.qutVlrPJjjtt az WM aa9tvV'~ ulaql)TZu: ~.~zrra~ Jo ao'lodul-,'I Itl!Akni3 / ~~ I/ rY:: -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ V~~~~~~~~~~~~~V ITTFi ~ia~/~ ~.P...7.'.....'(~:.?..-~ —~.~.~~_-~:.:-~- - -.: -:-".".-.-.'..-' -—..... -—: —-— ~-: —K N<~- - --- -------.......... -------- ~ ~ ~ ~ 6:= Z~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-. —?~ -~';:~:-'~-~ ~~~..:.~:~::..:,~~,., ~. -—.r~ —r ------—;.7 _Z7:.9?I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~; ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~= —=-==-e-;=sr 7% ~ 1t~ Emperor Na~poleon. E m r s s Eo-ne Raifer,,lo. ifinua-. HISTORY OF TIIE WR Ai BETWEEN GERIM)AINY AND FRANCE. WITH -BIOG RA PIIICAL SKETCHIES OF THE PRINCIPAL PERSONAGES ENGAGED IN TIlE CONTEST. BY JAMES D. McCABE, Jn., AUTHOR OF';PARIS BY SUNLIGHT AND GASLIGHT," " LIFE OF NAPOLEON III.,' LIFE AND CAMPAIGNS OF GENERAL R. E. LEE,";; GREAT FORITUNES'" "PLANTING THE WILDERNESS," ETC., ETC., ETC. EMBELLISHED AND ILLUSTRATED WITH OVER 100 FINE ENGRAVINGS AND MAPS. PUBLISHED BY THE NATIONAL PUBLISHING COMPANY, A N I) JONES, JUNKIN & CO. Entered according to Act of C)ngress, in the year 1871, by J. R. JONES, In the Office of the Lilrariatl of Congress, at Washingtoii, D. C. 4 I if~C _ _~~~~~~~~~~; —c= Count Von Bisrn~~~uck PREFACE. NONE of the great struggles that have convulsed the world at various epochs of' its history, have been more fraught with momentous consequences than the war between Germany and France which has just come to an end. It is but natural that the nations of the world, although holding aloof from it, should not only have watched its course with the greatest interest, but that they should still await, with an anxiety not less grave, the consequences which must spring from it, and which must affect, in a greater or less degree, every nation upon the globe. In no country was the war more eagerly watched than in our own. Bound as we are to France by gratitude for the aid she gave us in our struggle for independence, and united with Germany by the thousands of her people who have made our country their home, we witnessed the contest with a sincere sympathy for the sufferings, and a warm admiration for the heroism of each combatant. The great interest manifested by the American people in the war, and the eagerness with which its events were discussed by them at the time, warrant the belief that a concise and consecutive history of those events will prove acceptable to them, since it will enable them to review with calmness the judgmflents they formed in the heat of the conflict, and will place thenl in possession of a more connected narrative than has yet been 3 4 PREFACE. accessible to them. Such a narrative is offered to then in these pages, in which the chief effort of the Author has been to present a simple and unvarnished story of the war. lie has sought to make the events recorded point their own moral, and has ventured to offer his own opinions only where it seemed that comment would be of service to the reader. No effort has been made to plead the cause of either combatant, but a very earnest attempt has been made to present facts free from the coloring.given to them at the time by the enthusiasm and prejudices of the partisans of Germany and France. The story told in these pages is the most wonderful of the century, equalling in attractiveness the most brilliant passages in the world's history. It is a record of battles which have shaken Europe to its centre, the consequences of which must extend even to our western world; of patriotism, heroism, military skill and statesmanship never surpassed; and of the fall and rise of the mightiest Empires of modern times. It is not interesting in this respect alone, however, but is still more instructive as the description of one of the greatest epochs of human civilization. A free use has been made of contemporary narratives; and the Author would here acknowledge his great obligations to those brilliant writers and gallant gentlemen who followed the contending armies throughout the struggle, and, braving all the dangers of the troops engaged, collected the materials for their. narratives under fire. The obligations of the reading public to these modest but heroic chroniclers can hardly be estimated. They alone have rescued the history of the war from the dryness of official bulletins. 10 to 30 4c% 50 Go 1 F.NGLI'SH MfESSATO UFI TL~~ ULSEbEPESYTOILSRT /Vs- AD me.~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~Bte ozz ~ 0 cha —~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~/laj ~'aAC~,~bu(a LIIU ROOJ GLVe A'~'ERL~ ~~r WiOZtil Lava~-~ 7as0 ~rayep p &~~n~~d c,~~~te It ~~~ RMAPAN'O / ~~~~~~~ Abiancoa,,~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l M~~licor ~ ORL~~A C'l~aAM4'9IGL L~le x~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~zL / ULIHE EPRSSY Tiioi PREFACE. 5 As the reader will naturally desire to know something more of the history of the men who were most conspicuous in the war than could be given in the course of the narrative, a series of biographical sketches of the leaders on both sides is given at the close of the volume. These sketches are confined to those who held high commands in the field, or prominent positions'in the civil service. It was impossible to include all who achieved distinction, and it seemed best under the circumstances to mention only those filling high positions. For the assistance of the reader, a series of carefully prepared maps is attached to this volume. It is believed that these will be amply sufficient to enable him to trace the course of the war with clearness and precision. Many of the engravings are devoted to the city of Paris and its objects of interest. The facts that the capture of that city was the main object of the German campaign, and that the chief interest of the war centred there for so long a time, will account for the import'ance which has been attached by the Publishers to these illustrations; and it is confidently believed that the value of the work is increased by their embodiment in it. NEW YORK, 20th April, 1871. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 1. William I., Emperor of (Germany.................... Frontispiece. 2. Emperor Napoleon............................ " 3. Empress Eugenic................................ " 4. Count Von Bismarck............................... PAGE 3 5. Map of the Seat of War in France..............4...... 4 6. Count Von Moltke.................................. 6 7. Crown Prince Frederick William:' Our Fritz."....... 6 8. Marshal Bazaine................... 8 9. Marshal MacMahon.................................... 8 10. Illumination of the Rathhaus (Town-Hall) of Berlin, in Honor of the Victories in France.............................. 10 11. Map of Paris and the- Surrounding Country, showing the Defences, Forts, etc........................................ 20 12. Palace and Park of Versailles. The chief German Hospital during the Siege of Paris.............................. 22 13. Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringeni.............. 25 14. Gen. Achille de Failly.................................... 29 15. Prime Minister Ollivier................................... 29 16. The Grand Hotel: Paris. Used as a Hospital during the Siege. 35 17. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Official Residence of Jules Favre. 36 18. Napoleon Barracks: Paris................................ 39 19. Departure of the National Guard for the Front-the Soldiers Partin^g from their Friends at the Depot of Aubervilliers.... 41 20. The Populace in Paris Rejoicing at the Declaration of War... 43 21. Reception of the Chambers by the Emperor at the Tuileries.. 53 22. The Emperor receiving the Congratulations of the Members of the Senate upon the Declaration of War................ 55 23. Departure of the Emperor and Prince Imperial from the Palace of St. Cloud for the Army of the Rhine................ 61 24. Palace of the Leuion of Honor: Paris....................... 62 25. Pont au Change, showing the'I'heatres on the North Side: Paris. Farthest point reached by the German Shells...... 75 26. Pont des Arts, shlowing the Louvre and the Tuileries: Paris. 96 27. Boulevard Montmartre: Paris. During the Siege............ 101 28. Sainte-Genevieve. ('l'he Panth6on.): Paris. Injured by the Bombardment........................................ 109 6 ~:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ I ~~ K Count Von Moltke. Crown Prince Frederick William: "Our Fritz." 6ra vn offe gonri-. Wieri) Sii~fm Xfe Wit;. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 7 29. Rue de la Paix: Paris. Scene of the Tumult of Aug. 6th, 1870. 121 30. Palace of Justice: Paris.................................. 138 31. Gardens of the Palais Royal: Paris. Used as a Hospital during the Siege.................................. 142 32. The First Blood of the War. A Scouting Party of Baden Officers surprised by the French............................. 147 33. Weissenbourg, Scene of Prince Frederick Wm's. First Victory. 149 34. Map of the Battle-fields of Weissenbourg and Woerth........ 150 35. The Battle of Woerth-MacMahon's Last Charge............ 153 36. Map of the Battle-fields of Saarbriick and Spicheren........... 156 37. Stragglers from the French Army entering Saverne.......... 161 38. The Bourse. Sacked by the Mob........................... 163 39. The Arch of Triumph. Through which the Germans Marched out of Paris........................................... 1(;7 40. Place ~Vend8lne and Napoleon Column. Headquarters of the Army of Paris......................................... 168 41. Cathedral of Notre I)ame. Front View: Paris.............. 175 42. Maltp of the Country Around Metz, Showing the Battle-fields fronm August 14th, 1870, to the Surrender of the City........ 182 43. Battle of Gravelotte-Momentary Repulse of the Prussians... 189 44. Gen. Von Steinmetz.................................. 201 45. Place du Carrousel: Paris. Captured by the Mob in Sept., 1870. 214 46.' The Attack on the Village of Mouzon by the Prussians, on the day before the battle of Sedan............................ 217 47. Map of the Country Around Sedan, Showing Battle-fields, etc. 218 48. View of the Village of Bazeilles after the Battle....... 235 49. The Field Guns captured by the Prussians at Sedan.......... 237 50. Bird's-eye View of the Louvre and Tuileries: Paris. Residence of the Emperor Napoleon before the War........ 248 51. The Emperor Napoleon on his way to Bellvue Castle......... 255 52. A Prussian Officer receiving the parole of the French Officers included in the Capitulation of Sedan..................... 261 53. French Prisoners of War on the March, at Night, after the Battle of Sedan....................................... 265 54. Prince Frederick Charles................................. 267 55. Palace of the Corps L6gislatif: showing the Pont de la Concorde. Scene of the Revolution of September, 1870........ 275.56. Last Session of the French Senate......................... 283 57. The Gardens of the Tuileries. Used as an Artillery Camp during the Siege.......................................... 289 5,8. Prison of Sainte-P6lagie: Paris........................... 293 5 9. The Louvre Gallery: Paris-by which the Enmpress Escaped.. 301 60. DI)orne of the Invalides: Paris.'1'omb of Napoleon I. Damnaged by Shells................................... 313 S8.LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 61. Place de la Bastille. Scene of the Revolutionary Meetings.... 325 62. Laying up Stores for the Siege in the Halles Centrales, or Principal Market of Paris....-............................ 337 63. Castle of Vincennes. The principal Arsenal of Paris......... 341 64. Palace of the Tuileries: Paris. Scene of the Flight of thie Empress Eugfenie............................. 352 65. The Crown Prince of Prussia viewing Paris from the HEleiglrts of Chatillon 357 of Chatilion......................................... 357 66. Sevres Porcelain Factory, and Heights of St. Cloud. Fortified by the Germans...................................... 361 67. PrussiaIlns Examining French Newspapers and Letters fromn a Captured Balloon........................................ 367 68. Palace of Versailles: View from the Terrace-during the visit of King William....................................... 369 69. Arrival of the King of Prussia at Versailles......3.......... 371 70. Bombardment of Strasbourg........................... 379) 71. The Citadel of Strasbourg after the Bombardment..... 385 72. Map Showing the Investment of Strasbourg................. 386 73. Scene in the Rue de Saverne, Strasbourg, as it appeared imm1ediately after the Capitulation................. 395 74. Ruins of Thionville, after the Bombardment by the Prussians. 401 75. Marshal Canrobert.............................. 403 76. The Cathedral of Notre Dame: Paris. Sacked by the Mob... 408 77. Deserters from Bazaine's Army at the German Headquarters. 431 78. The Surrender of Metz-The Army of Bazaine Marching out of the Fortifications Surrounding the City-............... 443 79. Port Marly, on the Seine. Site of a German Siege Battery.... 459 80. German Foragers at Work............................... 461 81. A Battalion of Francs-'ireurs passing through the City of Tours, carrying the Black Flag................. 46 82. Chateau de Saint Germain-occupied by the Germans........ 467 83. Interior of the Church of St. Denis-occupied by the Germans.. 468 84. Porte St. Denis: Paris................................. 478 85. Palace of Fontainebleau. The Fountain Court-during its occupation by the Germans.....................,..... 483 86. Burial of French Soldiers in Trenches at Chevilly, near Orleans, by the Sanitary Corps............................. 491 87. Wounded brought to Paris in Steamers................. 502 88. Place de la Concorde: Paris-occupied by the Germans....... 505 89. Observatory: Paris. Struck by Shells...................... 512 90. Surrender of the Fortress of Belfort.......... 5..... 527 91. German Officers Bivouacking in the Palace of St. Cloud..... 531 92. Count Bismarck's Headquarters at Versailles................. 538 93. A German Siege Battery before Paris................... 561 ~c\\\\,`\,\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\;-```;' -\-x — j /Y// ~ ~`,\\,\\\\,\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\~7//*(/, _ A i \\\-,\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\U'/\ \\\ ' -;~~\;~: r., z? ',,I 5..- rr / —;e R ~ —o%L\\\\\\``\\\\\\\\ \:I \"\\ ~:. M ~~-~ -~ ~~~,~.~ -- ~' -~"``;: ~~~,r ~'~:~~;:: : \...~..SBdUUYIBe = r..... , `~(. i: c ":r,, i~~ \ -~ ~~`` -— ~~:=: ~`~I-=.. =-` ~sr-;f:~ iii 4 j t I r /jJ s4:cc h 3 MarFhal Bazaine. Milrshal MacMahon. aRarf'S cRjaanino. lari'dnlI IneSJtaIlon. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 9 94. Avenue of the Empress: Paris; showing the Fortress of Mont Val6rien in the distance........................... 564 95. German Soldiers searching for concealed Armls in a Mansion:at Versailles..................................................... 569 96. La Malmaison. Scene of the Battle of January 19th........ 573 97. Hoisting the German Flag on Mont Valrien............. 59... 98. Von Moltke at Mont Valerien............. 582 99. Palace of St. Cloud-before its Destruction by the French... 589 100. An. Etncampmlent of National-Guards in. the Garden of the'Iileries................. 591 101. Hotel de Ville (City Hall): Paris. Headquarters of the Provisional Government.................. 593 102. General'lrochu rallying the loyal National Guard, after the Red Republican Invasion of the Hotel deVille 597 103. Laborers Guarding, the Great Sewer of Paris during the Siege. 599 104. Wounded Soldiers at a Paris Railway Station.......... 601 105. Bird:Market: Paris-during the Siege.................... 607 106. Disembarking Wounded Soldiers at the Quai de la MBgisserie. 613 107. Principal Market: Paris.......... 61 108. Hospital-of La Piti6: Paris. Struck by the German Shells... 620 109. Hospital of the Hiotel Dieu: Paris.6........................ 622 110. Prussian shells falling near Mont Parnasse Cemetery:- Paris.. 623 111. Boulevard S6bastopol, on the south side of the Seine: Paris. Constantly under Fire duringthe Bombardment........... 627 112. Mazas Prison: Paris.................................... 633 113. Attack. on the Hotel de Ville (City Hall), Paris, by the Red Republican Insurgents, January 22d.............. 635 114. Palace and Gardens of the Luxembourg: Paris. Used as a Hospital during the Siege........................... 638 115. Galerie des Glaces: Versailles-in which King William was Proclaimed Emperor................................... 645 116. Scene in the Gallery of Mirrors. Versailles, January 18th, on the Proclamation of King William as Emperor of Germany. 647 117. Rue de Rivoli: Paris. Held by the National Guard during the German Occupation................................ 671 118. Meeting of the National Assembly at Bordeaux Discussing the Terms of Peace.................................... 683 119. Triumphal Entry of 30,000 German Troops into Paris........ 689 120. Grand Avenue of the Champs Elysees: Paris. Scene of the Triumphal March of the Germans..................... 690 121. The Champs Elysfes: Paris-occupied by the Germans..... 693 122. Palace of Industry: Paris-occupied by the Germans........ 695 -'~-~-'~~~~~..."'- ~...... — ~~-' —-;-; 1- 23 —— ~: 1 -— "' -;=-~ —- __=- ~ I,.... - I:~,,,' ~ili,'"iilP'.'~',ti.~......".... ~' ~l r-~r~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Illumiation f the athh-u (Town=-Hall of Beli n n IInro h ----- ~~~Vctris=I —-I- _ i nFac.~-s_-_-=l- __ 10_-~-~=r~-~ —- -TT —~. — ~ CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1. Review of the causes of the war —Rapid growth of Prussia-The wars of Napoleon I. against the German States-Prussia's place in the Germanic Confederation-Disruption of the Bund in 1866-The war with Austria-Formation of the North German Confederation-Relations with the South German States-Position of Prussia in Germany-Growth of the idea of German unity-Hostility to FranceThe real conflict between Germany and France-Approach of the war-Position of France-Efforts to increase the French territoryHistory of the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine-France under the first Empire-Losses in 1815 —Determination of the French to regain the Rhine frontier-Distrust and dislike of Prussia-French view of the question of German unity-Dangerous condition of public sentiment in Germany and France-Statement of the real cause of the war...........................2..................1.......... CHAPTER II. The Spanish crown offered to the Prince of Hohenzollern-It is accepted-Effect of the acceptance upon France —The French government urged to resent the interference of Germany in Spanish affairs — Action of' the Imperial cabinet-Instructions to Count BenedettiThe demand upon Prussia-Count Benedetti's interviews with King William at Ems-Efforts of the British government to avert a rupture-Statements of the Duc de Grammont to Lord Lyons-Increased demands by the French-Indignation of the GermansBenedetti's last interview with the King-His demands refusedThe " insult " to the French minister-Bismarck resents the French demands-The French army ordered to the frontier-France declares war against Prussia-Excitement in Paris-The war popular -King William's arrival at Berlin —The first German council of war-The mobilization of the army ordered-Scenes in Berlin — Enthusiasm throughout Germany-The South makes common cause with the North-Meeting of the German Parliament-The King's speech-Opposition to the war in the French Chambers —M. Thiers-M. Jules Favre-The French circular-The Emperor's proclamation-The Empress reviews the fleet —Departure of the 11 12 CONTENTS. Emperor for the army-His address to the troops-The Prussian day of solemn prayer-Departure of King William for the armyHis address to his troops-The Pope offers his mediation-Letter to the King of Prussia-Reply of the latter —" The secret treaty " —A shrewd move on the part of Bismarck-Statement of M. OllivierBenedetti's explauation-Bismarck's rejoinder —Remarks of the Saturday Review-The neutral powers-Review of the course of the French Liberals-Their responsibility for the war-Napoleon's vindication of his course-The history of twenty years................. 35 CHAPTER iI. Review of the condition of the Prussian army-Education compulsory -The Prussian military system-The career of a conscript-The term of military service —Strength of the army-The provincial system-The needle gun —Krupp's cannon-The staff corps —How officers are trained in Prussia-Field instruction of the troopsThe new tactics-Detailed statement of the army-TThe Prussian navy-Financial condition of Prussia and Germany-The French military system —Its defects-Reorganizationll in 1868-The new system explained-Failure to furnish substitutes-Condition of the Garde Mobile-Inferiority to the Prussian system-Defective condition of the intendance-Lax discipline-The chassepot rifle-The French artillery-The mitrailleuse-Detailed statement of the army -The French navy-Financial condition of France................... 100 CHAPTER IV. Arrival of Napoleon at Metz-Position of the French army on the frontier-Detailed statement of its strength-The scene of operations-Strategic value of railroads on the French frontier-Marshal Lebceuf-Dissensions among the officers-Fatal self-confidenceThe Emperor finds the arm.y unprepared for war-Lack of supplies -The Emperor's plan of operations-Causes of the French delayThe Prussians on the frontier-Capture of Saarbruck by the French — Neglect to watch the enemy-Errors of the French at the opening of the campaign-Rapid mobilization of the German armies-The concentration on the frontier-Position of the German armies-Detailed statement of their strength-Strategic value of the German railways —Success of Von Moltke's plans-Activity of the German cavalry-Von Moltke fully informed of the French movementsThe German plan of advance-Napoleon's anxiety for his leftMacMahon ordered to close in-General Douay's position at Weissenbourg-Adlvance of the Crown Prince-The attack on Weissenbourg-Defeat of Douay-Arrival of MacMahon-The battle of Woerth —'Oumr Fritz" wins a victory-Retreat of MacMallonThe Crown Prince pursues him-Demoralization of the French — CONTENTS. 13 Frossard withdrawn from Saarbruck-The first and second German armies in motion-The heights of Spiclleren-Tlie advance of the Fourteenth Corps-Battle of Forbach-Another victory for the Germans-Retreat of Frossard-Retreat of De Failly from BitscheReception of the news at Metz-King William's telegram —The news in Berlin-French official bulletins-Consternation of the Ministry-Rejoicings in Paris over false news-The truth known — A terrible reaction-Scene at the Ministry of the Interior-The proclamation of the Empress —The appeal to the nation —Meeting of the Chambers-The National Guard refuse to disperse the crowd before the Corps L6gislatif-Alarm in Metz................................... 129 CHAPTER V. True policy of the French after their defeats-Affairs not desperateThe Emperor proposes to retreat upon Chalons-His plan disapproved by the Ministers-The army ordered to concentrate at Metz -Fatal delays-Ignorance as to the movements of the GermansVigor of Von Moltke's movements-King William's address to the army-The invasion of France-The King's proclamation to the French people —Removal of Marshal Lebeouf-Decision of the Emperor-Arrival of General Changarnier at Metz -His reception by the Emperor —The council of War-Napoleon resigns his command -Appointment of Marshal Bazaine to the command of the armyDeparture of the Emperor fiom Metz-Bazaine resolves to retreat to Chalons-Fatal delays-Arrival of the German armies before MetzVon Moltke discovers the withdrawal of the French-Battle of Courcelles-Efforts of the Germans to intercept Bazaine-Sketch of the French line of retreat-Bazaine still delays-Passage of the Moselle by the Germans —The battle of Vionville-A bloody engagement-Success of the German plans-Bazaine retires to the vicinity of Metz-The new French position-Increased activity of the Germans-The French Marshal loses his last chance of escape-The battle of Gravelotte-A great victory for Germany-Bazaine driven under the guns of Metz- The investment of the French positionThe' siege of Metz begun............................ 169 CHAPTER VI. Continuation of MacMahon's retreat-Arrival of the Marshal at Nancy —Scene at the Caf6-The Crown Prince of Prussia pursues the French-Halts to await the result at Metz-Scenes in the conquered provinces-The German plan for an advance upon ParisFormation of the 4th army —The King and Von Moltke join the 3d army -The march resumed —MacMahon at Chalons-He orga nizes a fresh army-Composition and morale of the new armyThe Emperor reaches Chalons-His inability to return to Paris 14 CONTENTS. Secret dispatch from the Empress-Political embarrassments-Interference of the Ministers-MacMahon's protest against the effort to rescue Bazaine-The French army moves to Rheims-Orders from Paris-MacMahon starts for Metz-The news at the German headquarters-Von Moltke's game-The forced march of the 3d and 4th armies-MacMahon attempts to retreat, but is stopped by orders from Paris-The battle of Beaumont-The hostile armies on the Meuse-Events of the 381st of August-Battle of SedanGeneral De Wimpffen succeeds to the command of the French army -The French defeated-Sedan invested-The flag of truce-Letter froll the Emperor to the King-The King's reply-The surrender -Scenes in Sedan-King William's letter to the Queen of PrussiaCorrespondence between the Emperor and General De WimpffenStatement of the Emperor's aides-Effect of the surrender upon the French troops-Demoralization of the beaten army-Meeting of Von Moltke and De Wimpffen to arrange the capitulation —Terms of the surrender-Von Moltke's order-Visit of the Emperor to Count Bismiarck-The interview near Donchery-The Emperor escorted to Bellvte Castle-King William's speech on the battlefield-Visit of the King to the Emperor-The meeting of the sovereigns-Generosity of King William —The Emperor's journey to Wilhelmshohe-The capitulation carried out-De Wimpffen's farewell address to his troops-Statement of the officers, troops, and material of war surrendered at Sedan......................................... 20 CHAPTER VII. Matters in Paris-City becomes calmer-Efforts of the opposition to embarrass the government-Demand for arms-Threats of the Left — A change of Ministry-The new Ministers -Stormy scenes in the Corps L6gislatif-M.'rhiers declares the Empire dead —Energetic efforts of the new Ministers-The city becomes more excited-Ominous signs-Expulsion of the Germans from France-Success of the financial policy of the Government-Red Republican demonstrations in Paris-The riot at La Villette-General Trochu appointed Governor of Paiis-Formation of the Committee of Defence-Critical state of affairs —Timorous and deceptive policy of the Government —Untrutlful statements of the Minister of War —The National Guard of' Paris'organized and armed-Anxiety to hear from MacMlahon —-The news from Sedan —Palikao's statement to the Chamber-Movements of the opposition-Proclamation of the Ministers -Excitement in the city-Thie midnight session of the ChamberPalikao tells the truth —Jules Favre proposes the d6cheance-Paris on tlie 4th of September-The revolution begun-Scenes in the city -A peaceful revolution-Last meeting of the Senate-The mob occupies the Place de la Concorde —The National Guard pass the river and reach the hall of the Corps Legislatif-The hall invaded CONTENTS. I5 by the mob-Efforts of the deputies of the Left to calm the peopleLast meeting of the Corps LUgislatif —The three propositions-The hall invaded by the " sovereign people "-The sitting broken up(iambetta proclaims the overthrow of the Empire —" To the Hotel de Ville "-Formation of the Republican Government-Characteristic scenes-Last meeting of the Deputies-They are too late-The "sovereign people" force the gates of the Tuileries and occupy their palace —Scenes in the Tuileries-The Empress alone-Her dispatch to her mother-Her appeal to Palikao-His promise-Palikao blreaks his word-Flight of the courtiers-The three heroines-Arrival of MI. Lesseps at the Tuileries-Flight of the Empress-Her departure from Paris-Arrival of the fugitives at Deauville-De Lesseps finds a fiiend-The fugitives leave France-Arrival of the Empress in Englland-Deputy Gamnbetta's proclamations-The " Government of the National Defence " —Jules Favre's foreign circular -Bismnarck's reply-Red Republican disturbances in Lyons and Marseilles —How the Provisional Government established its authority throughout the country-Claims of the Government examined -The United. States recognizes the Republic —Elections ordered — The order rescinded-Division of the Government-Three members sent to Tours-Departure of the Diplonmatic Corps for Tours-Interview between Jules Favre and Bismarck-Failure of the negotiations-Favre's version of the interview-Bisimarck's denial-Proclamation of the Government-Bismarck's conmments -- General Burnside's negotiations —M. Thiers' diplomatic tour —Its failureHis return to Tours..................................................2............ 68 CHAPTER Viii. General Trochu given the command at Paris-Reasons for the appoilntment-I-lis proclamnations-His efforts to place the city in a state of defence-Stores accumulated-Description of the fortifications of Paris-The weak points of the system-Statement of the garrison-The German authorities decide to continue the warTheir justification —March of the 3d and 4th armies from Sedan -Occupation of Rheims-Address of the Crown Prince to his troops-Incidents of the march to Paris-Capture of Laon —Explosion of the citadel-Investment of Soissons —The 4th army reaches the vicinity of Paris-Combats on the Marne —Trochu's embarrassmlent-Desolation of the subur~bs of Paris-Passage of the Seine by the 3d armly —lMarch of the Fifth Corps upon Versailles-Fight at Petit Bictre-General Trochu's order of the day-The 4th uarmy in position-" Our Fritz " takes a look at Paris —The royal headquarters at Ferri res-Occupation of Versailles-Arrival of the Crown Prince-The investment of Paris completed —Position of the German armies-French reconnoissances on the 23d of Sep)temberThe fight at Villejuif-The balloon service- A balloon battle-Dis 16 CONTENTS. trnlbtion of the iron crosses by the Crown Prince of Prussia —A nelmorable scene-Arrival of King William at Versailles-"'The waters of Versailles".....,....................,,.....,.,.......... 333 CHAPTER IX. Strasbourg-Its military importance-Its defences-Is made the headquarters of Marshal MaclMIahon —Departure of the Marshal for Woerth —The news of the French reverses-Arrival of stragglers from MacMahon's army-The city in danger-General Uhrich in command-Tlie first council of war-Resolution to defend the city -Strength of the garrison-Appearance of the Germans before the fortress-The summons to surrender-General Uhrich's reply-The investment of the fortress-General Uhrich acts in concert with the citizens-The siege-The French sorties unsuccessful-General Von Werder informs the French Commandant that he intends to bombard the city-Uhrich fires on the town of Kehl-Opening of the bombardment-Averbach's description-Sufferings of the citizens-General Von Werder stops firing on the town-The German parallels opened-The fortress breached-An assault ordered-Effect of the bombardment in Strasbourg-A terrible picture-Arrival' of the Republican prefect-Disaffection of' the citizens —Surrender of the city-The terms of the capitulation-Occupation of Strasbourg by the Germans-A generous foe-The injury to the city-Aid from Germany-Strasbourg made the seat of government for Alsace -Pllhalsbourg and Toul captured by the Germans-Alsace and Lorraine overrun —Capture of the frontier posts of France-Capitulation of Soissons and Verdun -Bombardment and surrender of Thionville-A ruined town-Capture of Moatmedy.......................... 374 CHAPTER X. Naval affairs —The Germans unable to conduct the war on the oceanBismarck's warning to merchantmen -Designs of the French Government-The Baltic fleet sails from Cherbourg-An attack on the German ports intended-Abandonment of the design-The Frelich fleet off tlhe mouth of the Elbe-Capture of gunboats-Arrival of the French in the Baltic-Reconnoissance by the German gunboats -- Capture of German merchant ships-Blockade of the North Sea plorts-Failure of the Baltic fleet to accomplish anything-The blockade raised-The French sliips return to Cherbourg-Naval engagement off the coast of Cuba-A German victory......,...... 404 CHAPTER XI. Tlle siege o' Metz-Von Moltke's plan-Beginning of the investment — Description of Metz and its defences-Character of the military operations —The position of the German armies-German sen CONTENTS. 17 tries armed with the chassepot-MacMahlon's northward( movement -Bazaine's dispatch-Efforts of the French to procure suppliesThe Emperor's message-Sorties of August 31st and September 1st -Bazaine's telegrams-No news from Without - The Germans strengthen their position-Tile Landwehr brought into FranceHeroic conduct of these troops-Removal of General Von Steinmetz-Care of the German commanders for their troops-Sickness in the armies-Sorties of September 23d and 24th-Failure of the French to gain ground-Bazaine's difficulties-Sortie of October 7th — A desperate effort-Brilliant repulse of the French —Sickness in the French camp-The troops on the point of starvation-Action of the council of war-General Boyer sent to. Versailles-The secret negotiations-A strange story-Firmness of the Empress of the French-Failure of the negotiations-Changarnier's mission-Its failure —Bazaine offers to surrender-The capitulation agreed upon -Terms of the surrender-M.Iagnitude of the capture-The fortress occupied by the Germans —Action of the citizens of Metz-Bazaine goes to Cassel-He is insulted by the citizens of Metz-Changarnier's views-Examination of Bazaine's conduct-Effect of the surrender upon the French nation-Charges of the Provisional Government-The Republican proclamation-M. Gambetta speaks his niind-Rejoicings in Germany-The King of Prussia raises Our Fritz" and Frederick Charles to the rank of Field-Marshal-The German army leaves Metz....................................................... 413 CHAPTER XII. The people of France support the Provisional Government-W-eakness of the Tours delegation —Sad state of affairs in France-Lawlessness of the Francs-Tireurs-Arrival of Gambetta at Tours-A sudden change in affairs-France hopeful again —I. Gambetta's career-Hie becomes Dictator-Form ation of the Army of the LoireThe Germans overrun the country around Paris-Reyan beats the Germans near Orleans-Von der Tann sent to the rescue-Capture of Orleans by the Germans-Importance of the capture-Tlie General and the Bishop-Reorganization of the Army of the Loire-DePaladines given the command-Formation of new armies-Decisive measures of Gambetta-The new French loan successful —Progress of the German armies-Von der Tann on the defensive-Surrender of Mrctz-Advance of the French on the Loire-The battle of' Baccon —A French victory-Recapture of Orleans by the French-De Paladines throws away his opportunity-Approach of Frederick Charles-Concentration of the German forces-The Red Prince on the Loire-Positions of the armies-The French advance-Battles of Beaune la Rolande and Patay-Mecklenburg joins Von der Tann -The Red Prince takes the offensive-Battles before Orleans —Suc2 1 8 CONTENTS. cess of the German tactics-The French army cut in half-Retreat of the French —The pursuit-Gaambetta's escape-Recapture of Orleans by the Germans-Battle of Beaugency, and pursuit of Chanzy to the Loire —Flight of the French Government from Tours-Capture of that city by the Germans-The Germans retire to OrleansChanzy reorganizes his army-The new French plan-Bourbaki moves off-Frederick Charles marches westward-Battle of Le Mans and retreat of Chanzy to Laval-The war in the north of France —Efforts of the French in that quarter-Manteuffel's march from Metz-He takes Amiens-Capture of Rouen-Havre tllreatened-Faidherbe moves toward Paris-Manteuffel's forced marcihBattle of' Pont Noyelles-Battle of Bapaume-Surrender of the fortress of Peronne-Faidherbe totally defeated at St. Quentin —Gambetta's cold reception at Lille-Capture of English ships in the Seine-Close of the campaign ill the North-The Eastern army of France-Efforts of General Cambriels-Von Werder moves southward-The Rhine fortresses invested-Efforts of the French to relieve Neuf Brissach-They are defeated near Epinal-;Garibaldi arrives in France-Is assigned a command in the East-His difficulties and unpopularity-Von Werder occupies Vesoul-Retreat of the French to Besangcon —Dijon taken by the Germans-Garibaldi goes to Autun-Ricciotti Garibaldi surprises Chatillou-The Garibaldian attack on Dijon repulsed-The Germans capture Nuits — Bourbaki's advance from the Loire-Withdrawal of Von WerderBourbaki takes Vesoul-Von Werder covers the siege of BelfortBourbaki's efforts to raise the siege-The French defeat-They retreat westward —Arrival of Mlanteuffel's army near Langres — Garibaldi kept at Dijon-Bourbaki is cut off from Chalons and attempts suicide-The French army driven into SwitzerlandScenes on the frontier —Surrender of Belfort................................ 456 CHAPTER Xlil. First weeks of the siege of Paris —Destruction of the palace of St. Cloud-General Von Roon on the siege-Reconnoissances of the 12th, 13th, and 14th of October-Real character of the siege-The German plan-Capture of Le Bourget-The Germans retake itOrganization of the Paris armies-Trochu's letter-Riot of October 31st-Peace negotiations-M'. Thiers' interview with Count Bismarck-The French and German circulars-Efforts to raise the siege-Defeat of the Army of the Loire-Battles of the Marne —Ducrot fails to break the German line-Censure of Trochu —His difficulties-His true policy-His failure-Extension of the defensive works-Mont Avron fortified-The battle of the 21st of December -Bombardment of Mont Avron-Evacuation of the fort-It is occupied by the Saxons-Opening of the bombardment of the forts CONTENTS.. 19 What it accomplished-Bombardment of the city of Paris-Arrival of General Kameke-Siege approaches begun —Versailles under German rule-Suffering in Paris-Dissatisfaction with General Trochu-Night sorties-The last sortie-Battle of January 19th — Defeat of the French —Trochu resigns the command —Is succeeded by General Vinoy-The end at last-Jules Favre opens negotiations with Bismarck-The Armistice agreed upon-Surrender of the Paris forts-Provisions sent into the city-Rejoicings of the Germans...... 529 CHAPTER XIV. Diary of the siege of Paris.................................... 584 CHAPTER XV. Progress of the efforts for the union of the German States-Meeting of the North German Parliament-Action of the South German States-Bavaria hesitates-The people triumphant-Formation of the German Empire-Synopsis of the Constitution-Statement of the area and population of the Empire-The Imperial Crown offered to the King of Prussia-The King's reply-The ceremony of proclaiming the German Emperor-A brilliant and impressive scene at Versailles-The Emperor's proclamation-The banquet-Success of the German War loans-Measures for the government of Alsace and Lorraine............................................................ 638 CHAPTER XVI. Condition of France at the conclusion of the Armistice-Popular feeling-Statement of the Provisional Government-Matters in ParisRevictualling the city-The Armistice in the provinces-Action of M. Gambetta Firmness of the Paris Government- Gambetta resigns —The election for the Assemblyr-Proclamation of the Emperor Napoleon III.-The result-Meeting of the Assembly-Resignation of the- Provisional Government-Garibaldi resigns —Organization of the Assembly —M. Thiers chosen Chief of the Executive — The new Government-Protest of Alsace and Lorraine-Painful scene in the Assembly-Appointment of Commissioners —The peace negotiations-The German terms-Unsuccessful efforts of the French Representatives to obtain a better settlemnt —M. Thiers' appeal to the Emperor William-Extension of the Armistice-Conclusion of peace-The Emperor's announcement-The news in Paris —Appeal of the Government to the citizens-Debate in the Assembly upon the Treaty-Ratification of the Treaty-The Assembly declares Napoleon III. to be deposed-Entry of the German troops into Paris-Evacuation of the city-The homeward march of the German army-The end of the war......................... 650 20 CONTENTS. BIOG RAPIIIES. WILLIAM I., EMPEROR OF GERMANY...................... 702 FREDERICK WILLIAM, CROWN PRINCE OF PRUSSIA 707 PRINCE FREDERICK CHARLES.................................... 710 PRINCE VON BISMARCK............................................ 712 GENERAL COUNT VON MOLTKE................................ 717 THE CROWN PRINCE OF SAXONY....................... 72..... 720 GENERAL VON ROON.............................................. 721 GENERAL VON STEINMETZ.......................................... 722 GENERAL VON MANTEUFFEL................................... 723 NAPOLEON III., EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH............... 724 EUGENIE, EMPRESS OF THE FRENCH.......................... 727 MARSHAL MACMAHON...................................... 730 MARSHAL BAZAINE............................................... 732 GENERAL TROCHU................................................ 733 LEON GAMBETTA.................................................. 734 GABRIEL CLAUDE JULES FAVRE............................ 735 LOUIS ADOLPH THIERS.............7.................. 736 HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN GERMANY AND IFRANCE. CHAPTER I. REVIEW OF THE CAUSES OF THE WAR-RAPID GROWTH OF PRUSSIATHE WARS OF NAPOLEON I. AGAINST THE GERMAN STATES-PRUSSIA'S PLACE IN THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION-DISRUPTION OF THE BUND IN 1866-THE WAR WITH AUSTRIA-FORMATION OF THE NORTH GERMAN CONFEDERATION-RELATIONS WITH THE SOUTH GERMAN STATES -POSITION OF PRUSSIA IN GERMANY-GROWTH OF THE IDEA OF GERMAN UNITY-HOSTILITY TO FRANCE-THE REAL CONFLICT BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE-APPROACH OF THE WAR-POSITION OF FRANCE -EFFORTS TO INCREASE THE FRENCH TERRITORY-HISTORY OF THE ANNEXATION OF ALSACE AND LORRAINE-FRANCE UNDER THE FIRST EMPIRE-LOSSES IN 1815-DETERMINATION OF THE FRENCH TO REGAIN THE RHINE FRONTIER-DISTRUST AND DISLIKE OF PRUSSIA-FRENCH VIEW OF THE QUESTION OF GERMAN UNITY-DANGEROUS CONDITION OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT IN GERMANY AND FRANCE-STATEMENT OF THE REAL CAUSE OF THE WAR. T has become so common to denounce the war which a began in the summer of 1870, between France and Germany, as an unprovoked, wanton aggression of the one dynasty upon the other, that very few persons have ever given themselves the trouble to inquire into the true causes of the great struggle. Nor have all classes been agreed as to whom the responsibility for the war belongs. The French and their sympathizers are unanimous in alleging that the selfish policy of Prussia and her King alone produced the conflict; while on the other hand, the Germans and those who uphold their cause, are agreed in believing the Emperor 21 22 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Napoleon III. the author of the sufferings which the struggle, despite its brilliant triumphs, has brought upon the Fatherland. But the student of history must approach the question in a calmer mood than is possible to the partizans of either France or Germany, and must look deeper than the events of to.day for the causes of the war. In the impartial exercise of his duties, he will discover a long chain of causes, which, extending over a period of more than two centuries, and growing stronger and more irresistible year by year, have at length resulted in the conflict, of which we are about to narrate the history. Since the days of the Great Elector, it has been the persistent policy of the Prussian Government to raise that country to the front rank of the European Powers. Step by step, year by year, Prussia has risen higher in the European scale, her territory and population expanding at a rate which seems almost marvellous, until the little Margraviate of Brandenburg has grown into the powerful Kingdom of to-day. Napoleon I. did indeed place a momentary check upon this expansion; but the disasters from which Prussia suffered at this time, proved in the end the means of leading her on to still greater success. The compulsory reduction of her army by her conqueror, drove her to a policy of short enlistments and frequent drafts. Men were drawn into the service for six months only, and then discharged: and thus the knowledge of arms and the most important details of army life were spread among the whole people; so that when Germany, rose to throw off the Napoleonic yoke, Prussia was enabled at once to put into the field the army which did such good service under Bliicher and Gneisenau. In the Germanic Confederation, which was created by the Treaties of 1815, Prussia held the second place, the precedence being given to Austria. This did not suit Prussia, however. She aspired to the leadership of Germany, and was not willing to follow the guidance of any Power, still less one which was not as purely German as herself. Thereupon ensued that long series of contentions between these two great States, which Palace and Park of Versailles. King William's Headquarters during the Siege of Paris. calaif unub barl von!erfai(leW. 96niq wli(behni *auvtquartier roabrenb ber elangerulgz tOt Varit. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 23 marked the history of the Confederation, and which, ill 1866, resulted in open war between them, the total disruption of' the old Bund, and the formation of the North German Collfederation, at the head of which stood Prussia. This Confederation, consisting of the States north of the Main, was cornp rised of Prussia, Saxony, Mecklenburg. Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Oldenburg, Saxe-Weimar, Brunswick, Anhalt, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Saxe-Altenburg, Lippe Detmold, Waldeck, Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, Schwarzburg Sonderhausen, Reuss Younger Line, Schaulnburg-Lippe, Reuss Elder Line, Hamburg, Liibeck, Bremen, Upper Hesse, and Hesse-Darmstadt. These countries cover an area of 159, 94( square miles, and have a population of 29,220,862 souls, of which 23,590,543 belong to Prussia. The remaining German States —those which lie south of the Main-Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Lichtenstein — were permitted by the terms of the treaty of Nicholsburg between Austria and Prussia, to unite in a South German Confederation, or unite with the States north of the Main, according to their own option. By this same treaty Austria was excluded from all participation in German affairs. Thus the designs of Prussia were triumphant. Her own territory was increased to an enormous extent; she was supreme in North Germany, which would unhesitatingly support her in all her foreign policy; and it was very certain that South Germany would not dare to oppose her will when vigorously exerted, unless aided by some ally more powerful than Austria. Only one such ally was possible, and that was France; but in the existing state of German sentiment it was extremely improbable that the South German States would ever unite with their traditional foe against any portion of the Fatherland. Baden, indeed, was strongly Prussian in its sympathies, and the most sanguine friends of the INorthern Confederation hoped that if the objections of Bavaria could be overcome-and of this they did not despair-all Germany would in a few years be united. It is not our intention to discuss here the question whether 24 HrISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. the union of the German States under the supremacy of Prussia, must not eventually result in the political extinction of the weaker, by their gradual absorption into the Prussian,nonarchy. With this we have nothing to do. Time will show whether Prussia has been actuated by true German patriotism or by mere ambition, and will demonstrate, to tlle confusion of all theorists, whether a purely selfish policy can be carried out in the Germany of to-day. Neither do we propose to censure Prussia for the manner in which she has increased her area and her strength. It is undoubtedly true that she has- done so by conquest. She is not alone in this respect,:however, for the whole history of Europe is a record of conquest-of the supremacy of the strongest Power. Nor can we join in the wholesale abuse which has been directed at the sovereigns and statesmen who have led Prussia to her present high position. Their policy has had but one object-the exaltation of their country not only to the supremacy in Germany, but in Europe. They have had sincerely at heart the interests and the glory of their country, and they have labored for them without sparing themselves. If personal ambition hbas influenced them, it has been tempered and guided by that love which every German feels for his Fatherland, and it has been from the reflection of her glory that they have sought to illumine their own records. This is what men call patriotism, and patriotism has been held in all ages to be the noblest feeling of man. True patriotism, however, has a strong element of selfishness in it. As the world is now organized, a nation can only advance in power and importance at the expense of some neighbor. The man who seeks to place his country at the head of the march of nations, must, therefore, be ready to do so at the expense of the claims of some neighboring Power, whose pretensions may be as just as his own. This is simply what the Prussian statesmen have done. They have labored to advance their own country, and they have been as scrupulous in their forbearance toward those who opposed them, as their opponents would have been to them had the conditions been reversed. It is a very selfish 'uo uTA3U2!su-ua, llozuafOH Jo ploJToo,1 oou!aj.....-.~..-.. _,-_... v&".:- v~c-:'-:,. " \~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~`\ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~....... r~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...... i~~~~~b~~~~ej' i"'i: i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~..........~ 26 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR world that we live in, and we cannot expect more from nations than we find in the individual units of nationalities. It ill becomes any nation in Europe to denounce Prussia as "the Robber nation." There is not a Power in the Old World whose skirts are clear from the stain. Even virtuous England has had her share-and a very fair one when she was strong enough to accomplish it-of robbery. Were simple justice done-were the territory gotten by force given up by all the robbers-what changes there would be in the map of Europe! Perhaps the chief cause of the marvellous success of Prussia has been the strictly German policy, which has marked every stage of her career for the last half century. In all things she has been the.champion of: Germany-of Germany as distinct from the States. Half a century ago there arose the idea that the day would come when the Fatherland would be one and indivisible-a nation comprising the whole German-speaking race, advancing under one guidance to the fulfilment of a glorious destiny. Truly, it was a grand conception-all the more so, that it arose out of the darkness into which French domination had cast the German spirit; and we cannot wonder that it had a fascination for the German mind, beyond the power of words to express. Not that the sovereigns and statesmen of Germany had given utterance to it. They had not yet overcome their mutual jealousies, sufficiently to entertain it. It was an idea born of the people, nursed by them, and cherished so fondly that it has now become the ruling passion of Germany. It was this which united them in a solid front in the war of liberation, and which has twice carried their victorious advance to Paris. Prussia was the first of the German Powers to thoroughly appreciate this feeling, and by carefully directing, it has been able to profit by it. Her statesmen having become convinced that German unity was sure of accomplishment, resolved to place themselves at the head of the movement. They have succeeded so well, that at length the voice of Prussia has become the voice of Germany in all international questions. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 27 Undoubtedly Prussia has gained, and will gain still more, by her course; but shall we refuse her the merit of Germaan patriotism? If she has attained the first place in the new Empire, it is because she has deserved it. Being the first of the German States, strong and prosperous at home, and feared abroad, the crown of right belongs to her. United with this desire for German unity, was the feeling which lies at the bottom of the whole trouble as far as Germany is concerned- distrust and hatred of France. Every man of thought understood that, unity once accomplished, Germany must, in justice to herself, seek to obtain the first place in Europe, which, indeed, it would be difficult to deny her. That place was held by France, who had maintained it for years, and it was not in reason to suppose she would surrender it without a struggle. Furthermore, it was clear that France in view of the logical consequences of the unity of Germany, would seek to prevent it. Thus the two nations were forced by their very effbrts for advancement into the position of antagonists. One of them must stand aside and allow the other to pass it, or a conflict must ensue at some future time. The German had not only the remembrance of past grievances to keep alive his hostility, but he had the conviction also that' France would at some future time attempt to prevent the realization of the wish dearest to every German heart. He learned to distrust her, to watch her, to regard a conflict with her as more and more certain every day. Year by year this feeling grew stronger, and it became the settled policy of Prussia as the leader of German sentiment, as the power around which the minor States must rally for union, to be ready for the shock when it did come, and to see that her allies were ready for it too. Her'chief care, after feeling herself strong enough, was to expel Austria from the German League, so that there might be no inharmonious element in it. This done, she exerted herself with fresh vigor to hasten the realization of the German wish. Meanwhile military preparations went on all over Germany. The distrust of France, the dislike for her grew greater, as German 28 HISTORY OF TIlE LATE WAR. unity drew nearer. It was well understood that the straining for perfection in the military system had but one objectto be ready for war with France when it came. In such a state of feeling-with such convictions-with such hopes and interests at stake-we can readily understand how easy it was to firce the Germans into a war, which they were resolved not to bring on, but which they ywere persuaded could not be avoided. A people ready for war, confident that it must come, and profoundly convinced that a certain Power seeks to prevent the accomplishment of what they regard as their destiny, will not need much provocation to bring them to blows. France on her part was drifting into war as rapidly as her rival. Ever since the formation of the kingdom, it had been the aim of the French sovereigns to place their country first among the nations of Europe. Upon the consolidation of the royal authority, this task became easier. France rose higher in European importance with the increase of civilization, until at length she attained a position which induced Frederick the Great to declare, that " if he were king of France, he would not allow a cannon shot to be fired in Europe without his leave." With her rising importance came the thirst for power, the desire for more territory, which has distinguished not only France, but every strong power of Europe. To extend the French territory to the left bank of the Rhine, and to embrace within her limits the whole area of ancient Gaul, became at an early period the settled policy of France. Louis XI. made a decided step in this direction, when he annexed Burgundy to France; but there still remained a large territory on the northeastern border of the kingdom, and between France and the Rhine, which the French sovereigns greatly coveted. This was the territory known as FrancheComte, Lorraine and Alsace, which now comprise nine of the ei(ghty-six departments into which France is divided, or about one-tenth of its entire area. These three provinces brought Germany to the very border of Champagne, and imposed upon France a boundary which was both inconvenient and \\i~~~~~~~l ~ D~~~~~~'~~~~~ n::~'t/ k~~1 ~'-1.% ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ////:~~~~~~~~I I/i//I,,/ I:;~~~~~~~~/ %~? ~~~~~8~~3 ~ ~ ~ C-.:~:Ir.~~/ ~~ -..~;~ ~ ~ ~ ~ / 30 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR unnatural. Henry II.:began the work of securing this desired territory, under the pretext of aiding Albert of Brandenburg, and the German Protestants. He succeeded in breaking the union between Lorraine and the Empire of Charles V., and his successors were prompt to carry on his work. Alsace, which had formerly belonged to France, but which had become incorporated into the German Empire in the tenth century, was wrested from Germany in the reign of Louis XIII., and the new acquisitions of France, a portion of which had been in her possession for ninety-six years, were solemnly confirmed to her by the Empire, in the treaty of Westphalia (1648). Strasbourg, the capital of Alsace, was taken by Louis XIV. in 1681, and confirmed to France by the Peace of Ryswick in 1697. Louis XIV. also completed Henry II.'s work with regard to Lorraine, and by his skilful diplomacy, concluded an arrangement by which the duchy was lost to Germany, and annexed to France peaceably in 1766. Meanwhile, his troops had overrun Franche-Comt6, Uwhich was surrendered to France by Spain in 1678. Thus, after a lapse of two centuries, the coveted territory had passed into the possession of France, whose dominions from the ocean to the Rhine were unbroken. Germany had ratified all these accessions on the part of France by treaties and conventions, and had solemnly relinquished her claim to them, and no one dreamed that she would ever seek to set up a title to them again. France promptly applied herself to the task of attaching her new subjects to, her rule; in which she has succeeded so well, that of all her people none are more devotedly French than those of Alsace and Lorraine. Under the First Empire the French territorial dream was realized — Holland and Belgium were annexed to France.'I'he left bank of the Rhine, to its mouth, was -in the possession of the Empire. The peace of 1815 broke up Napoleon's arrangements for his own country as well as for Europe, and France was deprived of Belgium and Holland, and restricted to the domains of Louis XIV. on the Rhine. Since then it has been the ardent wish of the French nation not only to BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 31 recover Belgium, but to extend the Rhine frontier to, the borders of Holland, and thus regain the provinces now known as Rhenish Prussia and Rhenish Bavaria. Whatever the differenoces of parties respecting the internal affairs of France, all have been united on the recovery of the Rhine frontier. It has been, since 1815, the settled determination df the French people to acquire the left bank of the Rhine at some future day, and this determination has grown stronger with the lapse of time. Whether they are right or wrong in this determination, does not concern us at present. We are simply stating the feeling of the French people with regard to this question. They have been taught by their writers, orators, and public instructors, as well as encouraged by each successive government since the Restoration, to regard Rhenish Prussia as a rightful possession of France, wrongfully taken fromn her in 1815; and they have naturally regarded Prussia as their enemy in withholding it from them. So strong has been this feeling, that it has been for years well understood in France, and in Europe generally, that no government could maintain its hold upon the French people, which should resist the popular demand for an advance.to the Rhine, in case affairs were favorable-to such a movement. In addition to this, the French people were quick to mark the rapid progress of Prussia, and to note the efforts made by that Power to secure the unity of Germany under her own leadership. France, under the Second Empire, had reached her highest position in European affairs. She was the leading nation of the Old World, and her supremacy was so universally acknowledged, that she began to look upon her proud position as belonging to her by an inalienable right. She therefore watched the progress of Prussia with a jealous eye. It was well understood in France that the object of Prussia was to attain for herself the place held by France, and that to the accomplishment of this, the unity of Germany was essential. It therefore became the policy of France to prevent the union of the German States, even at the cost of war, and to mainltain her own position by every means within her power. 32 IHISTORY OF THE LATE WAR The triumph of Prussia over Austria warned France that the success of her rival was close at hand, and revealed to her the strength of Germany in its true light. Later on, there were indications that German unity was so nearly an accomplished fact that the only means of preventing it was war, and every nerve was strained by France to prepare for the conflict. The Government, if anything, lagged behind the nation. The whole land rang with complaints that the prestige of France was passing away, and that the supremacy in Europe was being surrendered to Prussia. To understand the feelings of this gallant but excitable nation, one must imagine himself a Frenchman. Having tried to do justice to the German by stating his view of the matter, let us look at it from a French stand-point. France beheld not only the moral but the physical supremacy passing into the hands of her rival. She beheld a strong military power being erected on her borders, between which and herself there had existed for years nothing but distrusts and suppressed hostility. To the French mind there was nothing but danger to France in the formation of this new Power, and it became the duty of every patriotic Frenchman to avert that danger from his country. However unjust to his neighbor might be his effort to prevent the realization of the German wish, it was pure devotion to France which prompted him to it. His first duty was to France, even at the expense of Germany. He was sincerely convinced that the establishment of Germany as one great nation, would not only prevent the realization of the French desires with regard to the Rhine, but would result in the actual loss of power to France. Apart from this, it is not reasonable to suppose that any great nation would passively suffer a rival to assume the place in the world which it had held for twenty years with vigor and with glory. Thus we see that these two great nations, each seeking after the same object, and each profoundly disliking and distrusting the other, had reached a point in their rivalry wa which one or the other must give way. The German could BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 33 justly declare that he sought only the highest good, for his country; and the Frenchman, equally justified in his own eyes, could maintain thai he sought only the salvation of his. The German regarded the effort of the Frenchman to prevent the consolidation of his country as unjustifiable, and the Frenchman regarded his opposition to that consolidation as justified by its danger to France. Each regarded his cause as just, and in the mutual distrust which existed between them, there was little chance of an adjustment of the differences. Here then was the real cause of the war. The occasion was not long wanting. When two great Powers, armed to the teeth, and distrustful of and hating each other, find themselves in a position from which neither can in its own eyes retreat with honor, there is no alternative left to theln but an appeal to the sword. That two such nations, each so great and noble in itself as Germany and France, should ever be brought to such a pass is, without doubt, distressing; but it seems clear from what we have been considering, that such a state of affairs was simply unavoidable to each. National prejudices, which will influence men as long as human nature remains what it is-old quarrels, whose wounds were still painful, and a struggle for the highest power in Europe-these were the causes of the war. Peace and good will might have reigned in France and Germany but for these; but in the face of these causes-causes for which no one generation in either country can fairly be held responsible-he would have been a wise statesman indeed who could have kept the peace of Europe unbroken. The war was the result of causes which it was not in the power of man to control, and it is chiefly in this fact that the combatants must seek their justification. William of Prussia, Napoleon, Bismarck, Benedetti-these were but the instruments of a destiny which they could not resist. It is idle then to censure either as having causelessly brought on the war. The Almighty King of kings, who will surely bring some good out of all this trouble, has made it an unchangeable law of the moral world, that a given cause must 3 34 HISTORY OF THIE LATE WAR produce a given effect. The cause in this case was the state of feeling which for the last half century has existed between France and Prussia; the effect was the war. It does not follow, however, that men are justified always in bringing events to a crisis. The result of a train of causes may be well known; yet if that result be injurious to the world, it is the solemn duty of those in power to delay it to the last moment. Here is where the responsibility for this war begins-in the hastening of events to a crisis of which war was the only probable solution. The narrative upon which we now enter will show upon whom this responsibility must rest. ~~- - - - - -'. ---- ~_=-7 —— ~~~~=__-... L —-— ~~~~~~~~~~~~-i! ~~~~TeGan ot!Hsp ita ~ ris _~~ —-— (ran ~oe [ptl ~r~ BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 35 CHAPTER II. THE SPANISH CROWN OFFERED'TO THE PRINCE OF HOHENZOLLERN-IT IS ACCEPTED-EFFECT OF THE ACCEPTANCE UPON FRANCE —THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT URGED TO RESENT THE INTERFERENCE OF GERMANY IN SPANISH AFFAIRS-ACTION OF THE IMPERIAL CABINET-INSTRUCTIONS TO COUNT BENEDETTI-THE DEMAND UPON' PRUSSIA-COUNT BENEDETTI'S INTERVIEWS WITH KING WILLIAM AT EMS-EFFORTS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT TO AVERT A RUPTURE-STATEMENTS OF THE DUC DE GRAMMONT TO LORD LYONS-INCREASED DEMANDS BY THE FRENCH INDIGNATION OF THE GERMANS-BENEDETTI'S LAST INTERVIEW WITH THE KING —HIS DEMANDS REFUSED-THE " INSULT" TO THE FRENCH MINISTER-BISMARCK RESENTS THE FRENCH DEMANDS-THE FRENCH ARMY ORDERED TO THE FRONTIER-FRANCE DECLARES VWAR AGAINST PRUSSIA EXCITEMENT IN PARIS-THE WAR POPULAR-KING WILLIAM'S ARRIVAL AT BERLIN-THE FIRST GERMAN COUNCIL OF WAR-THE MOBILIZATION OF THE ARMY ORDERED-SCENES IN BERLIN-ENTHUSIASM THROUGHOUT GERMANY-THE SOUTH MAKES COMMON CAUSE WITH THE NORTH-MEETING OF THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT-THE KING'S SPEECHOPPOSITION TO THE WAR IN THE FRENCH CHAMBERS-M. THIERS-M. JULES FAVRE-THE FRENCH CIRCULAR-THE EMPEROR' S PROCLAMATION -THE EMPRESS REVIEWS THE FLEET-DEPARTURE OF THE EMPEROR FOR THE ARMY-HIS ADDRESS TO THE TROOPS-THE PRUSSIAN DAY OF SOLEMN PRAYER-DEPARTURE OF KING WILLIAM FOR THE ARMY-HIS ADDRESS TO HIS TROOPS-THE POPE OFFERS HIS MEDIATION-LETTER TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA-REPLY OF THE LATTER-" THE SECRET TREATY " —A SHREWD MOVE ON THE PART OF BISMARCK-STATEMENT OF M. OLLIVIER - BENEDETTI'S EXPLANATION-BISMARCK'S REJOINDERREMARKS OF THE SATURDAY REVIEW-THE NEUTRAL POWERS-REVIEW OF THE COURSE OF THE FRENCH LIBERALS-THEIR RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR-NAPOLEON'S VINDICATION OF HIS COURSE —THE HISTORY OF TWENTY YEARS. ( AVING examined the state of feeling prevailing between France and Germany, we shall now be better prepared to understand why it was that a circumstance apparently so insignificant in itself was able to bring them to open hostilities. Since the Revolution of 1868, the kingdom of Spain had been without a sovereign. Efforts had been made in various 36 IIISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Paris. quarteread of his family with procuefere a king accptable to the Spanish people, but without success. At length, General Prim, into whose hands the destinies of Spain had fallen for the time, determined to offer the Crown of hi s country to a member of the House of Hohenzollern. In June 1870, he proposed to the Spanish Cortes, as a candidate for,the throne, the name of Prince Leopold, second son of Prince Carl Anton, the head of the House of IhIotenzollern-Sigmaringen, and the proposal wasd by a large majority of the Portes. A correspondence was atonce opened with the Prince, who promptly signified his willingness to accept the proferred dignity. Prince Leopold was a member of an independent branch of the IHohenzollern House. His family had no claims to the succession to the Prussian throne, to which they were hound merely by the ties which held the other princes of Germany to it. Leopold was about thirty-five years of age, of great wealth, highly educated, and a Catholic in his religious faith. The Prince consulted the King of Prussia, as the head of his family, with reference to the Spanish proposition, and the King promptly expressed his disapprobation of it, believing that it would prove another Maximilian aftir, and that the Prince would lose his head. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 37 Notwithstanding this disapproval, the Prince accepted the Spanish offer. On the 4th of July 1870, General Prim officially informed Senor Olozaga, the Spanish Minister at Paris, of his selection of Prince Leopold, and the sanction of it by the Cortes. General Prim's selection was most unfortunate. In itself it was an insignificant circumstance; but, as we have shown, the mine was dug and the train laid long before that Hvas to produce the explosion; and the state of feeling between France and Germany was such that it needed but a spark, and that was afforded by Prim's fatal selection. The news of the choice of Prince Leopold affected the French nation profoundly. It was regarded by the people as another attempt on the part of Prussia to humiliate France. "It touched the sensitive nature of France to the quick," says a recent writer, "that the detested House of Hohenzollern should be found suddenly meddling in Spain, among the uttermost of those Latin nations, a supremacy over whom she had always fondly assumed to herself. Not content with planting a prince of his House firmly in Roumania, the King of Prussia was now giving his sanction to another dynastic intrusion, and that, too, in a country where he had no right to interfere." The Paris press urged the Government to behave with firmness in the crisis, and to insist upon the withdrawal of Germany from Spanish affairs evefi at the risk of war. The people all over the country echoed the demand, and the empire rang with denunciation and defiance of Prussia. Matters looked so threatening that on the 5th of July, Baron Werther, the Prussian Minister at Paris, left that city for Ems, to consult with the King relative to the affair. On the 6th of July, the French Government, urged on by the popular excitement, addressed a note to Count Benedetti, the Emperor's Minister at Berlin, instructing him to demand the disavowal of Prince Leopold's candidacy by Prussia, and the withdrawal of his name from the list of candidates for the Spanish Crown, on the ground that France would consider his elevation to that position as a check and menance to her, 38 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR which she would not under any pretext permit. The Due de Grammont also declared in the Chambers that the Spanish scheme " imperilled the interests and honor of France." The King of Prussia was not in Berlin at the time, but was spending the summer at Ems, and to that place Count Benedetti at once repaired. Having requested an audience, he was received by the King on the 9th of July. He at once laid before King William the demand of his Government — that the King should require Prince Leopold to withdraw his acceptance of the Spanish Crown. The King informed him that throughout the whole affair he had been addressed simply as the head of the family, and never as the King of Prussia, and that as he had given no command for the acceptance of the Crown, he could not command its relinquishment. This was the substance of the first interview. On the 11th, M. Benedetti requested a second audience, which was granted. He urged the King to prevail upon Prince Leopold to renounce the Spanish Crown. The King replied that the Prince was perfectly free to decide for himself, and that, moreover, he did not even know where he was at that moment, as lhe was about to undertake a journey to the Alps. Meanwhile the danger to the peace of Europe had been anxiously watched by the other Powers, and Great Britain had exerted herself to avert an open rupture. The British Government frankly informed the Due de Grammont that the candidacy of Prince Leopold would not be regarded by Europe as a sufficient cause for war, and at the same time urged the Prussian and Spanish Governments to withdraw the Prince, jn deference to Frencl susceptibility. On the 8th of July, the Duc de Grammont told Lord Lyons, the British Minister at Paris, that the question would be solved if the Prince of Hohenzollern of his own accord abandoned his pretensions to the Spanish Crown. A voluntary renunciation on the part of the Prince would, M. De Grammont thought, be a most fortunate solution of difficult and intricate questions; and he begged Her Majesty's Government to use all their influence to bring it about. The Due de Grammont's declaration to BETWEEN GERMANY AND. FRANCE. 39 SARcENT Napoleon Barracks: Paris. Lord Lyons was not guarded by any conditional demand that the King of Prussia should even approve oPthe abandonment of the candidature. On the 10th of July, the Due de Grammont again authorized Lord Lyons to inform Her Majesty's Government that " if the Prince of Hohenzollern should now, on the advice of the King of Prussia, withdraw his acceptance of, the Crown, the whole affair would be at an end." On the 12th of July, Prince Leopold notified the French Government of his renunciation of the Crown, in the interests of peace, and Lord Lyons thereupon pointed out to the French Minister olf Foreign Affairs that all cause for war was now removed. It afterward appeared that his renunciation was made either by the advice or with the approval of King William. The renunciation did not satisfy the French Cabinet, however. The Duc de Grammont told Lord Lyons that France was very much excited, and that the Government could not go down to the Chamber without announcing that it had received "some satisfaction " from the King of Prussia. The Prussian Minister at Paris was informed that the King might immediately put an end to the crisis if he would write a letter of apology to the Emperor. Lord Lyons was told. that if the King would lay his royal command upon Prince 40 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Leopold * not to resume his candidature at any future time, peace might be restored. The incident had created quite as much excitement in Germany as in France. The French demands were regarded, not only in Prussia, but throughout the Fatherland, as intolerable and insulting. Count Bismarck informed the British Minister at Berlin that France owed reparation to the wounded feelings of Germany, and that its Government must give some guarantee against the repetition of these attacks on her tranquillity, if confidence was to be restored. Prince Leopold had renounced his candidature, and this was the time for the French Government to do justice to Germany, by publicly acknowledging the moderate and peaceful bearing of the King and Governlent of Prussia throughout these transactions. In the presence of such conflicting claims, peace hung by "a slender thread. Meanwhile M. Benedetti was, intentionally or unintentionally, doing his best to prepare the occasion of a rupture. On the morning of the 13th of July, the King of Prussia, walking on the Fountain Promenade at Ems, saw the French Ambassador, and gave him an extra number of the Cologne Gazette, which he had just received, containing the announcement of the withdrawal of Prince Leopold from the Spanish candidacy. M. Benedetti remarked that he was already apprised of that fact, having been informed of it by his Government on the previous evening; and on the King proceeding to -speak of the matter as at length settled, the French Minister made the unexpected request that His Majesty should give a distinct assurance that he would never again give his consent to that candidature, should it be revived. This the King.firmly refused to do, although M. Benedetti again and again urged his proposal. A few hours later, the French Minister sought a further audience, stating that he wished to recur to the subject spoken of in the mornint. The King refused a fresh audience on the ground that * The Duc de Grammont's communication to Lord Lyons was as follows: " Nous demandons au Roi de Prusse de defendre au Prince de Hohenzollern de revenir sa:r6:olution. S'il le fait tout l'incident est termin.'" Departure for the Front of the National Guard-the Soldiers Parting from their Friends at the Depot of Aubervilliers. 