ENCES AND LORDS ARE RE TEE BREATHOP KINCS.
AN HONESTMAN'S THE NOBLEST WORK OF GOTS
LINE
ANTONIO
ANTONI
EX LIBRIS - JOHN GRIBBEL
ST- AUSTELL HALL






SUR
PETER . WILLIAMSON
In the Dreſs of a Delaware Indian
7 Tomohouwlo
ó Powderhorn
2 Scalping Knife 6 Indiar Canov
3 Shot. 73007
7 Brash Forg hling.
Pezieb Bet of Wamur Wrer Dance
a

FRENCH AND INDIAN CRUELTY
EXEMPLIFIED, IN THE
L I F F
E,
AND
VARIOUS VICISSITUDES OF FORTUNE,
OF
PETER WILLIAMSON,
WHO WAS CARRIED OFF FROM ABERDEEN IN HIS
INFANCY, AND SOLD FOR A SLAVE IN
PEN SYLVANIA.
CONTAINING,
The Hiſtory of the Author's ſurprifing Adventures in
NORTH AMERICA; his Captivity among the Indians,
and Manner of his Eſcape; the Cuſtoms, Dreſs, &c.
of the Savages; Military Operations in that Quarter ;
with a Deſcription of the Britiſh Settlements, &c. &c.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
An Account of the Proceedings of the Magiſtrates of Aberdeen
againſt him, on his Return to Scotland; a brief Hiſtory of his
Proceſs againſt them before the Court of Seſſion, and a ſhort
Diſſertation on KIDNAPPING.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR AND SOLD BY THE BOOKSELLERS.
M.DCC.XCII.
1792


CONTENTS.
1. French and Indian Cruelty.
10
II
18
20
22
THE Author's birth, and manner of his being
kidnapped at Aberdeen
9
He arrives off the coaſt of America, and is ſhip-
wrecked at Cape May
Sold at Philadelphia to a planter
Deſcription of the city of Philadelphia
12
His marriage and ſettlement in a plantation
13
His houſe burnt by the Indians; and
16
Himſelf carried off by them
17
The cruel treatment he ſuffered while among the
ſavages
The ſhocking maſſacre of Jacob Snider and his fa-
mily
Other inſtances of the barbarity of the Indians
Deſcription of their dreſs, and difpofitions
The author meditates his eſcape; and
33
Accompliſhes it, at the riſk of his life
34
His manner of travelling and concealing himſelf 35
His arrival at the houſe of John Bell, who takes him
for an Indian, and threatens to ſhoot him
Kind reception among his wife's friends
ib.
Examination before Governor Morris
37
Enters a volunteer in Shirley's regiment
His arrival at Boſton, and a deſcription of it 39
Jofeph Long, Eſq. with his houſe and ſervants, burnt
by the Indians
His fon and daughter carried off by them
42
James Crawford, Eſq. his expedition for the reſcue
ef Mifs Long
ib.
The
27
36
38
41
A2

iv
CONTENT S.
48
53
62
64
The deplorable condition in which ſhe was found 43
Fifty of the favages killed and ſcalped
ib.
The young lady's account of the maſſacre of her
brother
45
Miſs Long married to her deliverer
ib.
March of the forces for Oſwego
47
Account of the different nations of the Indians
Their education, manners, religion, &c.
49
Preparations for defending Oſwego
The Author's danger in a batteau among the cataracts 56
Mutiny of the foldiers for want of proviſions and pay 57
General Braddock's defeat, and miſconduct in that
expedition
59
Arrival of 3000 French in Canada
69
Deſcription of New York
61
Freſh incurſions and devaſtations of the ſavages
Many inſtances of their diabolical cruelty
63
Scarrooyada's fpeech to the Aſſembly
The Author
goes on an expedition againſt the Indians 67
Defence againſt the ſavages in Kennortown-head
church
68
Puſh through the Indians and retire with lofs ib.
Reinforced by Gen. Frankland from Philadelphia 69
Further outrages by the favages, in which George
Hunter, Eſq. and 16 of his family are burnt
Capt. Armſtrong's expedition againſt them
Capt. Jacobs, chief of the Delawares, and ſquaw killed ib.
Capt. Hogg's bravery
ib.
The Author wounded at the Great Carrying-place
Skirmiſh with a body of Indians near Oſwego 77
An Iriſhman fcalped when drunk, yet recovered ib.
The French diſcovered comirg to attack Oſwego
Trenches opened before Fort Ontario
The fort abandoned by the Engliſh
Preparations to attack the Old Fort
The brave Colonel Mercer killed
86
Surrender of the fort and garriſon, with the articles 87
Cruelty of the Indians on that occaſion
The Engliſh conducted by Montreal to Quebec 89
Bad conſequences of the loſs of Oſwego
91
A full
ぬ​ぬ​98% %%%885S 85% 253758848%888m
70

CONTENTS.
A full account of the Indians, their manner of
living, fighting, &c.
23
Advantage of the Engliſh in maintaining friendſhip
with them
97
Their complaints againſt the fraudulent dealings of
the traders
Methods ſuggeſted for removing theſe complaints
98
100
II. Account of the Britiſh Settlements in
North America.
IOI
Deſcription of New-England, its foil, produce,
trade, &c.
of New York, &c.
of Penſylvania, &c.
of Maryland, &c.
of Virginia, &c.
of Carolina, &c.
of Nova-Scotia, &c.
of Canada, &c.
The embarkation at Quebec for England
102
103
105
106
107
108
ib.
109
IH. A Diſcourſe on Kidnapping.
The Author's arrival at Aberdeen in queſt of his
relations
ITI
Proſecution of the Magiſtrates againſt him
ib.
His books ſeized and burnt hy the Hangman II2
Put in confinement till he ſubſcribed a recantation ib.
The Magiſtrates judge in their own complaint 113
Improbability that they could be ignorant of the
practice of Kidnapping
113, 114
Proof of that practice by a cloud of Witneſſes I15
Depoſition of Alexander King
ib.
of John Wilſon
116
of Francis Fraſer, Eſq.
ib.
of Robert Reid
117
of Iſabel Wilſon
113
of Margaret Reid
118
Depofition
A 3

V
CONTENTS.
120
121
ib.
Depoſition of George Johnſton
119
of Alexander Grigerfon
of Margaret Roſs
of William Jamieſon
124
of George Leſlie
127
of Chriſtian Finlater
ib.
of Robert Brand
128
of George Mackie
of James Rattray
129
of George Garioch
130
of Alexander Gordon
132
of Alexander Gray
133
of Helen Law
ib.
of James Robertſon
135
of James Smith
136
of Walter Cochran
of William Gibſon
of John Dickſon
ib.
Wickedneſs of the practice of Kidnapping expoſed 140
Queries concerning the lawfulneſs of it
141
Account of the various ſtratagems ufed to inveigle
children
142
The manner of difpofing of them abroad
143
The uſage they receive from the planters
144
Bad character of thoſe who voluntarily indent them-
felves
145
Advantages which artificers, &c. may reap in ſet-
tling there
137
138
IV. Hiſtory of the Proceſs between the Author
and Magiſtrates of Aberdeen.
Inſtitution and authority of Magiſtrates
107
Irregularity of their proceedings
148
The Author applied for redreſs
149
Interlocutor of the Court of Seffion
150
Letter from two of the Bailies of Aberdeen
151
Happineſs of a country where law and juſtice prevail 154
Deſign of publiſhing this narrative
155
Particular deſcription of the Indian Tomahawk ib.
FRENCH

FRENCH AND INDIAN CRUELTY.
THE
THE reader is not here to expect a large and
uſeleſs detail of the tranſactions of late years,
in that part of the world, where, ever ſince my
infancy, it has been my misfortune to have lived.
Was it in my power, indeed, to ſet off with
pompous diction, and embelliſh with artificial de-
fcriptions, what has ſo engrofſed the attention of
Europe, as well as the ſcenes of action for ſome
years paſt, perhaps I might; but my poor pen,
being wholly unfit for ſuch a talk, and never other-
wiſe employed than juſt for my own affairs and an
mufement, while I had the pleaſure of living tran-
quil and undiſturbed, I muſt beg leave to defiſt from
ſuch an attempt; and, if ſuch is expected from
me, claim the indulgence of that pardon which is
never refuſed to thoſe incapacitated of performing
what may
be deſired of them. And, as a plain,
impartial, and ſuccinct narrative of my own life,
and various viciſſitudes of fortune, is all I ſhall aim
at, I fhall herein confine myſelf to plain fimple
truth, and, in the dictates reſulting from an honeſt
heart, give the reader no other entertainment than
what ſhall be matter of fact; and of ſuch things
as have actually happened to me, or come to my
own knowledge, in the ſphere of life in which it
has been my lot to be placed. Not 'but I hope
.
I may be allowed, now and then, to carry on
my

THE LIFE OF
my narrative from the informations I have receive
ed of ſuch things as relate to my defign, though
they have not been done or tranſacted in my prea
fence.
It being uſual in narratives like this, to give a
ſhort account of the Author's birth, education, and
juvenile exploits, the fame being looked upon as
neceſſary, or at leaſt a ſatisfactory piece of informa-
tion to the curious and inquiſitive reader; I ſhall,
without boaſting of a family I am no way entitled
to, or recounting adventures in my youth to which
I was entirely a ſtranger, in a ſhort manner gra-
tify ſuch curioſity; not expecting, as I ſaid be-
fore, to be admired for that elegance of ſtyle, and
profuſion of words, ſo univerſally made uſe of in
details and hiſtories of thoſe adventurers, who have
of late years obliged the world with their anecdotes
and memoirs; and which have had ſcarce any
other
exiſtence than in the brains of a bookſeller's or prin-
ter's Garreteer; who, from fewer incidents, and
leſs ſurpriſing matter, than will be found in this
ſhort narrative, have been, and are daily enabled,
to ſpin and work out their elaborate performances
to three or four volumes. That I, like them, pub-
liſh this for ſupport, is true; but as I am too fen-
fible, the major part of mankind will give much
more to a bookſeller, to be in the faſhion, or fatis-
fy their curioſity, in having or reading a new puf-
fed-up hiſtory or novel, than to a real object of
diſtreſs, for an accurate and faithful account of a
ſeries of misfortunes, I have thought it more ad-
viſeable to confine myſelf as to fize and price, than
by making a larger volume, miſs that affiſtance
and relief, of which I at preſent am in ſo great
need.
Know, therefore, that I was born in Hirnlay, in
the pariſh of Aboyne, and county of Aberdeen, North
Britain,

PETER WILLIAMSON.
9
Britain, if not of rich, yet of reputable parents,
who ſupported me in the beſt manner they could, as
long as they had the happineſs of having me under
their inſpection : but fatally for me, and to their
great grief, as it afterwards proved, I was ſent to
live with an aunt at Aberdeen; when, under the years
of pupillarity, playing on the quay, with others of
my companions, being of a ſtout robuſt conſtitu-
tion, I was taken notice of by two fellows belong-
ing to a vefſel in the harbour, employed (as the
trade then was), by ſome of the worthy merchants of
the town, in that villanous and execrable practice
called Kidnapping; that is, ſtealing young children
from their parents, and ſelling them as ſlaves in the
Plantations abroad. Being marked out by thoſe
monſters of impiety as their prey, I was cajoled on
board the ſhip by them, where I was no ſooner got,
than they conducted me between the decks, to fome
others they had kidnapped in the ſame manner. At
that time, I had no ſenſe of the fate that was de.
ſtined for me, and ſpent the time in childiſh amuſe-
ments with
my fellow-fufferers in the ſteerage, be-
ing never ſuffered to go upon deck whilſt the veſſel
lay in the harbour; which was until ſuch a time as
they had got in their loading, with a complement
of unhappy youths for carrying on their wicked
commerce.
In about a month's time the ſhip fet fail for
America. The treatment we met with, and the
trifling incidents which happened during the voy-
age, I hope I may be excuſed from relating, as
not being, at that time, of an age ſufficient to re-
mark any thing more than what muſt occur to every
one on ſuch an occafion. However, I cannot for-
get, that, when we arrived on the coaſt we were
deſtined for, a hard gale of wind (prung up from
the S. E. and, to the captain's great ſurpriſe (he
not

15
THE LIFE OF
not thinking he was near land), although having
been eleven weeks on the paſſage, about twelve
o'clock at night the ſhip ſtruck on a fand-bank, off
Cape May, near the capes of Delaware, and, to
the great terror and affright of the ſhip's company,
in a ſhort time was almoſt full of water. The
boat was then hoiſted out, into which the captain,
and his fellow-villains, the crew, got with ſome
difficulty, leaving me, and my deluded companions,
to periſh; as they then naturally concluded inevi.
table death to be our fate. Often, in my
diſtreſſes
and miſeries fince, have I wiſhed that ſuch had
been the conſequence, when in a ſtate of innocence !
But Providence thought proper to reſerve me for
future trials of its goodneſs. Thus abandoned and
deſerted, without the leaſt proſpect of relief, but
threatened every moment with death, did theſe vil-
lains leave us. The cries, the ſhrieks, and tears of
a parcel of infants, had no effect on, or cauſed the
leaſt remorſe in the breaſts of theſe mercileſs
wretches. Scarce can I ſay, to which to give the
preference'; whether to ſuch as theſe, who have
had the opportunity of knowing the Chriſtian relia
gion, or to the ſavages herein after defcribed, who
profane not the gofpel, or boaſt of humanity; and
if they act in a 'more brutal and butcherly manner,
yet it is to their enemies, for the fake of plunder and
the rewards offered them, for their principles are
alike; the love of fordid gain being both their
motives. The ſhip being on a fand-bank, which
did not give way to let her deeper, we lay in the
fame deplorable condition until morning, when,
though we ſaw the land of Cape May, at about
a mile's diſtance, we knew not what would be our
fate.
The wind at length abated, and the captain (un-
willing to loſe all her cargo), about 10 o'clock, fent
fome

PETER WILLIAMSON.
II
ſome of his crew in a boat to the ſhip's ſide to bring
us on fhore, where we lay in a ſort of a camp,
made of the fails of the veſſel and ſuch other things
as they could get. The proviſions lafted us until
we were taken in by a vefſel bound to Philadelphia,
lying on this iſland, as well as I can recollect, near
three weeks. Very little of the cargo was ſaved
undamaged, and the veſſel entirely loft.
When arrived and landed at Philadelphia, the
capital of Penſylvania, the captain had ſoon people
enough who came to buy us. He making the moſt
of his villanous loading, after his diſaſter, fold us
at about 161. per head. What became of my un-
happy companions, I never knew; but it was my
lot to be ſold to one of my countrymen, whoſe
name was Hugh Wilſon, a North Briton, for the
term of ſeven years, who had in his youth under-
gone the ſame fate as myſelf; having been kid-
napped from St Johnſtown, in Scotland. As I ſhall
often have occaſion to mention Philadelphia during
the courſe of my adventures, I ſhall, in this place,
give a ſhort and conciſe deſcription of the fineſt
city in America, and one of the beſt laid out in the
world.
This city would have been a capital fit for an
empire had it been built and inhabited according
to the proprietor's plan. Conſidering its late foun-
dation, it is a large city, and moſt commodiouſly fi-
tuated between Delaware and Schuylkill, two navi-
gable rivers. The former being two miles broad,
and navigable 300 miles for ſmall veſſels. It extends
in lengt's two miles from one river to the other.
There are eight long ſtreets two miles in length,
cut at right angles by fixteen others, of one mile
in length, all ſtraight and ſpacious. The houſes are
ftately, very numerous (being near 3000), and ſtill
increaſing, and all carried on regularly according
to

12
THE LIFE OF
to the firſt plan. It has two fronts to the water,
one on the eaſt fide facing the Schuylkill, and that
on the weſt facing the Delaware. The Schuylkill
being navigable 8co miles above the falls, the eaſt-
ern part is moſt populous, where the warehouſes,
ſome three ſtories high, and wharfs are numerous
and convenient. All the houſes have large orchards
and gardens belonging to them. The merchants
that reſide here are numerous and wealthy, many
of them keeping their coaches, &c. In the centre
of the city there is a ſpace of ten acres, whereon
are built the ſtate-houſe, market-houſe, and ſchool-
houſe. The former is built of brick, and has a
priſon under it. The ſtreets have their names from
the ſeveral ſorts of timber common in Penſylvania;
as Mulberry-ftreet, Safſafras-ſtreet, Chefnut-ſtreet,
Beach-ſtreet, and Cedar-ſtreet. The oldeſt church
is Chrift-church, and has a numerous congrega-
tion; but the major part of the inhabitants, being
at firſt Quakers, ſtill continue ſo, who have ſeveral
meeting-houſes, and may not improperly be called
the church as by law eſtabliſhed, being the origi-
nals. The quay is beautiful, and 200 feet ſquare,
to which a fhip of 200 tons may lay her broad-ſide.
As the advantages this city may boaſt of, has ren-
dered it one of the beſt trading towns out of the
Britiſh empire; ſo in all probability it will increaſe
in commerce and riches, if not prevented by party,
faction, and religious feuds, which of late years
have made it fuffer conſiderably. The aflemblies
and courts of judicature are held here, as in all
capitals. The French have no city like it in all
America.
Happy was my lot in falling into my country-
man's power, as he was, contrary to many others
of his calling, a humane, worthy, honeſt man
Having no children of his own, and commiferating
my

PETER WILLIAMSON.
13
2
any unhappy condition, he tock great care of me
until I was fit for buſineſs; and about the 12th
year of my age, ſet me about little trifles; in which
ftate I continued until my 14th year, when I was
more fit for harder work. During ſuch my idle
ſtate, ſeeing my fellow-ſervants often reading and
writing, it incited in me an inclination to learn,
which I intimated to my nafter, telling him, [
ſhould be very willing to ſerve a year longer than
the contract by which I was bound, if he would
indulge me in going to ſchool ; this he readily
agreed to, ſaying, that winter would be the beſt
time. It being then ſummer, I waited with impa-
tience for the other ſeaſon; but to make ſome pro-
greſs in my defign, I got a Primer, and learned as
much from my fellow-ſervants as I could. At
ſchool, where I went every winter for five years,
I
made a tolerable proficiency, and have ever ſince been
improving myſelf at leiſure-hours. With this good
maſter I continued till I was ſeventeen years old,
when he died; and, as a reward for
my
faithful
ſervice, left me 200l. currency, which was then
about 120 1. Sterling, his beſt horfe, ſaddle, and all
Iris wearing apparel.
Being now my own maſter, having money in
my pocket, and all other neceſſaries, I employed
myſelf in jobbing about the country, working for
any that would employ me, for near ſeven years ;
when thinking I had money ſufficient to follow ſome
better way of life, I reſolved to ſettle; but thought
one ſtep neceſſary thereto, was to be married; for
which purpoſe, I applied to the daughter of a ſub-
ftantial planter, and found my ſuit was not unac-
ceptable to her or her father, ſo that matters were
foon concluded upor, and we married. My father-
in-law, in order to eftabliſh us in the world, in an
eaſy, if not affluent manner, made me a deed of
gift, of a track of land, that lay (unhaspily for me,
B
as

