel repulse at Santa Rosa.
Humphrey Marshall's rout.
Capture of Rebel batteries in South Carolina.
Mill Spring, (Zollicoffer killed.)
Fort Henry.
Roanoke Island, 2500 prisoners taken.
Fort Donelson, 13,000 prisoners taken, besides the killed and
wounded.
Island No. 10.
Pittsburg Landing.
Pea Ridge, Arkansas.
Camden, North Carolina.
Canby's, at Galeto, N.M.
Rebel Victories, 1861.
April 13-Sumter.
June 10-Big Bethel.
July 21-Bull Run.
August 9-Wilson's Creek.
September 22-Lexington.
October 21-Massacre of Bali's Bluff.
November 7-Belmont.
1862, NONE.
Union victories, 29; Secession victories, 7; ratio,
four to one,-against a people one of whose troops can
whip five of the enemy, and against a people and
army who  have the  Lord  on their side!  In  their
future prayers, they should pray to be saved from
their friends and  be allowed to  take care of their
enemies!
The following-named cities and towns have, with
the  Lord's permission, been  taken  from  the Secessionists by the Federalists, since the commencement of
the present year, 1862, to MAay 7:16 —




186              BIROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Elizabeth City, N.C.         Paintville, Ky.
Edenton, N.C.                Nashville, Tenn.
Winton, N.C.                 Clarksville, Tenn.
Bowling Green, Ky.           Columbia, Tenn.
Dover, Tenn.                 Savannah, Tenn.
Fayetteville, Ark.           Brunswick, Ga.
Bentonville, Ark.            Fernandina, Fla.
Martinsburg, Va.             San Augustine, Fla.
Leetown, Va.                 Jacksonville, Fla.
Lovettsville, Va.            Manassas, Va.
Smithfield, Va.              Centerville, Va.
Bolivar, Va.                 St. Marys, Ga.
Charlestown, Va.             Berryville, Ga.
Harper's Ferry, Va.          Winchester, Va.
Big Bethel, Va.              Occoquan, Va.
Paris, Tenn.                 Windsor, Va.
Huttonsville, Va.            New Madrid, Mo.
Florence, Ala.               Point Pleasant, Mo.
Cedar Keys, Fla.             Hickman, Ky.
Springfield, Mo.             Newbern, N.C.
Eastport, Miss.              Beaufort, N.C.
Columbus, Ky.                Morehead City, N.C.
Leesburg, Va.                Nashville, Tenn.
New Orleans, La.             Baton Rouge, La.
Huntsville, Ala.             Decatur, Ala.
Stevenson, Ala.              Florence, Ala.
Tuscumbia, Ala.              Yorktown, Va.
Fredericksburg, Va.          Williamsburg, Va.
The following Rebel forts and fortifications have also
been captured since the 1st of January to May 7, 1862:
Fort Johnson, Va.            Fort Warren, Fla.
Fort Beauregard, Va.         Fort Macon, N.C.
Fort Evans, Va.              Columbus fortifications, Ky.
Pig's Point Battery, Va.     Bowling Green fortifications, Ky.
Shipping Point Battery, Va.   Mill Spring fortifications, Ky.
Cockpit Point Batteries, Va.  Roanoke Island Batteries.
Fort Clinch, Fla.            Elizabeth City Batteries, N.C.
Fort Henry, Tenn.            Fortifications at St. Simons, Ga.
Fort Donelson, Tenn.         Fortifications at Manassas.
Fort St. Mark, Fla.          Batteries at Acquia Creek, Va.
Fort St. Philip.             Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, Ga.
Fort Jackson.                Rigolette.
Fort Pike.
Do the clergymen who play at this game of Secession
brag call this backing up one's friends?   Besides the




AMONG THE REBELS.              187
cities and towns, forts and fortifications, named, quite a
number of forts on the Neuse River have been captured. The Federal reverses have been in New
Mexico alone, where the Secessionists have occupied
three or four evacuated military towns and posts, of no
sort of importance, unless resorted to by a retreating
foe, as they will be when these rebels take to flight!
There is now in the South a mass of corruption that
would poison the atmosphere of Paradise, were it to
come in contact with it. Even in Richmond, their seat
of Government, if their own papers may be credited, the
most abominable wickedness prevails. Drunkenness,
swindling, fighting, Sabbath-breaking, and gambling
are the order of the day. The correspondent of the
Nashville Union and American, writing from Richmond, says of the gambling-" hells" in that city:"Richmond ought to be called Farobankopolis, so
numerous are its gambling-'hells,' especially in the
region of the Exchange; t-Iotel, where the stranger may
see on one side of the street a fashionable first-class
establishment which towers to the skies, and on the
other may enter a dozen dens of the vilest description,
known to the'fancy' as'sweat-cloth dead-falls.' The
extent to which the game is carried in Virginia is awful
in the extreme. Men born and reared in the first circles
of society may be seen dealing faro; and it is mentioned
as a curious circumstance that nearly every one of the




188         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
great faro-dealers, whose palatial houses and magnificent entertainments made them a national reputation in
the late Union, were born in the counties of Campbell
and Halifax in this State. The'leading houses' from
New York to New Orleans, and at all the wateringplaces, are owned and' run' by Virginians. All classes
and conditions of society frequent them. It is said that
one of the most brilliant men in the State has lost a
fortune of $200,000 at faro; and the names might be
given of many talented young men who started in life
under the best possible auspices, but died behind a farotable, or are now wrecked and literally eaten by their
mania for this enticing game."
What a picture of the morality of the seat of a Government having monopolized the affections and protecting
care of the Almighty! True, they have brought upon
the country, but recently in prosperity and happiness,
the complicated miseries of war, with all its guilt, its
outrages against Heaven, against all truth, honesty,
justice, goodness,-nay, against all the principles of
social happiness; but, then, they find an apology in the
alleged fact that the Lord is on their side! With an irreligious Cabinet at Richmond, and a regiment of whiskeybloats in the field in command of their forces, the Federal party may well envy the privilege of these " Israelites
in whom there is no guile," and mourn that no land of
Canaan has been promised to them and their children!




AMONG THE REBELS.              189
In view of the profane swearing in the Rebel army,
and its almost universal prevalence among both officers
and privates, I subjoin an extract from the original
"General Order-Book" of General WASHINGTON, under
date of the 29th of July, 1799. It is from the pen of a
chieftain who evidently had the Lord on his side:" Many and pointed orders have been issued against
that unmeaning and abominable custom of swearing;
notwithstanding which, with much regret, the general
observes that it prevails, if po88ssible, more than ever.
His feelings are continually wounded by the oaths and
imprecations of the soldiers whenever he is in the hearing of them.  The name of that Being from whose
bountiful goodness we are permitted to exist and enjoy
the comforts of life, is incessantly imprecated and profaned in a manner as wanton as it is shocking. For the
sake, therefore, of religion, decency, and order, the general hopes and trusts that officers of every rank will use
their influence and authority to check a vice which is as
unprofitable as it is wicked and shameful.
" If officers would make it an invariable rule to reprimand-and, if that does not do, punish-soldiers for
offences of this kind, it could not fail of having the
desired effect."
I bring the charge of political preaching and praying
against the great body of clergymen in the South, irrespective of sects; and I have no hesitancy in saying, as
I now do, that the worst class of men who make tracks
upon Southern soil are Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist,
and Episcopal clergymen, and at the head of these for
mischief are the Southern Methodists. I mean to say
that there are honorable exceptions in all these churches;




190         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
but the moral mania of Secession has been almost universally prevalent among the members of the sacred
profession. A majority of the clergy have acted upon
the principle that the kingdom of their Divine Master
is "of this world;" and, as a consequence, too many of
them have embarked in fighting, lying, and drinking
mean whiskey. The influence and example of these
men in the South have ruined the Churches and severed
them into fragments, and it will take years of fasting
and prayer to heal the divisions in the Churches and to
reconstruct them.
But my object in this chapter is to demonstrate, by
facts and figures, that God is not on the side of this
rebellion, and that the evidence He affords of the part
He is acting goes to show that He is on the side of the
Federal Government. Look at the defeat and death of
the Rebel generals:"The Rebel generals have had a hard time of it
during the war. Garnett was killed at Carrick's Ford;
Burton and Bee were killed at Manassas; Zollicoffer
was killed at Fishing Creek; McCulloch, McIntosh, and
Slack were killed at Pea Ridge; A. Sidney Johnston
was killed at Pittsburg Landing; P. St. George Cocke
killed himself at Richmond; Tilghman was captured at
Fort Henry; Buckner was captured at Fort Donelson;
Bushrod Johnston was captured with Buckner, and,
violating his parole, escaped; Mackall, Gantt, and
Walker were taken at Island No. 10; Floyd and Pillow
are suspended in disgrace, for running away from Fort
Donelson; Twiggs, Fauntleroy, Jackson, and Bonham
resigned; Grayson died."




AMONG THE REBELS.                191
CHAPTER XIV.
SPEECH OF W. G. BROWNLOW, DELIVERED IN KNOXVILLE, IN OCTOBER,
1861, BEFORE THE LATE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, BEFORE THIE BELLAND-EVERETT CLUB-PROVES A CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT BY THE BRECKINRIDGE DEMOCRACY-CONCEDES THE ELECTION
OF LINCOLN, BUT DENIES THAT TO BE A SUFFICIENT CAUSE FOR DISSOLVING THE UNION-THE SPEAKER DECLARED FOR THE UNION AT
ALL HAZARDS-MY LAST INTERVIEW WITH JOHN BELL.
GENTLEMEN OF THE BELL-AND-EVERETT CLUB, AND
FELLOW-CITIZENS:THE Bible tells us, in reference to a high and holy
theme, that "' day unto day uttereth speech, and night
unto night showeth knowledge." This is emphatically
true in regard to the Presidential election. The developments of every day and night add strength to the
conviction that the Presidential contest has narrowed
down to a choice between John Bell and Abraham Lincoln. Breckinridge has been distanced at the start;
he let down the first heat, and it is the very madness
of folly to talk about electing him. The leaders of the
Democratic party who procured his nomination by a
rebellious faction at Baltimore, took that method of
accomplishing a long-cherished object,-the dissolution
of this Union and the "precipitating of the Cotton
State's into a revolution."




192         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Douglas, too, is out of the question-really not in the
race. He tmay carry a few of the Northwestern States,
and, I think, will do so; but his election is impossible.
His friends desire the defeat of Lincoln, first, because
he is a sectional candidate, as they say, running upon
the Nigger issue alone; and, next, because he holds the
position of a candidate for the Presidency by virtue of
the prominence given to him by Buchanan, Breckinridge, and the other members of the Cabinet, who ran
him against Douglas for the United States Senate, and
brought the whole patronage of the Government to
bear in his favor. Intelligent Douglas men see that
Bell is the only man who can now defeat Lincoln. They
see that Bell will carry nearly all the Southern States,
if the Breckinridge party are not bent upon the dissolution of the Union, and their conservatism and
devotion to the Union will finally lead them to the
support of Bell.
With these preliminary remarks I will proceed to
address you upon the subject, not of Mr. Bell's record,
but of the record of Breckinridge and Lane, and of the
merits of the party putting them forth as candidates.
I charge, first of all, that Buchanan's is the most
corrupt and profligate administration ever known to
this Government since its organization; nay, that ours
is the most corrupt Government in the civilized world,
and that this corruption and profligacy have grown up
under Democratic rule; for, with the exception of four




~~~~~~Ci~4:     — _ ----— ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 
~~~~~~~~~  --— ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ —-"....
NAM
Charles S. Douglas shot by the R~ebels while sitting at his window in Gay Street, ]Knoxville. (Page 2,78,)








AMONG THE REBELS.             193
years under Taylor and Fillmore, the Democrats have
had the control of the Government for the last twentyfour years.
In 1856, when out of power, Buchanan denounced
the expenditures of $40,000,000 under Fillmore as an
outrage, in an electioneering letter he put forth, and
said that an honest people ought not to submit to it.
In power, when clothed with authority to correct these
abuses, he expended double the amount; for in one year
after he was inaugurated he increased the public expenditures to $80,000,000. Here was economy with a
vengeance!  Nay, he found a surplus of $20,000,000
in the treasury, and not only used that for corrupt
purposes, but has borrowed until the outstanding public
debt is the rise of one hundred millions of dollars.
But, it may be inquired, what has all this to do with
the voting for or against Breckinridge and Lane?
MIuch, every way. Breckinridge is the tail-end of this
miserable administration, has been connected with its
Cabinet councils from the beginning, and is now its
pet candidate for the Presidency. Old Joe Lane has
stood upon the floor of the Senate for the last three
years and defended its villainous measures, however
xm.onstrous they have been. Both of these men if elected
will seek to hide its revolting deformities, if, indeed,
they do not carry out the same lying and thieving
policy. We need a change.' I am sick of seeing it
paraded in foreign journals that the President of the
it




194         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
United States is a thief and a liar. Mr. Buchanan has
been convicted of lying and of hiding for thieves, as
well as of advising them to steal from the Government,
by the sworn testimony of various men of his own party
before the Covode Committee.
As a general thing, the Breckinridge speakers pass
all this over as unworthy of notice. Whilthom, the
State Elector, does meet it, it is true, by charging that
John Bell and Judge Douglas voted for the appropriations, and thereby placed money within the reach of
Buchanan and his dishonest office-holders. This is a
defence with a vengeance!
But it will be said that these are mere assertions.
Let us, then, have the proof. Here it is; and it is high
Democratic authority, and will not be called in question:"When I first entered Congress, in 1843, the expenses of the Government were only thirty millions per
annum. The country had gone through the expensive
Mexican War, with sixty-three thousand soldiers in the
field, for thirty millions, and now, in time of peace, the
estimates are seventy-three millions!  He believed
forty millions an abundance for the national expense."
— orn. A. H. Stephens.
"This Government, sixty-nine years of age, scarcely
out of its swaddling-clothes, is making more corrupt
uses of money in proportion to the amount collected
from the people, as I honestly believe, than any other
Government on the habitable globe." —_on. Andrew
Johnson, of Tennessee.
" I think it not saying too much to declare that this
country has gone faster and further in ten years, in




AMONG THE REBELS.              195
extravagance, than most other countries have gone in
centuries."- General Shields.
"Before God, I believe this to be the most corrupt
Government on earth."' -Senator Toombs.
" From the by-ways and the highways of the Government the rottenness of corruption sends forth an insufferable stench! Why are the people so patient? Why
slumbers the indignation of the Democracy?" —oger
A. Pryor.
But, gentlemen, I object to Breckinridge on account
of his anti-slavery record; and, as a Southern man, I
would not vote for him even if John Bell were not a
candidate, and the race were between him and Lincoln!
I therefore ask of you the privilege of exhibiting his
record:Breckinridge on Intervention.
"The whole theory of Congressional intervention is
a LIBEL ON OUR INSTITUTIONS. "-Congressional Globe,
vol. xxix. p. 442.
John C. Breckinridge is the nominee of a party
claiming Congressional protection.
Breckinricdge's Idea of the Effect on the Country of the
_Passage of the IKansas Bill.
"No, sir! if we reject the bill, we open up the waters
of bitterness, which will be sealed again in time, but
not until these agitators shall have rioted a while in the
confusions of the country. We blow high the flames
to furnish habitations for these political salamanders
who can exist only in the fires of domestic strife. But
if it passes, the question will be removed FOREVER
from  the halls of Congress, and deposited with the
people, who can settle it in a manner answerable to




196         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
their own views of interest and happiness."- Congressional Globe, vol. xxix.
Breckinridge's Idea of the Object of the Kansas Bill.
"Then, sir, neither the purpose nor effect of the bill
is to legislate slavery into Nebraska and Kansas; but
its effect is to sweep away this vestige of CONGRESSIONAL
DICTATION on this subject, to allow the free citizens of
this Union to enter the common territory with the
Constitution and the bill alone in their hands, and to
REMIT THE DECISION OF THEIR RIGHTS UNDER BOTH TO
THE COURTS OF THE COUNTRY. — Congressional Globe,
vol. xxix.
Breckinridge on Slavery in Kansas.
"Among the many misrepresentations of the KansasNebraska Bill, perhaps none is more flagrant than the
charge that it proposes to legislate slavery into Kansas
and Nebraska. Sir, if the bill contained such a feature,
[T COULD NOT RECEIVE MY VOTE. The right to establish
involves the right to prohibit; and, denying both, I
would vote for neither."-Congressional Globe.
J. C. Breekinridge on the Kansas Bill.
"Did not the non-slave-holding States (generally)
insist that the true policy was the prohibition of slavery
in the Territories of the Union by act of Congress, and,
by consequence, insist upon applying this principle to
Utah and New Mexico?  Did not the slave-holding
States, on the contrary, PLANTING THEMSELVES ON THE
GROUND OF FEDERAL NON-INTERVENTION, RESIST THIS
POLICY, and, by consequence, its adoption and application to those Territories? And, after a long and fearful
struggle, did not the LATTER DOCTRINE PREVAIL?-and
was it not carried into law in the Utah and New Mexico
acts?  Did not the public, the press, conventions, and
State hail the result as a FINAL SETTL[;FNIENT, IN PRIN



AMONG THE REBELS.             197
CIPLE AND SUBSTANCE, OF THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY?"
-Congress3ional Globe, vol. xxix. p. 441.
If this is not sufficient to establish the anti-slavery
proclivities of Breckinridge, I will add a few brief
extracts from  his celebrated  Tippecanoe speech in
1856, delivered before ten thousand Free-Soilers, whose
votes he solicited for himself and Buchanan: —
"I AM CONNECTED WITH NO PARTY THAT HAS FOR ITS
OBJECT THE EXTENSION OF SLAVERY, nor with any to
prevent the people of a State or Territory from deciding
the question of its existence with them for themselves."
The speaker continued:
"I happened to be in Congress when the Nebraska
Bill passed, and gave it my voice and vote, and because
it did what it did,-viz.: it acknowledged THE RIGHT
OF THE PEOPLE OF THE TERRITORY TO SETTLE THE
QUESTION FOR THEMSELVES,-and not because I supposed
— what I do not now believe-that it legislated slavery
into the Territory. The Democratic party is not a proslavery party."
Now, the Southern wing of the Democratic party
indignantly rejected Douglas, seceded at Baltimore, and
nominated Breckinridge, because Douglas held the very
doctrines herein avowed by Breckinridge! That you
may see them in a still more ridiculous light, here is
the resolution adopted by the Douglas Democratic
State Convention of Illinois, declaring," Slavery, if it exists in a Territory, DOES NOT DERIVE
its validity from the Constitution of the United States,
but is a MERE MUNICIPAL INSTITUTION existing in such
Territory UNDER THE LAWS THIEREOF.".....




1.98        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
In 1850, while Breckinridge was a member of the
Kentucky Legislature, he declared, by resolution," Resolved, By the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, That the question of SLAVERY
in the TERRITORIES, being WHOLLY LOCAL and DOMESTIC,
belongs to the PEOPLE WHO INHABIT THEM."
Will some one of the Breckinridge speakers travelling
through this country, quoting garbled extracts from
Bell's record and misrepresenting that able and experienced statesman's legislative course, show a shade of
difference in the "squatter sovereignty" principles set
forth in these two resolutions? They both declare
slavery in the Territories to be local and only subject
to the laws thereof.
But "old Joe Lane," as he is familiarly called, holds
the same doctrine, and said, in one of his speeches,"The question of slavery is a most perplexing one,
and ought not to be agitated. We should leave it with
the States where it constitutionally exists, AND THE
PEOPLE OF THE TERRITORIES, TO PROHIBIT OR ESTABLISH,
AS TO THEM MAY SEEM RIGHT AND PROPER."
HIere, then, are two rank and straight-out squatters,
who have ozat-8quaicted Douglas, fi0kren up by these
Baltimore Disunionists and Seceders and run for the
Presidency and Vice-Presidency, and Douglas uncerenloniously thrust aside because he was a squatter.
Wtill some Breckinridge orator explain why it was
that Douglas was set aside for this heresy, and two




AMONG THE REBELS.              199
other gentlemen selected holding the same heresy and
hugging it closer? The answer will be, "Because
we wanted our rights under the Constitution." What
rights? The right to secede from the Union and form
a Southern Confederacy.  Of this right and this unholy purpose I shall have something to say before I
close.
I inquire again, why was Douglas rejected and
Breckinridge selected by the intense Southern wing of
the great harmonious? I have the true answer to this
question, given on the floor of the Senate on the 24th
of last May by a distinguished politician. I want you
to hear it, and when you hear it ask me who he was:"It is the fault of the Democratic party, in dodging
truth, in dodging principle, in dodging the Constitution itself, that has brought the trouble upon the
country and the party that is experienced to-day."
Who said that last May on the floor of the Senate,
and is thus reported in the Congressional Globe?  It
was " OLD JOE LANE;" and I am glad that he said it,
in lieu of some Opposition man; for the latter would
have been charged with abusing the Democratic party!
Well might Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, exclaim, in a public speech at Macon but the other day,"This whole Secession movement is without justification. It is not dignified by devotion to principle. It
is scarcely redeemed from the odiousness of faction.
Its highest attribute is that of sheer, naked, and ungenerous warfare against a great and distinguished




200           BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Democrat. Let its authors bear the responsibility and
reap the coming retribution. It will come when the
popular mind shall be awakened to its legitimate tendencies."
But I come now to the subject of Disunion. This is a
sore subject with the Breckinridge party, and they are
the more sensitive when it is named, and prone to denunciation when it is charged, because they know and
feet that they are justly liable to the charge. The
Breckinridge men are not all Disunionists, but all unsophisticated ]Diszunionists are Breckinridge men.  The
States that seceded from the regular Democratic Convention had expressed themselves as favorable to Disunion before the National Convention met even at
Charleston. In the debates at Charleston and Baltimore they showed that that was their cherished object.
Many of the leading men who supported Breckinridge, in different States, openly avow that they were
in favor of Disunion in the event of the election of
Lincoln, though he might be legally and constitutionally
elected  and by a majority of the American voters.
HIere are a few of their names:
-Ion. Jefferson Davis, of Miss.  Hon. Mr. Curry, of Ala.
Hon. L. M. Keitt, of S.C.   Hon. J. T. Morgan, of Ala.
lion. J. L. Orr, of S.C.    I-Ion. D. Hubbard, of Ala.
Hon. R. B. Rhett, of S.C.   Hon. Mr. Gartrell, of Ga.
Hon. Wim. L. Yancey, of Ala.   Hon. Mr. Crawford, of Ga.
G ov. J. J. Pettus, of Miss.  HIon. Mr. Bonham, of S.C.
Ex-Gov. McRea, of Miss.     Hon. Mr. Singleton, of Miss.
Gov. Perry, of Florida.     Hon. R. Davis, of Miss.
Ex-Gov. McWillie, of Miss.  Hon. R. A. Pryor, of Va.




AMONG TEIE REBELS.             201
Mr. Dejarnette, of Va.   Hon. H. S. Bennett, of Miss.
Hon. L. P. Walker, of Ala.    Gov. Gist, of S.C.
lon. Sydenham Moore, of Ala. Hon. Mr. Boyce, of S.C.
Hon. Mr. Pugh, of Ala.   Hon. A. Burt, of S.C.
Now, hear what two of these ardent Breckinridge
men have said:It will be remembered that Hon. Barnwell Rhett
said, "The Richmond Convention is not national:
a National Convention is one based on principles
common to all portions of the United States."  The
Hon. A. Burt said, "I have not an element of a
National Democrat in me. I was raised a Nullifier,
and should be recreant to principle if I were to. apostatize and find myself in the ranks of the National
Democracy."
Yancey's scheme for "precipitating" the Cotton
States into a revolution you are all familiar with.
Major Polk, Douglas Elector for the State at large,
is speaking with Haynes and Peyton, and at Fayetteville, August 31, stated that he was prepared to prove
by a telegraphic dispatch that B1reckinridge and Lane
were nominated by the Richmond Seceding Convention one hour before they were at Baltimore!  This
plot explains why the letter of the Richmond Disunion
Convention, notifying Breckinridge of his nomination,
was never published, though his letter of acceptance was.
The St. Louis Republican, good Democratic authority, positively asserts,



202         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
"The i upture at Charleston and Baltimore is seen to
have been a preconcerted part of the )Disunion progr'amme, concocted in the secret lodges of the Disunion
leagues; that the plot was deliberately hatched there
for the disruption of the only national party organization, as an essential preliminary to'precipitating the
Cotton States into a revolution,' and that by a division
of the Democrats in the North, and consequent election
of Lincoln, the Disunionists hoped to' fire the Southern
heart' to the work of overthrowing the Constitution
and the Union."
A recent issue of the Huntsville Democrat, a Breckinridge organ, edited by a brother of Senator Clay,
says,"If- we wait till our enemies get control of the power
of the Federal Government, as they have now of the
Northern State Governments, and have possession of
the purse and sword, the treasury, army, navy, then
we white men of the South who wield'the power of
slavery' will be'in the course of ultimate extinction.''The war of extermination'-as Douglas called the'irrepressible conflict'-predicted by Lincoln, already
declared, will then have been waged."
Hon. Eli S. Shorter, Breckinridge Elector in Alabama, recently said, in a speech in Pike county,-which
speech is reported in the States Rights Advocate,"He took the position boldly, that upon the election
of a Black Republican, upon a sectional platform and
by a sectional vote, he was for a dissolution of the
Union."
The Columbia Sou2th Ccarolinian, a Breckinridge
organ of recent date, says,



AMONG TIIE REBELS.            203
"The Republicans will push forward in their work
and elect their President, and, when too late to reflect
or retreat, will find themselves face to face with an indignant and outraged people, with the flag of revolztion
unfurled."
The Columbus (Ga.) Tines, a Breckinridge-Yancey
paper, thus unfurls the flag of Disunion:"We have not postponed the issue indefinitely. We
are not going to wait for an overt act of aggression
before resisting a Black Republican President. We
repeat, there is no issue of dissolution in the platform
of any party now before the country. We repeat that
when Lincoln is declared elected we shall appeal to the'people to redress their grievance.' We repeat all
that we have ever said that means resistance to Black
Republican rule, from first to last."
Hon. John Driver, of Russell county, Alabama, an
ardent Breckinridge man, and a member of the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions, says, in a published
card over his signature, July 23, 1860, in defence of a
dissolution of the Union, " To efeet this object, we, THIE
DISUNION PARTY, DISRUPTED THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION AT CHARLESTON, AND AT BALTIMORE INDUCED
OTHERS TO JOIN US BY OUR AGREEING TO SUJPPORT MEN
NOT ENTIRELY OF OUR SENTIMENTS!"
James D. Th1omas, the Breckinridge Elector for the
Knox district, said at Maynardsville, on the 28th ultimo,
that if the Judiciary, Legislative, and Executive Departments refuse protection to slave property, he and his
party were for secession. He said that thing, and I




204         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
presume he represents his party in Tennessee. Governor Harris is committed to the same odious and revolutionary doctrine.  So are all the Disunion leaders in
this State.
The Bell-and-Everett Elector in the State of Georgia,
Colonel S. C. Elam, has renounced the Union ticket,
and come out in a card for Breckinridge.  Colonel
Elam gives his reasons for the change; and I beg you
to hear those reasons.
He says that Breckinridge and Lane stand even a
slirnmer chance than Bell and Everett. Then w~hy
does Colonel Elam leave us? He says that his " controlling reason" is that "THE BRECKINRIDGE PARTY
IS PLEDGED TO DISSOLVE THE UNION IF LINCOLN IS
ELECTED, and that "BRECKINRIDGE'S RUNNING RENDERS LINCOLN'S ELECTION CERTAIN."  He thinks that
" Douglas might be elected if Brec/kinridge was out of
the way," but "Breckinridge couldn't beat Lincoln if
Douglas was out of the way."
So here is the whole game of the Yanceyites. Colonel Elcam has let the Disunion cat out of the bag.
The Breckinridge party is pledged to dissolve the Union
in a certain contingency,-the election of Lincoln.
To MAKE THAT CONTINGENCY CERTAIN, THEY ARE RUNNING ]BRECKINRIDGE.
Mr. Bell owns eighty-three slaves in his own right,
and his wife owns just an equal number,-malking in all
one hundred and sixty-six,-and still he is sneeringly




AMONG THIE REBELS.             205
pointed to as unsound on the Slavery question! Mr.
Douglas owns no slaves, and never did in his own
right, and is a Northern man; and he has an Electoral
ticket in almost all of the Southern States.  Mr. Breckinridge and family live in Lexington, and board at the
Phcenix Hotel, and he votes in that city, regarding it
as his home. For several years past he has returned no
property for taxation, either real or personal, as appears from the tax-book,-and for the best reason in the
world: he has none. He has a free colored woman as
a nurse, and this. is all the connection he has with
slavery; and yet he is the pro-Slavery candidate for the
Presidency, and is supported by the slave-code, slavetrade, and Disunion party, as the only man prepared
to do justice to the South upon the question of the
everlasting nigger!
Now, gentlemen and members of the club, I am
about through with the remarks I intended to submit
to you on this occasion. Candor requires me, as the
contest is rapidly drawing to a close, to admit that the
chances are that Mr. Lincoln will be elected. If so,
this entire BPreckinridge party in the South will go in
for a Southern Confederacy. If I am living, —and I
hope I may be,-I shall stand by the Union as long as
there are five States that adhere to it. I will say
more: I will go out of the Confederacy if the rebellious party sustain itself. Nay, I will say still more:
I will sustain Lincoln if lie will go to work to put down
1.8




206         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
the great Southern mob that leads off in such a
rebellion!
These are my sentiments, and these are my purposes; and I am no Abolitionist, but a Southern man.
I expect to stand by this Union, and battle to sustain
it, though Whiggery and Democracy, Slavery and Abolitionism, Southern rights and Northern wrongs, are
all blown to the devil! I will never join in the outcry against the American Union in order to build up
a corrupt Democratic party in the South, and to create
offices in a new Government for an unprincipled pack
of broken-down politicians, who have justly rendered
themselves odious by'stealing the public money. I
may stand alone in the South; but I believe thousands
and tens of thousands will stand by me, and, if need
be, perish with me in the same cause.
I will conclude, fellow-citizens, by reading the following document, which ought to be published once a
year in every newspaper in America, and read out as
often from every pulpit in the land, that the real people
may see who signed it, and what they pledged themselves to stand by:"The undersigned, members of the Thirty-First Congress of the United States, believing that a renewal of
sectional controversy upon the subject of slavery would
be both dangerous to the Union and destructive of its
objects, and seeing no mode by which such controversy
can be avoided except by a strict adherence to the settlement thereof effected by the Compromise acts passed




AMONG THE REBELS.              207
at the last session of Congress, do hereby declare their
intention to maintain the said settlement inviolate, and
to resist all attempts to repeal or alter the acts aforesaid, unless by the general consent of the friends of the
measure, and to remedy such evils, if any, as time and
experience may develop.
"And for the purpose of making this resolution effective, they further declare that they will not support
for office of President or Vice-President, or of Senator
or of Representative in Congress, or as member of a
State ILegislature, any man, of whatever party, who is
not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal, in any form, of
agitation upon the subject of slavery.
"Henry Clay,               H. A. Bullard,
Howell Cobb,              C. H. Williams,
C. S. Morehead,           T. S. Haymond,
William Duer,             J. Phillips Phcenix,
Robert L. Rose,           A. H. Sheppard,
H. S. Foot,               A. M. Schermerhorn,
William C. Dawson,        David Breck,
James Brooks,             John R. Thurman,
Thomas J. Rusk,           James L. Johnson,
Alexander H. Stephens,    D. A. Bokee,
Jeremiah Clemens,         J. B. Thompson,
Robert Tooinbs,           George R. Andrews,
James Cooper,             J. NM. Anderson,
M. P. Gentry,             W. P. Mangum,
Thomas G. Pratt,          John B. Kerr,
Henry W. Hilliard,        Jeremiah Morton,
William M. Gwin,          J. P. Caldwell,
F. E. McLean,             R. I. Bowie,
Samuel Eliot,             Edmund Deberry,
A. G. Watkins,            E. C. Cabell,
David Outlaw,             Humphrey Marshall,
Alexander Evans,          Allen F. Owen."




208          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
My Last Interview with John Bell.
It will be seen from the foregoing speech that I was
the zealous advocate of the Bell-and-Everett ticket in
the late Presidential election.  As the United States
were then classed with England, France, and Russia
as one of the four leading Powers of the age, so these
two men were particularly referred to, on all occasions,
and in all these countries, as ranking among the most
illustrious and orthodox of American statesmen. There
had scarcely been a debate in the American Congresn,
for thirty years, on any of the great and exciting topics
of the day, in reference to which the country did nlot
feel anxious to know where these two illustrious men
stood.
For Colonel Bell I had battled faithfully for a quarter
of a century, and adhered to his fortunes through evil
find good report. Nay, I called a son after him, who is
now in his twenty-second year. Imagine, then, my pain
and mortification on being separated from Colonel Bell,
who deserted the mild sway of the Federal Union he
had so long and so ably defended, leaving the noble
Everett and my humble self to battle on beneath the
folds of the Star-Spangled Banner, as the only sacred
shield of a common nationality!
After Colonel Bell went over to his old enemies and
the enemies of his country, he performed a pilgrimage
to Knoxville, with a view to cause the Union scales to
l'~ll from the eyes of his old fiiends. He got out a




AMONG THE REBELS.              209
poster announcing a speech in the court-house. He
sought an interview with a dozen of us, and he obtained
that interview in Colonel Temple's law-office. He there
made his weak argument, intended to convince us all
of the error of our ways. It fell to my lot to make the
Union reply; and I performed the task with great pain,
but with great plainness of speech and fixedness of purpose. I told him that we would not only refuse to turn
Secessionists, but that we must decline going to hear
any man advocate the iniquitous cause of Secession, or
who would associate with the vile men we found him in
the company of, and who were prompting him to convert us from the error of our ways. We parted in
tears, and have never met since. And if we never meet
again to renew old friendships until we meet upon a
Secession platform, we shall fix the period of our meetmg to a period
"Which kings and prophets waited for,
And sought, but never found."
18*




210          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XV.
EAST TENNESSEE-POPULATION-FACE OF THE COUNTRY-CLIHATE,
SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS-RIVERS AND MINERALS-KNOXVILLE, DESCRIPTION TI-IEREOF-THE  "REGISTER"n NEWSPAPER AND ITS DEGRADE]) EDITOR-RAILROADS AND APPROACHES TO EAST TENNESSEE
-DESCRIPTION OF CUMBERLAND GAP-VOTING OUT OF THE UNIONEAST TENNESSEE LOYAL TO THE LAST!
EAST TENNESSEE —aS loyal to this Government as any
State in the Union-is composed of thirty large counties,
and is really as separate and distinct from  Middle and
West Tennessee as any of the adjoining States are.  It
is a valley three hundred miles in length, and varying
in width from fifty to seventy-five miles. It is separated
from Kentucky, on the north, by the range of mountains known as Cumberland Mountains, extending westward and southwestward, and lying between the great
valley of East Tennessee and the Cumberland River,
one of the largest affluents-the Tennessee excepted-of
the Ohio, rising among the mountains in the southeast
portion of Kentucky. The Cumberland range of mountains belongs to the Appalaclhian chain, and extends the
whole length of the great valley of East Tennessee.
Over this range of mountains, through its dense groves
and interminable laurel-thickets, the persecuted and oppressed Union men of East Tennessee have forced their




AMONG THE REBELS.              211
way, travelling after night and lying up in daytime, witlh
a view of joining the Federal army, until they are now
(May, 1862) organizing the Sixth Tennessee Reyimneut,
determined to fight back to their homes and families.
On the south, East Tennessee is separated from North
Catrolina and Georgia by the Chilbowee and Iron Mountains, and by the Alleghany Mountains, extending in a
continuous chain from Virginia to Georgia and Alabaua. This range of mountains forms a dividing-line
between Eastern and Western Virginia, and makes East
Tennessee and Southwestern Virginia one country, identical in interest, as they are one in soil, climate, and
productions.
The population of East Tennessee partakes of the same
parentage as that of Kentucky, the original settlers
having been mostly from North Carolina and Virginia;
and they are second to no people for manly frankness of character, courage, and loyalty to the Federal
Government.  There are fewer slaves in East Tennessee
than in any other portion of the State of equal extent;
and, as a general thing, the people are very much upon
an equality as to their possessions.
The face of the country in East Tennessee is very
agreeably diversified with mountain, hill, and- plain,
containing within its limits much fertility of soil, great
beauty of scenery, and a delightfully temperate climate.
The hills are wooded to their tops with every variety of
timber, whilst on all the small rivers and large creeks




212          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
there are embosomed delightful and fertile valleys of
farming-lands, in a high state of cultivation.  Many of
the uplands are very level, and others, generally undulating, are very productive. I have resided there for
more than thirty years, and have explored every one of
the thirty counties. And if there lives a man, old or
young, in East Tennessee who is more extensively acquainted with the inhabitants than I am, I have never
made his acquaintance.
The climate of East Tennessee is mild. Considerable
snow sometimes falls in the winter, which, however, is
generally short, and does not allow of snow lying on the
ground long. During the winter of 1861-2 there was
but one light snow, and up to the timne of my leaving (3d
of March) there had not been a formation of ice to the
thickness of half an inch! The summers are free from
the intense heat of the Gulf States, and, as a consequence, many families come from the South to spend
the summers at the valuable mineral springs, which are
found in great abundance; and many of them are handsomely improved.
East Tennessee is not a cotton-growing country, but
is favorable alone to grazing; and great numbers of livestock-horses, mules, cattle, hogs, and sheep-are exported from thence to the Atlantic States. Indian corn
and wheat are the great staples. Besides these, rye,
oats, buckwheat, potatoes, (sweet and Irish,) wool, flax,
and hay, are produced in great abundance. Apples and




AMONG THE REBELS.              213
peaches, pears and plums, grow to great perfection.
Maple-sugar is made of a fine quality, also superior
butter and cheese. It is, in one word, the Switzerland
of America; and I do not intend to be driven out of it
by the more-than-savage beasts who now have it in
possession.
The Holston River courses through the entire valley
of East Tennessee, and is navigable for steamboats nine
months in the year. Its tributaries above Knoxville
are Pigeon, French  Broad, Chucky, and Watauga
Rivers.  Below Knoxville, it receives Little River,
Clinch, Hiawassee, and Tennessee, and at the confluence
of this last stream  loses its name, and is called the
Tennessee River until its junction with the Ohio,-a
distance of about seven hundred miles.
Gold has been found in considerable quantities, but
the most abundant metallic minerals are iron, copper,
zinc, and lead.  Of the earthy minerals, coal of a
superior quality is abundant in all the counties bordering on the Cumberland Mountains.  There are also
gypsum of a fine quality, beautiful varieties of marble,
nitre, slate, and salt. The abundance of accessible ironore, bituminous coal, and water-power is beginning to
attract the attention of capitalists. A railroad is in a
forward state of construction, extending from Knoxville
to the coal and iron banks at the foot of the Cumberlannd Mountains, and intended to connect with Kenttla(ly (andl Cincinnati.  Thirty miles of this road al'e




214          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
graded, and a portion of the track is laid; and, but for
this war and the blockade, it would have been in use to
the foot of the mountain.
Knoxville, a flourishing city, the capital of Knox
county, the great metropolis of East Tennessee, was
the first seat of the State Government, where Governor
Blount resided. It is beautifully situated, upon a succession of hills, on the right bank of Holston River,
four miles below its confluence with the French Broad,
two hundred and sixty miles from Nashville by railroad, and two hundred by the old stage-road. The
town was laid out in 1794.  It contains the State
Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb, and is the seat of the
University of East Tennessee, an institution chartered
in 1807. It has a population of some six thousand,
exhibits an aspect of increasing prosperity, and manufactures of various kinds are springing up in its vicinity.
It has seven churches, and quite a number of stores,
some of them very fine. It has three banks, and at
present but one newspaper, and that a vile Secession
journal, edited by a scoundrel, debauchee, and coward
named Sperry, selected by a more unprincipled set of
men than he is himself, because of his adaptation to the
dirty work he is employed to do. He has really been
choked down and flogged by as many as four or five
different men of his own party. I seldom bestowed a
notice upon him or his paper through my columns.