42 IIISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. he could return no other answer than the one already given, and intimated that all further negotiations must proceed regularly through the Ministers. Oni the 14th, after an informal but friendly leave-taking of the King, M. Benedetti left Ems. On the same evening the Berlin journals published a short, communicated paragraph, announcing that after the resignation of Prince Leopold had been officially comlmunicated to the French Government, the French Ambassador, at Ems, had further demanded certain engagements of the King, and that " His Majesty thereupon declined to receive the French Ambassador again, and had told him, by the adjutant in attendance, that His Majesty had nothing further to communicate to the. Ambassador." This communication greatly aggravated the French Governmnent and nation. Amongst the, French people it was, for a while at least, believed that King William had deliberately insulted their Ambassador; while the German people and press regarded M. Benedetti's course as a studied insult to the King. The sentiment of the Germans was expressed by Count Bismarck in his remarks to Lord Loftus, the British Ambassador at Berlin.. On the 13th of July, he told Lord Loftus that the King's courteous reception of M. Benedetti had produced general indignation throughout Prussia. He also intimated that his Government would insist on a retraction of the Duke of Grammont's menaces, and on explanations of the military measures which had been adopted by France. "I could not," said the Count, "hold communication with the French Ambassador after the language held to Prussia by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs in the face of Europe." On the 15th of July, the Duke of Gramrmont, with refer-. ence to the communication to the Berlin journals, quoted above, told Lord Lyons that "the Prussian Government had deliberately insulted France, by declaring to the public that the King had affronted the French Ambassador. It was evidently the intention of the King of Prussia to take credit with the people of Germany for having acted with haughtiness and discourtesy-in fact to humiliate France." The Populace in Paris Rejoicing at the Declaration of War. 44 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR As early as the 8th of July, the Emperor Napoleon had ordered two corps d'arme'e to be ready for immediate movement, one under the command of Bazaine, the other under Lebceuf..On the 12th the army of Paris commenced moving to the Moselle. On the 14th, at a council of the French Ministers, held at the Tuileries, it was resolved to declare war against Prussia,* and to call out the reserves. On the 15th, war was declared by the French Government to exist between France and Prussia. The grounds upon which the declaration was based were: "1st. The insult offered to Count Benedetti, the French Ambassador, by the King of Prussia, at Ems, and its approval by the Prussian Government; 2nd. The refusal of the King of Prussia to compel the withdrawal of Prince Leopold's name as a candidate for the Spanish Crown; 3rd. The fact that the King persisted in giving the Prince liberty to accept the Crown." The announcement was received by the Chambers with enthusiastic cheers. M. Thiers and Jules Fav e endeavored to oppose the course of the Government, but were silenced by the majority. rThe Chambers, by an overwhelming vote, granted the credit of 50,000,000 francs for the army, and 16,000,000 for the navy, asked for by the Ministers; and motions to call out the Garde Mobile, and for making the term of enlistment cover the period of the war, were carried almost by acclamation.t * On the morning of the 15th of Jul)-, the Government party met in the Committee room of the French Chambers, at ten o'clock. The following conversation occurred in regard to the declaration of war: M. De K6rhtry. Marshal, are we ready? Marshal Lebhc.uf. Entirely ready. M. De K6:&try. You give us your word of honor? Consider what a crime it would be to engage France in a war without having provided for every possible contingency. Marshal Leboeuf. I give you my word of honor we are completely prepared. M. De Cassagnac. One word more. What do you understand by these words, "being ready?" M. Lebceuf (with authority). I understand by that to say that if the war should last a year, we would not have even so much as a button to buy. t The statement of the Ministry in communicating the declaration of war to the Chambers, was as follows: BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 45 All Paris was in an uproar. The people were wild with excitement. Shouts of " Vive l'Ellpereur!" were heard from the bitterest opponents of the Napoleon dynasty, and cries of''Hurrahs for the war!" " Down with the Prussians!" "To "' We believe we can count upon your support. We commenced on the 6th negotiations with foreign powers to invoke their good offices with Prussia. We asked nothing of Spain. We took no steps with the Prince of Hohenzollern, considering him shielded by the King of Prussia. " The majority of the powers admitted, with more or less warmth, the justice of our demands. The Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs refused to accede to our demands, pretending that he knew nothing of the affair, and that the Cabinet of Berlin remained completely foreign to it. We then addressed ourselves to the King himself, and the King, whilst avowing that he had authorized the Prince of Hohenzollern to accept the candidature to the Spanish Crown, maintained that he had also been foreign to the negotiations, and that he had intervened between the Prince of Hohenzollern and Spain, as head of the family, and not as sovereign. He acknowledged, however, that he had communicated the affair to Count Bismarck. We could not admit this subtle distinction between the chief of the family and the sovereign. In the meanwhile we received an intimation from the Spanish Ambassador that the Prince of Hohenzollern had renounced the Crown. We asked the King to associate himself with this renunciation, and we asked him to engage that should the Crown be again offered'to the Prince of Hlohenzollern, he would refuse his authorization. Our moderate demand, couched in equally moderate language, written to M. Benedetti, made it clear that we had no arriare pehsge, and that we were not seeking a pretext in the Hohenzollern affair. The engagement demanded the King refused to give, and terminated the conversation with MI. Benedetti by saying that he would in this, as in all other. things, reserve to himself the right of considering the circumstances. Notwithstanding that, in consequence of our desire for peace, we did not break off the negotiations. Our surprise was great when we learned that the King had refused to receive M. Benedetti, and had communicated the fact officially to the Cabinet. Baron Werther had received orders to take his leave, and Prussia was arming. Under these circumstances we should have forgotten our dignity and also our prudence had we not made preparations. We have prepared to maintain the war which is offered to us, leaving to each that portion of the responsibility which devolves upon him: (Enthusiastic and prolonged applause.) Since yesterday we have called out the reserve, and we shall take the necessary measures to guard the interests, and the. security, and the honor of France." DECLARATION OF WAR BY THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. 7'o tIis Majesty the King of Prussia: The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of the French being unable to view the project of placing a Prussian Prince on the Spanish throne other 46 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Berlin!" were heard on all sides. If external evidences are to be trusted, there can be no question that the war was thoroughly popular with the Parisians; and confirmations came in every hour of its popularity in the provinces. The press throughout the empire, as a general rule, endorsed the action of the Government. Its tone may be judged by the following language of the Constitutionnel: " Prussia insults us, let us cross the Rhine. The soldiers of Jena are ready." On the 15th of July Count Bisinarck issued a circular warning all German vessels to seek shelter in port; Holland ordered the mobilization of her army; Austria professed neuwise than as an action directed against the security of the territories of France, found itself obliged to demand of His Majesty the King of Prussia the assurance that such a combination could not be realized with his consent. His Majesty having refused to give any such guarantee, and having, on the contrary, declared to the Ambassador of His Majesty the Emperor of the French that he intends to reserve to himself for that eventuality, as for any other, the right to be guided by circumstances, the Imperial Government has been forced to see in this declaration of the King an arriare pensge, menacing in like manner to France and the European equilibrium. This declaration has been rendered worse by the communication made to the different Cabinets of the King's refusal to receive the Ambassador of the Emperor, and to enter into any further explanations with him. In consequence hereof, the French Government has thought it its duty to take immediate steps for the defence of its honor and its injured interests. and has resolved to adopt, for this object, all measures which the situation in which it has been placed renders necessary. It considers itself from this moment in a state of war against Prussia. The undersigned has the honor to be, your Excellency's, etc., etc. (Signed by the Counnil of Ministers.) The opposition in the Corps Legislatif demanded that the Ministers should produce the note of the Prussian Government referred to in the above statement, but MI. Ollivier declined to do so. The Prussian Government immediaitely caused it to be declared that " the note which Ollivier declined to read, did not exist as a note, being merely a transcript of a telegram that appeared in the newspapers, and which was communicated to the German Governments and to the North-German Ministers at some non-German Courts for their information, exactly in the very same words in which it was published by the newspapers, and merely as a statement of the nature of the French demands, and of the firm resolution of the King not to yield to'them." Therefore it added that it was not in M. Ollivier's power to produce such a diplomatic note. BETWEEN GERMSANY AND FRANCE. 47 trality, unless a third Power should intervene; and the German army was ordered to advance to the frontier. Early on the morning of the 15th, King William left Ems for Berlin. A large crowd of citizens had collected at the station to witness his departure. He said to them, "God is my witness that I have not desired war; but if I am forced into it, I will maintain the honor of Germany to the last man." Upon his arrival at Berlin he was met at the station by Count Bismarck, the Crown Prince, Generals Von Moltke, Von Roon, Von Wrangel, and the Ministers. A telegram announcing the declaration of war by France, was brought to the station by the Under Secretary of State, and read aloud to the King by Count Bismarck. The King listened calmly, and then an informal council took place, the result of which was an order for the immediate mobilization of the army. The Crown Prince announced the news to his suite, and it spread to t1he crowd collected around the depot. As the King appearedl, the multitude broke into the wildest enthusiasm, accompanying the royal carriage to the Palace, and making the welkin ring with their hurrahs and patriotic songs. Says a correspondent of the London press: "Upwards of 100,000 persons were assembled between the railway station at the B:'alndenburg gate and the Palace, where the King arrivedat 9.15 P. M., and was received with indescribable enthusiasm. Ile came forward repeatedly to the windows of the Palace, saluting and thanking the crowd. The promenade Unter den Linden was illuminated and decorated with North German and Prussian flags. Though this street is fully 200 feet broad, and extends over the length of a mile, it was filled to the brim on both pavements, and on the central promenade. All the houses showed flags, but the attempt to illuminate was promptly stopped, the occasion not being one of rejoicing. This scene of intense excitement lasted until daysbreak. Men, women, and children equally took part in it." The enthusiasm was as great in all parts of Germany as in Berlin. The South German States were as enthusiastic as their Northern sisters. It has been alleged that the Emperol 4 8 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR of the French expected to detach them from their alliance with North Germany, as he believed that they were secretly anxious to rid themselves of their overshadowing neighbor. This is hardly possible. He has authorized the statement that he believed these States would promptly unite their forces with those of Prussia, unless France could promptly throw her army between them and the North, and prevent this junction. However this may be, the South Germans were, if anything, more ardent than their Northern brethren, and througout the whole of Germany, there was but one cry, "With God and King for Fatherland." The Bavarian Government, on the 16th of July, ordered the mobilization of its army, and on the same day the Crown Prince of Saxony gave orders for the mobilization of the Saxon Army Corps. On the 20th, Count Bismarck was officially notified that Bavaria would make common cause with Prussia against France. On the same day the Saxon Minis. ter was recalled from Paris. The Bavarian Chamber of Deputies voted the extraordinary credit of 18,200,000 florins demanded by the Government for the expenses of the war. Hesse Darmstadt on the same day officially declared its hearty alliance with Prussia, and its Diet voted the sums demanded for war expenses with enthusiastic cheers. The other German States were as prompt and as cordial. A letter from Frankfort thus expresses the German feeling: FRANKFO RT-ON-THE-MAIN, July 21. The feeling in South Germany, and in the newly annexed Prussian provinces, is entirely on the side of Prussia. France has deceived herself if she expected to find sympathy among the anti-Prussians of two weeks ago. Never was there known such a change of public sentiment as has been seen here before and since the declaration of war on the part of France. Two weeks ago, and this once free city was strongly anti-Prussian; but to-day there cannot be counted a hundred men who do not go heart and soul for the German cause. As regiment after regiment has passed through the city, thousands of citizens have met and cheered them; and on the evening after the news of the declaration of war arrived, many hundreds of the city youth paraded the streets, full of enthusiasm, singing " Die Wracht amr Rhein," and similar Rhine songs. And the change of sentiment in the annexed provinces is BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 49 Dqually marked. France calculated very much on Hesse Cassel, where the feeling against Prussia was indeed bitter; but the reception of King William in Cassel on his return to Berlin shows plainly that the hearts of the people are true. The South German States have not hesitated a moment in declaring their intention to keep their treaty of defence and offence made with Prussia in 1866. The North German Parliament met in Berlin on the 19th of July, in obedience to the royal summons. The declaration of war by France was announced to the Parliament by Count von Bismarck, in his capacity of Chancellor of the Confederation, and was received with cheers. The King opened the session with the following speech from the throne: Honored Gentlemen of the Parliament of the North German'Confederation: When at your last meeting I bade you welcome from this place in the name of the Allied Governments, it was with joy and gratitude that I was able to bear witness to the fact that, by the help of God, success had rewarded my sincere efforts to meet the wishes of the people, and the requirements of civilization, by avoiding any disturbance of the peace of Europe. If, notwithstanding this assurance, the menace and imminence of war have now laid upon the Confederate Governments the duty of calling you together for an extraordinary session, you as well as ourselves will' be animated with the conviction that the North German Confederation has labored to improve the national forces, not to imperil, but to afford a greater protection to universal peace, and that when we call upon this national army to defend our independence, we only obey the mandates of honor and duty. The candidacy of a German prince for the Spanish throne, both in the bringing forward and withdrawal of which the Confederate Governments were equally unconcerned, and which only interested the North German Confederation in so far as the Government of a friendly country appeared to base upon its success the hopes of acquiring for a sorely tried people a pledge for regular and peaceful government, afforded the Emperor of the French a pretext for a casus belli, put forward in a manner long since unknown in the annals of diplomatic intercourse, and adhered to after the removal of the very pretext itself, with that disregard for the people's right to the blessings of peace, of which the history of a former ruler of France affords so many analogous examples. If Germany in former centuries bore in silence such violations of her rights and of her honor, it was only because in her then divided state she knew not her own strength. To-day, when the links of intellectual and rightful community, which began to be knit together at 4 50 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR the time of the wars of liberation, join the more slowly, the more surely, the different German races; to-day, that Germany's armament leaves no longer an opening to the enemy. The German nation contains within itself the will and the power to repel the renewed aggression of France. It is not arrogance that puts these words in my mouth. The. Confederate Governments and I myself are acting in the full consciousness that victory and defeat are in the hands of Him who decides the fate of battles. With a clear gaze we have measured the responsibility which, before the judgment seat of God and of mankind, must fall upon him who drags two great and peace-loving peoples of the head of Europe into a devastating war. The more the Confederate Governments are conscious of having done all our honor and dignity permitted to preserve to Europe the blessings of peace, and the more indubitable it shall appear to all minds that the sword has been thrust into our hands, so much the more confidently shall we rely upon the united will of the German Governments, both of the North and South, and upon your love of country; and so much the more confidently we shall fight for our right against the violence of foreign invaders. Inasmuch as we pursue no other object than the endurable establishment of peace in Europe, God will be with us, as he was with our forefathers. The King read the speech in a firm voice, but displayed at several passages much emotion, and was often interrupted with vociferous cheering, especially when he spoke of the no longer divided Germany —a remark which was understood to allude to the co-operation of Bavaria. At the close of the speech Baroi Von Friesen, the Saxon Minister, called for cheers for King William, which were repeated over and over again. The Ministers asked a loan of 120,000,000 thalers for the expenses of the war, and the measure was carried without opposition. The military authority set to work with vigor to put the armed force of the Confederation in the field, and the whole land resounded with the marching of troops. Says the correspondent of the London Daily News, "I was in St. Petersburg when war was declared, and as I travelled westward could see but one great mustering of soldiers and Landwehr men from K6nigsberg to the Rhine. In Berlin and in Saxony, in Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Baden, the country was all alive with armed men. The railway officials worked like galley slaves, the telegraph was never idle, and in a fort BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 51 night all was safe. More and more troops were ready with each succeeding day. Bavarians were as ready as Prussians, South Germany as ready as the Northern Confederation." In France the war fever rose higher, " the Prussians," as the whole German army was called, were regarded with contempt, and all classes were very sure that it would be an easy matter for the French army to march from the Rhine to Berlin. In Paris crowds still paraded the Boulevards bearing flags, and singing the national airs. The Marseillaise was chanted at the opera and the theatres amidst the wildest enthusiasm, and the Emperor, as he drove in from St. Cloud, to receive the Chambers at the Tuileries, was cheered at every step of the way. This reception was held on the 22d of July at 2 o'clock P. x. M. Schneider, the President of the Corps Legislatif, addressed the Emperor as follows: SIRE:- -The Legislative Body has terminated its labors, after voting all its subsidies and laws necessary for the defence of the country. Thus the Chamber has joined in an effective proof of patriotism. The real author of the war is not he by whom it was declared; but he who rendered it neccessary. There will be but one voice among the people of both hemispheres, namely, throwing the responsibility of the war upon Prussia, which, intoxicated by unexpected success, and encouraged by our patience and our desire to preserve to Europe the blessings of peace, has imagined that she could conspire against our security andrwound with impunity our honor. Under these circumstances France will know how to do her duty. The most ardent wishes will follow you to the army, the command of which you assume, accompanied by your son, who, anticipating the duties of maturer age, will learn by your side how to serve his country. Behind you, behind our army, accustomed to carry the noble flag of France, stands the whole nation ready to recruit it. Leave the regency, without anxiety, in the hands of our august sovereign, the Empress. To the authority commanded by her great qualities, of which ample evidence has already been given. Her Majesty will add the strength now afforded by the liberal institutions, so gloriously inaugurated by your Majesty. Sire, the heart of the nation is with you, and with your valiant army. The Emperor replied: I experience the most lively satisfaction, on the eve of my departure for the army, at being able to thank you for the patriotic support which 52 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. you have offered my Government. A war is right whlen it is waged with the assent of the country, and the approval of the country's representatives. You are right to remember the words of Montesquieu, that "the real author of war is not he by whom it is declared, but he who renders it necessary." mre have done all in our power to avert the war; and I may say that it is the whole nation that has, by its irresistible impulse, dictated our decisions. I confide to you the Empress, who will call you around her if circumstances should require it. She will know how to fulfil courageously the duty which her position imposes up6n her. I take my son with me: in the midst of the army he will learn to serve his country. Resolved energetically to pursue the great mission which has been intrusted to me, I have faith in the success of jur arms, for I know that behind me France has risen to ler feet, arnd:that God protects her. The members of the Senate had already congratulated the Emperor upon his course. They were received by him at St. Cloud, on the 16th of July. M. Rouher, the president, in the course of his remarks made use of the expression: " Your Majesty has occupied the last four years in perfecting the armament and organization of the army." In the Chambers, Thiers, Jules Favre, and a few others of the Liberals, vehemently opposed the war, and to this opposition was added the Republican party, whose chief object was to overthrow the Empire for their own benefit, regardless of the welfare of France. It was a singular sight to see M. Thiers opposing so vigorously the state of affairs he had done so much to bring about. No man in France did more to inflame the popular sentiment against Germany than he, and even as late as 1870, he expressed \in a public speech his regret that France had not prevented the formation of the North German Confederation by force. He denounced the occasion of the present war as ill-chosen, and the resort to hostilities upon such a pretext as a crime against civilization. We shall have occasion to show the position of all classes of the French people with respect to war with Prussia, and for the present shall content ourselves with remarking that the opposition of the Republi. cans and their allies was more selfish than patriotic, more prompted by hostility to the Emperor than by love for France. Reception of the Chambers by the Emperor at the'I'uileries: Paris. 53 54 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR On the 23d of July, the Emperor Napoleon, who had not yet left Paris,* issued the following proclamation: FRENCHMEN: -There are, in the life of. a people, solemn moments. when the national honor, violently excited, gathers itself up irresistibly. rises above all other interests, and applies itself with the single purpose of directing the destines of the nation. One of those decisive hours has now arrived forFrance. Prussia, to whom we have given evidence during and since the war of 1866 of the most conciliatory disposition, has held our good-will of no account, and has returned our forbearance by encroachments. She has aroused distrust in all quarters necessitating * The following circular of the French Government to its diplomatic agents abroad, stating the French view of the causes of the war, will be of service to the reader:'PARITS, July, 21. "' MONSIEUR:-You are already aware of the chain of events which has conducted us to.a rupture with Prussia. The communication which the Emperor's Government produced, on the 15th inst., in the tribunes of the great bodies of the State, and of which I have sent you the text, explained to France and Europe the rapid variations in a negotiation in which, by degrees, as we redoubled our efforts to preserve peace, the secret design of an adversary to render it impossible was disclosed.. Either the Cabinet of Berlin considered war necessary for the accomplishment of the projects it had long since bee-n preparing against the autonomy of the German States, or that, not satisfied with having established in the centre of Europe a militry power redoubtable to its neighbors, it desired to take advantage of the strength it had acquired to displace definitively, for its own benefit, the international equilibrium; the premeditated intention of refusing us the guarantees most indispensable to our security as well as our honor, is plainly exhibited in all its conduct. The following doubtless is the plan combined against us: An understanding. prepared mysteriously by unavowed intermediates was, if light had not unexpectedly been thrown upon it, to lead things to the point when the candidature of a Prussian prince to the throne of Spain would have been suddenly revealed to the assembled Cortes. A vote carried by surprise, before the Spanish people should have had time for reflection, would have proclaimed-at least such was the hope-Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern heir to the sceptre of Charles V. Thus Europe would have found herself in presence of an accomplished fact; and, speculating on our deference for the great principleof popular sovereignty, the calculation was that France, in spite of a passing displeasure, would pause before the will, ostensibly expressed, of a nation for which our sympathies were known. "The Emperor's Government, as soon as it became aware of the peril, did not hesitate to denounce it to the representatives of the country as to all foreign cabinets; against that manceuvre the judgment of public opinion became its most legitimate auxiliary. Impartial minds were nowhere deceived s -r F1 o k','?///////mr,sslll(illlUIIIII I i'i ii a ~li o -r TB eL, `~P'ui'/klHHI1IIUtlllllllllilll 00 1 m E c, u t; . P o " r% ~V Cr 0,'S c: iz R.sP.\itEai&s46Paijylll(j( f c3 = C CE-. i) I \t'' ED re,;///'" o r3 d o a — ~ F:0. ?>.c( Fd o iII C3 k O a, E24 r,7 O c a:! j larre - —~:II'I1I1 33 56 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR exaggerated armaments, and has made of Europe a camp where reign disgust and fear of the morrow. A final incident had disclosed the instability of the international understanding, and shown the gravity of the situation. In the presence of her new pretensions Prussia was made to understand our claims.''hey were evaded and followed with contemptuous treatment. Our country manifested profound displeasure at as to the real situation of things; they immediately comprehended that if we were painfully affected in seeing traced out for Spain-in the exclusive inter. est of an ambitious dynasty —a part totally unsuited to the straightforwardness of that chivalric people, so little in conformity with the instincts and traditions which unite it to us, we could not have the idea of denying our constant respect for the independence of its national resolutions. Every one felt that the unscrupulous policy of the Prussian Government was alone in this affair. That Government, in fact, not considering itself bound by common right, and despising the rules to which the greatest powers have had the prudence to submit, attempted to impose on abused Europe so dangerous an extension of its influence. France has taken up the cause of equilibrium, that is to say, the interest of all the populations menanced like herself by the disproportionate aggrandizement of a royal house. In so doing does she place herself, as has been asserted, in contradiction to her own maxims? Assuredly not. Every nation, we are foremost to proclaim, has a right to govern its own destinies. That principle, openly affirmed by France, has become one of the fundamental laws of modern politics. But the right of each people, as of each individual, is limited by that of others, and any nation is forbidden, under the pretext of exercising its own sovereignty, to menace the existence or security of a neighboring nation. In that sense it was that M. De Lamartine, one of our great orators, said, in 1847, thatin the choice of a sovereign a Government has never the right to pretend, and has always the right to exclude. That doctrine was admitted by all the Cabinets in circumstances analogous to those in which we have been placed by the candidateship of the Prince of Hohenzollern, especially in 1831 in the Belgian question,. and in 1830 and 1862 in that of Greece. In the Belgian affair, the voice of Europe herself was heard, for the five great Powers decided. The three courts which had taken in hand the cause of the Hellenic people, inspiring themselves with an idea of general interest, had agreed not to accept the throne of Greece for a prince of their families. The Cabinets of Paris, London, Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburg, represented in the Conference of London, adopted that example; they made it a rule of conduct for all in a negotiation in which the peace of the world was involved, and thus rendered a solemn homage to that great law of the balance of power which is the basis of the European political system. In vain the National Congress of Belgium persisted in electing the Duke de Nemours. France submitted to the engagement she had made, and refused the Crown brought to Paris by the Belgian Deputies. But she in her turn imposed the necessity to which she resigned BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 57 this action, and quickly a war cry resounded from one end of France to the other. There remains for us nothing but to confide our destinies to the chance of arnms. We do not make war upon Germany, whose independence we respect. We pledge ourselves that the people composing the great Germanic nationality shall dispose freely of their destinies. As for us, we herself, by excluding the candidateship of the Duke de Leuchtenberg, which had been opposed to that of the French Prince. " In Greece, when the throne was last vacant, the Emperor's Government opposed at the same time the candidateship of Prince Alfred of England and that of another Duke de Leuchtenberg. "England, acknowledging the validity of the considerations invoked by us, declared at Athens that the Queen did not authorise her son to accept the Crown of Greece. Russia made a similar declaration for the Duke de Leuchtenberg, although that Prince, by reason of his birth, was not considered by her as absolutely a member of the Imperial family. " Lastly, the Emperor Napoleon spontaneously applied the same principles in a note inserted in the Moniteur of the 1st September, 1860, to disavow the candidateship of Prince Murat to the throne of Naples. "Prussia, whom we did not fail to remind of those precedents, appeared for a moment to give way to our just demands. Prince Leopold withdrew his candidateship; there was room to hope that the peace would not be broken. But that expectation soon gave place to fresh apprehensions, and then to the certainty that Prussia, without seriously abandoning any of her pretensions, was only seeking to gain time. The language, at first undecided, and then firm and haughty, of the chief of the house of IHohenzollern, his refilsal to engage to maintain on the morrow the renunciation of yesterday, the treatment inflicted on our Ambassador, who was forbidden, by a verbal message, from any fresh communication for the object of his mission of conciliation, and, lastly, the publicity given to that unparalleled proceeding by the Prussian journals, and by the notification of it made to the Cabinets-all those successive symptoms of aggressive intentions removed every doubt in the most prejudiced minds. Can there be any illusion when a sovereign who commands a million of soldiers declares, with his hand on the hilt of his sword, that he reserves the right of taking counsel of himself alone, and from circumstances? We were led to that extreme limit at which a nation who feels what is due to itself cannot further compromise with the requirements of its honor. " If the closing incidents of this painful discussion did not throw a somewhat vivid light on the schemes nourished by the Berlin cabinet, there is one circumstance not so well known at present, which would put a decisive interpretation on its conduct. " The idea of raising a Hohenzollern prince to the Spanish throne was not a new one So early as March, 1869, it had been mentioned by our Ambassa 58 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR demand the establishment of a state of things guaranteeing our security and assuring the future. We wish to conquer a durable peace, based on the true interests of the people, and to assist in abolishing that precarious condition of things when all nations are forced to employ their resources in arming against each other. dor at Berlin, who was at once requested to inform Count de Bismarck what view the Emperor's Government would take of such an eventuality. Count Benedetti, in several interviews he had onr this topic with the Chancellor of the South-German Confederation and the Under-Secretary of State entrusted with the management of foreign affairs, did not leave them in ignorance that we could never admit, that a Prussian Prince should reign beyond the Pyrenees. "Count de Bismarck, for his part, declared that we need be under no anxiety concerning a combination which he himself judged to be incapable of realization, and during the absence of the Federal Clhancellor, at a moment when M. Benedetti considered it his duty to be incredulous and pressing, M. de Thile gave his word of honor that the Prince de Hohenzollern was not and could not seriously become a candidate for the Spanish crown. " If one were to suspect official assurances so positive as this, diplomatic communications would cease to be a guarantee for the peace of Europe; they would be but a snare and a source of peril. Thus, although our Ambassador transmitted these statements under all reserve, the Imperial Government deemed fit to receive them favorably. It refused to call their good faith into question until the combination which was their glaring negation suddenly revealed itself. In unexpectedly breaking the promise which she had given us, without even attempting to take any steps to free herself towards us, Prussia offered us a veritable definance. Enlightened at once on the value to be attached to the most formal protests of Prussian statesmen, we were imperiously obliged to preserve our loyalty from fresh mistakes in the future by an explicit guarantee. We therefore felt it our duty to insist as we have done on obtaining the certitude that a withdrawal, which was hedged round with the most subtle distinctions, was this time definite and serious. It is just that the court of Berlin should bear, before history, the responsibility of this war which it had the means of avoiding and which it has wished for. And under what circumstances has it sought out the struggle? It is when for the last four years France, displaying continual moderation towards it, has abstained, with a scrupulousness perhaps exaggerated, from calling up against it the treaties concluded under the mediation of the Emperor himself, but the voluntary neglect of which is seen in all the acts of a Government which was already' thinking of getting rid of them it the moment of signature.'" Europe has been witness of our conduct, and she has had the opportunity of comparing it with that of Prussia during this period. Let her pronounce now on the justice of our cause. Whatever be the issue of dur combats, we BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 59 The glorious flag of France, which we once more unfurl in the face of our challengers, is the same which has borne over E4rope the civilizing ideas of our great revolution. It represents the same principles; it will inspire the same devotion. Frenchman! I go to place myself at the head of that valiant army which is animated by love of country and devotion to duty. That army knows its worth, for it has seen victory follow its footsteps in the four quarters of the globe. I take with me my son. Despite his tender years, he knows his duties his name imposes upon him, and he is proud to bear his part in the dangers of those who fight for our country. May God bless our efforts.' A great people defending a just cause is invincible. NAPOLEON. A powerful ironclad fleet had been collected at Cherbourg, and on the 25th of July, sailed from that port to blockade the German ports. It was commanded by Admiral Bouet-Willaumez. Being unabled to visit it in person, the Emperor sent the Empress to Cherbourg to represent him, and on the day of the sailing of the fleet, she read in tones fall of emotion, the following proclamation to the officers and men: OFFICERS AND SEAMEN: —Althoug'h 1 am not in your midst,'my thoughts will follow you upon those seas where your valor is about to be displayed. The French navy has glorious reminiscences. It will prove itself worthy of the past. When, far from the soil of our country, you are face to face with the enemy, remember that France is with you; that her heart throbs with yours; that she invokes upon your arms the protection of heaven. While you are combating at sea, your brethren in arms will be struggling with the same ardor, for the same await without disquietude the judgment of our contemporaries as that of posterity. Accept, etc., GRAMMONT." This circular drew from the Prussian Ministry the following statement, which was published by authority in the German papers: " In reference to a circular of the Duke de Grammont, published yesterday, and of which a telegraphic summary has been received here, alleging that the Chancellor of the North German Confederation had declared the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern to be impossible, and that the Under-Secretary of State, Baron Thile, had pledged his word that such a candidature did not exist, both the Clhancellor and the Secretary declare officially and in their private capacity that not a single word on the subject has ever passed between either of them and M. Benedetti, either officially or in private conversation, since they were first aware of the fact that the offer of the Spanish crown had been made to the Prince of Hohenzollern." 60 HIISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. cause as yourselves. Do you reciprocally second each otlher's efforts, the same success will irown them.( Go I display with pride our national colors. On beholding the tri-colored flag floating over our ships, the enemy will know that in its folds it bears everywhere the honor and the genius of France. NAPOLEON. PALACE OF ST. CLOUD, July, 23d, 1870O On the 28th of July, the Emperor left St. Cloud in a special train for Metz, the headquarters of the army, and arriving there issued the following address to his troops on taking command: SOLDIERS:- I come to take my place at your head to defend the honor of the soil of our country. You go to combat against one of the best armed of European countries; but other countries as valiant as this have not been able to resist your valor. It will be the same to-day. The war which now commences will be long and hardly contested, for its theatre will be places hedged with obstacles and thick with fortresses; but nothing is beyond the persevering efforts of the soldiers of Africa, Italy, and Mexico, You will prove once more what the French army is able to accomplish, animated by a sentiment of duty, maintained by discipline, influenced by love of country. Whatever road we may take across our frontiers, we will find upon it glorious traces of our fathers, and we will show ourselves worthy of them. All France follows you witl ardent prayers, and the eyes of the universe are upon you. Upon our success depends the fate of liberty and civilization. Soldiers, let each one do his duty, and the God of battles will be with us. NAPOLEON. At the general headquarters at METZ, July 28, 1870. Before leaving Berlin, King WVilliam, by the following proclamation, set apart the 27th of July, as a day of solemn prayer: I am compelled to draw the sword to ward off a wanton attack, willl all the forces at Germany's disposal. It is a great consolation to me before God and man that I,have in no way given- pretext for it. My conscience acquits me of having provoked this war, and I am certain of the righteousness of our cause in the sight of God. The struggle before us is serious, and it will demand heavy sacrifices from my people and from all Germany. But I go forth to it looking to the omniscient God, and imploring His Almighty support. I have already cause to thank God thlat on the first news of the war one only feeling animated all German hearts and proclaimed aloud the indignation felt at the attack, and the joyful confidence that God will bestow victory on the righteous cause. My people will also stand by me in this struggle, as they stood by my ~.'%x'~''' for th Ary M heRie Ir~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I A ~ ~ I AW~~~~~~i ON%~~~~~.., ~~~c~~~~~-' ~~~~~~~t gm ~ _g: Deatreo heEprr n ric mera ro alc t u fortheArm o th Rhne 6 2 HISTORY OF TIlE LATE WAR Palace of the Legion of Honor: Paris father, who now rests with God. They will with me, make all sacrifices to conquer peace again for the nations. From my youth upwards I have learnt to believe that all depends upon the help of a gracious God. In him is my trust, and I beg my people to rest in the same assurance. I bow!pyself before God in acknowledgment of his mercy, and I am sure that my subjects and fellow-countrymen do so with me. Therefore, I declare that Wednesday, July 27, shall be set apart for an extraordinary solemn day of prayer, and Divine service in all our churches, with abstention from all public occupations and labor so far as may comport with the pressing necessities of this time. I also decree that while the war lasts prayers shall be offered in all Divine services, that in this struggle God may lead us to victory; that he may give us grace to bear ourselves as Christian men, even unto our enemies, and that it may please him to allow us to obtain a lasting peace, founded on the honor and independence of Germany. (Signed) WILLIAM. BERLIX, July 21. VON MUHLER. On the 31st of July, the King left Berlin for his temporary headquarters at Mayence, which he reached on the 2d of August. The next day he issued the following address to his troops: All Germany stands united against a neighboring State, which has surprised us by declaring war without justification. The safety of the fatherland is threatened. Our honors and our hearths are at stake. To BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 63 day I assume command of the whole army. I advance cheerfully to a contest like that which, in former times, our fathers, under similar circumstances, fought gloriously. The whole fatherland and myself trust with confidence in you. The Lord God will be with our righteous cause. WILITAM. Meanwhile the efforts of the neutral Powers to avert the war continued, but without avail. The most graceful, as well as the most touching of these was the offer of mediation by Pope Pius IX., who on the 22d of' July, addressed letters to both the Emperor and King William. His letter to the King was as follows: YOUR MAJESTY: —In the present grave circumstances it may appear an unusual thing to receive a letter from me; but, as the Vicar on earth of God and peace, I cannot do less than offer my mediation. It is my desire to witness the cessation of warlike preparations, and to stop the evils-their inevitable consequences. My mediation is that of a Sovereign whose small domain excites no jealousy, and who inspires confidence by the moral and religious influence he personifies. May God lend anll ear to my wishes, and listen also to those I form for your Majesty, to whom I would be united in the bonds of charity. Given at the VATICAN, July 22d, 1870. Pius. A postscript adds: I have written identically to the Emperor. It is not known what reply the Emperor made to this offer, but the response of the King was prompt, and to the following effect: M[osi AUGUST PONTIFF: —I am not surprised, but profoundly moved by the touching words traced by your hand. They cause the voice of God and of peace to be heard. How could my heart refuse to listen to so powerfill an appeal? God witnesses that neither I nor my people desired or provoked war. Obeying the sacred duties which God imposes on Sovereigns and nations, we take up the sword to defend the independence and honor of our country, ready to lay it down the moment those treasures are secure. If your Holiness could offer me, from him who so unexpectedly declared war, assurances of sincerely pacific dispositions, and guarantees against a similar attempt upon the peace and tranquillity of Europe, it certainly will not be I who will refuse to receive them from -your venerable hands, united as I am with you in bonds of Christian charity and sincere friendship. (Signed) WILLIAM. 64 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR As a nmeans of weakening the sympathy of the neutral Powers for France, Count Bismarck on the 29th of July issued a circular to the diplomatic agents of Prussia at the courts of those Powers, giving an expose of secret negotiations made by Napoleon III. to Prussia in May, 1866, and renewed several times since that date. The following is an abstract of the circular: "Before the Danish war, says Count Bismarck, the French legation at Berlin urged an alliance between France and Prussia for the purpose of mutual aggrandizement. France, anticipating war with Austria as a consequence of the Danish war, made overitures relative to the restoration of the Luxembourg frontier of 1814, the acquisition of Saarburg and Landau, while a broader settlement of the boundary question on the basis of language was not to be excluded. These propositions in May, 1866, took the form of propositions for an alliance, offensive and defensive, the manuscript of the original of which is in the foreign office here. These propositions are as follows: First. Should the Congress of the powers assemble, Italy to have Venetia and Prussia the Duchies. Second. Should the Congress disagree, alliance offensive and defensive will be made between France and Prussia. Third. Prussia to open hostilities within ten days after the dissolution of the Congress. Fourth. Should no Congress meet, Prussia to attack Austria within thirty days after the signature of the present treaty. Fifth. Napoleon to begin hostilities against Austria as soon as Prussia begins, despatching 300,000 men during the first month across the Rhine. Sixth. No separate treaty shall be made by either Power with Austria. When a joint treaty is made the following are to be the conditions: 1. Venetia to go to Italy; 2. Prussia to select German territory at will for annexation, the number of inhabitants not to exceed eight millions of souls, the territory thus acquired to become a part of the kingdom of Prussia without federal rights; 3. France to have a liberal share of the Rhine provinces. Seventh. A military and maritime alliance to be made between Prance and Prussia, to which Italy may become a party should she so desire. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 65:'This programme (the circular states) was rejected in June, 1866, in spite of the threatening urgency of France. The proposals were incessantly renewed, with modifications sacrificing Belgium and South Germany, but they were never seriously entertained by Prussia. For the sake of peace, however, it was thought best to leave Napoleon to his delusions. No word implying approval was returned; time was counted on to revolutionize France and extinguish the scheme; hence the long delay and silence. The attempt against Luxembourg failing, France repeated her former propositions, making the specifications clear in regard to the acquisition of Belgium by France and South Germany by Prussia. These last propositions were formulated by Count Benedetti himself; and it is improbable that he wrote them without the authority of the Emperor, as they are the same which were made four years ago, under threat of war as the alternative of their refusal. Any one acquainted with these antecedents must have known that had Prussia acquiesced in the seizure of Belgium, France would soon have found another Belgium in Prussian territory." The publication of this document was followed by the general circulation of photographic copies of the manuscript of the secret treaty. The French Government emphatically denied that it had ever made such proposals to Prussia. On the morning after the publication of the treaty, M. Ollivier, the French Prime Minister, had an interview with the principal editors of Paris, during which he explained the position of the Government on several questions relating to Prussia. IHe gave the same explanation of the secret treaty project that Count Benedetti had previously given relative to the measures taken by the French Cabinet some time previous to affect a general disarmament, which measures, he said, were merely intermediary to those of the Earl of Clarendon, the British Premier, for a like purpose. Count von Bismarck replied to the Earl of Clarendon that King William refused absolutely to disarm. M. Ollivier said he gave the honor of 5 66 HISTORY OF THE LaTE WAR his name and that of his colleagues that no offer was made to Prussia other than that made by the Earl of Clarendon. M. Benedetti published an explanation of his part in the transaction. He said it was well known that Count von Bismarck made " France an offer both before and after the war with Austria. The substance of this offer was that France should take Belgium as compensation for the aggrandizement of Prussia. The Emperor in all cases declined the proposition. The very moment the treaty of Prague was concluded, Count von Bismarck again betrayed his desire to'restore the equilibrium,' and made several proposals looking to combinations affecting the integrity of States bordering on France. During one of these conversations Count von Bismarck dictated to Count Benedetti this secret treaty project which has just been made public, and which Count von Bismarck has kept ever since. This accounts for the handwriting. Count Benedetti gave notice of the contents of the proposed treaty to the Emperor's Government at the time, but the proposition was promptly rejected." Count Benedetti added that the King of Prussia was not favorable to Count Bismarck's plans. Count Bismarck, upon the publication of M. Benedetti's letter, again addressed the Prussian representatives at foreign courts, insisting upon the correctness of his statements. He gave a circumstantial account of the manner in which M. Benedetti drew up the treaty, and added that he had reason to believe that the proposition would have been renewed as soon as the preparations for war were complete, had it not been for the publication of the text.* * The exact language of the treaty and the letters concerning it are here given: DRAUGHT TREATY. "His Majesty the King of Prussia and His Majesty the Emperor of the French, judging it useful to bind closer the ties of friendship which unite them, and so confirm the relations of good neighborhood which happily exist between the two countries, and being beside convinced that to attain this result, which is, moreover, of a kind to insure the maintenance of the general peace, it is for their interest to come to an understanding on the questions concerning their future relations, have resolved to conclude a treaty to the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 67 The effect of this discussion upon the neutral nations is thus stated by one of the leading journals of Europe: "The controversy between the diplomatists of France and Germany as to which of their bodies is guilty of the concoction, and which of the concealment, of the design to seize on Belgium, has almost burnt itself out, so intense has been its fire. The resources of diplomacy are exhausted when each combatant has accused the other of direct falsehood. Among all the clouds of assertion and denial it remains clear that Count Benedetti wrote out the terms of a treaty for the approfollowing effect, and have, in consequence, nominated as their representatives the following persons, viz.: His Majesty, etc. His Majesty, etc. Who, after exchanging their full powers, which have been found in good and due form, have agreed on the following Articles: ART. I. His Majesty the Emperor of the French acquiesces in and recognizes the gains made by Prussia in the course of the last war waged by her against Austria, and that Power's allies. ART. II. His Majesty the King of Prussia engages to facilitate the acquisition by France of Luxembourg; and for this purpose His Majesty will enter into negotiations with His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, with the view of inducing him to cede his sovereign rights over the Duchy to the Emperor of the French, on the terms of such compensation as shall be judged adequate or otherwise. The Emperor of the French, on his side, engages to assume whatever pecuniary charges this arrangement may involve. ART. III. His Majesty the Emperor of the French shall raise no opposition to a federal union of the Confederation of North Germany with the States of South Germany, excepting Austria, and this federal union may be based on one common Parliament; due reservation, however, being made of the sovereignty of the said States. ART. IV. His Majesty the King of Prussia, on his side, in case His Majesty the Emperor of the French should be led by circumstances to cause his troops to enter Belgium or to conquer it, shall grant armed aid to France, and shall support her with all his forces, military and naval, in the face of and against every Power which should, in this eventuality, declare war. ART. V. To insure the complete execution of the preceding conditions, His Majesty the King of Prussia and His Majesty the Emperor of the French contract, by the present treaty, an alliance offensive and defensive, which they solemnly engage to maintain. Their Majesties bind themselves, besides and in particular, to observe its terms in all cases when their respective States, the integrity of which they reciprocally guarantee, may be threatened with 6 8 HI-ISTORY OF TI-HE LATE WAR priation of the country of an unoffending neighbor, whose neutrality and independence the State he represented had guaranteed. It is equally clear that Count Bismarck either suggested such a project, or, as he says, permitted it to remain unknown to the friendly States, and especially to England, on whom it was an attack. When Count Bismarck refused the Emperor an inch o' German soil after Sadowa, he took care to let it be known to all the world that France had made the deinand and blad been refused. But when Belgium was in question, he at least, to use his own words, let France suppose he attack; and they shall hold themselves bound, in any like conjuncture, to undertake without delay, and under no pretext to decline, whatever military arrangements may be enjoined by their common interest conformably to the terms and provisions above declared." FRENCH DENIALS. PARIS, July 29, 1870. To the Minister of Foreign Affairs s: MONSIEUR LE Duc: However unjust may have been the criticisms of which I was personally the object when the fact became known in France that the Prince of Hohenzollern had accepted the crown of Spain, I did not feel called on to notice them, and, as was my duty, I left to His Majesty's Government the care of rectifying them. I cannot maintain the same silence in presence of the use which Count Bismarck has made of a document to which he seeks to assign a value it never possessed, and I ask permission from your Excellency to re-establish the facts in all their exactitude. It is a matter of public notoriety that the Chancellor offered to us, before and during the last war, to assist in re-uniting Belgium to France, in compensation for the aggrandizements which he aimed at, and which he has obtained for Prussia. I might on this point invoke the testimony of the whole diplomacy of Europe, which was aware of everything that was going on. The French Government constantly declined those overtures, and one of your predecessors, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, is in a position to give on this point explanations which would not leave any doubt subsisting. At the moment when the peace of Prague was concluded, and in presence of the excitement raised in France by the annexation of Hanover, Electoral Hesse, and the City of Frankfort to Prussia, Count Bismarck again testified the most ardent desire to re-establish the equilibrium broken by these acquisitions. Various combinations respecting the integrity of the States bordering on France and Germany were suggested; they became the object of several interviews, during which the Count always endeavored to make his personal ideas prevail. In one of those conversations, and in order to form a thorough comprehension of his intentions, I consented to transcribe them, in some sort, under his dictation. The form, no BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 69 might agree to an extension of territory in that quarterl, without making any express promise. Nothing will shake the conviction of most Englishmen that France and Prussia have on many occasions in the last four years discussed the:appropriatioll of Belgium by France, in defiance of England, as a thing lhaving so much to recommend it as to make it worth serious discussion. That Count Benedetti and Prince Napoleon entered on such discussions without knowing very well that the Emperor would approve of their doing so, is totally incredible. Count Bismarck may perhaps have never let his less than the substance, clearly demonstrates that I confined myself to reproducing a project conceived and developed by him. Count Bismarck kept the paper, desiring to submit it to the King. On my side, I reported to the Imperial Government the communications which had been made to me. The Emperor rejected them as soon as they were brought to his knowledge. I ought to say that the King of Prussia himself appeared unwilling to accept the basis suggested, and since that period-that is to say, during the last four years-I have had no further exchange of ideas with Count Bismarck on the subject. If the initiation of such a treaty had been taken by the Emperor's Government the draft would have been prepared at the Ministry, and I should not have had to produce a copy in my own handwriting; besides, it would have been differently worded, and negotiations would have been carried on simultaneously in Paris and Berlin. In that case the Prussian Minister would not have contented himself with handing, indirectly, the text over to publication, especially at the moment when your Excellency was rectifying in the despatches which were inserted in the Journal Officiel, other errors which attempts were being made to propagate. But to attain his aim-that of misleading public opinion and forestalling any indiscretions which we might ourselves commit-he has adopted this expedient, which dispensed.him from specifying at what moment, under what circumstances, and in what manner, that document was written. He evidently entertained the idea of suggesting, owing to those omissions, conjectures which, while disengaging his personal responsibility, would compromise that of the Emperor's Government. There is no need to qualify such proceedings; to point them out and deliver them to the judgment of the public in Europe, is sufficient. Accept, etc. V. BENEDETTI. EMILE OLLIVIER'S DENIAL. PARIS, JUly 26, 1870 MY DEAR FRIEND:-How could you believe there was any truth in the Treaty the Times has published? I assure you that the Cabinet of the 2d of January never negotiated or concluded anything of the kind with Prussia 70 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Royal master into the secret. But the fact remains that those who were then masters of France and Prussia consulted as to the advisableness of extinguishing Belgium by sheer force. We cannot feel as partisans of one more than of the other side. But now that the whole truth is known, we are obliged to look our position in the face, and see what we can do and ought to do, and what turn of events will be most advantageous to us. Obviously it is France, not Germany, that wants I will even tell you that it has negotiated nothing at all with her. The only negotiations that have existed between us have been indirect, confidential, and had Lord Clarendon for their intermediary. Since Mr. Gladstone slightly raised the veil in one of his speeches, we may allow ourselves to say, that the object of those negotiations, so honorable to Lord Clarendon, was to assure the peace of Europe by a reciprocal disarmament. You will admit that this does not much resemble the conduct of Ministers who seek a pretext for war. You know the value I set upon the confidence and friendship of the great English nation. The union of the two countries has always seemed to me the most essential condition of the world's progress. And for that reason I earnestly beg you to contradict all those false reports, spread by persons who have an interest in dividing us. We have no secret policy hidden behind our avowed policy. Our policy is single, public, loyal, with. out arriares pensdes; we do not belong to the school of those who think might is superior to right; we believe, on the contrary, that right will always prevail in the end; and it is because the right is on our side in the war now beginning, that, with the help of God, we reckon upon victory. Affectionate salutations from your servant. (Signed) EMILE OLLIVIER. BISMARCK'S REJOINDER. BERLIN, July 29. To COUNT BERNSTORFF: —Your Excellency will be good enough to communicate the following to Lord Granville: The document published by the Times contains one of the proposals which have been made to us since the Danish war, by official and unofficial French agents, with the object of establishing an alliance between Prussia and France for their mutual aggrandizemeint. I will send the text of an offer made in 1866, according to which France proposed to aid Prussia with 300,000 men against Austria, and to permit Prussia's aggrandizement by six or eight millions of subjects, in return for the cession to France of the district between the Rhine and the Moselle. The impossibility of agreeing to this course was clear to all except French diplomatists. On this proposition being rejected, the French Government began to calculate upon our defeat. France has not ceased to tempt us with offers, to be carried out at the cost of Germany and Belgium. In the interests of peace I kept them secret. After the Luxembourg affair, BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 71 Belgium. It is a great object to Germany that France should not have Belgium, and a strong united Germany is likely to secure this object as nothing else could do. If Germany holds her own against France, and if it is thoroughly understood that England means to go to war if Belgium is seized, the independence of Belgium is placed on its only possible permanent basis. It is strange, however, how even now the French official press and the proclamations and manifestoes the proposals dealing with Belgium and South Germany were renewed. M. Benedetti's manuscript belongs to this period. It is not likely that M. Benedetti acted without the Emperor's sanction. Finally, the conviction that no extension of territory was attainable in conjunction with us, must have matured the resolve to obtain it by fighting us. I have even grounds for believing that, had not this project been made public after our armaments on both sides were complete, France would have proposed to us jointly to carry out M. Benedetti's programme against unarmed Europe, and to conclude peace at Belgium's cost. If the French Cabinet now repudiates aims for our participation in which it has uninterruptedly labored since 1864, either by demands or promises, this is easily to be explained by the present political situation. I enclose to you, for Lord Granville, the original copy of Benedetti's proposed second secret treaty, referred to, presented in his own handwriting: SECRET TREATY NO. 2. ART. I. The French empire again assumes possession of the territory which belonged to France in 1814, and is now part of the dominions of Prussia. ART. II. If Prussia pledges herself to obtain from the King of Bavaria and the Grand Duke of Hesse the cession of the territory which they possess on the left bank of the Rhine, and to transfer its possession to France, an indemnification of the two German Princes is reserved. ART. III. All the provisions uniting the territory which is under the sovereignty of the King of the Netherlands to the Germanic Confederation, as well as those which refer to the rights of garrison in the fortress of Luxembourg, are annulled. The following letter, referring to the above treaty, is likewise preserved in Berlin in Benedetti's own handwriting: " MY DEAR PRESIDENT:-In reply to your communications which I have sent from Nicholsburg to Paris, in consequence of our interview of the 26th ult., I have received from Vichy the copy of a secret treaty, of which I enclose a copy. I hasten to communicate it to you, in order that you may be able to examine it at your leisure. I am at your disposition to confer with you about it whenever you think the right moment to have come. Yours, "Sunday, Aug. 5, 1866. BENEDETTI.' 72 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR of the French Government persist in ignoring the fact that it is Germany that France is opposing, and not Prussia, and that the Germans resent French interference in their affairs quite as much as they resent French intrusion into their territory. The Emperor will have it that he goes to save Germany from despotism, and the Journal Offciel recounts the efforts of French diplomacy to keep Germany weak and divided, as if these efforts deserved the utmost gratitude from Germans, and as if their failure ought to justify even in German eyes the waging of war against that odious Power who made them fail."* Having failed in their efforts to secure peace, the neutral Powers, including the United States of America, declared a strict neutrality between the combatants, and forbade the people of their respective countries from unlawfully assisting either party. Thus the conflict was narrowed down to France and Germany, the rest of the world remaining as spectators of the dreadful struggle. Here, just on the eve of the war, we may pause to notice a feature of the conflict which has produced endless discussion. It has been charged, on the one hand, by the enemies of the Emperor Napoleon III., that he dragged the French nation into the war in opposition to its wishes, and asserted, on the other hand, by his friends, that he was forced into it against his better judgment by the popular will. A clearer understanding of this question will be of infinite service to us in discussing the events of the war. In the opening pages of this work we have shown the state of feeling on the part of the French people towards Germany, and have argued from it that war was certain at some future time. M. Prevost Paradol, than whom no better exponent of the sentiment of the French Liberals (the opponents of the Empire) can be found, has said in the concluding chapter of his " La France Nouvelle," in reviewing the events of 1866: " It remains for us to examine the hypothesis of peace, that is, systematic and prolonged inactivity of France, while wit. * The London Saturday Review. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 73 nessing the continual aggrandizement of Prussia and the pro. gress of German unity. " We do not need to dissimulate that this is the least probable hypothesis of all, for every chance indicates that war must burst out from the actual situation. It is not that the Prussian Government means to provoke it, nor that the French Government desires it: on the contrary, it is well known that, by different reasons, the rulers of' these two States are sincerely attached to peace; but in spite of the will of men the situation is for war. It is almost an impossibility that Prussia, with all her prudence, should not threaten once more to absorb Germany; and is it impossible that the French Government, with all their forbearance, should let Prussia go on without resisting it, sword in hand?" Alexis de Tocqueville invariably declared that whenever any ruler of France should give the word to march on the Rhine with a definite aim of reconquest, the whole nation would rise and march on the Rhine as it had done before. As we have already shown, there were two strong feelings influencing the people of France; the one a desire to regain the left bank of the Rhine, and the other a desire to prevent the consolidation of Germany, because of its danger to France. If the Empire encouraged these feelings, its antagonists were no less guilty. M. Thiers, the ablest of all the opponents of the Empire, and at one time the Prime Minister of France under Louis Philippe, had always maintained during his whole political career the proposition that it was the right and the interest of France to prevent, by diplomacy or if necessary by force, the consolidation abroad of the national unity which constitutes her own greatness and pride. Of late years the chief weight of the attacks of this veteran statesman upon the political system of France has been rested upon its neglect to prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. He lias always maintained that France should have exerted her whole force to keep the Italian states and those of Germany as widely separated as possible. lIis bitter remark that the Second Empire had made two great statesmen in Europe, 74 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Cavour and Bismarck, is well known, and did no little damage to the peace of Europe by fanning the French opposition to Germany to a still greater heat. The attacks of the leading French Republicans upon the Emperor, upon this very ground, were even more bitter. M. Prevost Paradol, one of the most brilliant, as well as one of the most thoroughly informed as to the national feeling, shall serve as a specimen of his colleagues, since we have not space for other citations. In a letter to the Courrier du Dimanche, in 1866, he said: " They talk to us of compensation for the approaching completion of German unity. Sir, I know of no compensation but one, which can be worthy of the head of a Government of France, whatever may be his name, or origin, or title-whether he calls himself King, President, or Emperorand that is to die fighting sword in hand, to prevent it." An English writer, commenting on the course of M. Paradol and his colleagues, says: " It would be unjust to the unfortunate ruler of France-whose declaration of war against Prussia rekindled into so fierce a blaze from their embers of 1813-14 all those Rational animosities which still smouldered in the German heart —to forget that politicians claiming the title of Moderate on all other questions, and exercising such influence as that of Thiers in the legislative body and Prevost Paradol in the press, had been declaring war, so far as words went, these four years on the whole German nation, if it should dare to complete its union under Prussian leadership or in Prussian alliance. It was casus belli enough that an united German nation should presume to form itself beside an united French nation; and it could only be a question of time, prudence, and preparation, when the Rhine should be crossed to crush such insolent pretensions with the armed force of France." The writer before us, indeed, shows the shrinking of humanity from the horrors of the coming conflict, and the presentiment of genius of the doubtful prospect of success. But in his view the mere fact that Germany pretended to national unity would justify France in drawing the sword to keep her, perforce, divided. 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Having done all in their power to make the country wish for war, having brought public opinion to such a state that leace was impossible and war a question of time only, having' held up the Emperor to popular execration because he would not make war to prevent the accomplishment of the German wish, one might suppose that these gentlemen would be the warmest supporters of the Government when the war did come. Not so. Having driven the Emperor into the war, they, to serve their own ends, began a fierce opposition to him, alleging as their excuse that the occasion of the rupture was ill chosen; and in the hour of their country's supreme peril they applied themselves with unpatriotic energy to the task of weakening and overthrowing the Government of the Emperor. When all France should have presented a solid front to the foe, these Moderate gentlemen could find no more heroic employment than distressing and embarrassing the Administration to which the country looked for the prosecution of what a111 parties knew to be a death struggle. The plea upon which they based their opposition was as unpatriotic as their conduct. It was more-it was untrue. The war not their work, indeed! Who but they had maddened France? Who but they had driven public opinion to such an extreme that the Government could see no other course to satisfy it but war? History will do these Moderate gen. tlemen justice, and will stamp them as men who shrank from the consequences of their own acts, as men whose patriotism could rise no higher than a selfish opposition to a dynasty. The Emperor Napoleon, from his place of captivity, has just given to the world his defence of his course, and the reasons which drove him into the war. It is so important a part of the history of the struggle, that I give it here entire. It is as follows: "The policy of the Second Empire has been the subject of violent attacks. It has been reproached with uncertainty and the absence of frankness. The Emperor Napoleon III. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 77 has been represented as a cunning, false man, without defined principles, acting contrary to his promises, without other motive than a vulgar ambition. It becomes those who have served both the sovereign and his policy to present the truth. We will endeavor to prove, in recalling facts too much forgotten, that, since 1852, the acts of the Cabinet of the Tuileries have always had the same end —the grandeur of France, a better reconstruction of Europe. So long as the authority of the Emperor was powerful and respected, thecountry was calm and respected, our exterior relations inspired no alarm. Under that far seeing and moderate regime that has been called the personal government, we have enjoyed eighteen years of security and prosperity. The embarrassments and misfortunes have only fallen upon France since the establishment of the Parliamentary system, that so much vaunted form of government, where the responsible ministers create the catastrophes, and retire from them as they arrive in order to let all their responsibility and weight fall upon the head of the State.' Let us begin at the commencement of his reign. When Napoleon III. ascended the throne, he found himself, by the force of things, called to realize a second time, although in a much smaller proportion, the mission of the Emperor Napoleon I., who explained at St. Helena his work in the world by these words:'I have conquered revolution, ennobled the people, and re stablished kings.' The Revolution of February (1848) had shaken many thrones. To consolidate them it was necessary to reestablish in France order and the principle of authority. Europe, like France, was tried by subversive passions, foolish theories, as well as by imperative twants and legitimate aspirations. It was necessary to suppress the former, and give to the latter a rapid impulsetaking from the revolution all that there was of good, aiding the moral and material advancement of all classes of society in elevating the people to a higher degree of civilization. Carried to the highest power by the free will of the people, the Emperor had no need, in order to sustain an incontested 78 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR authority, to have recourse to expedients, neither to seek a vain military glory. His first thoughts were solely turned towards internal improvements, and as to foreign questions, he hoped that in the times in which we live, they would be settled without contention, without violence, by the accord of enlightened men who were at the head of the governments. Also, when in his address at Bordeaux he pronounced the sentiment:'The Empire is Peace,' he expressed a sincere desire, a profound conviction. Events that are in the hands of God were soon to awaken him from illusions that had birth in an elevated mind and an honest soul. At the moment when Napoleon III. was engaged with M. Bineau, then Minister of Finance, on a project for the reduction of taxes, affecting more particularly the poorer classes, the Eastern Question suddenly sprang up like a scarecrow in th( midst of golden dreams of a Government that began with a firm hope of inaugurating in France the era de la poule au pot, the dream of Henry IV. This was a cruel disappointment to the Emperor to be obliged to adjourn his projects of internal reform in order to apply all his solicitude to prepara tions for war. It became his duty to sustain in the East with the aid of two free nations, the traditional policy of France. The Crimean War, the cause and ending of which are unnecessary to relate here, resulted in cementing the alliance of France and Great Britain. By the moderation exemplified by France, during the discussion of the conditions of peace, she gained the esteem and friendship of Russia. From that epoch the relations between the two Governments have always been marked by the most entire frankness and the greatest cordiality; and thus, while the alliance with England remained so intimate, the local hatred that had so long divided the two countries weakened more and more. Napoleon III. never ceased to be faithful to that alliance, and repulsed far from him every suggestion that invited him to profit by the embarrassments of the United Kingdom that might create great difficulties and trouble a rival Power. The Emperor resisted with firmness these temptations, and BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 79 never hesitated to place his sympathies on the side of his ally, whether it was at the time of the Indian revolt, during the war of Secession in America, in the affair of the steamer Trent, at the time of the Abyssinian expedition, and in other as critical circumstances. " But it was not only England and Russia that the Emperor conciliated by his conduct, frank and honest, in 1856. It gained also the gratitude of Prussia by the haste with which he responded to a desire of the King. Here are the Circumstances: The belligerent Powers only, that is to say, Russia, England, France, Turkey, and Piedmont, were convoked at the Paris Peace Congress. The King of Prussia was extremely offended at not being invited to that Conference, which was to regulate the peace of Europe. England energetically opposed the admission of one of his representatives. She showed herself still much irritated at the conduct of the Cabinet of Berlin, which had not concealed its sympathies for Russia during the campaign. The King, Frederick William IV., brother of the actual King, then wrote to the Emperor Napoleon a letter expressive of the profound mortification that he experienced by an exclusion, which he regarded as injurious to him, and full of confidence in the justice and friendship of the Emperor. He solicited him to interfere and break down the opposition of Great Britain, adding how much he would owe to him his entrance to that Congress, which he regarded as a personal service to him, and of which he would preserve an ineffaceable gratitude. "The Emperor, moved by his chivalrous appeal to his good faith, impressed besides with the propriety of Prussia's participation in the great European deliberations, insisted upon her admission and obtained it. The year 1856 marked, without contradiction, one of the most glorious epochs of the Second Empire. Peace was to be signed by the belligerent Powers, and the birth of an heir to the crown of France gave a new pledge of security for the future. By a happy coincidence, the birth of the Prince Imperial was fdted on the 80 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR shores of the Black Sea by the French, Russian, English, Italian, and Turkish armies. " The profound calm that France enjoyed after the Crimean war continued only for three years. In 1859, grave events forced again the sovereign of France to make war. At this epoch the troubles of Austria and Piedmont occupied the attention of Europe. They could not be indifferent to us, for Piedmont once conquered, Austria would have become mistress of all Italy, and extended her rule to our frontiers. The Emperor therefore resolved to sustain the pretensions of Piedmont, and to declare that he took up arms to free the peninsula from the Alps to the Adriatic. He raised the flag of nationalities. In two months Austria was forced beyond the Mincio. Peace was concluded before the Emperor's programme had been fully executed. The disturbed attitude of Germany caused the suspension of our victorious march. It would have been unwise not to suppose, during the progress of the siege of Verona, that another war would have to be sustained on the Rhine. In this conjuncture the Emperor acted with a prudence which the Italians could reproach, but which the French ought to approve; he had no right, for a foreign cause, however much he might sympathize with it, to peril the destinies of his own country. The success obtained by France had not, however, settled any of the external questions. "In Italy, Venice remained still under the rule of Austria, who preserved her formidable quadrilateral of fortresses. In Germany, while Austria and Prussia disputed for supremacy, the ideas of nationality fermented, and in their name the inhabitants of the Germanic race in the duchies of Holstein and Schleswig were claimed for the German nationality. Poland moved again in a weak effort to recover her independence. Affairs in Greece were alarming. The Danubian principalities were seeking to establish their independence by invoking the aid of the Eastern powers. Finally, the grave question of the temporal power of the Pope divided the consciences of the people. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 81 "In the presence of these discordant elements agitating Europe, Napoleon III. proposed to the great Powers to meet in Congress in order to terminate in common accord the questions which, remaining unsolved, would one day menace the peace of the world. In opening the legislative session of 1864 he expressed himself in these terms: Has not the moment arrived for the reconstruction upon new foundations, of the edifice mined by time, and destroyed, piece by piece, by revolutions? Is it not urgent to recognize by new conventions what is irrevocably accomplished, and accomplish by a common accord that which the peace of the world demands? The treaties of 1815 have ceased to exist. The force of things has overthrown them, or tends to overthrow them almost everywhere. They have been broken in Belgium, in France, as upon the Danube. Germany moves to change them; England has generously modified them by the cession of the Ionian Isles, and Russia tramples them under foot at Warsaw. In the midst of this continued rending of the fundamental European pact violent passions are excited, and in the South as well as in the North, powerful interests demand a solution. What is, therefore, more legitimate and more prudent than the convocation of the Powers of Europe in congress, where personal pride and resistance would disappear before a supreme arbitration? What is more harmonious with the ideas of the age, with the wishes of the greatest number, than an appeal to the conscience, to the reason of every country, and say to them, " Have not the prejudices, bitterness which divide us, existed already too long?" Shall the jealous rivalry of great Powers forever hinder the progress of civilization? Shall we forever occupy each other with mutual defiance by exaggerated armaments? Must the most precious resources be indefinitely ruined in the vain ostentation of our forces? Shall we ostensibly maintain a state of things that is neither peace with its security, nor war with its chances of fortune? Let us give no longer a fraction's importance to that contentious spirit of extreme parties in arraying ourselves by narrow calculations to the legitimate aspirations of the nations. Let us have the courage to substitute a sickly and precarious condition, a stable and regulated situation, should it have to cost some sacrifices. Let us meet without a preconceived system, without an exclusive ambition, animated by the single thought of establishing an order of things henceforth founded upon the well-understood interests of both sovereigns and peoples. This appeal, I believe would be understood by all. A refusal would lead to support of secret projects that dread the light of day; but even when the proposition is not unanimously accepted, it would have the immense advantage of having signalled to Europe where is the danger and where the safety. Two ways are open: The one leads to 6 82 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR progress by conciliation and peace; the other, sooner or later, leads fatally to war by the obstinacy to maintain a part that crumbles away. "The Powners, particularly England, received with disdain this proposition. Whether she was wounded in seeing the initiative taken by the head of the French Government, whether she did not believe it possible to give satisfaction to the different interests present, she rejected this means of pacification. However the mode of solution and understanding counselled by the Emperor Inight have, perhaps, prevented the complications that were soon to arise. The death of the King of Denmark had rendered precarious the duchies of the Elbe, and the national Germanic sentiment was so excited that Austria, in order not to lose her situation in Germany, decided to join Prussia in a war of nationality against Denmark. England proposed to France to join her in opposing this movement that was leading the whole of Germany. In spite of its sympathy for Denmark, the French Cabinet expressed to that of St. James that an, energetic protestation would lead fatally to war, which France would have almost alone to meet; for if England had only to send her fleet and troops to the Baltic, France was exposing herself to fight upon the Rhine the combined forces of Germany and Austria. On the other hand, the Emperor, after having openly proclaimed the principle of nationalities, could he maintain upon the shores of the Elbe another course to that he had followed on the shores of the Adicge? HIe was, besides, very far from supposing that a war, the avowed object of which was to deliver the Germans from Danish rule, would result in putting the Danes under German rule. This understanding between Prussia and Austria was not of long duration, and soon rival pretensions led to a critical situation, the consequences of' which were easily foreseen. Europe was excited by the antagonism of the two German Powers. A conference was proposed in order to prevent the explosion. It was to circurnscribe our action in the limits of the threatening quarrel; but Austria refusing to take part in it, the conference did not take place. The E-,peror Napoleon, however, made known his BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 83 understanding of the questions at issue, and to this end he addressed to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, his Minister of Foreign Affairs, the following letter, which was published in the Moniteur: [Here follows a letter from Napoleon, dated June 11, 1866, addressed to his Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which the Emperor gives the points he desires to dwell upon in a circular to be addressed to the diplomatic agents abroad in regard to the events then clearly foreseen at the Tuileries. In this letter the Emperor emphatically repels all idea to extend the French frontiers without consulting the wishes of the people to be annexed, to be by them " freely expressed." He desires to live in peace with Prussia, but acknowledges the necessity of German reconstruction. tHe fears, however, that war alone can decide the questions at issue, and trusts that France will not be compelled to be the first to disturb the European equilibrium.] "It was evident that diplomacy was henceforth powerless to arrest the conflict that menaced the centre of Europe, and the interest of France was to preserve such an attitude that would permit her, according to circumstances, to urge the principles of justice and moderation. Before engaging in a struggle, the issues of which were difficult to see, Prussia understood that she could do nothing without assuring herself of the co-operation of France, or at least her neutrality, for it was of the highest importance to her not to array against her at the same time both the French and the Austrian armies. The Count de Goltz, Prussian Ambassador at Paris, was charged to sound the intentions of the Emperor; several interviews were had towards the commencement of 1866. The King of Prussia wrote to the Emperor to inform him that, in view of the events looming up, he had charged his Ambassador to ask him what were his intentions, and to come to an understanding with him. The Emperor replied to the King that it was difficult for him to see the results of the conflict about to commence; but the two sovereigns might count reciprocally upon their sincerity and their desire to maintain between them, whatever might occur, the most amicable relations. The interviews were oft repeated, and the neutrality of France was declared. This neutrality, very favorable for 834 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Prussia, permitted her to enter upon the campaign. At this time they were so sure at Berlin of the kindly attitude of France that the Count de Bismarck said one day to M. Benedetti:' Our confidence in your Government is so great that we do not leave a soldier on the left bank of the Rhine.' "The rapid success of Prussia astonished the world, and produced a profound impression in France. The organs of the Government, it is true, stated that, thanks to her moderation and the effect of her influence alone, France had stopped a victorious army at the very gates of Vienna, had contributed to preserve the integrity of Austrian territory, and had facilitated the reunion of Venice with Italy, had maintained the independence of the small states of Southern Germany, had obtained concessions for Denmark; yet all these clauses of the Treaty of Prague did not satisfy public opinion. Then might be seen men, who were formerly the most pacific, surrounding the Emperor to engage him to convoke the Corps Legislatif, to call the reserves under arms, and to declare war to Prussia while her principal forces were still engaged on the Danube. The Emperor refused to follow the counsel that Frederick the Great gave in his Memoirs, when he pretended that a sovereign was not like a simple private individual under obligation to keep his word, and that he was authorized to break it when the interest of his country required it. Persisting in the line of conduct that he had traced for himself, Napoleon aroused himself and combated what he regarded an error of public opinion. For this honorable policy, that is proper to recall in the present circumstance, he was bitterly reproached. All the deputies of the opposition, likewise all the journals of that shade have never ceased since that time to represent the Government of France as feeble and pusillanimous, charging it with not daring to maintain and defend by arms the true interests of France. To put an end to these accusations and to give a clear and precise direction to public opinion, the Emperor invited the Marquis de Lavalette, then Minister pro temps of Foreign Affairs, in the absence of the Marquis de Moustier, to address to our repre BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 85 sentatives abroad a circular that would indicate, in order that no one might be deceived, the intentions of the Government. As ordinarily such documents are written by the responsible Minister, and not by any one who might hold provisionally the portfolio, there need be no misunderstanding as to their origin. It was known that it was not only inspired by the Emperor, but that it was almost entirely written by his hand. Here are the most important passages of this circular: PARIS, September 16. SIR: —The Imperial Government can no longer suppress its opinion in regard to the events taking place in Germany. As Mf. de Moustier will be absent for some time to come, His Majesty has ordered me to lay before his diplomatic agents the motives which control his policy. The war which has raged from the centre to the south of Europe has destroyed the Germanic Confederation and definitely established Italian nationality. Prussia, whose boundaries have been extended by victory, rules to the Main. Austria has lost Venice; it is separated from Germay. In view of these great changes, all the Powers are thinking of what to do; they ask themselves what is the import of the peace lately made, what will be its influence on European affairs and the international position of each power. Public opinion is aroused in France. It hovers between joy at the destruction of the treaties of 1815, and fear lest' the power of Prussia shall become excessive, between the desire of maintaining peace and the hope of extending its territory by war. It applauds the complete enfranchisement of Italy, but would be assured that no danger menaces the Pope. The perplexities which trouble our minds and have their echo abroad, oblige the Government to state its views precisely. France can have no equivocal policy. If she is affected by these important changes which are taking place in Germany, she should frankly say so, and take measures necessary to guarantee her security. If she loses nothing by the changes she should honestly say so, and meet exaggerated apprehensions and ardent views which, by exciting international jealousies, would draw her from the path she should follow. To dispel uncertainty and establish conviction it is necessary to notice the past and the future. What do we see in the past? About 1815 the Holy Alliance united all peoples against France from the Ural to the Rhine. The German Confederation comprised, with Prussia and Austria, 80,000,000 of inhabitants; it extended from Luxembourg to Trieste, from the Baltic to the Trent, and girdled us with the steel of five fortified federated places; our strategic position was confined by five most sudden territorial combinations; the least difficulty we might have with Holland or Prussia about the Moselle, with Germany about the Rhine, 86 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR with Austria about the Tyrol or the Frioul, could combine against us all the united Powers of the Federation. Austrian Germany, inexpugnable at the Adige, could advance, when the time had come, to the Alps. Prussian Germany had as avant-garde on the Rhine all those secondary States' unceasingly troubled by desire for political change, and disposed to consider France the enemy of their existence and aspirations. If Spain be excepted, there was no Continental power with which we could form an alliance. Italy was parted and powerless, and did not rank as a nation. Prussia was neither sufficiently compact nor independent to sever itself from its traditions. Austria was too much occupied with her Italian posessions to arrange matters with us. Doubtless, the long peace has been able to obscure the remembrance of those political organizations and these alliances, for they seem formidable only in case of war; but that precarious security France obtained only at the price of her role among the nations. It is indisputable that for about forty years she has met the coalition of the three Northern Courts, united by the memory of defeats and common victories, by analogous principles of government, and by solemn leagues and feelings of hatred towards our liberal and civilizing action. If now we examine the future of Europe transformed, what guarantees does it offer to France and the peace of the world? The coalition of the three Northern powers is broken; the new principle which reigns in Europe is freedom from alliances; all the great Powers are placed in full independence, and left to the development of their destinies. Prussia aggrandized, free henceforth from all solidarity, assures the independence of Germany. France need take no umbrage. Proud of her wondrous unity, of her'imperishable nationality, she can neither oppose nor regret the work of assimilation which has ended jealousies and placed them under the control of those principles of nationality which she pofesses to the world. The national pride of Germany is appeased; its inquietude is disappearing, its enmities gone. By imitating France it has taken a step which assimilates it to, not differences her from France. In the south, Italy, whose long slavery had not blotted out her patriotism, has taken all the elements of national grandeur. Its existence greatly modified the political conditions of Europe. But in spite of thoughtless susceptibilities, or transient injudiciousness, its ideas, its principles, its interests, are coincident with those of the nation which gave its blood to achieve its independence. Austria, freed from its Italian and German preoccupations, does not exhaust its power in barren rivalry, but, concentrating it in the East of Europe, yet represents a power of thirty millions of souls, separated from France by no interest, no hostile feeling. By what singular reaction from the past upon the future shall public opinion see not the allies, but the enemies of France in these nations freed from a past hostile to us, called to a new life, directed by BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 87 principles which are ours, and animated by those sentiments of progress which form the pacific bond of union in modern society? A Europe more firmly established rendered more homogeneous by more precise territorial divisions, is a guarantee for the peace of the Continent, and is neither perilous nor detrimental to our nature. This, with Algeria, will number forty millions of inhabitants; Germany, 37,000,000, of which 29,000,000 are in the Confederation of the North, and 8,000,000 in that of the South; Austria, 35,000,000; Italy, 26,000,000; Spain, 18,000,000. Wlhat is there in this distribution of European Power which should disquiet us?'Must an irresistible power be regretted? could the nations unite in great agglomerations by making secondary states disappear? That tendency is born of the desire to secure to general interests the most efficacious guarantees. Perhaps it is inspired by a sort of providential foresight of the destinies of the world. While the old populations of the continent in their territorial restrictions can increase but slowly, Russia and the United States will be able before a century has passed to number one hundred millions each. Although the growth of these two great empires may be no source of disquietude to us, and, on the contrary we may applaud their generous efforts in behalf of oppressed races, it is to the interest of the nations of Central Europe wisely to see that they remain not parted into so many States without force and without public spirit. Politics should rise above the mean and narrow prejudices of a past age. The Emperor does not believe that the greatness of a country depends on the enfeebling of nations around it, and sees no true balance but in the consummated wishes of the nations of Europe. In this he follows the old convictions and traditions of his family. Napoleon I. foresaw the changes now taking place on the Continent of Europe. He deposited the seeds of new nationalists in the peninsula by creating the Kingdom of Italy; in Gerlnany by destroying 253 independent states. If these remarks are just, the Emperor, who was right in accepting that role of mediator, was not inglorious, in which he could arrest the tide of blood, moderate the conqueror by his friendly intervention, lessen the consequences of reverse, and seek through so many obstacles the re-establishment of peace. He would have misconceived his high responsibility if, on the other hand, by violating proclaimed and promised neutrality he had plunged headlong into the dangers of a great war, of one of those wars which revive the hatred of nations, and in which entire nations are enforced to engage. " It was impossible to use more apt and favorable language inl regard to what has just taken place in Germany. And yet this circular did not produce the effect which might have been expected. But a few months had passed before the same accusations were brought against the Government, and 88 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR everybody was excited by the noise of war, which obliged the Emperor, on opening a new session on the 18th of Novernber, 1867, to repeat what he had said: In spite of the declarations of my Government, which has never changed its peaceful attitude, said he, the belief has reappeared that every change in the internal regulations of Germany should be a casus belli. This state of uncertainty cannot long continue. We must freely accept the changes on the other side of the Rhine, and proclaim that so long as our dignity and interests are not threatened, we will not interfere with changes taking place in accordance with the people's will. "In view of all these facts one must acknowledge that the conduct of the Emperor towards Germany has been marked by loyalty and good-feeling. But while he sought by every means in his power to sanction the truth that the greatness and prosperity of neighboring states are no obstacle to the greatness and prosperity of France, the opposition continued its work of demolition and detraction. "M. Thiers in his famous speech of March, 1867, declared that the victory of Koniggratz was the most deadly blow given to the influence of France; that its greatness was incompatible with the existence of other great States on its frontiers, and that having made the unpardonable blunder of creating on the other side of the Alps a nation of 23,000,000 of men, it had again egregiously blundered in permitting Prussia thus to extend its territory and develop its power; that the Germanic Confederation was the best possible combination, that it was to be regretted, and that now France must arm herself to defend the autonomy of the lesser German Powers, who should be her satellites. The whole Chamber, even the Right, applauded this speech. " In his- turn M. Jules Favre savagely attacked the foreign policy of the Government.'It was not only in 1866,' said he,'that Prussia should have been opposed; it is first and foremost against Prussia and Austria together that we should have proceeded, when they in concert undertook to make war against Denmark.' Thus, according to the chief of the radical opposition, France should have arrayed herself at one and the same time against the two most powerful countries of BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 89 Central Europe. And later he never ceased to reproach the Government for not haughtily insisting upon the execution of the treaty of Prague. "And now these two orators intrench themselves behind their last speeches and maintain that they have constantly wished for peace. Especially is this untrue in the case of M. Thiers, who never made the war aught else than a question of opportunity, believing it inevitable. But what shall be said of that sort of tactics which consists in making the country believe that it has been greatly debased, that the day of Sadowa was for it a second Waterloo, and that it has hesitated to use means to raise itself in the world's opinion? Would, it were possible to place before the reader these endless harangues in which the conduct of Prussia was represented as a perpetual menace against the security of our frontiers. One knows little of the temperament of France, who would excite that fibre to paroxysm and pretend that it should suppress its indignation and power, or else such action is to play with opposition imprudently and faithlessly. "In this burning, provoking, unjust polemic the press united with the tribune. In 1868, M. Provost Paradol, one of its most powerful organs, although on the Orleanist side, published a book called "La France Nouvelle." He severely blamed the tardy policy of France. He pronounced the principle of nationalities opposed to its interests, and regarded war with Germany as having already broken out in spite of the efforts of both countries to retard it.'The more one thinks,' said he,'the more one is convinced that the love of peace, the philosophy, the settled determination of the Governments cannot prevent a collision between Prussia growing and France shut up within her ancient boundaries and deprived of all hope. Such a forfeiture as that is too strong a trial for our political and military pride. Still, as the things of this world are prolific of surprises and prophecies, the least likely to come true are sometimes worked out by chance, it is not absolutely impossible that peace may continue. It is sad to say, but reason and truth force me to say, 90 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR that the consequences of this inaction will be nearly the same to us as those of a defeat, but with this difference-that they w\ill take more time to appear, and will necessarily be not so bitter, but at bottom they will be the same. Is an invasion necessary to make a nation disappear from the political stage and fall into moral dependence upon a foreign power? W.as Portugal invaded? Was it necessary for us to invade it when we had a quarrel with Portugal some years since on the question of a French slaver whom they refused to return to us? A French vessel simply went and cut the cables of the contested boat in the Tagus, and sailed away untouched beneath the Portuguese batteries. Are you disposed to see the same thing re-enacted at the mouth of the Seine upon the least disagreement with the new arbiters of Europe?' " Thus, the writer who represented with most truth and talent the spirit of the bourgeois, laid down this dilemma for his countrymen. Either France will resign herself to being nothing more than a second-class power, or she will resolve on war. " The national honor is the sentiment which stirs the popular fibre of France. All these diatribes threw a disfavor around the governmental policy which did not escape the Emperor's attention. Then he sought with solicitude the means of removing the complaints, unjust though they were, of the opposition, and of giving satisfaction to public opinion. Any step by Prussia, attesting to the eyes of the world that her aggrandizement was not made in a spirit of hostility against France, an act cementing the good relations between the two countries, would have been in the Emperor's eyes a most happy event, and would have assured peace throughout a long future. The annexation of Luxembourg to France seemed to him precisely one of those acts capable of bringing about a real reconciliation-the cession of a country which asked for nothing better than to be French, would have silenced for ever all recrimination. We believe this opinion all the more well-founded as we find it developed by a publicist, in a letter addressed to a German savant, and concluded BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 91 in these words:'One of your countrymen, who displays more passion than I like to see in a man of sense, said to me, at the epoch in question, that Germany owed to France a great debt of gratitude for the real, though negative, part the latter had taken in her foundation. Led on by a principle of pride, which will be followed in the future by sad consequences, the Cabinet of Berlin did not so understand it. Admitted, that territorial aggrandizement, when it is a question of a nation already thirty or forty millions strong, are not of much importance; the acquisition of Savoy and Nice have been more troublesome than useful to France. We must regret, however, that the Prussian Government did not yield the rigor of its pretensions in the Luxembourg affair. Luxembourg, once ceded to France, France would not have been greater nor Germany smaller; but this insignificant concession would have sufficed to satisfy the szperficial opinion which in a country of universal suffrage must be mnanaged, and would have permitted the French Government to mask its retreat.' " The great Minister who exercises an influence and preponderance in the affairs of Germany, and who, when he is left to himself, looks questions broadly in the face, had, as we believe, comprehended all the advantages this combination might offer to create good relations between France and Germany, and he would have consented to it had circumstances independent, perhaps, of his will, not intervened to overturn his projects. The most skilful statesmen are often obliged to bend before the inflexibility of unforeseen incidents, and by a fatality which it is not possible not to bitterly deplore, the Luxembourg question, which might have served as a bond of union between France and Germany, dissipating unjust suspicion and extinguishing petty jealousies, became, on the contrary, a new cause of irritation, as well as a new element of conflict. From this instant all was changed. The lever was, so to say, shattered in the Emperor's hands wherewith he had hoped to bring the two countries together, and the opponents had the game in their own hands.'See,' they exclaimed,' see the fruits of your condescension towards Prussia. You 92 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR have helped her to aggrandize herself, to absorb for her own profit the major part of Germany, and when you express a wish to annex to our country a limited territory whose population is French already in sentiment and interest, you meet at Berlin nothing but hostility and ill-will.' The Emperor underwent this check with profound disappointment. He felt that the policy he had followed towards Germany had just received a blow difficult of reparation. The opposition seemed altogether in the right, M. Thiers was triumphant, and it became more difficult to prove to him that his sinister prejudices had been unjust or illfounded. Foreign relations have always in France exercised great influence over the affairs of the interior. It is vain for a Government to spread public education, to protect agriculture, industry, and commerce, to make arts and sciences flourish; if the country feels that the national flag is not held firmly aloft, a general disquietude paralyzes all the elements of prosperity. The fall of both branches of the Bourbons had no other cause. The opposition knew full well that the most effective army to oppose against the Government were to represent it to the country as not defending national interest with sufficient energy. To-day numbers of people are levelling against the policy of the Second Empire, this reproach, which at the first glance seems justified by events that the unfortunate war whose severities we experience, is the result of the culpable improvidence which has permitted Prussia to become so puissant a power. This question is worthy of a profound examination. We must sometimes judge of things not as they are, but as they might have been. It is true that since Kceniggratz, the power of Prussia is increased, not that she has crushed us with her powerful forces joined to those of South Germany; but let us suppose that before 1866 we should have been at war with her, in what position would France have been, in virtue of the treaties which bound all the members of the Germanic Confederation together? We should have had against us, in case of war, all the forces of Germany, together with those of Austria. People imagine in BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 93 France that the Germanic Confederation was one of the comnplicated machines difficult to set in motion. That was true enough in all internal questions of Germany; but against the foreigner, the Confederation presented military organized unity, very compact and very solid. If, during the war against Austria, in 1859, a single French battalion had set foot on territory belonging to the Confederation, like the Tyrol, the whole country, from the Alps to the Baltic, would have risen in array. Before 1866 there was no possibility of a serious alliance in the centre of Europe. Austria was irrevocably bound to Germany, and Italy did not exist as a power. It will be said that in 1870 we ourselves stand alone without allies. "' That is true: but the reconstruction of Central Europe since, 1866 permitted us to have them. No treaty hindered the Austro-Hungarian Empire from alliance with us, and reconstituted Italy might have come to our aid. Had this event taken place, and it was in the possibility of things, the policy of the empire would have triumphed, for the facts would then have proved that, in spite of the augmentation of Prussia, there existed a serious counterpoise to her power. Because we have been isolated, it does not follow that we might not have had 700,000 Austro-Hungarians and 400,000 Italians as our allies. Before 1866, on the other hand, it was utterly impossible for us to hope for any effective alliance in the centre of Europe. These considerations, which lose their value to-day because facts have not happened to justify them, were then so controverted by the opposition that public opinion was completely misled. Since 1867 an uneasiness resulting from uncertain external relations made itself felt; we were at peace without enjoying the real benefits of peace; and the Emperor, who saw his policy disturbed, his laudable intentions misunderstood, and by that same his own importance weakened, determined to increase the powers of the deliberative bodies in order to give them a greater share of responsibility in the conduct of affairs. We know the series of gradual concessions by which the Imperial Government 91 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR became a-purely constitutional Goverment, assuredly the most liberal that has ever existed in France; deputies elected by universal suffrage; a Corps Legislatif with full liberty of debate, all the rights of control of interpellation and of amendment, the Senate transformed into a chamber of peers, responsible ministers, liberty of the press, and the right of public meetings-such was the complete scheme of January, 1870. The nation, it may be said, is entirely mistress of her own destinies. What use is she going to make of the liberty thus largely conceded to her? The country wants peace; the Chambers, the Government want peace, and yet the issue out of this situation will be war. " When M. Emile Ollivier accepted the formation of a Ministry, he laid before the Emperor his programme, in which he frankly accepted the principle of nationalities, acknowledged the right of Germany to constitute herself, as might seem good to her, and manifested the most pacific intentions. A little after the installation of the Ministry of the 2d January, Count Daru, Minister of Foreign Affairs, proposed to Prussia, through the medium of England, a general disarmament. To support this demand by a significant act, it was at the same time proposed to the Chambers to reduce the annual contingent to 10,000 mnen. This latter measure was carried; but the proposal of disarmament only met with a cold reception and evasive answer at Berlin. Nevertheless, it may be said that 1870 began under the most favorable auspices. Nothing seemed to break the repose that Europe was enjoying, and in France we only thought of developing, under a liberal rule, the country's moral and material resources. But, as has been often said,' he who sows the wind reaps the tempest.' It was not in vain that for four years the opposition of every shade had been making the tribune and the press resound with the most bitter complaints of the increase of Prussian power. It was not in vain that it had accused the government of betraying the true interests of France by displaying so much indecision and longanimity towards Germany. All these declamations, all these attacks had pene BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 95 trated to the very heart of the country; the army itself, which always reflects the national sentiment, did not remain insensible to the reproaches of weakness hurled at the Government; it felt itself humiliated by the success of Prussia, as though this success had been won from itself. Thus, when the news of the candidateship of a Prussian prince for the throne of Spain arrived in France, it had the effect of a spark falling on inflammable material. All the hates, all the jealousies, all the enmities burst out at once, and this incident, which at any other time would have provoked diplomatic notes, roused the whole country. The Ministry, it must be acknowledged, committed the grave fault of offering at the tribune a sort of defiance which rendered diplomatic accommodation difficult. Nevertheless, when it was announced that the Prince of Hohenzollern had retired, for his son, from the candidateship of the Spanish throne, we might hope that peace would be maintained. But public opinion was so excited that all measures of conciliation were repulsed. The journals of all shades urged war. The provinces partook of the exultation of the capital. What. ever may be said about the reports sent by the prefects, and of which only mutilated passages have been put forth, the greater part of these high functionaries announced substantially that in the departments people's minds were very lively, and that even honorable conditions of peace would scarcely satisfy them. We desire no other proof than the following despatches, found by the Prussians in the Chateau of St. Cloud, and published by the North German Gazette: PERPIGNAN, July 15. The Prefect to the Minister of the Interior at Paris:-Great animation reigns here over the last news. War with Prussia is warmly welcomed by the whole population. The Republicans themselves say that in a week hostilities will have commenced, and that on the 15th of next August, our soldiers will keep the Emperor's fete day in Berlin. No one doubts the happy issue of the war. MARSEILLES, July 16. The Prefect, etc.-A grand manifestation is taking place. The torchlight procession of 15,000 persons singing'La Reine Hortense' and the 96 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR'Marseillaise.' Cries of'Vive l'Empereur!''A Bas la Prusse!''A Berlin!' The crowd is full of enthusiasm. No disorder. " These sentiments found an expression almost as energetically enunciated in the language of the representatives. The wishes of the Corps Legislatif were nowise doubtful. There was a moment when the Ministers seemed inclined to peace. An order of the day by Clement Duvernois and Jerome David (the last vice-president of the Chamber) had nearly thrown the Cabinet out. This was on July 13. Two days afterward the Chamber was called on to pronounce in a more direct manner on the report of a committee of which M. K6ratry was a member. The conclusion was unanimous, war by a majority of 247 to 10. Seven members were absent; the Radical opposition were divided. To repeat M. Thiers' words, the whole nation was carried away. "When in his proclamation to the army, the Emperor pointed out the difficulties of the enterprise, so assured were people of success that the Journal des Debats itself expressed an opinion that the Emperor's modesty was too great in his address to his troops. Every soldier on the streets was the object of a popular ovation. In the theatres the public sentiment was manifested by the noisiest demonstrations; we can never forget the night at the Opera when the house rose, as one man. in boxes, parquette and gallery, and thundered'La Marseillaise.' "Such was the enthusiasm at Paris, that the Emperor could not go out without being saluted by crowds shouting'Vive La Guerre.' " At the moment of his departure for the army, he did not want to go through the city, because, by all accounts, the populace were inclined to abandon themselves to violent demonstrations: they intended to unharness the horses and to carry him in triumph to the railroad depot. This same populace, a month later, was destroying the emblems of the empire, and was breaking down the statues of -the Emperor! 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BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 97 show the public opinion of France. Sunday, July 19th, Napoleon III. went from St. Cloud to the Tuileries to hold a council that lasted several hours. In this council the Emperor and all the ministers settled, after grave deliberation, that a declaration would be made that would render peace impossible. But in the evening the ministers returned to St. Cloud and reconsidered their morning's determination. Ollivier declared to the Emperor that if the documents decided on in the last meeting were now published, such would have been the disappointment that the ministers would have been hooted and their carriages smothered with mud. " Of course, as a constitutional monarch, the Emperor might have prevented the war, but at the loss of his popularity. He would have been reproached with being humble to the strong and bold with the weak; his conduct would have been denounced as culpable condescension to the foreigner - an inexhaustible theme for the opposition. We say honestly that it was the Emperor's duty to be more wise than the nation, even at the cost of his crown. His excuse is that he accepted the contest with ardor, as a man who is going to fight a duel, be. cause honor demands, not considering his adversary's strength. Without doubt he let himself be borne away by the national rush, by his limitless confidence in the power of the army, and because dreams of military glory, even of territorial aggrandizement, smothered in his soul the cold reason of the statesman. " Without releasing the Emperor from the responsibility of latter events, we must admit, as Jules Favre recently affirmed, that he made war with his full consent and in a dynastic interest. Who could imagine that in two months after a new consecration by universal suffrage,'seven millions of votes' confirming the previous plebiscites, and demonstrating to the most incredulous how deep-reaching were the roots of the empire, who could imagine that Napoleon III. would have been obliged to adopt the terrible expedient of war to sustain his power and confirm his dynasty? "But war successful would have added nothing to the im7 98 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR perial establishment; unsuccessful, it must compromise alnd overturn everything. The Emperor, taking with him the elite of his army, left behind him a wife and child. No armed force, no military chief, trusty and brave; an immense capital always in agitation, saturated with republican ideas, permeated by socialism, a prey to seven hundred journals, and with the right to hold meetings; at the least reverse disorder and tuInult were to be expected, perhaps revolution. It is quite evident that war was, once for all, ill opposition to dynastic interests, and it is not just to say that the Emperor desired it or imposed it on the country. "' Besides, (lid not the Vice-President of National Defence always praise ministerial responsibility as a salutary and efficacious institution? Why now, unfaithful to his own principles, does he impute to the Emperor alone, and not to his ministers, all the faults and failures? The truth is that the country cried for war, and the Emperor did not resist the general enthusiasm. "In conclusion, let us remark with what care Napoleon III., whenever he spoke to the public, sought to prove that his line of conduct was traced out by national sentiment. In his proclamation he says: FRENCHMEN:- There are solemn moments in the lives of people when national honor violently excited imposes itself like a resistless force and takes into its own hands the guidance of the country's destiny. One of these decisive hours has just struck for France. Our reinonstrances have gone forth against the new demands of Prussia. She has eluded them and followed disdainful courses. Our country feels a profound irritation, and a cry of war resounds throughout all France. Nothing is left but to trust our destiny to the lot of arms. " On the 23d of July he replied to the Corps Legislatif, on their taking leave at the Tuileries: We have done all that depended on us to avoid war, and I call say that the whole nation, with an irresistible rush, has dictated our resolution.': Thus, then, accepting the responsibility, the Emperor before and since his defeat has sought to make it clear that he BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 99 had not launched the country into a perilous enterprise for mean motives or dynastic interest, but was actively encouraged, if not compelled, by the manifestations of public feeling. "The reader who has followed this recital of the principal events of Napoleon III.'s reign will have been convinced that this man who is now a captive at Wilhelmshohe employed eighteen years of undisputed power to make France the most flourishing country of' Europe, to assuage international enmities, and to protect the independence of foreign people. When his personal effbrts appeared insufficient to realize all that he meditated for the general good, he disseized himself volun, tarily of authority, he called the representatives of the nation to take part in the direction of affairs, and established in France a system of the widest and most complete liberty. And now, because fortune has abandoned him, is this man nothing but a tyrant who has of his own motion plunged his country into the horrors of a merciless war? "We have given the facts. Let posterity decide." * Let us not be misunderstood. We are not seeking to screen the Emperor Napoleon from the responsibility for his acts. We simply wish to refute the assertion that the war was solely the fault of the Emperor, and to establish the fact that the whole French nation shared with him the fault of bringing on hostilities. The quarrel of Germany, therefore, was not with Napoleon alone, but with France. That the war was begun upon a pretext insufficient to justify it, we frankly admit, but we maintain that the Emperor had been forced by his people into such a position that he felt himself obliged to go to war to satisfy them. Let us blame his lack of firmness, let us censure his terrible blunder as we may, but let us not hold him alone guilty. This is simple justice. * We have given this lengthy defence entire, because of its value to the reader, and because of our desire to bring to his notice every justification offered by either of the combatants 100 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. CHAPTER III. REVIEW. OF THE CONDITION OF THE PRUSSIAN ARMY-EDUCATION COMPULSORY-THE PRUSSIAN MILITARY SYSTEM-THE CAREER OF A CONSCRIPT —THE TERM OF MILITARY SERVICE-STRENGTH OF THE ARMY -THE PROVINCIAL SYSTEM —THE NEEDLE GUN-KRUPP'S CANNONTHE STAFF CORPS-110W OFFICERS ARE TRAINED IN PRUSSIA-FIELD INSTRUCTION OF THE TROOPS —THE NEW TACTICS-DETAILED STATEMENT OF THE ARMY —THE PRUSSIAN NAVY-FINANCIAL CONDITION OF PRUSSIA AND GERMANY-THE FRENCH MILITARY SYSTEM-ITS DEFECTSREORGANIZATION IN 18(68-THE NEW SYSTEM EXPLAINED-FAILURE TO FURNISH SUBSTITUTES- CONDITION OF THE GARDE MOBILE -INFERIORITY TO THE PRUSSIAN SYSTEM —DEFECTIVE CONDITION OF THE INTENDANCE-LAX DISCIPLINE - THE CHASSEPOT RIFLE-THE FRENCH ARTILLERY-THE MITRAILLEUSE-DETAILED STATEMENT OF THE ARMYTHE FRENCH NAVY-FINANCIAL CONDITION OF FRANCE jC) ~EFORE entering upon the narrative of the war let us glance at the military and financial strength of Germany and France, as such a view will enable us to comprehend the conditions upon which each entered upon the struggle. The war between Prussia and Austria in 1866 revealed to the world the excellence of the Prussian military system, which until then had not been understood in Europe, and which, indeed, the Prussian Government had endeavored to keep as secret as possible. Since the formation of the North German Confederation, Prussia has introduced the same system into the States of the Confederation with perfect success. This military system was devised by Scharnhirst after the humbling of the monarchy by the First Napoleon. It has been perfected by Von Moltke and Bismarck, and is now confessedly the most admirable in the world. We have not the space here to relate the history of the reforms in the Prussian system, but must content ourselves with offering to the reader a brief account of it as it exists to-day. --—' I-~~~~~ *~~~-~ —- ~ ~ I: -~ — ----------— ~~= _~=~- ~~, —r — - -— r~=~_;_~_~_7~,~~~ — ~~~~~Ti ~ ~T:~ii Pi IL —i'l-lj:Z -IR A —z~_-?-;~~ —--- rl —------------- - — =-~~-~ —— iME-=I-=-~~-;-~;~,~; -— =fi —~~~TBonevard M ntmartr: Paris 102 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR In the first place, education is compulsory in most of the German States, and the men who make up the rank and file of the army are, with but few exceptions, possessed of at least a plain practical education. The men are intelligent and of a better grade intellectually. than those of any other European army, and it is upon their superior intelligence that the whole system rests. The Prussian leaders wisely appreciate the fact that it is not brute courage alone which makes a good soldier. Their men are capable of thinking, and are taught to do so, and thus they follow their colors from deliberate conviction as well as from mere enthusiasm. Apart from this, an intelligent army is always easier managed, and indeed can manage itself better, than a mass of ignorant men. War is every year becoming more an affair of science, and the day has already come when victory is as much due to the labors of the schoolmaster, as of the drill sergeant.* After leaving school, and arriving at the age of twenty years, every young man in Prussia, unless physically dis* Says an English writer, "The Prussians, even more than other sections of the German race, are an educated people. Children are nowhere permitted among them to grow up in ignorance and savagery. Each township and parish has its national school, from attendance upon which no exemption is permitted, except to children whose parents are able to satisfy the proper authorities that they are providing elsewhere for the elementary instruction of their sons and daughters. Now it is at least as much in the habit of respect for law and order which the careful training of children induces, as from the amount of intellectual culture elaborated in these national schools, that the State in Prussia is the gainer from the care which it bestows upon the education of its younger members. There may be street Arabs-we dare say there are-in Berlin and other great towns, though they elude the observation of strangers; but you may search Prussia through, and you will not find in the whole kingdom as many ruffians living in antagonism to the law, and therefore at the beck and call of every demagogue who thinks it worth while to get up a street row, as swarm, we do not say in all London, but within the liberties of the city of Westminster, or in Whitechapel, or even in Southwark. And as the discipline of the school is followed and improved by the discipline of the military service, it is not to We wondered at if the Germans in general, and the Prussians in particular, prove to be, when occasion arises, the most easily managed in the face of dangers and difficulties of any people in the world." BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 103 qualified, whatever his social position, must hold himself in readiness to join the ranks of the army if called upon, as a private soldier, and to serve for one or for three years, as the case may be. Young men of wealth and position are allowed to serve only one year in the ranks. They receive no pay from the Government during this period, their arms alone being furnished them at public expense; but must provide their uniforms, horses, quarters, and other necessities, at their own charge. During this year they are masters of their own time, except when required for military instruction, and are not obliged to live in barracks, but may pursue their studies or occupations in their own way. Out of this class the officers of the Landwehr, or militia, are formed by a process which carries the cadet through the intermediate grades of corporal and sergeant to an ensigncy. The three years' men, on the other hand, take up their quarters in barracks, and constitute, till the term of their service expires, the rank and file of the Prussian regular army. When the three years are out, they pass into the first class of reserve, upon which the first call is made to fill up the regiments to their war strength upon the outbreak of hostilities. This class is subject to constant Government inspection, and its members may be called upon at any moment to return to the regiments in which they originally served. After serving in this reserve four years, the men pass to the Landwehr, or militia, of their district. The term of service in this branch is five years. The Landwehr are called up by battalions and regiments, and only after war has broken out. At the expiration of this last term of service, making twelve years in all, the men pass to the Landsturm, or third class of reserves. This branch is expected to garrison the fortresses and protect the country in case the Landwehr should be compelled to cross the frontier; but as this has never happened until the present war, the men of the Landsturmrn are usually allowed to pursue their ordinary occupations in quiet. The population of North Germany is about 30,000,000 in round numbers. Out of this 100,000 recruits are raised annually by conscription, or about 104 -HISTORY: OF THE'LATE WAR. one in every 300 of the population. All men who attain the age of conscription in any one year, and are not drawn for the army, are exempt from military service, except in case of war. The peace footing of the infantry is one half of the wvar strength, so that on the breaking out of hostilities the regiments are raised to double their number during peace, by recalling an equal number of men from the reserve; and each reserve man so recalled returns not only to the same battalion, but to the very same company in which he served during his first enlistment. The infantry company is 250 strong, with a captain and three lieutenants; the battalion, with one major, is 1000 strong; and the regiment, under the command of the colonel, consists of three battalions. The cavalry and artillery are kept either at or very near their war strength in time of peace. The whole Kingdom of Prussia is divided into provinces, within each of which an army corps is stationed, complete in all parts; complete in its commissariat or intendance; complete in its generals of division and their staff; and is presided over and controlled by a General-in-Chief in command of the whole, with a full and: efficient staff. Beyond the limits of its own province the army corps seldom moves, except in war. It draws all its recruits from the inhabitants of the province, just as each particular regiment recruits from that particular town and its neighborhood in which its headquarters are fixed. In like manner, the men who have served out their terms return to their homes in the same province, whence they can be recalled in case of need. Everything needed by the corps, arms, munitions; supplies of all kinds, are stored in -or provided by the province, so that the army can take the field fully equipped and ready to march immediately upon the receipt of the order to mobolize. Such is the system upon which'the German army is organized. The reader will see that a more perfect organization, from a purely military point of view, could not be designed. The infantry are: armed with an improved breech-loading rifle, known as the needle gun. This weapon is the inven BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 105 tion of Mr. Dreyse, a manufacturer of arms at Sommerda, who spent over thirty years in trying to construct a perfect breechloading rifle. The cartridge is inserted at the: rear, and the ignition is produced by the intrusion of a needle into the ful rnnimate attached to the cartridge. The barrel is 36.06 inches long, and is rifled with four grooves down to the breech, where the chamber, or bed for the cartridge, is smooth and a little larger than the bore. The bed enlarges slightly to the rear so as to admit the cartridge freely, and the lower part of the bore for a distance of 6.17 inches is enlarged so that the ball is gradually compressed into the grooves. The rear of the barrel is conical, and is called the mouth-piece. Over this part there is a six-sided cylinder, which holds all the mechanism of the piece. The air-chamber, next to the cylinder, has the needle pipe screwed into its breech. The gun is loaded in this way: After it has been brought to a nearly horizontal position, with the butt iesting on the right hip, and the left hand at the lower band, and the chamber drawn back from the mouth-piece, the cartridge is inserted through the opening in the cylinder into its place, the chamber again brought up to the mouth-piece by means of the handle, and turned to the right. The locket is shoved up, and the notch of the main spring engages the catch at the inner rear end of the chamber. At the same time the middle offset of the needle-bolt is pressed against the trigger-stop, thus compressing the spiral spring. Now let the trigger-stop be drawn down by pressure on the trigger so as to clear the offset of the needle-bolt. The bolt will dart forward from the effect of the spring, and will strike the square end of the needle-pipe, which projects sufficiently to pass through the powder of the charge, and inflame the fulminate. At the time of the adoption of this new gun the cartridge was altered, the sabot being enlarged and placed between the powder and the ball. The ball is spherio-conical. The charge of powder is 56 grains. The weight of the Prussian needle gun is 10.27 106 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR pounds to 11.3 pounds. The mechanism can be taken apart without screw-driver, vice, etc. It can be safely and easily cleaned, and the gun being small is particularly adapted for use in the contracted space of loopholes, on horseback, etc. The objections to the Prussian needle-gun are the danger of a weakening of the spiral spring, and the possibility that tlhe needle may not be propelled with sufficient force to pierce the cartridge. On account of the ease and rapidity with which it is loaded, there is also danger of a waste of ammunition, as the soldier, in the heat of battle, will often fire his piece as fast as possible, even when he knows the firing has no effect. To make the best use of the needle-gun, the soldier requires special training. The Prussian army in this respect, had a decided advantage over their enemy. The war of 1866 had taught them thoroughly the use of their weapon, while the French army had never used the Chassep6t in battle. The cannon used by the German army are mostly of steel, breech-loaders, of various sizes, according to the service required of thern. They are principally of one general pattern, devised by Herr Krupp, a Prussian founder, by whom the greater number were made. The steel of which they are composed is of the low but malleable grade produced by the Bessemer and other kindred processes. They are nearly all rifled, and possess a range and accuracy which are very formidable. They have proved vastly superior to the French guns during the war, and it has been a noticeable feature of every French reverse, that both officers and men have attributed their disasters in no small degree to the terrible fire of the German artillery. Frequently, while exposed to a severe cannonade, the French have found it impossible even to reach the enemy's position with their best guns. The Germans use the percussion shell almost altogether, rarely firing solid shot in battle, and utterly abandoning the time fuze. An officer of the English artillery was told by the chief of artillery of the army besieging Verdun, that the Prussians considered time fuzes as " worthless and worse than worthless, because from their uncertainty they give rise to disgust. In the re. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 107 cent battles the French at first used them largely, and at least four out of five shells fired with them burst ineffectually, until after a short time our men began to despise them, and the moral effect of their artillery was in consequence greatly weakened. They are gradually falling into disuse among our opponents." * But it was not alone the intelligence of the men, the excellence of the arms, or the perfection of the discipline of her army, that enabled Germany to enter upon the war with confidence. Added to all these is a feature which made her military force the most perfectly officered in the world. This is the staff system. Without a proper understanding of it, the reader will be unable to comprehend many of the most interesting portions of the war. The following description of it is from the pen of a prominent officer of the English army: t "Prussia, like France, has what is called a staff corps; but the two corps are constructed on different principles. In France, officers who join the staff corps continue to serve with it till they become generals of brigade. In Prussia, all the branches of the service feed the. staff corps; such officers as exhibit the surest signs of talent, energy, and powers of application being permitted, after mastering their regimental duties, to enter in certain numbers and at certain fixed intervals what is called the War Academy. This they do, not by going through a pass-examination, and studying in the Academy itself the elements out of which knowledge in the art of war is built up, but by proving in one or other of the general war schools, of which there are seven, that they are already masters of these things, and have the capacity of taking in much more, as well as of applying it to practical * From Sedan to Saarbruck, via Verdun, Gravelotte, and Metz. By an officer of the royal artillery. P. 120. t This system of staff instruction is distinct from that designed for the education of the line and non-commissioned officers, and for the artillery and engineers, to each of which the greatest care is given in schools provided for each branch. 108 HISTORY OF THE LATE MWAR. purposes. The War Academy has been since 1850 under the special direction of Count Moltke, who, as chief of the staff of the Prussian army, prescribes the course of study, and gives to it a wider and more practical range than is dreamed of either with us, or with France, or with Austria. Every art, every science which can in any way bear upon the conditions of armies, receives due attention in that school. Great stress is also laid upon the acquisition of foreign languages, particularly of French,. Italian, and English-a more than tolerable proficiency in which is held essential to being posted to what is called the higher staff. As to plan-drawing and surveying, they are carried to perfection. For, not content with making military surveys of some few miles of country around the Staff College, the 6lves are sent miles and miles away, and expected to bring home with them against a day specified reports of the condition of the country traversed, its roads, its villages, its towns, its rivers, its plains, its hills, its aptitude for the movements of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, separately, and of all three in combination-in a word, all its military features, not forgetting its capabilities of furnishing means of subsistence both to man and horse. They who give proof of more than ordinary aptitude in this matter are then sent into foreign countries, through which they move with their eyes and ears open, and upon which they make, in the guise of travellers' notes, memoranda that are of the greatest possible use for war purposes. It was, indeed, from the travelling notes of staff officers that the Prussians acquired that intimate acquaintance with all the lines of railway in France, the high-roads, by-paths, tracks through forests, fords, and bridges, and the localities of towns and villages, which so much astonished the French people in the present campaign, and gave to the invaders such a prodigious superiority over the French armies. Nor has their attention in this respect been given more carefully to France than to other countries. We have been assured by one of the most distinguished officers on the Prussian staff that at this moment the military capabilities of Austria are better known in Berlin __ _;~~~~~ —-— = —-~~~~~~~t~~-~~'~~~~~~~l'~~~ l~~-~~~~-c-~~~~;~~q~ PCD, IW~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i Saine-C-eneie'v. (he Pnthon.)Par e I.S. ~ ~ — ~ —— ~ 110 HISTORY OF. THE LATE WAR than in Vienna; that the Prussians know more of Italy than the Italians themselves; and that with every pathway in England, every hedgerow and village, not to speak of forts, arsenals, and dockyards, they are familiarly acquainted. And we must add, that of this latter fact he gave us such evidence as set doubt at defiance. " The officers who most establish a character for themselves in all these respects, having studied and understood in theory the mysteries of transport and supply, and further, given evidence that they can handle the three arms, separately and in combination, are appointed to what is called the upper staff They who fall short or come behind their comrades, yet exhibit talent above the average, are appointed to the lower staff. When pronounced qualified, both classes are passed oil to one or other of the several army corps into which tile Prussian forces are, both in peace and war, distributed. Every one of these corps, be it remembered, with the exception of the guard-and the guard also, in one sense-looks, so to speak, outward. They thus severally guard their own portions of the national frontier, and face a State with which the Government assumes that one day or another there may be war. How do the officers of the upper staff fill up their time when allocated to corps? Leaving the routine of discipline and returns to the lower staff, who become adjutants, or, as we should call them, officers of their personal staff to the generals of division, and to the corps-commander, the members of the upper staff give themselves up to planning campaigns, both defensive and offensive. Beginning with an imaginary war of defence, they study the country, from the frontier backwards, making notes of the positions which may be taken up on every road leading to the capital. They satisfy themselves also as to the supplies to be had-as to the amount of wagons and draught animals that may be required and procured on the frontier to attend their corps, both collectively and in detachments; in a word they arrange in their own minds, and make notes of every point which can by possibility conduce to render operations of retreat and of check BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 111 to the enemy successful. But their labors do not end there. They travel through the State that confronts them; and in the same way, though more leisurely, and in order not to create alarm or excite jealousy, by short tours made in successive summers, they make themselves as completely masters of its military features and capabilities as they are of the military features and capabilities of their own province. Nor are these gentlemen suffered to grow old, and therefore care]ess and indifferent, in this important work. After serving on the staff a certain number- of years, they return to their regiments, when their places are taken by younger men, who labor like them, and not less successfully, to make themselves accomplished strategists and tacticians. "Again, the Prussian mode of exercising their troops in manceuvres has taught them in time of peace almost everything that they can be required both to do, and to suffer, and to provide against in war. Year by year, when the crops are gathered in, and comparatively little damage can be done to the fields by marching over them, the wextl4r being yet mild and the days not short, the Prussian Government assembles in various parts of the country two complete armies, of which the commands are intrusted to different generals, and which are expected to operate one against another, as if they belonged to different nations. One army is instructed to protect, say a certain fortress or a town; the other is to manceuvre for the occupation of it. Neither commander knows where his adversary is placed, but both being desired to take up certain positions, they both receive, when their troops are brought together, general instructions as to what they are expected to do. The rival armies consist of all the three arms; They carry with them everything that would be needed in real war; their transport follows them, their provisions, medical stores, spare ammunition, and what not. No tents cumber them, for the Prussians always bivouac, both in manceuvres and in actual warfare; and the chiefs on both sides with the staff, are left to their own devices. These two armies may open the mock campaign, and generally do 112 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. so, at a distance of several days' march from each other; and they are thus constrained to feel their way,: one acting, on the offensive, the other on the defensive, just as if the sham were a reality. The campaign never lasts for a shorter time than a fortnight-it sometimes occupies three weeks; and while it goes on everything is done, whether in moving or halting, whether in searching the front and flanks with patrols, or in covering the place of rest with outline pickets, that would be done in an enemy's presence. From such manceavres men and officers alike learn as much as they would do in actual war. For they cross rivers upon bridges of their own construction, they occupy villages, they make sketches of the terrain as they pass along, they bake their bread and cook as they march, and at last come to blows with blank cartridges-some high military authority giving to one or the other the palm of victory, according to the skilfulness of his dispositions. "It was in these fields of mimic war that the Prussians elaborated that new system of tactics, their application of which to real warfare gave them such a decided superiority over the French. They tried its worth first in the Bohemian campaign, very much to the surprise and scandal of strategists of the old school... "The Prussian tactics are these. Instead of moving a vast army-say of two or three hundred thousand men —by two or three, or at the most, four great roads, keeping open by patrols the communication between the heads of the several columns, they spread out the whole into as many columns of march as possible-into as many as would enable them, were the country open and free from obstacles, to form their line of battle in half an hour. It may indeed be said that they move in order of battle, perfectly well aware that an. adherence to the old rule of covering each separate column of march with its own advanced-guard and its own flankers would expose them at any moment to be cut asunder by an enemy falling upon them in force. But the Prussians do not adhere to this rule. They have their advanced-guards cov BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 113 ering every column, and the flankers' too; but in front of their advanced-guards, properly so called, and far wide of either flank, they send out swarms of light cavalry well mounted, led by intelligent officers and made up of men all of them more or less educated, and carefully prepared in peace for the parts that will be assigned to them in war. These cover the entire army as with a zone, within which the columns pursue their way comparatively at ease, well knowing that any such force as would. give serious cause of alarm to any one of them, could not approach within miles of their front or flank without due notice given of the danger. Nor is this all. These swarms of intelligent horsemen find. out where the enemy are-not where the main force is exclusively, but where every detachment is stationed, every picket placed, every sentry and vedette planted. The intelligence thus acquired they carry back to the head-quarters of the corps or division to which they belong; while the enemy, who have taken no such precautions, remain profoundly ignorant, either that their dispositions have been looked into, or that they are about to be assailed where, perhaps, they least expected danger. Just observe. how the campaign opened, and judge from that whether' or no we attribute more praise than is due either to the Prussian tactics or to their strategy. " There is no mystery in the case. The Prussian army owes the conception of this novel mode of handling troops, and the complete success which attended it, mainly, we might almost say exclusively, to the admirable training of their staff. They owe it, at least in part, to the circumstance that the effect of the training is felt throughout the whole army; because theirs is not a staff corps isolated and apart, but a body composed of regimental officers, trained, so to speak, in successive waves, and after their training absorbed again into the ranks. Hence every regiment in the Prussian service-cavalry, infantry, and artillery-has officers serving in it who studied and served as officers of the higher staff; and hence, too, there are never wanting men qualified, when the occasion 8 114 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. arises, to take the lead in carrying into execution the plans (of the General-in-Chief down to the most minute detail." The foresight with which this magnificent army, thus officered and equipped was sent into the field, seems little short of marvellous. Nothing seems too minute to escape their attention. The men were not only supplied with everything needed in a military point of view, but maps of the seat of war were distributed among them, so that they might never be at a loss to know their exact position in the country in which they were operating. Each soldier was provided with a ticket, or card, marked with his name, regiment and comnpany, which he was compelled to wear on his person, as a means of identification in case of his being killed or wounded. The supply system was arranged on the most perfect plan, and throughout the whole campaign the Germans have been well fed, except in a few cases, where no trains could have kept pace with the speed of the army, and well clothed; and we have yet to hear of the first instance of the German ammunition giving out, with no more at hand, at critical moments. The field telegraph system has kept the headquarters in constant communication with all parts of the army, and there has been present always a full corps of artisans with ample materials, forges, etc., for the reconstruction of destroyed railroads and bridges. The forces of the North German Confederation are as follows: LINE.