14
THE LIFE OF
as it has Goce pruwd) on the frontiers of the pro-
vince of Penſylvania, near the forks of Delaware,
in Berks county, containing about 200 acres, 30
of which were well cleared, and fit for immediate
ufe, whereon was a good houſe and barn. The
place pleaſing me well, I ſettled on it; and though
it coſt me the major part of my money, in buying
ſtock, houſehold-furniture, and implements for out-
door work; and happy as I was in a good wife, yet
did my felicity laſt me not long: For about the year
1754, the Indians in the French intereſt, who had
for a long tinie before ravaged and deſtroyed other
parts of America unmoleſted, I may very properly
fay, began to be very troubleſome on the frontiers
of our province, where they generally appeared in
ſmall ſkuiking parties, with yellings, ſhoutings, and
antic poſtures, inſtead of trumpets and drums, com-
mitting great devaſtations, The Penſylvanians little
imagined at firſt, that the Indians, guilty of ſuch out-
rages and violences, were ſome of thoſe who pretend-
ed to be in the Engiiſh intereſt; which, alas! prov-
ed to be too true to many of us: For, like the
French in Europe, without regard to faith or trea-
ties, they ſuddenly break out into furious, rapid out-
rages and devaftations, but foon retire precipitately,
having no ſtores or proviſions, but what they meet
with in their incurfions ; fome indeed carry a bag
with biſcuit, or Indian corn therein, but not unleſs
they have a long march to their deſtined place of
action. And thoſe French, who were fent to dif-
poſſeſs us in that part of the world, being indefati-
gable in their duty, and continually contriving, and
uſing all manner of ways and means to win the In-
dians to their intereft, many of whom had been too
negligent, and ſometimes, I may fay, cruelly treated
1
by thoſe who pretend to be their protectors and
friends, found it no very difficult matter to get over
to their intereft, many who belonged to thoſe na-
tions

PETER WILLIAMSON.
tions in amity with us, eſpecially as the rewards
they gave them were fo great, they paying for every
fcalp of an Engliſh perſon 15 %. Sterling-
Terrible and ſhocking to human nature were
the barbarities daily conimitted by the favages, and
are not to be paralleled in all the volumes of hiſto-
ry! Scarce did a day paſs but ſome unhappy family
or other fell victims to French chicanery and favage
cruelty. Terrible indeed it proved to me, as well
as to many others; I that was now happy in an
eaſy ftate of life, bleſſed with an affectionate and
tender wife, who was poffeiled of all amiable qua-
lities, to enable me to go through this world with
that peace and ſerenity of mind, which every Chri-
ftian wiſhes to poffefs, became on a fuden one of
the moſt unhappy and deplorable of mankind;
ſcarce can I ſoftain the fhock which for ever recoils
on me, at thinking on the laſt time of feeing that
good woman. The fatal zd of October 1754, fhe that
day went from home to viſit fome of her relations;
as 1 ftaid up later than uſual, expecting her return,
I
,
none being in the houſe beſides myſelf, how great
was my ſurpriſe, terror, and affright, when, about
11 o'clock at night I heard the difmal war-cry,
os war-whoop of the favages, which they make on
fuch occafions, and may be exprefled, Woach, woach,
ba, ba, kach, woach, and to my inexpreſible grief,
foon found
my
houſe was attacked by them; I flew
to the chamber-window, and perceived them to be
twelve in number. They making ſeveral attempts
to come in, I aſked them what they wanted ? They
gave me no anſwer, but continued beating, and try-
ing to get the door open. Judge then the condition
I muſt be in, knowing the cruelty and mercileſs
diſpoſition of thoſe ſavages ſhould I fall into their
hands. To eſcape which dreadful misfortune, hava
ing my gun loaded in my hand, I threatened them
with death, if they ſhould not defift. But how
vain
B2

16
THE LIFE OF
66
vain and fruitleſs are the efforts of one man againſt
the united force of ſo many !.and of fuch mercilefs,
undaunted, and blood-thirſty monſters as I had here
t deal with. One of them that could fpeak a little
Engliſh, threatened me in return, “ T'at if I did
" not come out, they would burn me alive in the
« houſe;" telling me farther, what I unhappily
perceived, “That they were no friends to the Eng-
lifh, but if I would come out, and ſurrender my-
66 ſelf priſoner, they would not kill me.” My ter-
ror and diſtraction at hearing this is not to be ex-
preſſed by words, nor eaſily imagined by any per-
fori, unleſs in the ſame condition. Little could I
depend on the promiſes of ſuch creatures, and yet,
if I did not, inevitable death, by being burnt alive,
muſt be my lot. Diſtracted as I was in ſuch deplo-
rable circumſtances, I choſe to rely on the uncer-
tainty of their fallacious promiſes, rather than meet
with certain death by rejecting them; and accord-
ingly went out of my houſe with my gur in my
hand, not knowing what I did, or that I had it.
Immediately on my approach, they ruſhed on me
like ſo many tigers, and inſtantly diſarmed me.
Having me thus in their power, the mercileſs vil-
lains bound me to a tree near the door: they then
went into the houſe, and plundered and deſtroyed
every thing there was in it, carrying off what
moveables they could; the reſt, together with the
houſe, which they fet fire to, was conſumed before
my eyes. The barbarians, not ſatisfied with this,
ſet fire to my barn, ſtable, and out-houſes, where-
in were about 200 buſhels of wheat, fix cows, four
horſes, and five ſheep, which underwent the ſame
fate, being all entirely conſumed to alhes. During
the conflagration, to deſcribe the thoughts, the
fears, and mifery that I feit, is utterly impoffible,
as it is even now to mention what I feel at the re-
inembrance thereof.
Having

PETER WILLIAMSON.
17
Having thus finished the execrable buſineſs about
which they came, one of the monſters came to me
with a tomahawk * in his hand, threatening me with
the worſt of deaths, if I would not willingly go with
them, and be contented with their way of living.
This I ſeemingly agreed to, promiſing to do every
thing for them that lay in my power; truſting to
Providence for the time when I might be delivered
out of their hands. Upon this they untied me, and
gave me a great load to carry on my back, under
which I travelled all that night with them, full of
the moſt terrible apprehenſions, and oppreſſed with
the greateſt anxiety of mind, left my unhappy wife
fhould likewiſe have fallen a prey to theſe cruel
monſters. At day-break, my infernal maſters order-
ed me to lay down my load, when tying my hands
again round a tree with a ſmall cord, they forced
the blood out of my finger-ends. They then kindled
a fire near the tree whereto I was bound, which fill-
ed me with the moſt dreadful agonies, concluding I
was going to be made a facrifice to their barbarity.
This narrative, O reader! may ſeem dry and te-
dious to you: My miſeries and misfortunes, great
as they have been, may be confidered only as what
others have daily met with for years pait; yet, on
reflection, you can't help indulging me in the reci-
tal of them: For to the unfortunate and diſtreſſed,
recounting our miſeries, is, in ſome ſort, an alle-
viation of them.
Permit me therefore to proceed; not by recount-
ing to you the deplorable condition I then was in,
A TOMAHAWK is a kind of hatchet, made ſomething
like our plaſterer's hammers, about two feet long, handle and
ail. To take up the hatchet (or TOMAHAWK) among them,
is to declare l war. They generally uſe it after firing their
guns, by ruſhing on their enemies, and fracturing or cleaving
their ſculls with it, and very feldom fail of killing at the firit
blow.
for
В 3

78
THE LIFE OF
for that is more than can be deſcribed to you, by
one who thought of nothing leſs than being imme-
diately put to death in the moſt excruciating man-
ner theſe devils could invent. The fire being thus
made, they, for ſome time, danced round me after
their manner, with various odd motions and antic
geſtures, whooping, hollowing, and crying in a
frightful manner, as it is their cuſtom. Having ſa-
tisfied themſelves in this fort of their mirth, they
proceeded in a more tragical manner; taking the
.burning coals and ſticks, flaming with fire at the
ends, holding them near my face, head, hands, and
feet, with a deal of monſtrous pleaſure and ſatis-
faction; and, at the ſame time, threatening to burt
ine entirely, if I made the leaſt noiſe, or cried out.
Thus tortured as I was, almoſt to death, I ſuffered
their brutal pleaſure without being allowed to vent
any inexpreſlible anguiſh, otherwiſe than by ſhedding
filent tears; even which, when theſe inhuman tor-
mentors obſerved, with a ſhocking pleaſure and ala-
crity, they would take freſh coals, and apply near
my eyes, telling me my face was wet, and that
they would dry it for me, which indeed they cruelly
did. How I underwent thefe tortures I have here
faintly deſcribed, has been matter of wonder to me
many times; but God enabled me to wait with
more than common patience for a deliverance I
daily prayed for.
Having at length ſatisfied their brutal pleaſure,
they ſat down round the fire, and roaited their meat,
cf which they had robbed my dwelling. When
they had prepared it, and ſatisfied their voracious
appetites, they offered ſome to me; though it is
cally imagined I had but little appetite to eat, after
the tortures and miferies I had undergone; yet was
I forced to ſeem pleaſed with what they offered me,
left, by refufing it, they had again re-affumed their
kelith practices. What I could not eat, I con-
a
trived

PETER WILLIAMSON.
19
trived to get between the bark and the tree, where
I was fixed, they having unbound my hands till they
imagined I had eat all they gave me, but then they
again bound me as before; in which deplorable
condition was I forced to continue all that day.
When the ſun was fet, they put out the fire, and
covered the aſhes with leaves, as is their uſual cuſ-
tom, that the white people might not diſcover any
traces or ſigns of their having been there.
Thus had theſe barbarous wretches finiſhed their
firſt diabolical piece of work; and ſhocking as it
may ſeem to the humane Engliſh heart, yet what £
underwent was but trifling, in compariſon to the
torments and miferies which I was afterwards an
eye-witneſs of being inflicted on others of my un-
happy fellow-creatures.
Going from thence along by the river Suſquehana
for the fpace of fix miles, loaded as I was before,
we arrived at a ſpot near the Apalachian mountains,
or Blue-Hills, where they hid their plunder under
logs of wood.-And, oh, fhocking to relate! from
thence did theſe lielliſh monſters proceed to a neigh-
bouring houſe, occupied by one Jacob Snider, and
his unhappy family, conſiſting of his wife, five
children, and a young man his fervant. They foon
got admittance into the unfortunate man's houſe,
where they immediately, without the leaſt remorſe,
and with more than brutal cruelty, ſcalped * the
* SCALPING, is taking off the ſkin from the top of the head;
which they perform with a long knife that they hang round
their neck, and always carry with them. They cut the ſkin
round as much of the head as they think proper, ſometimes quite
round from the neck and forehead, then take it in their fingers
and pluck it off, and often leave the unhappy creatures, fo ſerv-
ed, to die in a moft miſerable manner. Some, who are not cut
too deep in the temples or ſcull, live in horrid torm:nts many
hours, and ſometimes a day or two after. The ſcalps, or ſkins
thus taken of, they preſerve and carry home in triumph, where
they receive, as is ſaid before, a conſiderable fum for every
Qne.
tender

20
THE LIFE OF
tender parents and the unhappy children :- Nor
could the tears, the ſhrieks, or cries of theſe un-
happy victims prevent their horrid mafſacre: For
having thus fcalped them, and plundered the houſe
of every thing that was moveable, they ſet fire to
the ſame, where the poor creatures met their final
doom amidſt the flames, the helliſh miſcreants ſtand-
ing at the door, or as near the houſe as the flames
would permit them, rejoicing, and echoing back
in their diabolical manner, the piercing cries, heart-
rending groans, and paternal and affectionate footh-
ings, which iſſued from this moſt horrid facrifice of
an innocent family. Sacrifice! I think I may pro-
perly call it, to the aggrandizing the ambition of a
king, who wrongly ſtyles himſelf Moſt Chriſtian !
For, had theſe ſavages been never tempted with the
alluring bait of all-powerful gold, myſelf as well as
hundreds of others, might ftill have lived moſt hap-
pily in our ſtations. If Chriſtians countenance, nay,
hire thoſe wretches, to live in a continual repetition
of plunder, rapine, murder, and confiagration, in
vain are miſfionaries fent, or ſums expended for the
propagation of the goſpel. But theſe ſentiments,
with many others, muſt, before the end of this nar.
rative, occur to every humane heart.-- -Therefore
to proceed; not contented with what theſe infernals
had already done, they ſtill continued their inordi-
nate villany, in making a general conflagration of
the barn and ſtables, together with all the corn,
horſes, cows, and every thing on the place.
Thinking the young man belonging to this un-
happy family would be of ſome ſervice to them, in
carrying part of their helliſh acquired plunder, they
fpared his life, and loaded him and myſelf with what
they had here got, and again marched to the Blue-
Hills, where they ſtowed their goods as before. My
fellow-ſufferer could not long bear the cruel treat-
ment

PETER WILLIAMSON.
21
ment which we were both obliged to ſuffer, and
complaining bitterly to me of his being unable to
proceed any farther, I endeavoured to condole him
as much as lay in my power, to bear up under his
afflictions, and wait with patience, till, by the divine
aſliſtance, we ſhould be delivered out of their clut-
ches; but all in vain, for he ftill continued his
moans and tears, which one of the ſavages perceiv-
ing as we travelled on, inſtantly came up to us, and
with his tomahawk, gave him a blow on the head,
which felled the unhappy youth to the ground,
where they immediately ſcalped and left him. The
ſuddenneſs of this murder ſhocked me to that de-
gree, that I was in a manner like a ftatue, being
quite motionleſs, expecting my fate would foon
be the fame : However, recovering my diſtracted
thoughts, I diffembled the uneafineſs and anguiſh
which I felt as well as I could from the barbarians,
but ſtill, ſuch was the terror that I was under, that
for ſome time I ſcarce knew the days of the week,
or what I did; fo that at this period, life indeed be-
came a burden to me, and I regretted my being
ſaved from my firſt perfecutors, the failors.
The horrid fact being completed, they kept on
their courſe near the mountains, where they lay
ſkulking four or five days, rejoicing at the plunder
and ſtore they had got. When proviſions became
fcarce, they made their way towards Suſquehana ;
where, ſtill to add to the many barbarities they had
already committed, palling near another houſe inha-
bited by an unhappy old man, whoſe name was
John Adams, with his wife and four ſmall children ;
and, meeting with no refiftance, they immediately
fcalped the unhappy wife and her four children, be-
fore the good old man's eyes.
Inhumane and hora
rid, as this was, it did not ſatiate them; for when
they had murdered the poor woman, they acted
with her in ſuch a brutal manner, as decency, or
the

22
THE LIFE OF
the remembrance of the crime, will not permit me
to mention: and this even before the unhappy huf-
band, who, not being able to avoid the fight, and
incapable of affording her the leaſt relief, entreated
them to put an end to his miſerable being: but
they were as deaf, and regardleſs to the tears, pray-
ers, and entreaties of this venerable ſufferer, as they
had been to thoſe of the others, and proceeded in
their helliſh purpofe of burning and deſtroying his
houſe, barn, corn, hay, cattle, and every thing the
poor man a few hours before was maſter of. Hav-
ing ſaved what they thought proper from the
flames, they gave the old man, feeble, weak, and in
the miſerable condition he then was, as well as my-
felf, burdens to carry, and loading themſelves like-
wiſe with bread and meat, purſued their journey on
towards the Great Swamp; where being arrived,
they lay for eight or nine days, fometimes diverting
themſelves in exerciſing the moſt attrocious and
barbarous cruelties on their unhappy victim, the
old man: ſometimes they would ſtrip him naked,
and paint him all over with various forts of colours,
which they extracted, or made from herbs and
roots : at other times they would pluck the white
hairs from his venerable head, and tauntingly tell
him, He was a fool for living so long, and that they
would thew him kindneſs in putting him out of the
world; to all which the poor creature could but
vent his fighs, his tears, his moans, and entreaties,
that, to my affvighted imagination, were enough to
penetrate a heart of adamant, and ſoften the moſt
obdurate ſavage. In vain, alas ! were all his tears,
for daily did they tire themſelves with the various
means they tried to torment him ; ſometimes tying
him to a tree, and whipping him; at others, ſcorch-
ing his furrowed cheeks with red-hot coals, and
burning his legs, quite to the knees: but the good
old man inſtead of repining, or wickedly arraigning
the

PETER WILLIAMSON.
23
the divine juſtice, like many others in ſuch caſes,
even in the greateſt agonies, inceſſantly offered up
his prayers to the Almighty, with the moſt fervent
thankſgivings for his former mercies, and hoping
the flames, then furrounding and burning his aged
limbs, would foon fend him to the bliſsful manſions
of the juft, to be a partaker of the blellings there.
And, during ſuch his pious ejaculations, his in-
fernal plagues would come round him, mimicking
his heart-rending groans, and piteous wailings.
On night after he had been thus tormented, whilft
he and I were fitting together condoling each other
at the misfortunes and miſeries we daily fuffered,
twenty ſcalps and three priſoners were brought in
by another party of Indians. They had unhappily
fallen in their hands in Cannocojigge, a ſmall
town near the river Suſquehana, chiefly inhabited
by the Iriſh. Theſe priſoners gave us fome fhock-
ing accounts of the murders and devaſtations com-
mitted in their parts. The various and compli-
cated actions of theſe barbarians would entirely fill
a large volume ; but what I have already written,
with a few other inſtances which I ſhall ſelect
from their information, will enable the reader to
gueſs at the horrid treatment the Engliſh, and In-
dians in their intereſt, fuffered for many years paft.
I ſhall therefore only mention, in a brief manner,
thoſe that ſuffered near the ſame time with myſelf.
This party, who now joined us, had it not, I found, ,
in their power to begin their wickedneſs as ſoon as
thoſe who viſited my habitation; the firſt of their
tragedies being on the 25th day of October 1754,
when John Lewis, with his wife, and three finall
children, fell facrifices to their cruelty, and were
miferably ſcalped and murdered ; his houſe, barn,
and every thing he poſſeſſed, being burnt and de-
stroyed On the 28th, Jacob Miller, with his
wife and fix of his family, together with every
thing

24
THE LIFE OF
thing on his plantation, underwent the fame fate,
The 30th, the houſe, mill, barn, twenty head of
cattle, two, teams of horſes, and every thing be.
longing to the unhappy George Folke, met with
the like treatment; himſelf, wife, and all his miſe-
rable family, con ifting of nine in number, being
inhumanly ſcalped, then cut in pieces, and given to
the ſwine, which devoured them. I ſhall give ano-
ther inſtance of the numberleſs and unheard of
barbarities they related of theſe ſavages, and pro-
ceed to their own tragical end. In ſhort, one of
the fubftantial traders belonging to the province,
having buſineſs that called him ſome miles up
the country, fell into the hands of theſe devils,
who not only fcalped hiin, but immediately roaſted
him before he was dead; then, like cannibals for
want of other food, eat his whole body, and of
his head made what they called an Indian pud-
ding:
From theſe few inſtances of favage cruelty, the
deplorable ſituation of the defenceleſs inhabitants,
and what they hourly ſuffered in that part of the
globe, muſt ſtrike the utmoſt horror to a human
ſoul, and cauſe in every breaſt the utmoſt detefta-
tion, not only againſt the authors of ſuch tragic
ſcenes, but againſt thoſe who through perfidy, in-
attention, or publlanimous and erroneous principles,
ſuffered theſe ſavages at firſt, unrepelled, or even
unmoleſted, to commit ſuch outrages and incredible
depredations and murders : For no torments, no
barbarities that can be exerciſed on the human fa-
crifices they get into their power, are left untried
or omitted.
The three priſoners that were brought with theſe
additional forces, conſtantly repining at their lot,
and almoſt dead with their exceſſive hard treatment,
contrived at laſt to make their eſcape ; but being
far from their own ſettlements, and not knowing
the