AMONG THE REBELS.              215
On the 31st of August I did publish the following
notice of him:Sperry's Troubles Increasing.
The troubles of this poor devil, who conducts the Begister, are multiplying on all hands, presenting a combination of shades and colors that no landscape or fresco
painter, milliner or French costumer, can imitate. The
fellow thinks himself badly treated by men of prominence from this and other States, visiting here, and not
calling on him, while they visit the editor of the Whig.
He complains that it is treating the Secessionists badly,
and that it is an effort to get the Whig to supplant his
miserable sheet. We wish to relieve his mind by assuring him that we are not a competitor of his. His
paper is in nobody's way; it has but a limited circulation, and no character for any thing but lying,-whilst
it is understood that its editor is a man of bad morals,
bad associations, and the tool of the worst class of
men in Knoxville.  Indeed, the Secessionists speak
in terms of unqualified disapprobation of his course,
and regret that they have not a decent paper, in which
the public can place confidence. Even the army-officers,
or a portion of them, and the intelligent privates, denounce it for its tone and spirit in seeking to stir up
strife whilst they are laboring to promote peace.
Decent men coming to the city avoid, rather than
seek, the society and counsels of such a man. They here
realize what Shakspeare meant when he called on "black




216         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
spirits and white, blue spirits and gray, to mingle, ye
that mingle may." They at once see that the degraded
tool who fathers the slang prepared for him by men
too cowardly to write over their own signatures is no
associate for them. The fellow has even sunk below
contempt, and in a career of six brief months gone
into hateful obscurity. If he will take our advice, we
will bring him into notice. Let him head a company
of town-boys and small negroes,-put on a saffroncolored shirt, a yellow vest, straw-colored cap, a longtailed coat figured and variegated generally with red,
white, blue, black, green, yellow, orange, pink, cream,
and straw, and many others unknown to Anudubon's
Ornithology or to Joseph's coat of many colors. Let
him draw on a sash, belted, laced, and covered with
buttons of brass, pewter, and lead. Let his pants be a
deep red, with large iron knee-buckles, and long boots
made of sheepskin, tanned with the wool on, and worn
outside.  Let him  wear large wooden spurs, and a
large tin sword. He must add to this an ornamental
Turkish neck-tie, with a large gilt tassel hanging
down in the centre, and some old negro's large brass
breastpin. Let him wear a pair of green spectacles
to hide his bad countenance, and style his company
"Young America."
The Federal Government owes it to the loyal people
of East Tennessee to send an army there and libe



\\:X, A,               v.                                         
i':~~~~~~~~~~~ -:,/.:4 
B M,,
iii~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~!..'I..
Itcbert 13~w.o~l~fl. 4lruinl —- Commissioner who committed Parson Brownlow to prison. (Page 295,)








AMONG THE REBELS.               217
rate that oppressed and down-trodden population. If it
shall never accomplish any thing more, it ought at least,
and at any cost of money and blood, to do that much.
I  Chave confidence in the Government doing this thing,
and at no very distant day. When this is done, I desire to return to my family and former field of labor,
and again edit and publish my paper.
It is the interest of the Government to take possession of that important field.  The Rebel authorities have slaughtered several hundred thousand hog3
there, and have a corresponding  number of beefcattle pickled up, and a quantity of wheat and flour on
hand.  The East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad extends from Knoxville to Chattanooga and Dalton, a dis-.
tance of one hundred and thirty miles, andcl connects withl
Augusta, Montgomery, Memphis, and Nashville. Going
east from Knoxville, the railroad extends to Lynchburg,
and connects with Manassas, Richmond, Petersburg, and
Norfolk; and from the beginning of this infamous rebellion this great line of railroad gave nIew il petus to the
Rebel movements, pouring a stream  of'!'wession firce
into Virginia from the Cotton States.  Indeed, it has
been a matter of surprise that our armey did not march
upon East Tennessee long ago, capture Knoxville, and
ta'ke possession of that great railroad. It was certainily
owin__ to bad gene.ralship in Kentucky, as tl ore are
several gaps through which the approaoch could be
made.  The Pound Gap is one, about a handred miles
19




218          BiROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
east of Knoxville, and about opposite to Bristol, on
the line between Virginia and Tennessee.  Another
gap is the one at Jim Town, about eighty miles
northwest of EKnoxville, and near where the celebrated
battle of Fishing Creek was fought. After the fall of
General Zollicoffer, and the disgraceful run made by
the Rebel troops, one regiment of Federal troops could
have taken and held Knoxville.  And so certain were
the Secession leaders that it would be done, that many
of them packed up their effects and fled into Georgia.
Cumberland Gap-a very remarkable formation —is
only sixty-five miles northeast of Knoxville, and only
about forty miles from this great railroad. The mountain-range trends to the south, the road through the
gap running nearly east-and-west.  On the left of the
road, looking from the Tennessee side, is a very high
mountain- -I should say, more than two thousand feet
above the plain,-terminiating very abruptly at the gap,
which is simply a depression, say about one thousand
feet lower than thie extreme high point.  On the right
of the gap the mountain rises about two hundred feet}
and trends southeast, nearly four or five miles.
When I left home, the 3d of March, there were seven
thousand troops there, under the command of Colonel
Raines; and they, as I am informed, have been reinforced, and are under the command of General E.
Kirby Smith, late from the Potomac.  But the Rebel]s
stationed there all the fall and winter were undisciplined




AM:ONG THE RE3EBLS.            219
troops, and poorly armed with such squirrel-guns and
shot-guns as were taken from the Union men. Their
cannon are small, not equalling, by any means, those
used by the Federal army. The position could be made
very strong, but it is by no means impregnable, with
men forced into the Rebel service from the Union ranks
and unwilling to fight against the Stars and Stripes.
The men living round about there, and for many
miles up and down the valley, are on the side of
the Union, and would flockl to the standard of the
Federal army as soon as they would appear in force.
The Federal army will cross there this spring or summer, and I shall not be at all surprised if the Rebels
evacuate the place and fall back upon Knoxville.
in that event, a stand and fight will be made at
Knoxville.
When East Tennessee came to vote herself out of the
TJnion, she showed her loyalty and did herself honor.
The election was first held in February, under the proclamation of the Governor, and all voters were to write
on their tickets Convention or No Convention, and if the
Convention carried, the delegates chosen at the same
time would assemble. For No Convention there were
70,000 votes cast as against 50,000, and but three
Secessionists elected in the State.
The following is the vote of glorious EAST TFNNESSEE:



220                  I3ROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Convention.       No Convention.
Anderson....................  137               1077
Bledsoe..............................  190                   630
Blount......................  450               1552
Bradley..............................  242                 1443
Campbell...................    71                 870
Carter.................................    55              1055
Claiborne...........................    35                1030
Cocke........................    192                       1332
Granger..........................  158                1675
Greene................................  357        2648
lIamiiton.............................  445                1445
1tancocl.......................  100            746
Hawkins..............................   422                1338
Jefferson..............................  250            1999
Johnson..................................
Knox..................................  394                3167
MIarion...........................  108                      751,i cMiu..............................  439                 1457
M5ii;..................................    338              323
MIonroe (in part).............  685                     1014
N.l1olgfin........................................
Polk....................................  117      1112
1h,.-..................................  79              573
Reom-e.........................    67                1595
kS,    )t............................. 29             85,cout...... 29   385
Sequatchie............................    50                 200
Sevier.................................  69                1243
Sullivan............................. 11l80                  734
Washington..........................  891                  1353
7550               34,000
Failing to call an election of delegates to Nashville
by the people, and failing to get a Convention sanctioned, the Governor called an extra session of the
Idegislature; and that body, in violation of the expressed
will of the peo-ple, declared  an  ordinance  of seFparation
on the 6th of M'ay, submitting the questions of' spara



AMONG THE REBELS.                        221
tion from  the Federal Government and of representation  in the Richmond Congress to be voted onl by the
people  on the 8th day  of June.   By  rushing  Rebel
bayonets into East Tennessee from  the Cotton States,
and by intimidating thousands and running rough-shod
over others, the State was forced out of the Union, when
a majority  of her people were  utterly  averse to  any
such  separation.   Frauds  were  perpetrated  at the
ballot-box, timid men were kept from  the  polls, and
thousands were allowed to vote who had no right to do
so under the laws and Constitution of the State.
The vote of East Tennessee, on going out, was as
follows:
The Vote on the 8th of June.
(Official.)
EAST TENNESSEE.
Sep.      Rep.     No Sep.    No Rep.
Anderson...............   97    97       1278       1278
Bledsoe............ 197        186        500        455
Blount.................  418   414       1766       1768
Bradley............. 507       505       1382       1380
Campbell.............   59      60       1000       1000
Carter.................   86    86       1343       1343
Claiborne............. 250     246       1243       1247
Cocke................... 518   517       1185       1185
Granger................  586    582       1492       1489
Greene.................  744   738       2691       2702
Hamilton.............   854    837       1260       1271
Hancock............. 279       278        630        630
Hawkins......... 908           886       1460       1463
Jefferson.............  603    597       1987       1990
Johnson...............  111    111        787         786
19*




222             BROWNLOTW'S EXPERIENCES
Sep.     SRep.      No Sep.    No Rep.
Knox.................. 1226   1214       3196       3201
Marion................. 414    413        600        601
Meigs.................. 481    478        267        268
McMinn............... 904      892       1144       1152
Monroe............... 1096    1089        774        775
Morgan...............  50       50        630        632
Polk.................... 738  731         317        319
Rhea..................  360    336        202        217
Roane.................. 454    436       1568       1580
Scott...................  19    19        521        521
Sequatchie............ 153     151        100        100
Sevier...............   60      60      1528       1528
Sullivan............... 1586  1576       627         637
Washington......... 1022      1016       1445       1444
For separation and representation at Richmond, East
Tennessee gave 14,700 votes; and half of that number
were Rebel troops, having no authority under the Constitution  to vote at any election.   For no  seJparation
and no representation,-the straight-out Union vote,East Tennessee gave 33,000, or 18,300 of a majority,
with at least 5000 quiet citizens deterred from coming
out by threats of violence, and by the presence of
drunken troops at the polls to insult them.
To aid in forcing the State out, the votes of pretended
Tennesseeans were taken at the different military camps
in and out of the State.  Indeed, Governor Harris, in
his proclamation on the 24th  of June, records the following votes as official, and  counts them  on the side
of Secession:



AMONG THE REBELS.                                  223
VOTE IN CAMIPS.
Camp Davis............................................  506
Camp De Soto..................................    15
Camp Duncan.........................................    111
Camp Jackson........................................  62
Fort Harris............................................   159
Fort Pickens..........................................  737
Fort Wright........................................  3500
Harper's Ferry......................................    575
Hermitage Camp.....................................   16
Vote in camps........................................ 6241
By such fraud and villainy as this, the great State of
Tennessee was carried out of the Union. The loyal
people of East Tennessee, to their great honor, had no
lot or part in the work.  The Union men of the State
are now in the majority, and will have the State back
or die in  the  last ditch!




224          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XVI.
Candidate for Governor.
ON Saturday, the 23d of March, 1861, I issued thousands of copies of a circular declaring myself a candidate for the office of Governor of Tennessee. I give
this document to the world, because it vindicates my
consistency as a Union man, and because its doctrines
will do to stand by.
I afterwards withdrew from the contest in favor of
William H. Polk, a Middle-Tennesseean, who I supposed
would have more strength in West Tennessee and be
more likely to defeat Secession:To the People of Tennessee.
FELLOW-CITIZENS:-As there seems to be a tardiness on the part of aspiring men in the State to declare themselves candidates for the office of Governor
at the ensuing August election, and as the people seem
a little slow in moving in that direction, I take this
method of informing you that I am a candidate for the
office. I come before you upon my own responsibility,
without solicitations from, or consultations with, the
POLITICIANS of the State. To them I do not look for




AMONG THE REBELS.              225
"aid and comfort," as they are aware that they can
never control me, if in office, or use me to promote the
objects of selfish cliques or factions. I look to the
lnbought and unterrified PEOPLE of the State to elect
me, and as I purpose, if elected, to serve them and
their interests only, I desire to be elected by their suffrages and influence.  I have confidence in the real
people of the State, and will bow to their decision as
expressed through the ballot-box, without one word of'
complaint though that decision may be against me.  I
should despise myself if I could resort to any of the
tricks of the demagogue to secure the votes of the
honest yeomanry of the country, —such as arraying the
poor against the rich, boasting of my humble origin,
claiming my right to be elected upon sectional grounds
or upon local issues, advocating a reduction of the
salaries of public officers, and otherwise appealing to
the passions and prejudices of the people.  But I may
be allowed to say that I have no wealth to make me
prominent among the "upper tens."  I have no long
train of influential relatives to urge my claims. Losing
my parents when a small boy, and being left witllout
means, I went to the trade of the hozLse-carpegbter, and,
after acquiring a knowledge of the "profession," I
worked for wages long enough to enable me to acquire
an " old field-school English education," adding to my
store of knowledge in after-years as best I could.
Whilst I do not think I ought to be supported because




226          BROWNLOW'  EXPERIENCES
of these things, I do not think that any class of my
fellow-countrymen ought to vote against me on this
account. I ask for the votes of the people of Tennessee for the high and responsible office of Governor,
only on account of the political principles I claim to
represent. These I will, in brief, lay before the public,
concealing nothing that ought to be made known.
1. It may be proper for me, as briefly as possible, to
point out the circumstances which existed when this
Confederacy and Constitution were formed. There exists
now no question, political or otherwise, that did not
then exist; and hence what is alleged to be the cause of
the present attempt at the dissolution of this Government is a sheer fabrication, founded upon political chicanery, despotism, folly, and personal ambition. When
the Constitution of the United States was formed, and
was sought to be ratified by the various States which
then composed the colonies, afterwards called the United
States of America, there existed precisely the same
elements, and many more subjects of diverse opinion
and controversy than now. These were, first, the despotism and tyranny of monarchical power, that refused
to grant to the colonies their just rights, for which in
1776 these united colonies waged successful war against
Great Britain.  Afterwards, for the purpose of mutuil
protection against invasion, it was deemed advisable to
form a Confecleracy,-that Confederacy to represent
the people of the United States, and not, as is con



AMONG THE REBELS.              227
tended by Secessionists, the " Sovereign States of America."   Our fathers, declaring  their independence,
threw off the oppression of the mother-country, and
summed up their grievances as "TAXATION WITHOUT
REPRESENTATION." 2We have again in our midst a
bogus form of Government, forced upon the Cotton
States by an organized band of revolutionists, whose
very foundation is that of "taxation without representation."
2. In consequence of diversity of climate, interests,
and population, it was necessary to have certain sectional lines.  Those lines already existed to a certain
extent; and therefore it was deemed advisable to retain
them, to prevent confusion.  But the Constitution was
formed by the people to govern the people, and no single
individual State was called upon, as a separate "sovereignty," to sign or ratify that Constitution, but the
representatives of each State were called upon to ratify
it for the people of that State.  Therefore it was that
not in one, nor two, but many years of debate and controversy, as well as of amendments and substitutes, the
Constitution was adopted and ratified by all the States
of the then existing Union.  No State, therefore, belonging to the compact, has a right to withdraw without consulting with the other members.  Originally,
the States coming in were obliged to consult their seetional interests; they were obliged to call in question
the various political and social differences then existing;




228          BROW'NLOW S EXPERIENCES
they were obliged to question peculiar rights, to touch
upon delicate points that then, more than now, bore
upon the interests, welfare, and prosperity of the Union.
And all who are at all acquainted with the history of
our Government know that the hobby then is the bone
of contention now among politicians; that it constitutedl not a sectional or State policy, strictly speaking,
but a NATIONAL FACT; that it was considered and reconsidered; that concession after concession, plan after
plan, was sought for, in order to prevent any future
difficulty upon this eternal question of African slavery.
I take occasion to assert that the question has not
changed its relation to the General Government since
then, and that, while the people of the North, then
possessing slavery, desired that it should be abolished,
the South clearly and distinctly understood that it was to
continue here.  Therefore it was made a constitutional
fact that slavery should exist in every State of the
Union, if the _people of each State should so decide;
and if the people of one or more States decided that it
was against their interests to hold slaves, slavery should
be abolished, —where not abolished, it should be protected and sustained under the Constitution. And it
is known to every political historian that the patriots
who formed the Constitution agreed in secret sessionz,
deliberating upon the welfare of the nation, that it was
important to prevent any future disquiet or discussion
upon the Slavery question, and that therefore it should




AMONG THE REBELS.              229
be left as a matter of purely sectional interest, with
which the General Government has nothing to do and
for which it would not be responsible, save that it would
protect the interests of all the States choosing to adhere
to slavery.
3. It was the sworn duty of James Buchanan to suppress this rebellion when it first appeared, and before
it grew up into its present gigantic proportions. Instead of doing his duty, he actually sat in converse
with the TRAITORS engaged in the TREASON, received
them  into his presence, held counsel with them, and
treated them with deference, instead of issuing an
order for their arrest. He even consulted his AttorneyGeneral as to the constitutionality of what was going
on. An American President asks if it is constitutional
to suppress rebellion or treason,-if it is constitutional
to hang a traitor,-when the very spirit as well as the
letter of the Constitution is death to all treason! What
I advocate is this: that our Government execute its
laws.  If a million of lives are sacrificed, the other
twenty-nine millions will have the benefits of freedom.
And to the people of Tennessee I would say, in the
name of your Constitution, in the name of your country,
in the name of your forefathers, in the name of your
children, your honors, your free institutions, I conjure
you, give no ear to that insidious voice of treason which
says peaceable secession will put an end to our troubles.
In the same breath, I would say to the people of the
20




230         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
North, repeal those acts which are wrong and unconstitutional. The nation requires it; your Government
requires it; children unborn, who are to represent you
in the future, urge it; all your future welfare and
glory among men require it; and the dictates of your
holy religion require it.
4. I stand where I did in the late Presidential contest, and never can stand anywhere else; that is to say,
upon the platform of the "UNION, THE CONSTITUTION,
AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAWS."  I do not
believe that the election of Lincoln affords any sort
of pretext for dissolving this Union; I deny the right
of secession; I regard the States that have gone out
of the Union as guilty of TREASON; and I view the
leaders of the Secession party as TRAITORS. If elected
Governor, I would refuse to convene the Legislature or
take any step that would advance the cause of Secession,
and treat them as men guilty of breaches of good faith
and' common honesty.
5. I endorse the Inaugural Address of Lincoln, and
I commend it for its temperance and conservatism and
for its firm nationality of sentiment. From it I infer
that we shall have no war unless it be forced upon the
country by the Seceding States. If Lincoln should
attempt to inaugurate oppressive and unconstitutional
measures, and Congress shall sanction or adopt these
measures, either in reference to the Slavery question or
any other subject, we of the South should await the




AMONG THE REBELS.             231
decision of the Supreme Court, and if the Executive,
Legislative, and Judicial departments of the Government all sanction such iniquitous measures and unite
in attempts to carry them out, then, and in that case,
I would advocate resistance " at all hazards and to the
last extremity."  But, until this is apparent, it is the
duty of this patriotic State to stand firm, and not entangle herself with the extremes of either the North
or South, and to act upon the sound maxim that Disunion is not a remedy for any wrongs whatever.
6. The leaders in this movement to dissolve this
Union, the great citadel of our liberties, and the depository of the hopes of the human race, will go down to
their graves without any halo of glory surrounding
their brows, while on their heads will be gathered the
hissing curses of all generations, horrible as the forkedtongued snakes of Medusa. Their ghosts will stand on
the highest and blackest eminence of infamy, the detestation of mankind. Having met a traitor's death,
they will each and all fill a traitor's grave, over which
there will be no requiem but the groans of the oppressed and the execrations of the good. Their monuments will be of human bones upon foundations slippery
with human blood. However high may have been
their elevation in office, their fall will be like that of
Lucifer. And whilst from  their bad eminence they
shall turn from beholding the glories of that Constitution and Union against which they rebelled in the year




232 UIROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
of grace 1861, to survey the barren waste, the boundless and bottomless pits, of Secession, they will exclaim,
like Lucifer, their " illustrious predecessor,"" Farewell, happy fields! where joy forever dwells!
Hail, horrors! hail, infernal world! and thou,
Profoundest hell! receive thy new possessor!"
7. I claim to have had no lot or part in bringing
upon the country the terrible crisis that is now upon
us. The late Chief Magistrate, James Buchanan, was
inaugurated into office under auspices of general peace
and prosperity, —strong in the confidence of a mighty,
united, and triumphant Democracy. Possessed of every
aid and inducement to an honest, a patriotic, a brilliant,
and a vigorous and successful administration of the
Government, he has retired from power amid general
execration and disgrace, carrying into his retirement
the official brand of public condemnation upon his forehead, and leaving to history, as the only.trophies of
his administration, the national treasury depleted, the
country loaded with an incubus of debt, that great
national and conservative party, to whose generous and
confiding suffrages he owes all his fortunes, demoralized
ad dismembered, the perpetuity of the republic a
doubtful and an appalling problem, and his own name
a by-word of infamy and derision throughout the
civilized world. And in this State the men are in
power, wielding its patronage, who travelled all over
the State defending this corrupt Administration after




AMONG THE REBELS.            233
the proof of its infamy was before the world, both
clear and unquestionable.
The policy of the new Administration is not yet fully
developed. Taking the nomination of that great and
good man, Mr. Crittenden, to the Supreme Court as an
example, it has manifested thus far only conservative
tendencies, and it has afforded proof that it does not
seek to abolitionize the Judiciary. It would be more
reasonable, more prudent, and infinitely safer for the
people of the South patiently to await the developments
of the policy of the new Administration, than to fly
from the ills they have to others that they know not of,
and which are already creating so much discontent in
the new Confederacy. That I may be fully understood,
I repeat that I am for the Union as it came to us from
our fathers,-the most glorious legacy of modern times.
I believe it ought to be preserved. It should be maintained by peaceable means, —and this can be done; but
if the property belonging to the General Government
and now in its possession, and costing the common
people of all the States millions of dollars, cannot be
held except by force and against the assaults of the
Rebels going out of the Union, I say, boldly, let the
gates of the temple of Janus open; let a national blow
be given which will resound-like the shouts of
Michael's host hurling treason over the ramparts of
heaven-through all the avenues of unrecorded time.
8. I protest against a surrender of the navigation of
20*




234          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
the Mississippi River, and would not, if elected to the
office of Governor, agree to relinquish the right Tennessee has to the free navigation of that great "inland
sea," if even the General Government should basely
surrender its rights and the rights of the several
Western and Northwestern States.  Nor am I willing to recognize the act of Secession on the part of
Florida, Louisiana, and Texas in any other light than
that of dishonesty and treason, meriting the scorn and
contempt of the civilized world.  I say this because
of the vast amount of money paid by our Government,
to say nothing of the sacrifice of human life, for the
exclusive benefit of these three States.  Louisiana,
(purchased of France,) $15,000,000; interest paid,
$8,385,353; Florida, (purchased of Spain,) $5,000,000;
interest paid, $1,430,000; Texas, (boundary,) $10,000,000; Texas, (for indemnity,) $10,000,000; Texas, (for
creditors, last Congress,) $7,750,000; Indian expenses
of all kinds, $5,000,000; to purchase navy, pay troops,
$5,000,000; all other expenditures, $3,000,000; Mexican War, $217,175,575; soldiers' pensions and bountylands, $100,000,000; Florida War, $100,000,000;
soldiers' pensions, $7,000,000; to remove Indians,
$5,000,000; paid by treaty for New Mexico, $15,000,000; paid to extinguish Indian titles, $100,000,000;
Daid to Georgia, $3,082,000; total cost, $617,822,928.
Ought these three rebellious States to be tolerated
in their mad schemes of plunder and treason, after cost



AMONG THE REBELS.              235
ing the people of the other States six hundred and
eighteen millions of dollars?  I say, No; and, as the
Executive of this State, I could never do an act that
would in the remotest degree tolerate this wholesale
robbery.
9. The President of the new Confederacy has confined
his Cabinet appointments to the old Democratic party,
-appointing none but Breckinridge Disunionists, although the Bell and Douglas men were a majority in
some of their States. The provisional Government is,
therefore, a revival of corrupt Southern Democracy,
and is a lawless mob banded together for the purpose
of perpetuating that exploded, hateful, and God-forsaken organization. It is not a government of the
people, and it will not long be tolerated by the people.
The people, who ought to be the source of power, have
been refused the privilege of passing upon any one of
their ordinances of Secession, and now they are to be
refused the privilege of passing upon their Constitution.
I would sooner go into the worst form of European
monarchy than into this bogus Confederacy. And if
elected Governor of this State, I will oppose, to the
bitter end, any fellowship with such Confederacy by the
State of Tennessee.
10. I take the ground steadfastly to support the
General Government in the exercise of every constitutional power, to enforce the execution of the Federal
laws, and to sustain in all their integrity the Constitu



236         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
tion and the Union. In other words, I do not propose
to sit quietly by and peacefully surrender our country,
ourselves, our children, our peace and happiness, to the
wicked schemes of treason. We hear much said about
"coercing" a State, and about the tramp of hostile
armies to conquer and subdue a State Government.
Coercion of a State is an adroit form of expression,
coined in the school of Secession to give dignity to
treason. The American Constitution nowhere contemplates such a thing as war upon a State, either by the
General Government or by a foreign Power. If a foreign
nation attack or invade any State of the Union, it is
not, in the theory of the Constitution or of international
law, an act of war upon the State, but upon our General
Government. Nor does the Constitution, operating as
it does only upon individuals, recognize such a thing
as war against the Government by a State, or an association of States. It treats resistance to its authority
as rebellion, and those who join in such resistance as a
MOB; and when any number of its own citizens band
together for treasonable purposes, and levy war upon
the General Government, it holds them individually
responsible, and hangs them as traitors to this country.
The founders of the Government avowed that it afforded
the needful physical means to execute its powers. History gives us memorable examples of the use of those
means for their purpose.
I repeat that the word "coercion" is one in very com



AMONG TiE REBELS.             237
moen use in these days, and it is very offensive to all
advocates of Disunion. Like many other catch-words,
it serves a purpose. Any thing looking to the enforcement of the laws, or the preservation of the public
property in seceded States, or States about to secede,
is called coercion, and the honest and confiding people
are warned against it as a fearful despotism!  This
trick, like every thing else, will, in some quarters, serve
its purpose. I deny the right of any State or number
of States to secede, and I insist upon it that the seceded
States, one and all, are constitutionally as much in the
Union as they were six months ago. While laws exist
in reference to them, it is the duty of the Government
to enforce them. If this cannot or ought not to be done,
why, let them be repealed. This the public good and
the national honor alike require. A State cannot be
coerced, but individuals in it can, and ought to be, who
violate the laws and plot treason.
And although I look upon the withdrawal of the
troops from Fort Sumter as an act of humiliation on
the part of the Government, I approve the act, under
all the circumstances which surround us, and I consider that it removes all danger of civil war. It is a
master-stroke of policy, and by it the rabid Disunionists have been disarmed, and deprived of all their
thunder,-leaving them nothing to cavil at, nothing
to attack, nothing over which they can pretend to get
in a passion. While this evacuation of Fort Sumter




238         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
removes all danger of immediate collision, it will disabuse the minds of deluded Southerners as to the alleged aggressive character of the Administration, and
will do more than all that has been proposed towards
suppressing Disunion, and recalling the masses of our
countrymen in the South to their sober senses, and to
their rightful allegiance to the Union and the Constitution, and the Stars and Stripes by which they are
represented. Every man, woman, and child, in every
locality of our once happy land, should devoutly labor
for the peaceful solution of our unfortunate political
difficulties. With peace, we may anticipate happiness
and plenty; with war, crime, poverty, wretchedness,
weeping, lamentation, and sorrow all over the land.
11. As it regards State policy, I am the advocate
of establishing a branch of the penitentiary in the
Western District, and another in East Tennessee. The
cost of building to the State would be saved in twentyfive years in the single item of conveying the convicts
to prison. Besides this, it would open up a cash-market to the citizens in each end of the State for provisions to sustain, and raw material to keep, the convicts employed in manufacturing,- such as lumber,
marble, iron, leather, &c. This would furnish employment, and cash wages, to quite a number of mechanics
in each division of our State; and, as there are several
salaried offices in each, it would distribute the patronage of the State in her three natural divisions.




AMONG THE REBELS.              239
12. The Governor has the control of a heavy patronage in the railroads and banks of the State; and this
is all now in the hands of Secessionists, who must be
swept from  office, or the public interests will suffer,
and the State treasury will bleed at every pore, as it
has been doing in several of the banks! It would be
my duty, if elected, to turn these men out; and I
would take the greatest pleasure in removing them.
Neither the bank of the State, nor any of its dozen
branches, are under the control of farmers, mechanics,
and laboring-men; but they are, each and all, controlled by political partisan leaders, county-court lawyers, and street-loafers.  If I am  elected, the iniquitous reign of these pampered bank-officers and
recipients of bank-favors is at an end!
The condition of the Bank of Tennessee and branches,
officially set forth at Nashville on the 1st instant,
shows that they have bills and notes in suit amounting to $822,224 12. Here is a million of the people's
money squandered; and this showing does not include
what the politicians and partisans have, upon which,
from considerations of favoritism, no suits have been
instituted! The same showing sets forth that they
hold in real estate $246,863 58.  This must prove
a ruinous loss to the people. They show of notes discounted $2,497,829 90. This is in the hands of one
party, as a general thing.
In most of these branch banks, men have been re



240          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
fused discounts, when they have presented well-endorsed paper, on account of their politics, although
the State has recently declared against the politics 0o
these same bank-officers by a majority of SEVENTY
THOUSAND VOTES! Thus the banks of the people are
used against their owners by a mere faction who have
them in charge.  The Secessionists also have the arms
of the State in their possession, distributed by the
present Governor.
The Disunionists of Tennessee ought to, and I suppose
will, long remember the ever-memorable 9th of February, 1861.  On that day the freemen of the State
were called upon to vote for and against a Convention,
for and against Disunion. The vote stood thus, in
eighty-one counties in the State:No Convention........................................ 69,675
Convention.................................... 57,798
Majority against Convention................. 11,877
This was a decided vote against the first step of the
Disunionists to drag Tennessee into a detestable Confederacy, and out from under the protection of the
Stars and Stripes. But when the people came to elect
delegates, the Disunionists received a majority in only
four counties, the vote footing up thus:Union.I...........................888.............. 88,803
Disunion............................................. 24,749




AMONG THE REBELS.              241
Thus the Union party received a majority, after a
thorough canvass, of 64,054 in the State, with six
other counties to hear from, which will increase the
majority to 70,000. Never was such a victory achieved
in any State! Ought afaction, therefore, representing
twenty-five thousand out of one hundred and twenty
thousand votes polled, to hold the offices of the State
and control her patronage, when that faction is seeking
to destroy the Government?  I say, most emphatically,
No! And if the people think proper to elect me, I
will see that they cease to control the patronage of the
State.
13. I am frank to confess that I desire the position
on account of its honor, and as a means of rebuking
my numerous Southern calumniators, who are unrelenting ihn their abusive war upon me because of my
Union sentiments and of my opposition to their treason.
I shall, of course, if elected, hope to serve the interests
of the people of the whole State, irrespective of parties.
But, not being rich, I would like to fill the office for
two years, for the sake of the THREE THOUSAND DOLLARS PER ANNUM. Candor requires these avowals.
14. If voted for, and elected, it must be done without my canvassing the State, or speaking to the people
otherwise than through a circular. Though my general health is good, and constantly improving, I have
suffered for two years past from bronchitis, or a disease of the throat, rendering it impossible for me to
21




!242        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
speak loud enough to be heard ten steps. Now that I
am able to speak in moderation for one hour, I dare
not do this more than once in a week; and I would
fear to do even this many weeks in succession. The
people of the State know me, and they know my politics. I have edited a WHIG paper in East Tennessee
for the last twenty-two years. I still edit that paper,
and it circulates in every county in the State, and
there can really be no necessity for my canvassing.
The demand made upon the standard-bearer in this
State, for the last quarter of a century, of all parties,
to canvass the whole State, at an outlay of several
hundred dollars, and an amount of labor and fatigue
ruinous to the constitution, has caused many of our
best men to decline the position of candidate for Governor, and to remain in private life. The present is a
suitable-time to abandon the practice of stumping the
State; and I propose to lead the way in this reform.
If any candidate, of any party, running in opposition
to me, shall think proper to arraign me upon personalities, and to denounce me in my absence, and attribute my declining to canvass the State to cowardice, I
will make one appointment to meet him at some prominent point, and, from the same stand, meet his assaults with personalities and denunciations, publish
my speech to the world, distribute it over'the State,
and let the people settle the dispute as to personal
courage.




AMONG THE REBELS.             243
15. If the real people, who constitute the great
Union party in the State, shall prefer some other candidate to me, and shall make that fact known by a
distinct and legitimate expression of their will, uninfluenced by leaders and wire-workers, I will not be
the man to disturb the harmony of the Union organization: I will at once fall into line, and enter most
heartily into the support of their choice,-provided,
always, that the standard-bearer avows substantially
the doctrines I have herein enunciated. A time-serving
man, and a trimmer, cannot get my support, though he
run as the representative of the principles of the great
Union party and succeed in obtaining the nomination
by a State Convention. The progressive exigencies of
our country imperatively demand of a man aspiring
to an office of such honor and trust, that he show his
hand in unmistakable terms!
In this I do not mean to dictate to the party or
their candidate their political creed, or to set up my
standard as one of political perfection. I simply mean
to say that a candidate falling short in the political
articles of faith I enunciate cannot receive my vote;
though, if nominated, I will not make war upon him,
or give him any factious opposition. And this circular, in lieu of the hastily-sketched address I put forth
last week, is the PLATFORM upon which I propose to
run this race; and if I have not clearly defined my




244         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
position, it is because I am not capable of expressing
my opinions.
16. From the press of the State I ask that courtesy
and consideration which it is accustomed to extend to
new candidates for popular favor, —that of copying this
circular entire; each paper reserving to itself the universally conceded right to condemn each and every
part. Such papers as do not think proper to yield so
much of their space to my service will do me the
simple act of justice not to give garbled extracts and
in that way misrepresent my sentiments.
I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully, &c.,
W. G. BROw~NLOW.
March 23, 1861.




AMONG THE REBELS:246'
CHAPTER XVII.
EXHORTING THE SECESSION LEADERS TO VOLUNTEER-GOVERNOR HARRIS CALLS FOR THIRTY THOUSAND VOLUNTEERS-THE BRAVE SECESSIONISTS TRY TO ENLIST UNION MEN-TAKE OFFENCE AT OUR
IRONICAL ARTICLES, AND STOP OUR PUBLICATION-OUR FAREWELL
ADDRESS TO OUR PATRONS.
THE Secession leaders in East Tennessee refusing to
turn out as soldiers, or to let their sons turn out, I
called upon them through my paper, and tauntingly
and ironically called upon them to volunteer. These
articles, short and to the point, exasperated them, and
they had my paper suppressed immediately thereafter.
I give these articles now entire, believing they will
prove both refreshing and instructive:To Arms! To Arms! Ye Brave!!
Come, Tennesseeans! ye who are the advocates of
Southern rights, for separation and for Disunion, —ye
who have lost your rights, and feel willing to uphold
the glorious flag of the South in opposition to the Hessians arrayed under the despot Lincoln,-come to your
country's rescue! Our gallant Governor, who led off
in this State in the praiseworthy object of breaking up
the old rickety Government in the hands of the Black
Republicans, calls for thirty thousand volunteers, in
21



246         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
addition to the fifty-five thousand already in the field.
Shall we have them? If they do not volunteer, we
shall have our State disgraced by a draft, and then we
must go under compulsion. Come, gentlemen! Many
of you have promised that "when it becomes necessary" you will turn out. That time has come, and the
necessity is upon us. Let us show our faith by our
works. We have talked long and loud about fighting
the Union-shriekers and the Vandal hordes under the
despot Lincoln. Now we have an opening. Some of
us have even said we were willing for our sons to turn
out and fight Union men. We have a chance at a
terrible array of Unionists in Kentucky: let us volunteer, and General Sidney Johnston will either lead us
on to victory, or something else! Come, ye braves,
turn out, and let the world see that you are in earnest
in making war upon the enemies of the South! Many
of you have made big speeches in favor of the war;
not a few of you have sought to sell the army supplies; and thousands of you are willing to stoop to
fill the offices for the salaries they pay, and you have
been so patriotic as to try to get your sons and other
relations into offices. Some of you have hired yourselves out as spies, under-strappers, and tools in the
glorious cause, at two to four dollars per day. Come,
now, enter the ranks, as there is more honor in serving
as a private. Come, gentlemen, do come, we insist,
and enter the army as volunteers. You will feel bad




AMONG THE REBELS.             247
when drafted, and pointed out as one who had to be
drive7 into the service of your country!  Let these
Union traitors submit to the draft, but let us who are
true Southern men volunteer. Any of us are willing to
be judges, attorneys, clerks, Senators, Congressmen, and
camp-followers for pay, when out of danger; but who
of us are willing to shoulder our knapsacks and muskets and meet the Hessians? Come, gentlemen: the
eyes of the people are upon you, and they want to see
if you will pitch in. This is a good opening!
Knoxville Whig, Oct. 12, 1861.
Who will Volunteer?
We hope that our Secession neighbors will not become vexed at us for urging them to the discharge of a
most serious obligation. The Governor of their choice,
who has led the way in precipitating this State into
rebellion, has called for an addition of thirty thousand
volunteers. The men who ought to lead the way, who
have been most noisy in the defence of a Southern Confederacy and of a war for independence, stand back,
refuse to move a peg, and even allow those who have
entered the army to come from the field of battle, where
their services are actually needed, to raise companies.
This is a shame! We have not less than a half-dozen
gentlemen in this town, besides some in the county,
who are willing to serve as members of the Confederate
Congress; but not one of them proposes to raise a




248         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
company or regiment, or even to serve as a private in
the grand army of the South, struggling for independence! These men, moreover, are in comfortable circumstances, and could leave their families enough to
live on. Not so with the poor laborers and mechanics
they are urging to turn out. Their wives and children
during a hard winter would be obliged to suffer.
We have several citizens who have actually been
appointed to offices by the Confederate Governmentsay four of them-in this town, civil offices, that pay
good salaries. Now, if these will lay aside their
offices and enter the army, we shall in all time to
come give them credit for a proper amount of patriotism. Let them undergo the privations of camp-life
and the dangers and exposures of the battle-field, and,
our word for it, the people of all parties will say they
are in earnest. What do you say, gentlemen, —you
who hold offices, and you who are seeking offices?
Let the strife and struggle for the accumulation of
fortunes and posts of honor subside until this war is
brought to an end. Let us show our "faith by our
works;" let us moderate our desires to make money
and to fill positions of honor removed from all danger,
and contribute to the general weal by the example of
entering the service. Our ostentatious display of large
subscriptions to the cause will make no lasting impression in our favor, as long as we refuse to submit to
personal exposures where armies meet.