-Infantry: 4 Prussian regiments of Foot Guards, 4 Prussian regiments of Grenadier Guards, 1 Prussian regiment of Fusilier Guards, 15 regiments of Grenadiers of the line, 77 regiments of Infantry, 13 regiments of Fusiliers, 4 Hessian regiments of 2 battalions each, 1 Prussian battalion of Chasseurs of the Guard, 1 battalion Sharpshooters, 16 battalions of Chasseurs; total Infantry, 118 regiments and 18 battalions -368 battalions in all. Cavalry: 10 regiments Cuirassiers (including two regiments of Guards), 11 regiments Dragoons (including 2 regiments of Guards), 18 regiments ilussars (including 1 regiment of Guards), 21 regiments Lancers (Uhlanen), (including 3 regiments of Guards), 6 regiments Light Cavalry (ineluding 2 regiments of Guards). Total Cavalry, 76 regiments. Artillery: 1 regiment of Field Artillery (Guards), 12 regiments of BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 115 Field Artillery, 1 Hessian division of Field Artillery, 1 regiment of Siege Artillery (Festungs-Artillerie), (Guards), 8 regiments of Siege Artillery, 4 divisions of Siege Artillery, 1 division Rocket Train; in all, 13 regiments and 1 division Field Artillery, and 9 regiments and 1 division of Siege Artillery. Engineers: 1. battalion of Pioneers of the Guard, 12 battalions of Pioneers, 1 Hessian company of Pioneers. Train: 13 battalions and 1 division of Baggage, Ammunition, &c., Train. LANDWEHR.-97 regiments of Infantry, two battalions each —194 battalions; 12 reserve battalions-12 battalions; 4 regiments of the Guard, three battalions each-12 battalions. Total, 218 battalions. If we summarize the foregoing, we have the following result: FIELD-ARMY. —Infantry, 394,310 men; Cavalry, 53,528 men; Artillery, 1,212 pieces. RESERVE.-Infantry, 145,944 men; Cavalry, 18,991 men; Artillery, 234 pieces. GARRISON TRooPs. —Infantry, 143,924 men; Cavalry, 10,208 men; Artillery, 234 pieces. In the above computation are not reckoned the armies of the allied South German States, which now follow: BAVARIA.-16 regiments of Infantry of 3 battalions each; 10 battalions Chasseurs; 10 regiments of Cavalry; 2 brigades of Artillery; which give 69,064 men in Field troops, 25,757 men reserve, and 22,614 Garrison troops; making, in all, 117,435 men and 240 guns. WURTEMBERG.-8 regiments of Infantry of 2 battalions each; 2 battalions of Chasseurs; 4 regiments of Cavalry; 2 regiments of Artillery; which give, in Field troops, 22,076 men; Reserve, 6,540; Garrison troops, 5,064; making, in all, 34,680 men and 66 guns. BADEN.-6 regiments of Infantry of 3 battalions each; 3 regiments of Cavalry; 3 Field divisions of Artillery; giving 16,656 Field troops; 3,995 Reserve, and 9,640 Garrison troops; making, in all, 30,291 men and 64 guns. Thus the auxiliary troops which the three South German- States would bring to the aid of the North German Confederation, amount to 169,802 men, and 370 guns. The aggregates are: FIELD ARMY, 555,634 men, and 1,584 guns; RsSERVES (Landwehr), 201,207 men, and 234 field-pieces; GARRISON TROOPS, 192,450 men, and 234 pieces of artillery. Grand total, 949,291 men and 2,052 guns. The Prussian Navy is yet in its infancy. Its vessels are well constructed, and among the finest and most powerful of their class. 116 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Number. Guns, Iron clads........ i............... 6 70 Frigates and corvettes................. 9 202 Gunboats.........23 54 Yachts............................ 2 Paddle corvettes.......................... 3 15. Sailing vessels........59 315 Total........ l.1................101 658 The steam fleet had an aggregate of 7,020 horse power. It was not expected that Prussia would make any effort to conduct the war on the ocean, and it was supposed that the French fleet would hermetically seal the German ports. Financially, Germany was in good condition for the war. The revenue and expenditure of the North German Con federation for Federal purposes is small. In April, 1869, the Federal Diet voted a budget of $56,000,000 for Federal purposes. Of this sum Prussia was to contribute $39,000,000, and the other States of the Confederation the rest. The total expenditure for the year 1869 was calculated at 72,734,601 thalers, or about $54,550,950, of which the ordinary and extraordinary disbursements were as follows: For the Federal Chancellery, etc.. $........ $145,435 For Consulates........................... 206,738 For the Federal Army........ 49,755,206 For the Federal Navy....................... 1,401,734 EXTRAORDINARY EXPENDITURE. For the Federal Chancellery.................. $112,500 For the General Post Administration.... 21,000 For Telegraphs.............................. 242,085 For the Federal Navy. 2,662,500 In 1869 the revenue of the Kingdom of Prussia was $125,652,370, and the expenditure the same. Since 1865 the revenue has been almost stationary, and there have been no annual deficits-something of which no other State in Europe can boast. This revenue, in 1869, was raised to the extent of $31,500,000, from direct and indirect taxes, to the amount of $14,180,443, which includes the share of the Zollverein customs. The State railroads, mines, forges, and other Government monopolies yielded the greater part of the balance. The expenditures for 1869 were as follows: BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 117 CURRENT EXPENDITURE. Thalers. Ministry of Finance................. 17,617,117 Ministry of Commerce and Public Works......................... 41,603,775 Ministry of State..........,...... 73,256 Total current expenditure......... 59,294,148 ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENDITURE. Ministry of Finance............ 32,026,658 Ministry of Commerce and Public Works......................... 9,018,874 Ministry of Justice.................. 15,943,780 Ministry of the Interior... 8,242,488 Ministry of Agriculture......... 2,283,648 Ministry of Public Instruction and Ecclesiastical Affairs............ 6,222,004 Ministry of State..................... 394,659 Ministry of Foreign Affairs........... 914,630 Charges for the Hohenzollern territory 220,628 Total administrative expenditure... 75,267,369 CHARGES ON CONSOLIDATED FUND. Addition to the "Krondotation "of the King................ 1,500,000 Interest on Public Debt, including railway debt........... 16,973,637 Sinking fund of debt................. 8,178,433 Annuities.......................... 429,753 Chamber of Lords............ 40,910 Chamber of Deputies................ 243,000 Miscellaneous............. 122,807 Total charges on Consolidated Fund. 27,488,540 Total ordinary expenditure.......... 162,050,057 = $127,537,543 Extraordinary expenditure...,.... 5,486,437- 4,114,828 167,536,494=- $131,652,371 The public debt of Prussia is small. The;total debt of the Kingdom, exclusive of the liabilities incurred by the annexed provinces for the establishment of State railroads, amounts to $188,497,520. France, since the establishment of the second Empire, had held the first, place.in Europe. Her army was considered by the world the most superb in existence. It had fought successfully two great JEuropean wars, had conquered Mexico, and had seen hard service in Algeria. It remained for the present.war, however to show grave defects in the French 118 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR system, and to deal it such fatal blows that it will probably be reckoned hereafter as a thing of the past. Until 1793, the French army was officered exclusively by nobles, commissions being bought and sold. Enlistments were voluntary. The Revolution republicanized both the nation and the army, merit was recognized as the sole qualification for an officer's commission, and every conscript carried a Marshal's baton in his knapsack. This radical change created an enthusiasm among the rank and file which proved irrestible under the First Napoleon. Since the Restoration, the army has been officered on a mixed system of promotion from the ranks and of direct appointments from the military schools, the former class constituting one-third of the whole. Promotion is determined by selection, or nominally by merit. The conscription, which places the whole population at the service of the State as each generation completes its twentieth year, was established in France by law in 1798. In 1818, the annual number of conscripts was fixed at 40,000. Under Louis Philippe this number was raised to 80,000. Under the Second Empire it has never been less than 100,000 men, and during the Crimean and Italian wars it was 140,000. A system of exemptions, by which drafted men could by the payment of a sum of money commute their personal service, did much to make the conscription ineffective, so that France was very far from having in actual fact the army represented on paper. In the Crimean and Italian wars the country could only place and maintain in the field one army, not much exceeding one-fourth of her effective strength on paper. The system of exemptions was accordingly abandoned in 1868, and since that time drafted men have been obliged by law either to serve in person or to furnish an able-bodied substitute. This law, however, was not rigidly enforced, and the system of exemptions by a fine to the State was in reality continued. The theory, indeed, was that the fines thus levied were to be applied to increasing the bounties of old soldiers reenlisting for further service; but the war disclosed the fact that these sums were retained in the military chest, and the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 11 ranks remained unfilled. Of the 288,000 men who should have been found in the ranks of the 24 active divisions when the war broke out, not much more than 200,000 were actually with the colors. Warned by the superior excellence of the Prussian army, and the brilliant success won by it in the war of 1866, the Emperor Napoleon resolved upon the reorganization of hisarmy. This task was entrusted to Marshal Neil, the accomplished Minister of War. The law for the necessary changes was carried through the Chambers, in the face of considerable opposition from the Republicans, in February 1868. Ufifortunately for France, Marshal Neil died in August 1869, and the war of 1870 broke out, before his reforms were completed. The reorganization made every able-bodied male over 21 subject to the conscription. The army was to consist of the regular army and the army of the reserve, the strength of each was to be 400,000 men. Besides there was to be a standing "National Garde Mobile," to be organized to the number of about 400,000 men, destined as an auxiliary to the active army in the defence of the fortresses, coasts, and frontiers of the Empire. The total strength of the military force was, therefore, to be 1,200,000 men. Every man drawn for conscription was to have the right of buying a substitute. The right to furnish substitutes was to be a Government monopoly, the Government to exert itself to encourage the reenlistment of old soldiers, and thus to give the standing army a nucleus of experienced troops. The number of recruits to be raised annually by the conscription was 100,000, or about one in every 370 of the population. The period of military service was fixed at nine years, of which five were to be passed with the regimental colors and the remaining four years in a general reserve, called the second reserve. There was to be no territorial connection between the army and any particular districts; also none between the regular regiments and the reserve men who have passed through them. All males, attaining the age of twenty-one in a given year and not included among the 120 IIISTORY OF THIE LATE WAR 100,000 drawn for the army, were to be enrolled in the Garde National Mobile, in which they were to serve for five years. These were to remain at their homes, and the only military duty required of them by the law in ordinary times, was attendance upon fifteen drills in each year, it being provided that no drill should take them from their homes for more than one night.* In time of war the Garde Mobile were to be employed in garrison duty, in guarding communications, or in furnishing reenforcements to the regular army in the field. Of the 100,000 recruits to be drawn yearly for the army, 70,000 were to be drafted at once into the ranks, while the remaining 30,01)0 were to be enrolled in the first reserve, in which they were to continue for nine years. No military service was to be exacted of the first reserve men during peace, except that they were to be drilled for five months in each of the first two years. At the conclusion of the nine years they were to be discharged. Upon the outbreak of war the regiments of the army in the field were to be raised to double their peace strength by drafts upon the first reserve. The 70,000 men drafted into the ranks, after completing five years of service with the colors, were to be enrolled in the second reserve and continue therein for four years, after which they were to be finally discharged. By this arrangement, says a recent writer, "France can in theory furnish a larger number of men at the outset of a war, in proportion to population, than the Prussians; for whereas in North Germany all men attaining the military age in any one year, who may not be drawn for the army, are exempt from military service; in France all men attaining that age and not drawn in the conscription of the year, are enrolled in the Garde Mobile-a mere nominal advantage, however, since the latter force is totally untrained. One defect of the French system seems to be that the men of the first reserve, who are first taken to complete regiments to their war strength, have under* This part of the law was never enforced, so that the present war found the Garde Mobile entirely untrained. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 121 Rue de la Paix: Paris. gone no military training worth speaking of, while the men of the second reserve are disciplined soldiers, who have passed five years in regimental duty. Another defect as compared with the Prussian system is, that while the French conscript is relieved from all military service at the end of nine years, the Prussian Government never relinquishes its hold on a man once drawn for the army, but passes him from regimental service first into the reserve, next into the Landwehr, finally into the Landsturm. "' The tendency of the military education of the French army has been to give it an overweening idea of its own superiority. With respect to Prussia, as we learn from General Trochu, the doctrine was taught officially in the military schools that the military constitution of that country, which created only young soldiers, was weak, and that the Prussian army would be found deficient in steadiness in the day of battle. This belief was shared up to 1866 by the public and by the army at large. Since the day of Sadowa, French military men have come to doubt the correctness of such teaching." Since then the French officers have acknowledged the necessity of meeting the Prussian reforms by similar 122 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR changes in their own system. Marshal Neil, however, did not live long enough to carry out his reforms thoroughly, and the Emperor, an invalid during the greater part of the time, was obliged to trust them to a minister who ultimately proved himself unfit for the task.We have spoken of the admirable sytem of supply in operation in the German army. In the French service this department has long been one of its most serious defects. The Intendance, as it is called, is entrusted to superannuated generals, and all the subordinate officials in this department are chosen from the officers or sub-officers of the army. It follows, therefore, that the [ntendance is entrusted to men who are utterly ignorant of the operations of trade by which alone supply can adjust itself to demand. During the Crimean war, the Intendance proved such an utter failure, that the Government was obliged to entrust the task of feeding the army to a commercial house in Marseilles, which kept an abundance of the best provisions constantly on hand. During the Italian war, the troops were often without bread in one of the best grain growing countries in the world. Biscuits were equally scarce. At the outset of the present war, the French troops on the frontier were half starved in their own country, and with their railroads in perfect operation. Thus several weeks were lost. Another defect in the French system was the maintenance of corps d'e'lite at the expense of the infantry of the line. "Of the 100,000 conscripts poured yearly into the ranks, the strongest, most active and intelligent, are taken in the following order: first for the artillery, next for the cavalry, next for the chasseurs-a-pied or light infantry, and the Imperial Guard. The residuum compose the line regiments, which ought to be the backbone of an army in battle. By this unwise measure, the esprit de corps of the favored few is greatly elevated, while that of the many is proportionately depressed; and it has always been the case in late years, that the first have had to atone by enormous losses in battle for the deficiencies of the last." BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 123 Of late years the discipline of the French army has been terribly relaxed, to what extent will be plainly evident when we come to consider the events of the war. Another defect was the deficient education of the men, at least thirty per cent. of whom could neither read nor write. The staff system, so admirable in the Prussian service, is of less use in the French army. The staff corps is here isolated from the rest of the army. Regimental officers are trained simply in the military schools, and the advantage of having scattered through the various branches of the service officers tho roughly instructed in every department of the profession of arms is lost. The fire-arm used by the French army is the celebrated Chassepot rifle, which is probably the most efficient weapon ever put into the hands of infantry. It resembles the Prussian needle-gun, but possesses several improvements. The success of the needle-gun in the war of 1866, opened the eyes of the French to the necessity of providing an equally efficient, if not a better weapon, for their army. The result was the in vention by M. Chassepot, after long and careful study, having the Prussian gun to aid him and to improve upon. After the new rifle had been tested over and over again, the attention of the Emperor was invited to it, and it was not long before he was convinced of its superiority, and ordered its adoption in the army. One of the principal improvements which the Chassepot has ovel the needle-gun of Prussia is, that its movement is simpler, and instead of being tightly enclosed in the breech by a cylinder, it is almost fully exposed, and the employment of India rubber as an obturator. It is argued that the Prussian gun, after it has been discharged several times in rapid succession, becomes hot and damp in the chamber, owing to the inability of the gas which comes back after the explosion of the cartridge to escape. The inside soon becomes dirty, and the soldier is required to take his piece apart and clean it. The French gun is always open, and while there is no gas shut up in a chamber to corrode the metal, it can in a 124 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR moment be cleansed from dirt or rust, and the soldier is always able to quickly discover any accident to his rifle. The mechanism of the gun is simple. An opening in the right hand side of the chamber admits the cartridge. This chamber is: filled by a moveable cylinder, worked backward or forward by a handle. The cylinder surrounds the shaft, and contains the spring by which the needle is propelled. The rear end of the shaft is made in the shape of a handle, and the spring is compressed by drawing back this handle. The shaft also serves to protect the needle, which is surrounded by the same, and is forced out of the front end of the shaft as soon as the trigger is pulled. In loading, the cylinder is drawn back, and the cartridge inserted; the knob is then pressed forward, and laid over to the right side. The handle used in cocking is then pushed up against the knob. By the first of these two movements the cylinder is thrown forward, thereby pressing the cartridge into the breech; the second movement secures the cylinder so that it can be thrown back by the force of the explosion. The pulling the trigger releases the spiral spring, which then forces the needle through the percussion wafer. The projectile used is a rather long slug, with the end rounded and pointed like the American rifle ball. The charge, which is attached to it in a paper covering, is composed of a peculiar powder, specially manufactured for the purpose. The distance at which this gun may be used with certainty is very great-over 1000 metres, or more than 3,280 English feet. It was believed, at the outset of the war, that the Chassepot was vastly superior to the needle-gun, as doubtless it would have been in the hands of troops possessed of sufficient familiarity with it, and sufficient steadiness to use it to advantage.* ~ But the superior coolness and intelligence of the * An officer of the English Artillery questioned the Prussian officers besieging Verdun upon this point. He says: "It was asserted (in the course of the conversation) that the Prussians, on the other hand, possessed great rallying powers, and were very silent in fighting, either in attack or defence; at most giving vent to three distinct'Hourras' before closing with the enemy. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 125 Germans, added to their perfect familiarity with their weapon, more than counterbalanced their disadvantages. The cannon used in the French army are of bronze, and mostly muzzle loaders. They are of the pattern known as the Napoleon gun-the invention of the Emperor Napoleon III. A new weapon was introduced into this war by the French. This was the now famous mitrailleuse, or, as it is sometimes called, the mitrailleur. This weapon had never received any practical test before, but was expected by its possessors to accomplish much more than it did. The reader must imagine a many-barreled gun, thirty-seven barrels all laid together like a faggot of sticks, and soldered fast in that position They are open at both ends, and behind is a wrought iron frame work to support the breech-loading apparatus. A breech-block, containing a separate spiral spring and steel piston for each barrel, slides backwards and forwards behind the barrels, worked by a lever. When the breech-block is drawn back, there is space sufficient between it and the barrels to slip down vertically a plate pierced with holes containing cartridges, one for each barrel. Then the breech-block is pressed forward, by means of the lever, and this action both closes fast the back of all the barrels and compresses the spiral springs, so that they are ready to thrust their pistons forward suddenly against their corresponding cartridges and so ignite them but for a certain hindrance. This hindrance is a thin steel plate in front of the pistons, but it is moveable out of the way by the action of a handle. As the handle is turned fast or slow, the plate slides out of the way quickly or slowly in proportion, and permits one piston after another The great drawback they had to contend with was the inferiority of the needle-gun to the Chassepot. The former was said to be effective at 1000 yards at most, while men began to drop from the effects of the latter at a distance even of 1800 yards; though at such a range the French could only fire at haphazard into the mass, and the Prussialns were obliged to advance for 800 yards under fire without returning a shot-a trial so great that they longed eagerly for the possession of the Chassepots." -From Sedan to Saarbruck, via Verdun, Gravelotte and Aletz. By an Officer of the Royal Artillery. Pp. 126, 127. 126 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR to strike and discharge its cartridge at intervals of any duration; or, by rapid turning of the handle, all the pistons strike their, cartridges so rapidly that the thirty-seven barrels are discharged almost simultaneously-as nearly so as the rifles of a company of infantry ordered to fire a volley. The barrels being practically parallel, the bullets fly very closely, and great destruction must ensue if the aim be true. The rnitrailleuse is mounted on wheels somewhat like the carriage of a boat howitzer, and can be easily worked by two men. It was not expected to take the place of field artillery, but was designed to occupy a middle place between the artillery and the infantry. It is capable of discharging 370 cartridges per minute, and within the range of a mile its fire is very destructive. The French army at the beginning of the summer of 1870 was supposed to be constituted as follows: PEACE FOOTING. Three regiments of Imperial Grenadier Guards; 4 regiments of Voltigeurs; 100 regiments of Infantry of the line;. 7 regiments of Chasseurs; 4 regiments of Zouaves; 1 regiment of African light Infantry; 1 regiment of Foreign Legion; 3 regiments of Tirailleurs of Algeria; 67 regiments of Cavalry; 18 regiments of Artillery; 2 regimentslof Artificers; 3 regiments of Train; 2 regiments of Armorers, Gunmakers, &c. The summary is as follows: PEACE FOOTING. WAR FOOTING. Staff................... 1,845 men 1,914 men Gendarmes............. 24,548 " 25,688 " Infantry........... 265,397" 515,035 " Cavalry............. 60,641 " 100,221 " Artillery............ 38,496 " 66,132" Engineers.............. 8,000 " 15,443" Other troops........ 15,705 " 33,365 " Total.........414,632 7" 57,798" In addition to these were the Garde Mobile, supposed to number 400,000 men. The artillery consisted of 125 batteries. We shall soon see how much of this force was simply on paper. That it was as efficient as it was, was due mainly to Marshal Neil, first, and to the Emperor. The Marshal ha.: BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 127 hard work to carry his reforms in the face of the opposition of the very men who, after Sedan, denounced the Emperor for his neglect of the army; but; as we have said, he died before his measures could be fairly adopted in the service, and was succeeded by a War minister who had neither his genius, foresight, independence, nor firmness. The French navy, of which good service was expected at the outset, was next to that of Great Britain, the finest and most powerful in the world. In January 1870, it consisted of 74,664 officers and men. There were 2 admirals, 6 active vice-admirals, and 30 active counter-admirals. The fleet was composed as follows: No. OF VESSELS. GUNS. Screw Steamers, iron-clad........... 55 1,032 Screw Steamers, non-iron-clad.......233 2,618 Wheel Steamers.................. 51 116 Sailing Vessels.....................100 914 Total...........439 4,680 The total revenue of the Empire in 1869 was $425,744,360. This sum was raised by custom duties and an elaborate system of inland revenue. It was distributed among these various sources as follows: Direct taxes..........;.................$65,903,732 Registration duties and stamps.......... 86,789,200 Customs and salt duties................. 20,724,600 Departmental and Communal taxes........ 45,649,166 Wine and spirit duties.................... 46,943,200 Tobacco monopoly...................... 49,531,600 The estimated expenditures for the same period were $440,668,130, and were distributed as follows: Interests on the funded and floating debt..$74,449,153 MAinistry of the Interior.................. 40,049,587 Ministry of War...................... 74. 7,172,155 Ministry of Finance......................23,889,565 Ministry of Marine and Colonies.......... 32,267,684 Collection of Revenue......... 46,855,022 The public debt of France was in 1853 $1,103,238,940. In 1868 it had grown to $2,766,344,622. This is exclusive of a 128 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. floating debt amounting to about $173,200,000, which consists of treasury bills, funds from the saving banks, the army dotation fund, and other liabilities. In the face of this increase in the public debt the credit of France rose steadily under the Empire. On the 29th of June 1870, rentes bearing 41 per cent. interest sold for 104, and 3 per cents. fbr 7265.. The following statement will show the general prosperity of the Empire: IMPORTS. EXPORTS. TOTAL. 1860......$379,466,965 $455,425,223 $834,892,188 1868...... 679,714,400 581,358,000 1,261,072,400 The estimated value of property in France is as follows: Real property......................$16.000,000,000 Rural properties..................... 10,000,000,000 Town properties and buildings......... 6,000,000,000 Total........................ $32,000,000,000 The wars of France have entailed a heavy expense upon the country. Those under the Empire may be set down as follows: COST. Loss OF MEN. Crimean War.......... $1,700,000,000 80,000 Italian War.............. 300,000,000 60,000 Chinese and Mexican Wars 200,000,000 65,000 Total......... $2,200,000,000 205,000 BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE, 129 CHAPTER IV. ARRIVAL OF NAPOLEON AT METZ-POSITION OF THE FRENCH ARMY ON THE FRONTIER-DETAILED STATEMENT OF ITS STRENGTH-THE SCENE OF OPERATIONS-STRATEGIC VALUE OF RAILROADS ON THE FRENCH FRONTIER-MARSHAL LEB(EUF-DISSENSIONS AMONG THE OFFICERSFATAL SELF-CONFIDENCE-THE EMPEROR FINDS THE ARMY UNPREPARED FOR WAR-LACK OF SUPPLIES-THE EMPEROR'S PLAN OF OPERATIONS-CAUSES OF THE FRENCH DELAY-THE PRUSSIANS ON THE FRONTIER-CAPTURE OF SAARBRUCK BY THE FRENCH —NEGLECT TO WATCH THE ENEMY-ERRORS OF THE FRENCH AT THE OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN-RAPID MOBILIZATION OF THE GERMAN ARMIES-THE CONCENTRATION ON THE FRONTIER-POSITION OF THE GERMAN ARMIESDETAILED STATEMENT OF THEIR STRENGTH-STRATEGIC VALUE OF THE GERMAN RAILWAYS-SUCCESS OF VON MOLTKE'S PLANS-ACTIVITY OF THE GERMAN CAVALRY-VON MOLTKE FULLY INFORMED OF THE FRENCH MOVEMENTS-THE GERMAN PLAN OF ADVANCE-NAPOLEON'S ANXIETY FOR HIS LEFT-MACMAHON ORDERED TO CLOSE IN-GENERAL DOUAY'S POSITION AT WEISSENBOURG-ADVANCE OF THE CROWN PRINCE —THE ATTACK ON WEISSENBOURG-DEFEAT OF DOUAY-ARRIVAL OF MACMAHON-THE BATTLE OF WOERTH —" OUR FRITZ " WINS A VICTORYRETREAT OF MACMAHON-THE CROWN PRINCE PURSUES HIM-DEMORALIZATION OF THE FRENCH-FROSSARD WITHDRAWN FROM SAARBRUCK-THE -FIRST AND SECOND GERMAN ARMIES IN MOTION-THE HEIGHTS OF SPICHEREN-THE ADVANCE OF THE FOURTEENTH CORPSBATTLE OF FORBACH -ANOTHER VICTORY FOR THE GERMANS-RETREAT OF FROSSARD-RETREAT OF DE FAILLY FROM BITSCHE-RECEPTION OF THE NEWS AT METZ-KING WILLIAM'S TELEGRAM-THE NEWS IN BERLIN-FRENCH OFFICIAL BULLETINS-CONSTERNATION OF THE MINISTRY -REJOICINGS IN PARIS OVER FALSE NEWS-THE TRUTH KNOWN-A TERRIBLE REACTION-SCENE AT THE MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR-THE PROCLAMATION OF THE EMPRESS-THE APPEAL TO TIIE NATION-MEETING OF THE CHAMBERS-THE NATIONAL GUARD REFUSE TO DISPERSE THE CROWD BEFORE THE CORPS LEGISLATIF-ALARM IN METZ. N the 28th of July, the Emperor Napoleon left St. Cloud for the headquarters of the army on the German frontier, which had been established at Metz. He reached that city at 7.30 in the afternoon, and was cordially received by the army and people. Imme9 130 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR diately upon his arrival, he applied himself to the task before him.* The French army had been thrown forward to the German frontier, and lay distributed between Strasbourg, on the Rhine, to Thionville, on the Moselle. The First Corps, under Marshal MacMahon, was posted at Strasbourg. It numbered 35,000 infantry, 3,500 cavalry, and ninety guns. The Fifth Corps, under General de Failly, was at Bitsche, and numbered 26,250 infantry, 2,600 cavalry, and seventy-two guns. The Second Corps, under General Frossard, was at St. Avold, and numbered 26,250 infantry, 2,600 cavalry, and seventy.two guns. The Fourth Corps, under General L'Admirault, was at Thionville, and numbered 26,250 infantry, 2,600 cavalry, and seventy-two guns. The Third Corps, under Marshal Bazaine, was posted at Metz, in support of Thionville and St. Avold, and numbered 35,000 infantry, 3,500 cavalry, and ninety guns. The Imperial Guard, under General Bourbaki, and numbering 16,650 infantry, 3,600 cavalry, and sixty guns, were at first posted in second line, at Nancy, in order to support either flank, but were afterward moved up to Metz. These columns formed a grand total of 165,400 infantry, 18,400 cavalry, and 456 guns. The Reserve consisted of the Sixth Corps and the cavalry reserve, under Marshal Canrobert, and the Seventh Corps, under General Felix Douay. Canrobert's corps (including the cavalry reserve) was forming at Chalons, and consisted of 35,000 infantry, 9,750 cavalry, and 126 guns; Douay's corps was forming at Belfort, and consisted of 26,500 infantry, 2,600 cavalry, and * After censuring the luxurious habits of the French generals, the Count de la Chapelle says: "The Emperor, since assuming the chief command of the army, had given an example of earnestness which cannot be denied. Every day His Majesty was holding long conferences with the generals, or visiting the camps without escort or pompous equipage. He was to be seen everywhere on the French military lines, and whatever may be the censure to pass on his succeeding actions, it is a duty to assert that from the commencement of the war he put aside the usual luxury of his habits, and went to work with energy." The War of 1870 —Events and Incidents of the BattleFields. By Count de la Chapelle. P. 11. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 131 seventy-two guns; making a total reserve of 61,500 infantry, 12,350 cavalry, and 198 guns. This brought the total strength of the army gathered for the defence of the frontier to 226,150 infantry, 30,750 cavalry, and 654 guns-and this was all that could be gathered of the 400,000 men supposecd to belong to the army of France. One division, it is true, was left to watch the Spanish frontier, another was destined for service in the Baltic. The African (Algerian) army, between 40,000 and 50,000 strong, was ordered to France, but had not yet arrived, and the only means of increasing the strength of the army already in the field, was by drawing from the fourth battalions, very imperfectly drilled, and the Garde Mobile, totally untrained. The war just about to open was to be different in certain respects from any that had ever been waged between France and Germany. Had the South German States remained neutral, the means by which France and Prussia could have approached each other would have been narrowed down to a frontier of about forty miles, extending from Sierck on the Moselle to Sarreguemines on the Saar. Strategy would have been useless here, and the army first passing the frontier would have been obliged to trust to the momentum of its advance to sweep all obstacles from its path until a wider front could be gained. But the warm response of South Germany to the call of Prussia threw open the whole line from Belgium to Switzerland-the front of operations thus extending from Sierck to Basle in Switzerland. The direct distance between these two places is 140 miles, and this part of the French frontier projects forward into Germany as a great right angle, the base being the direct line between the two places mentioned. " The northern side of this angle is the line between Sierck and the little town of Lauterbourg upon the Rhine. It traverses first the hilly country about the upper Moselle and the Saar, then passes straight across the high plateaux which rise up-from Lorraine to form the western or French side of the Vosges, and descending the steeper eastern side of that high 132 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR range, which stands like a wall along the Rhine frontier of France, finally crosses -the narrow strip of fertile plain, here but fifteen miles wide, which lies between its foot and the great river which it seems to guard. The little stream, the Lauter, here marks the frontier, and the principal passage over it in the plain is at the small town of Weissenbourg, well known in former wars waged in the Palatinate. The other, or eastern face of the great right angle we are describing, is formed by the course of the Rhine, which runs from Basle due northward through the plain to Lauterbourg, and thence onward to Mayence, where it first meets the hilly country of West Central Germany. This angle, therefore, formed the immediate base for whichever army should first attack, and projecting as it did on the northern face from Germany into France on the Moselle, and on the eastern from France towards Germany on the Rhine, became an object of more pressing interest than it had ever been in the wars of the First Napoleon, or of the Revolutionary armies, when movements were complicated with, or even subordinated to, other invasions of the enemy across the Lower Rhine through the plains of Belgium or the hilly Duchy of Luxembourg, now closed to both the combatants." Though this angle was, in a strict military sense, the actual base of the armies confronting each other, it may be said that each had its whole country for its base, for the railway system of each was so perfect that troops and supplies could be concentrated with almost lightning rapidity at any given point. Perhaps there has been no more striking instance of the marked manner in which the use of railways has revolutionized the science of war, than the rapid concentration of the German army on the Rhine in the summer of 1870. A glance at the map will show the reader that the French army possessed remarkable facilities for concentration and mutual support by means of the railways which it cornmanded. One single direct line of railway connected the towns of Strasbourg, Bitsche, St. Avold, Metz, and Thionville. A second line, in rear of this, brought Strasbourg into direct BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 133 communication with Nancy and Metz, by way of Taverne, Sarrebourg, and Luneville. Two railroads extending into the country in the rear of Strasbourg and Nancy, placed those towns in communication with Belfort, which was held by the Seventh Corps, under General Felix Douay, and with Lyons and the South of France. Nancy and Thionville were in direct communication with Paris-the road front the former place running through Toul, Vitry, Chalons and Epernay, and that from the latter through Montmedy, Mezi~res, Rheims, and Soissons. Thus the French were in full possession of railroad communication all along their strategical front, and to their rear from the centre and from both flanks. Their line was strengthened by the powerful fortresses of Metz and Strasbourg, and the forts of Bitsche, Petite Pierre, and Phalsbourg, guarding the passes through the Vosges, and by the fortified towns of Thionville and Toul on the Moselle; both commanding railways to Paris. The base of supply for MacMahon and De Failly was Strasbourg; that for the remainder of the army was Metz. Having thrown down the gauntlet, it was the policy of France to inaugurate the campaign by one of those brilliant initiatives for which that nation has been famous, and which in this case was indispensable. It was of the highest importance that the junction of the North and South German forces should be prevented, and that South Germany should be compelled to remain neutral. This could only be done by a bold and rapid movement of the French across the Rhine, which would place their army between South and North Germany. Such a movement was confidently expected'by the world at large. The French army was in position on the frontier by the 23d of July, but the Emperor remained at St. Cloud. To represent him he dispatched to Metz Marshal Leboeuf, who had been Minister of War, and who was now made Major-General of the army. His own departure was delayed until Leboeuf should notify him that all was in readiness for a forward 134 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR movement. Unfortunately, his representative had not the confidence of the army, and was besides utterly incompetent to the task of making such a sudden and daring move with a large army accustomed to a long season of peace. Nothing was accomplished. The troops were moved aimlessly about, and subjected to fatigues which accomplished nothing, and simply exasperated them. Quarrels broke out among officers high in rank, who seemed incapable of suppressing their jealousies. The officers of all grades were to a great degree more thoughtful of their own ease than of the discipline and morale of the army. It was in vain that MacMahon, Bazaine and a few others, whose conceptions of the struggle rose higher than the anticipation of a military promenade to Berlin, endeavored to counteract the evils. The fatal neglect which had left the army unprepared for the war, and which followed it to the frontier, made their task hopeless.' In their fatal self-confidence," says a French writer, who witnessed the scenes he describes, "the French commanders were in the meantime basking in the shades of the caf6s at the city of Metz. After a few hurried sentences on the war, and the glorious conquests in perspective, after the important discussion of the evening dinner, mixed with the intrigues of the Emperor's entourage, the question of precedence and of eager ambition were subjects far more ac l'ordre du jour than the advance of the Prussians, or of their eclaireurs, which was considered a trifling matter in comparison with the comfort, present and future of those gentlemen. Some of the generals were followed by the whole of their families, wives, daughters, babies, and nurses. Some others were conspicuous by the luxury and importance of their equipage. Their names and the explanations on their acting capacity in the Arm6e du Rhine, were written in immense letters on their convoys, soW that any impresario would have envied the brilliancy of these elaborated sign-boards." * The Emperor, at St. Cloud, was by degrees informed of the * The Var ofj' 1870. By Count de la Chapelle. Pp. 9, 10. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 135 actual condition of his army, and, as we have said, repaired to Metz on the 28th of July. It was only upon his arrival there-broken down in health, and physically incapacitated for the command, which for political reasons he was unwilling to entrust to others-that he learned the whole truth. The army was utterly unprepared for a forward movement. "The army of Metz," he has written since then, "instead of 150,000 men, only mustered 100,000; that of Strasbourg only 40,000, instead of 100,000; whilst the corps of Marshal Canrobert had still one division at Paris and another at Soissons; his artillery as well as his cavalry was not ready. Further, no army corps was even yet completely furnished with the equipments necessary for taking the field. The Emperor gave precise orders that the arrival of the missing regiments should be pushed on; but he was obeyed slowly, excuse being made that it was impossible to leave Algeria, Paris, and Lyons without garrisons." But this was not all. In spite of the self-evident fact that the army could be used nowhere but on the Rhine frontier, the Intendance or commissariat had utterly failed to provide provisions for the troops, and it was v.'th difficulty that enough could be secured to keep the army from suffering. More threatening still was the lack of military stores. There was a scarcity of ammunition, and supplies had to be hurried forward front distant posts. The very frontier fortresses of Strasbourg and Metz were found with almost empty magazines. At the outset the Emperor had designed making such a movement as we have indicated. In a pamnphlet,* believed to have been dictated by him, his plan for the opening of the campaign is described at some length. He was aware " that Prussia was ready to call out in a short time, 900,000 men, and, with the aid of the Southern States of Germany, could count upon 1,100,000 soldiers. France was only able to * Campagne de 1870: Des Causes qui ont amen6 la Capitulation de Sedan. Par un Officier Attach6, 1'Etat-Ma;or-G6n6ral. Bruxelles. 136 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR muster 600,000, and, as the number of fighting men is never more than one half the actual effective force, Germany was in a position to bring into the field 550,000 men, whilst France had only about 300,000 to confront the enemy. To compensate for this numerical inferiority, it was necessary for the Emperor, by a rapid movement, to cross the Rhine, separate South Germany from the North German Confederation, and, by the 6clat of a first success, secure the alliance of Austria and Italy. If he were able to prevent the armies of Southern Germany from forming their junction with those of the North, the effective strength of the Prussians would be reduced by 200,000 men; and the disproportion between the number of combatants thus much diminished. If Austria and Italy made common cause with France, then the superiority of numbers would be in her favor. The Em. peror's plan of campaign-which he confided to Marshals MacMahon and Leboeuf alone-was to mass 150,000 men at Metz, 100,000 at Strasbourg, and 50,000 at the camp of Chalons. The concentration of the first two armies, the one on the Sarre and the other on the Rhine, did not reveal his projects, for the enemy was left in uncertainty as to whether the attack would be made against the Rhenish Provinces or upon the Duchy of Baden. As soon as the troops should have been concentrated at the points indicated, it was the Emperor's purpose to immediately unite the two armies of Metz and Strasbourg; and, at the head of 250,000 men, to cross the Rhine at Maxau, leaving at his right the fortress of Rastadt, and, at his left, that of Germersheim. Reaching the other side of the Rhine, he would have forced the States of the South to observe neutrality, and would then have hurried on to encounter the Prussians. Whilst this movement was in course of execution, the 50,000 men at Chalons, under the command of Marshal Canrobert, were to proceed to Metz, to protect the rear of the army and guard the northeastern frontier. At the same time the French fleet cruising in the Baltic would have held stationary in the north of Prussia, a BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 137 part of the enemy's forces, obliged to defend the coasts threatened with invasion.* From the first the Emperor had found difficulties in the way of the execution of this plan. Though he appreciated the value of time, he did not go to Metz until a fortnight after the declaration of war. The reason was that he feared to risk the effect upon Paris of waiting two weeks at the head of his army in inaction. He never shared the vain glory of his subordinates and the nation, and in the midst of the enthusiastic demands for a march to Berlin, his voice was almost the only one which warned the people that the struggle would try their Inanhood to the utmost. Upon reaching the army he found the difficulties still to be overcome. "Even after his arrival the wants of his generals, for the most part unused to face the difficulties of moving very large masses, and accustomed to leave administrative detail to the intendants, raised obstacles such as the more practical soldiers who had led the army in Italy would have known how to overcome.' So the time passed away, and nothing was done. All the while it was necessary to keep the country in ignorance of the actual state of affairs, so that, ini spite of their impatience at the delay, the people were still as hopeful as ever. By the first of August the Imperial Guard had joined Bazaine at Metz, Canrobert's corps had moved from Chalons to Nancy; and MacMahon's corps was moving forward from Strasbourg to the Lauter. On the 24th of July the Prussians were reported in force at Saarbriick, and a strong French detachment sent by General Frossard, who had been pushed on with one division of his corps to Forbach, to reconnoitre the place, was repulsed with the loss of ten men. On the same day, some Prussian lancers crossed into French territory to the east of Sarreguemines and blew up the viaduct of the railroad between that place and Haguenau, thereby impeding the French communication between Bitsche and St. Avold. + This summary is from The War Correspondence of the (London) Daily Nrews, recently issued in book form. 138 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR =Mrml WI - - =UB I Mal,! Palace of Justice: Paris. On the 2d of August, the Emperor and the Prince Imperial left Metz for Forbach, for the purpose of ascertaining the position and numbers of the enemy. From Forbach the Emperor with a part of Frossard's corps, advanced upon Saarbriick, a Prussian frontier town, which was held by a small advance force of the enemy. A French division under General Bataille, carried the heights of Spicheren, on the right of Saarbriick, without difficulty; and the Prussians, after a resistance which had no military object, withdrew to their second line of defence. The affair lasted only three hours, and at its close the Emperor and the Prince Imperial went back to Metz to dinner. The Emperor sent the following despatch to the Empress: " Louis has received his baptism of fire. IIe was admirably cool and little impressed. A division of Frossard's cornmand carried the heights overlooking the Saar. The Prussians made a brief resistance. Louis and I were in front, where the bullets fell about us. Louis keeps a ball he picked up. The soldiers wept at his tranquillity. We lost an officer and ten men." BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 139 The next day the French began to strengthen their position on the Spicheren heights. This affair was doubtless meant to quiet the murmurs of the people (who were impatient of the delay) until the army was ready to move; but unfortunately for the authors of the scheme, it was believed in Paris to be an important victory, and to herald the advance of the army into Germany. All this while,-much might have been done that was not done, and at least a knowledge of the enemy's positions and numbers gained. Frossard was at St. Avold, and within twenty miles of his front was the junction of three railway lines coming from Treves, Bingen, and Mayence - lines of the highest importance to the enemy. A bold dash of his cavalry might have damaged these roads so as to render them useless, at least for a time, and thus have delayed the concentration of the German army. The air was fill of rumors of the concentration of huge masses of Germans behind Saarlouis and about Treves. L'Admirault, from Thionville, might have tested the truth of these rumors with his cavalry. De Failly's cavalry might also have ascertained the truth whether there was a strong concentration at or near Landau, in Rhenish Bavaria. It seems almost incredible that this last general should have been ignorant of the fact that fully one-third of the German force was assembling within less than a day's march of his outposts. Even MacMahon, that true and tried soldier, seemed paralyzed by the inactivity.at Metz and the timorous looking back to see what the opposition in Paris would say. That such attempts were possible is proved by the bold dashes of' the German horse into the French lines, and the manner in which they kept their commanders advised of the course of affairs there. Nothing was done in this respect, however. Even after the capture of Saarbriick, no effort was made to destroy the railroad junction from Treves all the enemy's railways being left in good condition for the use of their advancing columns. The French remained in utter ignorance of the positions, numbers, and movements of the enemy. Frossard's corps was 140 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR left thrown forward so far that it was questionable whether the rest could reach him in time to support him effectually in case of a sudden attack. MacMahon occupied a similarly exposed position. The Emperor becoming anxious for the Marshal's safety, and being satisfied of MacMahon's inability to act independently against the forces which he believed the enemy would shortly direct against him, ordered him to close in from Strasbourg, preparatory to a general concentration. MacMahon, apprehensive of the same danger, asked for and received a reinforcement of one division from Felix Douay's corps at Belfort. Then, in obedience to his orders, he began his march to the northward, from Strasbourg to Bitsche, where De Failly awaited him. His march was to be first along the Rhine, then turning to the left through the Vosges on Bitsche. " In making it, he approached the open bit of frontier along the Lauter, between the hills and the Rhine, those fifteen miles of plain which lie near the point of the angle where the French border meets the river, and he would in turning leave his outward flank open to a surprise made along this plain. So a division, under General Abel Douay, younger brother of Felix, the corps commander of that name, was- thrust forward to Weissenbourg to- bar the opening, while the other four divisions, thus covered, were to turn off into the hills, a day's march in its rear." It seems that the Emperor, though dreading that MacMahon might be assailed in his exposed position, now expected that the principal attack of the Germans would be made on his left, on the Moselle; and the condition of his army filled him with the gravest apprehensions. Meanwhile Marshal MacMahon, having begun his northward march, repaired to Metz to attend a Council of War at that place. Such was the situation as regarded the French, on the 3d of August. Meanwhile the Germans were bending every energy to the task of massing their army on their frontier. " From the first day of the war, the provincial organization of the corps which had been fully tested in the campaign of 1866 proved equal BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 141 to every demand. The principles on which this is foundeA are simple in themselves and few in number. They are in the main but two. In the first place, the corps supplies all its own wants as a whole direct from the central War Office, but distributes and checks the supplies so received within itself without reference beyond, being, except as to the filling up of its depots, regarded as its own war administration, and responsible for its own doings. Thus, one vast step has been taken to get rid of that army centralization which Prussian administrators have condemned for its working in the French and Austridtn services. The other great rule is to carry this decentralization further within the corps itself, and divide the transport especially, so that no one branch shall be dependent on any outside authority. This subdivision has been naturally condemned as complicated and needlessly expensive; but Prussian authorities hold that an army is above all intended for war, and that the machinery of that which is to be effective should be maintained intact in its framework in time of peace. Carriages of themselves cost little to keep up. Horses, on the contrary, must, under any system, be bought up for transport in case of war; but the only way, in the Prussian view, by which each department can be made thoroughly re sponsible for its own efficiency, and taught to vie with others in readiness for action, is to hand over to it all the rest of the machinery which would be needed to equip it for the field, and thus to prepare it for independent action so soon as the call sounds to arms. Men, and even horses, may be added at short notice; but without organization so prepared that they may take their places at once where needed, they will at first prove no better than encumbrances. As a consequence of this system, it no doubt at some time happens that a particular corps or column may have a superfluity of supply; but on the other hand, delay at the outset to wait for the issue of necessaries from distant stores is prevented, and in the field it is found a less evil in practice that there should be no excuse for failure, than that even occasionally a necessary supply should be inadequate. The Prussian system enlists on its side the power 142 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR ful motive of emulation on the part of each general and each regimental commander. The opposite practice takes from these officers a large part of their responsibility to throw it upon a special class of men trained in peace to raise objections to every demand, and blamed in war if their minds do not instantly rise to the full necessities of the occasion." The order for the mobilization of the German armies was given on the 16th of July, and the 28th of that month was the period fixed for the completion of the armament. Before the latter day arrived, however, the army was in readiness for the field, and the various corps were pushing forward with all speed to the frontier. The North German army, consisting of thirteen corps d'arm6e, and the South German forces, consisting of two Bavarian corps, one division from Wiirtemberg, and one division from Baden, promptly secured their communications with each other. This immense force was under the immediate command of the King of Prussia, but its movements were in reality directed by the greatest soldier of the day, General Von Moltke. It was divided into three armies. The First Army was commanded by General Von Steinmetz; the Second Army by Prince Frederick Charles; and the Third Army by Prince Frederick William, the Crown Prince of Prussia. All three commanders were tried soldiers. By the 28th of July, the 1st army had reached the frontier, but it was the only German force so far advanced. It occupied the line of the Saar; from Saarbourg on the right, with advanced posts at that place and at Merzig, Saarlouis, Saarbriick,'and Bliescastel; with its main body massed at Ottwei ler, Nuenkirchen, Homburg, and Landstuhl. The 2d army, under Prince Frederick Charles, with which the head quarters of the King of Prussia were established, crossed the Rhine at Mayence and Mannheiin, and pressed forward rapidly. On the 1st of August it took post on the left of Steinmetz, having its outposts at Zweibriicken and Pirmasens, and its main body echelonned from the left of the 1st corps at Landstuhl, along the line of railway joining that place with Landau, at Kaiserlautern, and Neustadt. file~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Gardens of the Palais Royal: Paris. Residence of Prince Napoleon. 03irten lbc4!alaid -Notal: 13ari6.,Jlfibeiq lbc6i /3tin/en Rapoleito. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 143 About the 2d or 3d of August, the 3d army, under the Crown Prince, having passed the Rhine at Mannheim and Gernlersheim, took post on the left of the 2d army, occupying as outposts Bergzabern on the road leading to Weissenbourg, and Wenden, the junction of the railroads coming from Carlsruhe in one direction and from Mannheirn by Neustadt in the other; and having its main body at Neustadt, Spire, Landau, and Germersheim. The following table will show the composition of these various armies: Infantry. Cavalry. Guns. 1ST ARMY.* GENERAL STEINMETZ. CHIEF OF STAFF: MAJOR-GEN. VON SPERLING. Corps 7th, Westphalians. Von Zastrow....................... 25,000 3300 96 Corps 8th, Rheinlanders. Von G(iben 25,000 3300 96 2ND OR CENTRE ARMY. -PRINCE FREDERICK CHARLES. (CHIEF OF STAFF: COLONEL VON STIEHLE. Guards. Prince of Wurtemburg... 29,000 4400 96 1st East Prussian. Von Manteuffel 25,000 3300 96 2nd Pomeranian. Von Fransetzky. 25,000 3300 96 3rd Brandenburgers. Von Alvensleben (2) 28,000 3300 96 4th Schleswig-Holsteiners. Von Manstein........................... 29,000 3300 96 10th Hanoverians. Von Voigts-Rhetz 25,000 3300 96 11th and 12th Saxons. t Saxon Crown Prince....................... 29,000 3300 96 3RD ARMY.-CROWN PRINCE. CHIEF OF STAFF: LIEUT.-GEN. VON BLUMENTHAL. 5th Poseners. Von Kirchbach..... 25,000 3300 96 6th Silesians. Von'rnumpling...... 25,000 3300 96 11th Hessians and Nassauers. Von Bose.......................... 35,000 1100 96 1st Bavarians..25............. 25.000 2500 96 2nd Bavarians.................... 25,000 2500 96 Division of Wiirtemberg......... 19,000 2,500 54 Division of Baden................ 18,000 1800 42 Forming a Grand Total of.... 412,000 47,800 1440 * Moved up to the Saar from their permanent quarters at Minden, Dusseldorf, Cologne, Coblentz, and Treves. t The 4th Corps, Prussian Saxons, which properly belonged to this army, only arrived in France late in August. f The Wurtemberg division did not join till the 5th August. The 6th Corps did not join till the 12th August. 144 III-STORY OF THE LATE WAR In addition to these immense columns, which so heavily outnumbered the French, strong reserves were in course of formation at Coblentz, Mayence, Frankfort, and Hainau. The railway system on the German frontier, and leading back into the interior of Germany, was of immense service in effecting the concentration of the army. It was equally serviceable for strategic purposes after the concentration was effected. Steinmetz, on the right, communicated with Prince Frederick Charles, in the centre, and he, in his turn, with the Crown Prince; on the left by the railroad from Treves, through Merzig, Saarlouis, Saarbriick, Ottweiler, Hornburg, Landstuhl, Neustadt, and Landau, all occupied by their troops; to Wenden junction, the extreme left outpost of the Crown Prince's army. "The course of this railway between Saarbriick and Wenden, is in the form of a curve, concave towards the French; that is, having the flanks advanced and the centre retired; and it obviously gave remarkable facilities for massing troops on the flanks, which were the only parts of the German line exposed to attack." Steinmetz communicated to his rear by the railroad to Mayence, which passes through Wenden, Sobernheim, and Bingen; Prince Frederick Charles by two lines of railway, one of which led to Mayence, by way of Neustadt, Mannheirn and Worms; the other to Heidelberg, by way of Mannheim; while the Crown Prince had the choice of two lines of retreat, equally secure-the one by Mannheim either to Mayence or Heidelberg, the other by railroad from Wenden junction to Carlsruhe. The strong fortresses of Mayence, Landau, and Germersheim greatly strengthened the general position of the German army, which was more compact than the strategical position of the French army. In addition to the forces thus gathered on the frontier parts, the four corps raised in the coast district (the 1st, 2d, 9th, and 10th,) were retained on the seaboard of Prussia as the neucleus of a force placed under General Vogel von Falkenstein to guard against any descent by the French from the sea, and BETWEEN GERMIANY AND FRANCE. 145 to overawe Denmark and Sweden, whose sympathies were avowedly with Napoleon. General Von Moltke did not deem it necessary to leave any force on the Russian and Austrian frontiers, wisely believing that if he could beat France at the outset, neither of those Powers would be likely to cause him any anxiety. Meanwhile, he exerted himself to place his army on the frontier. Hour by hour the armed legions thronged over the Rhine, to the positions assigned them,'while with unflagging kindness the wants of each regiment as it passed were supplied with willing contributions from kind-hearted citizens. Never were a couptry's exertions and its Government more in harmony than in that memorable fortnight; for the war had aroused the double sentiment of patriotism, and of deep-seated animosity against the French bequeathed by memories of old offences, of conquest, of occupation, and oppression." General Von Moltke gave his personal supervision to the task of concentration, so that there was no division, no lack of unanimity in the German councils. Everything felt the irresistible impulse of one great will, and every part of the vast and complicated mechanism moved with a regularity and promptness which could not fail of suecess. As a recent writer has well said, "If the means for concentration offered to Moltke's hand were an age in advance of those that had served Napoleon, the great German strategist may boast that his plans were carried out with completeness and promptitude proportioned to the advantage." Meanwhile the activity of the German horse was unceasing. From the outset the frontier was watched with sleepless eyes. The German cavalry, as we have seen, succeeded in destroying the railway viaduct between Sarreguemines and Haguenau as early as the 24th of July. On the 31st of July a detachment of twenty Baden troopers, of whom six were officers, made a daring reconnoissance into France. They crossed the frontier at Lauterbourg in broad daylight, and moved swiftly to Niederbronn, cutting in their passage the telegraph wires at the Huntspach station on the railroad between Haguenau and Weissenbourg. The next morning 10 146 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. they were surprised at a farm house where they were break. fasting, one of their number was killed,* and the majority were made prisoners; but several succeeded in making their escape to their own lines, carrying with thern the valuable information they had gained, and which they laid at once before the Crown Prince. Every day small parties of well-mounted intelligent and daring men were engaged in similar reconnoissances, by means of which the German commanders were kept informed of the movements of their adversaries, and by means of which they also succeeded in mystifying the French as to their positions and intentions. General Von Moltke had not under-estimated the importance of the duty before him. Though aware that his force was numerically stronger than that of the Emperor, he was also aware that the French rifle would to a certain extent atone for this weakness on the part of the French. He was also aware that he was to encounter an army which had never been easily beaten, and which had won some of the most brilliant triumphs in history. He was thoroughly informed as to the defects of the French service, and confident of the superiority! of his own, and he entered upon the active operations of the war with a deliberate conviction that he would be successful. Though meaning to make the war aggressive upon the first opportunity, the German leaders believed that their first duty would be to defend their own territory, for, in common with the rest of the world, they supposed: that France would open the war by a bold dash into Germany. They therefore wished for nothing so much as for time to move their army forward. This, as we have seen, was granted them. Their surprise at the delay of the French was great, but it soon gave place to a fierce exultation as their preparations drew nearer to completion. When all was at length in-readiness, it was resolved to anticipate the enemy, and to carry the war into France. By some means Von Moltke succeeded in impressing the A* n Englishman, named Winsloe, the first officer killed in the war. liililliilllll iiriiliisiI3,:!I i\iPilii111; ---- i:i i I nei 1liiiiiil!lijllllliI i \r liiil\ii`iiiiii%ii ; ii i i -n Illnnlnll;lilllrl;Illlilllllll;l!llll i ri;; i ii I i;iiii iliiruli rr t Oi 1 I\WI le u(liHjljjijll/,-'---- —=--=;"--=-_2 —----— - -Z:- —=-= —= — —— -?-'-"J-----==-I"~'"I- j, —---i -""T ==,~-3,,pn=d"'IPaV\F3:JTii# :. 7-,pla\~ —\-~ —~~ll~~~~~~T-:arw CIJiBb IF-n iilFi _,-"C —-— _I -L i-I-C='=Sg~r —— NLC —-i~Y I Il~LIIYi6j-BLi~a_~~a —-— L-_ rnir —~P. , jj) rF~ 1;=_=rsrm=-l —-- --— Fj_ -n,E--=`i=;= — —; —-— _?2PII~The First Blood of the Tar. Scouting Party of Btiden OBcers Surprised by the. T1~ench. 148 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. French with the idea that the army of Prince Frederick Charles was massed about Treves. This, as we have seen, caused the Emperor to apprehend an attack upon his left flank, and accordingly MacMahon's corps was drawn in from the Rhine. The German plan of advance was simple, and bore a close resemblance to that which had been so brilliantly successful in Bohemia in 1866. The armies of Steinmetz and Prince Frederick Charles were to unite and advance towards Metz, engaging the main body of the French if it should be found between Saarbriick and that place, whilst the third army, under the Crown Prince, was to move against the French left on the Rhine, and drive it through the Vosges. Then sweeping around to his right, the Crown Prince was to threaten the communications of the Emperor, and force him to make the retreat which would be a disaster to the French of itself, or to stand and be attacked in front and flank at once. Events, as we shall see, considerably modified Von Moltke's plan, though each change was for his advantage HIe was perfectly aware that MacMahon possessed no force capable of opposing the advance of the Crown Prince, and resolved to strike the blow at once. On the 4th of August, the Crown Prince began his flank movement. As we have seen General Abel Douay's division had been thrown forward to Weissenbourg by MacMahon, to cover the movement of his corps to the Vosges. Douay reached his position by end of July, and sent his patrols across the Lauter, which exchanged shots with the Bavarian outposts, but failed in consequence of the superior vigilance of the Germans, to discover the concentration of the Crown Prince's army within less than a day's march of their lines. It was a hazardous measure to throw Douay so far to the front, but it was one which the necessity of the case justified; but the responsibility of occupying the very exposed position which was chosen by Douay, must rest upon himself and not upon Mac Mahon. He might have pitched his camp ten miles farther back, and have accomplished all that was expected of him by the Marshal, but, for reasons which he is now powerless to Weissenbourg, the Scene of Prince Frederick Willial's First Victory. 150 ItISTORY OF TIlE LATE WAR explain, he chose a position inl the immediate vicinity of Weissenbourg, and but two miles from the Bavarian frontier. The country in his front was densely wooded, and admirably adapted to concealing the movements of an army, and it seems that General Douay failed to cover his line with an adequate picket force. Early on the morning of the 4th of August, the advanced forces of the army of the Crown Prince arrived in front of Douay's position; these troops consisted of 40,000 men, well supplied with artillery. The French troops were utterly unconscious of the presence of an enemy, and were quietly engaged in cooking their breakfasts. The Prussians rapidly secured the heights commanding their camp, and posted their artillery. At half-past eight o'clock, the French were aroused to a sense of their danger, by a storm of shells from the Prussian guns; they sprang to their arms with alacrity, and were soon in position. General Douay endeavored to meet the danger by a counter attack, but was driven back by the deadly fire of the Germans, and forced to act on the defensive. The Germans made their attack with ardor, and the French fought with desperate courage, but nothing could have saved them from being crushed by the overpowering force which the energy and genius of the Crown Prince had arrayed against them. The Crown Prince himself testifies to the gallantry with which they fought to maintain their positions. It was invain, however. General Douay was killed by a shell early in the action, while heroically endeavoring to rally his men, and the division, in spite of its gallant resistance was soon forced to seek safety in flight. Six hundred prisoners, one piece of artillery, and the French camp fell into the hands of the victors. The French fled rapidly, and in utter demoralization towards Haguenau, and although the Baden troops crossed unopposed at Lauterbourg in boats which the French had neglected to destroy, and endeavored to cut them off, the fugitives succeeded in making their escape. The ardor of the Crown Prince had led him to attack Douay before the arrival of his cavalry. Had his horse been present CI/E1cAND O — - N I IAW~ Nicdeibi1 012.% [ g 5z 0.6'fit1Ttder&~Of(;t er= \\ SCALE OF,. EN ENGLlSH.MILES. r-o~~~ij~~r~~-~~7~~e ~ ~ r~~l~~Ae-el- " F \ L\Al~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I~~~~~L:s ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ercte ~I.