PETER WILLIAMSON.
25
a
the country, were foon after met by ſome others of
the tribes or nations at war with us, and brought
back to their diabolical maſters, who greatly re-
joiced at having them again in their infernal power.
The poor creatures almoft famiſhed for want of
fuftenance, having had none during the time of their
elopement, were no ſooner in the clutches of the
barbarians, than two of them were tied to a tree,
and a great fire made round them, where they re-
mained till they were terribly ſcorched and burnt;
when one of the villains, with his ſcalping knife,
ript open their bellies, took out their entrails, and
burnt them before their eyes, whilſt the others were
cutting, piercing, and tearing the fleſh from their
breaſts, hands, arms, and legs, with red hot irons,
till they were dead. The third unhappy victim was
reſerved a few hours longer, to be, if poſſible, ſa-
crificed in a more cruel manner; his arms were tied
cloſe to his body, and a hole being dug deep enough
for him to ſtand upright, he was put therein, and
earth rammed and beat in all round his body up to
his neck, ſo that his head only appeared above
ground; they then ſcalped him, and there let him
remain for three or four hours in the greateſt ago.
nies; after which they made a ſmall fire near his
head, caufing him to ſuffer the moſt excruciating
torments imaginable, whilſt the poor creature could
only cry for mercy in killing him immediately, for
his brains were boiling in his head: Inexorable to
all his plaints, they continued the fire, whilſt, ſhock-
ing to behold! his eyes guſhed out of their ſockets ;
and ſuch agonizing torments did the unhappy crea-
ture ſuffer for hear two hours, till he was quite
dead! They then cut off his head, and buried it
with the other bodies ; my talk being to dig the
graves, which, feeble and terrified as I was, the
dread of ſuffering the ſame fate, enabled me to do.
I ſhall not here take up the reader's time, in vainly
C
attempting

26
THE LIFE OY
attempting to deſcribe what I felt on ſuch an occa-
fion, but continue my narrative, as more equal to
my abilities.
A great ſnow now falling, the barbarians were a
little fearful, left the white people fhould, by their
traces, find out their ſkuiking retreats; which obliged
them to make the beſt of their way to their winter-
quarters, about 200 miles farther from any planta-
tions, or inbabitants : where, after a long and te-
dious journey, being almoſt ſtarved, I arrived with
this infernal crew. The place where we were to
reſt, in their tongue, is called Alamingo. There we
found a number of wigwams * full of their women
and children. Dancing, ſinging, and ſhooting were
their general amuſements; and in all their feſtivals
and dances, they relate what fucceffes they have
had, and what damages they have ſuſtained in their
expeditions ; in which I became part of their theme.
The ſeverity of the cold increaſing, they ſtript me
of
my
clothes for their own uſe, and gave me ſuch
as they uſually wore themſelves, being a piece of
blanket, a pair of 190gganes, or fhoes, with a yard of
coarſe cloth, to put round me inſtead of breeches.
To deſcribe their dreſs and manner of living may
not be altogether unacceptable to fome of my read
ers; but as the fize of this book will not permit me
to be ſo particular as I might otherwiſe be, I ſhall
juſt obſerye,
That they in general wear a white blanket, which,
in war-time, they paint with various figures; but
particularly the leaves of trees, in order to deceive
their enemies when in the woods. Tl- ir mogganes
are made of deer-ikins, and the beſt fort have them
* WIGWAMs are the names they give their houſes, which are
no more than little huts, made with three or four forked ftakes
drove into the ground, and covered with deer or other ikins; or,
for want of them, with large leaves and earth.
bound

PETER WILLIAMSON.
27
bound round the edges with little beads and ri.
bands. On their legs they wear pieces of blue cloth
for ſtockings, ſomething like our foldiers ſpatters
daſhes; they reach higher than their knees, but not
lower than their ancies; they eſteemi them eaſy to
run in. Breeches they never wear, but inſtead
thereof two pieces of linen, one before, and another
behind. The better fort have fhirts of the fineſt
linen they can get, and to theſe fome wear ruffles ;
but theſe they never put on till they have painted
them of various colours, which they get from the
Pecone root, and bark of trees, and never pull thein
off to waſh, but wear them till they fall to pieces.
They are very proud, and take great delight in wear.
ing trinkets, ſuch as ſilver plates round their wriſts
and necks, with ſeveral ſtrings of wampum (which
is made of cotton, interwove with pebbles, cockle-
fells, &c.), down to their breaſts; and from their
ears and nofes they have rings and beads, which
hang dangling an inch or two. The men have no
beards, to prevent which they aſe certain inftru.
ments and tricks as ſoon as it begins to grow.
The
hair of their heads is managed differently, fome
pluck out and deſtroy all, except a lock hanging
from the crown of the head, which they interweave
with wampum and feathers of various colours.
The women wear it very long twiſted down their
backs, with beads, feathers, and wampum; and on
their heads moſt of them wear little coronets of braſs
or copper; round their middle they wear a blanket
inſtead of a petticoat. The females are very chaſte,
and conſtant to their huſbands; and if any young
maiden ſhould happen to have a child before mar-
riage, ſhe is never eſteemed afterwards. As for
their food they get it chiefly by hunting and thoot-
ing, and boil, broil, or roaſt all the meat they eat.
Their ftanding dish confifts of Indian corn foaked,
then bruiſed and boiled over a gentle fire, for ten
C 2
or

28
THE LIFE or 12
or twelve hours. Their bread is likewife made of
wild oats, or ſun-flower feeds. Set meals they ne-
ver regard, but eat when they are hungry. Their
gun, tomahawk, fcalping knife, powder and ſhot,
are all they have to carry with them in time of
war ; bows and arrows being feldom uſed by
them. They generally in war decline open en-
gagements; buſh fighting or ſkulking is their dif-
cipline; and they are brave when engaged, having
great fortitude in enduring tortures and death. No
people have a greater love of liberty, or affection
to their relations; but they are the moſt implacably
vindictive people upon the earth, for they revenge
the death of any relation, or any great affront,
whenever occafion preſents, let the diſtance of time
or place be never ſo remote. To all which I may
add, and what the reader has already obſerved, that
they are inhumanly cruel. But, ſome other nations
might be more happy, if, in ſome inſtances, they
copied them, and made wiſe conduct, courage, and
perſonal ſtrength, the chief recommendations for war-
captains, or werowances, as they call them. In
times of peace they viſit the plantations inhabited
by the whites, to whom they fell bafkets, ladles,
ſpoons, and other ſuch trifles, which they are very
expert in making. When night comes, if admitted
into any houſe, they beg leave to lie down by the
fire-lide, chuſing that place rather than any other,
which is ſeldom refufed them, if fober, for then
they are honeſt; but if drunk, are very dangerous
and troubleſome, if people enough are not in the
houſe to quell them. Nor would they at any time
be guilty of ſuch barbarous depredations as they are,
did not thoſe calling themſelves Chriſtians, entice
them thereto with ſtrong liquors, which they are
vaſti, fond of; as well as by the pecuniary re-
wards which they give for the ſealps. If ambition
cannot be gratified, or ſuperiority obtained, other-
wife

PETER WILLIAMSON.
29
a
wife than by the death of thouſands, would it not,
in thoſe who ſeek fuch airy phantoms, and are, fo
inordinately fond of their fellow-creatures lives,
ſavour a little more of humanity to have them killed
inſtantly, and, if they muſt have proofs of murder,
fcalped afterwards, than, by allowing and encou-
raging ſuch inercileſs treatment, render themſelves
as obnoxious, cruel, and barbarous, to a humane
mind, as the very favages themſelves ?-However,
,
they ſometimes luffer by their plots and chicanery
laid for the deſtruction of others; it often happen-
ing that the traders or emiffaries ſent to allure them
to the exccution of their ſchemes, rightly fall vic-
tims themſelves; for, as they always carry with
them horſe-loads of rum, which the Indians are
fond of, they foon get drunk, quarrelſome, and
wicked, and, in their fury, often kill and deſtroy
their tempters: A juſt reward for their wicked de-
fgns! nay, it has ſuch an effect on them, that when
fo intoxicated, they even burn and conſume all their
own effects, beating, wounding, and ſometimes kill-
ing their wives and children: But, in diſputes
among themſelves when ſober, they are very tena-
cious of decorum, never allowing more than one to
fpeak at a time. Profane ſwearing they know
not in their own language how to expreſs, but are
very fond of the French and Engliſh oaths.
The old people, who are by age and infirmities
rendered incapable of being ſerviceable to the com-
munity, they put out of the world in a barbarous
and extraordinary manner; an inſtance of which I
had, whilſt among them, an opportunity of ſeeing
practiſed on an old Indian. He being, through
age, feeble and weak, and his eyes failing him, ſo
that he was unable to get his living either by hunt-
ing or ſhooting, was fummoned to appear before
ſeveral of the leading ones, who were to be his
judges. Before whom being come, and having no-
thing
a
C 3

30
THE LIFE OF
a
thing to ſay for himſelf (as how indeed could he
prove himſelf to be young ?) they very formally,
and with a feeming degree of compaſſion, paſſed
ſentence on him to be put to death. This was ſoon
after executed on him in the following manner :
He was tied naked to a tree, and a boy, who was to
be his executioner, ſtood ready with a tomahawk in
his hands, to beat his brains out, but when the
young monſter came to inflict the ſentence, he
was ſo ſhort of ſtature, that he could not lift the
tomahawk high enough; upon which he was held
up by ſome others, a great concourſe being preſent;
and then, though the young devil laid on with all
his ſtrength, he was not for fome tiine able to frac-
ture the old man's ſcull, ſo that it was near an hour
before he was dead. Thus are they from their
youth inured to barbarity!
When they found no remains of life in him, they
put him into a hole dug in the ground for that pur-
poſe, in which he ſtood upright. Into his left-
hand they put an old gun, and hung a ſmall pow-
der-horn and fhot-bag about his ſhoulder, and a
ſtring of wampum round his neck; and into his
Tight-hand a little filk purſe, with a bit of money in
it; then filled the hole round, and covered him over
with earth. This I found to be the uſual manner
of treating the old of both ſexes; only that the wc-
men are killed by young girls, and put into the
ground with nothing but a ladle in one hand, and a
wooden diſh in the other.
They are very ſtrict in puniſhing offenders, eſpe-
cially ſuch as commit crimes againſt any of the
royal families. They never hang any; but thoſe
ſentenced to death are generally bound to a ſtake,
and a great fire made round them, but not fo near
as to burn them immediately; for they ſometimes
remain roaſting in the middle of the flames for two
or three days before they are dead.
After
a

PETER WILLIAMSON.
31
After this long digreffion, it is time to return to
the detail of my own affairs.-At Alamingo was I
kept near two months, until the ſnow was off the
ground. A long time to be amongſt ſuch creatures,
and naked as I almoſt was! Whatever thoughts I
might have of making my eſcape, to carry them into
execution was impracticable, being ſo far from any
plantations or white people, and the ſevere weather
rendering my limbs in a manner quite ſtiff and mo-
tionleſs; however, I contrived to defend myſelf
againſt the inclemency of the weather as well as I
could, by making myſelf a little wigwam, with
the bark of the trees, covering the ſame with earth,
which made it reſemble a cave; and, to prevent
the ill effects of the cold which penetrated into it,
I was forced to keep a good fire always near the
door.
Thus did I for near two months endure fuch
hardſhips of cold and hunger as had hitherto been
unknown to me. My liberty of going about was,
indeed more than I could have expected, but they
well knew the impracticability of my eloping from
them. Seeing me outwardly eaſy and ſubmiſſive,
they would ſometimes give me a little meat, but
my chief food was Indian corn, dreſſed as I have
above deſcribed. Notwithſtanding ſuch their civi-
lity, the time paſſed ſo tedious on, that I almoſt be-
gan to deſpair of ever regaining my liberty, or ſee-
ing my few relations again; which, with the anxiety
and pain I ſuffered on account of my dear wife, of
ten gave me inexprefſible concern.
At length the time arrived when they were pre-
paring themſelves for another expedition againſt the
planters and white people; but before they ſet out,
they were joined by many other Indians from Fort
Du Queſne, well ſtored with powder and ball they
had received from the French.
As

32
THE LIFE OF
As foon as the ſnow was quite gone, and no traces
of their vile foot-ſteps could be perceived, they ſet
forth on their journey towards the back parts of the
province of Penſylvania, leaving their wives and
children behind in their wigwams. They were now
a terrible and formidable body, amounting to near
150. My duty was to carry what they thought pro-
per to load me with, but they never intrusted me
with a gun. We marched on ſeveral days without
any thing particular occurring, almoſt familied for
want of provifions; for my part I had nothing but
a few ſtalks of Indian corn, which I was glad to eat
dry: Nor did the Indians themſelves fare much
better, for as we drew near the plantations, they
were afraid to kill any game, left the noiſe of their
guns ſhould alarm the inhabitants.
When we again arrived at the Blue Hills, about
30 miles from Cannocojigge, the Iriſh ſettlement be-
re mentioned, we encamped for three days, though
God knows we had neither tents, nor any thing elſe
to defend us from the inclemency of the air, having
nothing to lie on by night but the graſs. Their
uſual method of lodging, pitching, or encamping,
by night, being in parcels of ten or twelve men to
a fire, where they lie upon the graſs or bulhes,
wrapt up in a blanket, with their feet to the fire.
During our ſtay here, a ſort of council of war
was held, when it was agreed to divide themſelves
companies of about twenty men each; after
which every captain marched with his party where
he thought proper. I ftill belonged to my old ma-
iters, but was left behind on the mountains with ten
Indians, to ſtay until the reſt ſhould return; not
thinking it proper to carry me nearer the Cannoco-
jigge, or the other plantations.
Here being left, I began to meditate on my e-
ſcape; and though I knew the country round ex-
tremely well, having been often thereabouts with
my

PETER WILLIAMSON.
33
my companions, hunting deer, and other beaſts,
yet was I very cautious of giving the leaſt fufpicion
of ſuch my intention. However, the third day af-
ter the grand body left us, my companions or keep-
ers thought proper to viſit the mountains in ſearch
of game for their ſubſiſtence, leaving me bound in
fuch a manner that I could riot eſcape: At night,
when they returned, having unbound me, we all ſat
down together to fupper on two polecats, being
what they had killed, and foon after (being greatly
fatigued with their day's excurſion) they compoſed
themſelves to reſt as uſual. Obſerving them to
be in that ſomniferous ftate, I tried various ways
to ſee whether it was a ſcheme to prove my
tions or not; but after making a noiſe, and walk-
ing about, fometimes touching them with my feet,
I found there was no fallacy. My heart then
exulted with joy at ſeeing a time come that I
might in all probability be delivered from my capti-
vity, but this joy was foon damped by the dread of
being diſcovered by them, or taken by any ftraggling
parties. To prevent which, I refolved, if poſſible, to
get one of their guns, and, if diſcovered, to die in
my defence rather than be taken; for that purpoſe,
I made various efforts to get one from under their
heads (where they always fecured them), but in
vain. Fruſtrated in this my firſt eſſay towards re-
gaining my liberty, I dreaded the thoughts of car-
rying my deſign into execution: yet, after a little
conſideration, and truſting myſelf to the divine pro-
tection, I ſet forwards naked and defenceleſs as I
was. A rafh and dangerous enterpriſe! Such was
my terror, however, that in going from them I
halted and pauſed every four or five yards, looking
fearfully towards the ſpot where I had left them,
left they ſhould awake and miſs me; but when I
was about two hundred yards from them, I mended
my pace, and made as much hafte as I could to the
inten-
foot
.

34
THE LIFE OY
foot of the mountains; when on a ſudden was
ſtruck with the greateſt terror and amaze at hearing
the wood-cry, as it is called, and may be exprefied
70 bau! 70 hau! which the favages I had left
were making, accompanied with the moſt hideous
cries and howlings they could utter. The bellow-
.
ing of lions, the fhrieks of hyenas, or the roar-
ings of tigers, would have been muſic to my earse
in comparifon to the ſounds that then ſaluted them.
They having now miſſed their charge, I concluded
that they would ſoon ſeparate themſelves, and hie in
queſt of me. The more my terror increaſed, the
fafter did I puſh on, and ſcarce knowing where I
trode, drove through the woods with the utmoſt
precipitation, ſometimes falling and bruiſing my-
felf, cutting my feet and legs againſt the ſtones in
a miſerable
manner; but, though faint and maimed,
I continued my flight until break of day, when,
without having any thing to ſuſtain nature but a
little corn left, I crept into a hollow tree, in which
I lay very fnug, and returned my prayers and thanks
to the Divine Being, that had thus far favoured my
eſcape. But my repoſe was in a few hours deſtroyed
at hearing the voices of the favages near the place
where I was hid, threatening and talking how they
would uſe me, if they got me again ; that I was
before too fenfible of, to have the leaſt reft either
in body or mind fince I had left them. However,
they at laſt left the ſpot where I heard them, and
I remained in my circular afylum all that day with-
out further moleſtation.
At night I ventured forwards again, frightened
and trembling at every buk I paſt, thinking each
twig that touched me to be a favage. The third
day I concealed myfelf in the like manner, and at
night I travelled on in the ſame deplotable condi-
tion, keeping off the main road uſed by the Indians
as much as poſible, which made my journey many
a
miles

PETER WILLIAMSON.
35
ima-
miles longer, and more painful and irkſome than I
can expreſs. But how ſhall I deſcribe the fear, ter-
ror, and fhock, that I felt on the fourth night,
when, by the ruſtling I made among the leaves,
a party of Indians, that lay round a ſmall fire,
which I did not perceive, ſtarted from the ground,
and ſeizing their arms, run from the fire amongſt
the woods. Whether to move forward, or to reſt
where I was, I knew not, fo diſtracted was my
gination. In this melancholy ſtate, revolving in my
thoughts the now inevitable fate I thought waited
on me, to my great conſternation and joy, I was re-
lieved by a parcel of ſwine that made towards the
place I gueſſed the ſavages to be; who, on ſeeing the
I
hogs, conjectured that their alarm had been occa-
fioned by them, and very merrily returned to the
fire, and lay down to ſleep as before. As ſoon as
I perceived my enemies ſo diſpoſed of, with more
cautious ſtep and filent tread, I purſued my courſe,
ſweating (though winter, and feverely cold) with the
fear I had juſt been relieved from. Bruiſed, cut,
mangled, and terrified as I was, I ftill, through the
divine affiftance, was enabled to purſue my journey
until break of day, when thinking myſelf far off
from any of thoſe miſcreants I ſo much dreaded,
I lay down under a great log, and flept undifturbed
until about noon, when getting up, I reached the
ſummit of a great hill with ſome difficulty, and
looking out if I could ſpy any inhabitants of white
people, to my unutterable joy I ſaw fome, which I
gueſſed to be about ten miles diſtance.
This pleaſure was in ſome meaſure abated, by
my not being able to get among them that night;
therefore, when evening approached, I again re-
*commended myſelf to the Almighty, and compoſed
my weary mangled limbs to reſt. In the morn-
ing, as ſoon as I awoke, I continued my journey to-
wards the neareſt cleared lands I had ſeen the day
before,