AMONG THE REBELS.             249
Come, gentlemen; we must insist upon your entering
the service, and upon your doing it now. Hundreds
are standing off to see if you will make good your
promise to turn out "whenever it became necessary."
It is necessary now, and the call is made from headquarters. If your section is not more prompt, not a
single regiment will be made up under this last call,
and a draft will be resorted to, which the whole South
will regard as a disgrace to the "Volunteer State."
Knoxville Whig, Oct. 19, 1861.
Closing the Knoxville Whig.
This issue of the Whig must necessarily be the last
for some time to come: I am unable to say how long.
The Confederate authorities have determined upon my
arrest, and I am to be indicted before the Grand Jury
of the Confederate Court, which commenced its session
in Nashville on Monday last. I would have awaited
the indictment and arrest before announcing the remarkable event to the world, but, as I only publish a
weekly paper, my hurried removal to Nashville would
deprive me of the privilege of saying to my subscribers
what is alike due to myself and them. I have the fact
of my indictment and consequent arrest having been
agreed upon for this week, from distinguished citizens,
legislators, and lawyers at Nashville, of both parties.
Gentlemen of high positions, and members of the
Secession party, say that the indictment will be made




260         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
because of "some treasonable articles in late numbers
of the Whig."  I have reproduced those two "treasonable articles" on the first page of this issue, that the
unbiased people of the country may "read, mark, learn,
and inwardly digest" the treason. They relate to the
culpable remissness of these Knoxville leaders in failing
to volunteer in the cause of the Confederacy.
According to the usages of the court, as heretofore
established, I presume I could go free, by taking the
oath these authorities are administering to other Union
men; but my settled purpose is not to do any such
thing. I can doubtless be allowed my personal liberty,
by entering into bonds to keep the peace and to demean
myself toward the leaders of Secession in Knoxville,
who have been seeking to have me assassinated all
summer and fall, as they desire me to do; for this is
really the import of the thing, and one of the leading
objects sought to be attained. Although I could give
a bond for my good behavior, for one hundred thousand
dollars, signed by fifty as good men as the county
affords, I shall obstinately refuse to do even that; and
if such a bond be drawn up and signed by others, I will
render it null and void by refusing to sign it. In default of both, I expect to go to jail, and I am ready to
start upon one moment's warning.  Not only so, but
there I am prepared to lie in solitary confinement
until I waste away because of imprisonment or die
from old age. Stimulated by a consciousness of inno



AMONG THE REBELS.             251.
cent uprightness, I will submit to imprisonment for
life, or die at the end of a rope, before I will make any
humiliating concession to any power on earth!
I have committed no offence. I have not shouldered
arms against the Confederate Government, or the State,
or -encouraged others to do so. I have discouraged
rebellion, publicly and privately. I have not assumed
a hostile attitude toward the civil or military authorities
of this new Government. But I have committed grave,
and, I really fear, unpardonable offences. I have refused
to make war upon the Government of the United States;
I have refused to publish to the world false and exaggerated accounts of the several engagements had between the contending armies; I have refused to write
out and publish false versions of the origin of this war,
and of the breaking up of the best Government the
world ever knew; and all this I will continue to do, if
it cost me my life. Nay, when I agree to do such
things, may a righteous God palsy my right arm, and
may the earth open and close in upon me forever!
The real object of my arrest and contemplated imprisonment is to dry up, break down, silence, and destroy
the last and only Union paper left in the eleven seceded
States, and thereby to keep from the people of East
Tennessee the facts which are daily transpiring in the
country. After the Hon. Jeff Davis had stated in Richmond, in a conversation relative to my paper, that he
would- not live in a Government that did not tolerate




252         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
freedom of the press,-after the judges, attorneys, jurors;
and all others filling positions of honor or trust under
the "permanent Constitution," which guarantees freedon of the press, —and after the entire press of the
South had come down in their thunder tones upon the
Federal Government for suppressing the Louisville
Courier and the New York JDay-Book, and other
Secession journals,-I did expect the utmost liberty to
be allowed to one small sheet, whose errors could be
combated by the entire Southern press!  It is not
enough that my paper has been denied a circulation
through the ordinary channels of conveyance in the
country, but it must be discontinued altogether, or its
editor must write and select only such articles as meet
the approval of a pack of scoundrels in Knoxville, when
their superiors in all the qualities that adorn human
nature are in the penitentiary of our State! And this
is the boasted liberty of the press in the Southern Confederacy!
I shall in no degree feel humbled by being cast into
prison, whenever it is the will and pleasure of this
august Government to put me there; but, on the contrary, I shall feel proud of my confinement. I shall go
to jail-as John Rodgers went to the stake-for my
principles.  I shall go, because I have failed to recognize the hand of God in the work of breaking up the
American Government, and the inauguration of the
most wicked, cruel, unnatural, and uncalled-for war