~~-&le BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 151 the French force would have been annihilated. The Germans lost 700, and the French many more, in killed and wounded, in this affair. The moral effect of the victory was very great. The Germans were much elated, and their confidence in the gallant leader who had carried them to victory in 1866 was so great that they declared the affair at Weissenbourg the prelude to a second Koniggratz. On the other hand, the French were unnecessarily cast down. Marshal MacMahon was at Metz, in attendance upon a council of war when the news of Douay's defeat reached him, and he at once set out for his corps. IIe did not appear to understand the true nature of the Crown Prince's movement, or to credit the reports of the fugitives as to the great strength of the German army before him. With the hope of checking the German advance, he resolved to give battle to the Crown Prince. Having rallied the fugitives of Douay's command upon his other divisions, the Marshal took position, near Woerth, on the slopes of the Vosges, his object being to cover the railway from Strasbourg to Bitsche, and the principal roads connecting the eastern and western slopes of the Vosges. His left rested on Reichshofen, his centre was on the eminences between Fr6schweiler and Woerth, and his right extended to beyond Elsasshausen. His position was chosen with the eye of a soldier. Iis line was semi-circular, presenting a convex front to the enemy, and, owing to the formation of the ground on all sides, was capable of being stoutly defended. A force attempting to pass him here by the road to Haguenau, would have exposed its flank to attack, while the road through the Vosges could only be gained by dislodging him. He held his line with a force of 55,000 men, consisting of his own corps, a division of Felix Douay's corps from Belfort, and a brigade of cuirassiers belonging to Canrobert's corps. On the 5th of August, the Crown Prince was informed that MacMahon was concentrating his troops at Woerth, and resolved to advance upon him before he should receive further reinforcements. The march was at once begun from Weissen 152 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. bourg, the object being to accomplish the change of front, which has been alluded to, before attacking the French. The army of the Crown Prince now numbered 130,000 men, and was plentifully supplied with artillery. On the evening of the 5th, the Fifth Prussian Corps pushed its van from its bivouac at Prenschdorf on the height east of Woerth. On the other side of the Saur numerous camp-fires of the French were visible during the night, the French outposts occupying the heights west of the Saur, opposite Woerth and Gunstett. Though certain that he had but a small force as compared with his own to deal with, the Prince says that it was not his intention to offer battle until the change of front had been effected; but the impatience of his outposts and those of Mac5Mahon brought on heavy firing early on the morning of the 6th. This firing caused the Prussians to send a battalion into Woerth. At eight o'clock steady firing was heard on the right flank, where the Bavarian troops were posted. This and the fire directed by the French upon Woerth, caused the Crown Prince to station the entire artillery of the Prussian Fifth Corps on the heights east of Woerth, with the hope of relieving the Bavarians, who by this time had pressed for ward to Neschwiller, where they were hotly engaged. Orders were then sent to the Fifth Corps to break off the engagement, and the Bavarian Second Corps, supposing the order to extend to them, obeyed it literally. MacMahon immediately threw himself with fury upon the Prussian Fifth Corps, and his attack was so sharp that in order to resist it the Crown Prince was compelled to accept the battle. For two hours the struggle went on with a desperation not excelled during the war, but at length the arrival of the Eleventh Prussian Corps compelled the French to fall back on their centre and resume the defensive. The losses on both sides had been heavy, but the French still held a strong position, the capture of which now became the object of the Prussians. "At two o'clock," says the Crown Prince, "the combat had extended along the entire line. It was a severe struggle. In his strong position on and near the heights of Fr6schweiller, the enemy offered us a most intense resistance." /-;"; —==== —= —-;=-=1 —= —-== —===— r-l ------ --------—;-,z —' _ —-— ==== —--=;-_______.__ __ — _===_=_=_-_===-==_====,. I —----— =;-~ — —' —;- —-; —— L;_; — = —--:- —C-7 —— -;- C-L=-T_ — ~ W jL1 The Battle of Woerth —EdacMahon's Last Charge. 154 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR The Wiirtemberg division was now ordered to turn toward Reichshofen by way of Ebersbach, and threaten to cut off MacMahon's retreat, whilst the First Bavarian Corps was directed to attack at once and dislodge the French from their position at Fr6schweiller and in the neighboring vineyards. "Between two and three o'clock," says the Crown Prince, "the enemy, bringing fresh troops into the field, and advancing with consummate bravery, assumed the offensive against the Fifth and Eleventh Prussian Corps. But all his assaults were beaten off. Thus the fight was going on briskly at Woerth, neither party making much progress, till at length the brilliant attack of the First Bavarian Corps at G6rsdorff, and of the First Wiirtemberg Brigade on the extreme left aL Ebersbach, decided the day." It was in vain that mitrailleuse, Chassepot, and artillery opposed the victorious advance of the Germans, for every regiment decimated by the French, a new one took its place. The French saw themselves outflanked on both wings by powerful corps, and their line wavered and broke in disorder on the right centre and left. As a last desperate resort, MacMahon, who had exerted himself during the battle to atone by his presence and example for his inferiority of numbers, ordered the cuirassier brigade which he had borrowed from Canrobert to charge the Fifth and Eleventh Prussian Corps-especially the artillery of those troops. It was a terrible undertaking, but it was all that was left to him. Summoning the commander of the cuirassiers, who was his personal friend, he ordered him to c:harge the enemy. "It is death, my General," was the reply " That is true," replied the Marshal, sadly; "but what can we do? Let us embrace, my friend." So saying he clasped the gallant soldier in his arms, and then ordered him to the attack. In an instant the magnificent column of horse was sweeping down upon the Prussians. It was a grand charge, but it was in vain. The Prussians received the troopers with a terrible fire from their artillery and infantry, which cut clown men and horses by the hundred. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 155 The brigade was annihilated-merely a handful returning from the charge. It is said that when the heroic old Marshal saw the result of his last venture, he burst into tears of irrepressible anguish-tears which did not shame his manhood. The day was now lost for the French, and at four o'clock MacMahon reluctantly gave the order to retreat. The movement was covered by the First and Second Divisions, which enabled the rest of the corps to retreat without being too closely pressed by the Germans. At first the withdrawal was effected in good order, but the majority of the troops soon became demoralized, and it was impossible for their commander to'control them. An attempt was made to make a stand at Niederbronn, with the artillery, but the Bavarians captured the guns, and active pursuit was made by the German army on all the roads. The French fled rapidly, the demoralization becoming greater at every step. The French right, though not pressed at all after abandoning its position, gave way to the most disgraceful panic. Fleeing madly, though wholly unpursued, a dense crowd took the road through Haguenau towards Strasbourg. They cut the horses from the guns and wagons to quicken their speed, and hurried on. Three thousand of these reached Strasbourg without their arms, and took refuge in the fortress, where they were at once embodied in the garrison. The rest of the army retreated upon Saverne. The confusion in this part was almost as great. The men who had borne the brunt of the battle so nobly, were now utterly demoralized. Marshal MacMahon did what lay in his power to cover the retreat of his men with the few regiments who kept their ranks, and finally succeeded in reaching Saverne, twenty five miles from the field of battle, on the evening of the 7th. HIe had lost all his personal baggage, nearly all his personal staff had been killed or wounded, and he himself was worn out with exhaustion, having been fifteen hours in the saddle. The French lost heavily in killed and wounded, in the battle of Woerth. The Germans estimated the number at 156 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR 10,000. They also lost 7000 prisoners, 4000 taken on the field and 3000 during the retreat. Thirty pieces of cannon, six mitrailleuses, and two eagles were taken by the Germans. The German loss was 7000 killed and wounded. The Germans bore willing testimony to the gallantry of the French resistance, and none more warmly than the gallant commander of the Third Army. From Saverne, where he succeeded in rallying the remnants of his corps, MacMahon continued his retreat upon Nancy, closely followed by the Crown Prihce. WVhile the battle was going on at WVoerth events of equal importance were transpiring at the other end of the line. Upon the receipt of the news of the disaster at Weissenbourg, the Emperor ordered General Frossard to withdraw his corps from the heights overlooking Saarbrnick, which had been held by that command since the 2d of Aullgust. Frossard immediately obeyed the order, and on the night of the 5th of August, his corps lay in the valley which extends from Saarbriick to Forbach. The latter town lies in this valley at a distance of six miles from Saarbriick. The valley is here a mile in width, but widens gradually to four miles in the direction of Saarbriick, that town lying on the left of the valley. The right of this valley is bounded by the Spicheren heights, running from Forbach to Spicheren village about three and a half miles in a straight line. The left of the valley is bounded by thickly wooded heights running parallel with the road from Forbach to Saarbriick. The Spicheren heights are much higher than those on the opposite side of the valley. They rise in almost perpendicular ascent several hundred feet above the valley, and forim a natural fortress. They completely command the valley, which is perfectly open and destitute of all cover, and across which an enemy must advance to attack them. As has been said, the First and Second German Artnmies were ordered to advance upon the French by the way of SaarbrUck. This movement was begun on the 5th of August, and on the morning of the 6th, the leading division of Genera] THE BATTLES' SAAR~BRUCKENAND SPEICHERN aar OLLI - Y/4/YjND AAG0Fr AUSL/ US-IS780. ~saa._tl qwif[oilert~!le hd T,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.*V 4N 6'WO, cu zzs* 4 he7 7- i.,. AIN ~~~AKE UCZG ACOE~0AU 6 ~ — ~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~L p owl~~ o CUP//:t in~ I I aahi "AN-o~bark occ uc./. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 157 Steinmetz's army, under General Von Kamecke, occupied Saarbriick and began to reconnoitre the French position. As soon as General Frossard saw the weakness of the German force in SaarbrUck, he determined to move back to the Spicheren heights, which he at once occupied with his whole corps. During the action which ensued, he was reenforced by a division from Bazaine's corps, which brought his strength to 40,000 men, and 72 guns. As the Germans advanced from Saarbriick the French opened fire upon them from the heights. The battle was opened about noon, by the Prussian 14th division of General Von Gdben's corps, under General Von Kamrnecke. This officer said that he was greatly outnumbered by the French, but perceiving the advantages which would be secured by their dislodgement from the heights, he resolved to attack them at once, knowing that the other divisions of the army were following close in his rear, and would soon come up. He made a bold dash at their front, and also attempted to turn their left flank by Styring, but all his efforts were repulsed. By three o'clock he had brought his entire division under fire, and the engagement had assumed a very sharp and serious aspect. Fortunately for him, the other divisions of the corps, urged on by the sound of the cannonade, now began to arrive on the field. Von Barkenow's division was the first to reach the spot; and two of its batteries preceded it at full speed to Kamecke's assistance. At the same moment the 5th division under General Stiilpnagel, belonging to Prince Frederick Charles' army, appeared on the Winterberg hill. It had been stationed at Sulzbach that morning, but upon the first sound of the battle, had been ordered forward, its only guide being the roar of the guns. General Von Gdben had also reached the field, and he now assumed the command. He at once directed a vigorous attack against the French front, especially against the wooded portion of the declivity. The charge was successful, and the wood was carried. On the southern edge of the wood, the French made a stand, and bringing all their resources to bear, endeavored with repeated charges of cavalry 158 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR and infantry, supported by a heavy artillery fire, to re stablish their lines. The Prussian infantry stood firm as rocks, however, and their artillery rained a terrible fire upon Frossard's command. Two of the batteries of the 5th Prussian division clambered up the steep and rugged hills by a narrow mountain path, where men could scarcely climb, and establishing themselves on the summit, aided greatly in repulsing the French. Frossard then attempted a flank attack on the Prussian left, but was repulsed. A last impetuous charge was now made by the bulk of Frossard's command. It was his third since the Germans had entered the wood; " but," says General Steinmetz, "like the preceding ones, this last effort was shortened by the imperturbable calmness of our infatintry and artillery. Like waves dashing andl breaking against a rock, the enemy's battalions were scattered by our gallant troops." Finding all his efforts useless, Frossard ordered a general retreat of his command, covering his movement with the fire of his artillery. Iis retreat soon became a rout, and only the darkness, and the ignorance of the German commanders of the extent of their victory, saved him from losing his whole command. "It was eight o'clock," says a French writer, in describing the close of the battle; "the fight was now in the streets; the Prussians were completely victorious, and the remains of Frossard's corps d' armee were in full retreat; their General-in-Chief had disappeared in the confusion, and Forbach was on fire. The scenes of despair were disheartening, the inhabitants of the town flying in wild terror, not only before the destructive element, but also before the shower of bullets, increasing with the retreat of the soldiers and the advance of the enemy." Baggage, guns, caissons, camp-equipage, all were abandoned in the flight. Forbach was seized by the 13th Prussian division during the battle on the heights, and Frossard was thus cut off from the direct road to Metz, and forced to retreat to the southwest, leaving the road to St. Avold in the hands of the Germans. "The road taken by the French in their flight was blocked by numerous wagons, with provisions and BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 159 clothing, and the woods were filled with stragglers, wandering about in a purposeless way. Among the spoils of the day were several railway vans full of confectionery, and ten days afterward, it was easier to obtain a hundred weight of sweetmeats at Forbach, than a loaf of ordinary bread." The battle of WVoerth was won by a superior force cof Germans against an inferior force of French; but at Forbach the case was reversed. The French greatly-outnulnbered the Prussians during the whole struggle-fifty-two French battalions, with the artillery of an entire corps, and posted in an almost impregnable position, were defeated by twenty-seven Prussian battalions supported by but the artillery of one division. The battle of Forbach demonstrated their confidence in their ability to engage superior numbers with success, and was a fine instance of the daring, decision, and tactical skill of the German commanders. "But," says the correspondent of the New York ITribune, " the Prussian victory was not obtained without terrible loss on their side. On Wednesday, when I visited the heights, there were still many French and Prussians unburied, some of them looking as if only asleep. What has been said about the frightful effect of the Chassepot bullet does not seem to have been exaggerated, for many of the wounds on the Prussian bodies were horrible to look at. I noticed one man: whose whole face was one big wound, a ball having struck him just under the eye, and made a hole one could have put one's fist into. There was little contortion in the bodies, as was to be expected, most of the wounds being gunshot ones.: There Avas, however. some hand-to-hand fighting in the final struggle for the top of the hill. The muskets and bayonets which covered the ground were broken and bent with blows given and received. Even the French officers taken prisoners admit the great dash and bravery shown by the Prussians in their attack on hills, which I can say from experience were difficult to climb without an alpenstock. They own that the mitrailleuses used by the French were very deadly at close quarters, but they affirm that at any distance the balls 163 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR fly so wide that they are little to be dreaded. Though some of the bodies are still unburied, most of them are interred, and pious hands have raised rough wooden crosses above the graves, with the names of those who sleep below inscribed on theIn. Frossard's division made so precipitate a retreat from Forbach, that they left many baggage-wagons and the whole of their pontoon-train behind them. Thus it happened that they did not break the railway up at Forbach; not a rail, as far as I can see-and I have been all along the line from St. Avold to Saarbriick-has been disturbed." The loss on both sides was heavy, that of the French being the most severe. Two thousand prisoners were taken by the victors. As we have seen, the corps of General De Failly was posted at Bitsche, between Woerth and Forbach. A division of this-command had reached MacMahon at Niederbronn just in time to cover his retreat upon Saverne. As soon as he heard of Frossard's defeat De Failly, perceiving that his position was untenable, abandoned Bitsche and retreated southward with the greatest precipitation. He came up with Mac Mahon at Severne on the evening of Sunday August 7th, his sudden and unexpected appearance causing the Marshal to believe at first that his command was a part of the enemy's pursuing force. It was known in Metz that Frossard was hotly engaged with the enemy, and the Emperor and his staff were in the railway depot ready to start for the battle-field, when a messenger arrived in haste on a locomotive, bringing the news of Frossard's complete defeat. The news of the disasters at Woerth and Forbach reached Napoleon almost at the same moment. It had been an eventful day to the French-a day of two crushing defeats, and we can well credit the statement of a French journalist, that, as the Emperor returned to his headquarters from the depot, " consternation was plainly visible in his countenance." King William sent the following despatch to Queen Augusta, announcing the victory of Woerth: 61,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i1 Strggersfrm te renh -rmy entitiirngSar,. Stragglers fnr ___~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ T I I / I c/ ~ It Iri;~ ~ Stasg~gleis fi~oni the Fiesich Army enteiing~ Saxerre. 162 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Good news. A great victory has been won by our Fritz. God be praised for His mercy. We captured 4000 prisoners, thirty guns, two standards, and six mitrailleurs. MacMahon, during the fight, was heavily reinforced from the main army. The contest was very severe, and lasted from 11 o'clock in the morning until 9 o'clock at night, when the French retreated, leaving the field to us. Our losses were heavy. News of the defeat of Frossard followed fast upon these tidings, and all Germany was in a delirium of joy. In Berlin the rejoicings were enthusiastic. A letter from that city, written on the 7th, describes the scene on the reception of the news: T'he capital apparently sees once more in all their glory the July days of 1866. The French prisoners were just on the point of quitting Berlin, when new jubilation was heard through the city from one end to the other, and everybody streamed yesterday evening towards the Linden. It was well known there that something new had occurred, but nothing further was known, and the masses rushed to the front of the royal palace. There Governor-General von Bonin appeared on the balcony and read the dispatch announcing the victory at Woerth. Cries were raised for the Queen; and as the exalted lady stepped forward and bowed on all sides, all those underneath, as if by preconcerted arrangement, sang with one voice Luther's famous hymn, "Eine feste Burg is nnser Gott." It was an undescribably beautiful scene, which even the rain, which fell heavily for about twenty minutes, did not materially spoil. Very different was the effect of the news in Paris. At midnight on the 6th, the Emperor sent the following telegram to the Empress: Marshal MacMahon has lost a battle. General Frossard, on the Saar, has been obliged to retire. His retreat was effected in good order. All can be reestablished. The bad news came in fast, in the following messages: METZ, August 7, 3.30 A. M. My communications have been interrupted with Marshal MacMahon. [ am going to place myself in the centre of the position. NAPOLEON. The corps of General Frossard had to fight yesterday from 2 o'clock in the afternoon with the entire army of the enemy. Having held his position until 6 o'clock he ordered a retreat, which was made in good order. (Signed,) LEB(EUF. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 163 The Bourse: Paris. METZ, 8.30 A. m., August 7. Communication with MacMahon having been severed nothing was received from him till last evening. General Lligle then announced that MacMahon's loss was great in the battle, but that his retirement was effected in good order. On the left the action began at about 1 o'clock in the morning, but was not serious until several masses of the enemy had concentrated, before which the second corps momentarily held its ground. Between 6 and 7 in tile evening the masses of the enemy became more compact, and the second corps retired on the IIeights. Tonight all is quiet. I go to the centre of the position. NAPOLEON. GENERAL HEADQUARTERS, METZ, Augutst 7, 8.30 A. M. That we may hold our position here it is necessary that Paris and France should consent to great efforts of patriotism. HIere we lose neither our coolness nor our confidence. But the trial is hard. MacMahon, after the battle of Reichschoffen, retired, at the same time, covering the road to Nancy. The corps of General Frossard, which suffered severely, is taking energetic measures for defence. The Major-General is in the front. The news was carefully kept from the Parisians by the Government until the evening of the 7th. On the 6th, at the very moment when the two battles were in progress, some stock-jobbers in the Paris Bourse set afloat the rumor that the Crown Prince of Prussia and 25,000 men had been taken prisoners by MacMahon. The rumor spread like wildfire, 164 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR and the city was ablaze with excitement. Shouts of triumph and patriotic songs were heard on every side, houses were decorated with flags, and money was contributed freely for the relief of the wounded. The Bourse and the square surrounding it were jammed with a noisy crowd. The scene on the Boulevards is thus described by an eye-witness: They were crammed with a frenzied crowd, and I presently saw one of the most extraordinary sights which ever fell under my eye. Mme. Sass passed on her way to the Grand Opera. The crowd recognized her, and forthwith clamor for " La Marseillaise" was raised. Excited to a degree below nobody —no wonder, flags were waved from every window, the boulevard was choked with frantic men, madly shouting, or blubbering as they hugged and kissed each other-Mme. Sass stood up in the carriage and sang " La Marseillaise." The vast mob joined in the chorus, waving their hats and stamping as they sang. A little lower down the boulevard M. Capoul, of the Opera Colnique, being recognized, was likewise summoned to sing " La Marseillaise." He obeyed, got on an omnibus top and sang Rouget de l'Isle's hymn. As I stood at the corner of the Rue Drouot, where I could look up the Boulevard Montmartre and down the Boulevard des Italiens (both boulevards end at this street), I could see nothing but human beings, packed liked herrings on sidewalk and street, singing " La Marseillaise," waving their hats, or relieving their over-fraught hearts by tears, or by huggingf and kissing their neighbor. The excitement was intense. For an hour and a half this excitement prevailed. It was suddenly brought to an end, or rather given a different character, by the announcement that the news was false, that the rumor was a mere stock-jobber's manc3uvre, and that its authors had been arrested. The effect upon the crowd was fearful. A general scream of rage and grief went up from the vast throng. Shouts of " Down with the Brokers " were heard on all sides, and a rush was made for the Bourse. " Burn the Bourse," shouted a score of voices; and for a moment it seemed that the building was doomed. Chairs, tables, benches, and every movable object were dashed to pieces, and nothing but the prompt arrival of the police, who succeeded in clearing the Exchange saved the edifice. The mnob then rushed to the official residence of the Prime Minister M. Ollivier, in the Place Vendome, and summoning BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 165 him to the balcony demanded the news. The Minister assured them that no news had been received from the army, save that the troops were in strong positions, and the future promising. At the same time he pledged himself that such tidings as might be received, should not be delayed one minute, whether it was good or bad. " We will communicate the bad news," he added, "with full confidence in the judgment and patriotism of the Parisian population, who will understand that an ephemeral check can have no influence on the destiny of France." Hiis remarks had the effect of pacifying the mob, and though the excitement was kept up until midnight, in was more orderly and more patriotic. In spite of the promise of the Premier, the news from the army was kept back by the Government until the evening of the 7th, when the following Proclamation by the Empress was published: FRENCHMEN:-The opening of the war has not been favorable to us. We have suffered a check. Let us be firm under this reverse, and let us hasten to repair it. Let there be but one party in the land-that of France; a single flag-that of the national honor. I come among you, faithful to my mission and duty. You will see me the first in danger to defend the flag of France. I adjure all good citizens to maintain order. To agitate would be to conspire with our enemies. Done at the Palace of the Tuileries, the 7th'day of August, 1870, at 11 o'clock A. Ar. (Signed,) The Empress Regent, EUGENIE. This failed to satisfy the people, who insisted upon details, when tl-le dispatches of the Emperor and Marshal Lebceuf, already given, were made public. They were accompanied by the following appeal from the Ministry. Details of our losses are wanting. Our troops are full of 6lan. The situation is not compromised, but the enemy is on our territory, and a serious effort is necessary. A battle appears imminent. In the presence of this grave news our duty is plain. We appeal to the patriotism and the energy of all. The chambers have been convoked. We are placing Paris with all possible haste in a state of defence. In order. to facilitate the execution of military preparations we declare 166 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR the capital in a state of siege. There must be no faint-heartedness, no divisions. Our resources are immense. Let us pursue the struggle without flinching, and this country will be saved. Paris, the 7th of August, 1870, at 10 P. M., by order of the Empress, Regent. (Signed,) M. OLJLIVER, Minister of Justice. DUKE DE GRAlMMONT, Minister of Foreign Affairs. M. CHEVANDIER DE VALDROME, Minister of the Interior. M. SEGRIS, Minister of Finances. GENERAL VICOMPTE DE JEAN, Minister of War ad interim. The next day the Ministers issued the following appeal: FRENCHIMEN!-We have told you the whole truth; it is now for you to fulfil your duty. Let one single cry issue from the breasts of all, from one end of France to the other. Let the whole people rise quivering, and sworn to fight the great fight. Some of our regiments have succumbed before overwhelming numbers, but our army has not been vanquished. The same intrepid breath still animates it. Let us support it. To a momentarily successful audacity we will oppose an union which conquers destiny. Let us fall back upon ourselves, and our invaders shall hurl themselves against a rampart of human breasts. As in 1792, and at Sebastopol, let our reverses be the school of our victories. It would be a crime to doubt for an instant the safety of our country; and a greater still not to do our part to secure it. Up, then, up! and you inhabitants of the Centre, the North, and the South, upon whom the burthen of war does not fall, hasten with unanimous enthusiasm to the help of your brethren in the East. Let France, united in success, be still more united under trial; and may God bless our arms! It was plain to the people of Paris that the disasters which had befallen the army were more serious than the Ministers were willing to admit, and that the Government was frightened. Nothing'could have been more ill-advised than this frantic appeal to the nation-this clear confession that the Ministers had no confidence in the future; the effect was in keeping with the appeal, Paris was panic stricken, and symptoms of disorder were seen on every hand. The Chambers met on the 9th of August. At one o'clock a vast throng had assembled before the Palace of the Corps Legislatif, and the Deputies were received with cries which indicated plainly that trouble was at hand. The National Guard, which surrounded the hall, were ordered to disperse BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 167 The Arch -of Triumph: Paris. the crowd, but they "refused to advance against their fellow citizens." The cavalry of the regular army on duty in the city was then called up, and the order given to clear the streets. The mob made no resistance, but withdrew shouting. In Metz matters were quite as bad. The French, both soldiers and civilians, had been so confident of success, had indulged in such bright visions of glory, and such high opinions of their own powers, that the reaction consequent upon their two defeats was terrible. They could at fist scarcely realize that the favorite Marshal of France had been beaten, even by a superior force, and having realized it, they were seized with a profound distrust of all their commanders, a feeling which 168 HISTORY OF TILE LATE WAR was increased by the arrivalof the news that, on the very same day when MacMahon had succumbed to the overwhelming columns of the Crown Prince, Forssard had been driven from his stronghold by an inferior force. Exaggeration is natural to the French mind, and this time the feeling had full play. Metz was a scene of confusion and disorder, the people imagining the Prussians at their gates, became considerably demoralized. Many fled from the city. The most distressing rumors prevailed on every hand. "Amongst the lower classes," says the Count de la Chapelle, "the excitement had reached almost to madness. Bands of men were parading the streets, asking for revenge, and stopping any looker on who had a foreign appearance. Several English and American correspondents were badly handled by the mob, and the authorities were compelled to put them under arrest, as being the only means to protect them from the infuriated people, who fancied they saw in those honorable gentlemen a lot of Prussian spies." Place Vendme and Napolen Column Pris. _ _~===I____Z =lc edm n uaoenClm:Prs BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE, 169 CHAPTER V. TRUE POLICY OF THE FRENCH AFTER THEIR DEFEATS-AFFAIRS NOT DESPERATE-THE EMPEROR PROPOSES TO RETREAT UPON CHALONS — HIS PLAN DISAPPROVED BY THE MINISTERS-THE ARMY ORDERED TO CONCENTRATE AT METZ-FATAL DELAYS-IGNORANCE AS TO THE MOVEMENTS OF THE GERMANS-VIGOR OF VON MOLTKE S MOVEMENTS-KING WILLIAM'S ADDRESS TO TIIE ARMY-THE INVASION OF FRANCE-THE KING'S PROCLAMATION TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE-REMOVAL OF MARSHAL LEB(EUF-DECISION OF THE EMPEROR-ARRIVAL OF GENERAL CHANGARNIER AT METZ-HIS RECEPTION BY THE EMPEROR-THE COUNCIL OF WAR-NAPOLEON RESIGNS HIS COMMAND-APPOINTMENT OF MARSHAL BAZAINE TO THE COMMAND OF THE ARMY-DEPARTURE OF THE EMPEROR FROM METZ-BAZAINE RESOLVES TO RETREAT TO CHALONSFATAL DELAYS-ARRIVAL OF THE GERMAN ARMIES BEFORE METZ-VON MOLTKE DISCOVERS THE WITHDRAWAL OF THE FRENC —BATTLE OF COURCELLES-EFFORTS OF THE GERMANS TO INTERCEPT BAZAINESKETCH OF THE FRENCH LINE OF RETREAT-BAZAINE STILL DELAYSPASSAGE OF THE MOSELLE BY THE GERMANS-THE BATTLE OF VIONVILLE-A BLOODY ENGAGEMENT-SUCCESS OF THE GERMAN PLANSBAZAINE RETIRES TO THE VICINITY OF METZ-THE NEW FRENCH POSI TION-INCREASED aCTIVITY OF THE GERMANS-THE FRENCH MARSHAL LOSES HIS LAST CHANCE OF ESCAPE-THE BATTLE OF GRAVELOTTE —A GREAT VICTORY FOR GERMANY-BAZAINE DRIVEN UNDER THE GUNS OF METZ-THE INVESTMENT OF THE FRENCH POSITION-THE SIEGE OF METZ BEGUN. )TIE delusions of the French, their fond hopes of victory, were rudely dispelled by their defeats of the 6th of August, but the cause of France was far from being lost. It was true that the power of inaugurating offensive movements had passed into the hands of the German commander, but the Emperor had still left to him the adoption of a vigorous defensive. He had been greatly disheartened by the state of the army at the outset of the campaign, and, as we have seen, had been forced to resign his intention of invading Germany; but these evils while they were powerful in preventing an advance were not as fatal to a defen 1 70 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR sive policy. He had lost the use of MacMahon's and De Failly's commands for present operations, but he still had the remnants of Frossard's corps and the rest of the army. His true policy, therefore, was to concentrate these commands with the utmost rapidity, abandon Metz and the frontier, and fall back to a new line, nearer Paris, before the Germans should prevent him, as he must have known they would surely seek to do. MacMahon was retreating towards Chalous, where fresh troops were being gathered, and it would have been the part of wisdom for the Emperor to retreat upon that place. Ten days at the least would have been gained by such a movement, during which the new levies would have been brought up and organized an army of at least 280,000 (all but 35,000 being old soldiers), and 650 guns would have been assembled at Chalons,* an intrenched position would have been secured, and all France would have been behind the army. In such a case, the German advance would not have been as rapid as it proved under the actual circumstances. The fortresses of Strasbourg, Metz, Toul, Verdun, Thionville, Phalsbourg, and Bitsche, would have required to be watched, at least 80,000 men being needed for such service, and the advance of the German trains must of necessity have been slow. A bold and fearless confession of the necessity of the case, a defiant and hopeful tone and energetic measures on the part of the Government would have silenced the discontented by arousing the patriotism of the French, and France would have met her enemy on her second line on better terms. But boldness, decision, and vigorabove all rapidity of execution, were needed by the French for the securing of these advantages, and these qualities were wofully lacking. The Emperor's first care, after the events of the 6th, was to mass his army at Metz. L'Admirault, with the Fourth Corps was moved from Thionville to Metz, where the Third Corps under Bazaine, and the Imperial Guard under Bourbaki, were encamped. A portion of Canrobert's corps was also brought up * The AMetz army and that which MacMahon afterwards led to Sedan, footed up this number. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 171 to Metz, and to that place Frossard led his shattered Second Corps after the battle of Forbach. This force numberoe 140,000 men. As a first step, Bazaine was ordered to occupy the line of the Nied in order to rally the Second Corps upon his command. The Emperor was anxious to withdraw with his army to Chalons, and was fully aware that no time was to be lost in the execution of this movement. He communicated his intention to the Regency at Paris, and the Council of Ministers at first approved it. Two days later, however, M. Emile 01livier informed the Emperor that, upon mature deliberation, the Council had decided that it had been too hasty in approving the retreat of the army upon Chalons, inasmuch as " the abandonment of Lorraine could only produce a deplorable effect upon the public mind." He, therefore, advised the Emperor to abandon his project; and in an evil hour for his country and for himself, Napoleon listened to and was guided by the advice of his chicken-hearted minister. Having decided to remain at Metz, the Emperor now endeavored to mass his forces " in the hope that he might be able to fall upon one of the Prussian armies before they had effected their junction." A week-the most precious week of the war to the French - was suffered to slip by in irresolution and inaction. The Emporor was in utter ignorance of the movements or designs of the enemy. He only knew that they were approaching Metz, and he excuses his irresolution by stating that his movements were uniformly embarrassed " by the absolute ignorance in which we always remained concerning the position and the strength of the hostile armies. So well did the Prussians conceal their movements behind their formidable shelter of cay. airy, which they deployed before them in all directions, that, notwithstanding the most persevering inquiries, it was never really known where the mass of their troops was, nor, in consequence, to what points the chief efforts of our army should be directed." It was a situation most trying to the Emperor. Ile had little hope of success in the approaching conflict with the enemy, and he dared not act in accordance with his convictions for fear of producing trouble in Paris. 172 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Meanwhile the German commander was determined that the French army should not leave Metz, and nothing gave him so much pleasure as the news that his adversary still lingered near that place. The week which was passed by the French in irresolution, was spent by the Germans in unceasing activity. The Crown Prince was left to continue his pursuit of MacMahon, and the Baden contingent was sent to attack Strasbourg-a striking proof of Von Moltke's confidence in his ability to manage the Emperor with the 1st and 2nd armies. The concentration of the 1st and 2nd armies was hastened with all possible vigor, the King himself being in immediate command of both. On the 8th of August, he issued the following proclamation to his troops: SOLDIERS:-The pursuit of the enemy, forced back after bloody fighting, has already carried a great part of our army over the frontier. Many corps will enter upon the French soil to-day and to-morrow. I expect that the self-discipline with which you have heretofore distinguished yourselves, will be also especially maintained in the enemy's territory. We carry on no war against the peaceable inhabitants of the land; it is, on the contrary, the duty of every honest soldier, to protect private property, and not to allow the good reputation of our army to be marred by even one example of lawlessness. I depend upon the excellent feeling which possesses the army, but also upon the vigilance and rigor of all commanders. On the 10th, the Ist and 2nd German armies crossed the frontier, and on the 11th they were united on the soil of France. The King at once issued the following proclamation to the inhabitants of the departments occupied by the German armies: We, Wilhelm, King of Prussia, give notice to the inhabitants of the French departments in possession of the German arimy as follows: After the Emperor Napoleon had attacked by sea and by land the German nation, which desired, and still desires, to live at peace with the French people, I assumed the chief command over the German armies in order to repel this attack. In the progress of events, I have had occasion to cross the French boundary. I make war with the French soldiers, and not with the citizens of France. These will, therefore, continue to enjoy a perfect security of their persons and their property just so long as they do not deprive me, by their own hostile acts against the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 173 German troops, of the right to extend to them my protection. The generals who command the different corps will establish by especial regulations, which shall be brought to the knowledge of the public, the measures which are to be taken against communities or against single persons, who set themselves in opposition to the usages of war. They will in similar manner fix everything in regard to requisitions which shall be demanded by the necessities of the troops. They will also fix the rate of exchange between German and French currency, in order to make the single transactions between the troops and the people easy. The Emperor now resolved upon a step which should have been taken the moment he found himself unable to order the retreat upon Paris. He was almost an invalid, and was physically incapable of leading his troops in battle; and he was conscious that he "was being made responsible for the wretched situation of the army." He removed Marshal Lebceuf from his position of Major-General of the army, and suffered the staff which had so deceived him to fall into wellmerited disgrace. He had seen the situation from the first, clearer than those officers who had sought to flatter him with hopes of success, and knowing that the time had now come when he must think of the interests of his country as apart from those of his dynasty, he determined to relinquish the command of the army into the hands of a general who should be free to act for the good of France without reference to the Empire. On the evening of the 11th of August, a council of war was convened at the Imperial Headquarters at Metz. "The great question to solve, was the appointment of a general, popular enough to inspire confidence, and who would not hesitate in taking such a serious responsibility. Changarnier, the old and popular general of Africa, had arrived at Metz; he came in the moment of danger, to offer his sword to the Monarch who had sent him into exile; he brought the services of his rare experience to the patrie en danger. The old general was handsomely received by the Emperor, and from that moment the veteran took the greatest part in the council of war, and exercised a benevolent influence over its decisions. " The important discussion for the choice of a new Gn6eral 174 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. en-Chef was the order of the day. The Emperor was presiding, and after a few sensible remarks on the reasons inducing him to give up the command, he recommended to his lieutenants to consider the importance of their resolution, and he exhorted them to put aside all feeling of ambition, in presence of the grave events which had occurred, and of the great task they had to fulfil; for himself, he was determined not to influence in the least their decision; and after those few sentences, the Emperor buried silently his face in his hands, and waited, without adding a word, for the nomination of his successor to the Arm6e du Rhin. "The meeting was a stormy one. The favorites of the Court, the generals de salon of the Second Empire, those egotistical men, who, taking advantage of the noted kindness and favor of their sovereign, had helped to plunge him into misfortunes without parallel, could not entertain the idea to give up their projects, and to be commanded by a general designated at once by his rank, his qualities, and the prestige of his glorious campaigns. But Changarnier's resistance overcame the petty intrigues, and M-arshal Bazaine, the illustrious soldier from the ranks, was appointed to the supreme command of the Arm6e du Rhin, in conjunction with MacMahon, who was to take the command-in-chief of his own corps, also of the corps of De Failly, Felix Douay, and of the new columns in formation at Chalons. "In assuming the command (tugust 12th), Marshal Bazaine, in a bulletin to the army, explained briefly the efficient measures he intended to take, and that, putting aside the system followed by his predecessor, he would act at once energetically. The new Commander-in-Chief ordered everybody to take the field, to camp in their respective quarters." * It was now urged upon the Emperor that there was danger of his being detained at Metz by the Germans, and he was advised to withdraw to Chalons. He decided to do so, and on the afternoon of Sunday, the 14th of August, left Metz for Verdun, accompanied by the Prince Imperial. He addressed X The War of 1870. By Count de la Chapelle. Pp. 39-42. , — —-I — -L-; -----— —-L-_-:__: __-_~ —;; ___ __ i:i = --- - c_..____ —r —= —- ----— — ---- -___- ---— — ~;: —--— _-L-_ — =-;1;Z- — L —=S —i_L —IZ_Z=-151_ I____ _______ -''C--- — —rz- — --f= — c=L --—, Y _ —-c; -lr 5;~ —--. Is-s-~ -- — --- r;_ m " -i;=~ —;-s=~ -= Lc. r 5 —-- Cathedral of Notre name. Front View: PanP. 1'76 176 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR the following proclamation to the people of Metz upon his departure from that city: On quitting you to fight the invaders, I confide to your patriotism the defence of this great city. You will never allow the enemy to take possession of this bulwark of France, and I trust you will rival the army in loyalty and courage. I shall ever remember with gratitude the reception I have found within your walls, and I hope that in more joyous times I may be able to return to thank you for your noble conduct. Bazaine assumed the command of the army on the morning of the 12th of August, and at once determined on making the retreat upon Chalons, upon which the Emperor had at first decided. Had he moved with promptness and rapidity, he would doubtless have reached Verdun in safety, for it was not yet in the power of his enemy to prevent his escape from Metz; but here again the French delayed, and the chance of escape was lost. Had Bazaine been better informed of the enemy's movements, his course would no doubt have been different; but it seems that he was totally in the dark as to the designs or position of the Prussians. On the 13th of August, the King of Prussia arrived before Metz from St. Avold, with the 1st and 2nd armies, numbering at least 250,000 men, with 750 guns. He disposed his forces in a huge semicircle, enveloping the town on the east bank of the Moselle. Even then, Bazaine seemed ignorant that he had the main force of the Prussians in front of him. On the morning of the 14th, the French army began its retreat across the Moselle. The men were in good spirits, and had confidence in their commander. The chief thing now was to make sure of the retreat. Two more days had been wasted, but there was still a chance. Bazaine should have trusted to the fortress and garrison of Metz for the protection of his rear, and have made for Verdun with lightning speed. He failed to do so, however. His retreat was conducted leisurely. Three corps of his army remained around Metz during the 14th, on the east of the city, as if sure of being able to retire when they wished. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 177 Von Moltke was well pleased with this absence of haste on the partof the French, as it gave him all the more time for carrying out his plan of penning that army up in Metz. He appreciated the value of time more than his adversary seemed capable of doing, and his movements were marked by a decision and rapidity which were certain of success. His design was to hold Bazaine at Metz with one portion of his command, while at the same time he cut him off from Verdun with the other. A portion of the army of Prince Frederick Charles was left with Steinmetz on the east of Metz, but the bulk of that command was moved to the Moselle at Pont-aMousson, where it passed that river, and moved upon Bazaine's line of retreat to Verdun. In the meantime, in order to ascertain what the French were doing, and to cover the movement of the 2d army, General Steinmetz was ordered to rmake a strong reconnoissance towards Metz; this he did on the 14th, and his reconnoissance, was soon changed into a sharp attack, as he discovered unmistakable signs of the withdrawal of the French from Metz. The fight, since known as the battle of Courcelles, was stubborn and sanguinary, the French occupied numerous lines of rifle pits, and held several villages in which they had strongly intrenched themselves. The Prussian attack was made with great determination, and the French were compelled to send back the Fourth Corps, which had almost crossed the river at Metz, to the assistance of the troops engaged. The fighting lasted until nightfall, the Germans having forced the French back under the guns of the fortress. Both sides claimed the victory, the advantage was evidently with the Germans. The Emperor, who had left Metz that afternoon, passed the night at Longueville, a village on the road to Verdun, fromn which he sent the following dispatch to the Empress: LONGUEYVILLE, August 14, 10 P. Nr. The army comlmencod to cross to the left bank of the Moselle this morning. Our advance guard had no knowledge of the presence of any force of the enemy. When half our army had crossed over, the Prus 178 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR sians suddenly attacked in great force. After a fight of four hours, they were repulsed with great loss to them. NAPOLEON. On the morning of the 15th, he resumed his journey to Verdun under the protection of a strong escort. An hour after his departure, the house in which he had passed the night was riddled by the fire of the Prussian artillery, which had come up to dispute the passage of the French army over the same road. King William sent the following telegram to the Queen of Prussia on the night of the 14th: Yesterday evening victorious combat near Metz, by troops of the Seventh and First Army Corps. Details still wanting. I am going at once to the battle-field. The advance-guard of the Seventh Corps attacked, last evening tos;ards 5 o'clock, the retreating enemy, who took up a position and called reinforcements from the fortress. Parts of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Divisions, and of the First Corps, supported the advance-guard. A very bloody fight spread along the whole line; the enemy was thrown back at all points, and the pursuit was carried as far as the glacis of the outworks. The neighborhood of the fortress permitted the enemy to cover his wounded to a great extent. After our wounded were cared for, the troops withdrew at daybreak into their old bivouacs. The troops are reported to have all of them fought with a wonderful energy and gayety not to be expected. I have seen many of them, and have thanked them from my heart. The joy was overpowering. I spoke with Generals Steinlnetz, Zastrow, Manteuffel, and Giben. Bazaine passed the night of the 14th in continuing his withdrawal from Metz, and Von Moltke made use of the same time to hasten forward the army of Prince Frederick Charles, and to follow it the next day with the bulk of the 1st army. There are three roads leading from Metz to Verdun. Two of these unite at Gravelotte, at a distance of five miles from the city. The southernmost leads direct to Verdun through Rezonville, Vionville, and Mars-le-Tour, and is the shortest of all. The next is somewhat longer, and passes through Doncourt and Jarny to Etain, where it unites with the third and northernmost and longest, which leads from Metz almost in a northerly direction along the Moselle to Woippy, thence BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 179 defiles through the woods for a long distance over Saulny to St. Privat-la-Montagne, thence over Ste. Marie-aux-Chelnes to Aboue into the valley of the Orne, thence again defiles to Briey, where the road divides, one part leading in a northwesterly direction over Longuion and Montmedy to Sedan, and the other leading due westwardly to Etain, uniting there with the middle route to Verdun. All these roads are wide and well laid out, and were in excellent order. Bazaine continued his withdrawal through the 15th, but not with the speed which should have characterized his movements. He chose the two southernmost of the roads mentioned above for his line of retreat. The Second and Sixth Corps were moved in Echelon behind the cavalry division of General De Forton, who had cleared the most southern road as far as Mars-le-Tour, while the division of General De Barail cleared the second road to Conflans-en-Jarnisy. The Imperial Guard held the junction of the two roads at Gravelotte. Meanwhile the Emperor continued his journey to Verdun (in considerable danger of capture by the Prussians), which he reached in safety. Then, sending the Prince Imperial to Rheims, he hastened to Chalons, where MacMahon was exerting himself to) get his troops in readiness for the field.* * Edmund About has given the following account of the Emperor's journey: "The Emperor, at the commencement of the battle, was at Longueville with the Prince Imperial, Prince Napoleon, and their aides-de-camp, in an'inn situated in the middle of the village. The Prussians were certainly not aware of the presence of those illustrious guests, or the house would have been battered with artillery. Two or three shells, however, fell a few paces off, and as the village was in danger of being destroyed by the enemy's fire, the Marshal sent to warn his Majesty of the peril, and orders were at once given for the departure of the Imperial household. The Emperor and his suite mounted on horseback, but the difficulty was great, as the country around was scoured by the German troops. A guide, however, undertook to lead the party by pathways through vineyards, and at a certain moment the Emperor passed within a mile and a half of the Prussians, who, however well informed they usually are, were not aware that such a rich prize was within their reach. After two or three hours' march through woods and plantations, which time must have appeared very long to his Majesty and his suite, they arrived at the high road, which they had then only to follow to reach their 180 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR The French seem to have had no suspicion of the proximity of the army of Frederick Charles, or of the effort of the Germans to cut them off from Verdun. They seemed to think that the enemy's whole force was east of the Moselle, at least 25 miles away from their position. and that they would hlave full leisure to send their train ahead on the 15th and 16th and move off at their leisure on the 17th. On the morning of the 15th, King William and General Von _Moltke made a close examination of the battle field of Courcelles, and of the French position, which satisfied them that Bazaine was leaving Metz. Orders were at once given for the German army, with the exception of the First Corps, which was left before Metz to watch the enemy, to cross the Moselle. The Seventh and Eighth Corps (lst army), were thrown over the Moselle on pontoon bridges at Corny. The rest of the army passed the river at Pont-a-Mousson. By the night of the 15th, the whole Prussian army, with the exception of the First Corps, which was left before Metz, the Second, which was still at Forbach, and the Fourth, which was on the march, was over the Moselle, and pushing forward to seize the roads to Verdun. Von Moltke was resolved to next destination at Gravelotte. The Emperor rested one day at Verdun, and then proceeded to Chalons by rail in a third-class carriage; the servants at the station, who had not been informed of the departure of the Imperial household, had not even time to clean out the compartments, which still bore traces of the troops who had travelled in them on the preceding days. He was only too glad to find a third-class carriage at Verdun, in which to pursue his way to Chalons. An officer approached him at St. Hilaire, and without much ceremony ventured to say,' Sire, you must be fatigued.'' Yes, indeed l' answered the Emperor,' and hungry also.' " He is altered astonishingly; looking not only much older, but blotched and puffy. He moves about with an air of helplessness. " CHALONS, Aug. 14.-The Imperial headquarters present an aspect of melancholy. The Emperor does not show himself, and no one has seen him since his arrival at the camp. In passing along the road near the pavilion which he occupies, I met the Prince Imperial, in uniform, and wearing the military medal, walking with his equerry. He had the gay and careless air of a boy of his age. After following the road for a distance, he crossed a field, and went and sat down on the edge of a ditch, where he amused himself in drawing lines or figures with his walking-cane in the sand.' BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 181 bring Bazaine to a decisive battle somewhere between the Moselle and the Meuse, and drive him back to Metz. We have seen how much the delay of the French commander aided the Prussians; but we are none the less called on to admire the skill and vigor of the designs and movements of the latter. A brief halt was made during the latter half of the night of the 15th, to allow the German troops to rest, and at daybreak on the 16th the march was resumed with all speed, in order to reach the plateau between the Moselle and the Orne, in the direction of Verdun. The cavalry of Von Alvensleben's Third Prussian Corps were pushed forward in advance, and the infantry of that corps hurried after them as fast as possible, the march being in the direction of Mars-leTo ur. On the morning of the 16th, Bazaine resumed his retrograde movement. All through the 15th the Prussians had given unmistakable evidences of their proximity, by frequent skirmishes with the French outposts,* and other movements, but still the Marshal seemed to think he had an abundance of time to get off:. At nine o'clock, while Frossard's corps, which was leading the march, was moving along the most southern road towards Mars-le-Tour, it was suddenly attacked by Von Alvensleben's cavalry, supported by one brigade of infantry. The cavalry had received orders to stop the head of the French column, at all hazards, and hold it until the infantry could come up, and they made their attack with the utmost heroism, and succeeded in bringing their enemy to a stand. They were soon joined by the infantry divisions of the German Third Corps, and the battle became inevitable. Frossard at once took position to meet the attack upon him, and the corps of L'Admirault, Decaen (3rd), and Canrobert, were brought up to support him. * "At about 4 o'clock (on the afternoon of the 15th), we reached a plateau commanding a full view of the valley of the Moselle, and of the city of Metz, and from there we had also an open sight of the country around. Masses of Prussians were camped at about three miles distance, some of their columns facing the village of Gravelotte." —-The War of 1870. P. 56. 182 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Subsequently the Imperial Guard were brought into the fight. The French line extended from Doncourt, on the righit (on the upper road to Verdun), through the villages of Tronville; Mars-le-Tour, Vionville and Rezonville, to Gravelotte, on the left, and covered the two roads to Verdun. The German line at first faced to the northward, but as fresh troops came up, they were posted by Count Moltke on Alvensleben's left, and thrown forward so far, that at the close of the day the German line faced eastward, its left reaching to the most northern of the roads by which Bazaine was retreating. The battle soon became general. Until half-past twelve o'clock, it was fought by the Third German Corps alone. This gallant command succeeded in carrying the villages of Mars-le-Tour and Tronville, thus securing the most southern road to Verdun, but its attack on Vionville was repulsed with heavy loss. Matters looked (lark at this moment for the Ger mans, as the French were greatly superior to them in num bers and position. They pressed the Third Corps heavily from the direction of Vionville, and it seemed that Alvensleben would be forced to yield his ground. Suddenly, however, two divisions of cavalry came up at a gallop, having hurried forward with all speed from Thiaucourt. These were ordered to charge the French. They made their attack at two o'clock in the most reckless manner. They were full aware that they could accomplish nothing but gain time for the rest of the army to come up, and that they were simply required to sacrifice themselves for this object, but the brave fellows never hesitated. They swept down upon the French line with an enthusiasm that was irresistible, they broke through it, rode over the batteries, and even charged the staff of Marshal Bazaine himself, killing twenty men and the captain in command of it. Then broken and shattered, they retreated to their own. lines, having lost half their number in the charge-a charge which has never been equalled in heroic self-devotion and bravery by anything in history " It was splendid As a dream of old romance: SCALE OF ENGLISH MILES 0 1 a 3 4- 5 10 ARIEY BEAUMON/;T BRR IE \ MECOUR\ r` 7 MA AR 1AE MA -ZIE 1 \ Cl-/AMP/ON/o * MAIZI,~RtS S" WiABERT A IX CHAIEES ~ Mn/RZ/ +| | \| A RUCY ~~~~~~~~LA BR)' ~~RY~ ~ ~ ~ ~. A VIGY BAT ILLY I-/ABUVILLE. -/ V LL, a<~~~ ~ n 9 | OLOY CONDRMVIAP CONFLANS A MA N VIL L EWS MALRO Jo ~~~~~~~uoA V/L6 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ MA RXE SA Y |7V |O SAULNYELOY a VONCOURT VERNEVILLE ONA/ / OUTREI \ - J k O/PY /.pl /V rY~r' COUT'RE M M/SAEIPZ/G&COW AN&VUC I \A I7 i'T / V4~$Y l, SrrMARC[Z $oB eSP, Xg PLAPPEVeLLrj, RN J\ UY |E ~S' /~~~~~MARCEL~~~~~~~~~~ E r01 ~ qUENTIN @ ~ NOISSL VILLt GRAVE LOTT R M ULPLN V VIL E ~MARS LAITOUR E7 IYL N T O V I/, LN - PONu% TouR /3T / E S VA L * CCL QIev sY PPAS F-1 T I HORNY AVIAIB OIS DES,!\~-I*<~'~.....a D 0G d / MRONVIL OGNi'ONSe A RS, F 0 R~IN QUELEU I < o,, \ ERCY & E HP/l j j N OE\ | — Z - t-JW6O Z AY MANU T | \ LY AOL&NY TPOUILj RE CONY..~~~~ C-O'P'T N INC CRI RO[LLO Y 9 KA P. E- O i, ('"-' ~ACOURT~~\ OUR- I __________A MOUSSON MAP OF THE COUNTRY AROUND M)ETZ, SHOWINC TIlE BATTLE-FIELDS FROM I AjrC UST 14th, 1870, TO TlIE SURRENDER OF THCI BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 183'I'hinking which their German neighbors''hrilled to watch them at their labors, Hewing red graves with their sabres, In that wonderful advance." The hour which was thus gained was worth the cost, dear as it was. About three o'clock, the Tenth Corps came up, and was posted on Alveffsleben's left, over Puxieux and Mars-leTour, towards the woods north of Vionville, in the direction of Bruville, while the Ninth Corps came up on the right, along the Bois de Vionville, and commenced the attack on Flavigny and Vionville. Vionville was carried, but the French held on to Flavigny, and repelled the efforts of the Germans to drive them from it. About half past four o'clock, portions of the Seventh and Eighth Corps, which had crossed the Moselle at Corny, just above Pont-a-Mousson, climbed the side of the mountain, and marched along paths scarcely practicable through the Bois des Ognons and the Bois des Chevaux, and gained possession of these woods. Though they could not come out of them to attack Rezonville, their presence in the woods greatly encouraged the rest of the Germans, who renewed their attack upon Flavigny, which they captured between seven and eight in the evening. The Tenth Corps, which constituted the left wing of the German army, made a sharp attack on Doncourt, with hope of getting possession of the second road to Verdun, by way of Etain, but it was decisively repulsed, and driven back to the north of Mars-le-Tour, where it had hard work to maintain its position. It held on to this ground, however, until the close of the battle. The fighting ended about eight o'clock in the evening. Strictly speaking the battle was indecisive. The losses were enormous on both sides. The Germans admitted a loss of 16,000 killed and wounded. The French loss is not accurately known, but was probably somewhat less than that of the Germans. The Germans captured 2000 prisoners, 2 eagles, and 7 guns. The fighting was good on both sides, officers and men behaving with the most unflinching courage. The real 184 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR advantage was with the Prussians, however. At the end of the day, the French held Gravelotte, Rezonville, St. Marcel, and Bruville; the Germans, Bois des Ognons, Flavigny, Vionville, the woods north of that village, and the ground north of Mars-le-Tour. The French had their whole army in line during the day, while the Germans were unable to bring up more than 120,000 men at thy very utmost-three full corps and parts of two others. Although the French hlad repulsed the attack on Doncourt, the Germans had gotten possession of the lower road to Verdun, which they held with a death-like grip, and they seriously threatened the other. Bazaine had made a gi.'eat mistake in simply confining him self to a defensive. He had left Metz to the protection of a strong garrison, under General Coffinibres, and had gotten a good start of fifteen miles on the road to Verdun, when the Germans attacked him, and he should have bent every effort to the attempt to break through their lines and force his way to Verdun, and thence to Chalons. True, he had delayed so long that the chance of a sure passage had slipped by, and in case he had been able to break through on the 16th, he would have been followed and harassed by the enemy; but the result would have been no less damaging than it proved, and with good management he would have saved the greater part of his army for a junction with MacMahon. Even on the night of the 16th, after the battle, the longest and most northern of the roads we have mentioned was open to himthe one through Woippy, Ste. Marie-aux-Chenes, and Brieyand a swift and determined effort would have enabled him to gain it, as the German left had gotten no farther than Marsle-Tour. HIe decided to retain his force near Metz, however, and gave up the last chance which fortune held out to him. That night he withdrew his army to the vicinity of Gravelotte, within five miles of Metz-thus abandoning five miles of the road to Verdun, over which he had retreated on the 15.th. The battle known as the battle of Vionville, was claimed BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 185 as a victory by both sides.* We have seen, however, that the real advantage lay with the Germans. Bazaine seems to have had a better idea of the extent of his danger after the battle than during the engagement, for his movements on the 17th and lth were marked by greater decision than lie had shown before. Meanwhile the German commander was apprehensive that the French Marshal would seek to escape by the road to * The German official report was as follows: "Two roads lead from Metz to Verdun, the direction which the French army had to take in case of a retreat upon Paris. Three corps of the Second Army, which had already passed the Moselle, were immediately directed against the southern road, the one most easily reached, in order, if possible, to arrest the enemy's flank-march on that side. This important task was brilliantly accomplished through a bloody and victorious battle. The Fifth Division (Stulpnagel) threw itself on the Frossard Corps, which covered the enemy's flank. The French army, with almost all its corps, was gradually engaged, while, on the Prussian side, the rest of the Third Army-Corps, the Tenth Army-Corps, a regiment of the Ninth Corps, and a brigade of the Eighth, took part. Prince Friedrich Karl assumed the command. The ground first won by us in a twelve hours' struggle was victoriously held, the south road from Metz to Verdun was gained and retained, and the enemy's retreat to Paris by this road cut off. The conduct of our troops was truly heroic. Our loss was very considerable, but that of the enemy infinitely greater, as could be seen by examination of the battle-field. Until the 19th it was impossible to bury the French dead, and the great number of corpses of the Imperial Guard evidenced the enormous losses of that glite force. In the French official account the strength of our troops is reckoned at double its actual numbers. The Emperor's proclamation on leaving Metz, as also other French official documents, leaves no doubt that the main army had the certainly quite natural intention of retreating to Verdun." On the other hand, Bazaine reports: " This morning the army of Prince Friedrich Karl directed a spirited attack against the left wing of our position. The Cavalry Division (Torton) and the Second Corps (Frossard) maintained a stout resistance to the attack. The corps, which were placed in echelon right and left from Rezonville, appeared gradually upon the battle-field, and took part in the combat, which continued until nightfall. The enemy had deployed heavy masses of men, and attempted several attacks, which were stoutly repulsed. Toward evening appeared a new army corps, which attempted to cut off our left wing. We have everywhere maintained our position, and inflicted heavy losses upon the ene'my; our losses are also great. At the moment when the battle raged at its height, a regiment of Uhlans attacked the general staff of the Malrshal; 186 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Briey, and he determined to prevent it. During the night of the 16th, and all through the 17th, the German cavalry watched the movements of the French with eagle eyes, and their reports at length convinced Von Moltke that Bazaine. instead of seeking to escape, was withdrawing to a stronger position nearer Metz. He accordingly spent the 17th in hurrying forward the troops which had not come up on the 16th, and on the morning of the 18th, he had his army well in hand. His force amounted to about 190,000 infantry, 24,000 cavalry, and over 600 guns. Bazaine's new position was well chosen. The old French line of the 16th, from Vionville to the Moselle, still formed the left wing; but the right, now thrown back at rather a sharp angle, extended from Vionville by St. Marcel (on the north Verdun road, three miles from Gravelotte and eight miles from Metz). Vionville, at the angle thus formed, was the centre. St. Privat formed the extreme right, and Gravelotte was the strongest point. The line extended over a series of eminences, the extreme right being posted on a commanding hill, whose steep slopes were perfectly bare of cover. The natural strength of the position was increased by Bazaine, who added to it a formidable series of intrenchments and rifle-pits.* To defend this line, the French commander could twenty men of the escort were put hotrs de combat, the captain commanding killed. At eight o'clock the enemy was repulsed on the whole line." On the 17th Bazaine writes again: "Yesterday, during the entire day, I gave battle between Vionville and Doncourt. The enemy was repulsed. We remained in our positions. I interrupted my movement for some hours in order to bring up ammunition. We have had Friedrich Karl and Steinmetz before us." * "A somewhat deep valley ran between the ground occupied by the armies, which in both cases was strengthened by thick copses and large woods. The ridges, less high and more gently sloping than at Sedan, were intersected by certain deep gullies, defiladed from the ground in their front. For miles along the main roads, the thick tall poplar trees had been felled with anxious care by the French, lest they should intercept the fire from their guns, the traces of which were still to be perceived, posted with admirable skill, so as to enfilade the main approaches. One position, near the Bois de Ognons, was very interesting to us from the evidences it bore of the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 187 bring only 110,000 infantry, 10,000 cavalry, and 260 guns. His troops, however, were in good spirits, and were still hopeful. At four o'clock on the morning of the 18th of August, King William was in the saddle. He passed the time until ten o'clock in minutely inspecting the troops, and then taking his station with his staff on the heights of Flavigny, he gave the order to attack the French. The position of the German army at daybreak on the 18th was as follows: The 1st army, with First, Seventh, and Eight Corps, lay off the hills south of Rezonville. The 2d army, with the Third, Ninth, Tenth, Twelfth, and Guard Corps, were on the left flank south of Mars-le-Tour and Vionville. The southern road to Verdun was in the hands of the Germans, but the French held the upper road.as far as Cautre. About ten o'clock the King of Prussia ordered the Ninth havoc committed on the attacking Prussians by the mitrailleuses, and from the peculiar formation of the ground. A deep gully was bounded on the French side by an acclivity almost scarped for a height of about twenty-five feet; then more gradually sloping in its rise; and finally settling into a gentle dip a little behind the summit. Here were placed the French batteries, comparatively sheltered. The Prussians advanced from the opposite height, about 800 yards distant, to capture this position, clearly visible from their original starting point. But on arriving at the bottom of the valley their enemy had vanished. With difficulty they clambered up the scarp, unconscious of the danger which awaited them, though the spectators from the Prussian position saw with horror their certain doom, which they were unable to avert; and as their heads appeared on the more gentle slope, they were astounded and hurled back by a murderous fire from the guns and mitrailleuses, while the French cavalry thundered down on their flank, almost sweeping them off the face of the earth. The ground selected did credit to the judgment of the French artillery officers. Some of the buildings and orchards on the outskirts of Gravelotte had been put into a most efficient state of defence; indeed, throughout this battle-field there were far more traces of forethought on the part of the French than was perceptible at Sedan, in attempting to strengthen their position. Each story of the houses was pierced with loopholes for musketry fire; the window sashes had been removed, and the openings blocked up with beams; tLe garden walls and hedges were prepared for defence; and there were numerous devices for obtaining a flanking fire."-From Sedan to Saarbruck. By an Officer of the Royal Artillery. Pp. 195-197. 188 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Corps,* " in position there, to move towards the woods behind St. Marcel, while the Seventh and Eighth Corps marched against the forest of Vaux, south of Gravelotte. The latter had orders to push the enemy very slowly, in order to give time to the Guards and Twelfth Corps, to make a long detouron the left, by way of Jouaville, Batilly, and Ste. Marie. The Third and Tenth Corps were in reserve, and but few of theilr troops were in the fight, these being mostly artillery, the principal movement was on the left. Preceded by Prussian and Saxon cavalry, the 2d army advanced, still maintaining communication on the right with the 1st army. -The Twelfth Corps took the direction by Mars-le-Tour and Jarny, while the Guards advanced between Mars-le-Tour and Vionville on Doncourt, and the Ninth Corps crossed the highway to the west of Rezonville, toward Cautre farm, north of St. Marcel. Their purpose was to gain the central and northern roads. They quickly found that the French were not retreating, and moved to the right, meeting at Ste. Marie and Roncourt resistance, which was overcome, and, after another struggle among the steep hills at St. Privat-la-Montagne, that place was gained. The right flank of: this 2d army, holding the centre of the whole German line, had been earlier engaged with some advanced forces of the French, and toward noon the Ninth Corps was engaged at Verneville. The Guards and Twelfth Corps reached St. Privat about 4 P. M., and immediately moved south and east aganist Alnanvillers. The fighting here was exceedingly severe. The Germans lay in a long curve, sweeping from St. Privat, where the Saxons fought on the extreme left, through Ste. Marie and St. Ail (Guards), Verneville (Ninth Corps), Gravelotte (Eighth Corps), and Forest of Vaux (Seventh Corps), across the Moselle, on the right bank of whicht a brigade of the First Corps and artillery from the reserves were engaged. The French army fought with its back to Germany; the Germans had Paris in * The account of this engagement given here is substantially the description given by the editors of the Army and Navy Journal —from which the quotations above are made. / - 1Xa ti f=rvite-~f~iayRpleo h rsirs 190 HISTORY OF THE LATE WA their rear. Bazaine's entire army was in line, including those troops which had been prepared for the Baltic expeditio. On the left wing the flanking column, after eting with resistance at every point, pushed its enerny back through Ste. Marie Roncourt, St. Privat, St. Ail abonville, the wood of La Cusse, and Verneville, until, toward evenin two small outworks of Metz lying northeast of Gravelotte, and named Lepsic and Jfoscou, were reached. All three roads out of Metz were then firmly in the grasp of the Germans." The right wing of the German army had a ard task to perform. At the opening of the battle it was ordered to press the French lightly in the forest of Vaux immediately ill the rear of which wood was the strongest part of the French position. It was covered by a road which ran through a deep cutting whose sides were fifty feet high, back of wich was a plateau from 325 to 600 feet high. Behind this is Rozieriulles hill, along the slopes of wich runs the hihway to Metz. Three tiers of rifle-pits lined ths steep; ba of the..ri-pits were the infantry; and back of the the artillery.