35
THE LIFE OF
before, and about four o'clock in the afternoon ar
rived at the houſe of John Bell, an old acquaint-
ance, where, knocking at the door, his wife, who
opened it, ſeeing me in ſuch a frightful condition,
flew from me like lightning, ſcreaming into the
houſe. This alarmed the whole family, who im-
mediately fled to their arms, and I was ſoon ac-
coſted by the maſter with his gun in his hand. But
on my aſſuring him of my innocence as to any
wicked intentions, and making myſelf known (for
he before took me to be an Indian), he immediately
carefled me, as did alſo his family, with a deal of
friendſhip, at finding me alive; they having all been
informed of my being murdered by the favages
ſome months before. No longer now able to fup-
port my fatigued and worn-out fpirts, I fainted and
fell to the ground. From which ſtate having re-
covered me, and perceiving the weak and famiſhed
condition I then was in, they foon gave me ſome
refreſhment, but let me partake of it very ſparing-
ly, fearing the ill effects too much at once would
have on me. They for two or three nights very
affectionately ſupplied me with all neceſſaries, and
carefully attended me until my fpirits and limbs
were pretty well recruited, and I thought myſelf able
to ride, when I borrowed of theſe good people (whoſe
kindneſs merits my moſt grateful return) a horſe
and ſome clothes, and ſet forward for my father-in-
law's houſe in Cheſter
county,
about 140
miles from
thence, where I arrived on the 4th day of January
1755; but ſcarce one of the family could credit
their eyes, believing, with the people I had lately
left, that I had fallen a prey to the Indians.
Great was the joy and fatisfaction wherewith I
was received and embraced by the whole family;
but, oh, what was my anguiſh and trouble, when
on inquiring for my dear wife, I found the had been
I
dead near two months! This fatal news, as every hu-
mane

PETER WILLIAMSON.
37
mane reader muft imagine, greatly leſſened the joy
and rapture I otherwiſe ſhould have felt at
my
deli-
verance fron the dreadful ſtate and captivity I had
been in.
The news of my happy arrival at my father-in-
law's houſe, after ſo long and ſtrange an abſence,
was foon fpread round the neighbouring planta-
tions, by the country people who continually viſited
me, being very defirous of hearing and eagerly in-
quiring an account of my treatment and manner of
living among the Indians; in all which I fatisfied
them. Soon after this my arrival, I was ſent for by
his excellency Mr. Morris, the governor, a worthy
gentleman, who examined me very particularly av
to all incidents relating to my captivity, and eſpe-
cially in regard to the Indians, who had firſt taken
me away, whether they were French or Engliſh par-
ties. I aſſured his excellency they were of thoſe
who profefled themſelves to be friends of the for-
mer; and informed him of the
many barbarous and
inhuman actions I had been witneſs to among them,
on the frontiers of the province; and alſo that they
were daily increaſing, by others of our pretended
friends joining them; that they were all well fup-
plied by the French with arms and ammunition,
and greatly encouraged by them in their continual
excurfions and barbarities, not only in having ex-
traordinary premiums for ſuch ſcalps as they ſhould
take and carry home with them at their return, but
great preſents of all kinds, beſides rum, powder,
ball, &c. before they fallied forth. Having ſatis-
fied his excellency in ſuch particulars as he requeft-
ed, the ſame being put into writing, I ſwore to the
contents thereof, as may be ſeen by thoſe who doubt
of my veracity in the public papers of that time;
as well in England as in Philadelphia. Having done
with me, Mr. Morris gave me three pounds, and
fent the affidavit to the affembly who were then fit-
*
D
ting

38
THE LIFE OF
ting in the ſtate-houſe at Philadelphia, concluding
on proper meaſures to check the depredations of the
ſavages, and put a ſtop to the barbarous hoftilities of
the diftreffed inhabitants, who daily fuffered death in
a moſt deplorable condition; beſides being obliged
to abſcond their plantations, and the country being
left defolate for ſeveral hundred miles on the fron-
tiers, and the poor ſufferers could have no relief, by
reaſon of the diſputes between the governor and the
ailembly. The former was led by the inſtructions of
the proprietor, which was entirely againſt the intereſt
of the province, ſo that it cauſed great confuſion
among the people to ſee the country ſo deſtroyed,
and no preparations making for its defence.
However, on receiving this intelligence from his
excellency, they immediately ſent for me. When I
anived, I was conducted into the lower houſe,
where the aſſembly then fat, and was there interro-
gated by the ſpeaker, very particularly, as to all I
had before given the governor an account of. This
my
firſt examination lafted three hours. The next
day I underwent a ſecond for about an hour and a
half, when I was courteouſly difmified, with a pro-
miſe that all proper methods ihould be taken, not
only to accommodate and reimburſe all thoſe who had
fuffered by the favages, but to prevent them from
committing the like hoſtilities for the future.
Now returned, and once more at liberty to pur-
fue my own inclinations, I was perfuaded by my
father-in-law and friends to follow ſome employ-
ment or other; but the plantation, from whence I
was taken, though an exceeding good one, could not
tempt me to ſettle on it again. What my
fate would
have been if I had, may eaſily be conceived. And
there being at this time (as the aſſembly too late
for many of us found) a neceſſity for railing men to
check thoſe barbarians in their ravaging depreda-
tions, I inlifted myſelf as one, with the greateſt ala-
crity

PETER WILLIAMSON.
39
crity and moſt determined reſolution, to evert the
utmoſt of my power, in being revenged on the hell-
ith authors of my ruin. General Shirley, governor
of New England, and commander in chief of his
Majeſty's land-forces in North America, was pitch-
ed upon, to direct the operations of the war ir that
part of the world.
Into a regiment immediately, under the command
of this general, was it my lot to be placed for three
years. This regiment was intended for the fron-
tiers, to deſtroy the forts erected by the French, as
foon as it ſhould be completely furniſhed with arms,
&c. at Boſton in New England, where it was order-
ed for that purpoſe. Being then very weak, and in-
firm in body, though poffeffed of my reſolution, it
was thought adviſeable to leave me for two months
in winter-quarters. At the end of which, being
pretty well recruited in ſtrength, I ſet our for Bu-
fton, to join the regiment with ſome others, likewiſe
left behind: and after croſſing the river Delaware,
we arrived at New Jerſey, and from thence proceed-
ed through the ſame by New York, Middletown,
Mendon in Connecticut, to Boſton, where we ar-
rived about the end of March, and found the regi-
ment ready to receive us.
Boſton, being the capital of New England, and
the largeſt city in America, except two or three on
the Spanish continent, I ſhall here ſubjoin a fliort
account of it.
It is pleaſantly fituated, and about four miles in
compaſs, at the bottom of Mafichufet's Bay, into
which there is but one common and ſafe paſſage,
and not very broad, there being ſcarce room for
three ſhips to come in a-breaſt; but once in, there
is room for the anchorage of 500 fail. It is guarded
by ſeveral rocks, and above a dozen iſlands; the
moft remarkable of theſe iſlands is Caſtle-Iſland,
which ſtands about a league from the town, and ſo
fituated,
a
D 2

40
THE LIFE OF
fituated, that no fhip of burden can approach the
town, without the hazard of being ſhattered in
pieces by its cannon. It is now called Fort-William,
and niounted with 100 pieces of ordnance; 200
more which were given to the province by Queen
Anne, are placed on a platform, ſo as to rake a flip
fore and aft, before ſhe can bring about her broad-
fides to bear againſt the caftle. Some of theſe can-
non are 42 pounders; 500 able men are exempted
from all military duty in times of war, to be ready
at an hozr's warning, to attend the ſervice of the
caſtle, upon a figiral of the approach of an enemy,
which there ſeems to be no great danger of at Bo-
ſton; where in 24 hours time, 10,000 effective
men, well armed, might be ready for their defence.
According to a computation of the collectors of the
Light-houſe, it appeared there were 24,000 tons of
fbipping cleared annually.
The pier is at the bottom of the bay, 2000 feet
long, and runs ſo far into the bay, that thips of the
greateft burden may unload without the help of
boats or lighters. At the upper end of the chief
ftreet in the town, which comes down to the head
of the pier, is the Town-houſe, or Exchange, a fine
building, containing, beſides the walk for merchants,
the Council-chamber, the Houſe of Commons, and
a ſpacious room for the courts of juſtice. The Ex-
change is ſurrounded with bookſellers ſhops that
have a good trade: Here being five printing houſes,
and the preffes generally full of work, which is in a
great meaſure owong to the colleges and ſchools in
New England; and likewiſe at New York and Phi-
ladelphia, there are ſeveral printing-houſes lately
erected, and bookſellers conſtantly employed, as
well as at Virginia, Maryland, South Carolina,
Barbadoes, and the Sugar-Illands.
The town lies in the form of an half-moon,
round the harbour, and conſiſting of about 4000
houſes,

PETER WILLIAMS ON.
41
houſes, muſt make an agreeable proſpect; the fur-
rounding fhore being high, the ſtreets long, and
the buildings beautiful
. The pavement is kept in
ſo good order, that to gallop a horſe on it is 35. 4.d.
forfeit. The number of inhabitants is computed
at about 24,000.
There are eight churches, the chief of which is
called the Church of England-church; beſides the
Baptiſt-meeting, and the Quakers meeting.
The converſation in this town is as polite as in moſt
of the cities and towns in England. A gentleman
of London would fancy himſelf at home at Boſton,
when he obſerves the number of people, their furni-
ture, their tables, and dreſs, which perhaps is as fplen-
did and flowy as that of moft tradefmen in London.
In this city, learning military diſcipline, and wait-
ing for an opportunity of carrying our ſchemes into
execution, we lay till the firſt of July; during all
which time, great outrages and devaſtations were
committed by the favages in the back parts of the
province. One initance of which, in particular, I
thall relate, as being concerned in rewarding, ac-
cording to deſert, the wicked authors thereof.
Joſeph Long, Eſq. a gentleman of a large fortune
in theſe parts, who had in his time been a great
warrior among the Indians, and frequently joined
in expeditions with thoſe in our intereſt, againſt the
others. His many exploits, and great influence a-
mong ſeveral of the nations, were too well known
to paſs unrevenged by the favages againſt whom he
had exerted his abilities. Accordingly, in April
1756, a body of them came down on his planta-
tion, about 30 miles from Boſton, and fkulking in
the woods for fome time, at laſt ſeized an oppor-
tunity to attack his houſe, in which, unhappily
proving ſucceſsful, they fcalped, mangled, and cut
to pieces, the unfortunate gentleman, his wife, and
nine ſervants; and then made a general conflagra-
tion
a
D 3

42
THE LIFE OF
tion of his houſes, barns, cattle, and every thing
he pofſeffed, which, with the mangled bodies, were
all conſumed in one blaze. But his more unfortu-
nate fon and daughter were made priſoners, and
carried off by them, to be reſerved for greater tor-
tures. Alarmned and terrified at this inhuman but-
chery, the neighbourhood, as well as the people of
Boſton, quickly affembled themſelves, to think of
proper meaſures to be revenged on theſe execrable
monſters. Among the firſt of thoſe who offered
themſelves to go againſt the favages, was James
Crawford, Eſq. who was then at Boſton, and heard
of this tragedy; he was a young gentleman who
had, for ſome years, paid his addreſſes to Miſs Long,
and was in a very little time to have been married
to her. Diſtracted, raving, and ſhocked as he was,
he loſt no time, but inſtantly raiſed 100 reſciute
and bold young fellows, to go in queſt of the vil-
lains. As I had been ſo long among them, and
was pretty well acquainted with their manners and
cuſtoms, and particularly their ſkulking places in
the woods, I was recommended to him as one pro-
per for his expedition, he immediately applied to
my officers, and got liberty for me. Never did I go
on any enterpriſe with half that alacrity and chear-
fulneſs I now went with this party. My wrongs
and ſufferings were too recent in my memory, to
ſuffer me to heſitate a moment in taking an oppor-
tunity of being revenged to the utmoſt of my power.
Being quickly armed and provided, we haftened
forward for Mr. Long's plantation on the 29th, and
after travelling the moſt remote and intricate paths
through the woods, arrived there the 2d of May,
dubious of our ſucceſs, and almoſt deſpairing of
meeting with the favages, as we had heard nor could
diſcover nothing of them in our march. In the af-
ternoon, fome of our men being ſent to the top of
a hill to look out for them, foon perceived a great
ſmoke

PETER WILLIAMSON. 43
ſmoke in a part of the low grounds. This we im-
mediately, and rightly conjectured, to proceed from
a fire made by them. We accordingly put ourſelves
into regular order, and marched forwards, reſolving,
let their number have been what it might, to give
them battle.
Arriving within a mile of the place, Captain -
Crawford, whoſe anxiety and pain made him
quicker fighted than any of the reſt, ſoon perceived
them, and gueffed their number to be about so.
Upon this we halted, and fecreted ourfelves as well
as we could, till 12 o'clock at night. At which
time, ſuppoſing them to be at reſt, we divided our
men into two diviſions, 50 in each, and marched
on; when coming within twenty yards of them,
the captain fired his gun, which was immediately
followed by both divifions in fucceffion, who in-
ſtantly ruſhing on them with bayonets fixed, killed
every man of them.
Great as our joy was, and fluſhed with ſucceſs
as we were at this ſudden victory, no heart among
us but was ready to burſt at the ſight of the unhap-
py young lady. What muſt the thoughts, torments,
and ſenſations of our brave captain then be, if even
we, who knew her not, were fo fenſibly affected !
For, oh! what breaſt, though of the brutal favage
race we had juſt deſtroyed, could, without feeling
the moſt exquiſite grief and pain, behold in ſuch
infernal power, a lady in the bloom of youth, bleft
with every female accompliſhment that could ſet off
the moſt exquiſite beauty! Beauty, which rendered
her the envy of her own ſex, and the delight of
ours, enduring the ſeverity of a windy, rainy night!
Behold one nurtured in the moſt tender manner,
and by the moſt indulgent parents, quite naked, and
in the open woods, encircling with her alabaſter
arms and hands, a cold rough tree, whereto ſhe was
bound, with cords ſo ſtraitly pulled, that the blood
trickled

44
THE LIFE OF
trickled from her finger-ends! Her lovely tender
body, and delicate limbs, cut, bruiſed, and torn with
ftones, and boughs of trees, as ſhe had been dragged
along, and all beſmeared with blood! What heart
can even now, unmoved, think of her diftreſs, in
ſuch a deplorable condition; having no creature,
with the leaſt ſenſations of humanity, near to fuc-
cour or relieve her, or even pity or regard her flow-
ing tears, and lamentable wailings !
The very remembrance of the fight has, at this
inſtant, ſuch an effect upon me, that I almoſt want
words to go on. Such then was the condition in
which we found this wretched fair, but faint and
fpeechleſs with the ſhock our firing had given her
tender frame. The captain, for a long time, could
do nothing but gaze upon and claſp her to his bo-
fom, crying, raving, and tearing his hair like one
bereft of his ſenſes ; nor did he for ſome time per-
ceive the lifeleſs condition ſhe was in, until one of
the men had untied her lovely mangled arms, and
ſhe fell to the ground. Finding among the villains
plunder, the unhappy lady's clothes, he gently put
fome of them about her; and after various trials,
and much time fpent, recovered her diflipated fpi-
rits, the repoffeffion of which the firſt manifefted
by eagerly fixing her eyes on her dear deliverer, and
ſmiling, with the moſt complaiſant joy, blefled the
Almighty, and him, for her miraculons deliverance.
During this pleafing, painful interview, our men
were buſily employed, in cutting, hacking, and
fcalping the dead Indians; and fo deſirous was
every man to have a ſhare in wreaking his revenge
on them, that diſputes happened among ourſelves,
who ſhould be the inſtruments of further ſhewing it
on their lifeleſs trunks, there not being enough for
every man to have one wherewith to fatiate himſelf:
The captain obſerving the animoſity between us, on
this occafion, ordered, that the two diviſions ſhould
cait

PETER WILLIAMSON.
45
caſt lots for this bloody, though agreeable piece of
work: which being accordingly done, the party,
whoſe lot it was to be excluded from this buſineſs,
ftood by with half-pleaſed countenances, looking on
the reſt; who, with the utmoſt chearfulneſs and
activity, purſued their revenge, in fcalping, and
otherwiſe treating their dead bodies as the moſt in-
veterate hatred and deteftation could fuggeft.
The work being done, we thought of ſteering
homewards triumphant with the so fcalps ; but
how to get the lady forwards, who was in ſuch a
condition as rendered her incapable of walking fur-
ther, gave us ſome pain, and retarded us a little,
until we made a ſort of carriage to feat her on;
and then, with the greateſt readineſs, we took our
turns, four at a time, and carried her along. This,
in ſome meaſure, made the captain chearful, who
all the way endeavoured to comfort and revive his
deſponding afflicted miſtreſs: but, alas ! in vain, for
the miſeries ſhe had lately felt, and the terrible fate
of her poor brother, of whom I doubt not but the
tender-hearted reader is anxious to hear, rendered
even her moſt pleaſing thoughts, notwithſtanding
his foothing words, corroding and inſufferable.
The account ſhe gave of their diſaſtrous fate and
dire cataſtrophe, beſides what I have already men-
tioned, was, that the favages had no fooner ſeen all
conſumed, but they hurried off with her and her
brother, puſhing, and ſometimes dragging them on,
for four or five miles, when they ſtopt ; and ſtrip-
ping her naked, treated her in a ſhocking manner,
whilft others were ſtripping and cruelly whipping
her unhappy brother. After which, they, in the
fame manner, purſued their journey, regardleſs of
the tears, prayers, or entreaties of this wretched
pair ; but with the moſt infernal pleaſure, laughed
and rejoiced at the calamities and diſtreſſes they had
brought them to, and ſaw them ſuffer, until they
arrived

46
THE LIFE OF
arrived at the place we found them; where they
had that day butehered her beloved brother in the
following execrable and cruel manner: They firſt
(caiped him alive, and after mocking his agonizing
groans and torments, for ſome hours, ripped open
his belly, into which they put ſplinters, and chips
of pine-trees, and ſet fire thereto; the ſame con
account of the turpentine wherewith theſe trees
abound) burnt with great quickneſs and fury for a
little time, during which, he remained in a manner
alive, as ſhe could ſometimes perceive him to move
his head, and groan. They then piled a great quan-
tity of wood all around his body, and conſumed it
to aſhes.
Thus did theſe barbarians put an end to the be-
ing of this unhappy young gentleman, who was
only 22 years of age when he met his calamitous
fate. She continued her relation, by acquainting
us, that the next day was to have ſeen her periſh in
the like manner, after ſuffering worſe than even
ſuch a terrible death, the fatisfying theſe diabolical
miſcreants in their brutal luſt. But it pleaſed the
Almighty to permit us to reſcue her, and entirely
extirpate this crew of devils !
Marching eaſily on her account, we returned to
the captain's plantation the 6th of May, where, as
well as at Boſton, we were joyfully, received, and
rewarded handſomely for the ſcalps of thoſe ſavages
we had brought with us. Mr. Crawford and Miſs
Long were foon after married; and, in gratitude to
the ſervices we had done them, the whole party
invited to the wedding, and nobly entertained; but
no riotous or noiſy mirth was allowed, the young
lady, as we may well imagine, being ſtill under
great affliction, and in a weak ſtate of health.
Nothing further material, that I now remember,
happened during my fay at Bolton; to proceed,
therefore,
were