_ ~          ~           ~';-I` KY'\c
~~~~  I ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
DitrctAtoue  I CRmsy th  mnwh sor  utth  wrrn fr hearet f aro  Bowio)drmmd u
of Zollicoffer's camp (Page 302.




AMONG THE REBELS.              253.
ever recorded in history. I go, because I have refused
to laud to the skies the acts of tyranny, usurpation,
and oppression inflicted upon the people of East Tennessee for their devotion to the Constitution and laws
of the Government handed -down to them by their
fathers, and the liberties secured to them by a war of
seven long years of gloom, poverty, and trial! I repeat,
I am proud of my position and of my principles, and
shall leave them to my children as a legacy far more
valuable than a princely fortune, had I the latter to
bestow!
With me life has lost some of its energy: having
passed six annual posts on the western slope of half a
century, something of the fire of youth is exhausted;
but I stand forth with the eloquence and energy of right
to sustain and stimulate me in the maintenance of my
principles. I am encouraged to firmness when I look
back to the fate of Him "whose power was righteousness," while the infuriated mob cried out, "Crucify him!
crucify him!"
I owe to my numerous list of subscribers the filling
out of their respective terms for which they have made
advance payments, and, if circumstances ever place it
in my power to discharge these obligations, I will do it
most certainly. But if I am denied the liberty of doing
so, they must regard their small losses as so many contributions to the cause in which I have fallen. I feel
that I can with confidence rely upon the magnanimity
22




254         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
and forbearance of my patrons under this state of things.
They will bear me witness that I have held out as long
as I am allowed to, and that I have yielded to a military despotism that I could not avert the horrors of or
successfully oppose.
I will only say, in conclusion,-for I am not allowed
the privilege to write,-that the people of this country
have been unaccustomed to such wrongs; they can yet
scarcely realize them. They are astounded for the timebeing with the quick succession of outrages that have
come upon them, and they stand horror-stricken, like
men expecting ruin and annihilation. I may not live to
see the day, but thousands of my readers will, when the
people of this once prosperous country will see that they
are marching by "double-quick time" from freedom to
bondage. They will then look these wanton outrages
upon right and liberty full in the face, and my prediction is that they will "stir the stones of Rome
to rise and mutiny." Wrongs less wanton and outrageous precipitated the French Revolution. Citizens
cast into dungeons without charges of crime against
them, and without the formalities of a trial by jury;
private property confiscated at the beck of those in
power; the press humbled, muzzled, and suppressed, or
prostituted to serve the ends of tyranny!  The crimes
of Louis XVI. fell short of all this, and yet he lost his
head! The people of this country, down-trodden and
oppressed, still have the resolution of their illustrious




AMONG THE REBELS.              255
forefathers, who asserted their rights at Lexington and
Bunker Hill!
Exchanging, with proud satisfaction, the editorial
chair and the sweet endearments of home for a cell in
the prison or the lot of an exile,
I have the honor to be, &c.,
WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW,
Editor of the Knoxville Whig.
Knoxville Whig, Oct. 24, 1861.




256          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XVIII.
GENERAL ZOLLICOFFER' S CORRESPONDENCE-HIGHLY IMPORTANT REVELATIONS MADE BY THE REBEL LEADERS-UNION FEELING IN EAST
TENNESSEE-THE PEOPLE OF EAST TENNESSEE TO BE CRUSHED OUT.
A LARGE mass of correspondence was found in General
Zollicoffer's camp after his army was routed and his
head-quarters were captured, portions of which contain
important admissions as to the prevalence and extent
of the Union feeling in East Tennessee. I have found
this correspondence since I came North, and I desire
to have it preserved in a permanent form, and to see
that it gets back into East Tennessee, that the Union
men there, and their children after them, may see the
signatures, and hold the guilty and murderous authors
in everlasting remembrance!
I am  sorry to find in this correspondence letters
from General Zollicoffer breathing the spirit that his do,
and giving the advice he did. It only proves that
when the disease of Secession takes hold of a man,
he is at once given over to hardness of heart and
reprobacy of mind!  From  the turn-coat Methodist
Hopkins, the pious Presbyterian elder C. Wallace,




AMONG THIE REBELS. e          257
and the Parson Colonel Wood, I was prepared to hear
all that they have said. These men are the regular
descendants of the families of Baron MZ-unchausen,.Lemuel Gulliver, and Captain Riley, and rank among
the first families in " Dixie," combining all the marvellous faculties of their ancestry. The dark tide, turbid
as the waves of hell, that has engulfed and swept over
every thing South for the last twelve months, looms
up in this rich and racy correspondence; and none
need wonder that it should have carried with it a
venal press and a debauched and time-serving pulpit.
When preachers, elders, and class-leaders write out
such letters and dispatches and engage in such work,
what could we expect but that the watchmen on the
walls of Zion would turn active traitors, and dwindle
down to " dumb dogs who would not bark"?
This correspondence suggests several important facts;
and I must remind the reader of them, to secure an attentive perusal of the letters.
-First. That an overwhelming number of the East
Tennesseeans were devoted to the Union, and intended
to die by it. This is true; and I am proud to have it
in my power to say that this Union sentiment has
never given way in the least degree.
Second. That the Rebel leaders were resolved to
subjugate them at the point of the bayonet, and have,
ever since the date of these letters, been executing
their hellish plans, thus deliberately agreed upon!
22-*




258         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Third. That all the Union men were to be-disarmed, and their property used to carry on the war.
This thieving resolve they have carried out in good
faith, even doing more and going further than they
-bargained for!.Fourth. That "no prisoners were to be released,
even on taking the oath of allegiance to the Jeff Davis
Government." The time for such conciliatory measures
with them had passed, even at the date of these infamous letters. Read the correspondence carefully, and
see how these incarnate devils unmask themselves, and
disclose the deep and damning depravity of their sinclad hearts and souls.
Rebel Correspondence.
"ATHENS, TENN., NOV. 10, 1861.
" COLONEL WOOD, Knoxville, Tenn.:" I have reliable information that some 1500 Lincoln
men are under arms in Hamilton county, ostensibly.for Jamestown. Their destination is more probably
Lowden Bridge.
"C. WALLACE, President."
"LOWDEN, EAST TENN., NOV. 10, 1861.
"COLONEL WOOD:
"DEAR S IR:-Captain Canood's company arrived
here at six P.M. yesterday, and are pitching their tents
to-day at the northern end of the bridge, while Captain Eldridge is encamped at the southern end. Extra




AMONG THE REBELS.             259
pickets and sentinels were posted during the night, but
no demonstration was made from any quarter, and the
night was passed in quiet.
"The Union feeling of this county is exceedingly
bitter, and all they want, in my opinion, to induce a
general 2uprising, is encouragement from  the Lincoln
armies. They have a great many arms, and are actually manufacturing Union flags to receive the refugee
Tennesseeans when they return. They are getting bold
enough. If I had one or two more companies, a great
many arms could be procured here in this neighborhood,-I mean, if we had the force to spare from the
bridge.
"Very respectfully,
S. SLASSON, Major commanding."
"JACKSBORO, Nov. 9, 1861.
" COLONEL W. B. WOOD, Knoxville, Tenn.:"SIR:-Your dispatch is just received, informing me
of the burning of Hiawassee bridge, and other bridges
on the railroad, and asking me for reinforcements.
Colonel Powell's regiment being five miles from here, on
the Knoxville road, I have sent him an order to march
at daylight for Knoxville, making a forced march. He
is instructed to communicate with you immediately on
his arrival. You will be in command, and may make
such disposition of the forces as you may think advisable. Brigadier-General W. H. Carroll's three regi



260:        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
ments have been ordered to report to me, but have not
reported, and I have no knowledge where they are. I
have expected them by now at Knoxville. Have you
any knowledge where they are?
"Very respectfully,
"F. K. ZOLLICOFFER,
" Brigadier- General."
[Telegram.]
"CHARLESTON, NOV. 10, 1861.
"COLONEL WOOD." A reliable messenger informs me that (75) seventyfive Union soldiers were to-day near Harrison. They
had knapsacks, and were going to Captain Clift's. It
is believed that he has fifteen hundred (1500) men
organized.
"J. D. STOUT."
[Telegram.]
"To WM. H. SNEED, J. T. CROZIER, MAJOR C. WALLACE, GENERAL ZOLLICOFFER, COLONEL WOOD:"About nine hundred men, part of them  from
Bradley county, leave Clift's, in this county, to-day,
in squads, either to organize for operations against this
place and Lowden Bridge, or to meet Union forces
from Kentucky. They have some wagons, and are
partly armed. The regiment is formidable. Send
word to General Zollicoffer, that he may catch them.
"JOHN L. HOPKINS."
[Telegram.]
"CHARLESTON, TENN., NOV. 12, 1861.
"To GILLESPIE AND KEY:
"Jeff Mathis is within twelve miles of this place;
has one hundred men. We can disperse them. Shall
we do it?  I expect help from you immediately.
"SMITH AND MICKANEY."




AMONG THE REBELS.             261
[Telegram.]
"' CHATTANOOGA, NOV. 12, 1861.
"To GENERAL GILLESPIE: —
"They have formed a camp at Bower's, near Smith's
Cross-Roads. They may return to this place or to
Lowden. They calculate to organize one thousand
men. Reliable.
"J. L. HOPKINS."
"BRIGADE HEAD-QUARTERS, JACKSBORO, NOV. 12, 1861.
"COLONEL W. B. WOOD, Knoxville:"SIR:-The express-man reached me this evening
at nine o'clock, with two letters from you, both dated
November 11. You say the tory force at Papaw
Hollow is augmenting from the adjoining counties.
Please state what county Papaw Hollow is in. You
say you enclose me a dispatch from John L. Hopkins,
Chattanooga; but no dispatch is enclosed.
"I have two cavalry companies under Captain
Rowan, near Oliver's, on the road from Knoxville to
Montgomery, and two near Huntsville, on the road
from Chetwood's to Montgomery. But your omission
to send the dispatch of Hopkins, and- only incidental
allusion to cutting off somebody near Kingstown,
leaves me at a loss what orders to send there. Please
give me all the information you have which will enable
me to intercept any body of tories attempting to pass
toward Montgomery, Jamestown, Huntsville, or Post
Oak Springs. I rejoice that you have caught six of
the bridge-burners. I am yet unadvised what precise
bridges are actually destroyed, or whether my in



262         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
tended telegrams are really transmitted over the wires.
I will to-morrow send dispatches to the forces
near Jamestown, the cavalry near Huntsville, that
near Oliver's, and start out the cavalry here to commrence simnultaneously disarming the Union inhabitants. You will please simultaneously send orders to
all detachments under your command to inaugurate
the same movement at the same time in their various
localities. Their leaders should be seized and held as
prisoners. The leniency shown them has been unavailing. They have acted with duplicity, and should
no longer be trusted.
"F. K. ZOLLICOFFER, Brigadier- General."
"KNOXVILLE, Oct. 28, 1861.
"GENERAL:-The news of your falling back to Cumberland Ford has had the effect of developing a feeling
that had only been kept under by the presence of
troops. It was plainly visible that the Union men
were so glad that they could hardly repress an open
expression of their joy. This afternoon it assumed an
open character, and some eight or ten of the bullies or
leaders made an attack on some of my men near the
Lamar House, and seriously wounded several. Gentlemen who witnessed the whole affair say that my
men gave no offence, and were not at all to blame.
The affair became directly general, and couriers were
sent to apprize me at my camp of its existence. I im



AMONG THE REBELS.              263
mediately marched Captain White's cavalry and one
hundred of my men into the town to arrest the assailants; but they made their escape.
"The Southerners here are considerably alarmed,
believing that there is a preconcerted plan for a
united action among the Union men if by any means
the enemy should get into Tennessee. Lieutenant
Swan told me to-night that he heard one say this evening, as Captain White's cavalry rode through town,
that'they could do so now; but in less than ten days
the Union forces would be here and run them off.' I
cannot well tell you the many evidences of disaffection
which are manifested every day, and the increased
boldness that it is assuming.
"Very respectfully,
" W. B. WooD, Col. com'g Post.
"Brigadier-General ZOLLICOFFER.";"HEAD-QUARTEP.S, KNOXVILLE, TENN., Nov. 1, 1861.
" HON. J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War:
"SIR:-I have to-day written to General Cooper in
reference to the state of affairs in East Tennessee, and
the necessity of reinforcements being sent immediately. But, as there is a misapprehension in reference
to the feeling of the late Union party, I have requested
Mr. Walker, of Richmond, now on a visit here, to call
on you and give you fuller information than I can
write.




264         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
"In addition to what I have written to General
Cooper, I will say that there can be no doubt of the
fact that large parties, numbering from twenty to a
hundred, are every day passing through the narrow
fnd unfrequented gaps of the mountain into Kentucky
to join the army. My courier, just in from Jamestown, informs me that a few nights since one hundred
and seventy men passed from Roane county into Kentucky.
"I do not believe that the Unionists are in the least,reconciled to the Government, but, on the contrary, are
as hostile to it as the people of Ohio, and will be ready
to take up arms as soon as they believe the Lincoln
forces are near enough to sustain them....
"Yours, respectfully,
"W. B. WooD, Col. com'g Post."
"KNOXVILLE, TENN., Nov. 10, 1861.
" GENERAL ZOLLICOFFER:" SIR:-Information has been received that Mr.
Hodges, member of the Legislature, has been making
a treasonable speech over in Lewis county. He is also
suspected of having a knowledge, if not an instigator,
of the bridge-burning.
"He was here yesterday morning, and we could
have arrested him; but he made his escape, and will
probably try to get through the lines.
"Five of the incendiaries that burned the Lick




AMONG TIEE REBELS.             265
Creek bridge haLe been arrested.  The bridgle at
Union has been destroyed, one at Charleston, two on
the WXVestern and Atlantic Road, below Chattanooga.
I had a company at Lick Creekl; but the incendialites
deceived them, and, getting possession of their guns, took
them prisoners and accomp1lished their ends.
" Respectfully,
"WV. B. WooD."
"KNOXVILLE, TENN., NOV. 11, 1SB1.' GENERAL S. COOPER, Adjutant-General, tc.:" SIR:-My fears expressed to you by letter and dispatches of the 4th and 5th inst. have been realized by
the destruction of no less than five railroad-bridges.
The indications were apparent to me; but I was powerless to prevent it.
" The whole country now is in a state of rebellion.
A thousand men are within six miles of Strawberry
Plains Bridge, and an attack is contemplated to-morrow.
I have sent Colonel Powell there with two hundred
infantry, one company of cavalry, and about one hundred
citizens armed with shot-guns and country rifles.
"Five hundred Unionists left Hamilton county today,-we suppose, to attack Lowden Bridge. I have
MIajor Campbell there, with two hundred infantry and
one company of cavalry.
"I have about the same force at this point, and a
cavalry company at Washington bridge.  An attack
23




266         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
was made there on yesterday. Our men succeeded in
beating them off; but they are gathering in large force,
and may secure it in a day or two.
"They are not yet fully organized, and have no subsistence to enable them to hold out long. A few regiments and vigorous means would have a powerful effect
in putting it down. A mild or conciliating policy will
do no good: they must be punished, and some of the
leaders punished to the extent of the laws.
" I have arrested six of the men who were engaged
in firing the Lick Creek bridge, and I desire to have
instructions from you as to the proper disposition of
them. The slow course of civil law in punishing such
incendiaries, it seems to me, will not have the salutary
effect which is desired.
"I learned from two gentlemen just arrived that
another camp is being formed about two miles from
here, in Sevier county, and already three hundred are
in camp.  They are being reinforced from  Blount,
Roane, Johnson, Greene, Carter, and other counties.
"I feel it to be my duty to place this city under
martial law, as there were a large majority of the people
sympathizing with the enemy and communicating with
them by the unfrequented mountain-paths, and to prevent surprises and the destruction of public property.
I need not say that great alarm is felt by the few
Southern men here. They are finding places of safety
for their families, and would gladly enlist if we had




AMONG TIIE REBELS.             267
arms for them. I have had all the arms in the city
seized, and authorized Major Campbell to impress all
he can find in the hands of Union men.
"Very truly,
i"W. B. WOOD."
Letter from Wood to Benjamin.
"KNOXVILLE, November 20, 1861.
"To HON. J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of WaVr:" SIR:-The rebellion in East Tennessee has been put
down in some of the counties, and will be effectually
suppressed in less than two weeks in all the counties.
Their camps in Sevier and Hamilton counties have been
broken up, and a large number of them made prisoners.
Some are confined in this place, and others sent to
Nashville. In a former communication, I inquired of
the Department what I should do. It is a mere farce
to arrest them and turn them over to the courts. Instead of having the effect to intimidate them, it really
gives encouragement and emboldens them  in their
traitorous conduct. Patterson, the son-in-law of Andrew Johnson, State Senator Pickens, and several other
members of the Legislature, besides others of influence
and distinction in their counties, —these men have encouraged the rebellion, but have so managed as lnot to
be found in arms. Nevertheless, all their actions and
words have been unfriendly to the Government of the
Confederate States. Their wealth and influence have




268          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
been exerted in favor of the Lincoln Government, and
they are the parties most to blame.
" They really deserve the gallows, and, if consistent
with the laws, ought speedily to receive their deserts.
But there is such a gentle spirit of conciliation in the
South, and especially here, that I have no idea that one
of them will receive such a sentence at the hands of any
jury. I have been here at this station for three months,
half the time in command of this post; and I had a
good opportunity of learning the feeling pervading this
country. It is hostile to the Confederate Governmvent.
They will tak/e the oath of allegiance with no intention
to observe it.  They are the slaves of Johnson and
/f]aynard, and never intend to be otherwise.  VWhen
arrestcc, they suddenly becomre very submissive, and
declare they are for peace, and not supporters of the
Lincoln Government, but yet claim to be Union men.
At one time, while our forces were at Knoxville, they
gave it out that a great change had taken place in East
Tennessee, and that the people were becoming loyal.
"At the withdrawal of the army from here to the
GCap, and the first intimation of the approach of the
Lincoln armvy, they were in arms, and scarcely a man
bu5t was ready to join it and make war upon us. The
prisoners we have all tell us that they had every assurance that the enemy was already in the State and
would join them in a few days. I have requested at
least that the prisoners I have taken be held, if not as




AMONG THE REBELS.               269.
traitors, as prisoners of war. To release them is ruinous.
To convict them before a court is next to impossibility.
But if they are kept in prison for six months, it will
have a good effect.
"The bridge-burners and spies ought to be tried at
once.
"Very respectfully, yours,
"W. B. WOOD."
Benjamin's Reply.
"WAu DEPARTMIENT, EICIIOND, November 25, 1861.' COLONEL W. B. AVOOD:"SI: —Your report of the 20th instant is received,
and I now proceed to give you the desired instruction
in relation to the prisoners of war taken by you among
the traitors of East Tennessee.
"FiTrst. All such as can be identified in having been
engaged in bridge-burning are to be tried summarily by
drum-heacd court-mnartiac, and, if found guilty, executed on the spot by hanging. It wouold be well to leave
their bodies hanging in the vicinity of the burned
bridges.
" Second. All such as have not been so engaged are
to be treated as prisoners of war, and sent with an armed
guard to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, there to be kept imprisoned at the depot selected by the Government for
prisoners of war.
"Whenever you can discover that arms are concen23'




270          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES.
trated by these traitors, you will send out detachments,
search for and seize the arms. In no case is one of the
men Jknown to have been up in arms against the Governnment to be released on any pledge or oath of allegiance.
The time for such measures is past. They are all to be
held as prisoners of war, and held in jail to the end of
the war. Such as come in voluntarily, take the oath
of allegiance, and surrender their arms, are alone to be
treated with leniency.
"Your vigilant execution of these orders is earnestly
urged by the Government.
"Your obedient servant,
"J. P. BENJAMIN,
"Secretary of War.
"COLONEL W. B. WOOD, Knoxville, Tenn.
"P.S.-Judge Patterson, (Andy Johnson's son-inlaw, Rem. Corresp.,) Colonel Pickens, and other ringleaders of the same class, must be sent at once to Tuscaloosa to jail as prisoners of war."




INCIDENTS
CONNECTED WITH THE GREAT SOUTHERN
REBELLION IN TENNESSEE;
TO WHICH IS ADDED
3   $Xoftx,    of    X*  it   I (t
AND THE SUBSEQUENT RELEASE AND JOURNEY OF THE AUTHOR.
CHAPTER XIX.
MUCH of what now follows was written down by the
author in small blank-books, with a pencil, in the
Knoxville jail, and in a private room, while the outer
doors were guarded with Rebel bayonets. That portion given in the form of a journaz will be transmitted
to posterity just as it was written down at the time, and
without any attempt at polish. When most of these
sketches reach the eyes of my prison-companions in
the Knoxville jail, they will recall to them our mutual
sufferings, and they will readily attest the truthfulness
of my narrative. They will at once bear testimony as
to the fidelity of my descriptions and the accuracy
271




272         2tLOWNLOW' S EXPE RIENCES
with which I have stated facts, although they will regret that I have not gone more into detail.
WThilst I desire to let the world see what the real
spirit of Secession is in the South, and to expose the
guilty leaders to the scorn and contempt of all coming
generations, I wish to enlist the interests and sympathies of all who may find leisure to peruse these
pages. I have known, during my darkest hour of trial,
that I had the sympathies of all good citizens in the
loyal States, and did not doubt that thousands of devout prayers were offered up for my preservation and
ultimate release, and for the safety and release of the
innocent Union men confined with me and in other
jails. If in these pages I can vindicate my consistency and satisfy the public that their sympathies have
been merited, I will have accomplished all that is desired or aimed at by the publication of them.
When the storm arose in the South, —say a little over
twelve months ago, —and the current set in seemingly
favorable to Secession, vast numbers rushed into their
ranks, actuated by the worst motives that ever governed
the actions of as many bad men,-the daring and improvident, the indolent, the thoughtless, the bankrupts
of the country, and the thousands indebted to Northern merchants, debauched members of the churches,
apostate preachers, and the intemperate,-all the loose
elements of society in the towns and villages,-those
who were reckless of consequences, and to whom no




ABMONG THE REBELS.             273
change could be productive of injury, —men who really
had every thing to gain and nothing to lose, even by
so violent and destructive a revolution.
And whilst many of the substantial men of the
country entered the army,-for the most part as officers, contractors, wagon-masters, and furnishers of
supplies in various forms, —a much greater number
entered the service who were pusillanimous and worthless, lazy and sensual, having no visible means of support. Many of these were known to me in East Tennessee and other portions of the South; and I can
safely say that when they entered the service, and
were fitted out with suits of coarse jeans and supplied
with army-rations, they were better dressed and fed
than they ever had been before. Not a few of these
entered the Rebel service with a view to get rid of their
wives and children, who were looking to them for a
support, and whose bread and meat were guaranteed
by those who urged them to volunteer, but who, after
they were gone, left their families to shift for themselves.
It was a common thing to hear men of this class,
dressed in uniform, and under the influence of mean
whiskey, swearing upon the streets that they intended
to have their rights, or kill the last Lincolnite north of
Mason & Dixon's line!  Ask one of them what rights
he had lost and was so vehemently contending for, and
the reply would be, the right to carry his negroes into




274         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
the Territories. At the same time, the man never
owned a negro in his life, and never was related, by consanguinity or affinity, to any one who did own a negro!
Nay, I. have heard captains of Rebel companies bluster
in this way, who could not get credit in a Secession
store for a pair of shoes or a pound of coffee.
And, as if resolved to keep up a show of consistency
and carry out the same spirit, society was disjointed,
and was everywhere thrown into the loosest state in
which it could exist, upon the inauguration of Secession. There were no regular magistrates, no laws, no
judges, no tribunals to protect the weak and innocent
or to punish the guilty. Take for example the case of a
Union man in Knox county, who was tied upon a log, his
balck stripped bare, and cut all to pieces with hickories,
as one of my engravings will show. When he was
brought into the court-house, and his back exhibited,
he was told that these were revolutionary times, and
that he had no remedy. Every man had to assert his
own rights and avenge his own wrongs, or, as most
were compelled to do, submit to insult and injury.
Squads of six and ten Rebel troops, upon their own
responsibilities, scoured the country, arrested whom
they chose, and treated them  as their malice and
beastly habits of life suggested.  Take the case of
Captain Bil7 Brown, of Bradley county, who, at the
head of a company of cavalry, arrested Union men,
and forced from them  sums of money to pay him




AMONG THE REBELS.               27 
for their release, until he boasted of having two thlousand dollars.  This charge was brought before the
military authorities at Knoxville, and again dismissed
without a reproof to this robber.
As a general thing, these outlaws, who were operating all over East Tennessee, were neither restrained
by a sense of shame, the dictates of humanity, nor the
fear of God. Ience, many innocent persons fell victims
to their malevolence, and had their property either shamefully abused or recklessly destroyed. Tennessee is a
greatly-damaged State,-thousands of the men having
escaped into Kentucky, leaving their homes and crops,
all of which have since been destroyed by the Rebel
troops.  This is especially so in the several counties
along the south side of the Cumberland Mountains.
Kentucky and Missouri will both feel the effects of
this devastating war,-a war which the Cotton States
artfully contrived to transfer to the border States, but
which, thanks to the energy of the heads of the Federal army, is falling back to where it ought to have
begun, and where it should end.
Virginia is a ruined State.  Poor old Virginia! her
children yet unborn will feel the effects of this wicked
revolution. Indeed, I pause in the midst of my labors
to moralize upon the condition of my native State,
which but yesterday
"might have stood against the world;
Now none so poor to do her reverence."




276        IBROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Mother of heroes and statesmen, the birthplace of
Presidents, the burial-place of the greatest American,it seems but yesterday that she had the strongest claims
upon the great Republic, on account of her dignity,
her retrospect of noble labors, her frontier position,holding as it were the balance of power,-and the noble
future which hung upon the expected assurance of her
loyalty.  But, urged and incited by her maddened
and vile leaders, such as Wise, Mason, Pryor, and a
host of desperate men whose names can never be mentioned but with disgust, she was hissed on until she
was out of her senses, and she fell from her high estate
into the disgraceful ranks of rebellion.  New dominions must arise upon her ruins, a new race of men
must people her soil, and the "Old Dominion" be but
a historic cognomen in all time to come. What a fate,
and what a retribution! Let loyal Maryland legislate
for a part, let New Virginia control the West, let East
Tennessee teach the extreme southwestern counties
loyalty, and to little Delaware let Accomac and Northamnpton be annexed!
This may seem to be a terrible fate; but such would
be a merited degree of punishment for the leading demagogues of Virginia, and for the masses who followed
them to perdition. The way of transgressors may be
hard, but the retribution is none the less logical and
their punishment none the less just.
All these evils were brought upon the country by








'N~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~"='2I -'-'== —'                                    
_             _    _    _    _    __ —                                                         9
r_~~~~~r: ~3~~~ —~~~=-~~~=-~~ —~ = =-~~~~~~~=~~~Y~~~ —~lb~~~~4b~~                                      hII




AMONG THE REBELS.             277
the Southern Senators and Representatives going out
of Congress and urging their States to secede. Pryor
at one time telegraphed, "We can get the Crittenden
Compromise."  But Douglas overheard Mason say in
the Senate, "No matter what compromise the North
offers, the South must find a way to defeat it." The
Congyress of the United States would have given any
compromise wanted. In the Senate, had the Southern
States remained, they would have had a majority of
SIX, and in the House, a majority of TIHIRTY-SIX, over
the entire Republican party.
Early in the spring of 1861 a stream of Secession fire
began to pour through East Tennessee, along the great
Tennessee & Virginia Railroadl, and troops were rushed
along the road in greater numbers than the rolling
stock upon the road would afford facilities for transporting.  These regiments, coming from the Cotton
States, and many of them vcagabontds and wharf-rats
from New Orleans, Mobile, and Texas, were brimfull of
prejudice against me and my paper. These prejudices
were increased and their malice inflamed by the falsehoods related to them by unprincipled citizens and
cowards whom I had denounced for years, and by
certain railroad-employds on their way to Knoxville.
Hence, after they would arrive in Knoxville and pay
a visit to the whiskey-shops, they would forthwith
swarm around my printing-office and dwelling-house,
howl like wolves, swear oaths that would blister the
24




278         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
lips of a sailor, blackguard my family, and threaten to
demolish my house, and even to hang me. This was
kept up the entire summer and fall, and increased in
violence until my paper was suppressed and my office
seized upon and occupied by the Rebel military authorities,-which was in November last.'While General Zollicoffer remained at Knoxville in
command, I was protected, and so were all other Union
men and their families. Previous to his coming, however, certain officers of Vaughn's regiment of East
Tennessee Volunteers commenced personal violence
on Union men, and occasioned a row in the street,
shooting down a 3ir. Ball, and firing several shots at
Charles S. Dougzas, —the man who ran up the Union
flag on Gay Street and protected it with a doublebarrel shot-gun,-one shot slightly wounding him in
the neck. The next day certain of these officers came
into town from camps, in a close carriage, entered the
hotel at the ladies' entrance, and watched for Douglas
from a window until he appeared at his window on the
opposite side of the street, when they took deliberate aim
at him and shot him through the breast with a large
musket-ball. Thus was Douglas murdered in a most
cowardly and brutal manner, while the State was a
member of the Federal Union; and the circuit court
judge and the State's Attorney were both in town, but,
being Secessionists, no bill was sent against the murderers of Douglas, nor was one word said in court on




AMONG THE REBELS.             279
the subject; but his widow and one small child were
left to take care of themselves. Nor is this all. The
Episcopal minister, MIr. Hames, was proscribed for
daring to attend the funeral and officiate, at the request of the widow. This is the spirit which has
characterized this rebellion throughout the South!
After the departure of General Zollicoffer to Cumberland Gap, I soon became convinced that I was in
danger of personal violence from the soldiers left there
under the command of one Rev. Colone~l W. B. Wood,
of Alabama, a hypocrite, who preached in the MIethodist Church on Sunday and the next day encouraged
his men to do acts of violence. Certain of these troops
were in the habit of coming daily to my residence, or
passing by it, flourishing their large knives, pointing
their guns at the windows, and threatening to take my
life. They were incited to act in this manner by my
bitter personal enemies and by the cowardly miscreant
who conducted the rebel organ in Knoxville, and who
desired me and my paper out of their way. They were
also encouraged by this unmitigated villain, Parlson
Colonel Wood. My enemies seeking to make the military the instruments of their private revenge, and my
condition becoming more and more perilous each day,
my family became convinced that my life was in danger,
as did other friends, and all believed that my presence
at home imperilled instead of securing the safety of my
wife and children. I therefore yielded to the entreaties




280         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
of my family and friends to leave home for a time, and I
consented to do so the more readily as I had debts
owing to me in the adjoining counties of Blount, Sevier,
Cocke, and Granger, for advertising. I accordingly
left home the first week in November, on horseback,
in company with Rev. James Cumming, and whilst
I was still in Blount-less than thirty miles from home
-the bridges on the railroad were destroyed by fire.
My absence at the time was seized upon as evidence of
my complicity in the matter, although I was not nearer
than one day's ride of the railroad, and on Sunday,
the day after the burning, I preached to a large congregation in Sevierville.
But the most intense excitement prevailed in the
country after the news was circulated; harangues were
delivered in the towns and military camps, and the
passions of the Secession citizens and of the soldiers
were inflamed; and my knowledge of the history of
mankind in the past taught me that in such seasons of
high excitement the innocent and the guilty would
suffer together. lIveanwhile, I learned, by expressriders friendly to me, that this vile man Wood had
sent out scouts of cavalry after me in different directions, with instructions, publicly given them on the
street, not to take me a prisoner, but to shoot me down
upon sight. Military law was declared in Knoxville;
the city was guarded, and those who escaped from the
city to give me word had to cross the river after night




AMONG THE REBELS.             281
in a canoe. In this state of things, prudence dictated
that I should for a time conceal myself from the gaze
of these bloodhounds and authorized murderers, so
that no occasion should occur for violence to my person.
Quite a number of us-among whom were members of
the Legislature, preachers, and planters-retired into
the Smoky Mountains, separating North Carolina from
Tennessee, and quite beyond the precincts of civilization. Amidst the high summits of this range of mountains, and in one of their deep gorges where no vehicle
had ever penetrated, we struck up camp, and for days
and nights together we stayed there. Our friends from
Wear's Cove conveyed provisions to us, and in the
mean time one of our party killed a fat bear, which
supplied us with meat. In the cove below us there
was a company of " Home-Guards,"-Union men,-well
armed, who kept a watch for our pursuers, who failed
to learn our whereabouts. We were high up on the
east fork of Little River, and there was but one gap
through which we could have been approached, and
in that event it would have required a large force to
take us.
Scouts were multiplied to search for us, and we were
made acquainted with that fact; and, as it was known
that we were in Tuckaluchee Cove and in ~Wear's Cove,
we deemed it prudent to disperse, and to secrete'ourselves in different places, two-and-two together. I resolved upon going within six or eight miles of Knox24*




282         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
vilIe, where I had Union friends who would take care
of me; and, accordingly, the Rev. W. T. Dowell and
myself mounted our horses at dark, having previously
come down out of the mountains, and, riding something
less than forty miles through the deep gorges, daylight
brought us to the comfortable lodgings of a friend.
Here we tarried for a time, and were put in secret
communication with Knoxville, distant six miles, having
removed our horses to another point. Learning that
the murderous scouts of the still more bloodthirsty and
despicable Wood were still after me, I addressed the
following note to Brigadier-General Carroll:Friday, Nov. 22, 1861.
GENERAL W. H. CARROLL:Having understood that you are to be placed in command of the military post at Knoxville in a few days,
I desire to lay a statement of facts before you. I left
home on the 4th of this month to attend the Chancery
Court in Maryville, Blount county, and to go from
there to Sevierville, to collect fees due me for advertising, and in part I have succeeded. I have not been
concerned in getting up an armed force to war upon
your troops, as falsely reported.
I left home, and have remained absent for eighteen
days, at the earnest and repeated solicitations of my
family, who insisted that they would be more secure
in my absence. Certain troops came daily on my
portico, and, in front of my dwelling, drew out and




AMONG THE REBELS.             283
flourished side-knives, and sometimes presented muskets, threatening my life. I was told that they were
under the command of an Alabama officer by the name
of Wood, and that he was arrayed against me.
As it regards the bridge-burning, I never had any intimation of any such purpose, from any quarter. I condemn the act, and regard it as an ill-timed measure,
calculated to bring no good to any one or any party,
but much harm to innocent men and to the public.
When I, together with fifteen or twenty other leading
Union men, signed a communication to General Zollicoffer, proposing to counsel peace, I acted in good faith;
and I have kept that faith.  That address has been
published in all the Tennessee papers; and, had any
purpose to fire the bridges been made known to me, I
should have felt bound to disclose the fact to the officers
of the road.
I am ready and willing at any time to stand a trial
upon these or other points before any civil tribunal;
but I protest against being turned over to any infuriated mob of armed men filled with prejudice by
my bitterest enemies.
This communication will be handed to you by my
friend Colonel John Williams, a man favorably known
to you and the country.
I am, respectfully, &c.,
W. G. BROwNLOw.




284         BROWNLOW' S EXPERIENCES
" HEAD-QUARTERS, KNOXVILLE, NOV. 28, 1861.
" REV. DR. BROWNLOW:"It is my business here to afford protection to all
citizens who are loyal to the Confederate States; and I
shall use all the force at my command to that end.
You may be fully assured that you will meet with no
personal violence by returning to your home; and, if
you can establish what you say in your letter of the
22d inst., you shall have every opportunity to do so before the civil tribunal, if it is necessary,- PROVIDED
YOU HAVE COMMITTED NO ACT THAT WILL MAKE IT NECESSARY FOR THE MILITARY LAW TO TAKE COGNIZANCE.
"I desire that every loyal citizen, regardless of
former political opinions, shall be fully protected in all
his rights and privileges; and to accomplish which I
shall bend all my energies, and have no doubt I shall
be successful.    Respectfully, &c.,
"WM. H. CARROLL,
"Brig.-Gen. Corn."
THURSDAY, December 4, 1861.
GENERAL NV. H. CARRiOLL:
Your letter of the 28th ult. did not reach me until
the 1st inst., and I return, for an answer to the slanderous charges whispered into your ears by my
cowardly enemies, touching myself and others, as the
correspondents of men in Kentucky, and as knowing




AMONG THE REBELS.             285
the bridges were to be burned, the following documents:"The undersigned, being charged with having and
reading a letter in Maryville, during the fourth and
fifth days of November past, purporting to say that
the railroad-bridges were to be burned, take this
method of testifying to the public that there is not
one word of truth in the entire statement; that we
have neither seen, handled, read, or heard read, any
letter on that subject, from any quarter whatsoever.
We further state, upon our oaths, that neither of us
has received from, or addressed or conveyed to, any
person in Kentucky, or connected with the Federal
army, during the entire summer and fall, any private
letter touching the war or the troubles growing out of
the war. We also testify, upon our oaths, that we had
no knowledge whatsoever of any purpose or plot, on
the part of any persons or party, to burn the bridges:
had we been apprized of such a movement, we should
have protested against it as an outrage. Subscribed
and sworn to this 2d of December, 1861.
" JAMES CUMMING,
"W. G. BROWNLOW,
I" W. T. DOWELL.
"Personally appeared before me, an acting Justice of
the Peace in and for the County of Blount and State of




286         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Tennessee, this 2d of December, 1861, James Cumming,
W. G. Brownlow, and W. T. Dowell, and made oath,
in due form of law, that the allegations set forth in the
foregoing statement, and subscribed by them, are true.
"SOLOMON FARMER,
"Justice of the Peace for Blount County."
Mlr. Cumming is now in his seventy-seventh year,
has all his life long sustained an unblemished character, has been a Methodist itinerant preacher for the
lastforty years, and previous to that served two campaigns under General Jackson, associated with your
venerable father, General Coffee, and other patriots, in
defending our-whole country-not a part of it-against
the combined assaults of our British and savage foes,undergoing the hardships of camp-life among the inhospitable swamps of Mobile and New Orleans. Indeed,
he was a major in Colonel Williams's regiment of Tennessee Volunteers; and that gallant officer, afterwards
a Senator in Congress, bore witness to the courage and
fidelity of Mir. Cumming. His character and services
ought to shield him in his declining years from such
slanders as are now heaped upon him, and would do
it were he living anywhere else than in this so-called
Southern Confederacy. But he is a Union man, opposed to the disruption of the Government he has suffered and fought for; and this is the head and front
of his offending.




AMONG THE REBELS.             287
Mr. Dowell is a native of Alabama, but has lived nearly
all his life in East Tennessee, sustaining the character
-of an honest man, in the counties of Anderson, Carter,
Sevier, Knox, and Blount, where he is now a respectable merchant and an acceptable local preacher in the
Methodist Church. But he is a Union man, loyal to
the Government of the United States, and opposed to
the heresy of Secession; and this is the reason why he
is assailed.
So far as I am concerned, I have labored for years,
in my humble way, to help build up this great line of
railroads, and I can have no desire to see them destroyed. If the Federal Government succeed in recovering this country, it will need the facilities these
roads afford; but if the Confederates hold the country,
the roads are alike important to the citizens of all
parties. No good can come to anybody from the destruction of these roads, but much harm to individuals
and to the public at large.
No candid man of any party believes that I am even
remotely connected with the recent burning of these
bridges; but to charge it upon me, and raise a clamor
through the country, affords a pretext, though flimsy
it be, for seizing upon my property, as has been done,
by a military mob, and appropriating it to the use of
your so-called Confederacy. It was not enough that I
should be refused the privilege of publishing my paper,
but my press, engine, and type have been seized upon,




288          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
and I am refused the privilege of selling them to procure the means of supporting a helpless family of children. Nay, my office-building has been taken from
me, and is occupied by your military authorities, without fee or reward to me. Is this the liberty and justice offered to men by this new and better Government
you are setting up? Are these the blessings of Southern Rights so much talked of? If so, God deliver me
and my children from their benign influences! But,
sir, what better could I expect from a bogus Government, that originated in fraud and falsehood, perjury
and theft?
I have now been absent from home one month,-not
because I have committed any crime, but because I
have desired no collision between me and the drunken
and infuriated troops, urged to assault me by the
cowardly villains who throng the town, and whose
frauds, bad morals, and revolting crimes I have held
up to public gaze. I cannot feel safe in returning, for
I am not sure that your letter offers protection to me.
You say it is your "business here to afford protection
to all citizens who are loyal to the Confederate States."
If you mean by loyalty faithfulness and fidelity, I can
scarcely hope for protection. I am loyal to the Government of the United States, and that is the only Government I consider as having an existence in this country.
I have studied the Bible for many years, and I have
great respect for the lessons it has taught me. One








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AMONG THE REBELS.              289
of these lessons is, that I must not attempt to serve
TWO MASTERS. I am therefore a Union man, and I
rnust adhere to the Federal Government until that is
destroyed,-which I hope and trust may never be done,
-and then I will turn to the next best Government I
can find.
I am not in arms against your Confederacy. I have
not encouraged rebellion on the part of Union men, but
the reverse; and I am quietly awaiting the result of
the contest going on. In this neutral condition I feel
that I ought to be let alone, and left to the quiet enjoyment of opinions I honestly entertain and cannot conscientiously surrender.  You, but a few months ago,
entertained the same opinions I do, and acted with me
in opposition to Secession. Toward me, personally, 1
think you would entertain none but kind feelings, were
you not associated with the men you are. I understand
that your daily associates are John, Ii'. Crozier, J. Orozier ]amsey, and W. -H. Sneed.
Crozier blames me for driving him into private life.
He is a corrupt demagogue, a selfish liar, and an unmitigated coward. I have held him up to public gaze,
in this threefold capacity, from the stump and through
the press, before his face and behind his back, and he
has never had the spirit to resent it until recently, and
then only by hiding behind your volunteers and seeking to hiss them on me. IHe also feels sore under my
exposure of his brother, A. B. Crozicr, who was con



290         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
nected with the great swindle practised by the Bank
of East Tennessee, and, after making his pile by that
operation, packed up bag and baggage and cut out for
Texas! The records of our Chancery Court will give
you the facts in the case.
Ramsey is but a few degrees removed from an idiot.
He is the nephew of the Croziers and the son of one of
the directors of this villainous bank, against whom I
instituted and recovered an important suit, exposing
the father, the uncle, and the entire Democratic swindle.
Young Ramsey is smarting under the part I took in
helping to defeat him for the United States Congress,
when he was beaten two thousand votes by Horace
Maynard. Somebody once said, "That in the kingdom
of the blind the one-eyed are monarchs;" and I suppose
it was upon this principle, if we give the maxim a literal construction, that young Ramsey, with his "one
talent," was elevated to such a pitch as to be mad6 a
Confederate Attorney by Jeff Davis!
Sneed is a noble specimen of the physical man. Corpulent, swaggering, a giant in his own estimation, his
form looms up in the distance, and when he is on the
street he makes the whole town know it! His whole
figure exhibits a majesty of proportion, a majesty of
combination, sometimes seen in the liquor-shop statues
with whom he associates. His eyelashes are nearly
scorched off by al8oholic fire; and nature, to keep up
appearances, in a fit of desperation is substituting in




AMONG THE REBELS.             291
their stead a binding of red, which looks like two little
rainbows hanging upon a storm, such as he often passes
through in the domestic circle! This man has been a
candidate for all the offices of honor and profit that
have come up during his long residence in East Tennessee, and never was successful but once, when he was
elected to the Congress of the United States. The peomDle then complained that he was elected through the influence of my press, for I entered heartily into his support, as he was a W/ig and his competitor a Democra,t.
In Congress his associates were Disunnionists and his
votes were sectional. He was not again a candidate.
Indeed, a press like mine in each of the ten counties in
the district could not have re-elected him.  When
Secession turned up, he pitched in, and became a candidate to represent Knox county in the Convention.
Out of four thousand votes polled in a single-handed
contest he obtained two hundred and thirty. Since
then he has been travelling in search of his rights, and
swears that he will follow them on to the other side of
sundown!
Whenever the Federal army shall approach Tennessee in force, Crozier, Ramsey, Sneed, and others of the
same clique, will fall back into the Cotton States, and
call upon the mountains and hills to hide them from
the wrath of the Union men in East Tennessee whom
they have persecuted, insulted, and sought to have murdered by your drunken and infuriated troops. These




292         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
are certainly accomplished and erudite reformers of our
National Government! Mark my prediction: these men
will take to their heels upon the approach of one regiment of Federal troops. I know the men and have
studied their characters. I may not be living when a
Federal army enters East Tennessee, but if I am living
next spring, I expect to enjoy the luxury. If this be
treason, make the most of it!
As this letter to you is private, General, and as you
were until recently a Union man, you must allow me
to deal candidly with you. I have no idea that you
approve this Secession movement, but feel certain
that in your heart you despise the whole affair. As
long as I see the spirit of the rebellion acted out by
your leaders, and as long as I bear in mind the characters of the men who originated it, I can but despise the
whole concern and desire its overthrow. I may not
be gratified with seeing this rebellion put down, but
my children will; and, if I am not assassinated by the
hired tools of some of your new associates, I will live
to see -the rebellion closed out, and not be more than
one year older than I now am!
I am, sir, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLOW.
My friend, who was in charge of the foregoing letter,
withheld it from General Carroll, on account of the
"ollowing epistles, intended for me, and of the ex



AMONG THE REBELS.               293
istence of which I had no knowledge at the time I
wrote the one of the 4th of December:
"HEAD-QUARTERS, KNOXVILLE, TENN., Dec. 4, 1861.
"W. G. BROWNLOW, EsQ.:-The  Major-General
commanding directs me to say that upon calling at
his head-quarters, within twenty-four hours, you can
get a passport to go into Kentucky, accompanied by a
military escort, the route to be designated by General
Crittenden.
"I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"A. S. CUNNINGHAM,
" Acting Adjutant-General."
The following letter, a copy of which I was furnished with on the day and date of the foregoing,
seems to have been withheld, or, at least, not acted upon,
for ten days:CONFEDERATE STATES OF AmERICA,
" WAR DEPARTMENT, RICHMrOND, Nov. 20, 1861.
"TO MAJOR-GENERAL CRITTENDEN:"DEAR SIR: —I have been asked to grant a passport for Brownlow, to leave the State of Tennessee.
He is said to have secreted himself, fearing violence
to his person, and to be anxious to depart from the.
State.
" I cannot give him a formal passport, though I would
greatly prefer seeing him on the other side of our
25-r.




294         BRtOWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
lines, as an avowed enemy. I wish, however, to say
that I would be glad to learn that he has left Tennessee; and I have no objection to interpose to his
leaving, if you are willing to let him pass.
"Yours, truly,
"J. P. BENJAMIN,
"Secretary of War."
It turned out, upon examination, that Colonel Baxter, of Knoxville, a moderate Secessionist, was in Richmond at the time Mr. Benjamin wrote to General Crittenden, and made this application without my knowledge. He was doubtless influenced by two motives,one of friendship to me and my family, and a conviction in his mind that I would be assassinated if I
remained.
Relying upon this promise of passports into Kentucky and of the protection of a military escort, I reported myself in person to General Crittenden before the
twenty-four hours had expired, and was accompanied
by Colonel Baxter. I there and then obtained from
General Crittenden a renewal of his promise. This was
on the 5th; and the morning of the 7th was agreed
upon for me to start, and Captain Gillespie was designated as the man to put me through with his company
of cavalry. Before that time arrived, I was arrested
upon a warrant for treason, issued by Robert B. Reynolds, the Confederate Commissioner,-a third-rate




AMONG THE REBELS.              295
county-court lawyer, a drunken and corrupt sot, who
had been kicked out of a grocery a few days before by
a mechanic, and who was afterwards taken up from the
pavements of the street, in a beastly state of intoxication, by Rebel troops, and lodged in the guard-house!
See a drawing of this beautiful specimen of a judge, —a
fit representative of the morality and integrity of the
Confederate Government!
Here follows the warrant, issued upon the application and false swearing of that corrupt scoundrel and
most unprincipled knave, J. Crozier Rramsey, Confederate Attorney for the State of Tennessee:"CONFEDERATE STATES OF AmERICA, 
" DISTRICT OF TENNESSEE.   I
To THE MARSHAL OF SAID DISTRICT:"J. C. Ramsey, Confederate States District Attorney
for said district, having MADE  OATH  before me,
that he is informed and believes that Williain G.
Brownlow, a citizen of said district, and owing allegiance and fidelity to the Confederate States, but,
being moved and seduced by the instigation of the
devil, and not having the fear of God before his eyes,
did wilfully, knowingly, and with malice aforethought,
and feloniously, commit the crime of TREASON
against the Confederate States, by then and there,
within said district and since the 10th day of June




296.        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
last, publishing a weekly and tri-weekly paper, known
qas'Brownlow's Knoxville Whig,' said paper had a
large circulation in said district, and also circulated
in the United States, and contained, weekly, divers of
editorials written by the said Brownlow, which said
editorials were treasonable against the Confederate
States of America, and did then and there commit
treason, and prompt others to commit treason, bv
speech as well as publication; did as aforesaid commit
treason, and did give aid and comfort to the United
States, both of said Governments being in a state of
war with each other. You are therefore commanded
to arrest the said Brownlow, and bring him before
me, to be dealt with as the law directs.
" R. B. REYNOLDS,
" Commissioner, ce.
"J. C. RAMSEY,
"C.S. Dist. Att'y.
"December 6, 1861."
I was arrested by the marshal, refused a trial, and
refused bail, though my friends voluntarily offered a
bond of ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS. While in
the hands of the marshal, I addressed the following
note to General Crittenden, and sent it by Colonel
Williams:



AMONG THE REBELS.             297
KNOXVILLE, Dec. 6, 1861.
MAJOR-GENERAL CRITTENDEN: —I am now under
an arrest, upon a warrant issued by Commissioner
Reynolds, at the instance of J. Crozier Ramsey, upon
a charge of treason, founded upon sundry articles
published in the Knoxville Whig since the 10th of
June last.
I am here, as you will recollect, upon your invitation and the instructions of your Secretary of War to
give me passports into the old Government. Claiming
your protection, as I do, I shall await your early
response.
Very respectfully, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLOW.
No response was made to this note until the next
day, and I was cast into prison. This gross breach
of faith, both by the War Department at Richmond
and the general in command at Knoxville, is a disgrace to the Confederate Government, —if such a Government, originating as it did in fraud, falsehood, and
perjury, can be disgraced!
The next day I received from a self-conceited member of General Crittenden's staff —a fellow late from
California-the following note.  After receiving this
note, I gave up the chase, and felt that the whole concern, civil and military, were alike unreliable, having
no regard for their pledges: —




298         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
" KNOXVILLE, Dec. 7, 1861.
"'W. G. BROWNLOW:
"SIR:-Your note, stating that you were under
an arrest upon a warrant upon a charge of treason, &c.,
has been handed to General Crittenden.
" He desires me to say, in reply, that in view of all
of the facts of the case, (which need not be recapitulated here, for you are familiar with them,) HE DOES
NOT CONSIDER THAT YOU ARE HERE UPON HIS INVITATION IN SUCH MANNER AS TO CLAIM HIS PROTECTION
FROM AN INVESTIGATION BY THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES
OF THE CHARGES AGAINST YOU, which he clearly understood from yourself and your friends you would not
seek to avoid.
"Respectfully, yours, &c.,
-" HARRY I. THORNTON,
"A.D. C."
This corrupt man Ramsey, after issuing this warrant,
accompanied it with a part of one of the editorials he
had falsely sworn was issued since the 10th of June,
1861, at which time the State voted out. He only
gave that part of the article relating to the railroads,
commencing with the words, "Let the railroad on
which," &c.; and, although he swore in his warrant, and
published the falsehood in the paper, that the article
appeared since the 10th of June, the truth is it
appeared on the 25th of May, and before the State




AMONG THE REBELS.             299
voted out! One of the reasons why he refused me a
trial was that he knew I would produce a file of my
papers and convict him of false swearing. Here is,
however, the entire article:"Murder Will Out,"
A secret of some importance has been cautiously
communicated to this city from Alabama, by a man
not likely to be deceived. The same facts, in substance,
have been intrusted to a most estimable individual
here, under the solemn injunction of secrecy for a
specified time. There are now three other gentlemen
besides ourselves, and they are men of high positions,
wno know the facts and have the evidence of them.
This stupendous and appalling conspiracy amounts to
this: Johnson, Nelson, Baxter, Temple, Trigg, Maynard, Brownlow, and George W. Bridges, are to be
arrested after the election in June, by a military force,
and taken in irons to Montgomery, and either punished
for treason, or held as hostages to guarantee the quiet
surrender of the Union men of East Tennessee!
The facts of this conspiracy against the rights of
American citizens, together with the names of those
concerned in urging it on, will all be left in the
hands of reliable, bold, and fearless men, who will
make them public at the proper time. The thousands
of Union men of East Tennessee, devoted to principle
and to the rights and liberties of those who fell at the




300          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
nands of these conspirators, will be expected to avenge
ther' wrongs! Let the railroad on which Union citizens of East Tennessee are conveyed to Montgomery
in irons be eternally and hopelessly destroyed! Let
the property of the men concerned be consumed, and
let -their lives pay the forfeit, and the names will be
given! Let the fires of patriotic vengeance be built
upon the Union altars of the whole land, and let them
go out where these conspirators live, like, the fires from
the Lord, that consumed Nadab and Abihu, the two
sons of Aaron, for presumption less sacrilegious! If
we are incarcerated at Montgomery, or executed there
or even elsewhere, all the consolation we want is to
know that our partisan friends have visited upon our persecutors  certain Secession leaders-a most horrible
vengeance! Let it be done, East Tennesseeans, though
the gates of hell be forced and the heavens be made
to fall!
In disclosing this bold and deep-laid plot against the
liberties of freemen, we have not intended a sensation
article. Some may smile at its alleged senseless absurdity, but we are not alone in putting forth these
facts. We most solemnly implore our friends through-.
out East Tennessee, as they regard our welfare and as
they cherish the principles for which we are alike
battling, not to molest any person or property in advance of an attack upon any of us, but to hold themselves in readiness for actiorn, ACTION, ACTION! As




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AMONG THE REBELS.             301
yet the conspiracy is only partially revealed,-the
murder partly out: the mask will be taken off in due
time! We are not in possession of the names of any
confederates and abettors outside of the limits of East
Tennessee, though some have been closeted with East
Tennesseeans and the details of their plans agreed
upon. Again, in the name of every thing sacred, we
ask for ourselves, and those threatened with us, that
no move shall be made by our friends towards injuring
the person or property of any living man or existing
corporation, until further developments are made; and
then let every brave man act, and let all act together.
Thanks be to God for the vigilance of some true men,
and for their promptness in making communications!
A Union man, of high character, who will disguise
himself and travel hundreds of miles at his own expense to serve true men to him personally unknown,
deserves to be immortalized, and to live forever!
This man Ramsey, in swearing a lie with a view to
injure me, was influenced by his deep-seated malice.
He is the son of the vain old historian of Tennessee,
against whom I brought and sustained a suit for a
nefarious banlc-swindle, and to avoid the damages of
which, the old rebel has put his property out of his
hands, making this corrupt son the trustee!
Besides, this Attorney for the Commonwealth of the
Confederacy attempted to get up a company of volun26




302         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
teers, but never was able to muster more than thirty
men; and, being detected in drawing rations and clothing for sixty-five, he was, under General Zollicoffer's
reign at Knoxville, drummed out of the service. Let
the reader turn to the drawing of this man, and look
at his hang-dog countenance as he "retires" to the
tune of the Rogues' March!




AMONG THE REBELS.             303
CHAPTER  XX.
BEING refused a trial and refused bail, as good and
as strong as East Tennessee could afford, I was confined in the common jail of the county. And for what?
For treason growing out of newspaper editorials! The
warrant sued out by this judicial functionary contains
within itself no charge of treason, though he afterwards brought out a garbled extract from the foregoing editorials, and alleged that therein lay the treason. Every man of legal knowledge will see that the
publication of a newspaper, however objectionable its
matter may be, does not amount to treason. The
object of this hardened villain, and the numerous
cowardly scoundrels -associated with him, was to subject me to close confinement in a crowded and most
uncomfortable jail. In this these vile conspirators succeeded; but the reader will agree, after perusing these
pages, that they have made but little by the operation.
And when the whole affair is done with, they will have
made still less.
I became satisfied, after I went into jail and had
slips of newspapers conveyed to me, that General
Carroll had not acted in good faith towards me. Take,




304          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
for instance, the following dispatch, on the day I was
committed.  It is from the pen of young Mr. Brett,
whom I found to be in some way connected with General Carroll's staff, and who visited my prison frequently,
and treated me and my family with the courtesy and
kindness of a gentleman.
[Special Dispatch to the Memphis Appeal.]
" KNOXVILLE, Dec. 6.
"Dr. W. G. Brownlow, late editor of the Knoxville
Whig, was arrested to-day by order of Brigadier-General Carroll, and committed to jail to await his trial on
the charge of treason. General Carroll is pursuing a
determined and vigorous policy, which is exercising a
salutary effect upon the traitors in this section. The
arrest of Brownlow will do much to quell their insurrectionary spirit.
"There has been some little skirmishing between
straggling squads of Lincolnites and our troops above
this place, but no outbreak of importance has occurred.
"The rebellion in East Tennessee may now be regarded as completely quelled.
"J. B."
A note of later date, from this same walking groggery,
Carroll, addressed to his corrupt associate, Attorney
Ramsey, and afterwards published in the Secession
organ at Knoxville, goes to confirm my suspicions that
he was acting the part of a two-faced man: —
"I EAD-QUARTERS, KNOXVILLE, Dec. 29.
"C. S. DISTRICT ATTORNEY J. C. RAMSEY:
" SIR:-In answer to your note of the 28th, I state
that, though not aware of Dr. Brownlow's plan of con



AMONG THE REBELS.              305
cealment, his letter dated November 22d (enclosed a
copy and my reply) induced me to believe that he was
not very distant from this city, and could have been
arrested.  You will also see by his letter that he
seemed only to dread violence, but was entirely willing
to be tried before the civil tribunals for any offence of
which he might be charged.
" Respectfully,
"WM. H. CARROLL,
"Brigadier- General."
The only apology I can offer for Carroll in his deceptive course is that of his habits of drunkenness, his
villainous associates in Knoxville, and the fact that he
occupied as his quarters the house of the most unmitigated scoundrel in Knoxville, John Hooper Crozier,-a man whose baseness and villainies I have held
up to public gaze for years.  Such cowards and malicious rascals as this surrounded Carroll, took possession of him, drenched him in liquor, and used him to
do their dirty work!
But I was thrown into this jail, a drawing of which
is herewith submitted, where I found about one hundred
and fifty Union men, old and young, representing all
professions. The jail was so crowded that on the
lower floor we had not room for all to lie down at one
time. The prisoners took rest by turns, a portion
standing while the others slept. There was not a
chair, bench, stool, block, table, or any other article of
furniture, in the building, save a dirty wooden bucket
and a tin cup, used for watering the occupants of the
26*




306         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
room.  A  bucketful would not go round, as the
weather was at times warm and many of the priscners
were feverish. To supply them with water, a hogslhead
was placed by the side of the jail, and a boy with a cart
hauled water through the day. One prisoner at a time
was allowed to go out with the bucket and draw it full,
under an escort of bayonets. About twenty-four men
were kept around the jail in arms, and on the inside
at the windows, which were allowed to be up in dasylight only to give us fresh air. Through the windows
we could see these dirty, sweating, insulting, and
abusive Rebel soldiers go to the hogshead and wash
their hands and faces in it. I remonstrated, telling
these ill-bred fellows that this water was our onlv
dependence for drinking-water. The reply was, "By
G —d, sir, we will have you know that where a Jeff
Davis man washes his face and hands is good enough
for any d    d Lincolnite to drink!" We, of course, had
no remedy but to submit.
The food given the prisoners to eat was not fit for
a good and trusty dog to devour. It was composed of
the scraps and leavings of a dirty hotel kept by the
jailer and deputy-marshal of the Confederacy,-the
meat and bread sometimes half raw, sometimes burned,
and always a scanty supply. I never tasted a particle
of it, but was allowed the privilege of having my
meals sent from home three times each day, an officer
examining my basket as it came in and went out, to




AMONG THE REBELS.             307
see that there was no correspondence between me and
the Unionists out-of-doors. As this vile treatment and
loathsome food produced disease, and, added to colds,
often fell upon the bowels, the Rebel brutes who guarded
us were furnished with additional opportunities for
offering us personal indignity.
Blackguard songs were sung for our benefit, and we
were all cursed and denounced both day and night.
In marching us out and into the prison, we were ordered
to "walk faster," and threatened with the bayonet if
we did not obey. The most insulting of these sentinels
were those from the Cotton States, men heralded to
the world as the "flower of the Southern youth" and
the "best blood" of the Confederacy.
There was one gentleman who visited us either daily
or every other day: he was a gentleman and a humane
man. I allude to Dr. Gray, Brigade Surgeon. He
did all he could to prevent this sort of treatment, and
had some benches made for the prisoners to sit on, and
a sort of table upon which to place their scanty meals.
But the feeling was, as a general thing, that any sort
of treatment and fare were " too good for a set of d    d
Union-shriekers and bridge-burners," as they styled
all the prisoners.
Here my jail-journal commences, written in prison,
with a lead-pencil, in small blank-books I kept in my
side pocket. I will give it, without any polish or the




308         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
slightest improvement, just as it was sketched,-written
amidst the crowd and clamor of so many men, some
sick, others impatient and tired, but all respectful to
me and kind to each other.
Friday, (sunset,) Dec. 6.-I was committed to the
jail of Knox county this evening upon a warrant sued
out by the Confederate Attorney, J. C. Raimsey, upon
a false oath he swore before a drunken commissioner,
Reynolds, charging me with treason in the editorials
of my paper. The only editorial cited was written
in May, before Tennessee separated from the Federal
Government.
I have found many old. acquaintances here and longtried friends; and whilst some were glad to see me in
no worse condition, and in expectation of hearing the
current news of the day, as well as from their families,
others shed tears upon taking me by the hand, grasping it in silence. As a general thing, I have found
them down in spirits and expecting the worst results. Some of them have been here since October,
some since November, and others were committed but
recently.
Some of them have said to me that they "never esxpected to come to this,"-that they had "never before
looked through the grates of a jail." I have cheered
them up as far as I have been able to do. Having
them around me, I addressed them in this language:



AMONG THE REBELS.             309
"Gentlemen, don't take your confinement so much
to heart. Rather glory in it, as patriots, devoted to
your country and to your principles. What are you
here for? Not for stealing; not for counterfeiting; not
for murder; but for your devotion to the Stars and
Stripes, the glorious old banner under which Washington conquered, lived, and died. You will yet enjoy
your liberties, and be permitted to die beneath the folds
of the old Star-Spangled Banner, the sacred emblem of
a common nationality. The Federal Government will
crush out this wicked rebellion and liberate us, if we
are not brutally murdered; and if we are, we die in a
good cause. I am here with you to share your sorrows
and sufferings, and here I intend to stay until the
Rebels release me or execute me, or until the Federal
army shall come to my rescue. You may take a
different view of the subject, but I regard this as the
proudest day of my life."
Saturday, Dec. 7.-This morning, forty of our number, under a heavy military escort, were sent off to
Tuscaloosa. Thirty-one others arrived to take their
places, from  Cocke, Greene, and Jefferson counties.
They bring us tales of woe from their respective counties, as to the treatment of Union men and Union
families by the drunken and debauched cavalry in this
rebellion. They are taking all the fine horses they
can find, and appropriating them to their own use; they




310         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
are entering houses, breaking open drawers and chests,
seizing money, blankets, and whatever they can use.
The dirty organ of the mob who have placed me here
-the Knoxville  egyister-has opened upon me; and,
now that I have no paper in which to reply, shut up in
solitary confinement, it will keep up a regular fire upon
me. The following notice comes out this morning:"(ARREST.-William G. Brownlow was arrested yesterday upon a charge of treason on a warrant ordered
by the Confederate States Commissioner and drawn up
by the District Attorney. He was committed to jail.
His trial will come up in due course before the Confederate Court,-perhaps next week. The rumor of an
order from the War Department for his safe-conduct
to the North, in the last two days, has created intense
excitement throughout this country, especially among
those who have friends and relatives now languishing
in prison on account of his teachings."
Sunday, Dec. 8.-Three others arrived from Cocke
county, telling us tales of horror as to the treatment
of Union men by the ruffian troops of Jeff Davis. Selfstyled Vigilance Committees are prowling over the
country like wolves, and military mobs, armed to the
teeth, are arresting men upon suspicion of hostility to
their new Government, and shooting others down in
the field. They speak of the case of poor.Pearce, a
quiet man, a Methodist class-leader, shot down in his
own field with a musket-ball,-not for any offence he
had ever committed, but simply for being a Union man.
I knew him personally, and know him to have been a




AMONG THE REBELS.              31 A
harmless man. A brother of this villainous attorney,
Ramsey, was in the crowd that murdered Pearce.
Monday, Dec. 9.-More prisoners arrived this evening. Twenty-eight are in from Jefferson and Cocke
counties.  Some of the Jefferson county prisoners have
given us the particulars of the hanging of Hensie anc
Fry upon the same limb of an oak-tree over or close
by the railroad-track. The bloody scoundrel who tieci
the knot was one Colonel Leadbetter, a native of Maine,
who, after serving fifteen years in the United States
army, married a gang of negroes at Mobile, and has
become the great champion of Southern Rights. HIe
ordered these two men to hang four days and nights,
and the trains to pass by them slowly, so that the
passengers could see, and kick, and strike with canes
their dead bodies, from the front and rear platforms of
the cars, as they passed,-which was actually done. i
shall illustrate the scene with an engraving if I ever
live to get out of this prison. And I propose, if ever
the Federal army shall capture East Tennessee,-as I
believe it will,-and with it this murderer, Leadbetter,
that he shall hang on the same limb, and that Fry's
widow shall tie the knot around his infernal neck.
Tuesday, Dec. 10. —The tedium of prison-life has
rather oppressed us all to-day. It has been relieved a
little by our coming in contact with some insolent




312         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Southern negroes. One in uniform, from Alabama,
has been guarding us with a double-barrelled shot-gun,
and has been insulting and abusive. Another negro
came into the jail and threw slugs of lead through tile
grates into the iron cage of one of our prisoners. WATe
have all to submit to this sort of treatment. WVhen we
are put here, we are deprived of our weapons, pocketknives, and money, and all are confiscated, leaving us
helpless. Some of our men had several hundred dollars
in their pockets, and all had more or less money.
One of the scoundrels who took an active part in
having me put here is Colonel W. M. Churchwell, the
great bank-swindler, whose dishonesty I brought to
light in a suit in chancery, all of which is now on
record. One of the privates in Churchwell's regiment,
by the name of Barker, is now here a prisoner for having
knocked down his captain. Barker was run against
Churchwell for colonel, and actually beat him one
hundred and eighty votes; but Carroll gave the certificate in favor of Churchwell.  Churchwell afterwards
had Barker chained to a tree, and more recently lie
had Captain Jackson arrested for heading a petition to
C. to resign on the score of incompetency.
Wednesday, Dec. 11.-C. A. Haun, a man about
twenty-seven years of age, was taken out to-day and
hung, on a charge of bridge-burning.  He had but a
short notice of his sentence, having been condemned








Iceland-,~ ~~i           ~.el~
x,,
~II~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I
C. A. Haun parting from his Family before his Exeoution. (Page 313,)




AMONG THE REBELS.            313
without any defence allowed him  by a drum-head
and whiskey-drinking court-martial.  I think that
he was notified of his coming death about one hour
in advance. I know he desired a Methodist preacher
sent for to sing and pray with him, and this was
refused him: so that he was forced to exchange
worlds without the "benefit of clergy." They drove
up a cart with a coffin in it, surrounded by a hardened
set of Rebel troops, displaying their bayonets and
looking and talking savagely.  It is stated to us
that one of the Rebel chaplains officiated at the
hanging, and stated that Haun desired him to say that
he had been misled by the Union leaders and papers
and was sorry for his conduct, whereupon Haun contradicted him, and said that he had admitted no such
thing. Haun leaves a young wife and two or three
little children. I had, myself, sooner be Haun than
any one of his murderers.
Fifteen more prisoners came in to-day from Greene
and Hancock counties, charged with having been
armed as Union men and accustomed to drill, which I
have no doubt is true. What their fate will be, God
only knows. These savage beasts of the Southern
Confederacy are prepared to hang a man for saying
that Secession is wrong or unconstitutional, although
John C. Calhoun admitted this much himself.
Thursday, Dec. 12.-Fifteen of our prisoners were
27




314         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
started to Tuscaloosa this morning, to remain there as
prisoners of war. They had no trial, but were sent
upon their admission that they had been found in arms,
as Union men, preparing to defend themselves against
the murderous assaults and highway-robberies daily committed by the so-called Confederate cavalry.  Poor
fellows! They hated to go; and no wonder, for they
are treated like dogs on the way, as well as after they
get there!
Friday, Dec. 13.-Three more prisoners in to-day,
from Hancock and Hawkins counties. Charge, as usual,
Union men, attached to a company of Home-Guards.
The Register has been handed to me, in which I find
the following cowardly attack from some one of the many
hypocrites who have gone over to Secession or been
bribed by the leaders of this rebellion:(For the Register.)
B1'ownlow.
"Why is this ringleader of all the toryism and devilment in East Tennessee dealt with so leniently, and
others, not half so guilty, punished extremely? We
insist upon it that all who have been apprehended and
are now in prison ought to be released without further
trouble. They have only done what Brownlow, Johnson, Nelson, Maynard, Fleming, Trigg, and others, wIho
were leaders in trying to ruin the country, told them to
do. And now why keep any others in custody? Why
weary the troops in hunting them out and bringing
them to justice? Justice should be meted out to all




AMONG THE REBELS.             310
alike; and if the principal leader is not only released,
but furnished a safe escort, it should so be exercised to
others. We should invite Johnson and Maynard home,
and promise them safety while they may be disposed to
remain among us and learn all the details of the Southern movement.
"The brave men who see that Brownlow gets safely
out could certainly see that Johnson and Maynard came
safely in!
" But, seriously, we have no desire to see any mannot even Mr. Brownlow-pull Tennessee hemp, or that
of Missouri, nor yet that of Kentucky.  But we do
think that the least punishment that should be inflicted
ought to be a residence at Tuscaloosa until the war
closes, and then the enviable gentleman can go over by
himself and see Abe Lincoln, and abide with him forever.
"C0an it be that any officer or soldier will be pleased
to carry out such a tormentor as Brownlow, —conduct
him safely out who has all the time been seeking the
ruin of every Secessionist and the whole Southern Confederacy,-who would'rather be in hell than with such
a bogus Government'? Can it be that those brave men
who have left all that is dear to them to defend the
country will feel themselves honored by safely conveying
their most inveterate enemy over to Lincoln to do them
still more damage-? or will they not rather feel like they
have lost more than half they have been fighting for in
this State? East Tennessee has been a heavy expense
to the State and to the Confederate Government, in consequence of the teaching and leading of Brownlow and
others; and now to let him go in peace seems to be the
height of folly, or we cannot see right. It will cool the
ardor of many a soldier, and cause the community to
lose confidence in the hope they entertained of the speedy
independence of the South.
"We have nothing to controvert with those at the
helm of affairs, but we think we can safely say that our
friends at Nashville and Richmond have been led astray




316         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
and badly hoodwinked by those from East Tennessee,
who are better friends to Unionism or Toryism than to
the Southern interests.
"It has been said in the ears of authority that
Brownlow was so secreted that he could not be found.
But no true Southern man believes a word of that in
this part of the country. He could have been picked
up in three days, at any time during his absence, by a
deputation of ten soldiers. The only wonder is that it
was not done.
" It may be well said that enemies with fair faces
have dictated, and have been heard and listened to,
instead of those who have been faithful to the cause of
the South through thick and thin.
"The enmity and trouble amongst Union men in
East Tennessee is not rooted out: it is only covered up;
while the heat, with some honorable exceptions, is
increasing, and waiting and hoping for Lincoln to send
over his army, and they will'pitch in.'"
Saturday, Dec. 14.-Three more prisoners from the
upper counties were brought in to-day. They speak
of the outrages perpetrated by these Rebel troops, and
of their murderous spirit. Three officers visited me today. Lieutenant-Colonel Golladay stated to me that,
whilst he was not informed as to what they would do
with me, he was in favor of sending me to Nashville,
boarding me at a hotel, giving me the privileges of the
city until the war was over, but confining me to its limits.
I told him that his mode of punishment was not severe,
but that I preferred his Government should carry out its
stipulations with me and send me beyond their limits.
General Carroll visited me, but was, as I supposed,




AMONG THE REBELS.                 317
more drunk than usual. He thought that I ought to
be out of this, but that I ought to be willing to swear
allegiance to the Confederate Government. I told him
that I would lie here until I died with old age before I
would take such an oath. I did not consider that he
had a Government; I regarded it as a big Southern
mob.  It had never been recognized by any Government on earth, and never would be!
Sunday, Dec. 15.-Started thirty-five of our lot to
Tuscaloosa, to be held during the war. Levi Trewhitt,
an able lawyer, but an old man, will never get back.
His sons came up to see him, but were refused the privilege.  Dr. Hunt, from the same county of Bradley, has
also gone.  His wife came sixty miles to see him, and
came to the jail-door, but was refused admittance. Dr.
Hunt's offence is twofold. First, his wife is my wife's
only sister; and, next, he holds the clerkship of the
Chancery Court, and Tom Camp bell, the judge-advocate
on the court-martial, has a brother-in-law whom he
desires to put in the office. I have told the doctor that
as soon as his office could be declared vacant he would
be turned out, and McMillan, the brother-in-law of
Campbell, put in his place.*
-a- Trewhitt has since died, Hunt has been turned out, and McMillan
appointed Clerk of the Chancery Court! Campbell has been ordered
to go to his command; but, not having joined to fight, he refused, and
resigned. His resignation was not accepted, and he was driven out of
camps in Middle Tennessee.




1 8         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
fonday, Dec. 16.-Brought in Dr. Wells and Colonel
Morris, of Knox county, two clever men and good citizens. Their offence is that they are Union men, first;
and, next, as old Whigs, they voted and electioneered
against this scoundrel Ramsey, the Confederate Attorney, when he was beaten for the United States Congress, about two years ago. He now has a chance of
paying these gentlemen back!
I have this day mailed the following letter to the
Secretary of War at Richmond:KNOXVILLE JAIL, Dec. 16, 1861.
HON. J. P. BENJAMIN:You authorized General Crittenden to give me passports and an escort to send me into the old Government,
and he invited me here for that purpose; but a thirdrate county-court lawyer, acting as your Confederate
attorney, took me out of his hands and cast me into this
prison. I am anxious to learn which is your highest
authority,-the Secretary of War, a major-general, or
a dirty little drunken attorney such as J. C. Ramsey is!
You are reported to have said to a gentleman in Richmond that I am a bad man, dangerous to the Confederacy, and that you desire me out of it. Just give me
my passports, and I will do for your Confederacy more
than the devil has ever done,-I will quit the country!
I am, &c.,
W. G. BIROWNLOW.




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AMONG THE REBELS.             319
Tuesday, Dec. 17.-Brought in a Union man from
Campbell county to-day, leaving behind six small children, and their mother dead.  This man's offence is
holding out for the Union!
Two more carts drove up with coffins in them and a
heavy military guard around them. This produced in
our circle of prisoners great consternation, for we did
not know certainly who were to hang. They, however,
came into the jail and marched out Jacob Harmon and
his son Henry, and hung them up on the same gallows!
The old man was a man of property, quite old and
infirm, and they compelled him to sit on the scaffold
and see his son, a young man, hang first; then he was
ordered up and hung by his side. They were charged
with bridge-burning, but protested to the last that they
were not guilty. I know not how this was; but the
laws of Tennessee only send a man to the penitentiary
for such offences.
To-night, two brothers —named Walker-came in
from Hawkins county, charged with having "talked
Union talk."
Wednesday, Dec. 18.-Discharged sixty prisoners today, who had been in prison from three to five weeks,taken through mistake, as was said, there being nothing
against them. Business suffering at home, unlawfully
seized upon and thrust into this uncomfortable jail, they
are now turned out by the corrupt, wicked, God-defying,




320         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
and hell-deserving authorities of this usurped, bogus,
and truly infamous Confederacy. We are getting our
number reduced, but these devils will replenish our
prison as long as they can find Union men in East Tennessee; and that will be until they kill them all off!
Thursday, Dec. 19.-I have now only been fourteen
days in this Union Hall, but I am feeling the effects
of the cold nights and confinement. My old disease.
bronchitis, is troubling me. So well am I satisfied of
the inflammation of the bronchi, or ramifications of
the windpipe, that I have called in a physician and
had him insert a silk cord in my breast just below the
chin, so as to bring the inflammation to the surface.
To-night twelve more Union prisoners were brought
in from lower East Tennessee, charged with belonging to
Colonel Clift's regiment of Union men, arming and drilling to go over to Kentucky and join the Federal army.
Friday, Dec. 20.-General Carroll, hearing of my
indisposition, came in to-day and offered to remove me
to their dirty hospital. I declined the offer,-did not
want passports to where I would likely be poisoned in
twenty-four hours. I told him I was ready to receive
passports to go beyond the limits of the Confederacy.
If these could not be had, I desired to remain where I
was. This is a terrible night! The sentinels are all
drunk,-howling like wolves,-rushing to our windows




AMONG THE REBELS.              32]
with the ferocity of the Sepoys of India, and daring
prisoners to show their heads, —cocking their guns and
firing off three of them into the jail, and pretending it
was accidental.  Merciful God! how long are we to be
treated after this fashion?
Saturday, Dec. 21. —Took out five of the prisoners
brought here from the Clift expedition,-liberated them
by their agreeing to go into the Rebel army. Their
dread of Tuscaloosa induced them to go into the service.
They have offered this chance to all, and only sent off
those who stubbornly refused.
The troops in town are on a general spree, for as
many as twenty-five of them have been thrust into
prison with us. I suspect they are made drunk and
put into jail to get up a row with the Union prisoners.
They are yelling all night like savages,-some cursing
Lincoln and the Union men, some cursing Davis and
his Confederacy, and all swearing that they are sick
of the war. I write this at midnight.
To-day I succeeded in having mailed to Nashville
the following letter, written yesterday, which I feel
confident the Pactriot will do me the justice to publish:KNOXVILLE JAIL, Dec. 20, 1861.
EDITORS OF THE NASHVILLE PATRIOT:
In your issue of the 17th instant you say, "We
learn that W. G. Brownlow, imprisoned at Knoxville,




322          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
refuses to eat any thing, desirin!g to starve himself to
death."
I have no doubt, Mr. Editor, that you have learned
such a thing, but it is wonderful intelligence! And, but
for the fact that I do not wish to be understood as
trying to commit suicide, I would not care to correct
the erroneous statement. The truth in my case is, that
I have now been in jail two weeks, and I have eaten
too much every day, my family, with the permission of
Brigadier-General Carroll, furnishing me with three
meals each day.  But for taking cold, and suffering
from a sore throat, I could boast of usual health. As
it is, I claim to be the most cheerful of more than one
hundred prisoners I found here on my arrival.
But, sir, I will now give you an additional item or
so, which many of your readers will peruse with interest if you are allowed to publish them. I left home
about the 5th of November, with a view to collect some
claims due my office for advertlsing, and to relieve
the fears of my family, who were daily annoyed with
drunken soldiers, calling before my house and flourishing their side-knives and pistols and making threats
of violence.  The last week in November I received
a letter from Brigadier-General Carroll, inviting me
to return and promising me protection from personal
violence.  On the 5th of December I received a brief
letter from Major-General Crittenden, inviting me to
his head-quarters in Knoxville, promising me passports








IM) 
77ft
-~ —=-~ -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~7- -,-~-'-.7-._.-~.~.-~~~~~~~~~~~___                               /'T~~~~~~~~'
=~~~~
Has~~~~~~
Execution of Jacob Harmon and his son Henry. (Page 319.
-----— ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~TTT~~~~TTTT




AMONG THE REBELS.              323
into Kentucky and a military escort to conduct me
safe. At the same time I was furnished with the copy
of a letter to the major-general from J. P. Benjamin,
Secretary of War, advising him to give me passports
and a safe-conduct beyond the Confederate lines.
Supposing the head of the War Department and the
major-general commanding here to be acting in good
faith, I reported myself in person and accepted the offer
of passports. I agreed to start on Saturday, and the
general designated Captain Gillespie's company of
cavalry for an escort.
But on Friday evening, just before sundown, I was
arrested for treason, founded on certain editorials in
the Knoxv'lle tVWhi since June last, the warrant being
signed by Commissioner Reynolds and Attorney Ramsey. I am, therefore, in jail, — in close confinement,perfectly contented, and making no complaints against
any one. I am waiting patiently to see which is the
highest power,-the War Department at Richmond associated with the major-general in command here, or the
Commissioners' Court for Knoxville. Nay, I am anxious
to know whether the high authorities inviting me here
were acting in good faith, or were only playing off a tricfto have me incarcerated. I am not willing to believe
that the representatives of a would-be great Government
struggling for its independence, and having in charge
the interests of twelve millions of people, intend to act
in bad faith to me. The chivalcro'os people of the South,
28




324         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
and all the journals, have denounced the high-handed
measures of the United States Government in suspending the habeas corpus act, suppressing public journals,
and incarcerating citizens upon tettres de cachet; and
I will not allow myself to believe that the Confederate
Government will resort to similar tricks.
I am, sir, very respectfully, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLOW.
Sunday, Dec. 22.-Brought in old man Wamplar,
an old Dutchman seventy years of age, from Greene
county, charged with being an Andy Johnson man,
and "talking Union talk." Sentinels are stationed in our
rooms to watch us,-cursing us all for d-   d thieves,
Tories, and scoundrels, to even guard whom is a disgrace, they allege. One of them carried the matter so far
that one of our prisoners, TuIcker, pitched into him and
flogged him without arms, and in defiance of his musket.
Monday, Dec. 23.-Officer of the day in charge of
the sentinels. furnished liquor to a portion of the
prisoners, such as came out of the ranks of Secession.
They got drunk. A general row was threatened. Union
prisoners and Rebel sentinels played cards, and the
former won the money..Tuzesday, Dec. 24. —White's regiment, some of whom
have been guarding us, left to-day for Kentucky to




AMONG THE REBELS.             325
join Zollicoffer's army. Many of them seemed to regret
it,-told our prisoners that they felt like going to their
graves. Officer of the day came into the jail and
demanded all the cards. They were handed over to
him, and he burned them. We have but three men
who play cards. To-night they brought in one of their
"Texas Rangers," who had deserted from Manassas.
He looks but little like killing Yankees. Various
troops put in jail during the day for drunkenness.
Wednesday, Dec. 25.-The Union ladies in and around
Knoxville applied to General Carroll for leave to send
in a Christmas dinner. He granted leave, and stated
that he regarded it as an act of humanity. The supply
was abundant and sumptuous, and was most thankfully
received.
It affords me great pleasure to know that I have
been able, out of my basket of provisions and coffee-pot,
to furnish several very old men, and very sick, who
could not eat what comes from the greasy inn. Two of
them are Baptist ministers, Messrs. Pope and Cate, each
as much as, or more than, seventy years of age. The
first-named was sent here for praying, in his pulpit, for
the President of the United States. The latter is here
for cheering the Stars and Stripes as the banner neared
his house, borne by some men on horseback.
Thursday, Dec. 26.-Some twelve Confederate troops,




326          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
beastly drunk, have to-day been confined in our jail for
outraging all the decencies of life. They make our
jail a hell on earth. What an affliction it is to be
cursed with confinement in such a place and with such
brutes as these are! I am sick, without an appetite,
and I fear I am taking the fever. Several of our men
are now sick, stretched out upon the floor; and some of
them, I have reason to believe, will never survive this
confinement.
Friday, 1Dec. 27.-Harrison  Self, an industrious,
honest, and heretofore peaceable man, a citizen of
Greene county, was notified this morning that he was to
be hanged at four o'clock P.M. His daughter, a noble
girl, modest, and neatly attired, came in this morning to
see him. Heart-broken and bowed down under a fearful
weight of sorrow, she entered his iron cage, and they
embraced each other most affectionately.  My God,
what a sight!  What an affecting scene!  May these
eyes of mine, bathed in tears, never look upon the like
again! The weeping of prisoners who beheld this
scene brings to my mind the verses I subjoin —
"Did Christ o'er sinners weep?
And shall our cheeks be dry?
Let floods of penitential grief
Burst forth from every eye.
"The Son of God in tears,
Angels with wonder see!
Be thou astonished, 0 my soul:
He shed those tears for thee."




AMONG THE REBELS.              327
But her short limit to remain with her father expired,
and she came out weeping bitterly, and shedding burning tears. Requesting me to write a dispatch for her
and sign her name to it, I took out my pencil and a
slip of paper, and wrote the following:"KNOXVILLE, Dec. 27, 1861.
"' HON. JEFFERSON DAVIS:" My father, Harrison Self, is sentenced to hang at
four o'clock this evening, on a charge of bridge-burning. As he remains my earthly all, and all my hopes
of happiness centre in him, I implore you to pardon
him.                          ELIZABETH SELF."
With this dispatch the poor girl hurried off to the
office, some two or three hundred yards from the jail;
and about two o'clock in the afternoon the answer came
to General Carroll, telling him not to allow Self to be
hung. Self was turned out of the cage into the jail with
the rest of us, and looks as if he had gone through a
long spell of sickness. But what a thrill of joy ran
through the heart of that noble girl! Self is to be
confined, as I understand, during the war. This is
hard upon an innocent man; but it is preferable to
hanging.
Self stated that when he expected to hang, and only
a few hours before Davis's dispatch came, the marshal
and jailer, Fox, told him that he was authorized to say
28*



-328        BROWN LOW'S EXPERIENCES
to him that if he would confess his guilt as a bridgeburner, under the gallows, and would state that
BROWNLOW, TRIGG, BAXTER, and TEMPLE had put him
up to it and furnished money to burn the bridges, he
would be reprieved!  He replied to the wicked, malicious, and infernal offer that he could not say so, as
it would not be true. What an effort to involve innocent men! And what a temptation to the man about
to hang! The men who authorized this bribe deserve the lowest and hottest apartments in the infernal
regions.
Upon the jail-floor, in one corner, lies Madison Cate,
low with fever, and upon a bit of old carpeting, with
some sort of bundle under his aching head to serve as
a pillow.  I feel confident that he will die. Poor
fellow! He is an honest man, -a man who stays at
home and attends to his own business. He has a little
farm in Sevier county, a wife and six small and helpless children, and is here for being a Union man and
mustering with a company of Union Guards. This is
the head and front of his offending.
We have all just witnessed a thrilling scene. The
wife of poor Cate came and presented herself in front
of the jail, neatly attired, with an infant at her breast,
of five or six weeks old,-born, I think, since her husband's confinement! She asked leave to see her dying
husband, but was refused at the door, by some one
claiming to act upon authority. I put my head out




AMONG THE REBELS.                 329
of the window and remonstrated, telling them that
it was a sin and a shame to refuse this poor woman,
after coming so far, the liberty of seeing her husband,
and seeing him  for the last time! They allowed her
to enter, but limited her stay to twenty minutes.
She came in. And, oh, my soul! what a scene! Seeing
the emaciated form of her husband on the floor, pining
with sorrow and severe affliction, and destitute of every
comfort, she approached with faltering step, and sank
down upon his heaving breast, bathed in tears of anguish.
I asked her to give me the babe as she ventured up;
for I saw that she was unconscious of having it in
her arms. In that condition, without a word, they
remained until her twenty minutes expired, of which
being notified, she rose up and retired. I hope I may
never look upon such a scene again. Oh, what oppression! And yet this is the spirit of Secession! I find
some consolation in the following verses:" Oppression shall not always reign:
There dawns a brighter day,
When freedom, burst from every chain,
Shall have triumphant sway.
" Then right shall over might prevail,
And truth, like hero armed in mail,
The hosts of tyrant wrong assail,
And hold eternal sway!"




330         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XXI.
THE outside pressure against me I knew was very
great, and the clamor for my blood, or rather for my
neck, was to be heard among the Secession citizens on
the street, and among the infuriated troops in camp
and in the liquor-shops of the town. I really supposedl, at one time, that they would hang me, and I
made up my mind to meet the occasion like a man. In
view of this fate, I sketched off a brief speech, which
I intended to ask the privilege of delivering on the
scaffold. I think they would have granted the request, from an intense curiosity to hear what I had to
say in such a trying moment; and I believe I could
have stood forth and said it in the face of ten thousand people. I give the speech just as I prepared
it in pencil-writing, at intervals, in prison. I began
writing it when they commenced hanging our prisoners:Intended Speech under the Gallows.
FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:-I have often  addressed
many of you, upon different topics, but never under circumstances like those which now surround me, as I feel




AMONG THE REBELS.             331
that I am  speaking for the last time. I suppose I
have been sentenced to hang by a court-martial sitting
in this city: I say I suppose so, for I have never had any
trial, or even a notice of a trial being in progress. So
it has been with those who have been executed before
me.  It is alike a matter of indifference whether I
was tried by that court-martial in my absence and in
the absence of witnesses and counsel, or whether I had
been present; the result would have been death. The
judge advocate, THOMAS J. CAMPBELL, is a perfidious
man, as destitute of real honor and purity of purpose
as he is of true courage and manly virtue. Associated
with him  is JAMES D. THOMAS, a man who was expelled from the Methodist ministry for whipping his
wife and slandering his venerable old father-in-law!
This man Thomas has advocated on the bench, in
open court-martial, the sending of the Union masses of
East Tennessee to Alabama and Mississippi, and working them in the field, under negro overseers, and the
hanging of the Union leaders here! Justice at the
hands of such a set of men is the last thing I would
expect. Indeed, there is more glory in being put to
death by such men than in being acquitted, after going
through the forms of a trial.
It is known to many of you that I had left home to
avoid personal violence, and was out of the reach of
the mob, who could not find me, after repeated efforts
by squads sent out, armed, by that arch-hypocrite and




332         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
would-be murderer, W. B. Wood, of Alabama. In my
concealment I was informed by a letter from MajorGeneral Crittenden, in command at this place, that he
was instructed by the Secretary of War at Richmond,
Mr. Benjamin, to give me passports and a military
escort to conduct me out of this bogus Government
into the Federal Government; and I was invited to
appear at his head-quarters in twenty-four hours,
where he promised me that I should be furnished
with said passports.  I was there within the time
specified, accompanied by Colonel Baxter, the arrangement was made, and the company of Captain Gillespie designated as my escort.  But that evening,
just before sundown, I was arrested upon a warrant
issued by that disgraceful specimen of our nature,
Comnmissioner Reynolds, upon the false oath of. Attorney.Ramsey, a corrupt man, for whom no decent
Secessionist entertains any respect. The charge against
me was treason, founded upon editorials, one of which
has been published, in part, by Ramsey, in the Kn oxville Register; and although the miserable man swore
that the editorial was published since the 10th of June,
at which time the State voted out, my files will show
that it was published on the 25th of May.
Thus I was taken out of the hands of a major-general
and of his Secretary of War by a worthless little Confederate lawyer, and thrown into the common jail of
this county; refused bail, when the best the county




AMONG THE REBELS.              333
affords was offered; and, up to this eventful hour, I
have been denied a trial, and an opportunity to defend
myself before the court condemning me to an ignominious death. The proof of all that is here charged
will be found in the correspondence cited, which I have
placed in the hands of a friend for publication. It
will show that these parties, one and all, have acted a
treacherous part towards me, and have violated their
pledges and faith. Their perfidy and treachery are
absolutely disgraceful to their bogus Government, it
indeed such a Government can be disgraced.
Some hostile reminiscences of the past, as between
other cowardly, mean, and murderous men of this city
and myself, will appear in the documents I leave behind;
and I request my sons to publish them, even at the
cost of their lives. I desire to bear my testimony,
even in a dying hour, to the perfidy, double-dealing,
and cowardly course toward me of that prince of hypocrites and great embodiment of human deceit, Camp —
bell Wallace, the president of the railroad, and one.
of the great lights of Secession.  I warn all men
present, and all who may hear of this statement,
never to confide in that man. He is supremely selfish, notoriously insincere, and would sell his interest in
his God-which, I fear, is not a very large one-for
money!
I must also bear witness to the treachery and insincerity of William G. MacAdoo, who, while meeting




334         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
me with a smile and professing friendship, stated to
John Black that I ought to be kept in prison during
this war. This man was on the verge of starvation,
and without credit, when I took it upon myself to
attend the sitting of our Legislature, some years ago,
and help make him District Attorney.  He since lost
one wife and married a second owning a gang of
negroes and a rice-plantation in Georgia, and has
turned over to Secession.  I warn my family and
friends never to confide in him.
Fellow-countrymen, I am shortly to be executed,not for any crime punishable with death, but for my
devotion to my country, her laws and Constitution.  I
die for refusing to espouse the cause of this wicked rebellion; and I glory in it, strange as you may think it.
I could have lived, if I had taken an oath of allegiance
to this so-called Confederacy.  Rather than stultify
myself and disgrace my family by such an oath, I agree
to die! I never could sanction this Government, and
I trust that no child of mine will ever do it.  Look
at the past history of the leaders and originators of
this rebellion. There is not a man of unstained character to be found among them.  Yancey is a convicted murderer, who killed his uncle, (Dr. Earl, of
South Carolina,) and, instead of going to England to
intrigue against this Government, he would have been
in prison had he not been pardoned by the Governor
of that State. Wigfall, a Confederate Senator and a








~                                                       C —-=
~~~ - ~-~                                                   - N. ~ ~'/....
neif.                 elf    ith i dgi- WO  SMe
~~     ~~~NN~IN.i                                                                               I-, —a
Interview of W. H. H. Self with his dauohte-r in Knoxville Jail. (Page 326.)
i]   ~ ~  ~      ~      ~     ~     ~     ~     ~`~~~~~~~B~