~ As the highway winds along this hill it is only 5000 yards in an air line from Fort St. Quentin one of the strong, outworks of Metz, but the distance is double by the road, and the crest of the hill intervenes between them. Thns the position of the French was not only a stronghold in itself, but it gave them the means of instant escape if driven from it. They had but to cross the hill'to find themselves under the, cover of the, guns of the fborts. As soon as the King was informed of the success of thQ movement on the left, and the abandonment of the efforts of the, French to hold the Verdun roads, hle advanced his own position to a hill near ilezonville, and ordered a more vigorous attack on the righ1t. Ilie was promptly obeyed, and a bold dash carried the, French position. The Germans did not hold it long, however, for the French by the counter attack, drove them out and reestablished their line. King Will jam, as soon as informed of the success of the first charge of his mnen, hastened to the bill back of Gravelotte,7 which he, reached just ini BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 191 time to see his troops returning from their fruitless effort to hold the captured line. The King, however, ordered a new effort to be made, and an hour later, by which time night had come on, a second charge was made. The Prussians were received with such a withering fire that nothing could stand before it, and they were repulsed with serious loss. Indeed, before they had reached the hill, General Von Moltke had discovered the strength of the French position, and had sent an officer to recall the men, but too late to save them from the bloody repulse with which they met. At this movement the Second German Corps, which had been on the march ever since two o'clock in the morning, camne up, and as soon as a sufficient portion of it arrived, the new comers were ordered to take the hill. They were met by the French, who were following up the repulse of the German column with a sharp counter attack, and for a moment it seemed that the German line, new comers and all, would be broken. Some parts of the line, indeed, had begun a disorderly retreat. Von Moltke saw the danger, and rushing forward, placed himself at the head of the Second Corps, and gave the order to charge. The Second Corps followed him with loud cheers, and when it was well up the hill, and hotly engaged with the French, Von Moltke reformed the storming party which had been repulsed, and sent it to support the fresh troops. The attack was made with great steadiness and vigor, and was successful. By half past eight o'clock, the last position of the French was in the hands of the Germans, and the battle was won. The losses on both sides were severe. Even now they are not known accurately. It is believed that the French lost about 5000 killed and 18,000 wounded; and the Germans about 25,000 killed and wounded. The entire French loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, from the 14th to the 22nd, inclusive, is believed to have been near 60,000, about 10,000 of whom were prisoners. The German loss in killed and wounded during this period, is estimated at from 50,000 to 60,000.. The correspondent of the London Daily News, writing from 192 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR the field, gives the following account of the battle of Gravelotte, as seen from the Prussian side. It is such a life-like picture of those portions of the great battle which are of necessity passed over in the official reports, that I make no apology for transcribing it here: "It was now at least evident that the struggle was very serious at the front. At midnight, or a little after (7th-8t), all the trumpets for miles around began to sound. This was the first time we had been startled at that hour by such wild music. Trumpet answered to trumpet throuh all the bivouacs around the little city (Pont —Mousson). For several days previous there had been troops almost perpetually marching through; but now the tramp through ever street and by-way made between midnight and dawn a perpetual roar. Hastily dressing, I ran out into the darkness, and managed to get a seat on a wagon that was going in the di rection of the front-now understood to be a mile or two beyond the village of Gorze. Gorze is some twelve miles from Pont-.-Mousson. Oil our way we met a considerable batch of French prisoners, who were looked upon with great curiosity by the continuous file of German soldiers with whom we advanced; but only one or two offensive cries towards the prisoners were heard, and these fortunately they could riot understand. The way was so blocked with wagons, etc., that I finally concluded that I could go the, six or seven miles remaining better on fbot. So I got out of my carriage and beg~an to walk and run s-wiftly ahead. At Nov6ant-aux-Pres, on the Mioselle, about half way to Metz, I found vast bodies of cavalry, Ublans and Hussars, crossing the river by a pontoon bridge, and hurrying at the top of their speed towards Gorze. Hastening my steps, I soon heard the first thunder of the cannonade, seemingly coming from the heart of a range of hills on the right. Passing through the village and ascending to the high plain beyond, I found -myself snddenly on a battle-field, strewn (literally) as far as my eye could reach with dead bodies-the field of the battle of Vionville on the 16th. In one or two parts of the field parties were still BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 193 burying the dead, chiefly Prussians. The French, being naturall buried last were still lying in vast numbers on the ground. A few of these-I saw five-were not dead. As I hurried on a splendid regiment of cavalry came on behind, and when they came to the brow of the hill, they all broke out with a wild hurrah and dashed forward. A few more steps, and I gained the summit. and saw the scene wheich had roused their cr and even seemed to thrill their horses. It would be difficult to imagine a grander battle-field. From the particular hill to which I had been directed to come by good authority-it was occupied by the Royal Hleadclquarters the sweep of the Prussian and French centres could be seen and a considerable part of their wings. The spot where I stood was fearful-it was amid ghastly corpses, and bur. dened with the stench of dead horses, of which there were a great many. I was standing on the battle-field of the 16th, on the Prussian side. On the left, stretched like a silver thread the road to erdun, to Paris also, for the possession of which this series of battles had begun. It was between lines of poplars, which stood against the horizon on my left, and on as far as the eye, could reach towards Metz, with military regfularity. Strung, on this road like beads were the pretty villag~es, each with its church tower, which, although they have separate names, are really only a few hundred yards apart-Mars-le-Tour, Flavigny (a little south of the road), Vionville, lezonville, Malrnaison, Gravelotte. On my right were the thickly-wooded hills, behind which the most important village of the neighborhood, the one I head just left-Gorze. Such was the foreground of this battle, which should, one would say, be called the battle of Gravelotte, for it was mainly over and beyond that devoted little town that it raged. The area I have indicated is about four miles square. Owing to having come on foot rather than along the blocked road, I was *fortunate enough to arrive just as the, battle waxed warm-that is about noon. The great representatives of Pruissia were standing, on the same ground watching the conflict. Among them the only ones I reco-g13 194 HISTORY OF TIE LATE WAR nized were the King, Count Bismark, General Von Moltke, Prince Karl, Prince Friedrich Karl Prince Adalbert and Adjutant Kranski. Lieutenant-General Sheridan othe United States, was also present. "At this moment the French were making a most desperate effort to hold on to the last bit of the Verdun road, that between Rezonville and Gravelotte-or that part of Gravelotte which on some maps is called Malmaison. Desperate ut unavailing! For every one man in their ranks had two to cope with, and their line, at the place indicated, was already begining to waver. Soon it was plan that this wing was withdrawing to a new position. This was swiftly taken up, under protection of a continuous blaze of their artillery from heights beyond the village. The movement was made in good order, and the position reached was one that, I believe, nine out of ten military men would have regarded as normally impregnable. My reader will observe that the battle-field was from this time transferred to the regions beyond Gravelotte. The fields in front of that village were completely covered by the Prussian reserves, and over it interminable lines of soldiers were perpetually mnarching- onward-disappearing into the, village, emhergingr on the other side of it with flamning volleys. rThis seconid battle-field was less extensive than the first, and brought the combatants into fearfully close quarters. The peculiarity of it is that it consists of two heights, intersected by a deep ravine. This woody ravine is over 100 feet deep, and at the top from 200 to 300 yards wide. The side of the, chasm- next to Gravelotte, where the Prussians stood, is much lower than the other side, which gradually ascen-ded to a great heighl-t. From. this their commanding eminen-ce the French held their enemies fairly beneath them, and subj-1-ted. them to araking, fire. Their artillery was stationed far- up by the Metz road, between its trees. There was not an instant's cessation of the roar; and easily distinguishable amid all was the curious grunting roll of the mitraille-use. The Prussian artillery was to the north and south of the village, the mouths of the guns on the latter side being necessarily raised for an BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 195 awkward upward fire. The French stood their ground and died, the Prussians moved ever forward and died-both by hundreds, I had almost said thousands; this for an hour or two that seemed ages, so fearful was the slaughter. The hill where I stood commanded chiefly the conflict behind the village and to the south of it. The Prussian reinforcements on their right filed out of the Bois des Ognons; and it was at that point, as they marched on to the field, that one could perhaps get the best idea of the magnitude of the invading army now in the heart of France. There was no break whatever for four hours in the march of the men out of that wood. It seemed almost as if all the killed and wounded had recovered and came again out of the wood. Birnam Wood advancing to Dunsinane was not a more ominous sight to Macbeth than these men of General G6ben's army, shielded by the woods till they were fairly within range of their enemies. So the French must have felt, for between four and five o'clock they concentrated a most furious fire upon that point, and shelled the woods perpetually. Their fire here took effect. The line of the Prussian infantry became less continuous from that direction. About five o'clock, however, an infantry brigade emerged from the same point. As soon as they did so they advanced by double-quick time towards the point where their services were needed. I watched this brigade through a strong glass from the first. It resembled some huge serpent gliding out on the field. But, lo! it left a track behind it —a dark track. Beneath the glass that track is resolved into fallen, struggling men. "As the horrid significance of that path so traced came upon me I gazed yet more intently. Many of those who had fallen leapt up and ran forward, struggling to catch up with their comrades again. I did not see any running backward, though many fell in their effort to rush on. I do not know whether after that another movement was made from behind the wood; but I do know that half an hour afterwards vast numbers of troops began to march over the southern edge of the hill where I was standing towards the battle-field, and I have an 196 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR impression that these were General G6ben's men moving by a less dangerous route. The conflict on the Prussian left was so fierce that it soon became nearly lost to us by reason of its smoke. Now and then this would open a little, and drift under the wind, and then we could see the French sorely tried, but maintaining themselves steadily. In order to see this part of the conflict better, I went forward as near as I toht safe. It seemed to me that in the vicinity of Malmaison the French were having the best of it. But it must have been only because they were more visible on their broad heigt, and fought so obstinately-plainly silencing a battery now and then. But from this northern point also there are more forces to come; and from far behind tem-away seemingly in the direction of Verneville-hue bombs are coming and bursting with terrible force upon the French rans. These were the men and these the guns of Prince Friedrich Karl, who was slowly veering southward to make his connection with Steinmetz' army, completing the investment of Metz. "The battle raged at this point with indescribable fury. The French Generals must have known the significance of these -new guns, and known that, if their right retreated, the result must be that incarceration in Metz which now exists. How long, they held out here I do not know. I could hear that the puff of their guns was from a gradually receding line; that the mysterious pillars of cloud from the north as steadily approached; but the last fired on that terrible evening were on that side, and the point must have been yielded at about nine o'clock. " Perhaps I should here say something of the movements of the King, and those with him. The King's face, as he stood gazing upon the battle-field, had something almost plaintive in it. He hardly said a word; but I observed that his attention was divided between the exciting scenes in the distance and the sad scenes nearer his feet-where th ey were just beginning (what must yet be a long task) to bury the French who fell on the Tuesday before. On these he gazed silently, and, I thought, sadly. Count Bismarck was intent BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 197 only on the battle, and could not conceal his excitement and anxiety; if it had not been for the King, I am pretty sure he would have gone nearer; and, as it was, his towering form was always a little ahead of the rest. When the Frenchl completely gave up their old upon the road up to Gravelotte, the horses of the Grossauptquartiers" party were hastily called, and mounting them they all-with the King at their head-rode swiftly down to a point not very far from the village. Then shouts and cheers arose, which I could plainly ear at the point they had left, where, not having a horse, I was compelled to remain a little longer. "A little after four o'clock a strange episode took place. lFrom the distant woods on the left a splendid regiment of cavalry galloped out. They paused a moment at the point where the Confans road joins that leading to Metz; then they dashed up the road towards Metz. This road between Gravelotte and St. Hubert is cut through the hill, and there are on each sie of it, cliffs from forty to sixty feet high, except at the point where it traverses the deep ravine behind the village.'When it is remembered that at this time the culminating point to which this road directly ascends was held by the French, it will -not be wondered at that only a moiety of that regiment survived. What the survivors accomplished I do not know, nor could I learn the name and number of the regiment. The situation hardly admits yet of our asking many questions. But their plunge into that deep cut in the hill-side, where next day I saw so many of thern and their horses lying dead, was of that brave, unhesitating, unfialtering kind, which is so characteristic of German soldiers, among whom cowards, stragglers, and deserters seem to be absolutely unknown, in whatever rank. "1I must record, also, what seemed an inexplicable thing,. The army of Steinmetz was fighting very hard, and evidently suffering heavily. It was in the, centre of Gravelotte, though occasionally rallying to one side or the, other. Though they had large reserves, these had been diminished to an important extent by the engragements of the 14th and 16th. A consid 198 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR erable portion of his army required rest, and two divisions perhaps, certainly one, reorganization. There seemed at one time-about half-past four-some danger that the intensity of the fighting required on the right and left extremes would produce a kind of atrophy along that very central Verdun road for which the armies were struggling. At that time a vast army came from some region utterly mysterious to us who had been following the army fr some miles. They came over the very point which ad been the Royal headquarters in the morning. Their march was begun at the time I have mentioned, and did not cease at all-not even after dark-so long as the firinl was still going on upon the heights. This new army-whose was it?-whence was it? It did not come from the direction of Gbben nor of Steinmetz, nor of Prince Friedrich Karl. Of course it could not be said that it did not belong to either of these, but the cry and rumor went around that these men were from the army of the Crown Prince. I do not know whether to believe this Or not, but it is freely said and believed by many officers here that a detachment of the Crown Prince's army was sent up from Toul to help, if help were needed. To whomsoever or wheresoever this Army Corps (for it was about that in extent) belonged, its presence was nearly all that was required. It was laid along, the road, out of immediate danger, so that if the French centre had defeated the troops with which it was contending, it must simply have fallen into the hands of a fresh and prepared corps. "1The advance of this new corps must have been felt by them as a final, a fatal blow for that day. Like, the spirits in he Infrno' their enemies were consumed only to spring up to full stature again. They must have realized how hopelessly they were outnumbered. From that time the struggle11 at that part became very weak on the French side, and the, Prussians got a decided hold farther up the Metz road-that is on the southern side of it. But there seemed to be a redoubled fury on their left. From seven o'clock to eight there wvas little firing, beyond the village, but a great tour of cloud BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 199 and fire at each extremity of the battle field. A little before eight a large white house on the heights beyond Gravelotte caught fire. It seemed through the gloom to be a church; its spire was now a mass of flame, and it sent up a vast cloud ol black smoke, which contrasted curiously with the white smoke of battle. "Darkness as now drawing on, and after eight we could trace the direction of troops by the fiery paths of their bombs, or the long tongue of fire darting from each cannon's mouth. The lurid smoke-clouds of burning houses joined with the night to cast a pall over the scene and hide it forever. At half-past eight o'clock one more terrible attack by the French on the Prussian rit-and that is over. At a quarter to nine a fearful volley against the extreme Prussian left, a continuous concert of artillery, and the growling whirr of the mitrailleuse above all-and then that is still. The battle of Gravelotte is ended, and the Prussians hold the heights beyond the Bois de Vaux-eights which command the surrounding country up to the limits of the gun-ranges of Metz. As I went back to the village of Gorze to pass the night, I turned at the last point to look upon the battle-field. It was now a long, earth-bound cloud, with two vast fires-burning houses-at each end of it. The day had been beautiful, and now the stars looked down with splendor, except where the work of agony and death had clouded the glow of heve. The night after the battle the King announced his victory to Queen Augusta in the following bulletin: Th~1e Frtench army attacked. to-day in a very strong position west of Metz, under my leadership, in nine hours' battle completely beaten, cut off from its communications with Paris, and thrown back on Metz. On the 19,th, he wrote: rrhat was a new dlay of victory yesterday, the consequences of which are not yet to be estimated. Early yesterday the Twelfth Guards and Ninth Corps proceeded toward the northern road from Metz to Verdun as far as St. Marcel and Doncourt, followed by the Third and Tenth Corps; while the Seventh and Eighth, and finally the'Second, remained opposite Metz. As the former swerved to the right, in thickly-wooded ground, toward Verneville and St. Privat, the latter began the attack 200 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR upon Gravelotte, not heavily, in order to wait until the long flank-march upon the strong position, Amanvillers-Chatel, should be accomplished as far as the Metz highway. This column did not gt into action until 4 o'clock with the Pivot Corps; the Ninth at 12 o'clock. The enemy put forth stout resistance in the woods, so that ground was gained only slowly. St. Privat was taken by the Guards, Verneville by the Ninth Cort; the Twelfth Corps and artillery of the Third then went into action. Gravelotte and the woods on both sides were taken and held by troops of the Seventh and Eighth Corps, and with great losses. In order to attack again the enemy, who had been driven back by the flankattack, an advance beyond Gravelotte was undertaken at dusk, which came upon such a terrible fire from behind rifle-pits en tage, and artillery-fire, that the Second Corps, which just then came p, was forced to attack the enemy with the bayonet, and completely took and held the strong position. It was 8.30 o'clock before the firing gradually silenced itself in all quarters. By this last advance the historical shells of Kniggratz were not wanting near me, from which, ths time, Minister Von Roon removed me. All troops that I saw greeted me with enthusiastic hurrahs. They did wonders of bravery against an equally brave eney, who defended every step, and often attempted offensive attacks, which were each time repulsed. What the fate of the enemy will now be, pushed into the intrenched, very strong position of the fortress of Met, is still impossible tW determine. I dread to ask about the losses, and to give names; for only too many acquaintances will be named, and often incorrectly. Your regiment (the Queen's) is said to have fought brilliantly. Waldersee is wounded severely, but not fatally, as I am told. I expected to bivouac here, but found, after some hours-, a room where I rested on the royal ambulance which I had broughIlt with me; and since I have not a particle of my baggage from Pontt-M-Aousson, I have not been -undressed for thirty hours. I thank God that he vouchsafed us the victory. WILHELM. On the night of the 18th, Bazaine withdrew his shattered forces towards Metz, from which Von Moltke was resolved he should never pass save as a prisoner of war. He was badly beaten, and although Count De Palikao, the new French Premier, insisted in the Chambers that he had gained a decided advantage over the Germans, Bazaine lost no time in informing the Paris Government that his retreat was de-finitely cut off. On the, 20th he reported that the enemy showed signis of " an intention to invest him." He was not mistaken. Having once driven the, Marshal back under the, guns of Metz, Vou Mioltke lost no time in encircling the French posi BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 201 tion with a system of strong works which effectually shut in both Metz and the army from communication with the outside world. By the 22d, Metz was fully invested, and on that day began the memorable siege which we shall be called upon to relate elsewhere in these pages. The battle of Gravelotte was a great victory for Germany; but it was dearly won. The flower of the German army fell that day, and the Prussian Government shrank from publishin' the returns. T Prussian nobility was thinned out as remorselessly as the commons. Both classes paid the heavy price of success. But the victory, though dearly won, was decisive. The first part of the German programme was assured. The best French army was beaten with terrible loss and shut up in Metz, and there was nothing to bar the road to Paris but the new levies assembling at Chalons, under MacMah on. Gxen. Von Steinmnetz. 202 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR CHAPTER VI. CONTINUATION OF MACMAHON'S RETREAT-ARRIVAL OF THE MARSHAL AT NANCY-SCENE AT THE CAFE-THE CROWN PRINCE OF PRUSSIA PURSUES THE FRENCH-HALTS TO AWAIT THE RESULT AT METZ-SCENES IN TE CONQUERED PROVINCES-THE GERMAN PLAN FOR AN ADVANCE UPON PARIS-FORMATION.OF THE FOURTH ARMY-THE KING AND VON MOLTKE JOIN THE THIRD ARMY-THE MARCH RESUMED-MACMAHON AT CHALONS -HIE ORGANIZES A FRESH ARMY-COMPOSITION AND MORALE OF THE NEW ARMY-THE EMPEROR REACHES CHALONS-HIS INABILITY TO RETURN TO PARIS-SECRET DISPATCH FROM THE EMPRESS-POLITICAL EMBARRASSMENTS-INTERFERENCE OF THE MINISTERS-MACAHONS PROTEST AGAINST THE EFFORT TO RESCUE BAZAINE-THE FRENCH ARMY MOVES TO RHEIMS-ORDERS FROM PARIS-MACMAHON STARTS FO METZ-THE NEWS AT THE GERMAN HEADQUARTERS-VON MOLTE'S GAME-THE FORCED MARCH OF THE THIRD AND FOURTH ARMIES-MACMAHON ATTEMPTS TO RETREAT, BUT IS STOPPED BY ORDERS FROM PARIS-THE BATTLE OF BEAUMONT-THE HOSTILE ARMIES ON THE MEUSE-EVENTS OF THE 31ST OF AUGUST-BATTLE OF SEDAN-GENERAL DE WIMPFFEN SUCCEEDS TO THE COMMAND OF THE FRENCH ARMY-TE FRENCH DEFEATED-SEDAN INVESTED-THE FLAG OF TRUCE-LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR TO THE KCING —THE KING'IS REPLY-THE SURRENDER-SCENES IN SEDAN-KING WILLIAM'S LETTER TO THE QUEEN OF PRUSSIA-CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND GENERAL DR WIMPFFENSTATEMENT OF THE EMPEROR'S AIDES-EFFECT OF THE SURRENDER UPON THE FRENCH TROOPS-DEMORALIZATION OF THE BEATEN ARMYMEETING OF VON MOLTKE AND DE WIMPFFEN TO ARRANGE THE CAPITULATION-TERMS OF THE SURRENDER-VON MOLTKE'IS ORDER-VISIT OF THE EMPEROR TO COUNT BISMARCK-THE INTERVIEW NEAR DONCHERYTHE EMPEROR ESCORTED TO BELLVUE CASTLE-KING WILLIAM'S SPEECH ON THE BATTLE FIELD-VISIT OF THE KING TO THE EMNPEROR-THE MEETING OF THE SOVEREIGNS -GENEROSITY OF KING WILLIAM-THE EMPEROR' S JOURNEY TO WILHELMSHOHE-TRE CAPITULA.TION CARRIED OUT-DE WIMPFFEN'S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO HIS TROOPS-STATEMENT OF THE OFFICERS, TROOPS, AND MATERIAL OF WAR SURRENDERED AT SEDAN. ~ E must now go back to the movements of the Crown Prince and Marshal MacMahon. \i Immediately after the reverse at Woerth, Mac Mahon, as we have seen, retreated upon Saverne, from which place he continued to retire towards Nancy. On the 7th of August, he hastened in person to Nancy in search of provisions for his men. A correspondent who saw him at the time, thus speaks of him: BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 203 On Sunday, August 7t, a special train came into Nancy with some of the wounded. Marshal MacMahon accompanied them. He came precipitately to Nancy in search of subsistence for his troops, the enemy having taken all his provisions. His troops ad eaten nothing for twenty-eight hours. The Marshal went on foot from the railway station to the Caf6 Boillot, a well-known rendezvous of the officers of the garrison. He was in such a state as to be hardly recognized. He was covered with mud from head to foot, his hands were blackone of his epaulettes had been carried away by a bullet, the skirts of his uniform were full of bullet-holes, his telescope was broken asunder by a ball, which at the same time slightly wounded him in the hand. Ilie had not had time to take off his Hessian boots and long spurs. Everybody in the caf6 as soon as he was known, respectfully saluted him. He hastily called for some cold meat, for he had not tasted food for twenty-eight hours. He wrote a letter while he was eating and was very soon joined by an officer, who is believed to be General IDe Failly. They went into a private room and had a short consultation, after which the Maishal went back by rail with the proIvisions he had bought for his soldiers. An inhabitant of Nancy, personally acquainted with the Marshal, asked him news of the Cuirassiers. His answer was,'The Cuirassiers! why, there are, none of them left.'" He then went back to the army, directing its retreat with skill and prudence. His personal exertions during these sad days were enormous, and it may be truly said that to him alone belongs the credit of bringing any par t of his command through the, retreat in good order. His advanced forces reached Chalons on the 12th of August, and his main body arrived during, the next day. The Crown Prince followed close behind, making no effort to cut MacMahon off from Chalons, as the movements about Metz was still undecided. IDetaching the -Baden and Wiirtemberg divisions to lay siege to Strasbou-g, and the 2d Bavarian division to invest Marsal, a fortified place on the main road between Sarrebourg and Metz, which latter place ~204 HISTORY OF THE LAITE WAR capitulated after a short resistance, he followed the general line of MacMahon's retreat towards Saverne. The little fort of Petite Pierre was taken without loss, by a detachment from his army, and Phalsbourg, a small fortress which guards the direct road through the Vosges, from Saverne to Nancy by way of Luneville, was invested. Bitsehe was also invested. Cavalry of the Crown Prince entered Nany on the 12t and on the 14th cut the railway between Frouard junction and Metz. On the same day Toul was summoned to surrender, and the demand being refused, the fortress was invested. On the 15th the advance of the 3d army was at Comercy, and on the 17th between Bar-le-Duc and Vitry. The headquarters of the army, advancing in the rear of the troops, were at Luneville on the 18th, at Nancy on the 19th, aucouleurs on the 21st, and at Ligny on the 24t. Here the march was suspended for a day to await the arrival of the King, who was coming from Metz. Te advance of the conquering army into France is thus described by a writer who accompanied the headquarters of the Crown Prince: "One must needs pity these conquered provinces. They do not suffer any of what are technically called the horrors of war. Young girls stand at the cottage doors in tbe villages, or at the street corners in the towns, to see the soldiers pass, and are not injured by them. Shops are open in the towns and are not plundered; peaceable citizens go about their business without fear for life or limb. It is essentially a civilized war in these respects. But fruit and vegetables are, taken along the wayside, horses are pressed into the service, soldiers are quartered on the people, and large supplies of food are demanded from the local authorities.....The luckless village that lies near the road is eaten up by thousands of unwelcome guests, and the more remote village escapes with a trifling loss. However, there is hope for the world, and progress in even the laws of war. This is a bitter time for the conquered French, and many farmers, horse dealers, and wayside cottagers suffer grievous loss.. - BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 205 "The ancient city of Nancy is sad and gloomy; that is to say, the people of the city are sad. I cannot extend such a description to the mere outward effect of the streets. True, the shutters are closed in many of the shops, the hotels are almost empty, and the caf6s in some quarters deserted. Things do not sound cheerful; yet there is plenty of noise and bustle. Soldiers are here, there, and everywhere. Military convoys rumble through the streets, and orderlies with messages go clattering in and out of the gates. There is no lack of movement among the troops. One detachment is succeeded by another with the regularity of clockwork. The railway is to be used as far as practicable to lighten the traffic on the roads, and everything is to be pushed forward as though time were counted by hours and not by days. Well may the citizens stand with folded arms and stare gloomily at the passing regiments. Loud sound the drums and trumpets, heavy and steady is the tramp of the soldiers' feet. You look at them with wonder as part of an inexhaustible conjuring trick. Still more and more of them coming westward.'Alas!' cry the conquered people of Lorraine,'it is not an army, but a nation which comes.' Alas, indeed, for the wayside cottages, which will be burdened with constant billeting; alas for the artisans in the towns, who earn so little in these troubled times, and must entertain military lodgers all the same! I know that the French are to blame for the war, but I cannot help being sorry for the individuals who suffer so much loss and discomfort. They say that as mere lodgers apart from the question of feeding them, the German troops behave quietly enough. They behave better to the French than the Tureos and Zouaves would have behaved to them in their German towns. No doubt they do. But what a long wray off that other side of the picture seems, now that Germany has struck her blow! ~ ~.... ~. ~... ~ *. * ~ *,, "The roads are crowded with trains of ammunition wagons, with stores of provisions, and with masses of infantYy. Woe to the luckless wayside villages; woe to the farmers who 206 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR have crops in wayside fields. There is no danger to life or limb among the peaceable inhabitants, but there is danger of being fairly eaten out of house and home. There is an unavoidable trampling down of crops in the fields where the soldiers pass, and there is such a demand for means of transport as leaves little chance to the farmer of keeping his horses for himself. H:e gets a receipt* of some sort in most cases. But no amount of paper security will comfort the average French farmer in the present crisis. "There is a straight and rapid march westward of the 3d army. Three or four columns are marching abreast on some of the roads. Two go by the road itself, and in some cases two more move through the fields to right and left, or at least one other column makes a way which is a little out of order serve the purpose of the moment. Great are the'blocks' and crushes, trernendous the swearing at critical corners. But, on the whole, it is remarkable how * "One point which we took the greatest pains to clear up was the oftasserted and contradicted integrity of the Prussians, in paying for all they took by means of bonds. These, which might more properly be called receipts, were invariably given for every franc's worth exacted; but our suspicions were first aroused by finding that their recipients looked upon them as so much waste paper, and considered themselves robbed. Hence the continual phrase,'Ils nous ont pill6 partout.' On this doubt, then, the whole question hinged; and in order to remove.it we were persevering in addressing our inquiries to every grade of authority, high and low. It would not perhaps be quite fair to mention their names, but in many cases their status was such as to preclude the impossibility of inaccurate information. Our questions usually took the following form: Q.'As for these bonds, do you look upon them as redeemable in Berlin after the war?' A. (with a laugh).'Certainly not. Our own national pecuniary losses will be heavy enough as it is, without our burdening ourselves with our enemies' debts..' Q.'But you will probably obtain an indemnity from the French at the end of the war. Will not this be calculated on a score which may enable you to redeem these bonds?' A.'Ah, no! We shall want all the money we can get to pay our own bill.' Q.'Well, then, you will at least make it one of the conditions of peace that the French Government shall take up and honor them?' A.'I think you misunderstand the whole matter. When these bonds are once signed and delivered, we entirely wash our hands of them; we ignore them completely, and recognize no claim founded on them.' Q.'Then what is the good of issuing them?' A. (with a shrug).'Well, it is BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 207 well these columns are directed; how carefully they choose their routes through the invaded provinces. Wheels are rumbling and whips are cracking along many a road. The columns are halted to rest in some places, and there may be seen the bright bivouac fire twinkling in the fields, or long lines of horses standing silently at supper. Though many columns are halted others are moving onl. The road is still alive with military preparation. Do not fancy the pomp and circumstance of war as attending the march of the columns of supply. It is a pretty sight to see the Lancers or Dragoons who lead the invasion trotting over hill and dale, with every nerve strained to detect a possible foe. There is an impressive force about the advance of the dusty and tired infantry-the murmur of many voices, and tramp of many feet passing forward like a storm sighing in the woods. Even the weight and slowness of the gus has its own peculiar dignity. They are deadly weapons in charge of determined fighting men. But te innumerable colums of supply, the baggage and ammunimore orderly. Besides, when peace is concluded, the French will perhaps make some national effort to relieve the poverty of the North, by calling for the assistance of those departments which have not suffered. In such a case our bonds will enable the maires, sous-predfets, and prdfets to distribute their funds equitably.'.... We think it is indisputable that these French peasants are as completely stripped of their possessions as were the Hamburgers under the rule of Davoust, only, in the present instance, the process is carried on in a more civil way. The medium of communication is the maire. On him the Prussian commandant issues the requisitions for forage, provisions, billets, carts, horses, rations, etc.; and the former distributes the burden as evenly as possible. All that comes under the head of luxuries is supposed to be paid for, though even in this respect the rule does not seem to be very clear. For instance, we noticed at Conflans that, instead of the everlasting hig, hanging pipe, every soldier was puffing away at a cigar. On inquiry the Prussian officers told us -that they had that day I'obtained (?)In unexpected supply from the neighborhood of six thousand cigars;- which, distributed among two hundred and fifty, gave twenty-four cigars per man. There is also apparently great laxity in conniving at the private soldiers helping themselves, providing there is no theft of money. They laughingly told us that their men were very sharp in discovering the hidden treasures of best wine.'-rirom Sedan to Saarbruclc. By an Officer of the Royal Artillery. Pp. 176-180 208 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR tion, the food and provender, are very prosaic, though very necesssary. rThere are miles of ay wagons-a good omen for cavalry horses. Farther on are other miles of bread wagons, of bacon and beef wagons. Hored cattle are led along by the score to become beef in due time; clothes and equipments, medicines, and blankets, are brought rumbling on into France. If the people were astonished at the earlier stages of the journey, they are now simply bewildered beyond all power of recovery. An avalanche has fallen upon them. "One cannot see it for one's se but the sit of the advancing host, as a wayside village sees it from first to last must be something to remember. The people will tell in a dreamy way how they heard that the Prussians were coming. There was news of them four, five, six ays ago, as the case may be. Yes, mna foi, they heard that te were coming, but did not believe it. Then there was a party of Lancers seen upon the road. The people wondered wat would happen. Monsieur le Cure told them that in modern wars they did not kill those who remained quiet, so their confidence was enough to keep them at home. The village shop was shut, Cand everybody closed his door and peeped from the window. Now the Lancers rode into the street, and a few caine forward to the principal house-the Hotel de V~ille-~if the place ranked as a'bourg,' or small town. The soldiers asked for Iood. and drink, said they would do no harm if they were, not molested, and presently got off their horses. With detail,very slightly varying, I have heard of this first entry in several places, and have heard how infantry soon began to come: one regiment-two, three, a (lozen regiments. The bread was eaten, the wine was drunk, and the people were well nigh ruined by feeding their guests. Were they bad fellows in their way? A delicate question this, and one to which a stranger can expect but a guarded answer. What sort of fellows were they, these invading soldiers?'0, not very bad, if only they had not such dreadful appetites, and if they could make themselves understood.' It is hard to be shaken TWEEN GERIANY AND FRANCE. 209 and growled at in La Belle Fance itself for not speaking the language of the German Fatherland. It is harder still to have a slip of paper, negotiable heaven knows when, instead o aood cart-horse or fat bullock. But the conquered people sufred far more in olden times. I feel sure that the French will be very angry and apt to magnify their ill-fortune, great as it is and I think that the best thing which can be done is to state frankly the sort of injury endured by the peasants, the takin of cattle and eating up of bread, whilst stating as lfrankly that I have heard no complaint of personal violence, and that the women do not seem at all afraid of the rough, loud-voiced fellows who swarm around them. The columns pour steadily on. We wonder what is being done for defencd on the oter side, and cannot but admire the little piece of defensive work which the garrison of Toul is doing close to us. Like Phalsbourg, the city of Toul is a point of gallant resistance but not in any way a rallying point for the surrounding people. The fortress is held, and the enemy passes on without troubling himselfto take it. Both at Phalsbourg, and at Toul there has been an experimental attack, which has given the garrison an opportunity. of distinction. I should add that the French authorities seem disposed to avoid unnecessary destruction of property by merely blowingc up and knocking, down to hinder the Germans. There are -no traces of an attempt at la petite guerre, as far as I have yet seen. The French simply retreat clear out of reach when they do not mean. to fight in earnest, and leave the open towns and villages to be quietly occupied by the advancing foe. "There is such bustle in the streets of Vaucouleurs that the younger portion of the inhabitants are very well amused, in spite of their misgivings about the public safety. Boys and girls who are old enough to run about alone, get into snu g corners to feast their eyes on the horses and the uniforms. Especially do they, like to gather near the quarters. of the Prince, and observe from a little distance the IRoyal standard waving over the entrance, and the two soldiers in spiked 1i 210 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR helmets pacing up and down. It is no idle task that mounting guard at the Prince's door, for the number of officers who pass makes the duty one of constant saluting. The Germans neglect nothing on account of the war, but are established here as tranquilly as they might be at Berlin or unich. I own that the crowd in proportion to the space would be appaling for a city in time of peace. But there is such order and regularity in the whole system, and the different functionaries settle so promptly into their new quarters, that they seem to have been here two months rather than two days." While a single chance remained to Bazaine at Metz, it was necessary that the Crown Prince should suspend his advance upon Chalons in order to be in readiness to march to the assistance of the other German forces in case of need. As we have seen, afhfairs on the Moselle were most favorable for the Germans, and by the 22d of Auust Marshal Bazaine and his army were shut up within the lines of Metz, and their position surrounded by the lines of the German armies. The German leaders were well aware that this force would give them no further trouble in the field, as a portion of their immense army would enable them. to hold it at Metz until its necessities compelled its surrender. They could thus use a large portion of their forces for active operations elsewhere. General Von Moltke quickly decided on his plan of opera. tions. The only organized forces of the French remaining to oppose him were the, garrison of Paris and the al-my assem, bling under MacMa hon at Chalons; and he determined to advance upon the Marshal and force him to give battle or retreat still farther into the interior of France. A 4tlh army, consisting of the Guards, the Fourth and the Twelfth Corps, was at once organized, and placed under the command of the Crown Prince of Saxony. This left seven corps, viz:-First, Second, Third, Seventh, Eigyhth, Ninth, Tenthto hold Bazaine at Metz, and conduct the siege. Tfhe 4th array was ordered to move by way of Verdun and Menehould to Chalons, and at the same time, the Crown Prince was directed to resume, his march towards the same place. It was BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 211 confidently expected that MacMahon, having no adequate force to resist this concentration of over two hundred thousand men, would retire upon Paris, to which the German commander was resolved to follow him with all speed. The 4th army began its march on the 22d of August-80,000 strong. The next da the King left the army of Prince Frederick Charles for Liny, the headquarters of the Crown Prince where he arrived on the afternoon of the 24th, accompanied by General on Moltke and Count Von Bismarek. The next day the royal headquarters were at Bar-le-Duc, where the German commanders received tidings which caused. an entire change in their plans. mediately upon his arrival at Chalons, Marshal Mac Maon devoted himself to the task of getting his army in readiness for resistance to the enemy, whom he knew to be following him. He brouht with him the remnants of his own corps, aountingtoabout 16,000 men, De Failly's corps, 20,000, and Felix Doay's corps, 15,0!0. To these he was able to add 15,000 troops which had been collected by Canro,bert at Chalons, and a new corps, t he 12th, whichi had been collected by General Trochu, 30,000-making in all a force of over 100,000 men, including the artillery and 4150 guns. Later still, he was reinforced with about 35,000 of the Garde Mobile, who had just been called out, and who were totally untrained. His army, though respectable in numbers, was sadly lacking in discipline. It was composed, to a very large extent, of troops who wei-e just recovering from the demioralizing effects of a disastrous defeat and retreat. Thle flower of the whole army-the remnant, of MacMahon's First Corps -veterans who had fought in Africa-we are told by their chiefg were "'discouraged and mutinous," and the Marshal seriously feared the effects of their bad example upon the other troops. IDe Failly's corps had lost its baggage on the retreat without having been once under fire-Douay's Seventh Corps, " did not show as much solidity as might have been desired." The Twelfth, was a new corps, and was composed of three divisions-the first formed of new reg~iments, the 212 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR second made up of "marching regiments," out of fourth battalions," and the third of marines. It was to this army thus constituted, that France looked for the recovery of her lost prestige. The Emperor, as we have seen repaired to Chalons from Metz, to lend his efforts to the exertions that were being made by MacMahon. It had been his intention, upon resigning his command, to return to Paris and resume his duties as the chief of the State; but he had been advised by his Ministers to remain with the army, at least until Bazaine as relieved from his unfortunate situation at Metz. On the 10th of August, as soon as his decision was known to the Council of the Regency, he is said to have received the following dispatch from the Empress: M. Pietri's dispatch has been received. Have you considered the consequences of a return to Paris under the blow o two reverses? I decline the responsibility of advising you. If you have decide, would it not be best to have it stated to the country thus e Eperor returns to Paris to reorganize the 2d army. provisionally intrusting the commandin chief of the armty of the Rhine to Bazaine. The-Emperor, however, differed from his Ministers in his estimate of the state of affairs, having, a much clearer and more initelligrent conception of the real nature of the situation than any of the latter seemed capable of. Immediately upon his arrival at Chalons a council of war was held, at which it was resolved that General Trochu. should be given the command of the army of Paris, that MacMahon should retire with the troops under him from Chalons to Paris, -and that the Emperor should return to the Caipital. The council of Ministers at Paris, which did nothing during its existence but bring disaster upon France by its ignorant and- cowardly interference with the armny in the field, offhred the most decided, objection to this plan. Paris, they said, was th~orougfhly prepared for defence, and able to take care of itself, and MacMahon's (army ought to march at once to the relief of Bazaine. The Emperor, they added, must not think of returning to Paris. His course. would be misunderstood by the country. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 213 No opposition was offered to the appointment of General Trochu, and on the 17th of August he was appointed b the Emperor "Governor of Paris and Commander-in-Chief of all the forces charged to provide for the defence of the Capital." In the meantime, however, the near approach of the 3d German army rendered MacMahon's position more insecure every day, atud it was necessary to do something at once. Marshal MacMahon was prompt to remonstrate against the plan of the Ministers. He declared that the movement upon Metz would be a measure of the "greatest imprudence," and pointed t the danger of making such a very perilous flank march with an army so thoroughly unorganized and undisciplined as his own, in the face of an enemy superior to him both in numbers and preparation. He therefore notified the Ministers that he was about to take position with his army at nRheims, from which place he could move either to Sedan or to Parig. He said, "It is only under the walls of the Capital that my army, when rested and reconstituted, will be able to offer the enemy anyserious resistance." In accordance with this resolution, he abandoned the entrenched camp at Chalons, setting fire to it as he left it, and marched to IRheims, behind which he took position on the 21st of August. had he been. left to his own guidance, he would at least have averted many of the disasters which the overruling of his plans brought upon his country. But it was not to be. The council of old.women at Paris, with which it had pleased heaven to curse France, was wiser in.its own conceit in military matters than the hero of the Malakoff and Magenta. "The language of reason, says the Emperor Napoleon, " was not understood in, Paris; it was wished, at all hazards, to give public opinion the empty hope that Marshal Bazaine could still be succored,and the Duk~e of Magenta received fromn the council of TMinisters, to which had been joined the Privy Council and the. Pr-esidents of the, two Chambers, a most pressing injunction to mnarch to -Metz." The die was cast. There was nothing but obedience left to the Marshal. Accordingly he broke up his c2amp at IRheims on the 23rd of August, and' marched for 214 HISTORY OF TIE LATE WAR Place du Ca~rrousel I aus Bethenville on the Suippe, the Emperor accompanying the army. Upon leaving Rheims the troops became utterly unmanageable, and plundered the provision and other trains of the army in the most open manner It was impossible under the circumstances, to punish. the disorder as it deserved; but it must have been a terrible sight to a commander whose judgment condemned the whole movement. The result was soon seen. The army had scarcely left Rheims, when a lack of supplies compelled the Marshal to return to the railroad in order to procure them. iHe reached Rethel on the 24th, and halted there to obtain food. This was the news that reached the headquarters of King Williani, at Bar-le-Duc, on the 25th of August-that Mac Mahion, whom the King expected to find at Chalons, had abandoned his camp there, anrd had moved first to Rheims, from' which place he was marching rapidly to the northward, evidently for the purpose of relieving Bazaine. The German commanders were astounded as well they might have been, and they could scarcely believe that a general whose genius they so readily acknowledged was reall engaged in such a foolhardy enterprise. But their reports were positive, and were supported by evidence too clear to be douhted. Once convinced of the fact of Mac~llahon's movement,'Von Mloltke BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 215 saw his opportunity, and with the decision of genius resolved to profit by it. The Crown Prince of Saxony was moving towards Chalons by Verldun, and orders were at once dispatched to him to throw his army across Macahon's pathway and hold him in the Argonne; while the Crown Prince of Prussia was ordered to hasten to the northward by forced marhes, by way of Clermont-en-Argonne and Grand Pr, and sweep round upon MacMahon's right flank, and drive him back upon the Belgian frontier. The mlornin of the 26th saw both of these armies in motion, and burrying toward their desti nations. In the meantime MacMahon had continued his northward movement-but very slowly. Everything depended on his speed, upon his outstripping the Germans in the celerity of his movements. The distance from Rheims to Sedan and Beaumont is fifty nmiles. With an efficient and disciplined army, the Marshal would have been at the two latter pces by the 26th at the latest- before the arrival of the Ger man armies-but with the disorganized, half mutinous, and half starved force under his command, hie did not reach Sedan and Beaumont until the 30th, having spent seven days in the march from. Rheimns. By that time the Crown Prince of Saxony had reached the Meuse, and was looking for-him, and Fritz,"7 with the 3d German army, wtas hurrying forward, having already passed Gr~and Pr6". MacMahon heard of their approach on the 27th, on which day he. reached Le Chedne Populeux. At[a g~lance he saw his (danger, and determined to save his army by a prompt and speedy retreat. Orders were given for the movement, and every precaution was taken to secure its success. All to no purpose, however; for after midnig~ht there came a dispatch from Paris, peremptorily, ordering MacMahon to push forward to Metz and succor Bazaine. The Emperor was present when ithese orders were received, and lie should have countermanded them at every hazard, and ha~ve le-Ft the Marshal free to act in. accordance with his own convictions; but he says, "hbe was resolved not. to oppose the decision of the Regency, and had resigned him 216 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. self to submit to the consequences of the fatality which attached itself to all the resolutions of the Government." There was no help for it. MacMahon yielded to the command of the old women at Paris, and gave orders to abandon the retrograde movement. The army was then directed towards Stenay, at which point the Marshal intended to cross th Meuse, in his march to Montmedy, but a reconnissance disclosed the fact that Stenay was already in the hands of the Germans. The Marshal then established his headquarters at Raucourt, intending to pass the Meuse at Mouzon, and on the morning of the 30th of August the left wing crossed the river at that place, but the right was still at Beaumont. Meanwhile the Germans had been marchin hard to come up with the French before they passed the Meuse. The 4th German army had already reached and attacked Verdun when the news of MacMahon's movement was brout to the King's headquarters. The attack was made on the 2t, and, being unsuccessful, the Saxon Crown Prince left a force before Verdun to besiege it, and continued his movement towards Chalons. The Twelfth Corps had already passed the Meuse when the orders to intercept MacMahon were received. General Von Moltke, detached the two Bavarian Corps from the Crown Prince's army, and sent them to re~nforce the 4th army, by the way of Varennes. T1hese, with the Twelfth Corps of the 4th army, marched uip the left or western bank of the Meuse, while the Guards and the Fourth Corps, comprising the rest of the 4th array moved along the right bank in, communication with the others. The remaining corps of the 3d army, which had occupied IRheims, Chalons, and Vitry by the 27th, were ordered to converge in the general direction of Sedan. These movements were executed with vigor and promptness. The cavalry were as usual well thrown out, and on the 27th' the Third Saxon Cavalry, belonging to the 4th army, struck a sharp blow at the cavalry of IDe, Failly's corps near Buzancy, defeating thern. On the 30th, the 4th army, moving on both banks of the river, reached the vicinity of Beaumont and the point immediately opposite /. --.~ =.-~-_ — I -= _ ~_.-.__. —_~ -.I h ilgeo ~oznbytl uusin l le*lEbfr h ~ —~~ ____ttl o Sea..... 218 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR that place on the east bank of the Meuse, while the Fifth and Eleventh Corps of the 3rd army were at Stonne, seven miles west of Beaumont. On the mrning, of the 30th the march was continued. The Saxons and Bavarians of the 4th army, advancing through a wooded country from Beaumont, were informed by their cavalry scouts that a strong French force was lying just beond the town. This was De Failly's corps, constituting the right ing of the French army, which was waitin to cross the Meuse that day at Mouzon. De Failly, with criminal carelessness had entirely neglected to throw out pickets or Gto watch the ermans with his cavalry, althouh he must have been aware of the near approach of the enemy. Owing to the ine weather," says the Count de la Chappelle, "the general had given orders to clean the chassepots, and to attend to many of the details neglected during the marche force the had efcted from Rheims." X In plain English, the French camp lay entirely exposed to, and its general was in utter ignorance of the advance of the Germans. The Saxon Crown Prince wa-s prompt to profit by De Failly's blunder. Skilfully concealing his movements under the cover of the woods, hie hurled the Fourth Corps,,supported by the First Bavarian Corps on its left and the Twelfthi Corps on the right, upon the French camp, taking it com-i pletely b~y surprise. "With a dashing raid," says the writer just qu oted, "1executed sim ultanekously, they precipitated themselves in masses on the French soldiers, who were completely (disarmed. A full brigade was made prisoners before having time to seize their chassepots. Only one battery of the strongr artillery of De Failly's had time to take, position. rIhle fighlt was, however, well sustained by the troops who had the (chance to handle their weapons. The engagement lasted several hours, amidst a horrible carnage, and at last the, French were driven back across the Mecuse at Mouzon." Havingr carricel Beaumont so brilliantly, the 4th army * The IJfar of 1870. By Count de la Chapelle. Pp. 88, 89 ... 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The disaster suffered by De Failly made it necessary for MacMahon to put forth a decided effort to hold Mouzoll against the attacks of the Guards and Fourth Corps of the 4th army, operating on the east bank of the Meuse. He succeeded in maintaining his position there until De, Failly was safely over the river, and then the entire French force withdrew towards Sedan, by the bridge over the Chiers at Douzy, and occupied the strong heights above Bazeilles, covering the approach to Sedan. The loss of the French army on this memorable day footed up thirty guns, 5000 prisoners, and a considerable number in killed and wounded. The loss of the Germans was comparatively small. The next day King William sent the following bulletin to the Queen of Prusisa: We had yesterday a victorious action by the Fourth, Twelfth (Saxon), and First Bavarian Corps. MacMahon beaten alnd pushlled back from Beaumnont over the Meuse to Mouzon.'I'welve guns, some thousands of prisoners, and a great deal of material, in our hands. Losses moderate. I return immediately to the battle-field in order to follow up the fruits of the victory. May God graciously help us fuirther, as thus far. The French army now faced about, and took position to cover Sedan. The morning of the 31st saw the entire army of MacMahon over the Meuse, and the Marshal passed the day in establishing his new line and preparing for the great defensive battle, which he saw wasinevitable. He had with him a little over 100,000 Inen. The centre of the French position was the fortress of Sedan, their flanks extending from Floing on the right to Givonne on the left. The position was very strong, and was strengthened by MacMahon with every means at his command. In front of his line lay the Chiers river, and the villages of Balan and Bazeilles, which greatly added to its strength. In front of the French, on the other side of the Chiers, was the 4th army, under the Saxon Crown Prince 220 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR and on his right flank, and separated from him by the Meuse, was the 3d army under the Crown Prince of Prussia, in all about 240,000 men, with artillery in proportion. The Germans spent the greater part of the 31st in getting their armies well into position. During the day the First Bavarian Corps made a sharp attack upon the town of Bazeilles, and were repulsed with severe loss. The rest of the day was spent by the Germans in inaking such dispositions as would enable them to enclose MacMahon's forces within their advancing lines, and shut them up in Sedan. The position of each part of the German army is thus stated in the official report of General Von Roon, the Minister of War. "Our line of battle was formed in this wise: On our right we had the army of the Crown Prince of Saxony. IHis van consisted of the Twelfth Corps d'Armee, next came the Fourth and the Guards, the rear being brought up by the Fourth Division of cavalry, with their back to Remilly. Those troops of the Crown Prince of Saxony still on the left bank of the MoIeuse, crossed at Douzy. To the left of this army was stationed the First Bavarian Corps, and behind this the Second. The Bavarians threw their bridge opposite the village of Bazeilles. The Eleventh Prussian Corps had placed its pontoons during the night about one thousand paces below Donchery. A little to the left crossed the Fifth Corps on another bridge, and still further in the same direction, near the village of Dom-le-Mesnil, the Wiirtembergers. The Sixth Corps, as a reserve, was stationed between Attigny and Le Chene." It was originally intended by the King to put off the decisive blow until the 2d of September, in order to give a day's rest to the troops who were somewhat fatigued from their long and rapid marches, but at a council of war held at Crown Prince "Fritz's" headquarters about sunset on the 31st of August, it was resolved to make the attack at once lest MacMahon should attempt to escape by way of Mezieres; and orders vWere sent to the Crown Prince of Saxony to advance at one o'clock the next morning, and open fire at five o'clock. At four o'clock on the morning of the 1st of September. BETWEEN GERMTANY AND FRANCE. 221 the Crown Prince of Prussia left his headquarters at Chenery, and proceeded to a hill near Donchery, not far from a small mansion called Chateau Donchery, from which point the whole array of the German army could be surveyed, and the progress of the battle watched in every direction. About eight o'clock King William took his stand on the heights in the rear of the Bavarian position. A light fog overhung the country as the day opened, and the Prussians took advantage of this to get their troops destined to act against the French right into a better position. About half past seven, the sun broke through the mist, and the day became bright and clear, but hot and sultry. The scene from the position of the Crown Prince of Prussia is thus described by an eye witness.* "The whole country as far as the frontier lies spread out like a map before us, Donchery is as clearly to be seen as though a biscuit could be tossed down into it; and when the mist rises still farther, the course of the Meuse may be traced by stunted willows in the great bend northward which it makes hereabouts. There is no better way of realizing the features of the locality than by taking a horseshoe, producing one end straight to your left, and the other end somewhat backward to your right. On the part straight to your left is Donchery, with its line of hills across the back of the shoe. On the part prolonged to your right is Bazeilles, with a railway bridge in excellent condition. Sedan lies on the river to the right hand, where the first nail would be, and the offside of the horseshoe bend. Cazal and Floing are farther along on the right side, and St. Menges is about at the front of the shoe. The villages of Dasigy and Givonne lie back to the right, or behind the town, where the country is hilly and wooded. The great plain is to the left of the bend, and as the Prussian troops arrive on that side they move quickly forward across the plain to turn round the end of the horseshoe and come back down its right side. The Belgian frontier is * Correspondent of the London Daily Newts. 222 HISTORY OF TIHE LATE WAR a little way beyond the front of the shoe, so that there is ample room for the Fifth and Eleventh Corps to act upon the line of retreat from Sedan in that direction. We can hear a constant rumbling of wagons and clattering of hoofs, as the German left is advanced, whilst there is a louder and louder roll of musketry, and booming of cannon where the Bavarians are holding the French in play to the right. At first there is a line of white smoke puffs, forming less than a semicircle to the south, southwest, and southeast of the French. The battle is hotly maintained near Bazeilles, and the French re.. spond with energy to the attack of the Germans. It is a very sultry day. The smoke-clouds hang lower and lowerover the Meuse, as the mist was hanging a few hours earlier." From the position of the King, the view was not so extensive, but more central, and( is thus described by the correspondent of the New York 7lrilbune: " As I rode on to the crest of the hill which rises sharply about 600 or 700 feet above the little hamlet of Chevange, nestled in a grove below, a most glorious panorama burst on my view. As General Forsyth, of the United States Army, remarked to me later in the day, it would have been worth the coming, merely to see so splendid a scene, without'battle's magnificently stern array.' In the lovely valley below us, from the knoll on which I stood with the King and his staff, we could see not only the whole Valley of the Meuse (or Maas, as the Germans love to call th.e river that Louis XIV. stole from them), but also beyond the great woods of Bois-deLoup and Francheval, into Belgium, and as far as the hilly forest of Numo, on the other side of the frontier. Right at our feet lay the little town of Sedan, faimous for its fortifications by Vauban, and as the birthplace of Turenne, the great Marshal. It is known, also, as the place where sedan chairs originated. As we were only about two and a quarter miles from the town, we could easily distinguish its principal edifices without the aid of our field-glasses. On the left was a pretty church, its Gothic spire of sandstone offering a conspicuous target for the Prussian guns, had General Moltke BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 223 thought fit to bombard the town. To the right, on the southeast of the church, was a large barrack, with the fortifications of the citadel. Behind it and beyond this to the southeast again was the old chateau of Sedan, with picturesque, roundturreted towers of the sixteenth century, very useless, even against four-pounder Krupp field-pieces. This building, I believe, is now an arsenal. Beyond this was the citadelthe heart of Sedan, on a rising hill above the Meuse to the southeast, but completely commanded by the hills on both sides of the river, which runs in front of the citadel. "The French had flooded the low meadows in the valley before coming to the railway bridge at Bazeilles, in order to stop the Germans from advancing on the town in that direction. With their usual stupidity (for one can find no other word for it), the French had failed to mine the bridge at Bazeills, and it was of immense service to the Prussians throughout the battle. The Prussians actually threw up earthworks on the iron bridge itself to protect it from the French, who more than once attempted early in the day to storm the bridge, in the hope of breaking the Bavarian communication between the right and left banks of the Meuse. This they were unable to do; and although their cannon-shot have almost demolished the parapet, the bridge itself was never materially damaged. " On the projecting spurs of the hill, crowned by the woods of La Marfee, of which I have already spoken, the Bavarians had posted two batteries of six-pounder rifled breech-loading steel Krupp guns, which kept up a duello till the very end of the day with the siege-guns of Sedan across the Meuse. Still further to the right flank, or rather to the east (for our line was a circular one - a crescent at first, with Sedan in the centre, like the star on the Turkish standard), was an undulating plain above the village of Bazeilles. Terminating about a mile and a half from Sedan, at the woods near Rubecourt, midway - that is to say, in a line from Bazeilles north - there is a ravine watered by a tiny brook, which was the scene of. the most desperate struggle and of the most frightful slaughter 224 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR of the whole battle. This stream, whose name I have forgotten, if it ever had one, runs right behind the town of Sedan. " From the woods of Fleigreuse on the north, behind the town, rises a hill dotted with cottages and fruit-laden orchards, and crowned by the wood of La Givonne, which runs down to the valley of which I have just spoken. Between this wood and the town were several French camps, their white shelter-tents standing out clear among the dark fruit-trees. In these camps one could see throughout the day huge masses of troops which were never used. Even during the height of the battle they stood as idle as Fitz-John Porter's at the second battle of Bull Run. We imagined that they must have been undisciplined Gardes Mobiles, whom the French Generals dared not bring out against their enemy. " To the Prussian left of these French camps, separated from them by a wooded ravine, was a long bare hill, something like one of the hills on Long Island. This hill, on which was some of the hardest fighting of the day, formed one of the keys of the position of the French army. When once its crests were covered with Prussian artillery, the whole town of Sedan was completely at the mercy of the German guns, as they were not only above the town, but the town was almost within musket-range of them. " Still further to the left lay the village of Illy, set on fire early in the day by the French shells. South of this the broken railway-bridge, blown up by the French to protect their right, was a conspicuous object. " Right above the railway-bridge, on the line to Mezibres, was the wooded hill crowded by the new and most hideous'chateau,' as he calls it, of one Monsieur Pave. It was here the Crown Prince and his staff stood during the day, having a rather more extensive but less central view, and therefore less desirable than ours, where stood the King, Count Bisrnarck, Von Roon, the War Minister, General Moltke, and Generals Sheridan and Forsyth- to say nothing of your correspondent." Shortly after five o'clock the 4th army commenced its BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 225 advance, and at half-past six o'clock opened the battle by a sharp attack on the French left, which being strongly posted was able to make a stout resistance. This attack was begun in the direction of Givonne, and was soon followed by an attack upon the French centre, at Bazeilles, in front of Sedan, by the Bavarians. About the same time the Fifth and Eleventh Corps of the 3d army passed the river near Donchery, and prepared, the latter to attack, the former to turn, the works in which MacMahon's right was posted, under Ducrot, in the intrenched heights above Floing. All these movements were executed with the vigor and enthusiasm which the Germans had exhibited during the whole war. They were gallantly met, and for some time the French held their own. At first the fighting was confined chiefly to the artillery, which, towards nine o'clock, was hotly engaged. A little after eleven, the infantry came into action to the northeast of Sedan, the object of the 3d and 4th armies being to drive the French back upon Sedan, and unite their own columns in the vicinity of Givonne and Floing. The French put forth every effort to maintain their position, but they were steadily driven back. In vain the terrible imitrailleuse poured its death-dealing volleys into the German ranks, in vain the French cavalry thundered down upon them. Nothing could stop the onward marching of those miles of men, and the French were gradually driven in towards Sedan. On the German' left, the Crown Prince of Prussia had thrown out the Wiirtembergers to watch Mezibres, and prevent assistance reaching MacMahon from that place, while the Fifth land Eleventh Corps turned and drove in the French right. The key point to the French position here was the Floing hill, a semi-circular bluff which rises sharply above the village of Floing, almost immediately opposite Donchery, and but a mile or two from it in an air line, but distant six or seven miles by the road which follows the winding course of the river. From the plateau of Floing the ground falls toward the Meuse, but retains its elevation and bluff-like formation towards the north, cut by several deep ravines, 15 226 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR running generally north and south. The country is thickly wooded, and affords excellent facilities for defensive opera. tions. The Crown Prince opened his attack with his artillery, which was posted with the most daring skill, and hurried forward his infantry to storm the Frenchl- intrenchments on the Floing hill. The French were almost entirely concealed( from the view of the Prussians by their intrenchments and by the formation of the hill. They watched the advance of the storming column with a fierce exultation, ready to wither it with their infantry and initrailleuso fire, and holding a brigade of cavalry in readiness to fall upon its flank. Preceded by their skirmishers, the Prussians advanced until they could see the heads of the French over the breastworks, when they opened fire. Instantly the whole French line blazed with a terrible volley, and the cavalry thundered down on the staggered column. The effect was fearful. The storming party was almost annihilated. Many were forced over into the ravines, and many were sabred by the French troopers as they tried to escape. The charge, however, was as fatal to the French as to the Prussians. The main body of the Crown Prince's forces had by this time occupied the village of Floing, and as the French cavalry swept by on their return from the charge, they were decimated by a terrible infantry fire. A second attempt, with a stronger force, was made to carry the heights. The column was driven back by the severe fire of the French, and the French infantry followed in pursuit, while the cavalry again dashed at the German flank. This time, however, the Prussians rallied, and their supports came hurrying up with all speed. The French horsemen were received with a terrible volley from the Prussian infantry, which broke them in utter ruin. A second column of cavalry now followed the first at a gallop, and again the terrible fire of the Prussian infantry broke forth. The horsemen were literally swept from the face of the earth, and the Prussians, now joined by their supports, made another (lash at the breastworks, from which the French infantry for some time maintained a rolling fire BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 227 in reply to the Prussian volleys. A Prussian battery now came up at a gallop, and, regardless of the fire of the French riflemen who sought to drive it back, took position on the extreme French right, and began to enfilade their line. The French had no artillery to reply to the Prussians, and in a little while they abandoned their breastworks and retreated to a belt of woods in their rear. They were followed rapidly by the Eleventh German Corps, which repulsed a furious effort to regain the Floing hill. The French artillery now opened on the advancing columns, but was soon driven back by the German guns, and by three o'clock in the afternoon, the right of the French line was in the hands of Crown Prince Fritz. This was the key point to their whole line. The movements of the Crown Prince of Saxony were also successful. The country through which the 4th army had to advance was an almost unbroken forest, but in spite of the difficulties in their way, the Germans pushed forward, their infantry closing with the French soon after eleven o'clock. By one o'clock, the French position at Givonne was carried, and about the same time the junction of the 3d and 4th armies was effected behind Sedan. Both German columns followed up their successes with vigor, and the French were gradually pressed nearer and nearer to the fortifications of Sedan. In the centre the fighting was very obstinate. A portion of the Bavarians held the tongue of land to the west of Sedan to close that opening, while the rest passed the Meuse and made a sharp attack on the town of Bazeilles, which lay just two miles to the southeast o Sedan. They suffered enormously in the execution of this movement, being under fire not only from the defenders of the town but from the guns of Sedan. The French Marines particularly distinguished themselves by the gallantry with which they sought to drive back the Bavarian advance. The village was several times taken by the Germans and recaptured by the French, but at length it remained in the possession of the Bavarians, who pressing forward, carried Balan, between Bazeilles and Sedan, 228 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR and almost under the walls of the latter place. X Here bringing their artillery into play they cleared the way for the left of the 4th army, which was able to press forward with increased success. Thus, hour by hour, the French lines were contracted beneath the iron pressure of the German columns. Success everywhere greeted the latter, and by three o'clock the French forces were all driven back to the vicinity * After the close of the battle, the Bavarians returned to Bazeilles and set fire to the town, destroying with it men, women, and children. The Germans declared that they were driven to this severe step because of the barbarous conduct of the villagers, who not only treated the German wounded with the most horrible barbarity, but fired on the Bavarians from the houses after the town had surrendered. A party of English officers, who questioned the' German officers in the vicinity and the few remaining villagers three weeks after the battle, give the following as the result of their inquiries: " So much has been asserted concerning the ferocity of the troops who captured the town, that we made numerous inquiries from every available source, with a view of eliciting the truth. The replies were of course very contradictory; but, after carefully sifting and comparing evidence, there is, we think, little doubt but that, after the town had surrendered, many of the attacking forces were shot down in the streets from the houses by men not in uniform, and even by women. Some of the former, perhaps, were FrancsTireurs; but many were without doubt ordinary working men. Thereupon the Bavarians broke into the houses, made prisoners of the villagers found with arms in their hands, and some hours later, by order of the Prussian authorities, burned the town and shot their captives. The number so executed is admitted by the Prussians themselves to have been at least forty, including three, if not more, women. " I will quote two instances in support of our assertions that this severity was not entirely unprovoked. A Prussian staff officer of the commandant at Sedan assured us it had come to his undoubted knowledge that one old woman was seen to shoot three Bavarian officers in succession with a pistol fired from the window. She was subsequently included in the number of those executed. Again, at Mouzon, near Sedan, a Prussian officer connected with the ambulance corps informed us that he had had under his care a Bavarian officer over whom the inhabitants had poured hot oil as he lay wounded in one of the streets of Bazeilles. On our testifying some incredulity at such monstrous cruelty, our informant added:' The wounded officer is now lying in a room in this house; he will probably ere long die; but ihe is at present quite sensible; and you may, if you please, question him as to the truth of my assertion.' "It need hardly be said that we did not disturb the dying man. Now it must be admitted that retaliation is frequently dangerously akin to butchery; BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 229 of Sedan, and completely invested on all sides. Having thus securely hemmed in the French, the German guns ceased firing at about half past three o'clock, to give the French an opportunity of deciding what they would do in their embarrassed position. About four o'clock the Crown Prince arrived at the position of the King, and reported a complete victory for his troops. Other reports of a similar character were coming in fiomr the east of the army, and there was considbut, under the above circumstances, it would hardly appear that the Prussians exceeded the strict rules of stern justice."