PETER WILLIAMSON.
47
therefore, with the continuation of our intended
expedition.
On the 1ſt of July, the regiment began their march
for Oſwego. The 21ſt we arrived at Albany, in
New York, through Cambridge, Northampton, and
Hadfield, in New England. From thence, marching
about twenty miles farther, we encamped near the
mouth of the Mohawk river, by a town called
Schenectady, not far from the Endleſs Mountains.
Here did we lie ſome time, until batteaux (a fort of
fiat-bottomed boats, very ſmall, and ſharp at both
ends) could be got to carry our ſtores and proviſions
to Oſwego; each of which would contain about fix
barrels of pork, or in proportion thereto. Two
men belonged to every batteaux, who made uſe of
ftrong ſcutting poles, with iron at the ends, to pre-
vent their being too ſoon deſtroyed by the ſtones in
the river (one of the fources of the Ohio), which
abounded with many, and large ones, and in ſome
places was ſo ſhallow, that the men were forced to
wade and drag their batteaux after them. Which,
together with ſome cataracts, or great falls of wa-
ter, rendered this duty very hard and fatiguing, not
being able to travel more than ſeven or eight Eng-
liſh miles a-day, until they came to the Great car-
rying place, at Wood's Creek, where the proviſions
and batteaux were taken out, and carried about four
miles to Alliganey, or Ohio great river, that runs
quite to Ofwego, to which place General Shirley
got with part of the forces, on the 8th of Auguſt;
but Colonel Mercer with the remainder, did not ar-
rive until the 31ſt. Here we found Colonel Schuyler
with his regiment of New Jerſey provincials, who
had arrived there ſome time before, A ſhort de-
fcription of a place which has afforded ſo much oc-
caſion for animadverſion, may not here be altogether
diſagreeable to thoſe unacquainted with our fettle-
ments in that part of the world.
Oſwego

48
THE LIFE OF
Oſwego is ſituated N. lat. 43 deg. 20 min. near
the mouth of the river Onondago, on the ſouth ſide
of the lake Ontario, or Cataraquie. There was ge-
nerally a fort and conſtant garriſon of regular troops.
kept before our arrival. In the proper ſeaſons, a fair
for the Indian trade is kept here: Indians of above
twenty different nations have been obſerved here at
a time. The greateſt part of the trade between Ca-
nada and the Indians of the Great Lakes, and fome
parts of the Miſlflippi, paſs near this fort; the near-
eft and ſafeſt way of carrying goods upon this lake
being along the ſouth ſide of it. The diſtance from
Albany to Oſwego fort is about 300 miles weſt ; to
render which march more comfortable, we inet
with many good farms and ſettlements by the way.
The Outawaes, a great and powerful nation, living
upon the Outawae river, which joins the Catarique
river (the out-let of the great lake), deal confider-
ably with the New York trading houfes here.
The different nations trading to Oſwego are diſ-
tinguiſhable by the variety and different faſhions of
their canoes; the very remote Indians are clothed
in ſkins of various forts, and have all fire-arms;
fome come ſo far north as Port Nelſon in Hudſon's
Bay, N. lat. 57 deg. and fome from the Cherokees
weſt of South Carolina, in N. lat. 32 deg. This
feems indeed to be a vaſt extent of inland water
carriage, but it is only for canoes and the ſmalleſt
of craft.
Nor will it in this place be improper to give ſome
account of our friends in thoſe parts, whom we call
the Mohawks, viz. The Iroquois, commonly called
the Mohawks, the Oneiadaes, the Onondagues, the
Cayugaes, and the Senekaes. in all accounts they
are lately called the Six nations of the New York
Friendly Indians; the Tuſcararoes, ftragglers from
the old Tuſcararoes of North Carolina, lately are
reckoned as the fixth.--I ſhall here reckon them
as

PETER WILLIAMSON.
49
as I have been informed they were formerly. 1. The
Mohawks: they live upon the Mohawk's or Sche-
nectady river, and head, or lie north of New York,
Penſylvania, Maryland, and ſome part of Virginia ;
having a caſtle or village, weſtward from Albany
40 miles, and another 65 miles weſt, and about 160
fencible men.
2. The Oneiadaes, about 80 miles
from the Mohawk's ſecond village, conſiſting of
about 200 fighting men. 3. The Onondagues, about
25 miles further (the famous Oſwego, a trading
place on the lake Ontario, is in their country), con-
fiſting of about 250 men. 4. The Cayuages, about
70 miles further, of about 130 men: And, 5.
The
Senekaes, who reach a great way down the river
Suſquehana, conſiſt of about 700 marching, fight-
ing men: ſo that the fighting men of the five or
fix nations of Mohawks may be reckoned at 1500
men, and extend from Albany, weſt 400 miles, ly-
ing in about 30 tribes or governments.
Beſides
theſe, there is ſettled above Montreal, which lies
N. E. of Oſwego, a tribe of ſcoundrels, runaways
from the Mohawks: they are called Kahnuages,
conſiſting of about eighty men.—This ſhort ac-
count of thefe nations I think neceſſary to make
the Engliſh reader acquainted with, as I may have
occaſion to mention things concerning ſome of
them.
It may not be improper here alſo, to give a ſuccinct
detail of the education, manners, religion, &c. of
the natives. The Indians are born tolerably white;
but they take a great deal of pains to darken their
complexion, by anointing themfelves with greafe,
and lying in the fun. Their features are good, er
ſpecially thoſe of the women. Their limbs clean,
ſtraight, and well proportioned, and a crooked and
deformed perſon is a great rarity among them.
They are very ingenious in their way, being neither
ſo ignorant, nor ſo innocent, as fome people ima-
#
gine:

50
THE LIFE OF
gine: On the contrary, a very underſtanding gene.
ration are they, quick of apprehenfion, ſudden in
difpatch, fubtle in their dealings, exquiſite in their
inventions, and in labour aſſiduous : The world has
no better markſmen with guns, or bows and arrows,
than the natives, who can kill birds flying, fiſhes
ſwimming, and wild beaſts running; nay, with ſuch
prodigious force do they diſcharge their arrows, that
one of them will ſhoot a man quite through, and
nail both his arms to his body with the ſame arrow.
As to their religion, in order to reconcile the dif-
ferent accounts exhibited by travellers, we muſt
ſuppoſe that different tribes may have different no-
tions, and different rites: and though I do not think
myſelf capable of determining the caſe with the
preciſion and accuracy i could wiſh; yet, 'with
what I have collected from my own obſervation
when among them, and the information of my broe
ther-captives, who have been longer converſant
with the Indians than I was, I ſhall readily give
the public all the fatisfaction I can.
Some aſſure us the indians worſhip the images of
fome inferior deities, whoſe anger they ſeem to
dread; on which account the generality of our tra-
vellers denominate the objects of their devotion, de-
vils; though at the ſame time it is allowed they pray
to their inferior deities for ſucceſs in all their under-
takings, for plenty of food, and other neceſſaries of
life. It appears too, that they acknowledge one Su.
preme Being; but him they adore not, becauſe they
believe he is too far exalted above them, and too
happy in himſelf, to be concerned about the trifling
affairs of poor mortals. They ſeem alſo to believe
a future ſtate, and that, after death, they will be
removed to their friends who have gone before
them, to an Elyfium or Paradiſe beyond the Weſtern
Mountains : others again, allow them either no re-
ligion

PETER WILLIAMSON.
51
a
ligion at all, or, at moſt, very faint ideas of a deity;
but all agree that they are extravagantly ſuperſti-
tious, and exceedingly afraid of evil ſpirits. To
theſe demons they make oblations every new moon,
for the ſpace of ſeven days; during which time,
they caft lots, and facrifice one of themſelves, put-
ting the perfon devoted to the moſt exquiſite miſery
they can invent, in order to ſatisfy the devil for that
moon; for they think if they pleaſe but the evil
fpirit, God will do them no hurt.
Certain however it is, that thoſe Indians, whom
the French prieſts have had an opportunity of mi-
niſtering unto, are induced to believe, “ That the
6 Son of God came into the world to ſave all
" mankind, and deſtroy all evil ſpirits that now
« trouble them; that the Engliſh have killed him ;
« and that ever ſince, the evil ſpirits are permitted
e to walk on the earth: that if the Engliſ: were
o ali deſtroyed, the Son of the Good Man, who is
“ God, would come again, and baniſh all evil ſpi-
“ rits from their lands, and then they would have
nothing to fear or diſturb them.” Cajoled by
theſe falſe but artful inſinuations of the French Jea
fuits, the Indians from that time, have endeavoured
to maſſacre all the Engliſh, in order that the Son of
God might come again on the earth, and rid them
from their flaviſh fears and terrible apprehenſions,
by exterminating the objects thereof.
Being now at Oſwego, the principal object that
gave at that time any concern to the Americans, I
ihall, before I continue my own account, give a
fhort recital of what had been done in theſe parts,
in regard to the defence and preſervation of the
fort and the colonies thereabouts, before I came,
upon ſuch authorities as I
got
from thoſe who had
been long at Oſwego, and I can well depend upon
for truth.
E 2
General

52
THE LIFE OF
General Shirley, in 1754, having erected two
niew forts on the river Onondaga, it ſeemed pro-
bable, that he intended to winter at Oſwego with
his army, that he might the more readily proceed to
action in the enſuing ſpring. What produced his
inactivity afterwards, and how it was, that fort Or-
wego was not taken by the French in the ſpring
1755, are things my penetration will not enable me
to diſcuſs. But Ofwego is now loft, and would have
been ſo in the ſpring of 1755, if more important
affairs had not made the French neglect it. At this
time the garriſon of Oſwego confifted only of 100
men, under Captain King. The old fort being their
only protection, which mounted only eight four
pounders, was incapable of defence, becauſe it was
commanded by an eminence directly croſs a narrow
river, the banks of which were covered with thick
wood.
In May 1755, Oſwego being in this condition,
and thus garriſoned; thirty French batteaux were
ſeen to paſs, and two days after, eleven more; each
batteau (being much larger than ours) containing
fifteen men; ſo this flect conſiſted of near 600
men: A force, which, with a fingle mortar, might
foon have taken poffeffion of the place,
A reſolution was now taken to make the fort
larger, and erect ſome new ones; to build veſſels
upon the lake; to increaſe the garriſon; and pro-
vide every thing neceflary to annoy the enemy, fo
as they might render the place tenable. Captain
Broadſtreet arriving on the 27th of May at the fort,
with two companies, ſome ſmall fwivel-guns, and
the firſt parcel of workmen, made fome imagine
that a ſtop would be put to the French in their car-
rying men in fight of the garriſon; yet they ſtill
permitted eleven more French batteaux to paſs by,
though we were then ſuperior to them in theſe
boats, or at leaſt in number. The reaſon our forces
could

PETER WILLIAMSON. 53
could not attack them, was, becauſe they were four
miles in the offing, on board large vefſels, in which
the ſoldiers could ſtand to fire without being over-
ſet; and our batteaux, in which we muſt have at..
tacked them, were ſo ſmall, that they would contain
only fix men each, and ſo tickliſh, that the inadvert-
ent motion of one man would overſet them. Νο.
care, however, was taken to provide larger boats
againſt another emergency of the ſame kind. At
Oſwego, indeed, it was impracticable for want of
iron work; ſuch being the provident forecaſt of thoſe
who had the management of affairs, that though there
were ſmiths enough, yet there was, at this place,
but one pair of bellows, ſo that the firſt accident
that ſhould happen to that neceſſary inſtrument,
wonld ſtop all the operations of the forge at once.
The beginning of June, the fhip-carpenters ar-
rived from Boſton, and on the 28th of the ſame
month, the firſt veſſel w ever had on the lake On-
tario was launched and fitted out: She was
ſchooner, 40 feet in the keel, had 14 oars, and 12
ſwivel-guns. This vefſel, and 320 men, was all the
force we had at Oſwego, the beginning of July, and
was victualled at the expence of the province of
New-York. Happy indeed it was, that the colony
proviſions were there ; for ſo little care had been
taken to get the king's proviſions ſent up, that,
when we arrived, we muſt have periſhed with fa-
mine, had not we found a ſupply, which we had
little reaſon to expect.
About the middle of July, an attack was again
expected, when we (the forces under General Shir-
ley) were ſtill near 300 miles diſtant. And, if the
attack, had then been made, with the force the ene-
my was known to have had at hand, it muſt, for
the reaſon I have juſt before given, have fallen into
their poffeffion.
Such
a
E3

54
THE LIFE OF
a
Such was the ſtate of Oſwego, when we arrived
there: Where we had been but a ſmall time before
proviſions began to be very ſcarce; and the King's
allowance being ſtill delayed, the provincial ſtores
were foon exhauſted, and we were in danger of be-
ing foon familhed, being on leſs than half allow-
ance.
The men being likewiſe worn out, and fa-
tigued with the long march they had ſuffered, and
being without rum (or allowed none at leaſt), and
other proper nutriment, many fell fick of the flux, ,
and died; fo that our regiment was greatly reduced
in fix weeks time: A party that we left at the im.
portant carrying place, at Wood's Creek, being ab-
folutely obliged to defert it for want of neceffaries.
Sickneſs, death, and defertion, had at length ſo
far reduced us, that we had ſcarce men enough to
perform duty, and protect thoſe that were daily at
work. The Indians keeping a ſtrict look-out, rella
dered every one who paſſed the out-guards, or cen.
tinels, in danger of being fcalped or murdered. To
prevent confequences like theſe, a captain's guard of
fixty men, with two lieutenants, two ſerjeants, two
corporals, and one drum, beſides two flank-guards
of a ferjeant, corporal, and twelve men in each,
were daily mounted, and did duty as well as able.
Scouting parties were likewiſe ſent out every day;
but the fickneſs ſtill continuing, and having 300
men at work, we were obliged to lefſen our guards,
till General Pepperel's regiment joined us.
A little diligence being now made uſe of, about
the middle of September, four other veflels were
got ready, viz. a decked floop of eight guns, four
pounders, and 30 ſwivels; a decked ſchooner, eight
guns, four pounders, and twenty-eight ſwivels; one
undecked ſchooner of fourteen ſwivels, and four-
teen oars, and another of twelve ſwivels, and four-
teen oars; about 150 tons each.
On

PETER WILLIAMSON.
55
On the 24th of O&ober, with this armament, and
a conſiderable number of batteaux, which were too
ſmall to live upon the lake in moderate weather, we
were preparing to attack Niagara; though (not-
withſtanding we had taken all the proviſions we
could find in Oſwego, and had left the garriſon be-
hind, with ſcarce enough for three days) the fleet
had not provifions fufficient on board, to carry them
within fight of the enemy, and fupplies were not to
be got, within 300 miles of the plaee we were going
againſt. However, the impracticability of fucceed-
ing in an expedition, undertaken without victuals,
was diſcovered time enough to prevent our march,
or embarkation, or whatever it
may be called; but
not before nine batteaux, laden with officers bag-
gage, were ſent forwards, four men in each bat-
teau ; in one of which it was my lot to be. The
men being weak, and in low ſpirits, with continual
harafling and low feeding, rendered our progreſs
very tedious and difficult; add to this the places
we had to paſs and aſcend; for, in many parts, the
cataracts, or falls of water, which defcended near
the head of the river Onondaga (in fome places
near 100 feet perpendicular), rendered it almoſt
impoflible for us to proceed; for the current run-
ning from the bottom, was ſo rapid, that the ef-
forts of twenty or thirty men were ſometimes re-
quired to drag the boats along, and eſpecially to
get them up the hills or cataracts, which we were
forced to do with ropes: Sometimes, when, with
great labour and difficulty, we had got them up, we
carried them by land near a quarter of a mile, be-
fore we came to any water. In fhort, we found
four men to a batteau inſufficient; for the men be-
longing to one batteau were fo fatigued and worn
out, that they could not manage her, ſo that ſhe lay
behind almoſt a league.
The

56
THE LIFE OF
The captain that was with us, obſerving this, as
foon as we had got the others over the moſt diffi-
cult falls, ordered two beſides myſelf to go and help
her forwards. Accordingly I got into her, in order
to ſteer her, whilſt my two comrades and her own
crew dragged her along. When we got to any ca-
taracts, I remained in her to faſten the ropes, and
keep all fafe, whilſt they hauled her up; but draw-
ing her to the ſummit of the laſt cataract, the ropes
gave way, and down ſhe fell into a very rapid and
boiſterous ſtream; where, not being able by myſelf
to work her, ſhe ftove to pieces on a ſmall rock, on
which ſome part of her remaining till morning, I
miraculouſly ſaved myſelf. Never was my life in
greater danger than in this ſituation; the night be-
ing quite dark, and no aſliſtance to be obtained
from any of my comrades; though many of them,
as I afterwards learned, made diligent fearch for
me; but the fall of the water rendered the noiſe
that they, as well as myſelf, made, to be heard by
one another, quite ineffectual.
In the morning they, indeed, found me, but in a
wretched condition, quite benumbed, and al-
moſt dead with cold, having nothing on but my
ſhirt
After various efforts, having with great difficulty
got me up, they uſed all proper means to recover
my worn-out ſpirits; but the fire had a fatal effect
to what they intended, for my fleſh ſwelled all over
my body and limbs, and cauſed ſuch a deprivation
of my fenfes, that I fainted, and was thought by all
to be dead. However, after ſome time, they pretty
well recovered my ſcattered ſenſes, and fatigued bo-
dy, and with proper care conducted me, with fome
others (who were weak and ill of the flux), to Al-
bany, where the hoſpital received our poor debili-
tated bodies.
The

PETER WILLIAMSON
57
a
The reſt, not able to proceed, or being counter-
manded, bent their courſe back again to Oſwego;
where, a friendly ſtorm preventing an embarka-
tion, when a ſtock of proviſions was got together
(ſufficient to prevent them from eating one another,
during the firſt twelve days), all thoughts of attack-
ing Niagara were laid aſide.
Thus ended this formidable campaign. The vef
ſels that we had built (as I afterwards learned) were
unrigged and laid up, without having been put to
any uſe; while a French veſſel was cruiſing on the
Lake, and carrying ſupplies to Niagara, without
interruption ; five others, as large as ours, being al-
ſo ready to launch at Frontenac, which lies acroſs
the lake Ontario, north of Oſwego.
The General, whatever appearances might have
led others, as well as myſelf, to think otherwiſe,
foon indicated his intention of not wintering at Or-
wego; for he left the place before the additional
works were completed, and the garriſon, by in-
ſenſible degrees, decreaſed; the 1100 men ſtill liv-
ing in perpetual terror, on the brink of famine,
and become mutinous for want of their pay;
which, in the burry of military buſineſs, during a
year that was crowned with great events, had been
forgotten: for, from my first inlifting, to the time
I was laid up at Albany, I never had received above
fix weeks pay.
A little, indeed, may be offered in vindication of
the General, in regard to the numberleſs delays of
this campaign; viz. That it took ſome time to raiſe
the two regiments which were in Britiſh pay, as
the name of inliſting for life is ſomewhat forbid-
ding to the Americans (a few of whom, as well as
myſelf, made our agreement for three years; but
after that time, I doubt, we muſt have depended on
his pleaſure for our being diſcharged, according to
our contract, had it not fallen out otherwiſe). The
unuſual