AMONG THE REBELS.             335.
general, fled from his native State of South Carolina
to Texas to escape the horrors of assassination, became
a collecting attorney for large amounts, and then swindled his employers out of their dues, murdering as
many as two men in Texas. -Floyd, while Governor
of my native State, was guilty of swindling the State
out of some thirty thousand dollars of the Washington
Monument Fund intrusted to his care; while in Buchanan's Cabinet, in violation of his oath, he stole, besides large amounts of bonds, the guns, forts, and ammunition of the Federal Government, to aid in carrying
on this infamous rebellion. Slidell, another intriguer,
who never had an honest emotion of soul in his life,
assisted, while in the United States Senate, to pass
through Congress that great swindle of the age, the
" Houmans -Land Grant," —a swindle so gigantic and a
cheat so enormous that the next Congress revoked the
grant. Benjamin, your Secretary of War, and one of
the men engaged in deceiving me, was expelled from a
New England college for stealing money and jewelry
out of the trunks of his fellow-students: he afterwards
got into the Senate from Louisiana by turning from a
Whig to a Democrat, and became the partner of Slidell
in the Houmans swindle.  Thompson, the Mississippi
member of Buchanan's Cabinet, while Secretary of the
Interior, was a partner in stealing some Indian Trust
Bonds, and, when about to be dismissed for the offence,
fled from the Federal capital by night, to avoid a prose29




336         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
cution. Cobb, the Georgia member of Buchanan's
Cabinet, speculated in stocks, using Government money,
and was detected in it; and all this was at a time
when he was acting under oa.th, as the head of the
Treasury Department. Davis, your President, after
his State had borrowed millions, led the way in the
work of repudiation and in defrauding Mississippi's
honest creditors. Toombs, the big man of your Government at Richmond, was the confederate of Keitt
and Brooks in their attempt to assassinate Sumner.
Swan, your Congressman from this district, and an
original Secessionist, is the forger of the Johnson letters to Lawrence, with a view to swindle the latter
out of ten thousand dollars.  These, and a host of
others like them, are the men who originated and are
carrying on this Southern Rebellion. Ought not any
honest man to prefer to hang rather than act with such
men in a wicked crusade against the mild sway of the
best Government on earth?
But I must close. Solemn thought! I die, with
confidence that the United States Government will
crush out this rebellion during the coming spring
and summer. Mark my prediction! I would like to
be living when that is done; but I must resign myself
to my fate.
I have a word to say as it regards my family. I
leave a wife and seven children to the mercies of a
cold-hearted world.  I hope the Union men of the




AMONG THE REBELS.                337
country will be kind to them, and seek to impress
their minds with what is true,-that they are not
disgraced, but honored, by my death. Let me be
shrouded in the sacred folds of the Star-Spangled
Banner; and let my children's children know that the
last words I uttered on earth were,"Forever float that standard sheet!
Where breathes the foe but falls before us,
With Freedom's soil beneath our feet,
And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us!"
January 1, 1862.-For the last four or five days I
have been very sick, and I am now salivated from an
excess of mercury. I have, therefore, not made any
note of what has passed.  Captain Monserrat, late of
Nashville, is in charge of this post at present; and I
will do him the justice to say that he has treated me
and my family with great kindness, and as I would
expect to be treated by a gentleman. Upon the testimony of Dr. Hill, one of my family physicans, Captain
Monserrat has had me brought to a private room, on
my own lot, and guarded as at the jail. It was upon
the faith of this certificate that I was removed:" KNOXVILLE, TENNESSEE, lMonday, Dec. 30,'61.
" CAPTAIN MONSERRAT:" SIR:-For a day or two past I have been in attendance upon Mr. Brownlow at the jail, and have much
regretted that greater quiet could. not be secured to




338         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
him, and have little hopes of his recovery without it;
injuries of his skull, received years since, complicate
his sickness, and render this imperatively necessary
for a rapid recovery.
"Very respectfully, &c.
"O. F. HILL."
Upon learning that I was about to be removed, and
upon getting a letter from the War Department to the
effect that I ought not to have been imprisoned, the
miscreant Ramsey went into court and ordered my
release upon the civil arrest; but an officer of the
army, who accompanied the notice of my release to
my bedside, re-arrested me under the military authority, and placed an armed guard at my door.
The following document appeared in the Register,
and shows two things,-that the villainous attorney
withheld the letter of Benjamin for a week after receiving it, and that the military authorities were acting with Reynolds and Ramsey from the first. The
article herewith presented is from the Richmond
D)ispatch:Trial of Brownlow-His Release-Letter from the Secretary of
War,
"The Knoxville Register of Saturday says that the
cause of Parson Brownlow, arrested for the publication
of incendiary articles against the Confederate Government, was called up in court on last Friday.




AMONG THIE REBELS.             339
"The Deputy Marshal, Fox, having been ordered to
bring from jail W. G. Brownlow, reported that Brownlow was too unwell, as he represented himself, to appear
at the court-house. Very few spectators were present.
The Commissioner ordered the District Attorney to
proceed; whereupon the District Attorney arose and
read the. following letter, which he had just received
from Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of War at Richmond:" CONFEDERATE STATES OF AmEERICA,
"WAR DEPARTMIENT, RICHrIOND, Dec. 22, 1861.
"SIR: -Your letters of the 17th and 19th inst. have
been received. In relation to Brownlow's case, the facts
are simply these. Brownlow, being concealed somewhere in the mountains, made application to General
Crittenden for protection against what he called a
military mob or military tribunal, if he came to Knoxville, professing his willingness to undergo a civil trial,i.e. a trial before the civil court, as distinguished from
court-martial; and, as I understand, General Crittenden
promised to protect him from any violence and from
any trial before a military tribunal.
" In the mean time Mr. Baxter came here, and represented that Brownlow, who was entirely beyond our
power and so concealed that no one could get possession of his person, was willing to leave the country and
go into exile, to avoid any further trouble in East Tennessee, and proffered that Brownlow would come in and
deliver himself up to be conveyed out of East Tennessee, if the Government would agree to let him do so
and to protect him in his exit.
"If Brownlow had been in our hands, we might not
have accepted this proposition; but, deeming it better
to have him as an open enemy on the other side of the
lines than as a secret enemy within the lines, authority
was given to General Crittenden to assure him of protection across the border if he came into Knoxville.
"It was not in our power, nor that of any one else, to
29V




340         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
prevent his being taken by process of law; and I confess it did not occur to me that any attempt would be
made to take him out of the hands of the military
authority. This has been done, however, and it is only
regretted in one point of view, —that is, color is given
to the suspicion that Brownlow has been entrapped,
and has given himself up under promise of protection
which has not been firmly kept. General Crittenden
feels sensitive on this point; and I share his feeling.
Better that any, the most dangerous enemy, however
criminal, should escape, than that the honor and good
faith of the Government should be impugned or even
suspected. General Crittenden gave his word only that
-Brownlow should not be tried by the court-martial, and
I gave authority to promise him protection if he would
surrender, to be conveyed across the border. We have
both kept our words as far as was in our power; but
every one must see that Brownlow would now be safe,
and at large, if he had not supposed that his reliance
on the promise made him would insure his safe departure from East Tennessee.
"Under all the circumstances, therefore, if Brownlow
is exposed to harm from his arrest, I shall deem the
honor of the Government so far compromitted as to
consider it my duty to urge on the President a pardon
for any offence of which he may be found guilty; and I
repeat the expression of my regret that he was prosecuted, however evident may be his guilt.
"J. P. BENJAMIN,
"Secretary of War.
"J. C. RAMSEY, ESQ.,
"C.S. Dist. Att'y, Enoxville.
"Upon the reading of the foregoing letter, the Attorney remarked that the arrest of Brownlow had been
made after consultation with the military authorities,
who had given assurances that if Brownlow should be
arrested by civil process the military would in no




AMONG THE REBELS.             341
manner interfere in his behalf, except to protect him
from personal violence; that this arrest had been made
because of the following and similar articles which had
been published in Brownlow's paper:"' Let the railroads on which Union citizens of East
Tennessee are conveyed to Montgomery in irons be
eternally and hopelessly destroyed. Let the property
of the men concerned be consumed, and let their lives
pay the forfeit, and the names will be given!'
" District Attorney Ramsey then proceeded to say that
he would enter a nolle prosequi only upon the ground
that the good faith of the Confederate States Government should be carried out in this case, and Brownlow be transported beyond our lines. This he did that
no imputation whatever should be made against the
authorities at Richmond of bad faith, no matter what
might be the circumstances which led the authorities
to such a conclusion. For himself, he believed that
Brownlow could have been arrested; but as a different
impression prevailed at Richmond, and the authorities
acted upon that, from the information they had, he
could not do otherwise than enter a nlolle prosequi.
"Judge Reynolds, having heard the letter of the
Secretary of War, remarked that, under the circumstances, he could not hesitate as to the discharge of
Brownlow, and so ordered."
It is not true that I made application to General
Crittenden; but he applied to me to come in. He first
sent General Cazwell to my house, to ask my family to
send me word to come in. Although General Cazwell
is much of a gentleman, and I did not doubt the truth
of his message, yet I desired to have the request from
General Crittenden in writing, which I got, and which
will be found in the preceding pages. Colonel Baxter's




3412        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
application was without my knowledge. But the rebuke of Ramsey and his clique, I apprehend, was occasioned by a trip to Richmond by General Crittenden.
And although I was instantly re-arrested by the
military and surrounded by a strong guard, and there
kept through the months of January and February,
the clique raved like savages to think that I should be
released from one arrest, and taken to a private room,
where my family could furnish me with a feather-bed.
The ]Register brought out the following, no doubt the
joint production of the civil and military authorities:t THE RELEASE OF W. G. BROWNLOW.
"We do not desire to be understood as attaching an
undue or extravagant importance to the discharge of
Brownlow from the custody of the Confederate authorities. The writer of this has known this individual
for years.  He is, in few words, a diplomat of the
first water. Brownlow rarely undertakes any thing
unless lie sees his way entirely through the millstone.
He covers over his really profound knowledge of human
nature with an appearance of eccentricity and extravagance. If any of our readers indulge the idea that
Brownlow  is not'smart,' in the full acceptation of
the term, they should abolish the delusion at once and
forever. Crafty, cunning, generous to his particular
friends, benevolent and charitable to their faults, ungrateful and implacable to his enemies, we cannot re



AMONG THE REBELS.             343
frain from saying that he is the best judge of human
nature within the bounds of the Southern Confederacy.
" In procuring from the Confederate authorities a safeconduct to a point within the Hessian lines, he has
exhibited the most consummate skill. Absenting himself from the immediate vicinity of Knoxville, —hiding
at a point where he was concealed from the observation
of any one, save his particular friends, —with easy
communication with the military commanders at the
Knoxville post,-he succeeding in foiling the Confederate
authorities at every point. By a hypocritical appeal
to Southern generosity against what he chose to term'mob-law,' he succeeded in concealing his real whereabouts just long enough to accomplish his real purposes.
Time was all he wanted.
"Cajoling the authorities here with the idea that'he
was doing nothing,' his emissaries were dispatched to
Richmond. By a species of diplomacy and legerdemain, Secretary Benjamin is induced to believe that
Brownlow, forsooth, is quite a harmless individual.
The move was made, the blow was struck, and the
shackles fall from the person of Brownlow. Brownlow
was triumphant, and Benjamin outwitted. In fact, we
do not know whether to laugh or get mad with the
manner in which Brownlow has wound the Confederate
Government around his thumb. That ]Brownlow is
now laughing, like the king's fool, in his sleeve, we doubt
not for a moment.




344         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
"The pledge to convey Brownlow within the Hessian
lines has been made by the head of the War Department of the Confederate States; and even if this promise was procured by fraud and misrepresentation, as
we have heard intimated, yet it must be fulfilled to the
exact letter.  In giving Brownlow the promise, the
Confederate authorities have committed, in our opinion,
what has been so often characterized as'worse than a
crime, —a blunder.' That all the authorities, in this
case, acted in perfect good faith, we do not and will not
doubt; that they have been outwitted and overreached
diplomatically, we can affirm with equal truth.
" Brownlow! God forbid that we should unnecessarily
magnify the importance of this name; but there are
facts connected with the character of the man which a
just and discriminating public would condemn in us
did we not give them due notice.
"In brief, Brownlow has preached at every church
and school-house, made stump-speeches at every crossroad, and knows every man, woman, and child, and
their fathers and grandfathers before them, in East
Tennessee. As a Methodist circuit-rider, a political
stump-speaker, a temperance-orator, and the editor of
a newspaper, he has been equally successful in our division of the State.
"Let him but once reach the confines of Kentucky,
with his knowledge of the geography and the population of East Tennessee, and our section will soon feel




AMONG THE REBELS.             345
the effect of his hard blows. From among his own old
partisan and religious sectarian parasites he will find
men who will obey him with the fanatical alacrity of
those who followed Peter the Hermit in the first
Crusade. We repeat again, let us not underrate Brownlow."




346          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
CHAPTER XXII.
TEHROUGHOUT January and February, whilst I lay
sick, and much of the time very low, the very old devil
seemed to have been turned loose. The reverses the
Rebels met with after this year set in seemed to fill
them with all the malice of hell! Every little upstart
of an officer in command at a village or cross-roads would
proclaim martial law, and require of all going beyond,
or coming within, his lines, to show a pass, like some
negro slave! A singular and persistent error seems to
cling to the minds of all Secessionists in regard to the
power of military officers to declare martial law. It is
certain that, by the law of the land,-in force in war
as well as in peace, —military officers have no right to
establish and exercise over persons not in the military
service a law inconsistent with, or in violation of, or
paramount to, the common, universal civil law of the
land.
The legislative authorities alone have power to declare and establish martial law. In England, a contest between the king and the people, as to this power,
resulted in favor of the people, and wrung from Charles
the First a pledge that the king and his officers would
no more attempt its exercise. And now in England