-Flrom Sedan to Saarbruck. By an Officer of the Royal Artillery. Pp. 20-22. The French, on their part, utterly denied the charges of the Germans, and asserted that the burning of the town was an act of wanton cruelty. Their version of the story is best expressed in-the following narrative, which was communicated to the correspondent of the New York World by the Cur6 of Bazeilles, in London. Said the Cur6: " It was on the morning of Wednesday, and I was celebrating mass among my people in Bazeilles. I could almost say that we knew nothing of the war beyond the fact that it had been declared and that it was being waged in France. Our village seemed to lie out of the way of all trouble; for though of its kind it was a somewhat considerable place, containing a population of 2000 souls, it had known no other strife than that friendly one engendered by the competition of an industry that held out the prospect of some reward for all. We were but a short half hour's journey from Sedan-our hamlet might almost be said, in fact, to be a distant suburb of that town. Yet none of the city's bustle reached us. The strife, indeed, had not then reached the city itself. Mighty armies, it seems, were all about preparing to enfold us in their black and hateful wings, yet we had no notice of their presence beyond a rumor from some terrified villager, vague enough to occasion no other feeling than one of thankfulness for our own security. The alarmist himself had no sooner breathed the air of our peaceful dwelling than he began to ridicule his own fears, for it was impossible to look at Bazeilles and believe that it could ever by any possibility become the bone of contention between two great nations struggling for the empire of the world. We were completely happy then, because our minds were completely at rest. There were all the soothing influences of religion to intensify this impression, and as I stood at the altar and looked down upon my kneeling flock, I thought I had never beheld a more beautiful exemplification of the peace of holiness. For the war must needs be in our minds at every hour and minute of the day, and our repose was intensified by this striking contrast of what we saw to that of which we thanked heaven we had only heard. The service went on: it was drawing near its close, when on a sudden the low gentle sound of the murmured responses of the congregation was overpowered and lost to the ear 230 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR erable speculation as to what the French would do next. An American gentleman, present, suggested to Count Bismarck, who accompanied the King, that the French would probably force their way into Belgium. "I have told the Belgian Minister of War," said Count Bismarck, "that, so long as the Belgian troops do their utmost to disarm any number of French soldiers who may cross the frontier, I will strictly respect the neutrality of' Belgium; but if, on the contrary, the Belgians, either through n:egligence or inability, do not by the loud report of a single gun. The great battle of Sedan had comnm enced.' It was impossible for the worshippers to repress a movement of anguish and of terror. This was but momentary, however, and our supreme obligation to give the first thoughts of our hearts at all times to the solemn observances of our religion was rendered to the full. The service over, I did not even pause to address my parishioners-as I should most assuredly have done had I known the extent of our danger —but I hurried to my dwelling, which commanded a good view of the surrounding country, in order to ascertain the exact condition of affairs. " I left my aged ftkther and mother in the basement, and I mounted to the roof of the house alone. A spectacle met my eye which will never be effaced from my memory to my dying day. Not alone had the great battle of Sedan commenced, but we were in the very centre of the battle. The strife was raging all around us, and the very horizon seemed to flash with fire on whichever side I turned my gaze. The air trembled with the reports of the guns, and soon the great masses of smoke began to converge towards us till they rested above our heads like some great cloud-omen of doom. Then from out of the cloud, as it seemed, came down an iron hail that crashed through the rafters of houses or the bones of men wherever it fell. The time for contemplation had passed, the hour for action had come. I left my post of observation and descended to the salle-,-manger, whither my footsteps were attracted by a confused sound of mingled weeping and praying which told me that the terrified women and children had fled for support and consolation to the shelter of my roof. " For a moment I hesitated as to what to do. It was evident that in their present mortal danger my first duty was to administer to them the last consolations of religion, and yet such was their intense anguish of terror that I shrank from increasing it by any act which would serve to remind them of their peril. I could not, out of regard for truth, tell them they had nothing to fear, while all around the very place in which we were assembled could be heard very distinctly the rattle of the enemy's shot. I was about to say some few words to put them in a more Christian, because in a more composed, frame of mind, when I was at once relieved of all further difficulty by a spontaneous request BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 231 disarm and capture every mall in French uniform who sets his foot in their country, we shall at once follow the enemy into neutral territory with our troops, considering that the French have been the first to violate the Belgian soil. I have been down to have a look at the Belgian troops near the frontier," added Count Bismarck, "and I confess they do not inspire me with a very high opinion of their martial ardor or discipline. When they have their great-coats on, one can see a great deal of paletot, but hardly any soldier." of one woman, which was speedily echoed by the rest, that I should administer final absolution to them at once. "I was engaged in the performance of this solemn rite when a dreadful uproar was heard at the end of the street, and soon a crowd of our disbanded soldiers rushed past the door, calling out to us to shut ourselves up in th.e cellars at once if we valued our lives. I hurried the terrified crowd out of sight of the coming tumult as quickly as I could, remaining myself to watch what was passing in the street in a post which I judged to be tolerably secure. Soon on the heels of the fugitive Frenchmen a troop of Bavarians tore along the narrow way, but they had scarcely passed when they came pouring back again at even greater speed, and frantic with rage and disappointment. The retreating French had found time to throw up a barricade, and it was ordained that the stand of the day should be made in the village of Bazeilles. " Meantime the Prussian shells had set some of our houses on fire, and by the light of the flames, for it was now growing dark, the most fearful conflict I think it could ever have been man's lot to witness was waged for the possession of the barricades. I cannot trust myself to trice correctly the episodes of that inhuman struggle. Desperate and maddened creatures in the uniform of either army by turns passed and repassed my house at one moment as pursuers, at another as pursued. In the momentary intervals of the deadly fusilade and the deadlier bayonet charges, we darted from our hiding place to drag in some wounded brother, never pausing to look at his uniform until we had attended to his bodily, and in some measure to his spiritual wants. Utter darkness at length caused a partial cessation of the strife, and the women, who have been so falsely charged with having participated in the conflict, for the first time appeared on the scene as tender nurses of friend and foe alike. Here, if there had been any disposition to vengeance on the part of my unhappy parishioners, was the time to show it, for the wounded were at the absolute mercy of those in whose houses they lay. And yet, as I unhesitatingly affirm, no unchristian deed disgraced any member of my flock. The occasion was indeed inopportune for that, for mere national hatred seemed puerile beside the awful feelings and emotions of the hour. "With the dawning morn the battle was renewed, and not alone in our 232 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR No message having been received from the French, the King ordered the German batteries to open fire again at half past four. The Bavarian guns were the first to execute the order, and in a quarter of an hour one of their explosive shells set fire to a straw shed, and a thick column of black smoke rose immediately to the sky. A few minutes later a French officer appeared on the walls, waving a white flag. The firing was immediately discontinued. Within the French lines matters were very bad. We have seen how little hope MacMahon had of accomplishing streets, but in the plain beyond the village, where one of the main bodies of the enemy was making a determined attempt to gain possession of the place. The fighting centred about a bridge which spanned the swollen river and the possession of which was absolutely necessary to the success of the vast military plan which it seems the Germans had formed. This bridge should have been blown up on the first appearance of danger. It had been undermined for the purpose, and moreover the very powder had been stored in the village some days before. The materials were all in readiness, but alas, the man for the work-the man was wanting in Bazeilles, as he was wanting everywhere else on that fatal day. The bridge was lost; the enemy poured into the town; the barricades remained in his possession; Bazeilles (and in due time Sedan) was won, and on the evening of Thursday the Emperor sent his sword to the King. " It was then that believing all danger for us was over, I went through the village from, one end to the other to make an exact inventory of our losses. Exactly thirty-two houses and no more had been burnt-the majority were therefore left standing. Not a woman or child was injured. This fact is conclusive to my mind as to the no share these defenceless creatures had in the fray, for had they taken part in it, as was afterwards alleged, the enemy would certainly not have scrupled to shoot them with the arms in their hands." The priest paused here as if from some unconquerable unwillingness to continue. He appeared to be greatly agitated in spite of repeated attempts to maintain his self-possession. JI could not fail to guess the cause, and yet I was compelled to urge him to proceed to give the necessary completeness to his narrative. I had observed that the order of his relation was chronological, and that he carried it down to the Thursday night on which the Emperor had sent in the formal offer of his capitulation. "And what followed the events of the Thursday night, reverend father?" I asked. The priest made no answer, but he looked straight towards me, though not at me, for his eyes seemed fixed on vacancy, and as he gazed the color began BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 233 the task assigned him by the Ministers. Still, like a brave soldier, he went to his work resolved to do his best. Appreciating the numerical advantage of his enemy, he endeavored to make up for it as far as possible by his personal example. He went everywhere, cheering on his men, and exerting himself with a heorisrn worthy of the most brilliant Marshal of France. Outwardly he was calmn and smiling, but his heart was full of despair, for he saw at the very outset of the battle what the result would be. As his trodps began to give way he dashed to the front with an impetuosity which to fade from his face by patches until his cheeks and forehead were one great stain of desdly white. I repeated my question. " My son," said the father, " there are some things which are too dreadful for anger, too mournful for pity, which are, in short, beyond the utmost range of expression permitted to human emotion. Such a thing was that which followed after the announcement of the capitulation of the Emperor on Thursday night, that thing being the burning of Bazeilles and the massacre of its inhabitants. My outline of the barest facts of the atrocity shall be of the briefest possible kind. Let this suffice. In the midst of the profound calm, as of death, which followed the cessation of the fighting all along the line, and while I, with others, was engaged in an equally assiduous attention on the wounded, both friend and foe, I was horrified on leaving one dwelling to pass to another on the opposite side of the street to discover that the whole village was rapidly becoming a mass of newly-kindled flames. The thirty odd houses which had been burned during the struggle for the possession of the village had long since been put out. The fires which were now raging had been deliberately lit since the capitulation of the Emperor, and the consequent cessation of all resistance on the part of the regular armies, to say nothing of the defenceless civil populations whose dwellings happened to lie within the circle of strife. "The work was begun at night, but the morning was reserved for its completion. House after house was deliberately fired. The villagers were more bent on saving their own lives than on defending their property, but they were not to be permitted to do either. In the middle of the lane of fire formed by the two sides of the burning streets stood the conquering, and as men, women, and children rushed shrieking' from the flames -, O, Monsieurl" (The priest had broken down.) " Monsieur, I cannot, I dare not go further; the story of Bazeilles has yet to be written, in characters of fire and of blood, but the time has not yet come for this supreme trial of duty to the living and devotion to the dead. I cannot, I must not go on." I understood him, and took my leave in silence, with an affectionate pressure of his hand. 234 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. his friends sought in vain to restrain. The truth is the brave old Marshal had but one hope left, to meet with a soldier's death. "Leave me, my friends," he said to his aides who sought to keep him from going forward. "I am going to show those Kings, those Princes, who hide behind their masses of men, that a Marshal of France knows how to fight, and when beaten how to die." A little later he was struck down, terribly wounded by the explosion of a shell. As soon as it was known that MacMahon was wounded, General Ducrot, as Chief of the Staff, at once assumed the command of the army, but General De Wimpffen claimed the command in virtue of the order of the Emperor, who had given him a sealed letter at the opening of the battle, directing him to assume the command in case of any accident to MacMahon. MacMahon had fallen in an effort to drive the Bavarians out of Bazeilles, and De Wimpffen's first duty was to endeavor to hold Balan against them. The Emperor went with the column with which De Wimpffen met the Bavarian advance upon Balan, declaring that he was serving only as a private soldier, and not as an officer. Shot and shell fell fast about him, and one of the shells bursting near him enveloped his person in smoke. I-le was seeking death on the field, and was with difficulty persuaded by his officers to retire just as the Bavarians made their forward movement from Bazeilles, which resulted in the capture of 3Balan.* The scene in Sedan after the army commenced to retreat into the town is thus described by Captain Jeannerod, a French officer, in a letter to the New York Tribune. - " The Emperor, since the morning, had been in the thick of the fire, sword in hand, exciting the troops, and braving all dangers. Marching at the head of a column of attack, Napoleon III. was for a few hours exposed to tho greatest danger; and as an ocular witness, I can vouch for the truthfulness of the fact. The bullets, the shells, were falling in showers around him. The Emperor sustained the fame of personal bravery of his early years. On the instance of his staff, at last, not finding the glorious death he was looking for, he retreated into the fortress, and presided at the last sorties of the brave troops."-The War of 1870. By Count de la Chapelle. Pp. 107-8. ~~,,iii~,,,,~,,~,~~,,l~11~,~~r View~~~~~~ —-- of the V~ilae of Bazeis ftrlh Btte 236 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. "When I reached the suburb of the Porte de Balan, I found it encumbered with soldiers of all corps, hastening, as I was, into the town. It was a defeat, evidently, yet it was not eleven o'clock, and the battle was destined to continue at various points for some time longer, though continuing without any real hope of victory. "To one entering the town as I did, there was no longer any battle to describe. It was first a retreat, and too soon a rout. I thought myself lucky to get away from the field as I did; for, an hour afterward, the rout of those forces that had been near by me was complete. Already soldiers were crushing against each other in the struggle to get inside the town. Dismounted cavalry were trying to make their way, some even by the ramparts, leaping down from the counterscarp, others forcing their way in by the postern gates.'From a nook of the ramparts, where I rested a moment, I saw also cuirassiers jumping-horses and all-into the moat, the horses breaking their legs and ribs. Men were scrambling over each other. There were officers of all ranks-colonels, and even generals, in uniforms which it was impossible to mistake -mixed in this shameful rimele. Behind all came guns, with their heavy carriages and powerful horses, forcing their way into the throng, maiming and crushing the fugitives on foot. "To add to the confusion and horror, the Prussian batteries had by this time advanced within range, and the Prussian shells began falling among the struggling masses of men. On the ramparts were the National Guards manning the guns of the town, and replying with more or less effect to the nearest Prussian batteries. It was a scene horrible enough to have suited the fancy of Gustave Dore himself. I could form but one idea of our unhappy army-that it was at the bottom of a seething caldron.' I hurried back as best I could to my hotel, following the narrow streets, where the shells were least likely to reach the ground. Wherever there was a square or open place, I came upon the bodies of horses and men quite dead or still quivering, mown to pieces by bursting shells. Reaching my hotel, B-~~~~~~~~~ Trire Fieild Guns capturedl from the Army o1' 5!achulal,'o by thle Prussians at Sedann. 238 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR I found the street in which it stood choked, like the rest, with wagons, guns, horses, and men. Most luckily, at this moment the Prussian fire did not enfilade this street; for a train of caissons filled with powder blocked the whole way, itself unable to move backward or forward. There was every chance that these caissons would explode, the town being then on fire in two places; and I began to think Sedan was a place more uncomfortable than even the battle-field over which a victorious enemy was swiftly advancing. " From friends whom I found at the hotel I learned that the Emperor, who had started early in the morning for the field of battle, had returned about the same time that I did, and passed through the streets with his staff. One of my friends was near him on the Place Turenne, when a shell fell under the Emperor's horse, and, bursting, killed the horse of a general who was behind him. He himself was untouched, and turned around and smiled; though m; friend thought he saw tears in his eyes, which he wiped away with his glove. Indeed, he had cause enough for tears on that fatal 1st of September. "Meantime, shells began to fall in the direction of our street and hotel. We all stood under the vaulted stone entrance, as the safest shelter we could find. I trembled on account of the caissons still standing in the street, and filling all the space from end to end. It was at this time when we waited, watching painfully for the shell which would have sent us all together into another world, that General De Wimpflen came past, making. a vain effort to rally and inspirit his flying troops. He shouted,' Vive la France! En avant!' Butthere was no response. He cried out that Bazaine was taking the Prussians in the rear. News which had been current all the morning at intervals, coming now from the mouth of General De Wimpffen, seemed to be believed, and a few thousand men were rallied, and followed him out of the town. People began to have hope, and for one brief moment we believed the day might yet be saved. Need I say that this intelligence was a patriotic falsehood of brave General De Wimp BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 239 ffen? Mad with anguish, and in direct opposition to the Emperor's orders, he had resolved to rally what men he could, and make a stand. He could not have known that he was bound in the grasp of at least 300,000 men. "The bugle and the trumpet ring out on all sides. A few thousand men harken to the sound. My friend Rene de Guiroye, of the Chasseurs d'Afrique, whom I have just met, after losing sight of him for ten or twelve years, got on horseback again and joined the General. The sortie took place thus: They went out at the Porte de Balan. The houses of the suburb are already full of Prussians, who fire on the French out of every window. The church, especially, is strongly garrisoned, and its heavy doors are closed. The General sent off De Guiroye to bring two pieces of cannon. These soon arrived, and with them the door of the church was blown in, and 200 Prussians were captured and brought back with the French, who, in spite of all efforts, were themselves soon obliged to retire into the town. It was the last incident of the battle-the last struggle. "While this took place at the Porte de Balan, the Prussian shelling went on, and the shells began to fall into the hotel. Shocking scenes followed. A boy, the son of a tradesman around the corner of the street, came in crying, and asking for a surgeon. His father's leg had been shot off. A woman in front of the house met the same fate. The doctor who went to the tradesman found him dead; and, returning, attempted to carry the woman to an ambulance. He had scarcely made a step, when she was shot dead in his arms. Those of us who stand in the gateway and witness such scenes have got beyond the feeling of personal fear. Any one of us, I will venture to say, would give his life to spare France on this dreadful day. Yet we stand pale and shuddering at the sight of the fate which befals the poor people of the town. " I care not to dwell upon horrors, which, nevertheless, I shall never be able to forget. I can mention more than one brave officer who did not fear to own that he shrank from the sight of what had become a mere massacre. Those who were 240 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR safely out of the way as prisoners, whether officers or men, needed no pity. When, after a time, it became clear that there was no sign of Bazaine, the hopes of the French again departed. A sullen sort of fight still went on. The guns of the town answered the Prussians. An aid-de-camp of the Emperor went by on foot, and I heard him ask the officers near by to help him in putting an end to the fire. Such being the Emperor's wish, at length the white flag was hoisted on the citadel. The cannonade ceased suddenly about 4.30 o'clock. Eager as we were to know the cause, we cannot leave the house, for the street is impassable, and we have to be content with learning the mere fact of the surrender. As night drew on, the crowd a little diminished, and by some effort it was possible to make one's way about the town. The spectacle it offered was more horrible than war. Dead were lying everywhere; civilians and soldiers mingled in the slaughter. In one suburb I counted more than fifty bodies of peasants and bourgeois-a few women among them, and one child. The ground was strewn with splinters of shells. Starving soldiers were cutting up the dead horses to cook and eat, for provisions had again failed us, as everything has failed since this campaign began." Meanwhile the firing had begun from the Prussian guns, and their lines had been pressed forward nearer to Sedan. A little before five o'clock, King William, seeing the hopeless situation of the French, ordered the firing to cease, and sent Lieutenant-Colonel Von Bronsart, of the staff, with a white flag, as truce bearer, oftering capitulation to the army and fortress. Before the King's orders could be executed, the white flag was been on the walls of Sedan, and the firing immediately ceased. Colonel Von Bronsart was met by a Bavarian officer, who informed him that a messenger from the French lines was on his way to the German headquarters. He kept on his way to the gates of Sedan, however, and upon his inquiry for the Commander-in-Chief, he was unexpectedly conducted before the Emperor, who informed him that he had written a letter to the King of Prussia, which he desired BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 241 him (Bronsart) to convey to his Majesty. The Emperor then asked the Colonel the nature of his orders; and was answered, "'To summon the army and fortress to surrender." The Emperor then informed him that he must: address himself to General De Wimpffcn, who was the commander of the army, and added that he would send his letter to the King by his Adjutant-General Reill6. Meanwhile, the French officer sent out from Sedan, had made his way to the King's station, escorted by two Uhlans. He stated that he had been sent to ask the terms upon which the King would receive the surrender of the French forces. A short conversation ensued between the King and General Von Moltke, after which the latter informed the bearer of the flag of truce that, in a matter of such magnitude as the surrender of at least 80,000 men, and an important fortress, it was necessary to send an officer of high rank. "You are, therefore," continued the General, "to return to Sedan and tell the Governor of the town that he must at once repair to the headquarters of the King of Prussia. If he does not arrive within an hour, our guns will immediately open fire. You may tell the commandant that there is no use of his trying to obtain any other terms than unconditional surrender." The messenger at once departed. The French offer was eagerly discussed by the German commanders and their officers; and when, about half past six, it became known that the Emperor was in Sedan, their exultation was unbounded. A little before seven, a second flag of truce was seen approaching from Sedan. The royal escort was drawn up in two lines, with the staff in front, and the King took his position ten yards in front of the staff to receive the French envoy, who proved to be General Reill]. As he reached the spot, General Reille dismounted, and uncovering, and approaching the King, handed him the Emperor's letter, adding that he had no further orders. T1le King received the missive, but before opening it, said to the General, " I demand as a 16 242 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR first condition, that the army lay down their arms." He then read the Emperor's letter, which was as follows: SIRE My BROTHER:-Not having been able to die in the midst of my troops, it only remains for me to place my sword in the hands of your Majesty. I am your Majesty's good brother, NAPOLEON. General Reille was kindly received by the King, who had known him in more peaceful times, and was bidden to cover his head. He very readily entered into conversation with the German officers who surrounded him, maintaining all the while an admirable coolness and self-possession in a position which could not be but trying to him. A consultation was promptly held by the King, the Crown Prince, Count Bismarck, General Von Moltke, and General Von Roon, the Minister of War. Its object was to decide upon a suitable reply to the Emperor's note. As the answer was decided upon, the words were written down by Count Iatsfield, long time Attache to the Prussian Embassy in Paris. Two aidesde-camp then held up a chair to serve as a writing desk, and upon this the King wrote out the following reply to the Em-. peror: SIRE M'y BROTHER:-Regretting the circumstances under which we meet, I accept the sword of your Majesty, and I invite you to designate one of your officers provided with full powers to. treat for the capitulation of the army, which has so bravely fought under your command. On my side, I have named General Moltke for this purpose.-I am your Majesty's good brother, WILHELM. Before SEDAN, Sept. 1, 1870. General Reille, upon receiving this letter, departed for Sedan at forty minutes after seven o'clock, and the King, directing Count Bismarck to remain with General Moltke in case political questions should come up, returned to his headquaf.S ters at Vendresse. * * The King's letter to Queen Augusta, describing the events of the day, is as follows::' VENDRESSE, September 3d, 1870. "You now know from my three telegrams the entire extent of the great historical event that has occurred. It is like a dream, even when one has seen it develop hour by hour. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 243 The news spread rapidly through the German lines, and was received with the wildest enthusiasm. The air rang with the hurrahs of the victors, and on all sides were heard the national hymn and patriotic German songs. Meanwhile there was nothing but sadness and despair in Sedan. It was very clear to the Emperor that there was no hope of saving the army, and that further resistance would "When I remember that, after a great, fortunate war, I had nothing more glorious to expect during my reign, and now see this world-historic act completed, I bow myself before God, who alone, my Lord and my Helper, has chosen me to fulfil this work, and has ordained us to be instruments of His will. Only in this sense did I venture to undertake the work-that in humility I might praise God's guidance and mercy. " Now for a picture of the battle and its consequences, in condensed terms: "The army had arrived on the evening of the 31st, and early on the 1st, in the positions before described, round about Sedan. The Bavarians had the left wing at Bazeilles on the Meuse; near them the Saxons, toward Moncelles and Daigny; the Guards still on the march toward Givonne; the Fifth and Eleventh Corps toward St. Menges and Fleigneux. The Meuse makes here a sharp curve, and therefore from St. Menges to Donchery there was no corps placed, but in the latter town Wurtembergers, who at the same time covered the rear against attacks from M6zibres. The Cavalry Division of Count Stolberg was in the plain of Donchery as right wing; in. the front toward Sedan, the rest of the Bavarians. "The battle began at Bazeilles early on the 1st in spite of a thick fog, and a very heavy fight gradually spread, in which we were obliged to take house by house, which lasted nearly the whole day, and in which Scholer's Erfurt Division (from the reserve Fourth Corps) had to take part. Just as I arrived on the front before Sedan, at 8 o'clock, the great battery began its fire against the fortifications. A tremendous artillery battle now spread on all sides, continuing for hours, and during which ground was gradually won by our side. The villages named were taken. "Very deep-cut ravines with woods made the advance of the infantry difficult, and favored the defence. The villages of Illy and Floing were taken, and the ring of fire drew itself gradually closer and closer around Sedan. It was a grand sight from our position on a commanding height behind the before-named battery, before and on the right of Frfnois village, above St, Torcy. "The determined resistance of the enemy began gradually to slacken, as we could discover by the disordered battalions which ran hastily back out of the woods and villages. The cavalry tried an attack against some battalions of our-Fifth Corps, which maintained an excellent bearing; the cavalry rushed through the intervals between the battalions, then turned around and 244 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR result simply in the massacre of his troops. As the actual situation became known to General De Wimpffen, he sent two of his staff to the Emperor with a letter, in which he proposed to his Majesty that he (the Emperor) should make an attempt to save himself, by placing himself in the midst of a strong column, and endeavoring to reach Carignan, which lies close to the Belgian frontier; but the Emperor refused back by the same way; which was repeated three times by different regiments, so that the field was strewn with corpses and horses, all of which we could clearly see from our position. I have not yet been able to learn the number of that brave regiment. " The retreat of the enemy in many places becoming a rout, and all-infantry, cavalry, and artillery-crowding into the town and the nearest surroundings, but still no indication appearing of the disposition of the enemy to save himself from this desperate condition by capitulation, nothing remained but to order the town to be bombarded by the battery before mentioned. "In less than twenty minutes it was burning in several places; that, together with the many burning villages in the whole radius of the battle, made an appalling impression, and I ordered the firing to cease, and sent Lieutenant-Colonel Von Bronsart, of the staff, with a white flag, as trucebearer, offering capitulation to the army and fortress. He was met by a Bavarian officer, who reported that a French truce-bearer with a white flag had appeared at the gate. Lieutenant-Colonel Von Bronsart was admitted, and upon his inquiry for the General-in-Chief, he was unexpectedly conducted before the Emperor, who wanted at once to deliver him a letter addressed to me. When upon inquiry by the Emperor what his orders were, the reply was given: To summon army and fortress to surrender. " The Emperor directed Bronsart to address himself in the matter to General De Wimpffen, who had just assumed command in place of MacMahon, wounded, and stated that he would send his letter to me by Adjutant-General Reill6. It was seven o'clock when Reill6 and Bronsart came to me. You can imagine what impression it made upon me especially, and upon all. Reillb dismounted, and delivered to me the letter of his Emperor, adding that he had no further orders. Before opening the letter I said to him:'But I demand as first condition, that the army lay down their arms.' The letter commences thus:'N avant pas pu mourir a la etle de nzes troupes, je depose mon lpese ie Votre iIajestt' (not having been able to die at the head of my troops, I lay down my sword before your Majesty),-leaving everything further to my discretion. " My reply was, that I regretted the manner in which we had met, and requested that a plenipotentiary be sent, when the capitulation could be concluded. I had given the letter to General Reill6. I spoke a few words to BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 245 to sacrifice so many soldiers in order to save himself. He added, "Carignan is occupied by the Prussians, but if the General thinks he can save some portion of the army, let him do so." As soon as this answer was conveyed to De Wimpffen, he informed General Lebrun that it was his intention to collect a column of 2000 or 3000 men, place himself at their head, and cut his way through the Prussian lines. "You will cause 3000 more men to be killed," said Lebrun, "and you will not succeed; but if you wish to try, I will willingly go there with you." A little later, De Wimpffen was convinced that his plan was hopeless. He could not find the men he wished, and had him as an old acquaintance, and thus ended this act. I gave Moltke full powers to treat, and directed Bismarck to remain behind, in case political questions should come up, and then rode to my carriage, and drove to this place. "I was everywhere on the road saluted with thundering hurrahs by the trains moving up, and soldiers were singing everywhere the national hymn. It was sublime. Everywhere lights had been lit, so that now and then we drove in the midst of an improvised illumination. I arrived here at 11 o'clock, and drank with my suite the welfare of the army that had accomplished this great result. No report having reached me from Moltke up to the morning of the 2d of the result of the capitulation treaty which was to have been made in Donchery, I drove at 8 o'clock, according to arrangement, to the battle-field, and there met MoltkeT who came to get my consent to the capitulation which he presented, and at the same time pointed out that the Emperor had left Sedan at 5 o'clock in the morning, and had also come to Donchery. Since he wished to speak to me, and there was a little castle in the park, I chose this for the meeting. At 10 o'clock I arrived on the height before Sedan. At 12 o'clock Moltke and Bismarck appeared with the completed terms of capitulation. At 1 o'clock I placed myself in motion with Fritz, accompanied by the staff cavalry escort. I alighted before the castle, where the Emperor came to meet me. The visit lasted a quarter of an hour. We were both very much moved at thus seeing each other again. All that I felt, after having seen Napoleon only three years before at the summit of his power, I cannot describe. "After this meeting I rode from 2.30 to 7.30 o'clock through the entire army around Sedan. " The reception by the troops, the sight of the decimated Guards-all that, I cannot describe to you to-day. I was profoundly moved by so many proofs of love and fidelity. "Now, lebe wohl. With an agitated heart at the end of such a letter, " WILHELM." 246 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR he been atle to do so, he would only have led them to certain death. He was now convinced that there was nothing left but a surrender; but against this course the gallant soldier revolted. He had just arrived a few days previous, and it was hard indeed that his first day of command should close so disastrously. He accordingly sent the following letter to the Emperor: SIRE: —I shall never forget the marks of kindness which you have accorded to me, and I should have been happy, for the sake of both France and of yourself, to have been able to terminate to-day's engagement with glorious success. I have not been able to bring about the result, and I think I shall do well if I leave to others the duty of leading our armies. Under these circumstances I deem it my duty to resign my post of Commander-in-Chief, and to ask that I may be allowed to retire. I am etc. etc., DE WIMIPFFEN To this note the Emperor replied as follows: GENERAL: —YOU cannot resign at the moment when the army may be still saved by an honorable capitulation. You have done your duty all day: do it still. You will render a great service to the country. The King has accepted the armistice, and I am waiting for his propositions. Believe in my friendship. NAPOLEON. General De Wimpffen now saw the matter in its true light. He might indeed be able to retire alone, and thus avoid personal captivity and the mortification of a surrender, but he would by so doing abandon to its fate the gallant army that had fought so well under him during the whole day. Fortune had placed the chief command in his hands, and it was his duty to stay with his men to the last. He thereupon decided to perform his painful task to the letter. * * An officer of General De Wimpffen's staff published in the Paris Patrie, after the surrender, an account of the events preceding the capitulation, in which he stated that the Emperor had compelled De Wimpffen to surrender the army when there was a fair chance of escape, of which the General was anxious to avail himself, and that De Wimpffen had been hampered and thwarted by Napoleon during the whole day. These charges drew from the members of the Emperor's staff the following denial: 4" The letter which appeared in the Patrie of the 11th of September, and which iZ' attributed to an officer of the staff of General Wimpffen, implicates'in so grave and so unjust a manner the responsibility of the Emperor in the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 247 The news of the surrender was received by the French army with the most violent rage. They loaded the names of the Emperor and their officers with bitter curses-never reflecting that to the humanity of the Ewiperor alone they owed their escape from utter annihilation by the Prussians, who held them fast, with every avenue of escape closed. We have seen that at the beginning of the march the men were catastrophe of Sedan, that the officers who had the honor to remain with His Majesty cannot allow such assertions to be made without stating the true facts of the case. When the different commanders of army corps came to warn the Emperor that their troops were repulsed, dispersed, and in part driven back into the town, the Emperor sent them to the Commander-inChief, in order that he might ascertain from them the actual situation. At the same time the Commander-in-Chief sent to the Emperor two officers of his staff with a letter, in which he proposed to His Majesty not to save the army, but to save his person, by placing him in the midst of a strong column, with which he said an attempt might be made to reach Carignan. The Emperor refused to sacrifice a large number of soldiers in order to save himself;' besides,' said he,' Carignan is occupied by the Prussians; but if the General thinks he can save some portion of the army, let him do so.' At the same time that the reply of the Emperor reached the Commander-in-Chief, the latter imparted to General Lebrun, the commander of the Twelfth Corps, his project to collect 2000 or 3000 men, to put himself at their head, and to make a gap in the Prussian lines. General Lebrun answered him:'You will cause 3000 more men to be killed, and you will not succeed, but if you wish to try, I will willingly go there with you.' They left each other, indeed, and less than half an hour afterward General Wimpffen was convinced that his attempt was impracticable, and no other course was open to him except laying down arms. General Wimpffen went back to Sedan, and considering that it was hard for him, who had only taken the command ad interim, to affix his signature to a capitulation, he sent his resignation to the Emperor' in the following terms: "' SIRE: I shall never forget the marks of kindness which you have accorded to me, and I should have been happy, for the sake both of France and of yourself, to have been able to terminate to-day's engagement by a glorious success. I have not been able to bring about the result, and I think I shall do well if I leave to others the duty of leading our armies. "' Under these circumstances I deem it my duty to resign my post of Commander-in-Chief, and to ask that I may be allowed to retire. "' I am, etc., DE WIMPFFEN.' "The Emperor refused to accept the resignation. It was necessary, indeed, that he who had had the honor of the command during the battle should se 248 HISTORY OF THIE LATE WAR wholly unrestrained by discipline. Their condition after the battle was lost, and they were huddled like sheep in and around Sedan-crowded so thickly that as a rule none of them could have kept their ranks had they tried-was a state of utter demoralization. Their officers had no longer any control over them. The French officer whom we have already quoted in describing the condition of Sedan during the battle, thus speaks of the state of'the army after the surrender: " On Saturday the whole force laid down their arms. Not a few soldiers, in their rage broke, rather than give up their arms, and the streets were littered with fragments of all kinds of weapons broken: swords, rifles, pistols, lances, helmets, cuirasses, even mitrailleuses covered the ground; and in one cure, as far as possible, the safety of what remained of the army. The General understood these reasons, and withdrew his resignation. It was then 9 o'clock in the evening, and the firing had ceased at nightfall. It is entirely false to say that the General was opposed by the Emperor in his ideas and in the orders he was able to give, for His Majesty only met him for a moment on the field of battle between 9 and 10 o'clock. The Gerieral was coming firom Balan, and the Emperor asked him how the battle was proceeding on that side. The General replied: "'Sire, things are going on as well as possible, and we are gaining ground.' "To the observation which His Majesty made that an officer had just warned him that a considerable corps of the enemy was outflanking our left, the General replied: " Very well, so much the better. It is necessary to let them do so; we will drive them into the Meuse and we shall gain the victory.' "These are the only relations which the Emperor had with General Wimpffen during the action, and it is equally false to say that there was the slightest altercation between the Emperor and the General. When they separated the Emperor embraced the General most affectionately. (Signed) "PRINCE DE LA MOSKOWA, " CASTELNAU, " DE WAUBERT, "COUNT REILLE, " VISCOUNT PAJOL, "Generals Aides-de-Camp of the Emperor.' So far as is known, General De Wimpffen had no share in the writing or publication of the letter to the Patrie. ~ ~:~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~g~~~~~~g_ ~ ~ ~...,~t~ Bird's-eye -View of the Louvre and Tuileries-Paris. Zog}elper''etftiv~ yore kouorc unlb ben Zuilcrien: VarW.i. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 249 place, where the Meuse runs through the town, the heaps of such fragments choked the stream and rose above the surface. The mud of the streets was black with gunpowder. The horses had been tied to the houses and gun-carriages, but nobody remembered to feed or water them, and in the frenzy of hunger and thirst they broke loose and ran wild through the town. Whoever liked might have a horse-even officers' horses, which were private property-for the trouble of catching them. " When the Prussians came into the town they were very sore and angry at the sight of all this destruction and waste. What must have pleased them still less, was the state in which they found the military chest. As soon as the surrender was resolved on, the French officers were told to make out the best accounts they could, present them, and receive payment. Naturally, the statements thus brought in soon proved sufficent to empty the treasury. I know of officers who demanded and received payment for horses that were not killed and baggage which had not been lost. Demoralization showed itself in every way. Even, the standards were burned or buried-an act of bad faith, not to be palliated even by the rage of a beaten army. " Their rage is greater against no one than General De Failly. He had a room in the hotel where I was staying. On Friday a great multitude of soldiers gathered before the house, the doors of which were closed, demanding General De Failly with such shouts and menaces that the landlord thought it prudent to hurry him out of a back window. The soldiers, could they have reached him, would have torn him to pieces. Since then I have heard the report that he was shot by one of his own men; but no such event had happened on Saturday, and could not well happen later. " It was a relief on Saturday when the Prussians came in and occupied the town, and restored order. I am sorry to have to acknowledge, that all through the campaign the French have acted much more like a conquering army in a hostile country than the Prussians. All the annoyance I 250 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR have experienced personally came from my own countrymen. from the peasants, who, above all, saw a spy in every stranger. When I fell into the hands of the Prussians, I found them courtesy itself. On leaving Sedan, and thence to the frontier, in passing through the Prussian posts, I was stopped often. I had but to say,' I am the correspondent of an American journal,' and I was at once sent kindly forward. On the back of my military pass the Prussian staff had endorsed a Prussian safe-conduct. Often I was not obliged even to show my papers: my word was taken; and once out of Sedan I was speedily through. " When I left Sedan on Sunday morning things were rapidly getting in order. The streets were cleared of dead horses and men. The indescribable filth of the town was swept into the river. The shops were opening again. Discipline had taken the place of disorder. I saw enough of Prussian organization and energy to chance, if the grievous defeat of a noble army had not already changed, the opinion I have so often expressed, that ultimate victory for Fr-ance was sure. "' I have followed MacMahon from the day when I found him reorganizing his army at Chalons to the fatal day at Sedan, when he surrendered the last organized force in France, save the remnant of that which is shut up in Metz. Certainly, when I was at the camp of Chalons, and then at Rheims, I had observed that the number of stragglers was enormous, and I continually met soldiers who did not know where their regiments were. I had seen men and officers disabled by wounds which French soldiers of other days would have despised; I had remarked how untidy and careless the men were allowed to be about their dress and equipments. These things, slight, but significant to a military eye, had caused me, no doubt, some Inisgivings as to the rapidity of the success we had a right to expect. I saw also how prone French officers were to avoid the fatigues of long marches and the discomfort of bivouacs. I remember how often I have traversed the French lines at dead of night and at early dawn, BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 251 and never heard a challange, never came across a French vidette, never have fallen in with a party of scouts. On the other hand, I have seen officers spend the time that ought to have been given to their men, in cafes or in poor village inns. Often even officers of the staff seemed to neglect their duties for paltry amusements, showing themselves ignorant sometimes even of the name of the Department in which they were; so that I have known a French General obliged to ask his way from peasants at the meeting of two roads. I struggled long against all this kind of evidence, but the end is only too clear. Painful it is to me, but I am bound to declare my belief that any further effort France may make can only cause useless bloodshed, and that a means of escape from her peril must now be sought otherwise than by force of arms." On the night of the 1st of September, Count Bismarck and General Von Moltke met General De WVimpffen and the officers appointed on the French side, at Donchery. General Von Moltke promptly informed the French commander that no other condition than the laying down of the arms would be accepted, and that the bombardment would begin again at nine o'clock the next morning if the capitulation were not concluded by that time. General De Wimpffen asked for time to consider these terms, which was granted. At one o'clock the conference broke up, the French officers returning to their own lines. The next morning the conference was resumed, the French accepting the terms expressed in the following cartel: SEDAN, Septembeir 2. By the chief of the staff of His Majesty King William, Commander-in Chief of the German armries, and the General (Commanding-in-Chief of; tlhe French armies, both with full powers from His Majesty the King and the Emperor of the French, the following agreement has been concluded: ARTICLF, 1.'L'he French army, under the command of General Wimpffen, surrounded actually by superior forces around Sedan, are prisoners of var. ARTICLE 2. Owing to the valorous defence of that army, an exception (exemption) is made for all time generals and officers, and for the superior employes having rank of officers in the military list, who will give their word of honor in writing not to take up arms against Germany, nor to 252 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR act in any way against the interests of that nation, till the end of the present war. The officers and employ6s accepting that condition will keep their arms and the effects belonging to them personally. ARTICLE 3. All the other arms and the army material, consisting of flags, eagles, cannons, horses, war ammunitions, military trains, will be surrendered at Sedan by a military commission named by the commander-in-chief, to be given at once to the German commissary. ARTICLE 4. T'Ihe town of Sedan will be given up at once, in its present state, and not later than the evening of the 2d of September, to be put at the disposal of the King of Prussia. ARTICLE 5. The officers who will not undertake the engagement mentioned in Article 2, and the troops of the armies, will be conducted with their regiments, in their corps, and in military order. This measure will commence on the 2d of September, and will terminate on the 3d; the soldiers will be brought up by the Mleuse, near D'Yzes, and put in the hands of the German commissary by their officers, who will then give their commands to their non-commissioned officers. The military surgeons will remain, without exception, at the rear to take care of the wounded. (Signed,) DE WIrMPFFEN. VON MOLTKE. Immediately upon the ratification of this agreement, General Von Moltke issued the following order for carrying out the capitulation: HEADQUARTERS, FRENOIS, September 2, 1870. The French army lying in and about Sedan has capitulated. Officers will be liberated on their word of honor; the under officers and common soldiers are prisoners of war. Arms and army material will be given up. The prisoners of war, whose number is not yet ascertained, will be assembled in the bend of the Meuse, near Villette and Iges, and afterward conducted away in echelons. The Eleventh and Twelfth Royal Bavarian Army Corps, under the gener.al command of General Von der Tann, are appointed to the first guard. The supplying of the prisoners, for which, according to the promise of the French general commanding, stores are to be brought from Mezieres to near Donchery by railroad, will also be regulated by General Von der Tann.'I'hat no difficulty in the approach of trains is laid in the way, is carefully to be observed. An infantry regiment from the Eleventh Corps will be placed in the fortress as garrison to-morrow after Sedan shall have been evacuated. The withdrawal of the prisoners in two lines by way of Stenay, Etain, and Gorze to Remilly, and Buzancy, Clermont, and St. Mihiel to Pontai-Mousson, will be conducted by the army under his Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Saxony and the royal comnlimander-in-chief of the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 253 3d army, according to the order of this morning. In order to avoid every doubt, it is to be remarked that the French officers captured yesterday in battle, and to-day before the close of the capitulation at 11 o'clock, are to be treated in accordance with the rules previously in force. Officers and officials who give their parole must themselves prepare the proper notification. Both classes must report as soon as possible to the quartermaster-general of the army. The horses to be delivered on the part of the French army, shall, in accordance with the orders of His Majesty the King, be distributed for the benefit of all the active German forces, and the army commanders will be hearafter informed upon their respective quotas.'I'he clearing up of the battle-field is the duty of the General of D6pot. Inspection of the army of his Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Saxony. The burial of the dead is to be hastened by means of the civil authorities. VON MOLTKE. "The bearing of General De Wimpffen, as well as that of the other French generals, on the night before," says Count Bismarck, in describing to the King the close of the negotiations, " was very dignified; and this brave officer could not restrain himself from expressing to me his deep pain that he should be just the one to be called, forty-eight hours after his arrival from Africa, and half a day after assuming the cormmand, to place his name under a capitulation, so ominous to French arms; nevertheless, the lack of provisions and munitions, and the absolute impossibility of any further defence, laid upon him the duty, as a general, of restraining his personal feelings, since, in the existing situation, a further shedding of blood could alter nothing. The acquiescence in the dismissal of the officers upon their word of honor was recognized with great thankfulness, as an expression of your Majesty's intention not to trample upon the feelings of an army which had fought bravely, beyond the line which, in view of our political and military interests, was necessarily drawn. General De Wimnpffen has also subsequently given expression to this feeling, in a letter in which he spoke his thanks to General Von Moltke for the considerate forms in which the negotiations have been carried on from his side." Meanwhile the Emperor Napoleon had exerted himself to gain better terms for his army. At daylight on the morning 254 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. of the 2d of September, he left Sedan, in his carriage, accompanied by his aides, and drove into the German lines. Hastening to Donchery, he drove to the headquarters of Count Von Bismarck, sending forward General Reille to announce his approach. Reille reached the Count's headquarters at six o'clock, and delivered his message, and the Count requested him to return to the Emperor and inform him that he (Bismarck) would immediately hasten to meet him. Dressing hastily, the Count mounted his horse and rode after General Reille. About half way between Sedan and Donchery, he met the Emperor in an open carriage, with three general officers, and three more in attendance on horseback. "Of the latter," says the Count, " Generals Castelnau, Reille', Vaubert, and Moskowa, were personally known to me, the last named appearing to be wounded in the foot." Upon reaching the carriage, Bismarck dismounted, and removing his cap, saluted the Emperor. NTapoleon requested him at once to cover his head, whereupon the Count remarked with respect, "Sire, I receive your Majesty as I would my own royal master." Then approaching the side of the carriage on which Napoleon sat, he mounted on the step, and desired to know the Emperor's wishes. The Emperor replied that he wished to see King William, whom he supposed to be in Donchery, and was informed by Bismarck that the King's headquarters were at Vendresse, fifteen miles distant. He then asked if the King had fixed upon a place to which he should go at once, and asked the Count what he should do in the matter. The Count replied that he had come to the neighborhood in the night, and was totally ignorant of the country, but that he would place at the disposal of the Emperor the house which he had himself occupied in Donchery on the previous night, and which he would instantly vacate. The Emperor accepted his offer, and the party rode slowly towards Donchery. Upon reaching a point near the bridge over the Mleuse leading into the town, the Emperor drew up in front of a laborer's house standing by itself, and asked Count Bismarck to descend with ~ ~ r ~ ~~:- -— ~ I" —.-~~? ~!~i~';i...'...... -~'~,'lt~ mprr aolo o iswy oBelueCste 256 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR him there. The Count first caused the house to be examined, and finding that there were no wounded in it, and that it was clean, though humble, followed the Emperor into the principal room, in which were a table and two chairs. "Here," says the Count, in his report to the King, " I had a conversation of about an hour with the Emperor. His Majesty expressed chiefly the wish to obtain more favorable terms of capitulation for the army. I declined absolutely to consider this project with His Majesty, as this purely military question was to be settled between General Von Moltke and General De Wimpffen. In return I asked the Emperor if His Majesty was inclined to negotiations for peace. The Emperor replied that, as a prisoner, he was not now ip a condition to treat for' peace; and to my further question to whom, according to his views, the Government of France would not revert, His Majesty referred me to the existing Government in Paris. After explanation of this point, which was not to be decided with certainty from yesterday's letter of the Emperor to your Majesty, I perceived that the situation today, as yesterday, offered no other practical question than the military one; nor did I conceal this from the Emperer, but expressed the necessity which resulted therefrom to us of obtaining before all things, by the capitulation, a substantial means of securing the military results which we had won. I had already, yesterday evening, weighed the question in every direction with General Von Moltke, whether it would be possible, without injury to German interests, to offer better terms than those fixed upon to the members of an army that had fought well. After due consideration, we were both forced to hold the negative of this question. When, therefore, General Von Moltke, who meanwhile had approached from the city (Donchery), went to your Majesty in order to lay before your Majesty the wish of the Emperor, this was done, as your Majesty knows, not with the purpose of supporting the same." The day being warm, the Emperor then went out into the open air; Count Bismarck followed him with the chairs from BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 257 the cottage, and they seated themselves near the doorway. "The Emperor," says an eye witness, "wore the undress uniform of a general, but with one decoration on his breast, and with the usual kcepi of the French service. Count Bismarck was in his white cuirassier uniform undress, with a flat cap and long boots. If you picture them sitting outside the small house, with the staff officers present lying on the patch of grass not far off, and the tall poplar trees flanking the chaussee as far as it can be seen, you will realize this striking episode. Napoleon looked better in health than last year, but anxious and care worn.' The Emperor now asked the Count if it were not possible to allow the French army to go over the Belgian frontier, in order to have it disarmed and disposed there; "but," says the Count, "I had also discussed this possibility with General Von Moltke the evening before, and quoting the motives indicated above, I declined to go into the discussion of this method. In regard to the political situation, I took, for my part, no initiative, and the Emperor only in so far as he bewailed the misfortunes ot the war, and declared that he himself had not desired the war, but had been forced to it by the pressure of public opinion in France." It was now made known to the Count by the officers of the staff, who had been sent to examine it, that Bellvue Castle, near Frenois, was suited to the reception of the Emperor, and that there were no wounded there. Count Bismarck at once notified the Emperor that he would propose this castle to the King as the most fitting place for the interview between the sovereigns, and requested the Emperor to repair thither at once, as he would be more comfortable there than in the laborer's cottage. The Emperor willingly agreed to the proposal, and was escorted by the Count to Bellvue Castle, the party being preceded by an escort of honor from the King of Prussia's body-guard of cuirassiers, and to that place the carriages and suite of the Emperor also repaired. The King declined to see the Emperor until after the treaty was signed. This act was performed on the morning of the 17 258 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR 2d, and was reported to the King about noon. The King was standing on a hill near Donchery, surrounded by his staff and the principal commanders of his army, when a copy of the terms of the capitulation was brought to him. At the royal command, Adjutant-General Treskow read it aloud to the assembled princes and officers. When the reading of the memorable document was ended, the King turned to his companions, and said: You now know, gentlemen, what a great historical event has taken place. I owe this to the distinguished deeds of the allied armies, to whom I feel bound on this occasion to express my kingly thanks, especially as this success is well adapted to knit more firmly the chain which runites the friends of the North German' Confederacy and my other allies, whose princely representatives I see numerously assembled round me at this moment. We may hope, therefore, for a happy future. Our task, however, is not completed with what has happened under our eyes, for we do not know how the rest of France will accept and judge it. We must, therefore, remain ready for blows; but I already give my thanks to every one who has contributed a leaf to the laurel crown of fame of our fatherland. As he spoke of his allies, the King glanced significantly at Prince Leopold of Bavaria and Prince William of Wurtemberg, to whom he subsequently gave his hand. IHe then mounted his horse, and rode through the various bivouacs of the army. IIe was engaged in this inspection for several hours, and was every where received with enthusiasm. About two o'clock in the afternoon, the King reached Bellvue Castle, where the Emperor awaited him. The Emperor met him in the principal room of the mansion, and received him with grave courtesy. The sovereigns shook hands, and after a few moments conversation withdrew to the conservatory, which was close at hand. The Crown Prince, who had accompanied his father, stepped to the door, and closed it.* * Several reports of the conversation between the sovereigns have been published. The following is the version given by the London Times: "King William. God has given our arms victory in the war you have precipitated. Emperor Napoleon. The war was not sought by me, but was imposed upon me by public opinion. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 259 In a short while the sovereigns returned, and the King and the Prince took their leave. It was then announced that the King had assigned the Emperor the Palace or Castle of Wilhelmshbhe, in Germany, for a residence during his captivity. The King was greatly moved by the misfortunes of the Emperor, and his bearing towardshim during their interview Was marked by the profoundest courtesy and consideration. The Emperor was much affected by the King's conduct, and feelingly expressed to the Crown Prince his sense of the generous manner in which he had been treated. During his captivity he has been treated more like a guest than a prisoner, by the King.* King (assenting emphatically). Your ministers created that opinion. Your army, however, certainly fought bravely. Emperor. But the Prussians had the discipline that mine has recently lacked. King. Before and since 1866 we studied carefully the experience and the invention of other nations. Emperor. Your artillery won everything. It is the finest in the world. King. In the matter of artillery particularly, we have utilized the experience of other nations. Emperor. Prince Frederick Charles decided the event of the last battle, his army carrying our last position. King. You err. It was my son who fought at Sedan. Emperor. Where, then, was Prince Frederick Charles? King. His army corps is before Metz. The Emperor's self-possession apparently deserted him momentarily on receiving this intelligence. The King continued: King. Have you anything to propose? Emperor. Nothing whatever. I am a prisoner. King. With whom, then, have I to treat? Emperor. With the Empress. With the Government at Paris. I am powerless; can make no terms; give no orders. King. Will Wilhelmshohe suit you as a residence? Emperor. Yes. The conversation was continued for a short time, the King expressing condolence for -the Emperor's misfortune. He at length withdrew with every mark of respect." * After the interview the King sent the following bulletin to the Queen: "'What a thrilling moment, that of the meeting with Napoleon! He was bowed, but dignified and resigned. I have given him Wilhelmshohe, near Cassel, for a residence. Our meeting took place in a little castle before the 260 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. The Emperor was given the choice by the King of travelling to Wilhelmshbhe through either France, Belgium, or Germany. He chose the route through Belgium, and sent a telegram to King Leopold requesting to be allowed to make the journey through his kingdom. After consulting with the Great Powers, the King of Belgium accorded the desired permission, and appointed Lieutenant-General Baron Chazal, the commander of the Belgian army on the frontier, to attend the Imperial captive through Belgium. On the morning of the 3d of September, the Emperor and his suite drove rapidly out of Donchery, in the Imperial carriages, which the King of Prussia had allowed him to retain. He was very pale, and his face was firm-set, but with no overwhelming depression upon it. He scrupulously returned the salutations of the few who raised their hats to him as he passed by. His journey to Wilhelmsh6he is thus described in the journals of the day: On leaving Sedan, Napoleon's first halt was at the Chateau de Burr, near Bouillon, the headquarters of Lieutenant-General Chazal. Breakfast was offered to the Emperor at the Belgian quarters, where his presence excited mournful interest. An hour afterwards Napoleon entered a carriage proceeding towards Libramont, the nearest station of the Luxembourg railway. Lieutenant-General Chazal, followed by his aidede-camp, M. Sterx, had to escort the Emperor over the Belgian territory. Thirty mounted Belgian chasseurs formed the escort to Libramont. The Imperial cortege. arrived at this station at about 1.45. There they had to wait three-quarters of an hour for the plain berlines of the Brussels Court which were to convey Napoleon the Third and his suite to the Prussian frontier. At a quarter to three o'clock the special train left Libramont, stopping for a few minutes at Jumelle, whence it proceeded by the Ourthe line, arriving at Liege precisely at 4 o'clock P. M. The Emperor was seated with his aide-de-camp on a fauteuil of green velvet in the centre compartment of the State berline. He wore a red kepi, a gray cloak, and the uniform of a general officer, the Cross of the western glacis of Sedan. From there I rode through the army about Sedan. You call imagine the reception by the troops-indescribable I At dusk —7.30 o'clock —I had finished the five hours' ride, but returned here only at 1 o'clock. God help further WILHELM." tied~~~~~~~~ ii; i~~ i I i I ~~ii ~ tlN SON i~iI 2lj-l~~~ R /l/ i-i A PusianOficr rcevig- hepaoleofFrnchOfici's icldedinth 11~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l Giptultio. o Sean 262 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Legion of Honor and several other decorations. He had expressed a wish to read some newspapers, and he was supplied with several numbers of L'Indpenzdance, L'Etoile, and La Meuse. The time for the arrival of the imperial cortege at Guillemins had been kept secret, to avoid a large concourse of spectators. Only about a hundred witnessed its entry into the station. After a stay of ten minutes the train went on its way, Napoleon several times saluting those who came near his carriage. The imperial train was to be followed in a few seconds by the train carrying the Germans. These trains took the same route, but what very different thoughts occupied the minds of the travellers they carried! On leaving the train at Verviers, Napoleon III. entered one of the shabby fiacres waiting at the station, and was surrounded by his suite and some other persons, who, on seeing the Emperor, raised a cry of "Vive la France " Immediately on his arrival at the hotel Napoleon asked for pens and paper, and commenced writing. An immense crowd quickly gathered under the windows of the hotel where the Emperor passed the night. But the people observed a quiet demeanor. September 3, 1870. At two o'clock to-day the Emperor passed through Cologne without stopping, the engines having been changed outside the city. The train consisted of ten cars. It left Verviers this morning at eleven o'clock, and Aix-la-Chapelle at noon. Another long train with the Imperial household had preceded it. The various railway stations were thronged with people who were curious to catch a glimpse of the Emperor. By order of King William, two Chamberlains of the Court of Prussia are in attendance on the Emperor. WILTIELMStIOHE, September 5. The Imperial train reached this station at thirty-five minutes past nine P. M., where the garrison officers, General Plonske and resident officials of the province had assembled. The Emperor on alighting passed to Plonske's carriage, saluting the officers of the corps, who were drawn up with presented arms. He wore the undress uniform of a general, with a riding cape of the Garibaldian pattern. The crowd was silent, respectful and sympathetic. Meanwhile the capitulation was being carried out at Sedan.: The anger and mortification of the French were extreme; * General De Wimpffen issued the following order to his troops, announcing the true state of affairs: " SEDAN, Septenzmber 3, 1870. " SOLDIERS: —On Thursday you fought against a force greatly superior in numbers, from daybreak until dark. You resisted the enemy with the utmost bravery. When you had fired your last cartridge, were worn out with fight BETWEEN GERMIANY AND FRANCE. 