58
THE LIFE OF
unuſual drynefs of the fumıner rendered the rivers
down to Oſwego in ſome places impaffable, or very
difficult for the batteaux to proceed, and it was
whiſpered, that a gentleman, lately in an eminent
ſtation in New York, did all in his power
to hin,
der the undertaking, from a pique to the General.
By theſe diſadvantages, he was detained at Albany
till Auguft; and even when he did reach Oſwego,
he found himſelf put to no little difficulty to main-
tain his ground for want of proviſions: and the
men being ſo reduced, more than once, to ſhort al.
lowance, as you have ſeen, became troubled with
the flux, and had not any thing neceffary; not even
rum fufficient for the common men, to prevent the
fatal effects of that diſorder.
In this manner the ſummer was ſpent on our
fide; and the reaſon why the French did not this
year take Oſwego, when they might, with fo little
trouble, was, as many beſide myſelf conjectured,
that they thought it more their intereſt, to purſue
their projects on the Ohio, and preſerve the friend
ſhip of the confidential Indians; which an attack
upon Oſwego, at that time, would have deſtroyed.
How far they ſucceeded in ſuch their projects,
and the reaſon of their ſucceſſes, a little animad-
verſion on our own tranſactions will let us into the
light of. For, as appearances on our ſide were
very
favourable in the ſpring; General Braddock's
defeat greatly increaſed the gloom, which fat on the
countenances of the Americans.
Great things being expected from him, he arriv-
ed early in the ſpring at Virginia, with a conſider-
able land-force; and Fort du Queſne ſeemed to be
ours,
if did but
go
and demand it. The attacks
deſigned againſt Niagara, and Fort Frederick, at
Crown point, were planned in the winter, and the
troops employed againſt the French in Nova Sco-
tia, embarked at Boſton in April. Let us view the
events,
a
we

PETER WILLIAMSON.
59
events, beſides thoſe already mentioned. General
Braddock was ready to march in April. But
through ignorance or neglect, or a miſunderſtand-
ing with the governor of Virginia, had, neither
freſh provifions, horſes, nor waggons provided ;
and ſo late as the latter end of May, it was neceſ-
fary to apply to Penſylvania, for the moſt part of
thoſe. This neglect created a moſt pernicious diffi-
dence and difcredit of the Americans, in the mind
of the General, and prevented their uſefulneſs,
where their advice was wanted, and produced very
bad effects. He was a man (as it is now too well
known and believed) by no means of quick appre-
henſion, and could not conceive that ſuch a people
could inftru&t him; and his young counſellors pre-
judiced him ftill more, ſo as to flight his officers,
and what was worſe, his enemy; as it was treated
as an abſurdity to ſuppoſe the Indians would ever
attack regulars : And, of courſe, no care was taken
to inſtruct the men, to reſiſt their peculiar manner
of fighting. Had this circumſtance been attended
to, I ann fully perſuaded 400 Indians, about the
number that defeated him, would have given him
very little annoyance : Sure I am, 400 of our
people, rightly managed, would have made no diffi-
culty of driving before them four times that hand.
ful, to whom he owed his defeat and death.
The undertaking of the eaſtern provinces, to re-
duce the fort at Crown Point, met that fate which
the jarring councils of a divided people commonly
meet with; for though the plan was concerted in
the winter of 1754, it was Auguſt before theſe
petty governments could bring together their
troops. In ſhort, it muſt be owned by all, that
delays were the banes of our undertakings, except
in the Bay of Fundi, in Nova Scotia, where ſecrecy
and expedition were rewarded with ſucceſs, and
that province reduced.
The

6o
THE LIFE OF
The General continued inactive, from the time
he left Oſwego, to March 1756, when he was about
to reſume the execution of his ſcheme to attack
Frontenac and Niagara. What would have been
the iflue of this project, neither myſelf, nor any
other perſon, can now pretend to ſay, for, juſt at
this criſis, he received orders from England to at-
tempt nothing, till Lord Louden ſhould arrive, which
was ſaid ſhould be early in the ſpring. However,
his Lordſhip did not get there until the middle of
July, ſo that by this delay, time was given to the
Marquis de Montcalm (Major General Dieſkau's
fucceffor) to arrive from France at Canada with 3000
regular forces, and take the field before us.
But to return from this digreſſion to other tranf-
actions. When I was pretty well recovered again,
I embarked on board a veſſel from Albany for New
York; where, when I arrived, I found to my ſor-
row, Captain John Shirley, the General's fon, had
been dead for ſome time. He was a very promiſing,
worthy, young gentleman, and univerſally regret-
ted. His company was given to Major James Kin-
nair, who ordered, that none of his men ſhould go
out on the recruiting parties, as was at firſt intend-
ed by his predeceffor ; but that the private men
ſhould either return to Oſwego, or do duty in the
fort at New York. Not liking my ſtation here, I
entreated the General, who was now arrived, for a
furlough, to ſee my friends at Penſylvania, which he
having then 110 great occafion for me at New York,
granted for three months.
As I have here mentioned New York, and before
given a ſhort account of the two cities, Philadelphia
and Boſton, it would be a diſreſpect fhown to this
elegant one not to take notice of it, as well as, in
ſome meaſure, debarring the reader from ſuch in-
formation as may not be diſagreeable; but not being
of

PETER WILLIAMSON. 61
a
of that note or conſequence with the others, I fhall
briefly obferve; that,
New York is a very fine city, and the capital of
the province of that name; it contains about 3000
houſes, and near gooo inhabitants. The houſes are
all well built, and the meaneſt of them ſaid to be
worth 100l. Sterling, which cannot be ſaid of the
city of the ſame name, nor of any other in England.
Their converſation is polite, and their furniture,
dreſs, and manner of living, quite elegant. In
drinking and gallantry they exceed any city in
America.
The great church is a very handſome edifice, and
built in 1695. Here is alſo a Dutch church, a French
church, and a Lutheran church. The inhabitants
of Dutch extraction make a conſiderable part of the
town, and moſt of them ſpeak Engliſh.
Having obtained my furlough, I immediately fet
out for Penſylvania, and arriving at Philadelphia,
found the confternation and terror of the inhabitants
was greatly increaſed to what it was when I left
them. They had made ſeveral treaties of friend-
ſhip with the Indians, who, when well fupplied
with arms, ammunition, clothes, and other necef-
faries, through the pacific meaſures, and defence-
leſs ſtate of the Philadelphians, foon revolted to the
French, and committed great outrages on the back
parts of the province, deſtroying and mafſacring
men, women, and children, and every thing that
unhappily lay in their way.
A few inſtances of which, together with the be-
haviour of the Philadelphians on theſe occaſions, I
fhall here preſent the reader with, who, of what-
ever ſect or profeſſion, I am well afſured, muſt con-
demn the pacific diſpoſition, and private factions,
that then reigned, not only in the a--y, bat a-
-y
mong the magiſtrates themſelves; who were a long
time before they could agree on proper petitions,
F
to

62
THE LIFE OF
a
to rouſe the aſſembly from the lethargic and inactive
condition they abſolutely remained in.
For, about the middle of October, a large body of
Indians, chiefly Shawonoefe, Delawares, &c. fell up-
on this province from ſeveral quarters, almoſt at
the fame inftant, murdering, burning, and laying
waſte all wherever they came; fo that in the five
counties of Cumberland, York, Lancaſter, Berks,
and Northampton, which compoſe more than half
the province, nothing but ſcenes of deſtruction and
deſolation were to be ſeen.
The damages which theſe counties had ſuſtained
by the defertion of plantations, is not to be reckon-
ed up, nor are the miſeries of the
poor
inhabitants
to be deſcribed; many of whom, though eſcaping
with life, were, without a moment's warning, driven
from theſe habitations, where they enjoyed every
neceſſary of life, and were then expoſed to all the
ſeverity of an hard winter, and obliged to folicit
their very bread at the cold hand of charity, or pe-
riſh with hunger, under the inclement air.
To theſe barbarities I have already mentioned, I
cannot paſs over the following, as introductory
cauſes of the Philadelphians at laſt withſtanding the
outrages of the barbarians.
At Gnadenhutten, a ſmall Moravian ſettlement in
Northampton county, the poor unhappy ſufferers
were fitting round their peaceful ſupper, when the
inbuman murderers, muffled in the ſhades of night,
dark and horrid as the infernal purpoſes of their dia-
bolic fouls, ftole upon them, butchered, fcalped
them, and conſumed their bodies, together with
their horſes, ſtock, and upwards of fixty head of fat
cattle (intended for the ſubſiſtence of the brethren
at Bethlehem), all in one general flame; ſo that
next morning furniſhed only a melancholy ſpec-
tacle of their mingled aſhes.
At

PETER WILLIAMSON. 63
3
J
At the Great Cove in Cumberland at Tulpehoc:
kin, in Berks, and in ſeveral other places, their
barbarities were ſtill greater, if poflible. Men,
women, children, and brute beaſts, ſhared one
common deſtruction; and where they were not
burnt to aſhes, their mangled limbs were found
promiſcuouſly ſtrewed upon the ground; thoſe ap-
pertaining to the human form ſcarce to be diſtint-
guiſhed from the brute !
But, of all the inſtances of the barbarities I heard
of in theſe parts, I could not help being moſt af-
fected with the following: One family, conſiſting
of the huſband, his wife, and a child only a few
hours old, were all found murdered and ſcalped in
this manner: The mother ſtretched on the bed,
with her new-born child horribly mangled and put
under her head for a pillow, while the huſband lay
on the ground hard by, with his belly ript up, and
kis bowels laid open.
In another place, a woman, with her fucking
child, finding that ſhe had fallen into the hands of
the enemy, fell flat on her face, prompted by the
ſtrong call of nature, to cover and ſhelter her inno-
cent child with her own body. The accurſed fa-
vage ruſhed from his lurking place, ſtruck her on
the head with his tomahawk, tore off her ſcalp, atid
ſcoured back into the woods, without obſerving
the child, being apprehenſive that he was diſcover-
ed.The child was found ſome time afterwards
under the body of its mother, and was then alive.
Many of their young women were carried by the
favages into captivity, reſerved perhaps for a worſe
fate than thoſe who ſuffered death in all its horrid
ſhapes; and no wonder, fince they were reſerved
by lavages, whoſe tender mercies might be counted
more cruel than their very cruelty itſelf.
Yet even during all this time, this province (had
things been properly ordered) need but, in compari-
F 2
fon
7

64.
THE LIFE OF
ſon to her ſtrength, have lifted her foot and cruſhed
all the Frejich force on their borders; but unuſed to
ſuch undertakings, and bound by 1101-reſiſting prin-
ciples from exerting her ſtrength, and involved in
diſputes with the proprietors, they ſtood ſtill, vain-
ly hoping the French would be fo moderate as to be
content with their victory over Braddock, or at leaſt
confine their attacks to Virginia : But they then
ſaw and felt all this was deluſion, and the barbari-
ties of the Indian parties headed by French officers :
Notwithftanding all which, they continued in domef-
tic debates, without a ſoldier in pay, or a penny in
the treaſury. In ſhort, if the enemy had then had
but 1500 men at the Ohio, and would have attempt-
ed it, no raſhneſs could have been perceived in their
marching down to the city of Philadelphia.
Thus ſtood our affairs on the ſide of the Ohio,
when an old captain of the warriors, in the intereſt
of the Philadelphians, and their ever faithful friend,
whoſe name was Scarooyada, alias Monokatoathy,
on the firſt notice of theſe misfortunes, came haſten-
ing to Philadelphia, together with Colonel Weiſer,
the provincial interpreter, and two other Indian
chiefs. Scarooyada immediately demanded an au-
dience of the ailembly, who were then fitting, to
whom he ſpoke in a very affecting manner.
His
ſpeeches being printed, and fold about Philadelphia,
I procured one of them, which was as follows:
<BRETHREN,
"We are once more come among you, and fin-
< cerely condole with you on account of the late
« bloodſhed, and the awful cloud that hangs over
you, and over us. Brethren, you may be un-
( doubtedly aſſured, that theſe horrid actions were
« committed by none of thoſe nations that have any
fellowſhip with us, but by certain falfe-hearted
« and treacherous brethren. It grieves us more
(than
6

PETER WILLIAMSON. 65
« than all our other misfortunes, that any of our
good friends, the Engliſh, fhould ſuſpect us of hav-
ing falſe hearts.
• BRETHREN,
* If you were not an infatuated people, we are
• 300 warriors firm to your intereſt; and, if you
are ſo unjuſt to us, as to retain
any
doubts of our
fincerity, we offer to put our wives, our children,
and all we have into your hands, to deal with them
as ſeemeth good to you, if we are found in the
leaſt to ſwerve from you. But, brethren, you
muſt ſupport and aſſiſt us, for we are not able to
fight alone againſt the powerful nations who are
coming againſt you; and you muſt this moment
reſolve, and give us an explicit anſwer what you
6 will do: For theſe nations have ſent to defre us,
as old friends, either to join them, or get out of
their way, and ſhift for ourſelves. Alas! bre-
thren, we are ſorry to leave you! We remember
the many tokens of your friendſhip to us: But
what ſhall we do? We cannot ſtand alone, and
you will not ſtand with us !
6
6
<BRETHREN,
• The time is precious. While we are here con-
fulting with you, we know not what may
be the
• fate of our brethren at home. We do therefore
once more invite and requeſt you to act like men,
• and be no longer as women, purſuing weak mea-
« fures that render your names deſpicable. If you
will
put the hatchet * into your hands, and ſend
cout a number of your young men in conjunction
with our warriors, and provide the neceffary
arms, ammunition, and proviſions, and likewiſe
• build fome ſtrong houſes for the protection of
* See the Note under Tomahawk, p. 17.
F3
6 our

66
THE LIFE OF
6
our old
men, women, and children, while we are
abſent in war, we ſhall ſoon wipe the tears from
your eyes,
and make theſe falfe-hearted brethren
repent their treachery and baſeneſs towards you,
6 and towards us.
• But we muſt at the ſame time folemnly aſſure
you, that if you delay any longer to act in còn.
junction with us, or think to put us off, as uſual,
(with uncertain hopes, you muſt not expect to ſee
our faces under this roof any more.
We muſt
• ſhift for our own ſafety, and leave you to the
mercy
of our enemies, as an infatuated people,
• upon whom we can have no longer depend-
( ence.
6
6
The tears ſtood in the old man's eyes, while he
delivered this laſt port; and no wonder, fince the
very being of his nation depended upon their join-
ing the enemy, or our enabling them immediately
to make head againft them.
It was ſome time, however, before the affembly
could be brought to conſent to any vigorous mea-
fures for their own defence. The back inhabita
ants loſt all patience at their conduct. Until at
length, the Governor exerted his utmoft power, and
procured the militia and money bills to paſs. By
virtue of the former, the freemen of the province
were enabled to form themſelves into companies,
and each company, by a majority of votes, by way
of ballot, to chufe its own officers, viz. a captain,
Jieutenant, and enſign ; who, if approved of, were
to be commiſſioned by the Governor. So that the
Philadelphians were at laſt permitted to raiſe and
arm themfelves in their own defence. They accord-
ingly formed themſelves into companies: the Go.
vernor figning to all gentlemen qualified, who had
been regularly ballotted, commillions for that pur-
poſe.
Captain

PETER WILLIAMSON. 67
Captain Davis was one of the firſt who had a
company, and, being deſirous of my ſervice, in or-
der to inſtruct the irregulars in their diſcipline, ob-
tained from the governor a certificate to indemnify
me from any puniſhment which might be adjudged
by the regiment to which I already belonged; for
without that, I had not gone. Our company, which
I
conſiſted of 100 men, was not completed until the
24th of December 1755; when, loſing no time,
we next morning marched from Philadelphia in
high ſpirits; reſolving to ſhew as little quarter to
the favages as they had to many of us.
Colonel Armſtrong had been more expeditious,
for he had raiſed 280 provincial irregulars, and
marched a little time before againſt the Ohio Mori-
ans; but of him more hereafter.
We arrived the 26th of December at Bethlehem,
in the forks of the river Delaware, where, being
kindly received by the Moravians, we loaded fix
waggons with provifions, and proceeded on to the
Appalachian Mountains, or Blue Hills, to a town
called Kennorton-head, which the Moravians had
deſerted on account of the Indians. Fifty of our
men, of whom I made one, were ordered before the
reſt, to ſee whether the town was deſtroyed or not.
Difpofing them to the beſt advantage, we marched
on till we came within five miles of the place,
which we found ſtanding entire.
Having a very uneven, rugged road to it, and not
above four men able to go a-breaſt, we were on a
fudden alarmed by the firing of the flank-guards,
which were a little in the rear of our van. The
ſavages briſkly returned their fire, and killed the
enſign and ten of the men, and wounded ſeveral
others.
Finding this, I being chief in command (having
acted as lieutenant, and received pay as ſuch from
my firſt entrance, for my trouble and duty in learn-
ing

68
THE LIFE OF
to
ing in the company) ordered the men to march on
with all expedition to the town, and all the
way
keep a running fire on the enemy, as they had
fallen on our rear.
We would have got there in very good order,
had it not been for a river we had to croſs, and the
weather being ſo exceſſively cold, our clothes froze
to our bodies as ſoon as we got out of the water.
However, with great difficulty we reached the town,
and got into the church with the loſs of 27 men.
There we made as good preparations for our de
fence as poſſibly we could, making a great fire of
the benches, feats, and what we could find therein,
to'dry our clothes; not eſteeming it the leaſt facris
lege or crime, upon ſuch an emergency.
The Indians ſoon followed us into the town, and
furrounding us, tried all methods to burn the church,
but our continual firing kept them off for about fix
hours, until our powder and ball were all expended,
In the night they fet feveral houſes on fire; and we,
dreading the conſequences of being detained there,
reſolved to make one bold effort, and puſh ourſelves
through the favage forces, which was accordingly
done with the moſt undaunted courage. The ene-
my fired continually on us during our retreat, and
killed many of our men, but in their confuſion ma-
ny of themſelves alfo ; it being ſo very dark that we
were not able to diſcern our own party; fo that on-
ly five of us kept together, and got into the woods ;
the reſt, whom we left behind, I doubt, fell facrifices
to the favages.
The night being ſo exceffive cold, and having but
few clothes with us out of the church, two of my
comrades froze to death, before we could reach
any inhabited place. In ſhort, we did not get any
relief till four o'clock in the morning, when we ar-
rived at a houſe that lay in the gap of the Blue
Hills;