— gg,
IN               OR,~N 
Itreofad   Cae\ ih"isFmiy  (Pag 32.),:~
~4!'i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'   
x~~~~~~z~ ~ ~!jjjj~;i:
I   ~~~~~~~~) ~ ~
~~~ r~ ~ ~
Interview of Madaison Cate with his Family, (Page 829.)








AMONG THE REBELS.              347
no principle of liberty is better understood and more
surely guarded than that no other authority than the
Parliament can declare or establish martial law. In
America the same law prevails, for the principle of law
is here the same as in England. This was decided in the
Borden case, which grew out of the Dorr Rebellion in
Rhode Island. That decision sets forth that it is alone
competent to the Legislature of a State, by public act,
to declare martial law. In the case of General Jackson
at New Orleans, in 1815, the question subsequently got
into the Supreme Court of Louisiana, an able bench
and profoundly learned in the law; and that tribunal
decided that no military officer, no matter of how high
a grade, could lawfully arrest or suspend the action of
the regular courts of the country.  (See the case
reported by Martin.)
But in Knoxville that bad man and tyrant, Leadbetter, alone presided in his military court, declared
martial law, and refused to obey the writ of habeas
corpus when issued by Judge Brown.
But to return to the wicked spirit of Secession, as
displayed in the South. I take the following from the
Columbus (Ga.) Times of January:"OLD BROWNLow. —This poor devil is leading a
checkered, if not a very pleasant, life. Being tired of
viewing mountain-scenery, to which romantic business
the fear of justice had driven him, he proffered to surrender himself to the Confederate military authorities
on condition that he be pritected in his exit from the
30




348          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
country to a more congenial latitude. The condition
was accepted by Secretary Benjamin, and the old sinner
accordingly surrendered himself to the military authorities. Upon his release therefrom, he was arrested
under a civil process and lodged in jail to answer for
his crime against the laws of Tennessee. His case
being brought up in the Commissioners' Court at Knoxville on the 27th December, a letter was read from
Secretary Benjamin, stating that, in order to maintain
the integrity and good faith of the Government, he
should feel it his duty to advise the President to pardon
the Parson for any offence of which he might be found
guilty. Under the circumstances, the District Attorney
entered a nol. pros. in the case, and Brownlow was
again released. On the same day, however, he was rearrested and remanded to jail by the military authorities. Now, this hoary-headed and persistent traitor is
occupying too much of the time and attention of the
country. HE DESERVES DEATH, AND WE VOTE TO KILL
HIM."
And next comes a specimen of Secession literature in
the shape of a resolution passed by the Rebel Legislature of Tennessee. The author of the resolution is one
General Lane, of the county of McMinn; and I doubt
not that the climate there will soon be too hot for his
comfort: —
"Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of
Tennessee, That the conduct and treasonable movements
of Andrew Johnson, Horace Maynard, Emerson Etheridge, and such others of our public men as have expatriated themselves from our State, are regarded as alien
enemies of our people, and the infamy and turpitude
of whose offences win the sovereign contempt and perfect indignation of all good and loyal citizens, as well




AMONG THE REBELS.             349
also as the just punishment of the law in such cases
made and provided."
The Nashville Gazette, of as late a date as February,
gave this mild and humane order to the lamb-like
saints of the Nashville Vigilance Committee:"It is said there are still some Union men in Nashville. If it be possible that such WHITE-LIVERED
SCOUNDRELS are really in our midst, our citizens CANNOT
BE TOO VIGILANT IN WATCI-HING THEIR MOVEMENTS.
WATCH them! WATCH them! WATCH them! "-eb. 13.
The authors of this bull are a pretty set to call for
clemency, liberality, humanity, and compassion at the
hands of Governor Johnson or the provost-marshal of
that city.
In the Memphis Appeal the following advertisement
appears, going forth from two Rebel officers in East
Tennessee:"BLOODHOUNDS WANTED.-We, the undersigned,
will pay five dollars per pair for fifty pairs of well-bred
hounds, and fifty dollars for one pair of thorough-bred
bloodhounds that will take the track of a man. The
purpose for which these dogs are wanted is to chase
the infernal, cowardly Lincoln bushwhackers of East
Tennessee and Kentucky (who have taken the advantage of the bush to kill and cripple many good soldiers)
to their haunts and capture them. The said hounds
must be delivered at Captain Hanmer's livery-stable by
the 10th of December next, where a mustering-officer
will be present to muster and inspect them.
"F. N. MCNAIRY.
"H. H. HARRIS.
"CAMP CRINFORT, CAMPBELL CO., TENN., NOV. 16.




350         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
"P.S.-Twenty dollars per month will also be paid
for a man who is competent to traili and take charge of
the above dogs."
Here is a specimen of the vaunted chivalry of the
Southern army. They first disarm  Union men, and
then advertise for "bloodhounds" to run them down.
What barbarity! In New Orleans they have a regiment of negroes; and under the notorious Albert Pike
they have Indians, who have been scalping Federal soldiers. Before this war is over, these savage beasts will
have other employment than that of hunting Union
men with "bloodhounds," drilling negroes, or bringing
Indians into the field with their scalping-knives.
On the 1st of February last, the Nashville Patriot
used the following atrocious language in regard to the
Union men of West Tennessee:" We trust that the name of each and every one of
these vile Tories will be taken clown and sent to us.
We want to keep them for future reference.  We will
put their names as high on the roll of infamy As THEIR
DESPICABLE BODIES OUGHT TO BE ON THE GALLOWS."
In Chattanooga, a hell-born and hell-bound Vigilance
Committee resolved to put to death fifteen or twenty of
the prominent Union men of that place if the Federal
army should dare to approach there. This was done to
induce the army to stay away; but the device will
utterly fail. The Federal forces are destined to be there
this summer, and there, too, in force. I append the




AMONG THE REBELS.             351
names of this committee as I find them in a Nashville
paper:
VIGILANCE COMMITTEE OF CHATTANOOGA, TENNESSEE.
Israel J. Browning,      R. M. Hooke,
William D. Fallton,      Malone Johnson,
John W. Hoyl,            Edward Marsh,
J. Swim,                 William Moore,
S. R. McCamy,            W. B. Whiteside,
Jesse Thompson,          James C. Owner.
Here is the call of the Richmond Examiner, of February 21,1862, upon the chivalry of the South. They
have grown desperate from the many floggings they
have received from the Yankees, five of whom could
not stand before a Southern man:"But if the inhabitants of the South have any real
manhood, these reverses will inspire them with determination. They will cease to palter between the laws
of peace and the measures of war. They will enrol
their names, and compel the enrolment of all over
whom they have any control. They will silence traitors
with the halter or the pistol. They will force their
Government and their generals to energy, their troops
to fight; devote to resistance the last man, the last
dollar, the last gun; support defeat after defeat without murmurs; ravage their fields and burn their crops
on the advance of the foe; pluck victory from despair,
and deserve the future prosperity and security with
which Providence has never yet failed to reward a
downright endeavor for independence."
Ramsey, the villainous and corrupt attorney who had
n-..




352         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
me arrested, swore out a warrant against Mr. Fleming,
of Knoxville, a Union member of the Legislature, and
followed him to Nashville and arrested him. He was
tried before Judge Humphreys, of the Confederate
Court, and in the Patriot for February 10 this report
of the case is given:"THE CASE OF HON. JOHN M. FLEMING.-This case
came up for consideration in the Confederate Court on
Monday. Mr. Fleming was arrested in December last
on a charge of having'harbored, secreted, and concealed' Dr. R. H. Hodsden, who was charged with
treason. After a full investigation, we understand that
the court decided:"ist. That Dr. Hodsden had committed no treason.
"2d. That the defendant (Fleming) did not harbor,
secrete, and conceal Dr. Hodsden.
"3d. That there is nothing in the conduct of said
Fleming that would warrant the court in requiring any
obligation on his part to be a loyal citizen.
"4th. That the defendant be unconditionally discharged, and that the Confederate States pay the costs
of this prosecution."
As far back as April, 1861, the vilest spirit characterized the movements of these incarnate devils.
See the following correspondence from the Memphis
Avalanche:"TRENTON, TENNESSEE, April 16, 1861.
"To J. D. C. ATKINS AND R. G. PAYNE:"Etheridge speaks here on Friday. Be here to
answer him Friday or next day.."
The following is the answer to the above:



AMONG THE REBELS.             353
"lMEMPHIs, April 16.
"To MESSRS.
"I can't find Atkins. Can't come at that time. If
Etheridge speaks for the South, we have no reply. If
against it, our only answer to him and his backers
must be cold steel and bullets.
"(Signed)              R. G. PAYNE."
Jan. 28, 1862.-For days and nights I have been
very sick, and have ceased to keep up my regular
journal. A strong guard has been kept around my
house, and my friends and neighbors have been denied
the privilege of visiting me. That prince of villains,
tyrants, and murderers, Colonel Leadbetter, has come
rushing into my room, and insultingly demanded to know
when I would be ready to leave the Confederacy,-adding
that "very many persons were anxious that I should
be sent out of the country." I replied to him that
I was improving, but utterly unable to travel, as I
could not sit up, but assured him that I would go as
soon as I could travel, and that I was more anxious to
leave than his "many persons" could be for me to go.
He insultingly rose up, started out, and told me to let
him know when I felt able to travel.
Jan. 30.-One Burch Cook, the captain of a company, and the drunken tool of this Leadbetter, came in
and read me an order requiring my instant removal
to the hospital, where I could be guarded more effecta



354         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
ally and be prevented from plotting treason with Union
leaders. I protested against being dragged out of my
room, when unable to sit up, and placed in a cold room
without fire, to vacate a feather-bed and go upon such
a mattress as I would find in the hospital. He spoke
in an abrupt and insulting manner to my wife,-as
only a coarse, vulgar man, a profane swearer, and a
common drunkard, such as he is, would do. He pretended to doubt the reality of my sickness, and said
he was instructed to bring in one of the hospital-surgeons to examine me. Accordingly, Dr. Love was
called in: he examined me thoroughly, and gave a certificate to Cook to the effect that my removal at that
time to the place designated would jeopardize my
life. This seemed to defeat their hellish schemes to
get me out where they could poison me or have me
assassinated, and they at once placed a double guard
around me, with orders not to allow any one to enter
the house but my family physician. Cook came in
and directed that a sentinel should stand in each of the
doors leading into my room, with a loaded musket, and
also stationed guards around the house. This was
the order of the scoundrel Leadbetter; and Cook was
a suitable instrument to execute such an order.
Saturday, 8th February.-Leadbetter this day refused
James R. Cocke, one of my lawyers, the privilege of
visiting me, although Cocke is one of the moderate but




AMONG THE REBELS.             355.
decided Secessionists of the town. I-e denounced me
to Cocke, and insultingly told him that he had no
business to visit such a man!
Sunday, 9th February.-This day was celebrated, in
part, by a gang of these Rebel troops congregating in
my office and library, and in my back yard, playing cards
and swearing. No remedy for a man in such cases!
F. S. Heiskell, an old citizen of this county, and a
friend of mine, made application to Leadbetter for leave
to visit me, but was insultingly refused. He was told that
I was a bad man, and that he ought not to contaminate
himself by visiting me. Major Heiskell controverted
the statement,-told him that he had known me for
years, and that he knew me to be a clever and an
honorable man. Angry words were exchanged, and
the parties separated.
Wednesday, 12th February.-The Rebel mob seized
upon the hall in East Knoxville-used in part as a
Methodist church, where a Union congregation worships-and placed in it a portion of one of their regiments. The representatives of the congregation remonstrated, saying that it had been fitted out at considerable expense by a poor congregation of Methodists,
mostly mechanics. Major Burleson replied that he had
ordered it to be taken because he understood it was
"the property of old Brownlow."  The members told




356         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
him that it was not,-that Brownlow was indeed one
of the largest contributors towards building it and
fitting it up, but that it was conveyed to trustees for the
three-fold purposes of worship, education, and temperance. They told him that Brownlow held his membership there, and that but for him it never would
have been built,-but that he was not even one of its
trustees.
This man was urged to destroy the hall by a hardened
villain, John -I. Crozier, whose nomination has just
been rejected by the Legislature, in secret session, by
an overwhelming vote. Governor Harris had nominated him as a commissioner to settle the war-claims.
Only one East Tennesseean voted to confirm his nomination. There is half a million of dollars involved in
the settlement. Crozier is a scoundrel, and a brother
of the man lately involved in swindling the State out
of her bonds through some banking-operations.
Thursday, Feb. 14. —The.egister, the Secession
organ, contains a call for a meeting of the citizens
of the town and county to organize a regiment for
home-defence, in view of the approach of the Federal
army. Procession formed and marched to the courthouse, Confederate flag flying, and drum and fife in
operation. Crozier and Sneed headed the procession,men who were never known to resent an insult, and
whose families have packed up their goods to leave.




AMONG THE REBELS.             357
These two men addressed the crowd, and they adjourned
to meet again.
Friday, Feb. 15.-War-meeting reassembled at the
court-house. Rev. Isaac Lewis presided, —an old Locofoco Secessionist, who has three grown sons, neither
of whom can be induced to go into the service, but
all are candidates for civil offices.  Colonel Baxter
made a speech, and killed off, very properly, their
meeting; reviewed  their treatment of Union men.
Rev. Richard 0. Curry, a Presbyterian, made a violent
speech against Union men. Disgraceful assault upon
Union men, and a slander against their patriotism!
I have this day written a letter to Colonel Vance,
complaining of my condition; but, as I concluded it,
he called in to visit me, and I read him the contents,
as follows:AT HOME, Feb. 15, 1862.
COLONEL ROBERT VANCE:
I am glad to learn that you are in command of this
post, and I hope you may be continued while it is my
lot to remain here under guard and in prison. As
you are no doubt aware, I have not been able to write
for several days; and this hasty letter I indite while
propped up in bed. But I write to give you an account
of my treatment by those associated with you and
preceding you.




3 8         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
I think I may venture to say, by way of preliminary, that I am not prone to utter complaints, but
usually exercise a good degree of patience. For the
first five weeks of the last seven that a guard has been
placed around and in my room, I have voluntarily
given them three meals in each day, seating them at
my table with my family, considering it no hardship,
as I knew most of them to be Union men forced into
the service. When even a different class of men were
selected, who took possession of my library and office,
where my two sons sleep,-when, I say, this was seized
upon and turned into a guard-house, rocking-chairs
broken to pieces, carpet ruined, and books damaged;when my coal and wood were taken and consumed,
though dear and difficult to procure,-and when I have
furnished their guard-house candles all the time,
though none are to be had in the market,-I have not
complained.  When your predecessor, Colonel Leadbetter, has refused my son John the privilege of collecting debts due me from the clerks and sheriffs of
surrounding counties, which they are ready and anxious
to pay me, and which, in my broken-down condition,
I really need to live on, I have uttered no words of
complaint.  When, for several days past, out of a
family of thirteen in number only my wife, my son
John, and two negroes were off the sick-list, —when
both the mumps and measles were introduced by armed




AMONG THE REBELS.             359.
sentinels standing day and night in my room and at my
doors,-I have not uttered even a single word of complaint. When my house, and especially my passage and
front portico, have been shamefully abused by these sentinels, disfigured with mud and tobacco, I have submitted
in silence, though conscious of the bad treatment given
me. When we have all been kept from sleep by the
walking, talking, singing, and swearing, and by a
change of these guards every two hours,-when they
have rudely rushed into my bedchamber, as they said,
to get warm,-I have submitted without one word of
complaint. I have felt that there is a better day coming
for me and my family, if I am not assassinated,-which
is threatened me on every hand! I have had, and I
still have, confidence in the final success of the principles for which I am made to suffer these cruel indignities; and hence I have been silent.
But last night, when my wife attempted to close and
fasten a back door by which my bedroom is entered,
and it the only fastening to my room in the rear of the
building, she was insultingly notified by the sentinel, a
drunken Secessionist, that it must stand open all night,
and that such were his orders from Captain Cook, to
whose company he was attached: she told him that
it could not, and should not, stand open,-that there
were three other sick persons in the room besides me,
and one of them a little daughter with fever; and she
31




360         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
accordingly closed it upon him, and locked it, expecting him to break it down.
Of this treatment, Colonel Vance, I do complain, and
especially as threats are made that the door shall be
kept open to-night. My appeal for relief is to you.
To your predecessor, Leadbetter, I can make no appeal;
for he never had a gentlemanly emotion of soul in his
life; and, if he were capable of such feelings, he is the
willing and malicious instrument of a villainous clique
here, of most corrupt, vindictive, and despicable scoundrels, of whom John H[S. CrOozier, J. C. _camsey, and W.
G. Swan are chief.
There is no call for this double guard around me.
It is done to oppress me and my family. My wife and
children are treated as prisoners; and all marketing is
excluded from the house by a military order not to
allow any persons to enter my door or yard. I hope,
for the honor of the Southern character, that no other
private family within the eleven Seceded States is subjected to such an ordeal. Certain I am that such
tyranny and oppression, such outrages and insults, will
never diminish my esteem for the old United States
Government, or increase my respect for the Southern
Confederacy.
Feeble as I am, I am ready and anxious to go beyond
your lines, as it will relieve my family of this oppression. If I cannot be removed, in accordance with the
pledge of your War Department, I am willing, nay,




AMONG THE REBELS.             361
desirous, to go back to jail, if that will secure the repose of an afflicted, insulted, and outraged family.
I am, very truly, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLOW.
Sundcy, Feb. 16. —Colonel Vance, as might have
been expected of a gentleman of his known character,
relieved my family of this great annoyance of a double
guard, and stationed two sentinels there, to relieve
each other during the day, with instructions to retire
at night, so as to allow us to sleep in quiet. Cook's
men left the same day for Cumberland Gap, where it
is hoped the Secession portion of them will find employment.
Monday, Feb. 17.-A Georgia regiment arrived here
to-day from Pensacola, under command of Colonel Mangum. A portion of them got drunk; took the town;
called in front of the court-house to mob Colonel
Baxter; Circuit Court in session; Baxter appeared,
told them he was the man they were hunting, denounced
the scoundrels who set them on him, and pointed out
young Crozier as a goggle-eyed little scoundrel who
had tried to set them on him.
Squads of the Georgia patriots have passed my house
at different times, surveyed my premises, and inquired
how strong the guard was. Colonel Vance to-night




362         3BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
has put an additional guard of ten men at my house,
to prevent their attacks.
Secessionists have received the news of the fall of
Fort Donelson, but have kept it a profound secret,
until the members of the Legislature have arrived and
disclosed it. They are in great trouble.
Tuesday, Feb. 18.-The news of the fall of Fort
Donelson no sooner reached here than several of our
most intense Southern patriots packed up and left for
other quarters.  W. H. Sneed, John H. Crozier, W. G.
MIcAdoo, C. NV. Charlton, and poor little Graves, have
fled to parts unknown, going mostly in the direction
of the Cotton States.- These men are all original
Secessionists but McAdoo, and they were, less than a
week ago, proposing to raise a regiment for home-defence, and proposing to die in the last ditch. It is
said that most of these men were looking back, as they
took to flight, to see if Lincoln's invaders were coming.
Regiment after regiment of Georgia troops have been
arriving; but this has only made it look more like a
fight approaching. These men have not even taken
time to sing their favorite hymn, commencing with
these beautiful lines:
"How tedious and tasteless the day
When the Federals no longer we see!
Fair prospects, high fees, and good pay
Have lost all their sweetness for we."
The panic seems to have been general throughout




AMONG THE REBELS.              363
the State. A Secessionist writing from Chattanooga to
the Knoxville Begister- all Secession authority-thus
describes the alarm of the Southern-Rights men:
"Verily, these are days of trial to our young republic. In addition to disastrous reverses to our arms,
we have some most humiliating examples of incapacity,
if not worse, in the management of our military affairs.
I am no'croaker,' nor do I assume to dictate the warpolicy of the Government; but certain moves have
been recently made which astonish and confound the
mere lookers-on, but ardent sympathizers with our
cause. I refer to the evacuation of Nashville, and the
incidents connected therewith.
" Itseems that General Johnston informed the authorities of the city on Sunday last that he could not hold it,
although no enemy was near or threatened it. Immediately all was consternation and alarm. The Governor
and Legislature fled panic-stricken. With this example
set them, nothing better could be expected of the citizens. Mr. V. K. Stevenson, Quartermaster-General,
and President of the Nashville & Chattanooga Railroad, &c. &c., instead of standing sentry at his post
and protecting the immense accumulation of military
stores, and controlling the railroad so as to remove
them, fled. Early on Monday morning he loaded several
cars with his personal effects, his negroes, horses, carriages, and household furniture, including his own
sacred person, and hastened to this city, where he has
ever since remained.  By his direction, all the rolling
stock was hurried to this end of the road, and no effort
-or next to none —was made to bring any of the
Government property from the doomed city.  Nearly
a week has elapsed, and no enemy has approached.
During this time every pound of bacon and ordnance
and quartermaster's stores could easily have been removed to lMurfreesborough, if no futrther. Instead of this
31,;




364         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
being done, the doors of the storehouses were thrown
open, the people invited to carry away all they wished,
and the torch was applied to the rest!  Was ever
such wanton abandonment and destruction of property?"
Like the "Fishing Creek" warriors, these men will
run on until they reach the other side of sundown.
When they fled from Zollicoffer's battle-ground, they
came into Knoxville bare-headed and bare-footed, on
mules and stolen horses; and, although they were one
hundred and fifty miles from where they got so terribly
basted, they were still looking back to see if the
"Lincolnites" were after them. A portion of these
racers were the cowardly scoundrels who used to
groan about my house and flourish their pistols and
knives, swearing what they would do with my flag.
They have at length come up with the Stars and Stripes
in more hateful proportions than they found them at
my house. Some of them have got their rights in this
drive.
These rebels used to swear with emphasis, and with
varied intonations, that they intended to "die in the
last ditch." I think they are in search of this ditch,
and in a fair way to find it. This heroic phrase is
traceable to that country of dikes and ditches, Holland. It is said that William of Orange, when hard
pressed by England and France, said that he would
avoid beholding the ruin of his country by dying in




AMONG THE REBELS.              365.
the last ditch. His idea was to resist the invaders to
the verge of the ocean, and there yield up his life.
These Southern rebels are looking out for that huge
ditch, the Mississippi River. If they cross that,-which
I predict,-they will have no ditch left them to die
in except the Gulf of Mexico, where I hope they will
all drown, as did the swine in the Sea of Galilee when
the devils entered into them.
Stronghold after stronghold of these rebels is being
carried by the Federals, and they are refusing to die
in the last ditch. They afford us other exhibitions,
such as helter-skelter, pell-mell, harum-scarum, hurryskurry, skadaddle-skadiddle, devil-take-the-hindmostman in fleeing from the first ditch.  But the last ditch
of the whole concern has not been found. That is a
desirable ditch, as there never was a drop of blood in
it, and it is the place of all others where there is no
dying. Thousands of legs stride over it at "Fishing
Creek" and "Fort Donelson" rates, but they never
stop to kick the bucket there. But if you want to see
fighting, let a company of these braves be sent out to
defend themselves against some Union Thermopylse
where the Spartans are unarmed, and you will see the
Southern-Rights men "die in the last ditch."
Wednesday, Feb. 19.-Two additional regiments arrived from the South. Town overrun with troops, cutting up all sorts of shines, anci taking possession of all




366          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
vacant houses, and of the Methodist white and colored
houses of worship in East Knoxville.
Captain Latrobe, a Baltimorean, of the artillery service, ordered to guard my house until otherwise instructed. The captain has acted the gentleman towards
us, and his men are behaving very well.
Thursday, Feb. 20.-The remains of Captain HIugh
L. McClung, Jr., who was killed at Fort Donelson,
were interred to-day with military honors. I knew
him well. lie was very clever, and as a merchant and
man I liked him. The insane madness of his relatives
in favor of this rebellion had much to do with causing
him to rush into this war. They would now reflect
upon themselves, but that they have all learned the
Southern slang of the righteousness of the Rebel cause
and the sacredness of the Southern soil. Well, every
man to his notion!
Captain Monserrat returned to-day from Nashville,
and is again in command of this post, Colonel Vance
having gone to Cumberland Gap with his regiment.
Friday, Feb. 21. —Two regiments from Georgia and
Mississippi left for the Gap to-day. Their departure
has given relief to the citizens. Whilst here, they
have denounced, in unmeasured terms, Sneed, Crozier,
McAdoo, Charlton, and Graves, and other SouthernRights champions, for their inglorious flight.  The




AMONG THE REBELS.            367Cleveland (Tenn.) Banner is also down upon them for
fleeing in such hot haste.
LSaturday, Feb. 22.-Governor Harris, since his precipitate flight to Memphis, has issued a call for the
entire militia of the State to be mustered into service.
He even proposes to take the field himself, provided, in
his alarm, he can halt long enough to organize.
Sunday, Feb. 23.-The two Methodist houses of
worship in East Knoxville are to-day occupied with
swearing and card-playing troops, and the congregations are driven out. The churches in the old part
of the city are not disturbed, because their pious pastors are Secessionists, as well as their congregations, to
some extent, while those in East Knoxville are for the
Union, first, last, and all the time.
Mionday, Feb. 24.-I have this day sent to Captain
M[onserrat, commanding this post, to consult him
about letting me out of the Confederacy. He informs
me that he has just received a dispatch from Generai
Winder, commanding at Richmond, ordering him to
deliver me to him in that city. I don't like this indication: it looks to me like another intended violation
of faith, and as though I am to be badly treated.
Tuesday, Feb. 25.-The town and county are both




368         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
said to be in a perfect uproar, on account of the Governor's call for the militia. All hands are out, offering to raise companies, so as to avoid being drafted,all wanting to be caloptains, none prepared to enter the
service as privates.
Wednesday, Feb. 26.-A company of blackguards
and vagabonds, called cavalry, rode by my house today, some of whom cursed and denounced my wife,
who sat at the window sewing. These are some of the
cowardly devils who ran from "Fishing Creek," and
have been fitted out with new horses. A company of
them can demolish any unarmed Union woman in the
country!
Thursday, Feb. 27.-I addressed the following card
to Secretary Benjamin to-day:KNOXVILLE, Feb. 27, 1862.
HON. J. P. BENJAMIN: Satisfied, upon reliable information, that my personal safety forbids my going
out of this Confederacy by way of Richmond, I ask
the justice to allow  Major Monserrat to send me
through the lines, either over Cumberland Mountain
or via Nashville. I prefer the latter, as I am not yet
well enough to undergo the fatigues of travelling on
horseback.
Very respectfully, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLOW.




AAMONG THIE REBELS.           369
Friday, Feb. 28.-This is Jeff Davis's dly for fasting, humiliation, and prayer; and if ever a set of men
needed to humble themselves before God and confess
their sins, it is the men associated with him in
this infernal rebellion. The hypocrites of the town,
and many false pretenders to extraordinary piety, will,
no doubt, turn out in force. The day is beautiful, the
sky clear and serene, without a cloud; and the Rebels
will, no doubt, flatter themselves that Providence is
favoring them with good weather. This is a mistake:
Providence is only drying up the roads that the Federal army can get at the retreating forces of the demoralized army of the South.
Satturday, ifcarch 1.-The elections came off to-day
for sheriffs and other county officers, and, as far as returns have come in, the Union ticket prevails. Ay,
and it always will prevail in East Tennessee, unless
the present race of voters are extinguished.
Thirty Union men, well dressed, were arrested by
the cavalry, who found them leaving for Kentucky, to
avoid the draft ordered by Governor Harris. Seventeen of them agreed to join the Confederate army, to
keep out of jail.
But a Sabbath past, they brought twenty Union
men out of jail, arms tied behind them with strong
ropes, and marched them with bayonets to the depot,
cursing and insulting them, and sent them off to Tus



370         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
caloosa, to be held as prisoners during the war.  To
have seen them coming out of the jail-yard and entering the street, would have brought tears from the eyes
of the unfeeling Sepoys of India.
Sunday, Jfarch 2.-The following dispatch has just
been received by Major Monserrat, the officer in command of this post, and read to me by that officer:"IRICHMOND, March 2, 1862.
"MsAJOR MONSERRAT:-YOU are authorized to send
Brownlow out of Tennessee by the Cumberland Mountains, or any other safe road.
"J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War."
As clouds of darkness are gathering around me, and
dangers are multiplying in every direction, I have resolved, feeble as I am, to go, and I have notified the
officer that I shall be ready to leave by morning, selecting as my route the railroad to Nashville. I will continue my journal on the road, if I can do so without
detection.
lfonday nzight, ]Lfarch 3.-I left home this morning
at seven o'clock, with an escort of four citizens, under
command of Adjutant-General Young and Lieutenant
O'Brien, officers of my own selection; and upon reaching Loudon, thirty miles west of Knoxville, we were




AMONG THE REBELS.             371
furnished with ten armed soldiers for an escort. These
men were taken from Captain Dill's company of East
Tennessee troops. Before starting, the captain made
substantially this speech to his men:-" Soldiers! you
are to escort Parson Brownlow to Nashville, under the
command of these officers. He is sent out by the Confederate Government; and your duty is to protect him
from insult and injury, at all hazards, come from what
source they may. Treat him courteously and kindly,
and discharge your duty as men, though you are
engaged in a cause he opposes."
I feel grateful to Captain Dill for this manly advice
to his men, and I have so far found his men of the
right grit.
At Athens, some sixty miles west of Knoxville, we
met a train filled with drunken vagabonds, on furlough,
returning towards Yorktown. They learned that I
was on board, and made a rush towards my car, but
were repulsed by my guard, placed on the rear and
front platforms by officer Young.  This day has
brought us to Bridgeport, on the Tennessee River,
where we are all to lie over until to-morrow morning,
when the Nashville train passes.
A gentleman who is well informed as to the condition of the Rebel army furnishes me with the following information as to the force they have in the
field: —Alabama, 20,000; Arkansas, 10,500; Florida,
1500; Georgia, 32,500; Kentucky, 7200; Louisiana,
32




372         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
31,200; North Carolina, 25,000; Mississippi, 17,500;
South Carolina, 20,800; Tennessee, 31,200; Texas,
7200; Virginia, 57,400; being in all 265,000 men,
divided into 368 regiments.
Wartrace -Depot, Friday,.March 7. —We arrived
here three days ago, and have all been detained for
the want of authority from  one of the Confederate
generals to raise a flag of truce and proceed within
the Federal lines. Moreover, the rolling stock on the
road to lIurfreesborough, leading to Nashville, has all
been withdrawn. We have sent Mir. Rogers, a civilian,
but one of our escort, to Shelbyville, on a branch road,
only eight miles distant, to ask of General Hardee, in
command of some ten or fifteen thousand troops at
that post, to grant us a flag of truce. Rogers is back,
and reports that Hardee refuses the flag. We have
started Lieutenant O'Brien and Rogers to Huntsville,
to head the Confederate generals Johnston, Crittenden,
Carroll, Hindman, Breckinridge, Floyd, and Pillow, in
their precipitate flight into North Alabama.  Our
messengers came up with General Albert Sidney Johnston at Huntsville, and obtained the following remarkable document:"HEAD-QUARTERS, CONFEDERATE DIS'IRICT, 
"HUNTSVILLE, March 7, 1862.    j
"LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN, Thzird Tennessee Regyiment:"SIR:-General A. S. Johnston, having just heard




AMONG THE REBELS.             373
that you have brought W. G. Brownlow to Wartrace, as
a prisoner, instructs you to return him to his home, or
release him where he now is, as he may elect.
" Respectfully,
"W. W. MACKALL."
This order to return me to my home was in effect
to send me back into the lions' den; and the one to
turn me loose at WVartrace was to hand me over to
Morgan's mob of cavalry, who were eager to get hold
of me. Lieutenant O'Brien telegraphed us that Johnston had given this order, and we telegraphed back for
him to follow on to Decatur and demand of General
Crittenden a flag of truce, exhibiting to him our passports from  the War Department. I hope before a
great while that the Federal army may capture this
man A. Sidney Jozhston, and not release him until the
war is over.
Lieutenant O'Brien came up with General Crittenden
at Decatur, and obtained from him the following very
different order:" HEAD-QUARTERS, SECOND DIVISION, }
" CENTRAL ARinY, March 8, 1861. 5
"In obedience to the orders of the Secretary of War
of the Confederate States, the officers in charge of W.
G. [Brownlow will conduct him, under a flag of truce,
to the most convenient and practicable point of the




374         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
lines of the enemy, and deliver him over to the
Federal authorities.
"By command of Major-General Crittenden.
"POLLOCOI B. LEE,
"Assist. Adjt.-General."
With this authority we came on to Shelbyville, and,
to our astonishment, found this document, and the
order of the War Department at Richmond, wholly insufficient to pass us through the Rebel lines, where
Brigadier-General Hardee was in command, as the
sequel will show. At the dirty hotel at Wartrace,
where we could get nothing fit to eat, and had to
lodge in a filthy room on still more filthy Secession
beds, we paid, for six of us, for three days, SIXTY DOLLARS!
Shelbyville, lavrch 14. —We have now been here
seven days, being refused, by General Hardee, the
privilege of proceeding to Nashville. Major Picket, a
member of General Hardee's staff, called upon one of
the officers having me in charge, and signified the
general's intention to dispatch me to Montgomery,
Alabama, and confine me in jail. He was told that,
with the documents I held from the War Department
and from General Crittenden, it would be a disgrace to
the Confederate Government to re-arrest and imprison
me.




AMONG THE REBELS.             375.
There were some drunken scoundrels here from East
Tennessee, connected with the army, who, upon our
arrival, infused into the already corrupt and poisoned
mind of this humbug of an officer, Hardee, all the
hatred they could, and sought to prevent my safe conduct beyond the Rebel lines. A panic prevailed among
these cowardly rascals, equal to that which backed
them out from "Fishing Creek," Fort Donelson, and
Bowling Green, and they were not inclined to respect
the orders of their superior officers.
The truth is, this man Hardee is engaged in removing their Government stores to Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama; and they are working in dread
of General Buell's forces, who are only fifty miles distant. They feared-and so expressed themselves —.
that if I got through the lines safe I would inform the
enemy of their condition and have them all bagged.
I greatly prefer their being bagged down on the line
of the Cotton States; and I am well enough posted to
justify the prediction that this will be clone before a
great while. May God hasten the hour!
They had on hand, when I first arrived here, the
bacon of twenty-nine thousanc  hogsoy, and the meat of
two thousand beeves.  They have seized upon the
negroes and wagons of the citizens indiscriminately,
and used them in brisk style to haul to the depot.
In these hurried movements they have, nevertheless,
discovered that the bacon of some fourteen ~hundred
32 




376         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
hogs is missing. They.have instituted a search, and
found the bacon of two hundred of their missing
hogs in the basement story of a large brick house, one
mile from town, occupied by the father of the contractor with the Rebel Government!  This lot has just
been captured by General Hardee and sent off on the
trains; but no punishment is to be inflicted upon the
thieves, as they are all Secessionists.
This man Hardee has demanded that " this Brownlow demonstration" shall cease; by which he means
the visits of Union men to my room, and the visits
of Union ladies, who all sympathize with me. This
is Bedford county, and Shelbyville is the county town,
and both are strongly Union; while the presence
of a demoralized Southern army has only had the
effect to increase the devotion of the people to the
Union.  Hardee is by no means adding strength to
the Rebel cause.  He is the well-known humbug
whose book of " Tactics" is in use in the army. The
translation is from the French: it was made in Philadelphia, by an officer of the army, and Hardee fathered
the production, and claims the authorship of what he
had not the ability to produce. This is known to the
army-officers North, and has increased their contempt
for this foolish and weak man. Hatred to General Scott,
by Jeff Davis, while Secretary of War, instigated him
to employ his willing tool, Hardee, to get up this new
system of "Tactics," which was intended to displace




AMONG THE REBELS.              377
Scott's able work. The lake that burns "with fire and
brimstone"iwill yearn for its promised alimnent, until such
men as these get there. The time is, however, rapidly
approaching when the wailings of their damned ghosts
will rise upon the flames, and, with one loud, deep,
long wail, in bitter utterances of remorse, they will
exclaim, "THIS REBELLION IS A FAILURE!"
I have never been more kindly treated than since I
came here, —ladies and gentlemen visiting me every
day, and expressing their kind regards for me. As a
specimen, I give the following correspondence between
the lady-like daughter of the mayor and myself.
" SHELBYVILLE, TENNESSEE, March 11, 1862.
"REV. W. G. BROWNLOW:"DEAR SIR:-I-erewith I send you a collection of
flowers, which I beg you will do me the favor to
accept as a small token of the high esteem which I
cherish for you on account of your great devotion to,
and untiring efforts in behalf of, our once-glorious
Union; and beg to express the hope that the Government established by our fathers will yet be sustained, and bound together by stronger ties than those
by which we have heretofore been united.
"With sentiments of highest esteem,
"I bog to remain your friend,
"EDIT-I J. GALIBRAITH."




378         BROW NLOW'S EXPERIENCES
SHELBYVILLE, TENN., March 13, 1S62.
MISS EDITH J. GALBRAITH:
During the six days I have been detained here I
have been called upon by a number of the ladies of
Shelbyville, both married and single, who have, in
words of kindness, expressed their sympathies for me
in my departure from my home and family. These
evidences of regard have greatly comforted me, after
my confinement in a crowded and uncomfortable jail for
having reiterated to the people of East Tennessee what
WASHINGTON taught us,-namely, that " THE CONSTITUTION IS SACREDLY OBLIGATORY UPON ALL;" and for
having proclaimed, as JAC:KSON did, " THE UNION-IT
MUST BE PRESERVED."
But your kind note of the 11th instant, and the
accompanying "collection of flowers," have afforded me
a pleasure for which I have no words suitably to
express my thanks. I shall at least carry these flowers
with me to the redeemed and disenthralled capital of
our State, where I can see the glorious Stars and
Stripes of our distracted country floating from the
dome of the capitol.
I hope at no distant day to visit your noble
Union town again, when, I feel perfectly confident,
our loyal State-rushed out of the Union, at the point
of the bayonet, under the lead of her worst menNwill be back in the old Union, and her citizens, con



AMONG THE REBELS.             379.
tented and happy, determined never again to embark
in the hell-born and hell-bound cause of Secession.
I am, very respectfully, &c.
W. G. BROWNLOW.
I will record an incident that occurred on the train
as I came to this point and to WVartrace, some ten
days ago, and then close out my stjourn in Shelbyville. A tall, self-important Rebel officer, dressed in a
full suit of uniform, learning at the depot that I was
on board, came into the car, and inquired of one of our
guards if I was on board, and, being told that I was,
said, "Show me Brownlow."  The guard pointed out
Adjutant-General Young,-a very fine-looking man,
dressed in citizen's clothes,- and said, "That is
Brownlow, with the slouch-cap on." He gazed at him.
He frowned with the scowl of a demon, wrinkled
his brow, and, with a sour, sullen, frowning look,
exclaimed, "I am satisfied. He is a mean-looking
man. I believe all I have heard about him." Thus he
retired, passing sentence against a clever gentleman
and a man of really fine personal appearance. This
shows what prejudice will do. Here was an officer in
the Confederate ranks condemned as worthy of death
for a supposed bad countenance, because he was erroneously reported to be a man against whom all Rebeldom entertains a strong prejudice.




380         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Nashville, Zlarch 15.-To-day, at twelve o'clock, I
was landed within the Federal lines, having come
from Shelbyville, at a rapid rate, on the Knowlensville turnpike. We had up the white flag when we
came upon the pickets. They halted us, and inquired
by what authority we had that flag of truce up. I
alighted from the buggy, and introduced myself to
them as "Parson Brownlow,"  when, with one accord,
they advanced' and gave me a cordial shake of the
hand. They said they had heard of me before, and
were glad that I had come within their lines.
I was sent for by Colonel Jackson, an ex-Congressman, and a noble Kentucky gentleman, commanding a
regiment of cavalry. I was treated with great kindness and with marked attention by the officers, while
the privates crowded around to see me upon the mention of my name. I felt and knew that I was among
friends. Nay, I felt like a bird out of a cage. Brigadier-General Wood, a noble son of Kentucky, within
whose division we were, (five miles distant from Nashville,) came up to receive our flag of truce; and a more
cordial welcome no man ever received. He at once commissioned Captain Leonard, of his staff, to turn me over
to General Buell, the chief in command. Our only
trouble was in regard to Lieutenant O'Brien, a Rebel
officer, who, if admitted into Nashville, must be blindfolded.  However, General Buell met me with the
same cordiality with which I had been greeted before,




AMONG THE REBELS.              381
and said that my friends —O'Brien, Rogers, Harrison,
and others-should lodge with me at the hotel: accordingly, we were all landed at the St. Cloud Hotel.
General Buell, as I understand, is a native of Indiana,
or hails from there. He is a man of liberal education
and cultivated tastes,-a man of fine conversational
powers, and a chivalrous, high-toned gentleman. Below six feet, he is heavily built, with an eagle eye.
He was dressed in a handsome uniform, with a sort of
foraging-cap.  He has a fair complexion and blonde
moustache, with suavity and politeness written in every
line of his face.  I take him to be about forty-five
years of age,-certainly not so much as fifty.  He
has ninety thousand mnen here, and more arriving
every day. He has the confidence of his command,
and will move his forces in a few days into Alabama.
He asked me many questions, in quick succession,
touching East Tennessee. I answered him promptly,
and, as I have reason to believe, quite to his satisfaction.
Ncashville, HMarch 20.-I have here found Governor
Johnson, Horace Maynard, Emerson Etheridge, and
Colonel Trigg, —all in good health, and glad to see me
landed safe in the United States. Governor Johnson is
here as Military Governor, with the rank of brigadiergeneral, and is now organizing a State Government. He
will, as I suppose, declare all the offices in the State




382         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
vacant held by men acting in pursuance of the Confederate Constitution and of the mobocratic oath they have
taken.  The Governor issued a proclamation yesterday, which is an able and well-timed document and
meets the case as it exists here.  After speaking of
the heresy of Secession, the abdication of the Executive office, the dissolving of the Legislature, and the
Judiciary being in abeyance, he concludes his proclamation in these words:"I shall, therefore, as early as practicable, designate for various positions under the State and county
governments, from among my fellow-citizens, persons of
probity and intelligence, and bearing true allegiance
to the Constitution and Government of the United
States, who will execute the functions of their respective offices until their places can be filled by the
action of the people. Their authority, when their appointments shall have been made, will be accordingly
respected and observed.
"To the people themselves the protection of the
Government is extended. All their rights will be
duly respected, and their wrongs redressed when made
known. Those who, through the dark and weary night
of the Rebellion, have maintained their allegiance to
the Federal Government, will be honored. The erring
and misguided will be welcomed on their return. And
while it may become necessary, in vindicating the violated majesty of the law, and in reasserting its imperial sway, to punish intelligent and conscious treason
in high places, no merely retaliatory or vindictive policy
will be adopted.  To those especially who in a private, unofficial capacity have assumed an attitude of
hostility to the Government, a full and complete amnesty for all past acts and declarations is offered, upon




AMONG THE REBELS.             383)
the one condition of their again yielding themselves
peaceful citizens to the just supremacy of the laws.
This I advise them to do for their own good, and for
the peace and welfare of our beloved State, endeared to
me by the associations of long and active years and by
the enjoyment of the highest honors.
"And, appealing to my fellow-citizens of Tennessee,
I point them to my long public life, as a pledge for the
sincerity of my motives, and an earnest for the performance of my present and future duties.
"ANDREW JOHNSON."
Accompanying this proclamation is the following
ordinary oath of office, to support the Constitution of
the United States and of the State of Tennessee:"STATE OF TENNESSEE,        county.
"On this the -    day of -, 186-, personally
appeared before me, of the, and took and
subscribed the following oath, in pursuance of the first
section of the tenth article of the Constitution of the
State of Tennessee, which is as follows:'Every person
who shall be chosen or appointed to any office of trust
or profit under this Constitution, or any law made in
pursuance thereof, shall, before entering on the duties
thereof, take an oath to support the Constitution of this
State, and of the United States, and an oath of office,'
(he having already taken an oath to support the Constitution of Tennessee,) to wit:
"'I,', do solemnly swear that I will support,
protect, and defend the Constitution and Government
of the United States against all enemies, whether domestic or foreign, and that I will bear true faith, allegianice, and loyalty to the same, any law, ordinance, resolution, or convention to the contrary notwithstanding;
and, further, that I do this with a full determination,
33




384         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
pledge, and purpose, without any mental reservation ori
evasion whatsoever; and, further, that I will well aid
faithfully perform all the duties which may be required
of me by law. So HEILP ME GOD.
"Sworn and subscribed to before me,
The Secessionists regard the appointment of Governor
Johnson as a very unfortunate one; but the Union men,
irrespective of old party associations, regard it as most
fortunate, and say that we have the right man in the
right place. I have no doubt his appointment to the
office will give general satisfaction to Union men
throughout the State. I am certain this will be the
case in East Tennessee.
The feeling of opposition to the Federal Government
and the occupation of this city by Federal troops is
gradually giving way to a spirit of acquiescence, and to
the "sober second thought" of sensible and patriotic
men. The good order, strict discipline, and sober habits
of onze hzundred thousand troops here are in striking contrast with the thieving, drinking, and other revolting
habits of the so-called Confederate soldiers, who but
recently committed all manner of outrages in these
streets. Even the children and negroes see and speak
of the difference.
The ladies of Nashville are more bitter and unyielding
in their hostility to the Federal army than any other
class of citizens. I can excuse them: most of them have
sons, brothers, or husbands in the Rebel army, and they




AMONG THE REBELS.              385
regard Federal officers and soldiers as their enemies, in
search of their relatives.
Some amusing incidents occurred here upon the
arrival of the Federal army, under command of General
Mitchell, after the fall of Fort Donelson. The most
stirring incident was the brass bands, on the gunboats
and transports, playing that favorite Southern air, " In
Dixie's land I take my stand," &c., while the loyal
citizens cheered long and loud. A game lady, full of
resentment, as they passed the Square, exclaimed,
"Lack-a-day, what a great Lincoln circus!"  "Yes,"
rejoined an Ohio soldier: "the last time we performed
was at Fort Donelson." A second lady inquired, with
an air of disdain, "How far do your lines extend?"
The answer was, by an officer, "Our lines, madam, extend to the North Pole; and, when I left the other day,
there were several regiments applying for transportation South!"
My room was entered last evening by some officers
and civilians from Kentucky, and I was literally forced
out into the crowd, in front of the St. Cloud Hotel,
where a speech was demanded. I sought to be excused;
but they would take no denial, and I proceeded to
deliver this speech:Speech of W. G. Brownlow in Nashville,
GENTLEMEN:- I am in a sad plight to say much of
interest,-too thoroughly incapacitated to do justice to




386         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
you or myself. My throat has been disordered for the
past three years, and I have been compelled to almost
abandon public speaking. Last December I was thrust
into an uncomfortable and disagreeable jail,-for what?
Treason! Treason to the bogus Confederacy; and the
proofs of that treason were articles which appeared in
the Knoxville Whig in May last, when the State of
Tennessee was a member of the imperishable Union.
At the expiration of four weeks I became a victim of
the typhoid fever, and was removed to a room in a
decent dwelling, and a guard of seven men kept me
company. I subsequently became so weak that I could
not turn over in my bed, and the guard was increased
to twelve men, for fear I should suddenly recover and
run away to Kentucky. But I never had any intention
to run, and, if I had, I was not able to escape. My
purpose was to make them send me out of their infamous
Government, according to contract, or to hang me, if
they thought proper. I was promised passports by
their Secretary of War, a little Jew, late of New Orleans; and upon the faith of that promise, and upon the
invitation of General Crittenden, then in command at
Knoxville, I reported myself and demanded my passports. They gave me passports, but they were from
my house to the Knoxville jail, and the escort was a
deputy marshal of Jeff Davis. But I served my time
out, and have been landed here at last, through much
tribulation. When I started on this perilous journey,




AMONG THE REBELS.             387
I was sore distressed both in mind and body, being
weak from disease and confinement. I expected to meet
with insults and indignities at every point from the
blackguard portion of the Rebel soldiers and citizens,
and in this I was not disappointed. It was fortunate,
indeed, that I was not mobbed. This would have been
done, but for the vigilance and fidelity of the officers
having me in command. These were Adjutant-General
Young and Lieutenant O'Brien, clever men, highminded, and honorable; and they were of my own
selection. They had so long been Union men that I
felt assured they had not lost the instincts of gentlemen
and patriots, afflicted as they were with the incurable
disease of Secession!
But, gentlemen, some three or four days ago I landed
in this city, as you are aware. Five miles distant I
encountered the Federal pickets. Then it was that I
felt like a new man. My depression ceased, and returning life and health seemed suddenly to invigorate my
system and to arouse my physical constitution. I had
been looking at soldiers in uniform for twelve months,
and to me they appeared as hateful as their Confederacy
and their infamous flag. But these Federal pickets,
who received me kindly and shook me cordially by the
hand, looked like angels of light, compared with the
insulting blackguards who had been groaning and
cursing around my house.
Why, my friends, these demagogues actually boast
33*



388         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
that the Lord is upon their side, and declare that God
Almighty is assisting them in the furtherance of their
nefarious project.  In  Knoxville and surrounding
localities, a short time since, daily prayer-meetings
were held, wherein the Almighty was beseeched to
raise Lincoln's blockade and to hurl destruction against
the Burnside Expedition. Their prayers were partly
answered: the blockade at Roanoke Island was most
effectually raised!
Gentlemen, I am no Abolitionist; I applaud no sectional doctrines. I am a Southern man, and all my