263 but there was no help for it. Many of the officers refused to give their paroles and went into captivity with their men. The majority, however, were released on parole, and the noncommissioned, officers and privates were collected in detachments, and sent off to Germany as prisoners of war, under a strong guard. A correspondent, writing from Sedan on the 3d of September, says: "I hear that the same angry despairing astonishment at what has happened, makes it hard to manage the eighty thousand prisoners, or more, who have been taken first and last about Sedan. There was actual danger of bloodshed this morning when the prisoners began to move out of the town. Happily the officers in command showed admirable tact and firmness. The French kept their old authority by not straining the cord too tight, the Germans by not showing themselves too much on the scene. Thousands of men have been coaxed out of the camp to-day, thousands will come out to-morrow. Sedan is presenting the ing, and not being able to respond to the call of generals and officers to attempt to rejoin Marshal Bazaine on the road to Alontmedy, you were forced to retreat on Sedan. In this desperate effort but 2000 men could be got together, and your General deemed the attempt utterly hopeless and impracticable. Your General found, with deep regret, when the army was reunited within the walls of the town, that it had supplies neither of food nor ammunition; could neither leave the place nor defend it, means of existence being alike wanting for the population. I was therefore reduced to the sad alternative of treating with the enemy. I sent, yesterday, to the Prussian headquarters, with full powers from the Emperor, but could not at first bring myself to accept the conditions imposed by the enemy. This morning, however, menaced by a bombardment to which we could not reply, I decided to make a fresh attempt to get honorable terms. I have obtained conditions by which'we are saved much of the possible annoying and insulting formalities which the usages of war generally impose. -" Under the circumstances in which we find ourselves, it only remains for us, officers and soldiers, to accept with resignation the consequences of this surrender. We have at least the consolation of knowing a useless massacre has been avoided, and we yield only under circumstanices against which no army could fight, namely, want of food and ammunition. Now, soldiers, in conclusion, let me say, that you are still able to render brilliant services to your country, without being needlessly slaughtered. " DE WIMPFFEN,' General Coon7anding.in- Chief.' 264 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. wildest scene of confusion which you can imagine. Narrow streets deep in mud-for we have had heavy rain to-day-the soldiers half-drunk with the stores of liquor, the houses halfburnt, and dead bodies lying everywhere. "The evacuation of the town has gone on in earnest to-day. Already there is a great camp on the peninsula within the bend of the Meuse. The prisoners taken in the battle have gone away in strong detachments, guarded by German troops, and those who were upon the rainy, muddy road to the rear last night, as was the present writer, saw columns of Frenchmen tramping briskly along, with the German escort marching by their side in the worst of hunmors at being so employed, and with blankets muffled over the men's heads to keep off the rain. Well might the villagers stare at so novel a sight -their own countrymen blocking the way, but blocking it as prisoners-their own uniform dragged to prison, as if it were a capital crime to be a Frenchman. The poor folks seemed chiefly anxious to avoid further loss, and chiefly suspicious of soldiers of any kind. But it was clear that amid all their terror and all their fear of downright starvation, they had a warm corner in their hearts for the lads of their own language and nation." By the surrender of Sedan, the whole of MacMahon's army fell into the hands of the Prussians. A number of prisoners had been taken during the battle, and the losses on both sides were heavy in killed and wounded. By the surrender the Germans made prisoners of the following troops: First Corps................................32,400 Fifth Corps...........................11,106 Seventh Corps.............................15,618 Twelfth Corps.............................25,309 Total................................84433 Of these 4000 were officers, and 14,000 were wounded. About 3000 French soldiers and officers succeeded in escaping through the Prussian lines, and in making their way across the frontier into Belgium, where they were arrested and imnprisoned by the Belgian authorities. The Prussians took ui,~ French Prisoners of War on the March, at Niirht, after the Biattle of Sedan. 266 IISTORY OF TIIE LATE WAR 25,000 prisoners at Beaumont and Sedan. M{ord than 400 field-pieces, 70 mitrailleuses, 150 fortress guns, 10,000 horses, and an enormous amount of war materials were also surren dered by the French. The following is a list of the Generals who were included in the capitulation: First Army Corps:-Gen. Ducrot,* commander of Corps; Brig-Gen. Joly Frigola, comrnanding artillery; Gen. Pelle, commanding Second Division; Gen. L'feviller, commanding Third Division; Gen. Lartignes, commanding Fourth Division; Gen. Michel (now dead), commanding cavalry; Brig.-Gen. De Montmarie, First Brigade; Brig.-Gen. Grandil, Second Brigade; and Brig.-Gens. LMfbvre, Paterettre-Court, Fraboulet de Kerleadec, De Belle Mare, and Leforestier de VTaudceuvre, commanding cavalry brigade. Fifth Army Corps:-Division-Gen. Goze; Gen. De l'Abadie d'Agdrin, commanding, Second Division; Brig.-Gen. Abbatucci, commanding Second Division; De Mauzieres, Chief of Staff; Brig.-Gens. Saurin and Baron Nicolas-Nicolas. Seventh, Corps: —Division Gen. Felix Dounay, commanding Corps; Gen. Renson, Chief of Staff; Gen. Louis Doutrelaine; Brig.-Gen. De St. Hilaire, commanding First Division; Gen. Lieberd, commanding Second Division; Gen. Brodas, commanding Third Division; DivisionGen. Baron Ameil, commanding cavalry, and Brig.-Gens. De la Bastide and De Liegard. Twelfth Cor(ps:-Gen. Lebrun, commanding Corps; Brig.-Gens. Gresley, Chief of Staff; Gen. Grandchamp, commanding First 1)ivision; Gen. Lacretelle, Second Division; Gen. De Vassoigne, Third Division; Gen. D'Ouvrier de Villegly, commanding artillery; Division-Gen. Bucape; Brig.-Gens. Cambriels, Marquiseau, Reboul, Cadart, Labaske, and Bertrand. Gen. Wirmpffen, with his Staff, is not included, because he was accorded the privilege to leave before the surrender was consummated; and Marshal Mae-lahon is not mentioned, because he, when the capitulation took place, lay wounded in a village near Sedan. The capitulation of Sedan was the most important event of its kind in history. An Emperor of France, and an army of over 80,000 men were made prisoners. It was indeed a great victory for Germany. It not only secured the German States absolute immunity from French interference for many * General Ducrot refused to sign his parole. and made his escape from Sedan during the 3d, and succeeded in reachiing Paris. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 267 years to come, but it made certain the union of those States in one great Empire. It was hailed with rejoicings in all parts of Germany. Every city, town, and village was ablaze with patriotic excitement, and even the mourning for the brave fellows who had paid for the accomplishment with their lives, was suspended for awhile in the presence of the grandest triumph German valor had ever won. Prince Frederick Charles. 6 8 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR CHAPTER VII. %lATTERS IN PARIS-CITY BECOMES CALMER-EFFORTS OF THE OPPOSITION TO EMBARRASS THE GOVERNMENT-DEMAND FOR ARMS-THREATS OF THE LEFT-A CHANGE OF MINISTRY-THE NEW MINISTERS-STORMY SCENES IN THE CORPS LEGISLATIF —M. THIERS DECLARES THE EMPIRE DEAD —ENERGETIC EFFORTS OF THE NEW MINISTERS-THE CITY BECOMES MORE EXCITED-OMINOUS SIGNS-EXPULSION OF THE GERMANS FROM FRANCE-SUCCESS OF THE FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE GOVERNMIENT —RED REPUBLICAN DEMONSTRATIONS IN PARIS-THE RIOT AT LA VILLETTE.-GENERAL TROCHU APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF PARIS-FORMATION OF THE COMMITTEE OF DEFENCE-CRITICAL STATE OF AFFAIRS -TIMOROUS AND DECEPTIVE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT-UNTRUTHFUL STATEMENTS OF THE MINISTER OF WAR-THE NATIONAL GUARD OF PARIS ORGANIZED AND ARMED-ANXIETY TO HEAR FROM MACMAHONTHE NEWS FROM SEDAN-PALIKAO'S STATEMENT TO THE CHAMBERMOVEMENTS OF THE OPPOSITION-PROCLAMATION OF THE MINISTERSEXCITEMENT IN THE CITY-THE MIDNIGHT SESSION OF THE CHAMBERPALIKAO TELLS THE TRUTH-JULES FAVRE PROPOSES THE DECHEANCEPARIS ON THE 4TH OF SEPTEMBER-THE REVOLUTION BEGUN-SCENES IN THE CITY-A PEACEFUL REVOLUTION-LAST MEETING OF THE SENATE-THE MOB OCCUPY THE PLACE DE LA CONCORDE-THE NATIONAIl GUARD PASS THE RIVER AND REACH THE HALL OF THE CORPS LEGISLATIF -THE HALL INVADED BY THE MOB-EFFORTS OF THE DEPUTIES OF THE LEFT TO CALM THE PEOPLE-LAST MEETING OF THE CORPS LEGISLATIF -THE THREE PROPOSITIONS-THE HALL INVADED BY THE "SOVEREIGN PEOPLE "-THE SITTING BROKEN UP-GAMBETTA PROCLAIMS THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE —" TO THE HOTEL DE VILLE " -FORMATION OF THE REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT-CHARACTERISTIC SCENES-LAST MEETING OF THE DEPUTIES-THEY ARE TOO LATE-THE "' SOVEREIGN PEOPLE" FORCE THE GATES OF THE TUILERIES, AND OCCUPY THEIR PALACE-SCENES IN THE TUILEIERS-THE EMPRESS ALONE-HER DISPATCH TO HER MOTHER-HER APPEAL TO PALIKAOHIS PROMISE-PALIKAO BREAKS HIS WORD-FLIGHT OF THE COURTIERS -THE THREE HEROINES-ARRIVAL OF M. LESSEPS AT THE TUILERIESFLIGHT OF THE EMPRESS-HER DEPARTURE FROM PARIS-ARRIVAL OF THE FUGITIVES AT DEAUVILLE-DE LESSEPS FINDS A FRIEND —THE FUGITIVES LEAVE FRANCE-ARRIVAL OF THE EMPRESS IN ENGLANDDEPUTY G.AMBETTA'S PROCLAMATIONS-THE "GOVERNMENT OF THE INATIONAL DEFENCE "- JULES FAVRE'S FOREIGN CIRCULAR-BISMARCK'S BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 269 REPLY-RED REPUBLICAN DISTURBANCES IN LYONS AND MARSEILLESHOW THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED ITS AUTHORITY THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY-CLAIMS OF THE GOVERNMENT EXAMINED -THE UNITED STATES RECOGNIZES THE REPUBLIC-ELECTIONS ORDERED -rTHE ORDER RESCINDED-DIVISION OF THE GOVERNMENT-THREE MEMBERS SENT TO TOURS-DEPARTURE OF THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS FOR1 TOURS-INTERVIEW BETWEEN JULES FAVRE AND BISMARCK-FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS-FAVRE'S VERSION OF THE INTERVIEW —BISMARCK'S DENIAL-PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNMENT-BISMARCK'S COMMENTS-GENERAL BURNSIDE'S NEGOTIATIONS-M. THIERS, DIPLOMATIC TOUR-ITS FAILURE-HIS RETURN TO TOURS. E must now return to Paris, which we left profoundly c~I9 agitated over the news of the disasters of the 6th of August. The city became calmer after the extent of the reverses was fully known, for it was hoped that Bazaine would be able to hold the Germans in check until MacMahon could organize a new army at Chalons. The excitement in the Corps Legislatif, however, continued to increase. On the 9th of August a resolution was offered in that body by Deputy Clement Duvernois, declaring that the ministry did not possess the confidence of the nation or Chamber. It was adopted by a large majority, notwithstanding M. Ollivier's request to suspend the sitting for awhile. In the evening of the same day, the session was resumed. M. Jules Favre demanded the immediate and complete armament of the National Guard in Paris and the departments on the basis of the law of 1831; and after denouncing the General-in-Chief as responsible for the reverses of the campaign, by reason of his utter incapacity, demanded that the Emperor should relinquish the command, and that the direction of affairs should be vested in the Legislative Body. His remarks were greeted with applause by the members of the Left or Opposition, but with emphatic protest from the Right, or supporters of the Government, one of whom, Granier de Cassagnac declared that such a motion was the beginning of Revolution. In the midst of the confusion, M. Picard declared that if arms were refused to the people of Paris, they would procure them by all possible means. He demanded a 27T0 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR change of ministry. Count Ke'ratry followed him, demanding the abdication of the Emperor, but was called to order. The President immediately closed the session. The hall of the Corps Legislatif during this sitting was surrounded with a vast and anxious crowd, and it was necessary to keep the approaches clear by armed guards. That night an order was received by the Government from the Emperor to yield to the popular wish, and form a new Ministry. The next day, the 10th, the names of the new Ministers were announced to the Chamber by Count De Palikao, who succeeded M. Ollivier as Premier. They were as follows: General Cousin-Montauban (Count De Palikao). Minister of /War. M. Chevreau, Minister of the Interior. M. Magne, Minister of Finance. M. Clement-Duvernois, Minister of Commerce and Agriculture. Admiral Rigault de Genouilly, Minister of Mar'ine. Baron Jkr3me David, Minister of Public Works. Prince De la Tour d'Auvergne, Minister of Foreign Affairs. M. Grandperret, Minister of Justice. M. Jules Brame, Minister of Public Instruction. M. Busson-Billault, President of the Council of State. The session of the 10th of August was a stormy one. The only thing of real practical importance that was done, was the adoption by the Chamber of Count Keratry's project for calling under arms all unmarried men of the classes of 1859 to 1864 inclusive, which call was also extended to all unmarried men between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five, not already enrolled in the Garde Mobile. The new Ministry did not command the confidence of the Chamber, though the appointments were received without objection. It was evident that the choice of these men was a mere expedient to gain time. M. Thiers took a prominent part in the debate in the Corps Legislatif on the state of the country. Hie said: " The Empire is henceforth out of the question. There can be no Empire without an Emperor. The Republic is inevitable." Jules Favre proposed that the Chambers should assume full power to save the country, declaring that since the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 271 incapacity of the Emperor to command the army had been too conclusively proved, he should be recalled. This brought on a storm of excitement and confusion. The President declared M. Favre's proposition unconstitutional. In the midst of the uproar, Count Keratry proposed that "the Chamber should treat Napoleon III. as a Chamber treated Napoleon I. in 1815." The excitement now became so intense that the Government and Opposition deputies, in one or two instances, actually came to blows. The new Ministry began its career by a commendable display of energy. Re7nforcements were hurried to MacMahon at Chalons; the new levies were brought forward as rapidly as possible, and efforts were made to provide supplies and equipments with promptness to the troops already in the field. The Minister of the Interior, on the 11th, addressed a communication to the Prefects of communes throughout the Empire, urging them to organize corps of free soldiers, who were to receive one franc per day. These bands afterwards became famous as the Francs:Tireurs. Efforts were made to place the city of Paris in a state of defence. On the 24th of August, all the old soldiers, married or unmarried, in the Empire, between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five, were called out, to the number of 300,000 men. Officers under sixty years of age, and generals capable of service under seventy, were ordered to report for duty. It was hoped by this measure to be able to put in the field a body of veteran troops in a short time. On the 26th measures were taken to render the conscription more vigorous and effective. Meanwhile the excitement in Paris grew more intense. The opponents of the Empire became bolder every day, and their numbers were augmented daily by accessions from all classes of the people of Paris, even from those who had been staunch Imperialists when the Emperor had favors to bestow. It became well understood in Paris, and in some of the large cities, that the Empire was on its last trial. The people seemed entirely to forget that they had done their best to make war inevitable, and to hurry the Government on to open hostili 272 HISTORY OF TIHE L._TE WAR ties, and denounced the Emperor as the author of all their woes. Still, while they blamed the Emperor, there was no voice raised for peace. The whole of France demanded the prosecution of the struggle to the bitter end. The Republican Deputies and their allies, were quick to perceive the popularity of the war, and adroitly changed their programme. They no longer assailed the Emperor for making war, but confined their attacks to the errors and shortcomings of the Government in the conduct of the campaign. In Paris and other large cities of France, there were many German residents. At an early period of the war, it was proposed to expel these from France, but the measure was not carried into effect until about the last of August, when they were formally sent out of the Empire. Four hundred families were expelled from Paris alone. In consequence of their enforced departure they suffered much loss and many hardships. Their expulsion was an act of unnecessary cruelty on the part of the French Government. Up to this time, they had been confided by the German States to the protection of the Minister from the United States of America, who had discharged his difficult task with a humane zeal which did honor to his high position. Meanwhile the financial measures of the Government were crowned with success. On the 13th of August, the Minister of Finance introduced a bill into the Chamber to enable the Bank of France to increase its issue of notes to 2,400,000,000 francs, which measure was subsequently adopted by a unanimous vote. The war credits were also increased from 500,000,000 francs to 1,000,000,000 francs. On the 23d, the first war loan, amounting to 750,000,000 francs, was opened at the Hotel de Ville, the Ministry of the Interior, the various Mairies, and other public offices in Paris. Before five o'clock, 620,000,000 francs were subscribed, and the next morning the papers announced the loan at 2 premium. The next day, the remainder was promptly subscribed. The majority of the subscribers belonged to the working classes —a striking proof of the popularity of the war and of the determination of the BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 273 people to carry it through to the end. Money was abundant, as, indeed, were recruits-but the great need of France was a disciplined army. There were omnious signs of approaching trouble. The Red Republican element became more daring in proportion as it was seen that the Government was afraid to adopt repressive measures. The police were constantly receiving proofs of the determination of the Reds to give trouble. On the 14th of August, a band of nearly 100 men, armed with revolvers and daggers, made an attack upon a barracks belonging to the fire brigade at La Villette, one of the northern suburbs of Paris; the building was in charge of a lieutenant and about a dozen privates, two of whom were badly wounded before aid could be received. The police dispersed the mob, losing three of their own men, and made a number of captures. The rioters made their attack with cries of " Vive la R'pbilque." Many citizens joined the police in their efforts to put down the disturbance. The next day an attack was made upon some sentinels of the National Guard, but swas quickly repulsed. On the 17th of August, as has been seen, the Emperor appointed General Trochu Governor of Paris and Commanderin-Chief of the forces assembled for the defence of the Capital. On the 19th, the Government, driven to the measure by the attacks of the Opposition, consented to the formation of a Committee of Defence, with the most ample powers for conducting the military operations. It consisted of General Trochu, as President, Marshal Vaillant, Admiral Rigault de Genouilly, Baron Je'rime David, General De la Tour, General Guiod, General D'Autemarre d'Erville, and General Toumain. M. Thiers was afterwards added to this committee. An effort was made to add to the committee certain deputies elected by the Chamber, but Count De Palikao resisted the movement, which was defeated, but he at length so far yielded to the evident wish of the committee as to declare that he would name three deputies as members. This was the state of affairs at this critical period. Mac18 274 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Mahon was endeavoring to form a new army at Chalons. Bazaine was struggling in the vain attempt to escape from Metz; Paris was excited so deeply that it needed but little to produce an uproar; the deputies were wrangling in the Chamber; and the Government was afraid to let the real condition of affairs at Metz be known; concealed arms and ammunition had been discovered in Paris; and Republican demonstrations had taken place at Toulouse, Marseilles, Limoges and Lyons. The Government was promptly and accurately informed of the progress of affairs at Metz, but it rigidly withheld the news from the people, not daring to make it public. In the Chamber, the Opposition questioned the Ministers of War upon every possible occasion, but Count Palikao either replied that the news was favorable, or that the Government was not in receipt of dispatches from the army. On the 16th of August-the day of the battle of Vionville-he declared in the Chamber that the Prussians had been obliged to abandon their effort to disturb the retreat of the French army. On the 19th, the day after Gravelotte, he informed the Chamber that Bazaine had been successful in his movements, that the Prussian centre had been badly crippled, and had failed in its efforts to form a junction with the Crown Prince. His statement was received by the Chamber with cheers. HLe added that the famous regiment of white cuirassiers, of which Count Von Bismarck was the colonel, had been entirely destroyed. "Not a single one remains." On the 20th, he stated that the Prussian claim to a victory (at Gravelotte) on the 18th, was not true. He said: "The Prussians assert that they were victorious on the 18th. I affirm the contrary. I have communicated a dispatch to several of the deputies, showing that three Prussian army corps united and attacked Marshal Bazaine. They were repulsed and driven into the quarries of Jaumont. My reserve about this dispatch will be understood. I need not mention the small advantage gained at Bar-le-Duc. We are now actively completing the fortifications of Paris. In a few =r — — —-- — -. --— --r —,,..i-ri.: —-^- -= —-' — ----- ' —-1 —;-;_1-=_=--. ~ ----------- -~ —-___._ —--- - -— C- -— I —--- —-------— I,c- —- _-. -- _:___ ___.._ ___ _.- -- _ __ = ----- - ---- -- _5` —.___LI;;I_ —— -;tr_- - —--- . —- — ~ —--- _ —------- -L--=-l-;-Es-s=r-=== —= —--— ___ --- --— r —; -— . —= —------------ = —r —=;:;"`-"I~-s-l- —;==: —' -------- - —'*j L-~~ —=T-- — - —-=r-i =2-==3-;--1 --— =-;-~-;- i-.--i —--= -— —-— = —=L r;-Y=;.;;;-;._ —-— I-L: l? - - —.-r~ (LkffS LCLI'')I II c. ----- ---- ---— ~ ——' - —Tf ~~~ i I ""'`u 111,, i/'"'!'!!! I -i` I II! I i i i Iii!II,:;;;:, ~~:i!I, Ilr~llllll~1ULULILIIL\\IRnCI~ iTi)'" 43 -r 0' ---- Palace of the Corps.LBgislatif showing the Pont de la. Concorde. 276 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR days all will be assured." The statement of the Minister produced the greatest joy in Paris; but after a lapse of twenty-four hours, no confirmation of it appearing, the people began to regard it as false, and their joy was succeeded by a profound despondency. Again, on the 22d, one of the Ministers asserted that Bazaine had telegraphed the Government that he had maintained every part of his line in the battle of the 18th. The suspicions of the people were aroused, however, and the feeling of uneasiness in Paris increased. The Government exerted itself to keep the real state of affairs secret until MacMahon could go to Bazaine's assistance. Then, they hoped, amidst the rejoicings over a brilliant success, they could confess and would be -pardoned their deception. We have seen upon what a flimsy foundation their hopes rested, and how their lack of moral courage and common sense cost the country MacMahon's army. By degrees, however, the truth leaked out, and the country came at last to know that the great Army of the Rhine was locked up in Metz. Before the shock occasioned by this discovery was fairly over, the tidings of the fall of Sedan broke upon the people with terrible force. In the meantime, however, the Government had begun to arin the people, and to organize the National Guard of Paris. This had been one of the first cares of General Trochu, upon taking command at Paris.. Count Palikao was obliged, much against his will, to lend an energetic assistance to General Trochu in these measures, and such progress was made in the Capital that on the 20th of August, the Minister of the Interior was able to inform the Chamber that the National Guard of Paris already consisted of 51,000 men, armed and equipped, and would soon number 80,000. Orders were issued to the proper officials throughout France to distribute the arms from the arsenals to the people, and to spare no effort to put their communities in a state of defence. As it became known that the Government was keeping back thie news from the army, the opposition deputies increased their attacks in the Chamber. The Ministry, with BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 277 the hope of obtaining a respite from them, implored the deputies to be patient. The situation of affairs at the front, they said, demanded absolute silence on the part of thle Government for a few days. They had good reason, they intimated, to believe that matters were progressing favorably, and that the country would soon be gratified with a substantial success. Meanwhile, the Government, with fatal blindness, hurried MacMahon's army onward to its doom. As the advance of MacMahon became known in Paris, the greatest anxiety was manifested to obtain news of his progress; but still the Government maintained its ominous silence. It was broken for the first time on the 2d of September, by Count Palikao, who, in reply to a demand for information, said, that from unofficial news he had received, " he concluded that Marshal Bazaine, after a vigorous sortie, had been obliged to retire again near Metz. Subsequently a battle occurred between Mezi~res and Sedan, in which MacMahon was at first victorious, and at last obliged to retire before overwhelming numbers. The junction of the armies was, consequently, not accomplished." He concluded by saying that "the situation was grave, but not desperate." The Government was very well satisfied, if not officially informed of the actual state of affairs, but it dared not confess the truth. The next day, September 3d, however, it was no longer possible to keep silence. The city was full of the most dis tressing rumors from the army, and it was very certain that the truth would be known immediately. At half past three in the afternoon, Count Palikao appeared in the hall of thQ Corps Legislatif. His entrance was followed by an anxious silence, every one being eager to hear his tidings. After a short pause, he addressed the Chamber as follows: GENTLEMEN: —I have already said that I would in every circumstance( always tell you the truth, however sad it might be for us. I now come to-ds.y to fulfil my promise. My first news is that Marshal Bazaine, after a vigorous sortie and a combat of eight hours, being overwhelmed by numbers, was forced to fall back under Metz, so that his junction 278 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR with MacMahon is for the present prevented. On the other hand, the intelligence which we have received from Marshal MacMahon shows that at first he overthrew the Prussian army, but on the following day. after a conmbat of several hours' duration, he was obliged to retire on Sedan and M6ziBres; some of our soldiers were even forced on the Belgian territory. As to the rumor of MacMahon being wounded, I cannot say anything, in the absence of official documlents, and the assertion may prove untrue. Homage is unanimously paid to the heroism of the French soldiers. The situation is grave, and we have decided to call out the whole living forces of the nation. Already, in the prevision of adverse circumstances, our grand anxiety was to organize the men who had already served, but, unfortunately, they were not in sufficient nurnm bers; we therefore rapidly prepared the Garde Mobile, who, to the number of 200,000 men, will co-operate in the defence of the capital. The other military forces are being actively got ready, and we will fight with firmness until the enemy be driven from the soil. (Loud marks of assent.) As the Minister left the tribune, the greatest agitation prevailed amongst the deputies, one of whom proposed to go into secret session for the consideration of the news, but his proposition was rejected. M. Jules Favre then said that, "Every member present must desire to aid in taking all possible steps for the defence of the country, and the first point of importance was to make the situation exactly known. Nothing could be more heroic than Marshal Bazaine's defence, but he could not act properly because he was trammelled." Here, the speaker being interrupted by loud cries of "No! No!" from the Right, turned to Count Palikao, and asked, "Do not the Ministers at present receive the orders of the Emperor?" "They do not," replied Palikao. " Then," said M. Favre, " in that case the Government (le facto has ceased to exist. I now propose that the whole power shall be placed in the hands of General Trochu." The Minister of War entered an emphatic protest against such a proceeding, and no one was found willing to second the measure. The sitting soon after came to an end. All day, the city had been painfully agitated. The Place de la Concorde was thronged with an excited crowd which pressed eagerly up to the gates of the hall of the Corps Legis. BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 279 latif, and demanded news from the army. At ten o'clock at night the whole truth was made known in the following proclamation from the Ministers: To THE FRENCH PIEOPLE: A great misfortune has come upon the country. After three days of heroic struggles sustained by the army of Marshal MacMahon against 300,000 of the enemy, 40,000 men have been made prisoners. General De Wimpffen,.who took command of the army in place of Marshal Mac Mahon, badly wounded, has signed a capitulation. This cruel reverse will not shake our courage. Paris is to-day in a complete state of defence. The military forces of the country will be organized in a few days. A new army will be under the walls of Paris. Another army is forming on the banks of the Loire. Your patriotism, your union, your energy, will save France. The Emperor has been made a prisoner in the struggle. The Government, in accord with the public powers, will take all measures required by the gravity of events. (Signed,) COUNT DE PALIKAO, GRANDPERRET, H. CHEVREAU, CLEMENT DUVERN'OIS, -RIGAULT DE GENOUILLY, P. MAGNE, JUILES BRAME, BUSSON BILLAULT, DE LA TOUR D'AUVERGONE. JEROME-DAVID. Of the Council of Ministers. At midnight the Corps Legislatif met in obedience to the summons of M. Schneider, the President. Previous to this it had been necessary for the public to procure tickets of admission to the galleries, but upon this occasion no effort was made to exclude them. Vast crowds thronged the approaches to the hall, excited, and anxious to learn the result of the sitting. The business of the session was not fairly opened, until after one o'clock. Then M. Schneider stated that the intelligence received by the Government during the day was of so grave a character that he felt it to be his duty to summon the deputies to assemble even at that late hour. He then requested the Minister of War, who was present, to announce the facts. Count de Palikao at once ascended the tribune, and said: GENTLEMIEN: —I have the painful mission to announce to you what my words of this morning might have foreshadowed, but what I still hoped was only doubtful news; but unfortunately, however, it is now official. 280 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR The army, anert heroic efforts, was driven into Sedan and sarrounded by such a superior force that resistance was impossible. The troops capitulated, and the Emperor was made prisoner. Such is the sad intelligence I have to give you. In the face of such grave events, we, Ministers, cannot possibly enter at the present moment on a discussion rela tive to the serious consequences which must ensue. We, therefore, demand the postponement of the debate until to-morrow. You will easily understand that we have not been able to confer together, as I had to leave my bed on the announcement of a meeting of the Chamber toni rlt. The announcement of the Minister was received by the deputies with visible consternation. As the Count left the tribune, the following colloquy took place: T'he President. "''The Chamber has heard the Minister of War's proposition. The gravity of an exceptional crisis in which afflictions of every kind accumulate, and the important duties which the Chamber has to perform, added to the immense responsibility of its situation, evidently require well-weighed deliberations. In this state of affairs it behooves honorable deputies, in their wisdom, to consider whether or not they ought not to postpone the debate until to-morrow." Numerous voices. "Yes! Yes!" The President.' I proceed to consult the Chamber." M. Gambetta. "Oh, pardon, Monsieur." The President. "I do not ask for any vote, but merely to inquire whether the best plan may not be to postpone the deliberation, as asked for." A member on the Right. "Yes, and the more so that several of our colleagues were not aware of the night sitting." Numerous voices. "To-morrow! to-morrow!" Jules Favre now ascended the tribune, and instantly the assembly became silent. M. Favre said: I ask to submit a proposition. If you think that, in the present grave and painful situation, sufficiently indicated by the honorable Minister's communication, it would be wise to postpone the discussion until noon, I have no objection; but as the debate will be engaged on the resolution to be taken in the absence of all the powers, we ask permission to present a proposition which I shall have the honor of reading without for the moment adding any observation. We ask the Charnbe. to be pleased to take into consideration the following motion: ARTICLE 1. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and his dynasty are declared to be deprived of the powers conferred on them by the constitution. ARTICLE 2. The Corps Legislatif shall nominate a government corn BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 281 mission composed of... (you will fix the number of members you think fit)... who shall be invested with full powers to carry on the government, and whose express mission shall be to resist the invasion to the very last, and to drive the enemy from the territory. ARTICLE 3. General Trochu is maintained in his office of GovernorGeneral of the City of Paris. Signed: Jules Favre, Cremieux, Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire, Desseaux, Garnier-Pages, Larrieu, Gagneur, Steenacker, Magnin, Dorian, Ordinaire, Emmanuel Arago, Jules Simon, Eugene Pelletan, Wilson, Ernest Picard, Gambetta, Count de KEratry, Guyot-Montpayroux, Tachard, Le Cesne, Rampont, Girault, Marion, Leopold Javel, Jules Ferry, Paul Bathmont. I do not add a word. I submit this proposition, gentlemen, to your wise meditation, and to-morrow, or rather to-day (Sunday), at noon, we shall have the honor of declaring the imperative reasons which, we think, must compel every good patriot to adopt it. A dead silence ensued as the speaker went back to his place. His bold. proposition seemed to frighten the whole Chamber. Even the Minister of War offered no protest. At length one voice broke the silence. It was that of Deputy Pinard, who said, "We have no power to declare aforfeiture of authority." The sitting immediately came to an end. The next morning the city was in an uproar. The proclamation of the Ministers had been posted all over Paris during the night, and wherever it was seen it was at once surrounded by crowds of people eager to read it for themselves or to hear it read. "At eleven o'clock," says an English resident of Paris, " I went to the Place de la Concorde. It was full of people, and from all the streets leading to it armed bands of National Guards were marching. A double line of mounted Gardes de Paris was drawn up before the bridge. Behind them I got. The first band of National Guards which tried to pass the bridge were forbidden to do so by the officer commanding, the Gardes de Paris. He ordered his soldiers to draw their swords, and the National Guards on their side shouted,'En avant.' I began to feel somewhat uncomfortable; but,'after a short parley, the soldiers sheathed their swords, and the National Guards passed over the bridge, shouting,' Vive la Republique.' This band was followed by 282 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR many others, until I suppose about 20,000 National Guards had passed the bridge and stood round the Assembly, the flag of which was now flying to show that the seance had commenced. By this time there must have been 100,000 men and women in the Place de la Concorde. Thlis crowd was composed of working men, loungers, women, children, and soldiers.'Every now and then there was a panic and a rush, but as every one seemed to be of one mind, there was no danger of blood being shed. The following expression I heard about a hundred times, and it sums up the feeling of the Parisians-' An Emperor dies, but does not surrender.' On all sides I heard abuse lavished on the Emperor. Every now and then some wiry working man got upon the shoulder of a friend, and shouted' Vive la Republique!' A bas l'Empereur!' when the cry was repeated all round him. Round the gate of the gardens of the Tuileries, which were closed, there was a large crowd. At one time I thought they were going to force open the gate, and attack the few soldiers who were on guard within. Indeed, the garden was only saved by a Zouave inside, who knlew his countrymen, dancing the caincan.'"After remaining about two hours on the Place de la Concorde, I went to the Boulevards; they were occupied by a pacific crowd waiting for news. Suddenly a cry was raised,'La Repblique est declare'e.' A regiment, the only one which I had seen that day, was marching down. At that moment it was met by a detachment of the National Guard coming from the Chamber. Guard, regiment, and people immediately fraternized, the soldiers all reversed their arms, the Marseillaise was sung, and the soldiers disappeared into the neighboring caf~s, where they were treated to drink. From the aspect of Paris, one would suppose, that news of a great victory had been received. Such perfect unanimity I never witnessed. It is Sunday, the people are walking about with their wives and children in holiday dress. The Gardes National are marching home along the Boulevards as though BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 283 Hall of the Freehll Senate. they had come from a review. The windows and pavements are lined with people cheering them."' * Another account of the scenes in the city is furnished by the Paris correspondent of the London Daily News. It is as follows: "Knowing that the Corps Legislatif was to hold an extraordinary sitting at one o'clock, I got into a carriage at two, and told the driver to go to the Champs Elys6es, hang about the Place de la Concorde, and get over one of the bridges to the Faubourg St. Germain. He objected that there were great crowds in the route I had marked out for him, and doubted whether he could get along.'Try,' said I, and so he did, and we succeeded. On the Place de la Concorde there were many groups of people and several companies of National Guards, but still carriages could circulate. I observed that the National Guards carried laurels on their bayonets, and that numbers of citizens had sprigs of green (meant to represent laurels) in their hats. The laurels could not mean victory over the foreign enemy; but they were worn as emblems of victory over the internal enemy-the Emperor. My attention was attracted to one of the colossal allegorical statues at the northeast corner of the Place, representing the city of Strasbourg. This statue was decked out with flowers, and an enormous placard was hung round the neck bearing the words,'Honor and glory to General Uhlrich.' A succession of democratic orators mounted the parapet at the foot of the statue and harangued a vast crowd with great success. I could not get near enough to hear their eloquence, but it was about the Republic, and the certain victory which the Republic could bring. I then turned my carriage and went towards the Place de la Concorde. The approaches were occupied 284 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAP The Senate, which had borne an inconspicuous part in the events which preceded the fall of the Empire, met for the last time on the morning of the 4th of September, in its- hall in the Luxemrnbourg Palace. M. Rouher, the President, opened the session by referring to the importance of the events transpiring around them. M. De Chabriat said that some of the deputies of' the lower House, forgetting their oath, had proposed to remove the Emperor. They had no right to do this. Though vanquished and a prisoner, the Emperor was still the Sovereign of France, and he, the speaker, would pay him a last honage, and cry" Five l'Empereur." M. Rouher declared that any such vote as their colleagues of the Corps Legislatif had mentioned as likely to be sent up to them from that body, would be firmly repudiated. A recess of two hours was then voted. At two o'clock the Senate reassembled. M. Rouher alluded to the proposal of Jules Favre for the Emperor's removal, and declared that as the mob had by troops, and it was impossible to cross. I observed the steps of the Corps Legislatif on the other side of the river covered with people, and saw that the quays, right and left, were closely studded with infantry, cavalry, National Guards, and people, all mixed up together. At this moment the weather was beautiful-it was one of the most glorious early September days ever seen. I drove slowly along the quay parallel with the orangerie of the Tuileries toward the palace. The Tuileries gardens were full of people. I learned that in the morning orders had been given to close the gates, but:that half an hour before I passed the people had forced them open, and that neither the troops nor the police made any resistance. My coachman, who, I dare say, was an Imperialist yesterday, but was a very strong Republican to-day, pointed out to me several groups of people bearing red flags. I told him that the tricolor betokening the presence of the Empress still floated from the central tower of the Tuileries. While I was speaking, and exactly at twenty minutes past three, I saw that flag taken down. That is an event in a man's life not to be forgotten. Crossing over the Pont de Solferino to the Quai d'Orsay, I witnessed an extraordinary sight indeed. From the windows of those great barracks, formerly peopled with troops every man of whom was supposed to be ready to die for his Emperor, I saw soldiers smiling, waving handkerchiefs, and responding to the cries of' Vive la Rcpthblitue,' raised by gendarmes, cavalry, soldiers of the line, National Guards, and people below. Well-dressed ladies in open carriages shook hands with private soldiers and men in blouses, all crying' Vive la Rgpublique.' Nay, strangers fell on each other's necks and kissed each other with'effusion.' BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 285 broken into the Chamber, the vote amounted to nothing. Soon after this the Senate adjourned, and thus it passed into history. During the 3d, crowds had paraded the streets of the city, shouting "La De'che'ance " (the " forfeiture" of the throne). They had been fired upon by the police, and had been dispersed. On the morning of the 4th they reassembled, the greater number making their way to the Place de la Concorde, immediately opposite to the hall of the Corps Legislatif, and separated from it by the bridge of Concord, which was held on the morning of the 4th by a detachment of Gardes de Paris and a number of Sergents de Ville. These prevented the crowd in the square from crossing the river to the Chamber. About one o'clock, two battalions of National Guards, with fixed bayonets, arrived through the Rue Royale, and crossing the square amidst cries of " De'chance " " Vive la France!" " Vive la Retpublique!': reached the head of the bridge. r1The troops on duty there refused to allow them to pass. A con1In the neighborhood of the Pont Neuf I saw people on the tops of ladders busily pulling down the Emperor's bust, which the late loyalty of the people induced them to stick about in all possible and impossible places. I saw the busts carried in mock procession to the parapet of the Pont Neuf and thrown into the Seine; clapping of hands and hearty laughter greeting the splash which the graven image of the mighty monarch made in the water. I went as far as the Hotel de Ville, and found it in possession of His Majesty the Sovereign People. Blouses were in every one of M. Haussmann's balconies. How they got there I do not know. I presume that 5M. Chevreau did not invite them. But they got in somehow without violence. The great square in front of the Hotel de Ville was full of the National Guards, most of them without uniform. They carried the butts of their muskets in the air, in token that they were fraternizing with the people. The most perfect good humor prevailed. Portraits of the Emperor and Empress, which many of your readers must have seen in the Hotel de Ville ball-rooms. were thrown out of the window, and the people trod and danced upon the-canvas. On leaving the Hotel de Ville, I saw in the Avenue Victoria M. Henri Rochefort, let out of prison, as a logical consequence of events, but half an hour before. He was on a triumphal car, and wore a scarlet scarf. He was escorted by an immense mob, crying' Vive Rochefort.' He looked in far better health than I expected to see him after his long imprisonment, and his countenance beamed with delight. He has seen his desire on his enemy." 286 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR siderable crowd had assembled on the other side of the Seine, on the steps of the Palace of the Corps Legislatif, and these made signs to the National Guards and the people in the Place de la Concorde to cross the bridge; but the troops of the line stood firm, and barred the way. Fresh battalions o)f National Guards now arrived, and a determined effort was made to force a passage of the bridge. The troops of the line made a show of resistance, and then opened their ranks. The National Guards then passed the bridge, followed by a large part of the crowd, shouting " Vive la Replubliqe!'" and singing the " ChIanzt du D)epart." The new comers were received on the steps of the peristyle of the Legislative Palace by MM. Etienne Arago, Pascal Dupret, and others, who welcomed the National Guards. The iron gates, which, up to this moment had been closed, were now thrown open to allow a deputation of National Guards to enter. Instantly a rush was made by the vast throng of citizens and National Guards. and they passed into the court-yard of the Palace. The regu lar troops on duty there made a show of resistance, but ended by raising the butts of their rifles in the air, and joined their voices to the shouts of the crowd. Meeting with no further resistance, the mob rushed into the building, and soon filled up its corridors and ante-rooms. The Chamber met at twenty minutes past one o'clock. Immediately after the reading of the minutes of the previous session, M. Jules Favre's motion for the deposition of the Emperor was called up. Count De Keratry demanded to know, before transacting any business, if the Minister of War had given orders contrary to those of General Trochu, who had ordered the National Guard to protect the sitting of the Chamber. Count De Palikao replied that he had only sought to protect the Chamber in causing the building to be guarded by regular troops. He then offered as a substitute for Favre's proposition, the following plan for a Council of Defence. He said: The Council of Ministers has considered it necessary to introduce certain modifications into the conditions of the Government, and therefore propose to you the following bill: BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 287 ARTICLE 1. A Council of National Defence is constituted, composed of five members named by the majority of the Legislative Body. ARTICLE, 2. The nomination of the Ministers is countersigned by the members of the Council. ARTICLE 3. General Count De Palikao is named Lieutenant-General of the Council. A voice on the left-Urgency was demanded. What does that mean? (Laughter and noise.) M. Jules Favre begged to point out to the Chamber the state of things to which the Government bill would give rise. If the Chamber adopted urgency for the measure, he must claim it for his, and for two reasons first, because lie had presented it first; and secondly, because it conferred larger powers on the Chamber than that of the Government. MI. Thiers: All my personal preference is in favor of M. Jules Favre's bill; but as I place the good of the country above my personal impressions, I have submitted the following project to several members belonging to all the parts of the Clamber: In consequence of the vacancy of the throne, a commission of five members, named by the Legislative Body, is entrusted with the Government and the Naticral Defence. A Constituent Assembly shall be convoked as soon as circumstances will perinit. Trhe honorable gentleman then read the names of the deputies who had signed that proposition, to show that they belonged to all shades of opinion. The President considered it his duty to consult the Chamber as to the question of urgency for these three propositions. M1. Gamnbetta was of opinion that the Chamber should declare the argency on all three at once. The Minister of War, who plainly perceived that but a desperate chance remained for saving the Empire, and that the best he could do would be to gain time for future action, said he was willing to waive his own proposal in favor of that brought forward by M. Thiers; but eventually all three propositions were referred to the Bureau, and the Chamber having declared in favor of their urgency, took a short recess to enable the Committee to report. By this time the crowd from without had thronged info the building, and filled the corridors and the Salles des Pas Perdus, des Quatrc: C,)lonnes, and D- la Paix. In the last named,:hull, M. Jules Ferry mounted on a bench to address the crowd. He was received with cries of " Vive la Repaublique!" 288 HISTORY OF THE-LATE WAR.'Vive Ferry!" He said that he had pledged his word to Count De Palikao that the people would not enter the actual hall where the deputies held their sittings, and which he declared ought to be held sacred; and he appealed to the people to respect the pledge he had given. At his request, sentinels from the National Guard took the place of the troops of the line guarding the entry to the hall. The mob continued to call for the overthrow of the Emperor, and shouted that the Chamber ought to lose no time in pronouncing it. M. Ernest Picard then addressed them, telling them that the Chamber was about to declare its intentions on this very question, and begged them to have patience and await the decision of the deputies, which could not be otherwise than favorable to the unanimous wish of the people. A. Schneider, the President of the Chamber, now appeared, and though pale and agitated, addressed the throng. He said he had always been devoted to the Empire and his country, and he begged the crowd to be calm and allow the deputies to discharge their duties, and not to let it appear that their deliberations were influenced by popular pressure. "Above all," he said, "one must save France'" He was answered with cries of "Yes! yes!" " Vive la RBpublique!" in the midst of which he went back to the hall. In the other halls into which the mob had penetrated, efforts were made by leading deputies to persuade them to be calm, but the excitement grew greater momentarily, and the crowd surging onward pressed into the Salle des Seances. Here the noisy patriots began to discuss the members that ought to be chosen to form a provisional Government. The names of seven of the most prominent deputies of the Left were written on a paper, and this was hung to the statue of Minerva. The pillars and walls were soon covered with writings in chalk and crayon, demanding the dethronement of the Emperor and the establishment of a Republic; similar demands being shouted incessantly. by the mob. The Chamber resumed its sitting at half past'two o'clock, to hear the report of the committee. The members of the J -~ __ 290 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR Opposition were all in their places, but the administration deputies had disappeared in considerable numbers. The galleries were crowded with citizens and soldiers, who were so noisy that it was impossible for the business of the Chaber to go on. M Cr'rnieux mounted the tribune to appeal to the crowd, but could not make himself heard. Deputy (Gambetta was more successful. e succeeded in quieting the noise to a certain extent, and then appealing to the mob in.the galleries, he said: (CITrzNs: It is in your powelr to present a great spectacle, that of a people uniting order and liberty. (Cries of "Yes Yes") Well then, I implore you, let a group in each compartment undertake to insure order; then wait in silence. The Left has pledged itself to the Chabr to cause the freedom of its deliberations to be respected. (Applause.) The President. (Also addressing the galleries.) You have just heard the patriotic exortations of. Gabetta, to which I join my own. At this moment, believe me, the Chamber is called on to deliberate on a situation of extreme gravity in a spirit of absolute devotedness to the country. (Applause on somne benches; murmurs on others.) M. Glais.-Bizoin. Citizens, the deposition is about to be pronounced by the Chamber; wait till the committee is ready to propose it. M. Giirault (du Cher). Citizens, I also make an appeal to your patriotisma. So that the country and the Chamber may be united against the enemy, now approachingr. (The proceedings were interrupted for somne momients in the midst of general agitation.) M. Gambetta. Citizens., one word more. It is necessary that all the deputies in the bureaux or elsewhere should be present in order to heave thie dethronement voted. Wait for them in an attitude of moderation and dignity; they will soon be here. (Applause.) Preserve the solemn silence suitable- to the inhabitants of this great city, now menaced. You will presently hear proclaimed the result of the deliberations of the Chamber, which will, doubtless, be affirmative in the sense you desire. (Approbation; noise outside.) M. Gambetta might have succeeded in calming the noisy patriots' in the galleries, but a new element of disorder now appeared on the scene which he was powerless to control. At three o'clock the mob which had been waiting imnpatiently outside for news, burst open the doors of the hall, and rushed BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 291 in. The floor of the apartment was quickly filled. The door at the back of the speaker's tribune was broken open, and the rioters poured in through it. Several deputies enrdeavored to oppose their entrance, but without avail. The confusion was frightful. Gambetta and others endeavored to obtain a earing, but in vain. President Schneider seeing no chance of restoring order, put on his hat and left his chair, declarin the sittin at an end. A man from the crowd placed himself in the President's chair, and rang the bell. A roar of laughter and a shout of " Vive lac Republique!" followed. A less fortunate patriot ascended the speaker's tribue doubtless intending to harangue the mob, but was seized and tossed over into the crowd. The deputies left the hall as rapidly as possible, and a body of National Guards as sent in to drive out the mob. Deputy Gambetta, followed by a number of members of the Left, hastened to the steps of the Palace in front of which an immnense throng had collectedand announced that the Empire had ceased to exist. Shouts of applause hailed his announcement, and the cry was raised, "To the Hotel de Ville!" The deputies of the Left at once formed themselves in procession, and set off on foot for the Hotel de Ville, escorted by the National Guard and the crowd of good patriots. Crossing the Pont de la Concorde, they marched along, the river shore by the Tuileries, rending the air with their shouts and songs. "Meanwhile, outside, the Chamber men climbed up to the Statue of Law, over the portal, and destroyed the eagle which adorns the baton in the hands of the image. Then it is itself destroyed-head first, then the arms. Gambetta and the procession pass down. the Quai des Tuileries. Soldiers applaud and shout with the crowd. A lieutenant-colonel cries IVive la e Jpublique!' The procession stops and fraternizes. Th e Turcos and Spahis at the barracks of the Quai d'Orsay wave their turbans. The flag over the pavilion of the Tuileries is hauled down. In front of the Prefecture there are cries of'Down with Pietri!1' The Pre~fecture is closely shut. L~Arrived. in front of the Hotel de Ville) the crowd forces ~292 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR its wa in. Jules Favre and Jules Ferry go to the further end of the great hall. Two Gardes Mobiles, with dawn swords, clamber up the ornamental chimneys and seat themselves in the lap of a marble nymph. Garnbetta, Crieux rand Krtry press in and take a place beside Favre, followed by Picard, Etienne Arago, Glais-Bizoin, Schoelcher, ad others. Gambetta, Cr6mieux, and Keratry are by themselves at the Mayor's table. Amid the tumrnult, Gambetta declares the Republic a fact, and that Emmanuel Arago is appointed Mayor of Paris. The people shouted approval. The Bureau is constituted. Krtry is appoined Prefect of Police. The Bureau retires to constitute a Provisional Government and Ministry. At four o'clock the Bureau returns, and Gambetta declares the Provisional Government, constituted under the title of Government for the National Defence, consisting of Arago, Cr mieux, Favre, Simon, Gambetta, Ferry, Glais-Bizoin, and Gar. nier-Pages. The people shout Rochefort's name. It is added amid acclamation. The members of Government again retire. There, is a discussion wvhether the tn-color or the red flagf is to be adopted. Schoeleher says' tr-color,' and it is adopted. "The Rochefort episode was as follows: A hundred of Rochiefort's constituents met, by appointment, at 3 P. m., at the Grea't Market Hall. At a given signal the leader raised a cane with a flag attached to it, and, with a shout,' To Sainte Pe'lagie P the, band set off. The, group was joined by other men who up' to that time had been lurking in the imimediate vicinity, making in all about 300 when they reached the prison. There were three marines acting as sentries outside. One of them made believe to lower his bayonet. It was raised by his comrade. The crowd took the guns and broke them, but fraternized with the marines. There was no opposition from the wardens. IRochefort's cell-doors were buirst in, and hie was taken out. "tThere was no coach at the door.. A lady passing in one got out of it, and made IRochiefort get in. He was driven to the Hotel de Ville, arriving there at five o'clock, and was car BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 293 Psn of Sainte-Pelagie: Paris. ed in triumph to the throne-room, where, amid the shouts and congratutions of friends he learns that he is a member Of the new Republian Government."' The deputies, who had left the Chamber at the time of its invasion by the mob, with the exception of those who followed Gambetta to the Hotel de Ville, met in the afternoon at the residence of the President, and agreed to the proposal for the establishment of a Government, which was carried by a deputation to the Hotel de Ville, where the Republican Government hfad -already installed itself. The bearers of the,,proposal were informed that it was now too late for it to be entertained, as-the Republic had already been proclaimed and accepted by the Parisians. It was promised, however, that some of the members of the Provisional Government should attend an evening meeting of the deputies. This evening session was presided over by M. Thiers, and. attended by nearly 200 members of the Corps Le~gislatif. MM. Jules Favre and Jules Simon appeared, on behalf of the, Provisional Government. They stated that the, new Government sinc-erely desired to have the, support of the deputies; but added that it was thought they (the deputies) could render better service to the country in. the departments. Jules Favre was asked if IRochefo rt were -not a member of the new Government. I-le admitted that he was,and added that it, comprised all the deputies from Paris, " except the most illustrious"-referring 294 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR to M. Thiers, who had refused to form part of it. The interview resulted in nothing. The deputies entered their protest against the action of the Provisional Government and then quietly separated. While the mob was escorting Deputy Gabetta and his friends to the Hotel de Ville, a portion of the throng, gathered in the Place de la Concorde, forced the great gates of te Tuileries Gardens, which were guarded by a detachment of the Zouaves of the Guard. The eagles which ornamented the railings had already been broken down, without opposition from the sentinels, who now suffered the mob to pass into the gardens unresisted. The column was headed by detachments of the Garde Mobile and the National Guard. It passed up the main avenue as far as the great basin, where a halt was commanded as the Voltieurs of the Gard were seen drawn up in the private garden. M. Louis Ravenez, of the National Guard, was desired to come to an understanding with the commander of these troops, and tying his andkerchief to his bayonet, as a flag of truce, he advanced towards the railing, behind which the troops were posted. General Mellinet, the officer in command, advanced to meet him. "General," said M. iRavenez "the Republic is proclaimed. I come in the name of the people and the National Guard to demand an entrance into the palace, which is our property. We will cause it to be respected." During this speech, the crowd surged up to the garden railing. General Mellinet, mounting a chair so that he might be heard, replied, "1Gentlemn I ask nothing more than to march out my troops, -on condition that the post shall be confided to- the National Guard on duty here. In addition, I declare that if one of my men is molested, I am a General, and I shall do my duty."~ The mob shouted, "Down with the Emperor!" "We will enter, and it seemed as if they were about to carry the Palace by force, but an arrangement was effected by whbich the National Guard took the place of the Voltigeurs, who retired. This accomplished, the National Guard lined the! main entrance, and allowed the sovereign, people to enter tM,, BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 295 Palace. One of the journals of the day, thus describes the scenes which followed: The Palace was absolutely empty; the people of the kitchen had alone not deserted. A gentleman, who said he was Sub-Conservator of the Palace of St. Cloud, and secretary to General Lepic, also remained. He handed a key to M. Ravenez, wherewith the latter penetrated into the reserved apartments, going by himself. The General's secretary was deeply moved. "Al! sir," said he to M. Raveniez, "it isfrightful! The poor Empress I how basely they abarndoned her I All those persons whom she pampered left her."''he reception rooms on the first story preserved their usual aspect, but from the Place de Carrousel one could see that the curtains had been removed from the windows. On the ground-floor the disorder was inexpressible. M. Ravenez's impression was that the Empress had just left; everything bore witness to that precipitate de. parture. Let us return to the Imperial apartments, encumbered with empty trunks, work-boxes, and open bonnet-cases. In the Empress's chamber a bed was still unmade. M. Ravenez, when traversing the suite of apartments which had been occupied by the Emperor and his son, found: on a sofa, a child's sword, half unsheathed; on the floor, in the midst of a heap of copies of Paris newspapers, lay a revolver-case; here and there, slippers and chairs. In all the cupboards, empty cigarboxes; and, strange enough, a great number of phials of phosphate of iron. In the Prince Imperial's study, little leaden soldiers, put in motion by turning a handle, were lying on the carpet. An exercise-book for writing historical themes was open on the table. One leaf was entirely covered with a small and correct handwriting. It begins thus:Louis XV., Bourbon, Fleury (1723-1741). Regency resumed. Bourbon. 1723-1726. Bourbon.-Madame de Prie, Paris, Duvernois (Duvernay was intended). At home, corruption, stock-jobbing, frivolity, intolerance. Abroad, marriage of the King with Marie Leczynska. Rupture with Spain, which country displays Austrian tendencies, etc., etc. In one of the Empress's rooms, the book for the palace service was found. In the passages, generally lit even in the day time, there was a vague odor of burning oil proceeding from the lamps but shortly before extinguished. In another room a breakfast had been interrupted. It was of a most simple character, consisting of a boiled egg, a little cheese, and some bread. In the Emperor's apartment, several maps of Prussia, busts and statuettes of the Imperial Prince, a great number of little painted figures, representing Prussian soldiers and officers in uniform; also, volumes with annotations. Let us also mention, along with other objects abandoned to their fate, a Greek cap with a peacock's 296 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR feather, and inside the letters C. L. -N., e whatever has been done in the interior of the uileries Besides, Gardes Mobiles, as well as National Guards, were posted within to prevent entrance. A repast was ordered in the kitchen for the irregulars. What its worth might be we do not know, but the wine served was execabe. Some of the Emperor's enemies have taken a characteristically Frenh revenge in scrawling about the walls facetious sallies at him.'I'Tuileries are covered with such notices as Ce logement d loue " Louer, a cause d'expulsion." One satirist has taken the trouble to clhlalk down a stanza, which may be new to some of your readers Les deux Napoleons e gloires sont egales, Quoiqu' ayant pris les chemins. inegaux; L'un de l'Europe a pris les capitales, L'autre au pays a prix les capitaux. Others have amused themselves by scratching out the in" in'Epereur," and leaving what is intended for a play on the word "per." No pun is too bad for Paris. The most fastidious wit, however, will probably prefer this method of wreakin vengeance upon imperialism, to those usually employed in moments of political excitement. Meanwhile all Paris was wonderinwhat d become of the Empress. On the evening of the 3d of September, Her Majesty was informed of the capitulation of Sedan and the captivity of the Emperor. The next morni-ng she senit the following telegram to her mother, in Spain:. PARIS. Sept. 4, 1870. MA CHERE MrsaR:-General Wimipifen, who had taken command after MacMahon had been. wounded, has capitulated, and the Emperor has been made prisoner.- Alone and without command, he has submitted to that which he could not avert. All day hie was under fire. Courage, dear mother; if France will, she can defend herself. I will do my duty. Your unhappy daughter, Madame la Comtesse DR MONTIJ0, Madrid. EUGENIM. These were brave words, and they were the words of a brave woman. In all the Council of the Regency, the Empress was the only one undaunted by the situation. It does n-ot detract from the credit which is her due, that she was not fully informed of the'temper of the Parisians, for when the truth was told her, her courage did not fail. On the morning of the 3d of September, Her Majesty had a long and somewhat painful interview with the Count de Pa BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 297 likao in which she exerted all her influence to induce the Minister not to communicate the news of the surrender of the Emperor and army to the Chamber or the public until the receipt of further details, which might perhaps be more favorable. The Count ielded to her entreaties, and consented to inform the Chamber of the disaster only in general terms. e understood the temper of the Chamber better than the Empress, and was fully aware that he was involving himself in trouble with that body by withholding the intelligence. This is said to have been the secret of his agitation when he made his statement in the Chamber on the afternoon of the 3d. Thesuspiciousmanner in which his communication was received by the deputies determined him upon his course, and he resolved to tell the whole truth at the session which ad been fixed for midniht of the 3d. Having come to this conclusion, he carefully avoided the presence of the Empress, though she sent for him on two separate occasions, intending, doubtless to exert herself to keep him faithful to his promise, the fulfilment of which she regarded as essential to the safety of the dynasty. A gentleman of the Imperial household was present at the midnight session of the Corps Le'gislatifg and heard the statement of the Minister of War. Hastening back to the Tuileries, he informed Her Majesty that Palikao had broken faith with her. The Empress heard him with unshaken composure, and then retired to a small private cha-,pel attached to her apartments. In a quarter i a hu h came out, and summoningy an attendant, dispatched him to Count Palikao with a ring, which she took from her own hand-a mute but eloquent reproach to her faithless Minister. She did not retire during the night, and, m-ade no effort to seek counsel of her Ministers. The messenger who took the ring to Palikao never- returned. He followed the example of the Minister of War, and devoted himself to preparing for his own safety. Palikao milust have felt the reproach conveyed by the present of the Empress, for he of all men had most to be grateful for to her. Her fhvor had raised Cousin Montauban tobhis high positien, 298 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR and that too in the face of a fierce opposition from the Cam ber, in days past, and he owe(d her at least the duty of remaining by her side in the hour of her need and making sure of her personal safety. He turned his ack o her, however, anrd left her exposed to the violence of a hostile ob, with not one arm, so far as he knew, to defend er from it. His confession of the truth as to the surrender at Sedan, was n act of pure selfishness. He had not hesitated to deceive the Chamber with regard to affairs at Metz and it would have (lone little harm to have yielded to the Sovereign to whom he owed everything, and have delayed his statement a few hours longer in the hope that something more favorable might be learned. Unquestionably, the truth should ave been told promptly. IThe Chamber should have been informed from the beginning of the exact state of affairs at an cost to the Napoleon dynasty, for the safety of France was at stake: but we can hardly credit the Minister whl ad marked his whole course by a systematic deception of the Chamber with an honest desire to tell the truth upon this one occasion. Selfishness was at the bottom of it. And, after all, having stated the plain facts to the Chamber, and seeing the IRevolu. tion inevitable, why did not this man basten to the Tuileries to make surce of thie safety of the woman who had been his best friend in the day4o her power? Cousin Montauban was not lacking, inpersonal courage. It was tbe higher, nobler elemient of' gratitude, that hie failed to display in this emergency.'Nor was he the only ingrate. When the morning of the 4th of September came, when all Paris was in an uproar, and when, judging by the lessons of past revolutions, there was reason to believe that the mnob would attack the Palace, the Empress found herself alone-deserted by all whom she had h-eaped favors upon in better days-by all save three heroic women. They were Madam-e Le Breton, wife of General Le Breton, and two other ladies, whose names, unfortunately, heave not been made known. These three heroines,7 indignant at the cowardice of the other attendants, who had fled,7 (r BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 299 who were rifling the apartments of their valuable movable contents, remained by their Sovereign, resolved to share her fate whatever it might be. They were fully aware of the danger to which they were all exposed, and endeavored by all means in their power to urge the Empress to some effort to secure her safety. Towards the afternoon, the unhappy lady, worn out with anxiety, grief and loss of rest, sank into a sort of stupor, from which her ladies were powerless to rouse her. The mob had already invaded the gardens of the Tuileries at this moment, and the ladies could hear their shouts coming nearer and nearer. They were in an agony of alarm. The Empress seemed deaf to them, and the danger was becoming more imminent every moment. Suddenly the door of the apartment was thrown open, and a man rushed in pale and agitated. It was Ferdinand de Lesseps, the illustrious designer and builder of the Suez Canal, and an old and tried friend of the Empress. He had put his life in his hand, and had comne resolved to save his sovereign and benefactor or to die with her. He entered the Palace from the Rue de Rivoli, and hastened to the apartments of the Empress. Not a single person opposed his passage, not one was to be seen save a few of the lackeys who were engaged in plundering the apartments. All the attendants, all those who should have been on duty to protect the Imperial apartments from the intrusion of persons unattached to them, had deserted their posts and fled. As he saw the servants plundering the rooms, M. I)e Lesseps made a rush at one of them to seize him and hand him over to the police, but he checked himself as Madame Le Breton implored him to assist the Empress to escape. His arrival was most opportune. The mob had already reached the private garden, where they were engaged in parleying with the troops on duty, as we have seen; and as M. De Lesseps offered his services to the Empress, a loud shout announced their occupation of the grounds just under the windowsof the room. This shout and the arrival of De Lesseps aroused the Empress to a sense of her situation. She 300 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR still appeared to think, however, that the deliberations of the Chamber would bring the troubles to a apy solution. Turning to M. De Lesseps she requested him to cause the Ministers to be at once informed of the indignities to which she was exposed. "I have come," said M. De Lesseps, "not to risk your Majesty's safety by an appeal to men who cannot provide for their own, but to ask you to confide in me." "But the Assembly?" said one of the ladies. "The Assembly, madame," said De Lesseps gravely, tough not without a touch of irony, "is at this moment theation. The rabble of Paris, by one successful rush have elected theselves to the Chamber, and they are now probably voting the new constitution by acclamation depied from the benches of the Right." His words convinced the Empress that all was indeed lost for the Ernpire. Rising, she motioned to one of the ladies for her bonnet, gloves, and a walking jacket, which her ladies aided her in puttincg on. Then turning to M. De Lesseps, she asked quietly, and with a sad smile, " Which way?" De Lesseps led the way fromt the chamber, followed by the Empress and the, four ladies, the shouts. of the crowd warning them that they had no time to lose. T1hey traversed the Tuileries, and passing- throug-h the great hall in which the Emperor had always opened the, Legislature in person, entered the famous- long gallery of the Louvre, which runs parallel with the river, and soon reached the door at the lower end which communicates with the stairway and the street. To their dismay, the door was locked, and the k