PETER WILLIAMSON. 69
a
Hills; where our captain had arrived with the re-
mainder of the men and waggons the day before.
The captain inquiring our ſucceſs, I gave him
the melancholy detail of our unfortunate expedi-
tion: upon which an expreſs was immediately ſent
to the gorernor with the account, who ordered
1600 men to march the next morning for the ſame
place, under the command of General Franklin, not
only to bury the dead, and build a fort there, but to
extirpate the ſavages who infeſted theſe parts, and
were too powerful for our ſmall number under Cap-
tain Davis.
The remainder of our little party were now build-
ing a fort at the place where we lay for our defence,
until more afliſtance ſhould arrive; for we were un-
der continual apprehenſions of the Indians purſuing
and attacking us again.
On the oth of January 1756, we were reinforced
by General Franklin and his body; and the next day
ſet out again for Kennorton-head; where, when we
arrived, to our great confternation, we found little
occafion to bury our unhappy comrades, the ſwine
(which in that country are vaftly numerous in the
woods) having devoured their bodies, and nothing
but bones ſtrewed up and down were to be ſeen.
We there built a fort in the place where the old
church had ſtood, and gave it the name of Fort Allen;
this was finiſhed in ſix days, and in ſo good a man-
ner, that 100 men would make great reſiſtance a-
gainſt a much greater number of Indians.
On the 18th, 1400 of us were ordered about
fifteen miles diſtant from thence, on the frontiers of
the province; where we built another fort called
Fort Norris. In our way thither we found fix men
ſcalped and murdered in a moſt cruel manner. By
what we could diſcern, they had made a vigorous
defence, the barrels and ſtocks of their guns being
broke
a

70
THE LIFE OF
broke to pieces, and themſelves cut and mangled
in a terrible manner.
Froni thence we were ordered to march towards
a place called the Minniſinks, but this journey
proved longer than we were aware of. The In-
dians committing great outrages in theſe parts, hav-
ing burnt and deſtroyed all the houſes, &c. in our
way: Thefe tragic actions cauſed us to divide our-
felves into ſeveral parties, who were ordered divers
ways, to cut off as many of theſe favages as pof-
Gble.
The day after this fcheme was put into execution,
we met with a ſmall party, which we put to the
rout, killing fourteen of them. We then made all
poſſible diſpatch to fave ſome houſes we faw on
fire, but on our nearer approach found our endea-
vour in vain : John Swifher and his family having
been before fcalped, and burnt to aſhes in his own
houſe. On the following night the houſe of James
Wallis underwent the fame fate; himſelf, wife, fe-
ven children, and the reſt of his family, being ſcalp-
ed, and burnt therein. The houſes and families of
Philip Green and Abraham Nairn fuffered in the
like manner.
Nor did the cruelty of theſe baiba-
rians ſtop here, but attacked the dwelling-houſe of
George Hunter, Eſq. a gentleman of confiderable
worth, and a juſtice of the peace, who made a
brave reſiſtance, and rather than fall into the hands
of theſe miſcreants, choſe to meet death in the
flames; which he, his wife, and all his houſehold,
confifting of fixteen in number, did with the utmoſt
bravery, before any aſliſtance could be received from
our General, who had diſpatched 500 of us for that
purpoſe, on an expreſs being ſent to him that morn-
ing:
From thence we marched to the Minnifinks, and
built Fort Norris. On the oth of March we ſet out
with 1000 men to the head of the Minniſinks, and
built

PETER WILLIAMSON.
71
5
3
built another fort, which we named Franklin, in
honour of our General. All which forts were garri-
foned with as many men as we could poſſibly ſpare.
After this we were daily employed in ſcouring
the woods, from fort to fort, of theſe noxious crea.
tures, the Indians, and in getting as much of the
corn together as we could find, to prevent favages
from having any benefit therefrom.
Notwithſtanding our vigilance, theſe villains, on
the 15th, attacked the houſe of James Graham, but
by providence he, with his wife, who had juſt lain
in, and the young infant in her aims (with nothing
about her but her ſhift) made their eſcape to Fort
Allen, about fifteen miles diſtant. The child pe-
riſhed by the way, and it was matter of wonder to
the whole garriſon to find either of them alive; in-
deed they were in a deplorable condition, and we
imagined they would expire every moment. The
wife however, to our great aſtoniſhment, recovered,
but the huſband did not ſurvive above Gx hours af-
ter their arrival.
The houſe of Iſaac Cook ſuffered by the flames;
himſelf, his wife, and eight children, being ſcalped
and burnt in it.
Tedious and ſhocking would it be to enumerate
half the murders, conflagrations, and outrages, com-
mitted by theſe helliſh infidels; let it fuffice there-
fore, that from the year 1753, when they firſt be-
gan their barbarities, they had murdered, burnt,
ſcalped, and deſtroyed, above 3500; above 1000
whereof were unhappy inhabitants of the weſtern
part of Philadelphia. Men, women, and children,
fell alike a prey to the ſavages: No regard being
had by them to the tender entreaties of an affec-
tionate parent for a beloved child, or the infantis
prayers in behalf of his aged father and mother.
Such are the miſerable calamities attendant on
ſchemes for gratifying the ambition of a tyrannic
monarch

72
THE LIFE OF
monarch like France, or the weak contrivances and
indolent meaſures of blundering miniſters and ne-
gociators.
The time of my furlough at length expiring, I
prepared to ſet out for my regiment. Having a re-
commendatory letter from General Franklin to Ma-
jor Kinnair, as to my ſervices, I marched forward for
New York: Where being arrived, I waited on the
Major, he being a worthy gentleman, univerfally
beloved by the whole regiment; and after giving
him an account of all our tranſactions, and the
hardſhips and labours we had gone through, I was
diſmiſſed.
After ſome ſtay there, I was ordered to proceed
on my march for Oſwego once more. But, before
I go further with my affairs, I ſhall juſt recount the
reſult of thoſe provincials, who went, as I mention-
ed before, to quell the ſavages, under the command
of Colonel Armſtrong.
He having under his command 280 provincials,
deſtined againſt the Ohio Morians, againſt whom
nothing had been attempted, notwithſtanding their
frequent incurſions and murders, penetrated 140
miles through the woods, from Fort Shirley on Ju-
niata river, to Kittanning an Indian town, on the
Ohio, about 25 miles above Fort du Quefne, be-
longing to the French. He foon joined the ad-
vanced party at the Beaver-dams; and, on the
fourth evening after, being within fix miles of Kit-
tanning, the ſcouts diſcovered a fire in the road, and
reported that there were but three or four Indians
at it. At that time it was not thought proper to at-
tempt furpriſing theſe Indians, left, if one thould
eſcape, the town might be alarmed: Lieutenant
Hogg, therefore, with twelve men, was left to
watch them, with orders not to fall
them until
day-break; and our forces turned out of the path,
to pafs their fire, without diſturbing them.
upon
About

PETER WILLIAMSON.
73
a
About three in the morning, having been guided
by the whooping of the Indian warriors, at a dance
in the town, they reached the river at about 100
perches below it. As ſoon as day appeared, the at-
tack began. Captain Jacobs, chief of the Indians,
gave the war-whoop, and defended his houſe brave
ly through the loop-holes in the logs. The Indians
generally refuſing quarter, Colonel Armſtrong or-
dered their houſes to be ſet on fire, which was done
by the oflicers and foldiers with great alacrity. On
this, fome burſt out of the houſes and attempted to
reach the river, but were inſtantly ſhot.-Captain
Jacobs, in getting out of a window, was ſhot and
ſcalped, as were alſo his Squaw, and a lad they call-
ed the King's ſon. The Indians had a number of
ſpare arms in their houſes loaded, which went
off in quick fucceffion as the fire came to them;
and quantities of gunpowder, which had been
ſtored in every houſe, blew up from time to time,
throwing their bodies into the air.
Eleven Engliſh priſoners were releaſed, who in-
formed the Colonel, that that very day two batteaux
of Frenchmen, with a large party of Delaware and
French Indians, were to have joined Captain Ja-
cobs, to march and take Fort Shirley; and that
twenty-four warriors had ſet out before them the
preceding evening; which proved to be the party
that had kindled the fire the preceding night; for
our people returning, found Lieutenant Hogg
wounded in three places : and learned, that he had
attacked the ſuppoſed party of three or four at the
fire, but found them too ſtrong for him. He killed
three of them however, at the firſt fire, and fought
them an hour; when, having loſt three of his men,
the reſt, as he lay wounded, abandoned him and
fled, the enemy purſuing. Lieutenant Hogg dicd
foon after of his wounds.
G
Enough

74
THE LIFE OF
Enough of theſe two expeditions has been ſaid,
nor can I well tell which of the two was moſt fuc-
ceſsful, both loſing more of their own men than
they killed of the enemy.
A little retroſpection again on the actions and
behaviour of the Philadelphians, and the other pro-
vinces, and places in conjunction with them, may
here be ſomething neceſſary: For, when I arrived
at Philadelphia, I found, that however melancholy
their ſituation had been of late, this good effect had
been obtained, that the moſt prejudiced and igno-
rant individual was feelingly convinced of the ne-
ceſſity of vigorous meaſures; and, beſides national
and public views, then the more prevailing ones of
revenge
and ſelf-intereſt gave a ſpur to their coun.
fels. They were accordingly raiſing men with the
utmoſt expedition; and had, before the end of the
fummer, a conſiderable number, though not equal
to what they could furniſh, having at leaſt 45,000
men in Penſylvania able to fint.
And, purſuant to agreement fome months before,
the four governments of New England, in conjunc-
tion with New York (which laſt furniſhed 1300)
had now afſembled 8000 men (for the attack of
Fort Frederick) at Albany, 150 miles N. of New
York, and about 130 from Crown Point, under the
command of General Winſlow. But many people
dreading the cruelty of the French, were not fo
very eager to join them this year as the laſt; an im-
preſs therefore of part of the militia was ordered in
New York government. To prevent which, fub-
fcriptions were ſet on foot to engage volunteers by
high bounties; fo loath were they that ſome got
nine or twelve pounds Sterling to inlift.
The 44th, 48th, soth, and siſt regiments of
Great Britain were deſtined for the campaign on
the great lake Ontario, and moſtly marched for
Oſwego, thence to be carried over in 200 great
whale-

PETER WILLIAMSON.
75
whale-boats, which were then at the lake, and were
built at Schenectady on Mohawk's river, and were
long, round, and light, as the batteaux, being flat-
bottomed and ſmall, would not anſwer the naviga-
tion of the lake, where the waves were often very
high. They were then, at laſt, intended to attack
Fort Frontenac, mentioned before, and the other
Trench forts on the lake. Upwards of 2000 batteau
men were employed to navigate the batteaux, each
a ton burthen, laden with proviſions and ſtores from
Albany by the Mohawk river, then through Oneyda
lake and river, down to Ofwego. There were like-
wile
300 ſailors hired and gone up from New York
(as I found, when I arrived there) to navigate the
four armed ſhips on the lake, built there, as I have
before mentioned, he laſt year, for the king's fer-
vice, and two others were then building; ſmiths,
carpenters, and other artificers, having gone there
for that purpoſe fome weeks before. Such were
the preparations and armaments for this campaign ;
but how fruitleſs, to our great diſgrace, was ſoon
known all over the world!
I ſhall not trouble the reader with a long account
of a long march I had to take from New York to
Oſwego, to join my regiment: fuffice it therefore,
that I arrived there about the middle of July; but
in my march thither with fome recruits, we joined
Colonel Broadſtreet at Albany, and on the 6th of
May, at the Great Carrying-place, had a fkirmiſh
with the French and Indians, wherein ſeveral were
killed and wounded on both fides; of the latter
I made one. Receiving a fhot through my left
hand, which entirely difabled my third and fourth
fingers; and having no hoſpital, or any conveni-
encies for the fick there, I was, after having my
hand dreſſed in a wretched manner, fent with the
next batteaux to Albany to get it cured.
G 2
As

70
THE LIFE OF
As ſoon as I was well, I ſet forwards for Oſwego
again. And, when I arrived there, I began to make
what obſervations I could, as to the alterations that
had been made fince my departure in the month of
October preceding. The works of Oſwego, at
this time, conſisted of three forts, viz. The Old
Fort, built many years before, whoſe chief ſtrength
was a weak ſtone-wall, about two feet thick, fo ill
cemented, that it could not reſiſt the force of a
four pound ball, and fituated on the eaſt ſide of the
harbour; the two other forts, called Fort Ontario
and Fort George, were each of them at the diſtance
of about 450 yards from the Old Fort, and ſituated
on two eminences, which commanded it both
thefe, as I have already obſerved, were begun to be
built laſt year upon plans, which made them defen-
fible againſt muſquetry, and cannon of three or
four pound ball only, the time not allowing works:
of a ſtronger nature to be then undertaken.
For our defence againſt large cannon, we en-
tirely depended on a ſuperior naval force upon the
lake, which might have put it in our power to pre-
vent the French from bringing heavy artillery againſt
the place, as that could only be done by water car-
riage, which is my opinion, as well as many others.
If the naval force had but done their duty, Ofwego
might have been ours to this very day, and entirely
cut off the communication of the French from Ca-
nada to the Ohio : But if I would infift on this, as
the particulars require, I perhaps thould affront
fome, and injure myſelf, all to no purpoſe, or of
any beneficial ſervice to recall our former lofſes;
for that reaſon, I ſhall defer enlarging on the ſub-
ject, although at the ſame time, I can give very
good circumſtances to maintain my argument, if
required.
A day or two after being at Oſwego, the fort
was alarmed by hearing a firing; when on diſpatch-
ing

PETER WILLIAMSON.
77
one.
ing proper ſcouts, it was found to be the French
and Indians engaging the batteau men and ſailors,
conveying the proviſions to Ofwego, from one river
to another. On this, a detachment of 500 men
were ordered out in purſuit of them, whereof I was
We had a narrow paſs in the woods to go
through, where we were attacked by a great num-
ber of Indians, when a deſperate fight began on
both ſides, that laſted about two hours. However,
at laſt we gained a complete victory, and put them
entirely to the rout, killing fourteen of them, and
wounding above forty. On our fide we had but
two men killed and ſix wounded. Many more
would have been killed of both parties, had it not
been for the thickneſs of the woods.
I cannot here omit recounting a moſt fingular
tranſaction that happened during this my fecond
time of being there, which, though ſearce credible,
is abſolutely true, and can be teſtified by hundreds,
who know and have often ſeen the man: in ſhort,
one Moglalky, of the goth regiment, an Iriſhman,
being placed as centinel over the rum which had
arrived, and being curious to know its goodneſs,
pierced the calk, and drank till he was quite intoxi-
cated; when, not knowing what he did, he ram-
bled from his poſt, and fell aſleep a good way from
the garriſon. An Indian fkulking that way for prey
(as is conjectured) found him, and made free with
his ſcalp, which he plucked and carried off. The
fergeant, in the morning, finding him proftrate
on his face, and feeing his fcalp off, imagined him
to be dead; but on his nearer approach, and raiſing
him from the ground, the fellow awaked from the
found fleep he had been in, and aſked the ſergeant
what he wanted. The fergeant, quite ſurpriſed at
the ſtrange behaviour of the fellow, interrogated
hin, how he came there in that condition? He re-
plied, He could not tell ; but that he had got very
G3
drunk,

78
THE LIFE OF
drunk, and rambled he knew not whither. The fer-
geant adviſed him to prepare for death, not having
many hours to live, as he had loſt his ſcalp. Arrah,
my dear; mow (cries he) and are you joking me? for he
really knew nothing of his being ſerved in the man-
ner he was, and would not believe any accident had
happened him, until ſeeing his clothes bloody, he
felt his head, and found it to be too true, as well
as having a cut from his mouth to his ear. He was
immediately carried before the Governor, who alk-
ing him, how he came to leave his poſt? He replied,
That being very thirſty, he had broached a caſk of rum,
and drank about a pint, which made him drunk; but
if his Honour would forgive him, he'd never be guilty of
the like again. The Governor told him, it was very
probable he never would, as he was now no better
than a dead man. However, the ſurgeons drefled
his head there as well as they could, and then ſent
him in a batteau to Albany, where he was perfectly
cured; and, to the great ſurpriſe of every body,
was living when I left the country. This, though
fo extraordinary and unparalleled an affair, I aver
to be true, having ſeveral times ſeen the man after
this accident happened to him. How his life was
preferved feems a miracle, as no inſtance of the
Jike was ever known.
I had forgot to niention, that before I left Alba-
ny the laſt time, upon Colonel Broadſtreet's arrival
there, in his way to Ofwego, with the proviſions
and forces, conſiſting of about 500 whale-boats and
batteaux, intended for the campaign on the great
lake Ontario, mentioned before, I joined his corps,
and proceeded on with the batteaux, &c.
Going up the river Onondago towards Ofwego,
the batteau men were, on the 29th of June, attack-
ed near the Falls, about nine miles from Ofwego,
by 500 French and Indians, who killed and wound-
ed 74 of our men, before we could get on ſhore,
which

PETER WILLIAMSON.
79
which, as ſoon as we did, the French were routed,
with the loſs of 130 men killed, and ſeveral wound-
ed, whom we took priſoners.
Had we known of their lying in ambuſh, or of
their intent to attack us, the victory would have
been much more complete on our ſide, as the troops
Colonel Broadſtreet commanded were regular, weil
diſciplined, and in tolerable health; whereas the
French, by a long paſſage at fea, and living hard
after their arrival at Canada, were much haraffed
and fatigued.
However, we got all ſafe to Ofwego, with the
batteaux and proviſions, together with rigging and
ſtores for the large veffels, excepting twenty-four
cannon, fix pounders, that were then at the Great
Carrying-place; which Colonel Broadſtreet was to
bring with him, upon his next paſſage, from Sche-
nectady; to which place, as ſoon as he had deliver-
ed to the Quarter-maſter all the ſtores under his,
care, he was ordered to return with the batteaux
and men to receive the orders of Major-general
Abercrombie. In his return from Schenectady, it
was expected that Halket's and Dunbar's regiment
would have come with him, in order to take Fort
Frontenac, and the other French forts on the lake
Ontario. But, alas ! as fchemes for building caſtles
in the air always prove abortive, for want of proper
architecture and foundation, ſo did this ſcheme of
ours, for want of a due knowledge of our own fi-
tuation !
On the arrival of theſe forces, a new brigantine
and floop were fitted out; and, about the fame
time, a large ſnow was alſo launched and rigged,
and only waited for her guns and ſome running rig-
ging, which they expected every day by Col. Broad-
ftreet; and had he returned in time with the can-
non and batteau-men under his command, the
French would not have dared to have appeared on
the

So
THE LIFE OF
the lake; but Col. Broadſtreet happened to be de-
tained with the batteaux at Schenectady for above a
month, waiting for the 44th regiment to march
with him: The dilatorineſs of this embarkation at
Schenectady cannot be imputed to Col. Broadſtreet,
becauſe General Shirley waited with impatience for
the arrival of Lord Loudon Campbell from England;
and when his Lordſhip landed at New York, he, in
a few days after, proceeded to Albany, where his
Lordſhip took the command of the army from Gen.
Shirley, and upon comparing, and confidering how
bad a ſituation his forces, and the different govern.
ments upon the continent were in, his Lordſhip,
with the advice of ſeveral other experienced oflicers,
thought himſelf not in a condition to proceed on
any enterpriſe for that ſeaſon, no further than to
maintain our ground at Ofwego; for which pur-
poſe, Colonel Broadſtreet was immediately ordered
off with the batteaux and proviſions, as alſo the
aforeſaid regiments; but before Broadſtreet arrived
at the Great Carrying-place, Oſwego was taken,
with all the ſhips of war, although our naval force
was far ſuperior to the French.
Before I relate the attack of Oſwego, I ſhall re-
view a little what the French were doing during
theſe our dilatory, pompous proceedings.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor and Lieu-
tenant-general of New France, whilſt he provided
for the ſecurity of the frontiers of Canada, was
principally attentive to the lakes. Being informed
that we were making vaft preparations at Oſwego
for attacking Niagara and Frontenac, he took and
razed, in the month of March, the fort where we
had formed our principal magazine ; and in June
following, deſtroyed, on the river of Chonegan or
Oſwego, fome of our veſſels, and made fome pri-
foners. The fucceſs of theſe two expeditions ens
couraged him to act offenſively, and to attack us at
Ofwego.