relatives and interests are thoroughly identified with
the South and. Southern institutions. I was born in the
Old Dominion; my parents were born in Virginia, and
they and their ancestors were all slave-holders. Let
me assure you that the South has suffered no infringement upon her institutions; the Slavery question was
actually no pretext for this unholy, unrighteous conflict.
Twelve Senators from the Cotton States, who had sworn
to preserve inviolate the Constitution framed by our
forefathers, plotted treason at night,-a fit time for such
a crime,-and telegraphed to their States dispatches
advising them to pass ordinances of secession. Yes,
gentlemen, twelve Senaters swore allegiance in the daytime, and unswore it at night.
Soldiers and citizens! Secession is well-nigh played
out,-the dog is dead,-and their demoralized army are
on their way to the Cotton States, where they can look




AMONG THE REBELS.             3 9
back at you, as you approach their scattered lines.
I have been detained among them for ten days, General
Hardee refusing to let me pass. This was only fiftyfive miles from  here, in the sound Union town of
Shelbyville. They were pushing off their bacon and
flour and their demoralized men; and I hope you will
follow them up. You will overtake them at the Tennessee
River, sooner, if they come up with new supplies of
mean whiskey.
But, gentlemen, you see that I am growing hoarse in
this fierce wind. I am otherwise feeble, not having
attempted to make a speech in months. Excuse me,
therefore, and join me in this sentiment, should this
wicked and unholy war continue,-" Grape for the Rebel
masses, and hemp for their leaders!"
Night before last I heard a speech from Etheridge,
delivered before an attentive audience of twelve or fifteen hundred persons. He spoke over two hours. I
never heard him in a regular stump-speech before. I
saw at once the secret of his great success before the
people. He is the people's man, and keeps up the interest all the time. He was severe on the leaders of this
rebellion, but not more so than they deserved; and his
blows met with a hearty response from the crowd.
This army is moving south, by divisions of twelve
and fifteen thousand each day.  Generals McCook,
Mitchell, Nelson, Crittenden, and Thomas have all gone,




,9)0        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
taking the different pikes leading south. There will
be a fearful conflict somewhere in North Alabama, or
on the line of the Memphis & Charleston Railroad.  I
have apprized our friends of the strong force of the
enemy, and assured them that they would have a bloody
battle when they met.
Nashville, March 21.-No officer in this vast army
has impressed me more favorably than Colonel Fry, the
man who killed General Zollicoffer. He is a fine officer,
a perfect gentleman, mild and unassuming, and a devout
member of the Presbyterian Church. He enjoys the
confidence and esteem of all who know him.
By the way, the Vandals under the lead of Floyd
destroyed the wire suspension-bridge here, in which
General Zollicoffer had some $25,000 of paying stock,and about all he leaves behind to clothe and to educate
his children-five little girls. This was a wicked act,
wholly uncalled for, and one which, while it could do no
sort of damage to the Federal army, brings ruin upon a
number of orphan children. Floyd was remonstrated
with by Secessionists, but all to no purpose.
The following correspondence will explain itself:" COLLEGE STREET, SOUTH NASHVILLE, lniarch 21, 1862.
"Ars. Dr. Davis presents her compliments to W. G.
Brownlow, and hopes that he will accept the accompanying bouquet."




AMONG THE REBELS.              391
NASHVILLE, March 21, 1862.
Mrs. Dr. Davis, of South Nashville, has my thanks for
the beautiful bouquet sent to my room yesterday. It
is gratifying to me to find that the ladies of Nashville
are not all crazy upon the subject of this infamous
rebellion. I took tea last evening with some Union
ladies, whom I found in their right minds, as they have
been since the commencement of hostilities. On yesterday I took my stand in front of R. H. McEwin's mansion, on Spruce Street, and, together with several Union
ladies, waved our handkerchiefs as the large divisions
of well-dressed officers and men passed, under the command of Generals Thomas and Schcepff. Each regiment
as it moved south, upon the Franklin pike, halted, and
played us a national air, cheering "[Parson Brownlow
and the ladies." The breeze carried the Star-Spangled
Banner over us to its full proportions, and the sunshine
illuminated its hues in all their beauty. The army of
one hundred thousand men now leaving here and going
south is a real army, magnificent in materiel, admirable
in its discipline, sober in its habits, and elegantly
equipped and armed.  God and angels smile upon
them, and victory must attend their march and struggles.
Our heretofore patriotic State is coming to her senses,
and this sad and unnatural war must, in the very nature
of things, soon close out. For myself I shall ask no




392         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
higher honor than that of being booked as on the Union
side of this struggle.    Respectfully, &c.,
W. G. BROWNLOW.
I heard an able speech last evening from Hon.
Horace Maynard. He spoke two and a half hours, to
a large and interested audience. I have heard him on
many occasions, but never have I heard him when he
was so eloquent, forcible, and effective. His history of
this infamous rebellion was pointed and convincing,
and his language was chaste and beautiful. His arguments were unanswerable, and listened to in the most
profound silence, only when interrupted by enthusiastic
bursts of applause. The speech was, throughout, conciliatory, and could not fail to have a good effect.
Here, as in all parts of the South, the worst class of
men are preachers. They have done more to bring
about the deplorable state of things existing in the
country than any other class of men. And foremost
in this work of mischief are the Methodist preachers.
Brave in anticipation of war, and prone to denunciation on all occasions, even in the pulpit, they have
been among the first to take to their heels. Doctors
MCFERRIN, SUMMERS, and McTYEIR, of the Methodist
Publishing House, have all fled in the direction of the
Cotton States, —leaving their Book Concern vacant, and,
I should say, not more than solvent! MICFERRIN was
escaping through Shelbyville as I approached the town,




AMONG THE REBELS.             393
trying to exchange a refractory nag of Secession proclivities for one that would work and abide by law
and order. I did not see him.
The notorious J. B. Graves, the Baptist editor, has
also fled, and that most ingloriously. He went through
the neighborhood of Shelbyville, John Gilpin-like, staying for the night with Major Goggin, a Union man,
but a member of his church. He was following up his
Methodist associates in the work of rebellion. Graves
is a Northern man, and has been a strong anti-slavery
man, as his past record shows; but to prove his loyalty to
the South he has had to go to great Secession extremes.
It is not difficult for him to fall in with Secession. He
seceded from the Baptist Church a few years ago, and
sought to destroy it. Failing in that rebellion, he is
now about to take satisfaction out of the United States
Government! He ought to get up a regiment of men
and arm them with the pikes manufactured here to
fight Yankees with.
A dreadful retribution awaits these men. Called of
God, as they say, to preach the gospel of peace, they
have been for twelve months preaching war, bloodshed,
and plunder; but now they are ingloriously fleeing from
the wrath of an approaching Federal army.
Bishop Soule.
It will be gratifying to the numerous friends of this
venerable man of God, now upwards of eighty years




394         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
old, to learn that he is still a staunch advocate of the
Union and of the Constitution of his country. He
is the senior bishop of the Methodist Church in the
United States, and a man of learning, of great acquirements, and of a powerful mind. Chaplain Stephenson, of the Fifteenth Indiana Regiment,-a man whose
acquaintance I have made,-had an interview with
the bishop a few days since, at his residence near
Nashville, which he thus describes in a letter to a
friend:"General Wood's division encamped recently seven
miles north of Nashville, in the vicinity of the quiet
home of the venerable Bishop Soule. I called upon the
bishop twice, and found in him the same social, courteous, Christian minister I have always regarded him.
He remarked, emphatically and solemnly,'I have never
written a line nor uttered a sentence politically: I have
been a man of one work.' Lifting his majestic form
and reaching to the mantel-piece, he grasped affectionately a newly-bound old book, the Constitution of the
United States. Resuming his chair, and opening the
book, he said, with great deliberation,'I have carefully
read and closely studied the Constitution, and have
never seen any clause in it authorizing or providing for
division, or the secession of one or more States from
the others.''We, the people, may change, alter, or
amend.' This was the purport, and, as nearly as I can
recollect, the precise language of the occasion: he authorized me so to represent him to his friends; and I
take pleasure in disabusing a prejudice arising from a
misapprehension of his views."
DR. JEPITTHA FOWLKER.-This is a distinguished




AMONG THE REBELS.              395
citizen of Memphis, and a large property-holder. He is
a true man in every sense, brave, generous, and loval,
though forced by circumstances to bow to the storm of
Secession which has raged with so much fury in West
Tennessee.  He is one of the owners and editors of the
liemphis Avalctnche, and in his issue for March 8
publishes the following:" PARSON BROWNLOW EN ROUTE FOR WASHINGTON.
"We learn that this distinguished individual left
Knoxville on the 3d, under an escort or guard of ten
men, for Nashville.  He has doubtless reached his destination safely. We regret to part from an old and
valued friend, one who stood by us in times past, when
we needed his friendship.  We are well assured he has
left behind him at Knoxville a set of men far more
detrimental to the Southern Government than he would
ever have proven if he had been kindly treated. He is
a true man to his principles and professions, while they
are false to themselves, others, and the Government.
He has our good wishes for himself and his family,
whatever may betide him in life. His health, we learn,
is much improved."
This article, as I understand, caused a split between
the doctor and his partner and associate editor, and dissolution of partnership followed. Since then, through
the machinations of an infamous clique at Knoxville,
he has been arrested and confined in prison at Memphis.  I hope the Federal army will relieve him soon.
And should he appear in any one of the loyal States,
sooe00r or later, I bespeak for him the treatment due
to a TRUE MAN, a gentleman, and " a man of soul sin34




396         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
cere." I have known him long and intimately, and I
would perform a pilgrimage to any quarter of the globe
to serve him.
TFort.Donelson, ilfarch 23.-I am now seventy-five
miles west-by-north from Nashville, on the Cumberland River. This is Stewart county, and Dover is the
county town. I came down on board that floating
palace, the Jacob Strader. Dover is on the left bank
of the river, elevated by a considerable rise in the hill.
It will never be known hereafter by any other name
than that of Fort Donelson, where the late terrible
battle was fought. The marks of the fight are to be
seen on every hand. The graves of the dead show
arms and legs protruding out of the ground, and the
odor is very offensive. Though our boat stays all
night, I did not go out to see the evidences of the
death and carnage that reigned here but a few days
since.
The United States troops stationed here, and those
on steamers just arriving from the Northwest, learning that I was on board, surrounded our boat, and
called repeatedly, until I was forced out on deck, where
I addressed them in substance as follows:
SOLDIERS AND CITIZENS:-I suppose you think me a
stubborn sort of man, as I have resisted so many calls,
and calls so loud and enthusiastic, as have been made




AMONG THE REBELS.              397
on me to-night. The truth is, I am not able to speak,
and especially am I not able to face the wind blowing
so fiercely on this river. I am fleeing from the wrath
to come; and I stand before you to-night as a brand
plucked from the scorching flames of a Southern Confederacy. I am just from the land of oppression, where
there are no constitutional guards left for the protection of the rights of the citizens,-where they have
abolished the habeas corpus, provided county dungeons
for Union men, the sweets of which I have tasted;
where they have instituted letties de cachet, violated
mails, disarmed communities and individuals, quartered
drunken troops on private families, hung men for not
being Secessionists, shot down others in their fields for
adhering to the Stars and Stripes, muzzled the press,
silenced free speech, debauched the pulpit, tortured
women and children, and brought into service, at two
and four dollars per day, a pensioned band of depraved
spies and informers. You could not expect a man to
speak in the open air, coming out of such a furnace as
this. Still, I desire to bear testimony to the excellency
of the most loving, forbearing, and beneficent of Governments, the Government of the United States. Compared
with this miserable Southern Confederacy, it rises up
on the highest pedestal of moral grandeur, and asserts a
commanding claim on the magnanimity and chivalry
of the loyal men of the whole country.  You have
lately done a noble work here, gentlemen, and the




398          3 BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
scenes of FORT DONELSON will long be remembered by
the Rebels who fled from here under the lead of Floyd
and Pillow. Nor will the ten or fifteen thousand prisoners you bagged at this point soon forget the drubbing you gave them on this memorable hill. With the
deluded masses I sympathize, but with the corrupt
and reckless leaders I cannot.
Gentlemen, I am but recently from Shelbyville, fiftyfive miles from Nashville, where I was held over ten
days by that miserable tyrant, General Hacldee. IHe
was engaged in removing meat and bread South, for
the Rebel army to live on as they retire to the Cotton
States in search of the last ditch, in which they have
pledged themselves to die. They are congregating in
force along the line of the Memphis & Charleston
Railroad, and somewhere in North Alabama-probably
below Florence and Tuscumbia-they will make a determined stand. A battle in that quarter is imminent.
and I dread the consequences, —not but that I believe
we shall whip them and drive them farther south, but
because many of our brave men will be slain. Expelled
from there, as they will be, they will fall back upon
Grand Junction, and then upon Memphis, until finally
they retire into Mississippi.
We are soon to have Memphis, New Orleans, and
Mobile, and in their capture you may look for some of
the finest military manceuvres of the war. A splendid
field is presented for strategic and tactical skill on




AMONG THE REBELS.             399
both sides; but we have the advantage of them in generals: our generals are capable of giving wings, legs,
and motion to their armies. We also have the advantage in the powers of endurance on the part of our
privates, and their clothing, arms, and means of transportation. When the war began, they could whip out
five of you with one Southern man. Now they are
not willing to fight you man to man.
But, gentlemen, I must close my remarks. You see
I am not able to speak. I am retiring to the North
for rest. Whenever you can get possession of my
down-trodden country, I design to return to my family
and home. I have no idea of leaving there. I want
to go back and aid in driving out others who have expelled me. I therefore retire, and introduce to you my
friend and townsman Colonel Trigg, who is a good
speaker and good Union man, and a refugee from tne
persecutions of the Rebels in East Tennessee.
Arrival in Cincinnati.
At no point since I reached this Government have
I been treated with more kindness and more real hospitality than in Cincinnati. Arriving there on Thursday night, I was met at the wharf by Messrs. Geffroy
and Gibson, the proprietors of that well-kept, quiet
hotel, the "Gibson House," on Walnut Street, and
kindly tendered the hospitalities of their house as long
as I chose to remain. Upon reaching the "Gibson




400         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
House," where I was most hospitably received, I was
waited on by the Union Committee appointed by the
Union Convention, and by them conducted to the
Merchants' Exchange, where I found a vast assemblage of the best men in the Queen City, and was introduced to them by Joseph C. Butler, Esq., President
of the Chamber of Commerce.
I delivered a very brief address, setting forth the
state of things in East Tennessee,-excused myself for
not speaking,-promised a speech at some length, at such
future time and place as they might agree upon,-and
made the acquaintance of quite a number of gentlemen.
The committee furnished a suite of carriages, and with
them I took a most agreeable drive through Clifton
and Spring Grove, viewing at my leisure the surroundings of the most populous city of the West, alike iemarkable for its extensive trade, rapid growth, genuine
hospitality, and productive industry.
On the evening of the 4th of April I made my first
regular speech in " Pike's Opera-House;" and I will let
the Cincinnati Gazette relate the particulars of the introduction:"Parson Brownlow's Public Welcome.
"We very much doubt whether the Opera-House,
since it was first opened to the public, ever contained a
larger or more refined assemblage of our citizens than
on last evening on the occasion of the welcome to ouy




AMONG THE REBELS.                    401
city of the illustrious Tennessee patriot, Parson Brownlow.
"Before the doors were opened, the crowd had commenced to gather on Fourth Street; and before half-past
seven o'clock not a vacant seat was to be found in the
house, and the aisles and every available spot were occupied.  Many, we learn, were unable to obtain even
standing-room, and left the house. The turn-out, considering that the admission-fee was fifty cents, must
have been very gratifying to the Parson.
" The stage was decorated with a number of American
flags, and across the front part of it were two rows of
chairs, on which were seated the Vice-Presidents.  Immediately in the rear was a raised platform, on which
were seated three hundred and seventy-two boys and
girls from the district, intermediate, and high schools
of the city, who, under the direction of Mr. L. W.
Mason, sang the following
"SONG OF WELCOME.
"All hail! all hail the hero unflinching!
The pure patriot we sing, unwavering and bold,
Who foul treason denounced, and with deeds was still clinching
His strong speech, when vile traitors, in numbers untold,
Howled hatred demoniac, and madly were clamoring
His life should be forfeit. Triumphantly sing,
And utter the welcome with the tongue's feeble stammering.
The welcome, the warm welcome, our hearts to him bring!
Safe, safe in our midst we shall hear the man's voice
That hath cowed all his foes, and made us rejoice;
Then hail him again, and forever and aye!
His country he loves, and for it he would die!




409            BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES'Rejoice! rejoice! for Freedom is marching,
With her power resistless, to punish and crush,
And the iris of Union will soon be o'erarching
Again our loved country, when its brave children rush
To rescue its life from the demons now seeking
To blot out its name from the nations of earth;
But, rather than this, let their black blood be reeking
Unpitied from earth, so disgraced by their birth.
Thus speaks he, the hero! Then sing with one voice:
We love and revere him, in his presence rejoice!
Then hail him again, and forever and aye!
His country he loves, and for it he would die!
" Shortly after eight o'clock, Parson Brownlow came
upon the stage, leaning upon the arm of Joseph C.
Butler, Esq., the President of the Chamber of Comnmerce.
"Mr. Butler, in introducing Mr. Brownlow, said:" LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: —I have been honored with
the pleasing duty of inaugurating the ceremonies of
this occasion, in introducing a renowned and loyal citizen of our sister State of Tennessee,-a State forced,
by usurpation, fraud, and violence, into rebellion against
a Government that her sons in by-gone times have done
so much to maintain and establish, and now  suffers
in being the field of conflict in a desolating civil war,a State recently baptized again into the fold of the
Union by the martyr patriots' blood shed upon her
soil, and will be confirmed in that fold by continued
deeds of heroic daring,- -within whose limits has been
exhibited  by her loyal sons as unfaltering  devotion




AMONG THE REBELS.              403
and love of country as have ever been displayed in the
history of any people. Surrounded by the armed bands
of desperate and cruel military despots, given up to the
mercy of ignorant and vicious mobs, cut off from all
communication with and support from a Government
they were sacrificing themselves to maintain, these
patriots of Tennessee were driven from their homes,
suffered in jails, and sealed, when called on, with their
lives, on the scaffold, their devotion to the Union and
Constitution established by their fathers. Through a
long and weary summer, through the dreary fall and
winter, with hearts sickened by many disappointed
hopes, they suffered and faithfully endured. And now
that the armies of the Union have entered their State,
and the flag of freedom  once more floats over its
capital, may we not hope that the hour of their deliverance is at hand?  God grant it may be speedy!
" One of this noble band of patriots is with us tonight. He will recount to you some of the scenes he
has witnessed, and give you in brief the history of the
rebellion in his once prosperous and noble State. He
has sacrificed on the altar of his country all that man
holds most dear, jeopardizing not only his own life, but
the lives of his family and kindred, in vindicating the
sacred cause of his country. If we honor the bravery
displayed on the battle-field, how much more should
we honor him who, almost alone, sick and in prison,
tempted by seducing offers of power and place, and




404          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
with an ignominious death daily threatened, maintains
for weeks and months, with unfaltering trust, his faith
and virtue!  The instinctive homage of the human
heart to genuine courage we pay to an endurance like
this. The historian who will record for the perusal
of our children the list of heroes that this wicked rebellion has brought forth, will name none whose matchless courage is surpassed, or the bold outline of whose
character for outspoken patriotism so overshadows all
cavil and criticism as the hero of the pulpit and the
press I have now the honor of introducing,-Mr. WV. G.
Brownlow, of Knoxville, Tennessee."
I give a correct report of this Cincinnati speech, because it was substantially what I said at all other
points, and, next, because it has been misrepresented
in Tennessee and subjected to unjust criticism by the
Rebel press. The speech occupied one hour and twenty
minutes in its delivery.
Speech in the Opera-House.
IADIES AND GENTLEMEN:I appear before you to-night in accordance with the
arrangement of a committee-a large and intelligent
committee-of citizens of your own town. I am not
before you for the purpose of making an effort at display, or of trying to play the orator. I have no wish
to fascinate or to charm an audience with a fine style
of speaking, or with elegant language.  I therefore




AMONG THE REBELS.              405
apprize you of what you will have discovered before I take my seat,-namely, that in my extemporaneous addresses, no matter what the theme may be,
I do not present a subject with an eloquence that
charms, with that critical and studied acumen that
fascinates, nor yet with that richness of diction that
captivates an audience.  This I regret in the advocacy of a good cause like that of the preservation of
the American Union; for there is no power like that
of oratory. Csesar controlled men by exciting their
fears; Cicero, by captivating their affections and swaying their passions. The influence of the one perished
with its author; that of the other continues to this
day, and will continue with public speakers to the end
of time.
I feel confident that I address an appreciative audience, who are here to learn facts in regard to the GREAT
REBELLION,-the great event of the nineteenth century,-including the reign of terror in the South generally, and the murderous conduct of Secessionists in
East Tennessee. I shall look more to what I say than
to my mranner of saying it,-more, if you please, to the
subject-matter of my speech than to any exhibition of
rare powers of analysis, wit, satire, or remarkable force.
and beauty of language. I will state what I know to
be true, without drawing upon my imagination for any
thing. I will give names, dates, and localities; and I
challenge now, or hereafter, a contradiction of what i




406          BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
say touching the great Rebellion in the South, the persecution of my fellow-countrymen, and of their sufferings even unto death.
I have met, since my arrival in this city, with not a
few intelligent and high-toned gentlemen,-men of
years and of knowledge,-who have inquired of me,
seriously, "Is it a fact that they hanged men, shot
others down, and imprisoned not a few, for their sentiments?"  You cannot, it seems to me, gentlemen,
realize the horrible state of affairs existing beyond the
mountains, and especially in East Tennessee.
I have been accustomed to public speaking for moo
than thirty years, and I have seen the day when I
could make myself heard at any reasonable distance.
Tnen I was a young man; and I admit, ladies, not now
being a widower, that this was a long time ago. But
those days with me have gone by, and are now numbered with the years beyond the Flood. For more than
three years past I have been suffering from a stubborn
case of brone/titis, and could not speak at times above
a whisper. I was advised by Professor Horace Green,
of New York, who performed an operation on my
throat, to exercise my speaking-machinery frequently,in short speeches. I have done so, sometimes preaching short sermons, and at other times delivering temperance-speeches,-both good causes. Strange to say,
my voice has never returned in any good degree until
since I landed in the United States and opened my




AMONG THE REBELS.             407
batteries against this wicked rebellion and the infinitely
infernal leaders -who inaugurated it! Under the providence of God, and with my continued denunciations
of the vile heresy of Secession, my voice is gaining all
the while; and I should not be astonished, in the course
of a few brief months, to find that "Richard is himself again."
Ladies and gentlemen, you will bear with me for a
few moments whilst I make other remarks personal to
myself. This I think I may venture to do, by way of
preliminary, without incurring the charge of egotism.
Circumstances, not now necessary to repeat, have connected my name with this rebellion in the South, and
therefore I may be allowed to speak more freely of
myself than would otherwise become a modest man,
such as I am. Candidly, I deserve no credit for any
thing that I have done, or for what I have endured. I
have only done my duty; and the man who is not prepared to submit to insult, the confiscation of his property, the incarceration of his person, or even to death
itself, in defence of this glorious Union, is not worthy
of the name of an American citizen!
I am a native of Virginia; I was born and raised in
the Old Dominion, as were my parents before me. They
were, on both sides, slave-holders. I have lived for
the last thirty years in East Tennessee, where I married,
and where both my wife and children were born. I
am perhaps the only man who ever did, or ever will,
35




408         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
appear before a Cincinnati audience publicly confessing
that he descended from one of the second families of
Virginia. All others are descended from the F. F. V's.,
which, since their numerous retreats before Rosecrans
and others, signifies Fleet-Footed Virginians!  By
the way, Floyd and I hail from the same county. I
have endeavored to be honest all my life, andremained
poor. Floyd was a good financier, whether you view
him as Governor of Virginia or Secretary of War under
James Buchanan, and he has money and to spare.
Since this rebellion commenced, I have been held up
to the world in the corrupt and pensioned journals of
the Southern Confederacy as a traitor to the South and
the descendant of a Tory. I complain of this charge,
when I reflect that my father was a private in the War
of 1812 under General Jackson. One of his brothersthe one after whom I was named-was a naval officer,
and his honored remains sleep in the navy-yard at
Norfolk.  Another brother was a lieutenant in the
navy, and died in New Orleans while in the service.
A third brother of his died at sea while in the service,
and was given to the monsters of the deep. A fourth
was among the first men who scaled the walls at the
memorable battle of the Horseshoe. On my mother's side
my relatives were in the battles of their country, and not
a few lost their lives defending the flag of their country,
fighting for the United States against the combined
assaults of our British and savage foes. They did not




AMONG THE REBELS.             409
fight for a section, either North or South, but for our
common country,-for the American Union,-and died
beneath the folds of the Star-Spangled Banner, the
sacred shield of a common nationality.
I am not before you on this occasion to revive old
party political prejudices, but I may as well make a
remark or so upon the subject of party politics. In
Tennessee we have done what you ought to do here,
-merged all party questions into the great question of
preserving the Union and crushing out this infamous
rebellion. I claim to be an unconditional Union man;
and before I would vote for a man who is not, I would
see him, in the language of Milton, "where cold performs the effect of fire." Nay, in the still more nervous
language of Pollok, I would see him " Where gravitation, shifting, turns the other way," and sends the
parties in the direction that Ward's ducks went.
I have battled against Andrew Johnson, perseveringly,
systematically, and terribly, for a quarter of a century.
He has basted me on every stump in Tennessee. We
have each given the other as good as he sent. Honors
are easy with us now, and we are hand-in-hand fighting
the same battle for the preservation of the Union. We
will fight for each other against the common foe. He
is now at the head of our new State Government; and
I take pleasure in saying that he is the right man in
the right place. If Mr. Lincoln had asked the Union
men of Tennessee whom they wanted for a military




410         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Governor, the answer would have been, Andrew
Johnson!
It is no new thing with me that I am a Union man,
for I have been that all my life long. I was living in
the counties of Pickens and Anderson, South Carolina,
-the latter the home of John C. Calhoun,-in 1832,
during the Nullification Rebellion. I declared for the
Union then,-wrote a pamphlet in which I denounced
Disunion and defended the proclamation of General
Jackson.
I commenced my political career in 1828, when I was
one of a corporal's guard who got up an Electoral ticket
for John Quincy Adams against Andrew Jackson. I
name this fact to show that I have never been sectional,
but always national, supporting men of integrity and
talents, without looking to which side of the line they
were born. I was for Adams because of his talents
and pure moral character, and last, but not least, because of his Federal politics. I have always been a
Federal Whig of the Alexander Hamilton and George
Washington school,-believing in a strong central or
concentrated Government, strong enough to sustain
itself and to put down all such infamous rebellions as
this is. Though I was opposed to Jackson, I would
have resurrected him, if I could have done so, two years
ago, and placed him in the chair disgraced by that
mockery of a man, Buchanan, and had him to crush out
this rebellion. Jackson was a true patriot, and a lover of




AMONG THE REBELS.            411
his country, and a Union man; and if he had been living
when this rebellion broke out, he would have hanged
the leaders and prevented this unnatural war.
In 1832, I was for Clay for the Presidency; in 1836,
I was for Hugh Lawson White, who was beaten by Mr.
Van Buren; in 1840, I was a zealous supporter of
General Harrison, of Ohio, a true man and a tried
patriot; in 1844, I supported Clay and Frelinghuysen;
in 1848, I supported Taylor and Fillmore; in 1852, I
was for Daniel Webster, but he was not the candidate,
and died before the election came off; in 1856, I was
for Fillmore and Donelson; in 1860, I was for Bell and
Everett, and I am for the hind-legs of this kangaroo
ticket yet. A better or a more nobly disinterested man
than Everett never lived. Bell has gone over to Secession; but he is at heart a Union man, and only yielded
on account of the great pressure, which but few of our
Union leaders found themselves able openly to resist.
And now let me call your attention to the subject of
Slavery, the great topic of the day. I have no sentiments at the South that I do not hold here. I have no
sentiments here that I do not entertain when I am in
Tennessee. I should despise myself, and merit your
scorn and contempt, if I held one set of opinions at the
North and another set at the South. I have for years
been publishing my sentiments upon the Slavery question, and I have only to say to-night that they have
undergone no change.
35*




412         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
The South, as I have repeatedly published there, is
more to blame for this state of things than the North.
The South brought on this war without any just cause.
We had a Presidential election, and we had four different tickets in the field, the meanest and most unpatriotic of which was the Breekinridge ticket. In a fair
and open-handed race, under the forms of law and of
the Constitution, without violence, the Lincoln ticket
was chosen; and it was the duty of every good citizen
to submit to the will of the people, thus expressed. But
the South lost the spoils, and her corrupt and designing men determined to overthrow the Government and
to erect a new Confederacy, where they could get
offices. We of the South have had the Presidency
twice to your once since the formation of the Government.  We have even re-elected five of our men to
a second term, while no Northern man ever was reelected. Besides this, we have used two or three of
your Northern Presidents. We had a fugitive-slave
law enacted to suit our wants; we annexed Texas that
we might have more slave-territory; and we repealed
the Missouri Compronlise Line,-a thing that ought
never to have been done, and a measure I opposed to
the bitter end. All thi3 ought to have satisfied us of
the South; but no, we were for breaking up the Government.  Pryor, one of the gang, telegraphed from
Washington, " We can get the Crittenden Compromise,
but we don't want it." Judge Douglas overheard and




AMONG THE REBELS.            413
exposed Mason in the Senate for saying, " No matter
what compromise the North offers, the South must find
a way to defeat it."
If, then, the South, in her madness and folly, will
make the issue of " No Union and Slavery, or no Slavery and a Union," I am for the Union, though every
institution in the country perish. And if I had been
authorized, some two or three years ago, to select about
two or three hundred of your most abominable antiSlavery agitators in the North, and an equal number
of our God-forsaken and most hell-deserving Disunionists
at the South, and had marched them to the District of
Columbia, hanged them on a common gallows, dug for
them a common grave, and embalmed their bodies with
jimson-weed and dog-fennel, there would have been none
of this trouble, nor should I have been here to-night!
Let the Federal Government now guarantee to
all loyal men in seceded States the right and title to
all their property, including negroes, and protect them
in the enjoyment of the same; but let the title held by
rebels seeking to destroy the Government be annihilated, both as to negroes and all other property. And
I trust in God that it will be done, and that such confiscated property will go to make up the losses of loyal
men.
WThen this war was commenced, we were all told
at the South that the Federal soldiers were coming
among us to run off our negroes.  Some Southern




414         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
cavalry came along one Sabbath, and pitched in and
stole a valuable boy from me, worth about one thousand
dollars, and they now have him in camp, in full uniform.  I would have expected this from  Lincoln's
hordes, but would not have expected it from the chivalry of the South! the flower of the Southern youth!
The truth is, they have regularly-trained bands of
negro-stealers and negro-traders following the Southern
army, and these have already stolen more negroes from
the border States in one year than all the Northern
Abolitionists have stolen in forty years!
About twelve months ago, a stream of Secession fire,
red and angry, and almost as hot as hell, came along
from the South through Knoxville. Then it was that
the Rebel soldiers, made mad by bad whiskey, visited
the houses of Union men in Knoxville, and insulted
and abused the inmates; and my humble dwelling was
honored-if honor it be-by these soldiers.
At the same time I was reading in my exchanges
from Mobile and Charleston that they had been compelled to send the flower of the South to defend the
border States. I said to my wife, "If these soldiers
be the flower of the South, God deliver us from the
rabble!" They became more and more insulting, until
in May and June they commenced shooting down and
hanging the Union men. One man named Douglas
raised a pole and ran up the Stars and Stripes: for
this he was shot down. The work of murder and




AMONG THE REBELS.             415
slaughter went on, and they became so overbearing
that a number of us had to flee to the mountains.
I cannot boast of my courage, but I believe I was
never accused of personal cowardice. They seized my
printing-office, and converted it into a shop in which
to repair old muskets, which the thief Floyd stole from
the Government. After taking possession of my office,
I was out of employment.  One regiment located in
the town had decided to tear down my dwelling, and
the plans were all ready. General Zollicoffer was informed of the facts, and issued orders forbidding any
of his soldiers to go outside of their lines. He also
sent a detachment of two hundred men to surround and
protect my house. Many said he had done an act
worthy of great credit, but I believe he did no more than
his duty. I knew him for twenty-five years: he was
a high-toned, honest, and brave man. He never stooped
to any thing low; and the only mean thing that he ever
did, that I am aware of, was to fight in such a cause as
that in which the South is now engaged.
My family urged me, with tears and entreaties, to
leave home, and to gratify my wife and children I did
so. About that time there was an election for President and Vice-President. The ticket got only 25,000
votes in a State that has given 150,000 votes. In East
Tennessee the Union sheriffs refused to open the polls.
Judge Swan, the member of the Confederate Congress
from the Knoxville district, had but 700 votes, while




416         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
the same district has given Horace Maynard 12,000
votes. After Johnson and Maynard left, I was the only
leader left in Knoxville,-only a second or third rate
one at that. Mounting an old iron-gray horse one
day, with a few friends, we-as the Secessionists say
when beaten by the Union army —we retired. I retired, gentlemen. [Laughter.] We made up a company
of twelve persons, and retired into the Smoky Mountains, which divide Tennessee from North Carolina,
and in the month of November we lay out days and
nights. We had taken some bread and meat; and
when our provisions gave out we killed a black bear
and some turkeys. We had friends who came to us
every few days and informed us as to what was going
on.  We learned that the commanding officer had
detailed four squads of cavalry, and their public instructions were not to take us, but to shoot us on sight.
In some mysterious way, one Saturday night about
eleven o'clock, five bridges on the main line of railroad,
some miles apart, were set fire to, and were in ashes
by daylight the next morning. This put the very
devil in the Secessionists, although he had been in
their midst all the while.
This burning of bridges was all wrong, as it could
serve no other purpose than that of setting the authorities upon Union men. The bridges ought to have been
destroyed a year ago, but not when they were fired.
Meanwhile, the Rebels-largely reinforced from the




AMONG THE REBELS.             417
Cotton States-went to work and deprived the Union
men of their guns, pistols, and knives, and cast many
of them into the county prisons. Now the reign of
terror set in. Houses were plundered, stock killed
before the eyes of the owners, and horses taken. I
could give the names and localities of men shot down
in their fields for no other offence than that they
were Union men.
Returning to the vicinity of Knoxville, I received a
letter from General George B. Crittenden, stating that
he had been ordered by the Confederate Secretary of
War to give me a passport beyond the Confederate
lines into the State of Kentucky, to a Union neighborhood. I accepted the general's proffer, but was
immediately arrested on a charge of treason, for writing
and publishing what had appeared in the Knoxville
T7ig. On the 6th of December I was thrust into the
Knoxville jail. I found in the jail one hundred and fifty
Union men, —the building crowded to overflowing.
Every man confined was a personal friend. They
crowded around me in astonishment, and asked what I
was thrown into prison for. Some of them shed tears,
others smiled, when they saw me enter the iron gates.
I told them I was under arrest for treason on a warrant
just issued.
PRISON-SCENES.
In that dirty prison we were so crowded that but
two-thirds of our company could lie down, and there




418         BnROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
was neither bench, chair, block, nor other thing, to sit
or lie upon. As a consequence, many took cold and
were sick. A wooden bucket and a couple of tin cups,
out of which we drank, were all the furniture we had.
In five weeks I was myself prostrated, and had to be
removed.
Among the inmates were three Baptist preachers.
One of them,-Mr. Pope,-seventy-seven years of age,
was charged with having prayed to the Lord to bless
the President of the United States, to bless the General Government, and to put an end to this unholy war.
Another old man,-Mr. Cate, —a minister, seventy-five
years of age, was thrust into jail for having thrown
up his hat and hurrahed for the Stars and Stripes
when a company of Union Home-Guards marched by
his house with the Union flag flying over them. The
third-a young man-was confined for having volunteered as chaplain of a Union regiment.
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON SELF.
The most affecting case, however, was that of an old
man who, after a lengthy incarceration, was told, one
morning, that he had been sentenced to be hung at
four o'clock that afternoon. His name was William
Henry Harrison Self. His daughter, an intelligent and
well-educated lady, hearing this awful news during the
day, hastened to the jail, and, with great difficulty,
obtained permission to visit the condemned man. The




AMONG TEIE REBELS.            419
meeting of the father and daughter was a scene which
drew tears from the eyes of a hundred and fifty men
long used to hardship and suffering. The father and
daughter embraced and kissed each other, neither of
them able to utter a word for some time. At about one
o'clock the young lady asked me to write, in her name,
a dispatch to Jeff Davis, at Richmond, asking him to
grant a pardon to her father, which I did.
The young lady carried the dispatch to the telegraph-office, on Gay Street, in great haste, and had it
sent to Richmond immediately. Shortly before three
o'clock she received an answer from " President" Davis,
commuting the old man's sentence to imprisonment for
such length of time as the commanding general should
see proper. The joy of his daughter was, of course,
unbounded. When I left Knoxville, on the 3d of March,
Self was still in jail.
Old Mr. Cate had three sons in jail. Madison Cate
was on the verge of the grave with typhoid fever. He
lay upon the floor of that damp prison, with an old
overcoat under his head for a pillow, and a single
thickness of old home-made carpeting between him
and the cold, damp floor. In this condition his poor
wife came twenty-five miles to see him, with an infant about six weeks old in her arms. She came into
the yard of the prison and asked permission to see her
husband. The officer said, "No! they did not allow
anybody to have any thing to say to these infernal
36




420         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
Union-shriekers."  I went to the window then, myself,
and, by dint of perseverance, prevailed upon them at
last to let her see her husband. They limited her to
just twenty minutes. When she entered the door, her
eyes fell upon her husband lying in the corner, so weak
and emaciated that he could scarcely stir. He was
nearly gone. She held her infant in her arms. The
sight of her husband in that condition unnerved her
completely. Seeing that she was upon the point of letting the child fall, I took it from her, and she sank down
upon the floor beside her husband. Neither of them
uttered a word, but, clasping each other's hands, they
sobbed and cried together; and oh, my God! I hope
that I shall never see such a sight as that again.
That, ladies and gentlemen, is the spirit, the hellish,
inhuman, infernal spirit, of Secession. The devil himself is a saint, compared to the leaders in that scheme.
In Andrew Johnson's town they hung up two men
to the same limb, and the bloody Colonel Leadbetter,a man born and educated in the State of Maine, who went
down to Mobile and married a lot of negroes, through one
white woman,-the worst man, the greatest coward,
and the blackest-hearted villain that ever made a track
in East Tennessee,-this man tied the knots with his
own hands, and directed that the bodies of the victims
should be left hanging for four days and nights directly
over the iron track of the railroad, and ordered the
engineers to run their trains slowly by the spot, in




AMONG THE REBELS.              421
order that the Secessionists on board might feast their
eyes upon the ghastly spectacle. And it is a fact, as true
as it is revolting, that men stood upon the platforms of
every train that went by, kicked the dead bodies as
they passed, and struck them with sticks and rattans,with such remarks as "that they looked well hanging
there," and that all " d-d Yankees and traitors should
hang that way too." It is true that Colonel Leadbetter, as the weather was somewhat warm and the
corpses were becoming somewhat offensive, ordered
them to be cut down at the expiration of some thirtysix hours; but it was for the convenience of his Secession friends purely, and not from any other motive.
One day they came with two carts and took old
Harmon-a Methodist class-leader-and his son. Old
Mr. Harmon was seated in one cart upon his coffin, and
his son in the other, and each cart was surrounded by
a strong guard of Rebel bayonets and driven down the
hill to a scaffold. The young man was hung first, and
the father was compelled to look upon his deathstruggles. Then he was told to mount the scaffold;
but, being feeble and overpowered by his feelings, two
of the ruffians took hold of him, one of them saying,
"Get up there, you damned old traitor!" and the poor
old man was launched into eternity after his son.
A few days after this, they came up to the jail with
another cart.  We never knew whose turn was to come
next. I had "counted the cost." I intended, if my




422         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
turn had come, to meet my fate with the best grace I
could. I had prepared a speech for the occasion; and
I can assure you that I should have pronounced a
handsome eulogy, if I had been called upon; for, if I
have any talent in the world, it is that talent which
consists in piling up one epithet upon another. But it
turned out that the cart was not intended for me. It
was intended for a young man by the name of C. A.
Haun, an excellent man, of fine morals and good common sense. He had a wife and two small children.
Haun was informed one hour beforehand that he was
to be hung. He immediately asked for a Methodist
preacher, who lived in the town, to come and see him
and to pray with him.
The reply was, "We don't permit any praying here
for a damned Union-shrieker." Haun met his fate like
a man.
My fellow-citizens, I congratulate you upon the
fact-now sufficiently clear-that this rebellion is now
pretty well "played out." We will wind the thing up
this spring and summer. They are nearly "out of
soap" down South. They lack guns, clothing, boots,
and shoes. The boots I have on cost me fifteen dollars
in Knoxville.  They are out of hats, too. In Knoxville there is not a bolt of bleached domestic or calico
to be had, nor a spool of Coates's thread; and, although
"Cotton is King," we never made a spool of thread
south of Mason & Dixon's line. Sewing-needles and




AMONG THE REBELS.              423
pins are not to be had. The blockade is breaking up
the whole South. It has been remarked on the streets
of Knoxville that no such thing as a fine-toothed comb
was to be had, and all the little Secession heads were
full of squatter sovereigns hunting for their rights in
the territories. [Laughter and applause.]
General S. F. Carey, of Ohio, and Lieutenant-Governor Fisk, of Kentucky, delivered brief, but eloquent
and appropriate, speeches after me. The President
offered the following preamble and resolutions, expressive of the sentiment of the meeting; and, on motion,
they were unanimously adopted by a deafening A:"Whereas, The foundations of this republic were
established in wisdom, justice, and virtue, by men of
courage, intelligence, and patriotism, against the Government of which a causeless and wicked rebellion
has been instigated by unprincipled demagogues, to
advance their political schemes at the expense of public
liberty; and
" Whereas, We believe that no Government can be
formed more conducive to the happiness and prosperity
of the people, or which can give greater security to
life, liberty, and property: therefore, be it
"Besolved, That we, a part of the free people of this
nation, will never cease our efforts until the last vestige
of treason shall have been effaced from the land, and
the principles of Washington and his illustrious compeers immediately established.
"Resolved, That we will stand upon the Union as our
platform, and claim that the unity of the Government
is essential to its preservation and to the liberties of
the people; that we are entitled to the whole area
embraced by the thirty-four States and the territorial
36-;




424          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
domain, not alienating one inch of its soil one moment
of time, being in its political and commercial relations
the common property of all the loyal citizens of the
Union; that we claim the present Constitution as the
sovereign and fundamental law of the land, subject to
no change or abatement except by the will of the people
through their constitutional representation; that we
repudiate any terms with traitors; that we estimate
neutrality, in its application to the present rebellion, as
synonymous with treason.
" That no loyal citizen can remain neutral while foreign
or domestic enemies of his country assail its Constitution and laws, and that we demand a vigorous and unceasing prosecution of the war, and a certain punishment of all the leading traitors, enforcing the doctrine
of the immortal Clay,-' that we owe a paramount allegiance to the whole Union, a subordinate one to the
several States.'
"Resolved, That the blood of the patriots of the Revolution, and of Ellsworth, Lyon, Winthrop, Baker,
Lander, McCrea, Whitcom, and Budd, and of the host
of heroes in the present war, both on sea and land,
whose bravery has added fresh lustre to our country's
history, together with the martyrs who have illustrated
their devotion to the Constitution by the sacrifice of
their lives on the altar of freedom, has indissolubly
cemented the union of the States, and forever endeared
it to the hearts of a gratified people, who can never
forget the debt of justice they owe to the widows and
orphans of the illustrious dead.
"-Resolved, That the flag of the nation shall again float
triumphantly from the walls of Sumter, and from every
other fort belonging to the Union; that the mouths of
the Mississippi shall never be closed against the commerce of the great Northwest, or be subjected to the
laws of any foreign or rebellious power; and that no
interference with the rights of the whole people to tho
fre'e use of all the avenues of commerce, throughout




AMONG THE REBELS.              4-25
the length and breadth of the land, will ever be tolerated.
"And be itfurther resolved, That we recognize in the
Rev. W. G. Brownlow the true patriot, the intrepid and
unflinching defender of the Federal Constitution, as
the representative of that band of true men in the
South who, in the midst of an atrocious rebellion, still
assert their ancient loyalty and devotion to the Union.
"Resolved, That he has fixed the true standard of
patriotism for all in the present crisis,-viz.: an unhesitating sacrifice of private interest, in the hope of an
early peace, and, if necessary, of loved institutions, to
the maintenance of the Constitution, without further
compromises, and a vigorous prosecution of the war,
until the authority of the Federal Government shall
be fully established in every insurgent State,'every
armed rebel disarmed and every leader punished.
"Resolved, That our warmest sympathies are with our
distinguished guest, as we reach across the border our
hands to our loyal brethren of the South, especially to
those of East Tennessee, greeting them as friends
engaged in the same holy cause; and we call upon the
Federal Government to afford them speedy relief, so as
not only to exhibit the high appreciation of their constancy and patriotism  in the midst of unparalleled
suffering, peril, and persecution, which is entertained
by the whole people of the loyal States, but also as a
sacred duty due unto the Constitution and to all loyal
men of the South."
The exercises were closed by the singing of " Hail
Columbia."
Indiancpolis, April 9.-General Carey and I addressed a large audience here last night, having come
from Dayton, where we spoke the night before. We
were the guests of Governor Morton, who is a true




426         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
man, and has done great service for the country during
this rebellion. The "Metropolitan Hall" in this city,
it is said, was never better filled.
Governor Morton took us in his carriage to see the
prisoners in Camp Morton,-some five thousand of
them. I found the Tennesseeans glad to see me, and
made them  a brief speech; but the Kentucky and
Alabama Rebels gave me no very graceful reception,
crying, " Put him  out!" " Don't want him  here!"
"Traitor to the South!" &c.
Chicago, April 11.- The citizens of Chicago having
adopted the following complimentary preamble and resolution, I could do nothing less than visit their great
and growing commercial emporium:"'Whereas, The citizens of Chicago, and of every
loyal city and State, have watched with anxiety the independent, manly, and patriotic course during the past
year of the Rev. William G. Brownlow, of Tennessee;
and,
"' Whereas, His position upon the grand and momentous issue that has nearly broken to fragments and rent
in twain our beloved country has commanded the admiration and gratitude of every loyal citizen, in supporting and maintaining the flag of our country, in an
enemy's land, even at the peril of his life and the sacrifice of all its comforts; and,
"' Whereas, We have heard with great pleasure that
he is to be in our city the present week, thus giving
our citizens an opportunity of hearing the voice and
words of the patriot, and of testifying their appre



AMONG THE REBELS.             427
ciation of the man who has suffered every thing but
death in defending our Constitution: therefore,
"'Resolved, That a special committee of three be appointed by the Mayor, whose duty it shall be to make
such arrangements as may be necessary in order that
the hospitalities of the city be tendered to Rev. W. G.
Brownlow upon his arrival and during his stay here.'
"On motion of Alderman Comisky, the resolution
was adopted unanimously.
"The Mayor appointed Aldermen Hoyt, Hubbard, and
Salomon, as a committee to carry into effect the resolution of Alderman Hoyt.
"On motion, the Mayor was added to the committee."
To this committee were added other gentlemen by the
Commercial Exchange; and these met me at Michigan
City, where I was welcomed by their chairman, Judge
Drummond, of the Federal Court, in a complimentary
speech.
My first day in Chicago was spent in visiting Camp
Douglas, where I found five thousand more prisoners,
many of them from Tennessee. They were glad to
see me, and I made them a brief speech. When I
announced to them that Tennessee would vote herself
back into the Union again, they cried out, " We Tennessee prisoners would vote the State back now, if it
were left to us!" Poor fellows! I felt sorry for them,
because I knew they were mostly Union men, but had
been deceived by the Secession leaders of the State.
At one o'clock I visited the Merchants' Exchange,
where General Carey and I addressed the Board of




428         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
Trade. Mayor Ramsey introduced me to the immense
throng, when J. C. Wright, Esq., on behalf of the Board,
addressed me thus:
"REv. W. G. BROWNLOW:- At the request of the
officers of this Board of Trade, I have the honor, sir,
of performing the most agreeable duty of welcoming
you to our Exchange.
" It is not, sir, because of any official position you now
hold, or have held, that this vast assembly has gathered here to receive you; but, sir, it is a mark of respect
and admiration for your patriotic devotion to your
country. When this horrid rebellion assumed its gigantic proportions, the loyal men of the North watched
with anxiety the course of many men of the South
whom we had delighted to honor with the highest positions of trust and power. With rare exceptions, we
saw them retreating into the ranks of the traitors, using
their influence, wealth, and position to strike down the
mildest and most beneficent Government which God in
his mercy had ever permitted man to establish. They
beguiled and deceived the people who had been accustomed to look up to them and listen to their counsels.
Many of the arch-traitors, not content to act with the
popular voice of their States, joined the ranks of the
Rebels, endeavoring to force their States to disregard
their allegiance to that glorious Union which for nearly
a century had thrown its genial influence and protection over a united, happy, and prosperous people. Amidst
all this horrid exhibition of treason and malignant,
hellish hate, when the heart grew sick at contemplating
the dark and dismal scene before us, when your neighbors and friends around you, in vast numbers, had deserted that old flag, consecrated by our fathers' blood,
and were trampling under foot that Constitution which
had so long been our pride and our hope, you, sir, stood
firm and unmoved in your devoted patriotism. Threat



AMONG THE REBELS.              429
ened with the halter, with the grave yawning before
you, with scorn you spurned proffered freedom and such
onors as traitors could confer. To you the grave had
no terrors to be shunned by an act of disloyalty to your
beloved and now grateful country.
"We are now rapidly making undying history for
future generations to read. When the history of this
wicked rebellion-for I cannot call it an honorable war
-is written, it will be sadly deficient if its pages do
not tell, in words that burn, the story of your wrongs,
your fortitude, and your unswerving devotion to your
country in the hour of her great trial. Our children
will need no romance to stir their young hearts; but
the truthful picture of your sufferings and heroism
will fill the place of high-wrought fiction. We shall
no longer point to the classic ages for noble examples
of heroes who laughed at the halter and rack and
scorned life at the price of dishonor.
"Sir, it is because you have so loved your country
and suffered for your principles that we this day welcome you to our Exchange, to our hearth-stones, to our
hearts.
" In behalf of the officers and of the more than nine
hundred loyal members of this Board, again, sir, I bid
you welcome. Amid the stirring, glorious news of the
triumph of our arms, I bid you welcome."
At night General Carey and I spoke at length to an
overwhelming audience, and were given the hospitalities
of the "Sherman House'  by the city authorities.
The following night we addressed a large and enthusiastic audience at Lafayette, Indiana.
Columbus, Ohio, April 14.-I arrived here to-day
from Cincinnati, having been previously invited by




430         I3ROWNLOW S EXPElIIENC,(ES
both branches of the Legislature and by the City
Councils. I will let the Ohio State Journal give the
particulars:" PARSON BROWNLOW S RECEPTION.
"Pursuant to arrangements made by committee of
the Legislature, the distinguished Parson Brownlow,
the patriot of East Tennessee, was received here yesterday as the guest of the State.  Upon the arrival of
the train from Cincinnati the Parson was met at the
depot by the 69th Regiment, Colonel Campbell, with
their splendid band, and escorted to the Capitol.
" At a quarter-past three in the afternoon, the Senate
was announced in the hall of the House, and was
seated,-Hon. James Monroe, President pro tent. of the
Senate, taking the Speaker's chair, with Speaker Hubbell and Colonel Campbell, as Grand Marshal, on his
left. At precisely half-past three, Governor Tod entered
the hall, arm-in-arm with Parson Brownlow. The hall
was densely crowded by citizens, including a great number of ladies. Upon the appearance of the Governor,
escorting Parson Brownlow, the audience greeted them
with cheers.
"Upon reaching the Speaker's stand, Governor Tod
said:"'Mr. President and gentlemen of the Legislature
of Ohio, I have the honor to present to you, in the
Capitol of Ohio, the distinguished visitor and guest of
our State, Parson Brownlow, of Tennessee. And as
such (turning to Parson Brownlow) I have the pleasure
of taking you by the hand, in the name of our people,
as the friend and the guest of our Commonwealth.'
"The President of the Senate then receiving him,
he was seated on the right of the President with the
Governor. Whereupon President Monroe spoke as
follows:




- AMONG THE REBELS.            431
"'SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES:"'I rise not so much to occupy your time myself as
to bid welcome to this Capitol, and to introduce to you,
the honored guest whose presence graces the occasion.
I am told that it is expected of me, in accordance with
a time-honored custom which has obtained at receptions of this sort, to submit a few remarks in harmony
with the spirit of the hour.
"'We are naturally reminded, under present circumstances, of that law established by a kind Providence, which ordains that the greatest evils shall bring
with them  great compensations.  War is one of the
direst calamities that can befall any nation, and yet
important benefits and blessings are often incident to
it. When waged in behalf of a just cause, it develops
all the nobler and more heroic elements of human
character. In time of peace, the commercial spiritthe spirit of traffic, of gain, of greed-rules society.
Men live for themselves. They occupy a low plane of
thought and action, and move round in narrow circles.
They do not rise to the loftier heights of observation
where the eye sweeps a wider horizon and takes in a
broader view of human relations. But when cherished
institutions, country, home, are in peril, and the shock
of war rouses the land, then the moral sensibilities of
our nature are stirred to their depths. Men discover
that they are brothers, and that what is for the interest
of one is for the interest of all. Then, among the
young and the old, in both sexes and all classes of the
people, is revealed the spirit of self-denial, the disposition to suffer, to dare and to do, for the attainment of
noble ends, and the heart which had been shrivelled
by self-interest expands to the generous dimensions of
great sacrifices and sublime endeavor.
"'Perhaps in no contest since the world began has
a nobler heroism, or heroism in more varied forms, been
manifested, than in that contest for constitutional
liberty upon which we now daily invoke the blessing




432         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
of God. It has indeed brought terrible desolations
upon us, but it has also given us the most precious
things that men or nations ever possess,-rare and costly
human virtues.
"'When was a nobler heroism ever exhibited, by
officers or men, upon the battle-field? When was ever
seen in grander forms that courage which impels men
to expose their persons, where bullets rain and shells
burst, with no concern, except for the honor of the flag
and the triumph of the cause? If this war has stained
the page of our history with the treason of Davis, and
Beauregard, and Buckner, and Pillow, and Floyd, it has
also illuminated that page with the names of Halleck,
and Shields, and Buell, and Grant, and Sigel, and Curtis,
and the Christian hero, Foote; and it has forever embalmed in the hearts of the people the memories of
Ellsworth, and Winthrop, and Baker, and Lyon, and
Lander.  It has also drawn forth from the mass of our
soldiers displays of valor worthy of their Christian
nurture, and of the high achievements of their ancestry
on both sides of the Atlantic.
"'This war, too, has revealed to us the heroism of
woman in those forms most precious to God and man,a heroism which has shown itself both in giving up to
the country those nearest and dearest, and also in toiling with patient meekness for the support of the family
deprived of its natural protector, and in supplying, by
an unremitting and laborious industry, comforts and
necessaries for soldiers in the camp. Which of us has
not been profoundly affected by seeing the wife or the
mother weeping, agonized, broken-hearted at the thought
of separation, and yet not permitting her sorrow to
wring from her one dissuasive word to shake the resolution of one dearer than her own life to fight the
battles of his country?
" Nor must I forget, though exhibited in other forms,
the heroism of the artificer and the inventor. Who has
not thought, as he retired to his own comfortable couch




AMONG THE REBELS.             433
at night, of the faithful mechanics in our foundries,
manufactories, and arsenals, who, ever since this war
began, all day long and late into the night, have made
our workshops resound with the music of their patriotic
toil? who have employed willing mind and sturdy
muscle in making powder and ball, shot and shell, sabre
and bayonet, and rifled ordnance, to destroy treason?
Who does not admire the inventor, who has brought
all his powers of body and mind to the service of his
country?  Who does not honor the genius, patriotism,
and courageous perseverance which, in the face of much
criticism, with small means and no certain expectation
of reward in the future, finally enabled Ericsson to
give to the Federal Government, to give to the Rebels,
and to give to France and England, a Monitor?
"'I must not delay you to speak of all the forms in
which this war has developed the heroism of our people;
but there is one of them which surely cannot be overlooked on the present occasion.
"'Among the noble men and women who, in these
unhappy times, have enriched the history of the country with the exalted graces of their characters, certainly not the least honorable place will be assigned to
those bold patriots in the border States who, when the
whole mass of the people of those States seemed about
to be swept away by the tide of Secession, dared to take
their stand in the very face of the excited multitude,
and rebuke the terrible madness, —who, with few and
uninfluential sympathizers at the time, through persecution, imprisonment, and threatened death, maintained
freedom of speech and freedom of the press.  Cherished
in the heart of the whole people are the names of such
men as Andrew Johnson and W. G. Brownlow. Such
valor is not noisy and ostentatious like that of the
battle-field.  It does not announce itself to the world
by the blare of the trumpet or the roll of the drum. It
is not plumed or epauletted; but God, in his own good




4i34         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
time, will cover it all over with the stars and decorations of Heaven's nobility.
"'It is because the General Assembly of the State
of Ohio appreciates and honors this manly endurance,
that it heartily welcomes this our guest to this presence
and these halls to-day.
"'And yet we cordially welcome our friend, not so
much for the courage he has exhibited, as for the moral
quality of that courage and the noble end to which it
was devoted. We respect and honor his heroism, because
it was made subservient to the establishment of a great
principle, unspeakably dear, at this time, to all our
hearts.  This principle can be set forth in a single sentence.  If there is arny one tfhing that the loyal people
of Americ have irrevocably settled in their minds, it is
this: that these United States do constitute, and, by the
blessing of God, shall forever constitute, one perncanent
and indissoluble nation. They have decreed that these
States shall forever form one great united brotherhood,
-that no such heresy as that of secession shall ever be
tolerated in this land, and no such crime as that of secession shall ever be committed; and for the accomplishment of these great ends they have pledged all their
financial, physical, intellectual, and moral resources.
We have a Constitution, the best for the promotion of
general happiness and prosperity that God ever gave
to man.  That Constitution may have defects; but, if
such exist, provision has been made within the instrument itself for removing them  in a just and lawful
manner. The people will not tolerate, and-I say it
with reverence-God will not tolerate, any attempt to
subvert this Constitution by force of arms. Not only the
principles of enlightened liberty and of all just government, but the precepts of religion and the dictates of
philanthropy, require that this Constitution shall be respected and obeyed until lawfully amended. Whenever the ship of state, smitten by the tempest of rebeltion, shall part her cable, and be driven out of this harbor




AMONG THE REBELS.              435
of safety, nothing will be left for her but to become a
hideous wreck upon some rocky and sterile shore. Some
one will tell me of the rights of the States. I believe
in those rights. But what rights, or what prosperity,
would remain for the States or their people when once
this great Federal bond shall be broken?  I answer,
the same prosperity that would be left to our earth if
she, becoming impatient of the control of law, were to
throw off the restraints of that gravitation which holds
her in the neighborhood of central light and heat, and
to rush from her orbit into some outer region of darkness and desolation. Every loyal heart will prefer the
order which God pronounced good, to the dismal chaos
which preceded it, and into which it will once more
be dissolved when the authority of law no longer commands respect. Hence, the voice of the people-,which,
I would humbly trust, is also the voice of God-has
declared that the Constitution which the fathers framed
shall be reverenced and obeyed,-that the old Government, for whose establishment they toiled and prayed
and shed their blood, shall still be our Government,that the old flag shall still wave over the land and over
the sea, with all its glories still bright upon it, with not
a color faded nor a star obscured. This doctrine we
love; to support this doctrine we will give all that we
possess; and for it we are ready to die. And because
we recognize in the patriot of Tennessee a gallant defender of this doctrine, a representative man of this
principle of nationality, we welcome him  here, with
warm hearts and open hands, in the name of the General Assembly and -the people of the State of Ohio.'
"President Monroe's eloquent remarks were received
with frequent and hearty cheers. As he concluded, he
presented the distinguished visitor to the Legislature
and the citizens, by whom he was received with great
applause.  When the cheers that greeted him on rising
had subsided, Parson Brownlow proceeded to address
3w7 




436         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
the Legislature and audience in the manner that is so
peculiarly his own, and which stirs and fascinates by
its tones of earnestness as well as by his words of
power. 
At night I spoke in the theatre, to a full house, for
more than one hour. The orchestra gave us some stirring music, and Ex-Governor Dennison introduced me to
the audience, in a brief and stirring speech. I was followed by General Carey and ex-Congressman Gallaway.
The exercises continued until eleven o'clock at night.
Luther Donalson, Esq., President of the City Council, gave us a handsome entertainment at his residence
on State Street. His elegant lady spread a magnificent
table, and the Governor and many Senators and Representatives were present, also many handsome ladies.
Pittsburg, April 17.-Here I was met with carriages by the City Councils, Mayors, and Aldermen of
Pittsburg and Alleghany City, tendered the hospitalities of both corporations, and conducted to one of their
best hotels,-the "M Ionongahela House."  At night I
spoke one hour and a half to a crowded hall. Left on
the morning train for Philadelphia, on the Pennsylvania
Railroad. On leaving Pittsburg, I was invited by the
conductor to ride on the locomotive, in order to enjoy
the sublime scenery along the rivers and mountains.
In this way I rode seventy miles. Poets and tourists
may sing and write of "a life on the ocean wave," or




AMONG THE REBELS.             437
" a home on the rolling deep;" but give me a seat in
an open locomotive at the head of a long passengertrain, and let me cross the Alleghany Mountains froom
Pittsburg to the new mountain-city of Altoona, gazing
on the dashing streams on the one hand, and the lofty
and romantic mountains on the other. The sun was
high in the hill of heaven, and rolling his chariot
through a cloudless sky; all creation was calm, and
sleeping on the bosom of serenity, until aroused by the
heavy tread and clear whistle of the iron horse!
At Altoona, having descended the mountain, I was
met by that prince of clever fellows, George W. Childs,
the extensive and energetic Philadelphia publisher, and
by other Philadelphians with him, among whom I name
Mr. H. R. Edmonds, of the Philadelphia Bar, and Mr.
G. A. Townsend, the able and clever correspondent of
the Philadelphia Press.
Harrisburg, April 18.-At this ancient capital of
the Keystone State the train was detained some fifteen
minutes,-when an immense concourse gathered at the
depot demanded my appearance on the platform of the
rear car. Governor Curtin introduced me as " Parson
Brownlow, of Tennessee." I responded, substantially
in these words:MY FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:-Governor Curtin introduces me as Parson Brownlow, of Tennessee. He




438         BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
should have stated that this is what is left of the late
Parson Brownlow. Being a very modest sort of man,
I have no wish to speak of my troubles and sufferings
in the kingdom of Jeff Davis. I claim no consideration for any thing that I have said or done, having
only done my duty as an American citizen.  The
Apostle Paul records the fact in his history that he had
fought with beasts at Ephesus. Though not his rival,
I can say more: I have fought the "devil and Tom
Walker," and the infuriated legions of the so-called
Southern  Confederacy!  True, they have wellnigh
used me up; but I am now where I can breathe free
and easy, and I hope soon to recover. In the towns
where I have been, and at the depots along the road,
my kind friends have spoke mne too often, and I feel
rather worsted by the operation.
My only ambition is to get up a new printing-establishment, and return to East Tennessee and resurrect
my Knoxville Whig, the only Union journal in the
Confederacy at the time the Rebels crushed it out. I
want to go back and aid in restoring that glorious
State to the old Union again. I want to go back and
point out to the triumphant Federal army such men
as deserve to hang, and suitable limbs upon which to
hang them!  Nay, I desire to tie the rope around
some of their infernal necks.
We have suffered much. We have been hung, shot
down on our own properties, tied to trees, and whipped




AMONG THE REBELS.             439
to death; and all this because we would not desert the
flag of our fathers, the Union, and the Constitution.
These had protected us for years; and we won't give
them up for the world or the devil! [Cheers.] I tell
you, my friends,-and I do speak advisedly,-when
Andy Johnson, our new Governor, orders an old-fashioned State election, and the withdrawal of the bayonets
of Secession leaves us free to express our will, Tennessee will give the Union and the Government a majority
of fifty thousand! [Cheers.]
A gentleman in the crowd calls out to know where
his friend, Colonel Luttrell, of Knoxville, stands in this
contest. Well, my friend, he is a Union man, good
and true! [Cheers.]  But a few weeks ago an election
came off in Knoxville for Mayor and Aldermen. The
Secession organ gave out that Colonel Luttrell and
the candidates associated with him were Abolitionists
and Lincolnites, and proclaimed their candidates, heading their ticket with the name of their postmaster,
Parson Charlton, as the States-Rights and Jeff Davis
ticket. They had the streets full of bayonets on the
day of the election; but the result was that the Union
ticket was carried two to one in every ward, carrying
all that was heaped upon it,-Lincoln, the war, the
blockade, and even the Chicago Platform.  [Great
cheering.]
The game of Secession is almost done. The ardent
spirits in Secessia have almost got their rights, and




440         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
will soon come in to renew their allegiance.  Your
blockade is ruining them at a greater rate than fire
and sword. Although cotton is said to be king, there
is not a spool of it in Knoxville, and they have no calico
or domestic goods of any description.
Gentlemen, I cannot conclude without expressing my
admiration for the great State of Pennsylvania, a State
which has furnished so many gallant soldiers to battle
for the Union, —more, I am authorized to say, in proportion to the population, than any other State. [Cheers.]
Your Governor, too, has done his whole duty in this
war. He is the right man in the right place, and, if he
were not present, I should certainly speak of him in extravagant terms of praise. tCheers and laughter.] As
it is, I make you my best bow, and I join Governor
Curtin, Ex-Governor Porter, and other members of the
Executive Staff, in a cup of coffee in this Refreshment
Saloon. [Prolonged cheers.]
Philadelphia, April 19.-After being  immensely
cheered at every station on the railroad, and loudly
called for, I arrived here last night between the hours
of eleven and twelve o'clock, and was met at the depot
by a delegation from the Select and Common Councils,
and was received by JOSEPH MEGARY, who spoke as
follows:
"MR. BROWNLow:-SIR: The Councils of Philadelphia have deputed us to tender to you the hospitalities




AMONG THE REBELS.             441
of the city. In doing which, the city of Philadelphia
has honored herself in paying honor to a patriot who
has suffered so much in the cause of constitutional liberty. The people of Philadelphia, always loyal, will
shout with joy at the reception of a patriot who has
dared to tell those would-be destroyers of the greatest
Government that God ever made,'Thus didst thou.'
Allow me again to tender to you the hospitalities of
the city."
After briefly acknowledging the compliment paid
me, I was escorted to the carriages, and our whole
party was driven rapidly to the Continental Hotel,perhaps the most elegant house in America. After
making the acquaintance of a number of gentlemen, I
was shown to my rooms, and retired, greatly fatigued,
but much gratified at the kind treatment I had everywhere received.
At eleven o'clock this morning I spoke to the citizens
in front of old INDEPENDENCE HALL, on Chestnut Street,
for nearly one hour, to an immense audience. I there
found a stand erected, draped with several flags, among
which was the large flag raised on the 22d of February,
1861, by President Lincoln. It was a beautiful morning,
and I was in front of the old Temple of Liberty, surrounded by a host of loyal men. I thought of the
signers of the Declaration of Independence,-of the Congress that appointed Washington commander-in-chief
of the Revolutionary army,-of Robert Morris, of Revolutionary fame,-of Rittenhouse, Penn, Logan, and
the immortal Franklin. My speech, with some varia



442         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
tions caused by the surrounding circumstances, was
substantially the same as at Cincinnati and other
towns where I had spoken at length. At the conclusion of my off-hand address I was greeted by three long
and hearty cheers, when I retired.
Invitation to Baltimore.
The two brief documents which I annex to these remarks will show the feeling towards me in that city.
A second letter from the Mayor, stating a similar action by the second branch of the City Government, I
have mislaid. The reader may feel anxious to know
why it is that I give so many of these documents complimentary to myself. It is because the corrupt and
lying press of the Southern Confederacy are publishing
that I have been treated with scorn and contempt at
the North, and in some instances that I have been utterly repudiated by large public meetings! The Knoxville Register and Athens Post-two East Tennessee
organs of Secession —have named Baltimore~ as having
repudiated me officially. It is to brand these drunken,
lying editors, and those who retail their slanders, with
falsehood and infamy, that I intrude a portion of a vast
number of similar documents I have received, upon the
notice of the reader.
While in the South, I seldom  took up one of the
many pensioned and prostituted sheets printed there,
that I did not read labored accounts of the sufferings




AMONG THIE REBELS.            443
of the North growing out of this war. We were all
told there that the North was on the very "eve of
starvation," and that all her principal cities were
"threatened with bread-riots."  I have seen much of
the North in the last two months, and I have found a
country prosperous and happy. Provisions are abundant and cheap. Goods of all kinds are to be had at
former prices, almost; and money is abundant; while
Government stocks are advancing. The only evidence
to be seen of the existence of a war is in the newspapers, and the appearance in the cities and towns of
a few officers and soldiers in uniform.
But to the documents from Baltimore. A third one
I regret to have misplaced:"CIhAMIBER FIRnsT BRANCH CITY COUNCIL,
"April 8, 1862.    j
"JOHN LEE CHAPMAN, ESQ., _kfayor: —
" SIR:-You are respectfully notified that the following is a true copy of a resolution adopted by this
branch at its session of this date:" Resolved, by the First Branch of the City Council
of Baltimore, That the Hon. John L. Chapman, the
Mayor, be, and he is hereby, requested to invite that
bold and uncompromising patriot, Parson tWilliam G.
Brownlow, of Knoxville, Tennessee, to visit the city
of Baltimore, and tender to him the hospitality of the
city.
"By order.      ANDREW J. BANDEL, Clerk."




444          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
"M IAYOR'S OFFICE, CITY HALL,
" BALTI.MORE, April 14, 1862. t
"IRev. WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW:"DEAR SIR: —Enclosed please find copy of a resolution unanimously passed by the First Branch of our
City Council.
"It affords me great pleasure to co-operate with the
First Branch in this matter, and to assure you that
every Union-loving heart in Baltimore will give you a
most hearty welcome.
"We have watched your course and have sympathized with you in your sufferings, and rejoice to know
that you are again permitted to breathe the pure air
of freedom, untainted with Secession and treason.
"I will be pleased to hear from you at your earliest
convenience.
"With great respect, &c.
"JOHN LEE CHAPMAN, ex -officio 3ayor."
Crosswzicks, N. J., May 10.-I am now in a pleasant
and quiet village in New Jersey, county of Burlington,
— a county wanting but a few hundred inhabitants to
equal in population the entire State of Florida. Here
I have reposed in quiet and comfort, for three weeks, in
the hospitable mansion of Robert E. Peterson, Esq.,
whose extensive library has been at my command whilst
I have hurried through with this book. Mrs. Peterson
is a lady of rare literary attainments, and is the
authoress of a large work on Astronomy, alike extolled




AMONG THE REBELS.              445
in Europe and America by the first scientific and literary men of the age. Their mansion is on the spot of
ground occupied by General Howe in the Revolutionary struggle. The Indian name of Crosswicks signified seplaration. The creek separates into two branches
close to the village. HIere is a large and commodious
brick meeting-house, belonging to the Quakers, which
seats two thousand persons. During a Revolutionary
battle, a cannon-ball struck the north side of the
building.  The hole made by the ball is yet visible.
I have inspected it: it is situated between the sills
of the two upper windows. The American troops,
after the battle of Trenton, used the meeting-house for
barracks; yet, unlike the Rebel soldiers in the South,
who use churches for a similar purpose, they neither
defaced this venerable building nor disturbed the Society in their public religious duties.  A  Quaker
preacher and two prominent members waited on me
and invited me to make them a speech, which I did,
occupying one hour and a half, and speaking to a
crowded house. This was considered a great compliment, as they never extend such favors to other
churches, or to politicians. The cheering was considerable; and it was remarked that this venerable
building had not received such a shock since the war
of the Revolution.
At Bordentown, (situated four miles from Crosswicks,) from 1816 until 1842, Joseph Bonaparte, the




z446        BROWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
ex-King of Spain, and brother of Napoleon, resided.
His park and grounds comprised some fifteen hundred
acres of land. His mansion was enriched by exquisite
works of art, in painting and sculpture.  Bordentown
is also famed for once having been the residence of
the celebrated infidel Tom Paine, who, let his religious
opinions have been ever so odious, cwas a man of transcendent talents, and did much towards establishing
this Union.
Exipulsion of my Family from Tennessee.
Smarting under the lash I have applied to the
rogues, liars, and traitors who have led off in this rebellion, since I came North, the vile miscreants have
sought to damage me all they could. Ashamed of
having retained my family there, and wanting to
occupy my large and commodious dwelling as a hospital, they resolved upon driving my family out, and,
with one sweeping act of usurpation and oppression,
intending to give the lie to my charge that they were
holding them as hostages for my good conduct while
North.  Churchwell, the provost-marshal, seeks to vent
his spleen upon an innocent and helpless woman and
children, and uses a contemptible scoundrel, clothed
with the Rebel authority of a major-general, as a tool
to enable him to carry out his malicious feelings of
resentment for my exposures of his personal dishonesty,




AMONG THE REBELS.             447
his false swearing in a bank-suit, and the subsequent
selling of him out under the hammer.
Aly wife and children have arrived in New Jersey,
after a long and fatiguing journey, via Fortress Monroe, under a flag of truce, and after the sacrifice of a
large and well-furnished house and all I have succeeded in accumulating during twenty-five years of toil
and industry. That the reader may fully understand the
case, I submit for perusal the following documents:Proclamation.
"THE Major-General commanding this Department,
charged with the enforcement of martial law, believing that many of its citizens have been misled into the
commission of treasonable acts through ignorance of
their duties and obligations to their State, and that
many have actually fled across the mountains and
joined our enemies under the persuasion and misguidance of supposed friends, but designing enemies,
hereby proclaims:" 1st. That no person so misled, who comes forward,
declares his error, and takes the oath to support the
Constitution of the State and of the Confederate States,
shall be molested or punished on account of past acts
or words.
"2d. That no person so persuaded and misguided as
to leave his home and join the enemy, who shall return within thirty days of the date of this proclamation, acknowledge his error, and take an oath to support the Constitution of the State and of the Confederate States, shall be molested or punished on account
of past acts or words.
"After thus announcing his disposition to treat with
the utmost clemency those who have been led away
38s,




448          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
from the true path of patriotic duty, the ~Major-General
commanding furthermore declares his determination
henceforth to employ all the elements at his disposal
for the protection of the lives and property of the citizens of East Tennessee,-whether from the incursions
of the enemy or the irregularities of his own troops, —
and for the suppression of all treasonable practices.
"He assures all citizens engaged in cultivating their
farms, that he will protect them in their rights, and
that he will suspend the militia draft under the State
laws, that they may raise crops for consumption in the
coming year.
"He invokes the zealous co-operation of the authorities, and of all good people, to aid him in his endeavors.
"The courts of criminal jurisdiction will continue
to exercise their functions, save the issuing of writs
of habeas corpus.  Their writs will be served and
their decrees executed by the aid of the military, when
necessary.
" When the courts fail to preserve the peace or punish
offenders against the laws, those objects will be attained
through the action of military tribunals and the exercise of the force of his command.
"E. KIRBY SMITH,
" fajor- Gen. Command'g Dept. of East Tenn.
"HE AD-QUARTERS, KNOXVILLE, April 18, 1862."
"To the Disaffected People of East Tennessee.
"HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT EAST TENNESSEE, 
"OFFICE PROVOST-MARSHAL, April 23, 1862.
"The undersigned, in executing martial law in this
Department, assures those interested, who have fled to
the enemy's lines and who are actually in their army,
that he will welcome their return to their homes and
their families: they are offered amnesty and protec



AMONG TIE REBELS.              449
tion, if they come to lay down their arms and act as
loyal citizens within the thirty days given them by
Major-General E. Kirby Smith to do so.
"At the end of that time, those failing to return to
their homes and accept the amnesty thus offered and
provide for and protect their wives and children in East
Tennessee, will have them sent to their care in Kentucky, or beyond the Confederate States lines, at their
own expense.
"All that leave after this date, with a knowledge of
the above acts, their families will be sent immediately
after them.
" The women and children must be taken care of by
husbands and fathers, either in East Tennessee or in
the Lincoln Government.
"W. M. CHURCHWELL,
"Colonel and Provost-lfarshal.
"KNOXVILLE, TENN., April 23, 1862."
"HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT EAST TENNESSEE,
"OFFICE PROVOST-MARSHAL, April 21, 1862.
"MRs. W. G. oBROWNLOW, KInoxville: —
"MAADAM:-By Major-General E. Kirby Smith I
am directed most respectfully to inform you that you
and your children are not held as hostages for the good
behavior of your husband, as represented by him in a
speech at Cincinnati recently, and that yourself and
family will be required to pass beyond the Confederate
States line in thirty-six hours from this date.
"Passports will be granted you from this office.
"Very respectfully,
"W. M!. CHURCHWELL,
"Colonel and Provost-Jlfarshal."




450          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
"KNOXVILLE, TENN., April 21, 1862.
"COLONEL NV. M. CIURCHWELL, Provost-farsha:"SIR: —Your official note as Provost-Marshal for East
Tennessee, ordering myself and family to remove beyond
the limits of the Confederate States within the next
thirty-six hours, is just received; and I hasten to reply
to it.  My husband, as you are aware, is not here to
afford me his protection and counsel; and, being wellnigh in the evening of life, with a family of dependent
children, I have to request, as a matter of indulgence,
that you extend the time for my exile a few days longer,
as to leave within the time prescribed by your mandate
would result in the total sacrifice of my private interests.
"I have to request the further information what
guarantee of safety your passport will afford myself and
family.              Yours, &c.,
"ELIZA A. iBROWNLOW."
"HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPARTlMENT EAST TENNESSEE, ~
"OFFICE PROVOST-MARSHAL, April 22, 1862.
"MRS. W. G. BROWNLOW:"MADAM::-At your request, the time for your leaving
to join your husband is extended until Thursday morning next.  The route will be via Kingston and Sparta.
"Your safety will be the soldiers sent along for your
protection to the enemy's line.
"Very respectfully,
"W. M. CHURCHWELL,
"Colonel and Provost-Jliarsh'a."




AMONG THE REBELS.              451
"HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPARTMTENT EAST TENNESSEE, }
OFFICE PROVOST-MARSHAL, KNOXVILLE, April 25, 1S62.
"The following-named persons are allowed (in charge
of Lieutenant Joseph H. Speed) to pass out of the Confederate States Government by way of Norfolk, Va.:
" Mrs. Eliza Brownlow and three children.
"Miss Mary Brownlow.
" Mrs. Sue C. Sawyers and child.
" John B. Brownlow.
"'. M. CHURCHWELL,
"Colonel and Provost-farshal."
EDITOR OF THE PHILADELPHIA PRESS:SIR: —I desire to publish in your widely-circulated
journal a brief card, and I request your other city
papers to copy. I consider that the Petersburg Express,
in announcing the arrival in that city of my wife and
children, and the wife and children of the Hon. Horace
Maynard, has mendaciously assailed the reputation and
patriotism of these ladies, in stating " that, though the
husbands have evinced an unaccountable hostility to the
South and its cause, they (the ladies) are firmly attached
to the Confederacy."
There is not one word of truth in this statement,
unless it be alleged that the homes and firesides of these
ladies, in Knoxville, from which they have been unceremoniously expelled by an insolent order of the commanding general, constitute the Confederacy. The order
was issued to these families by WTilliazm M. Churchwell,




452          BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
provost-marshal at Knoxville, giving them thirty-six
hours in which to leave the Confederacy, leaving their
houses and furniture behind, and escaping with only a
portion of their wearing-apparel. Churchwell, who issued
this mendacious order, no doubt took great pleasure in
doing so. His hatred of Mr. Maynard's family grows out
of Maynardl's having beaten him by two thousand votes
in that district, in a contest for the United States Congress. His hatred for my wife and five helpless young
girls arises from my having convicted him of falsehood
and dishonesty, in a court of justice, in a certain banksuit I brought against him.   He ought now  to
drive out of the Confederacy five officers in his rebel
regiment who preferred the grave charge against him,
at Richmond, of trying to draw from the paymaster of
the army, upon false papers, forty thousand dollars
more than he was entitled to. A fit representative of
the morality, virtue, and integrity of the bogus Confederacy!
Mly family are safe, in the vicinity of Bordentown,
New Jersey, and feel that to have escaped with their
lives and a part of their wearing-apparel from the savage
beasts of the Confederacy is a great blessing, and that
they can sing, in good faith,"God of my life, whose gracious power
Through various deaths my soul hath led,
Has shone upon the darkened hour,
Has lifted up my sinking head."
Every member of my family old enough to appreciate




AMONG THE REBELS.              453
the horrors of this infernal rebellion despises the socalled Confederacy and the unprincipled villains who
inaugurated it. The only difference between us is, that
I claim to be capable of despising the wicked concern,
and all connected with originating it, with more intense
hatred than they can. But, then, I have trained them
up "in the nurture and admonition of the Lord," which
implies obedience to law and order, and an undying
hatred of Secession and its guilty authors.
The work of murder, arrests, and imprisonments goes
bravely on in East Tennessee, as my family inform me,
who left Knoxville six weeks after I did. They were
shooting Union men down in the streets, arresting
hundreds, and killed, in one instance, fifty or sixty after
they had surrendered and were under an arrest. They
marched between three and four hundred loyal citizens;
some of them barefooted and their feet bleeding, to the
depot, and shipped them to Atlanta, Georgia, to work
upon their fortifications. These men were denied water:
they would lift out of nzud-ucdd1ces in the streets, with
their hands, after a rain, what they could to quench their
thirst.
In God's name, I call upon President Lincoln, and
upon his Cabinet and army-officers, to say how long they
will suffer a loyal people, true to the Union and to the
Government of their fathers, to suffer in this way. The'Union men of East Tennessee are largely in the majority,-say three to one,-rbut they have no arms;




454         BnOWNLOW S EXPERIENCES
they are in the jails of the country; they are working
on Rebel fortifications, like slaves under the lash, and no
Federal force has ever yet been marched into that
oppressed and down-trodden country. Let the Government, if it have any regard for its obligations, redeem
that country at once, and liberate these people, no
matter at what cost of blood and treasure. They have
suffered these outrages for the last twelve months, and
are now desponding,-nay, despairing of any relief.
Let an army —" a terrible army, with banners"-go
at once into East Tennessee, and back up the loyal citizens, while the latter shoot and hang their persecutors
wherever they can find them. I want the army to serve
for me as a forerunner, —a sort of John the Baptist in
the wilderness,-so that I may go back with a new
press, type, and paper, and resurrect my Union journal,
and tell one hundred thousand subscribers, weekly, what
is going on upon the borders of civilization.
In conclusion, I return my most sincere thanks, and
the thanks and gratitude of my persecuted family, to
Lieutenant Speed, the Rebel officer who had them in
charge, for the kind, courteous, and gentlemanlike treatment they received at his hands, in protecting them
against the insults of Secession blackguards, seeing
after their baggage, and turning them over to General
Wool, at Fortress Monroe. The gentlemanly instincts
of a Whig and a Methodist have not been crushed out
in this true-hearted Virginian by the incurable disease




AMIONG THE REBELS.            455
of Secession; and, whatever mnay betide him in the ups
and downs of this unholy war, he will have my good
wishes, and the good wishes of my family.
I am) &c.,           NV. G. BROWNLOW.
CRossWICmcs, NEW JERSEY, May 3, 1862.
This man Churchzwell hopes, by sending my family
over the lines and destroying all I have in Tennessee,
and thus reducing me to poverty, to prevent my return
to that country, and to rid the country of me altogether.
Vain delusion! Th.ere I am bound to live, and there I am
resolved to publish a Union paper, and to expose to the
gaze of an inquiring and active world the deep depravity and damning offences of all such as this man
ChkurchweU! Unrenewed by grace, steeped to the
chin in personal and political corruption, and deeply
imbued with the malice, hatred, and meanness of a landpirate, with a nature inclining him to take a willing
part in all villainies, he has never figured in an honorable enterprise in his life. While in Congress, he sold
his votes to those who gave him most money, not caring
whether the measure he voted for would defraud the
Government or meet with the approval or disapproval
of his constituents. A base man, whose grovelling passions assume full sway on all occasions, and whose innumerable moral delinquencies are to be seen wherever
his footprints go, —lost to all sense of honor and shame,
degraded in his nature, corrupt in his principles, sold
39




456         BROWNLOW'S EXPERIENCES
to the great enemy of God and man,-he is a true representative of the morality and integrity of the Southern Confederacy, and displays its criminal intentions in
all their hideous deformity. And yet how little, how
sordid, how mean, and how contemptible must be that
man E. XKTirby Smith to be used as a tool by sucl a tman!
Can any cause employing such men and inflicting
such wronzgs be expected to prosper?  Are not the
frowns of God upon them?  No wonder they retreat
from Yorktown, Williamsburg, Corinth, Bowling Green,
Manassas, Nashville, Huntsville, and other points, and
surrender New Orleans! The time is not far distant,
to use their own favorite expression, when they will
"retire" from the United States. Their leaders, who
have the capital, will go to France, and their plundelers, such as this man  Churchwell, will go to
Mexico.!
To illustrate the corruptions of this bogus Confederacy, and the utter want of principle on the part of its
leading men, I conclude this book with an extract from
a letter from East Tennessee:
"You are aware that a number of our Union friends
were sent from the Knoxville jail to Tuscaloosa, to be
held as prisoners during the war, some of whom died.
As no trial was allowed to any of them, and as nothing
like justice could be had, it was resolved in Bradley
county to try what virtue there was in mozney. So a




AMONG THE REBELS.             457
purse of TWENTY-FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS was made
up, and given to a leading Secessionist, who is, or has
been, a member of a certain brigadier-general's staff,
on the condition that he would go to Richmond and
have twenty-five East Tennesseeans, whose names were
given him, released. He accepted the bribe, went to
Richmond, and got twenty-four released, mostly Bradley-county men. The one not released had been set free
by death. This is a beautiful commentary upon the
morality of the officials of the new Government!
" One other case, and I shall close. John Andlerson, a
brother of the late Congressman Josiah M. Anderson,
was on his death-bed in MIobile, with a number of the
East Tennessee prisoners around him from Tuscaloosa.
Eie said that he desired to make a statement of facts,
and was not willing to die without doing so. He called
around him quite a number of our Union prisoners,among whom were Dr. Brown, Stephen Beard, Samuel
Hunt, Dr. Hunt, and John Kinchelo,-and stated to
them that, while he lay sick in Cleveland, in ]3radley
county, W. H. Tibbs, the member elect to the Richmond Congress from the Third Tennessee District, had
approached him and offered him a bribe of five hundred dollars if he would go to the Knoxville court and
swear that Dr. Hunt and Levi Trewhitt, Esq., were
concerned in burning the Hiawassee bridge. He declined the bribe, and said that he did not know or
believe them to be concerned!"




408       BROWNLOW AMONG THE REBELS.
I have now finished this sketch of Secession by an
eye-witness. It has been a sad record. I have no
particle of sympathy for the leaders in this criminal
rebellion; but I commiserate the multitudes who have
been swept into its vortex by a current of oveiwhelniing fanaticism and terrorism which they were powerless to resist.  I have spoken plainly, vehemently,perhaps bitterly: I could not do otherwise in so dear a
concernment as my country's good. I feel that I may
appropriate the prophet's language: the "word was in
mine heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones; I
was weary with forbearing, and could not stay." I can
spare no denunciation when I see demagogues and
traitors deliberately plunging us into a fratricidal war
fit only for the leadership of Cain.  But I lay down
my pen with the conviction that the bold, bad men
who have appealed to the arbitrament of arms will be
discomfited in that issue.  The thronging victories of
the Constitution are the presages of returning peace
and prosperity.  God grant that the people may now
raise their eyes and lift their hands to the eternal and
propitious Throne, in fervent supplication that the
Father of Mercies will compose the distractions of our
suffering land, and eclipse the splendor of our annals
in the past by the future renown, for ages to come, of'
the Re-United States!
THE END,




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A COMPLETE HISTORY
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Engraved (by permission) from Stuart's only Original Portrait, in the
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Engraved uinder the superintendence of THOMAS SULLY, Esq., the eminent and
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From Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott,
Dxrt.n  irr I:-T tm velry Imcll obliged to you for the compliment of the beautifully
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T'his was tile artist's miaster-work, so often copied by himself, and destined to be
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The engraving, as a work of art, strilces me as worthy of the subject and the painter.
With great esteem, I remain youls truly,
G. W. CHILDS, Esq.                                    WINFIELD SCOTT.
PORTRAIT OF JACKSON.
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It gratifies ile highly that you have chosen to make this splendid sworkl of one
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Your obedient servant,
Gzo. W. CniLDS, Esq.                                          F. P. BLAIR.
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PRISON-LIFE IN RICHG iOND.
PRISON-LIFE IN THE TOBACCO WARESIOUSE AT RIICIHMOND.  BY A
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CHAP. I. -From Ball's Bluff to Richmond.-II. Our Prison.-III.
A Day in the Officers' Prison.-IV. A Day in the Privates' Prison.
-V. Pursuits and Pastimes.-VI. Prison-Incidents. —-VII. Sunday in Prison.-VIII. Our Jailers.-IX. Our Visitors.-X. PrisonCompanions.-XI. Homeward Bound.-XII. Richmond Prison
Association.




1290,000 COPIES SOLD.
PETERSON'S FAMILIAR SCIENCE;
OR,
THE SCIENTIFIC EXPLANATION OF COMIMON THINGS.
EDITED BY R. E. PETERSON,
Member of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia.
Entirely New and Much Enlarged Edition, to which is added
SCIENTIFIC AMUSEMENTS FOR YOUNG PEOPLE,
COMPRISING
Chemistry, Crystallization, Colored Fires, Curious Experiments,
Optics, Camera Obscura, Microscope, Kaleidoscope, Magic
Lantern, Electricity, Galvanism, Magnetism,
Aerostation, Arithmetic, etc.,
BY
JOHN HENRY PEPPER,
F.C.S., A. INST. C.E., LATE PROFESSOR OF CHEMIISTRY AT THE ROYAL POLYTECHNIC.
With One Hundred and Fifty Illustrations. Price 75 cts.
The object of this book is to explain scientifically, but in the simplest language, over
two thousand questions of the commonest phenomena of life, similar to those which
are subjoined:Why does lightning turn milk and beer  Why does dew lie more plentifully on
soul?                                   grass than on gravel?
shlly does fire produce light and heat?  Why are countrymen ruddy and citizens
Why will not wet fuel kindle a fire?      pale?
WrVhy is flame yelw?                  Why does lead turn dull in the open air?
Why does the sun shining on a fire make  Why is mortar adhesive, and why does it
it dull, and often put it out?          become hard?
lVhy do hay-stacks somletimes catch fire  Why is snow white?
of themselves?                        Why does salt dissolve ice?
Why do chimnleys smnoke?                Why is a rose recd-a violet blue-coals
How can the evil be,remedied?           blackl-leaves green-salt, sugar, froth,
5Why does hlard work produce hunger?      &c., wwhite-potatoes yellowv-autumnal
Why does a tea-kettle sing?                tints brown?
W;V7hy is a gray morning a sign of a fine  Why do fiddle-strings, drums, flutes, &c.,
day?                                    give musical sounds?
Whly is a gray sunset a sign of wet?    Why is a clew-drop round?
Why is linien colder than cotton?        Why are morning and evening clouds
strelaked with red and yellow?
FPronl Professor JAMErs C. BOOTH, A.M., M.A.P.S., Author of the Encyclopedia of
Chemistry; sMelter and Refiner in the U. S. Mint; Professor of Applied Chllemistry
in the Fra. nklin Institute.
DEAR SIR: —I have examined "Familiar Science" with some care, and must express
a hearty,pl)proix  of the riuner in whiich the niost "common thilngs" of life are
familiarly and clearly explained, without sacrificing the correctness of science. Eimbracing such qilestion    s as.re usu:lly put tby the developing mind of children, with
clear allcld precise answers, it will relieve parents and teachers of the unhappy necessity of crushing youthful inqnliry, while it will tend to nourish a spirit of reflection
anid investliation inl yott-g anld ll11. I cotlllnlelld it as a valuable catechism for schools,
and for amusement and instruction at the fireside.




IMPORTANT ANIOUNCEMENT!
LOSSING'S
PICTORIAL HISTORY
OF
THE GREAT BEBELLI0ON
" The very thing required by the popular taste of the present day,-adding to tello
advantage of a clear historical narrative, all the va.ied illustrations of awhich the
subject is capable.
From the beginning of the Rebellion, MrI1. Lossin_' has ca refully treaslured up ev-ery
thing pertainingl to it-DOCUMIENTAlRY, PICTORIAL, and   Alil{AT''IVE-\ithi tlhe
intention of preparing, as soon as p'iacticable, an e.l:borate illustrated recordcl of thle
events-I liSTO-ilCAL, BIOGIIAAPL ICA Ld, I  [L!TALL Y, N AVAL, T01'0iG hAl IICAL,
POLITICAL, and SOCIAL. His intention is to treat the subject with strict inipartitlity, usiil oly such inll:teria. ls, in his judgnient,  may not be questionllel s t(
truthfulness or propriety. lie proposes to  nitake it a book of faicts rather tihan of
op'n'os; and will endl avor to give such fithfil illustrations of men  ncd  things,
connected with this iiportant episodo iin tie hiistoiry of the United States, as shli 1
recommend it as a standard ivolrk on its great subject for all ftture tine. To do
tlhis, he will go to every place of interest not alcealdy avisited by hli, niake slcetc!eis,
conIfer with civil and military officers and people, note facts, and avail himself of the
fruiits of the pens and peincils of others, so far as he may be permitted. TIlie rnc-rll
plan of his work will be like that of his PICTORIAL F'IELD-BOOK OF'THl  Iti A 0LUTION, so well known and highly.appreciated in every part of the cosintry; a(nd,
like it, his SUPIERB HISTORY OF TH1E CGIREAT IEBELLION will be ilsade ilniiiediately available for consultation by means of a copious analytical index. The
iuidersigled tales pleasure in announcing that lie has made arirnangenclts fj 1l;r -
lishing Mr. Lossing's great work, in an elegant style of typography, prilnted oil fine
white paper. It will be issued in about TWENTY PARTS, of folrty-eight pi-aes each,
at Twenty-Five Cents a Part, making, when complete, a superb voluiiie of'ibout on;
thousand pages. It will be elegantly illustrated by several hundred Wood Engravings, in the highest style of thle art, by Lossing & Blarritt.  Iln additionl to the A VoUl
Engravings, each Part will contain a fine Steel Engraving, reprlesenting  an accnurlte
portrait, or some appropriate historical scene; ntaking tw ellty steel pilates in the
volume.
From  the Hon, EDWARD  EVERETT, D,C,L,, &c,
BOSTON, IrTarch  1  1SC2.
DEut- SIR:-I have examined with interest and pleasure the prospectus of the
"PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE ClGiEAT REBELLION,' proposed to 1e e1cxc.il
]by fMr. Lossing. I feel no hesitation in expressing the opinion, that such a  worik,
lcaie.red   by Mr. Lossing, will be of great value. MIr. Lossinia's  diligence ill exp) lin{;thile localities which lie describes, his fidelity and accurlacy as an historian, and tilhe
spirit of his illustrations, are too well known, from his volumes avlhich are alreatdy
before the public, to need any recomlmendation.
I remain, dear sir, respectfully yours,
GEO. W. CHILDS, Esq.                                   ED, WARD EVERiETT.
ai -Persons possessing Par.iphlets, or other nmaterials, relating to the Rebellion,
will confer a favor by sending them to the author, Benson J. Lossing, Esq., Poughkeepsie, N.Y.
GEORGE W. CHTILDS, Publisher,
628 & 630 Chestnut Street, Philada.




PROSPECTUS
OF THE
]ENO gXVILL  WEiGo
THE undersigned proposes, during the summer of 1862, to resume
the publication of the "KNOXVILLE WHIG," and hopes to start with
a list of 50,000 subscribers, which he expects to increase to 100,000
at no distant day. It will be a large WEEKILY JOURNAL, issued every
Saturday, upon good paper, handsomely printed.  The price per
annum will be Two DOLLARS, invariably in advance; and when the
subscription expires the paper will be discontinued unless renewed
in due time.
The'Whig' will be INDEPENDENT in all things and NEUTRAL in
nothing,-taking a hand in all the controversies of the day. It will
be an unlzcoditional Union Journal, holding up all participants in the
late Rebellion-now almost played out-as a choice collection of men
for a Rogues' Gallery! At the same time, it will make war upon all
the gamblers, the thieves, North and South, —those whose trade it is
to rob the public, as well as private pilferers, the whiskey-bloats, the
bullies in elections, oppressors who grind the face of the poor,
extortioners in trade, who swindle by wholesale and retail, and all
foul-mouthed Secession sympathizers and other disturbers of the
peace in the various sink-holes of society!
RATES OF ADVEIRTISIING.
One square, of twelve lines of nonpareil, one insertion........ $ 2.00
Each continuance of same advertisement........................  1.00
Half-square of six lines, per year.................................... 10.00
One square of twelve lines, per year................................ 15.00
Advertisements will be considered due when inserted, except those
around and about home, with whom we shall keep regular accounts.
Liberal discounts will be made to those who advertise liberally.
Finally, if you want any thing,-if you have any thing to sell,-if you
want to buy any thing,-if you want cuStomers,-TELL IT TO ONE
ITUNDRED THOUSAND PEOPLE BY ADVERTISING IT IN A JOURNAL THAT
FRIENDS AND FOES ALIKE READ!,t)All orders and remittances from Northern States will be addressed to the undersigned, until the paper is received, by mail, at
PlHI'LADELrHIA or CCININNATI, from which points they will be conveyed to nie by Express.  Journals friendly to me will confer a
great favor by inserting once and calling attention.
W. G. BROWNLOW, Editor and _Publishler.
PHILuDELmPHI, TMay, 1862.