PETER WILLIAMSON. 81
Oſwego. This ſettlement they pretended, and ſtill
inlift on, to be an incroachment, or invaſion, which
we had made in time of profound peace, and againſt
which, they ſaid, they had continually remonſtrated,
during our blundering, negociating Lawyer's refi-
dence at France. It was at firſt, ſay they, only a
fortified magazine ; but in order to avail themſelves
of its advantageous ſituation in the centre almoſt of
the French colonies, the Engliſh added, from time
to time, ſeveral new works, and made it conſiſt of
three forts, as above deſcribed.
The troops deſigned for this expedition by the
French amounted to near 5000 men, 1300 of which
were regulars. To prevent his deſign being diſco-
vered, M. de Vaudreuil pretended, in order the better
to deceive us, who had ſo long before been blind,
that he was providing only for the ſecurity of Nia-
gara and Frontenac. The Marquis de Montcalm, who
commanded on this occaſion, arrived the 29th of
July at Fort Frontenac: and having given the neceſ-
fary directions for ſecuring his retreat, in caſe it
fhould have been rendered inevitable, by a fuperior
force, fent out two vefſels, one of twelve and the
other of fixteen guns, to cruiſe off Oſwego, and
poſted a chain of Canadians and Indians on the road
between Ofwego and Albany, to intercept our cou-
riers. All the forces, and the veſſels, with the artil-
lery and ſtores, being arrived in the bay of Nixoure,
the place of general rendezvous, the Marquis de
Montcalm ordered his advance-guard to proceed to
a creek, called Anſe aux Cabannes, three leagues
from Ofwego. But,
To carry on this account the more accurate and
intelligible to the reader, I fhall recite the actions
of the French and ourſelves together, as a more
clear and ſuccinct manner of making thoſe unac-
quainted with the art of war, more ſenſible of this.
important affair.
Colonel

82
THE LIFE OF
a
Colonel Mercer, who was then commanding of
ficer of the garriſon at Ofwego, having, on the oth
of Auguft, intelligence of a large encampment of
French and Indians, about twelve miles off, dil-
patched one of the ſchooners, with an account of
it to Captain Bradley, who was then on a cruiſe
with the large brigantine and two floops; at the
ſame time, deſired him to cruiſe as far to the eaſt-
ward as he could, and to endeavour to prevent the
approach of the French on the lake; but meeting
the next day with a ſmall gale of wind, the large
brigantine was drove on ſhore near Oſwego, in at-
tempting to get into the harbour; of which mil-
fortune, the Indians immediately gave M. de Mont-
calm, the French General, notice, who took that
opportunity of tranfporting his heavy cannon to
about a mile and a half of the fort, which he could
not otherwiſe have done, had not there been ſome
neglect on our ſide.
For on the rotb, the firſt diviſion of the French
being arrived at Anſe aux Cabannes, at two o'clock
in the morning; the van-guard proceeded, at four
in the afternoon, by land, acroſs woods, to another
creek within half a league of Oſwego, in order to
favour the debarkation. At midnight their firſt
diviſion repaired to this creek, and there erected a
battery on the lake Ontario.
Colonel Mercer, in the morning of the roth, on
fome canoes being feen to the eaſtward, ſent out
the ſmall ſchooner to make diſcovery of what they
were; ſhe was fcarce half a mile from the fort, be-
fore the diſcovered a very large encampment, cloſe
under the oppoſite point, being the firſt diviſion of
the French troops above mentioned. On this, the
two floops (the large brigantine being ftill on fhore)
were ſent out with orders, if poilible, to annoy the
enemy; but this was to no purpoſe; the enemy's
cannon being large and well pointed, hulled the
a
veflels

PETER WILLIAMSON. 83
I
*
vefſels almoſt every ſhot, while theirs fell fhort of
the ſhore.
This day and the next, the enemy were employ-
ed in making gabions, fauciſſons, and faſcines, and
in cutting a road acroſs the woods, from the place
of landing, to the place where the trenches were to
be opened ; and the ſecond divifion of the enemy
arriving on the 11th in the morning, with the ar-
tillery and proviſions, the ſame immediately landed
without any oppoſition. Though difpofitions were
made for opening the trenches on the roth at night,
which was rather a parallel of about 100 toiſes * in
front, and opened at the diſtance of 60 toiſes from
the foſs of Fort Ontario, in ground embarraſſed with
trunks of trees.
About five in the morning of the urth, this pa.
rallel was finiſhed, and the workmen began to erect
the batteries. Thus was the place inveſted by about
5000 men, and thirty-two pieces of cannon, from
twelve to eighteen pounders, beſides ſeveral large
brafs mortars and hoyets (among which artillery
was part of General Braddock's). About noon they
began the attack of Fort Ontario, with fmall arms,
which was briſkly returned. All this day, the gar-
riſon was employed on the weſt ſide of the river,
in repairing the batteries on the ſouth fide of the
Old Fort.
The next morning (the 12th) at day-break, a
large number of French batteaux were diſcovered on
the lake, in their way to join the enemy's camp:
on which, Colonel Mercer ordered the two floops to
be again fent out, with directions to get between
the batteaux and the camp; but before our vefſels
came up, the batteaux had ſecured themſelves un-
der the fire of their cannon.
* A toife is a French meaſure, and contains about two fathoms,
of ſix feet, in length.
In

84
THE LIFE OF
In the evening, a detachment was made of 100
men of the 5 oth (General Pepperel's) regiment, and
126 of the New Jerſey provincials, under the com-
mand of Colonel Schuyler, to take poffeffion of the
fort on the hill, to the weſtward of the Old Fort,
and under the direction of the engineer, Mr.
M-Kneller, were to put it into the beſt ſtate of de-
fence they could; in which work they were em-
ployed all the following night.
The enemy on the eaſt ſide continued their ap-
proaches to the Fort Ontario, but, with their utmoſt
efforts, for a long time they could not bring their
cannon to bear on it. However, drawing their
cannon with great expedition, next moruing (the
13th) about ten o'clock, to a battery erected within
fixty yards from it, they played them very hotly on
the garriſon, notwithſtanding the conſtant fire kept
on them, and the loſs of their principal engineer,
who was killed in the trenches. A council of war
was immediately held, by the officers of General
Pepperel's regiment, who, obſerving the mortars
were beginning to play, concluded it moſt adviſeable
to quit Fort Ontario, and join Colonel Schuyler's re-
giment at Fort George or Fort Raſcal; and an ac-
count of this latter battery being ſent to Colonel
Mercer, by the commandant of the enemy, ordering
him to evacuate the fort, they accordingly did,
about three in the afternoon, deſtroying the cannon,
ammunition, and proviſions therein, and managed
their retreat ſo as to paſs the river, and join the
troops at the weſt ſide, without the loſs of a man.
Theſe troops, being about 370, were immediately
ordered to join Colonel Schuyler, which they ac-
cordingly did, and were employed all the following
night in completing the works of that fort.
M. Montcalm immediately took poſſeſſion of Fort
Ontario, and ordered the communications of the
parallel to be continued to the banks of the river,
where,

PETIR WILLIAMSON.
85
7
n
where, in the beginning of the night, they began
a grand battery, placed in ſuch a manner, that it
could not only batter Fort Oſwego, and the way
from thence to Fort George, but alſo the intrench-
ment of Ofwego.
In the morning of the 13th, the large brigantine
being off the rocks and repaired, a detachment of
eighty men of the garriſon was put on board of her
and the two floops, in order to go out immediately;
but the wind continuing to blow directly into the
harbour, rendered it impoſſible for them to get out
before the place was ſurrendered. This night, as
well as the night before, parties of the enemy's ir-
regulars made ſeveral attempts to ſurpriſe our ad-
vance-guards and centinels, on the weſt ſide of the
river, but did not fucceed in any of them.
The enemy were employed this night in bring-
ing up their cannon, and raifing a battery. On our
fide, we kept a conſtant fire of cannon and fhells
from the Old Fort, and works about it.
The can-
non which moſt annoyed the enemy, were four
pieces, which we reverſed on the platform of an
earthen work, which ſurrounded the Old Fort, and
which was entirely enfiladed by the enemy's battery
on the oppofite ſhore : In this fituation, without
the leaſt cover, the train, ailiſted by a detachment
of Shirley's regiment, behaved remarkably well.
At day-break, on the 14th, we renewed our fire
on that part of the oppoſite fhore, where we had
the evening before obſerved the enemy at work,
in raiſing the battery.
The enemy, in three columns, conſiſting of 2500.
Canadians and ſavages, croſſed the river, ſome by
ſwimming, and others by wading, with the water
up to their middles, in order to inveſt and attack
the Old Fort. This bold action, by which they en-
tirely cut off the communication of the two forts;
the celerity with which the works were carried on,
H
in

86
THE LIFE OF
in ground that we thought impracticable; a conti.
nual return of our fire from a battery of ten cannon,
twelve pounders; and their preparing a battery of
mortars and hoyets, made Colonel Mercer think it
adviſeable (he not knowing their numbers) to order
Colonel Schuyler, with 500 men, to oppoſe them ;
which would accordingly have been carried into exe-
cution, and conſequently, every man of the 500
cut off, had not Colonel Mercer been killed by a
cannon-ball, a few minutes after. The reſolution
of this valiant Colonel, ſeemed to be determined
to oppoſe the French to the laſt extremity, and to
maintain his ground at Oſwego, but his final doom
came on ſo unexpectedly, that his loſs was uni-
verſally regretted.
About ten o'clock, the enemy's battery was ready
to play; at which time, all our places of defence
were either enfiladed, or ruined by the conſtant fire
of their cannon; Fort Raſcal or George, in parti-
cular, having at that time no guns, and ſcarce in
a condition to defend itſelf againſt ſmall arms;
with 2500 irregulars on our backs, ready to ſtorm
us on that fide, and 2000 of their regulars as ready
to land in our front, under the fire of their cannon.
Whereas,
Fort Raſcal might have been made a very defen-
fible fortreſs, lying on a hill, and the aſcent to it ſo
ſteep, that had an enemy been ever ſo numerous,
they muſt have ſuffered greatly in an attempt to
ſtorm it. Why it was not in a better ftate, it be-
comes not me to ſay, but matters were fo.
And in this ſituation we were, when Colonel
Littlehales, who ſucceeded Colonel Mercer in the
command, called a council of
war,
who
were,
with
the engineers, unanimouſly of opinion, that the
works were no longer tenable; and that it was by
no means prudent to riſk a ſtorm with ſuch unequal
numbers.
The
a

PETER WILLIAMSON.
87
The chamade was accordingly ordered to be beat,
and the firing ceaſed on both ſides; yet the French
were not idle, but improved this opportunity to
bring up more cannon, and advance the main body
of their troops, within mufquet-ſhot of the garriſon,
and prepared every thing for a ſtorm. Two offi-
cers were ſent to the French General, to know what
terms he would give; the Marquis de Montcalm
made anſwer, that they might expect whatever
terms were conſiſtent with the ſervice of his Moſt
Chriſtian Majeſty: He accordingly agreed to the
following :-
ARTICLE I. “ The garriſon ſhall ſurrender pri-
foners of war, and ſhall be conducted from hence
« to Montreal, where they ſhall be treated with
« humanity, and every one ſhall have treatment
u agreeable to their reſpective ranks, according to
66 the cuſtom of war.
II. « Officers, and foldiers, and individuals, ſhall
<< have their baggage and clothes, and they ſhall
“ be allowed to carry them along with them.
HII. “ They fhall remain priſoners of war, until
they are exchanged."
Given at the camp before Ofwego,
Auguſt 14, 1756.
MONTCALM.
By virtue of this capitulation, the garriſon fur-
rendered priſoners of war, and the French imme-
diately took poffeffion of Oſwego, and Fort George,
which they entirely deſtroyed, agreeable to their
orders, after removing the artillery, warlike ſtores,
and proviſions.
But to deſcribe the plunder, havock, and deva-
ſtation, made by the French, as well as the fa-
vages, who ruſhed in by thouſands, is impoflible.
For
H 2

88
THE LIFE OF
For notwithſtanding the Chriſtian promiſe made by
the General of his Moft Chriſtian Majeſty, they all
behaved more like infernal beings than creatures in
human ſhapes. In ſhort, not contented with ſur-
rendering upon the above terms, they fcalped and
killed all the ſick and wounded in the hoſpitals;
mangling, butchering, cutting, and chopping off
their heads, arms, legs, &c. with ſpades, hatchets,
and other ſuch diabolical inſtruments; treating the
whole with the utmoſt cruelty, notwithſtanding the
repeated interceſſions of the defenceleſs fick and
wounded for mercy; which were indeed piteous
enough to have foftened any heart poflefled of the
minuteſt particle of humanity!
Here I cannot help obſerving, that notwithſtand-
ing what has been ſaid of the behaviour of the offi-
cers of theſe (the 50th and gift) regiments, I muft,
with the greateſt truth, give them the characters of
brave, but I wiſh I could ſay, experienced inen;
every one of then that I had an opportunity of ob-
ſerving during the fiege, behaving with the utmoſt
courage and intrepidity. Nor, in this place, can I
omit particularly naming Colonel James Campbell
and Captain Archibald Hamilton *, who affifted
with the greateſt ſpirit and alacrity the private men
at the great guns. But for ſuch an handful of men
as our garriſon then conſiſted of, and the works be-
ing of ſuch a weak and defenceleſs nature, to have
made a longer defence, or have cauſed the enemy
to raiſe the fiege, would have been ſuch an inſtance
as England for many years hath not experienced ;
and I am afraid will be many more before it will,
for reaſons that are too obvious.
The quantity of ſtores and ammunition we then
had in the three forts is almoſt incredible. But of
* Colonel Campbell and Captain Hamilton are at preſent in
Scotland, the former reſides near Glaſgow, and the latter in
Edinburgh.
what

PETER WILLIAMSON.
89
what avail are powder and balls if walls and ram-
parts are defenceleſs, and men inſufficient to make
uſe of them? In ſhort, the French by taking this
place, made themſelves maſters of the following
things, all which were immediately fent to Fronte-
nac, viz. feven pieces of braſs cannon, nineteen,
fourteen, and twelve pounders; forty-eight iron
cannon, of nine, fix, five, three, and two pounders ;
a brafs mortar of nine inches four-twelfths, and
thirteen others of fix and three inches; forty-feven
fwivel-guns ; 23,000 lb. of gunpowder ; 8000 lb.
of lead and muſquet ball; two thouſand nine hun-
dred and fifty cannon balls; one hundred and fifty
bombs, of nine inches, and three hundred more, of
fix inches diameter ; one thouſand four hundred
and twenty-ſix grenadoes; one thouſand and ſeventy
mufquets; a vefſel pierced for eighteen guns; the
brigantine of fixteen, a goeletta of ten, a batteau
of ten (the floops already mentioned), another of
eight guns, a fkirff of eighteen ſwivels, and another
burnt upon the ſtocks ; feven hundred and four
barrels of biſcuit, one thouſand three hundred and
eighty-fix firkins of bacon and beef; feven hundred
and twelve firkins of meal; thirty-two live oxen ;
fifteen hogs, and a large ſum of money in the
military cheſt, amounting, as the French faid, to
eighteen thoufand five hundred and ninety-four
livres.
On the 16th they began to remove us; the
officers were firſt ſent in batteaux, and two hundred
foldiers a-day afterwards, till the whole were goney
being carried firſt to Montreal, and from thence to
Quebec. Our duty in the batteaux till we reached
the firſt place, was very hard and flaviſh: And
during the time we were on the lake or river St Lau-
rence, it appeared very eaſy and feaſible for Com-
modore Bradely, had he thought proper, to have
deſtroyed all the enemy's batteaux, and have pre-
vented
H3

9
THE LIFE OF
vented them from ever landing their cannon within
forty miles of the fort. But he knew his own rea-
fons fer omitting this piece of fervice beſt.
Our party arrived at Montreal in Canada on the
28th. We were that night ſecured in the fort, as
were the reſt as they came in. The French uſed
various means to win ſome of our troops over to
their intereft, or, at leaſt, to do their work in the
fields, which many refuſed, among whom was my.
ſelf; -who were then conducted on board a ſhip, and
fent to Quebec, where, on arriving, the 5th of Sep-
tember, we were lodged in a gaol, and kept for the
ſpace of one month.
During this our captivity, many of our men, ra-
ther than lie in a priſon, went out to work and aſlift
the French in getting in their harveſt; they having
then ſcarce any people left in that country but old
men, women, and children, ſo that the corn was
continually falling into the ſtubble, for want of
hands to reap it; but thoſe who did go out, in two
or three days, choſe confinement again, rather than
liberty on ſuch terms, being almoſt ſtarved, having
nothing in the country to live on but dry bread,
whereas we in the priſon were each of us allowed
two pounds of bread, and half a pound of meat a-
day, and otherwiſe treated with a good deal of hu-
manity.
Eighteen ſoldiers were all the guard they had to
place over us, who being greatly fatigued with hard
duty, and dreading our riſing on them (which
had we had any arms we might eaſily have done,
and ravaged the country found, as it was then en-
tirely defenceleſs), and the town's people themſelves
fearing the conſequences of having ſuch a number
of men in a place where proviſions were at that
time very ſcarce and dear, they thought of fending
us away, the moſt eligible way of keeping them-
moso. S felves
Hib

PETER WILLIAMSON.
91
felves from famine, and accordingly put 500 of us
on board a vefſel for England.
But before I continue the account of our voyage
home to our native country, I ſhall juſt make a
ſhort retroſpection on the conſequences which at-
tended the loſs of Oſwego, as appeared to us and
the reſt of the people at Quebec, who knew that
part of America, to which this important place was
a ſafeguard.
Sito
As ſoon as Oſwego was taken, our only commu-
nication from the Mohawk's river to the lake Oneida
was ſtopt up, by filling the place at Wood's Creek
with great logs and trees, for many miles together.
A few days afterwards, the forts at the Great Car-
Tying-place, and then our moft advanced poſt into
the country of the Six Nations, which I have before
given a ſhort account of (and where there were at
that time above three thouſand men, including one
thouſand two hundred batteau men, and which
ſtill gave the Six Nations fome hopes that we would
defend their country againſt the French), were aban-
doned and deſtroyed, and the troops which were
under the command of General Webb, retreated
to Burnet's Field, and left the country and the Six
Nations to the mercy of the enemy.
The French, immediately after the taking of Or-
wego, demoliſhed, as is ſaid before, all the works
there, and returned with their priſoners and booty
to Ticonderago, to oppoſe our provincial army un-
der the command of General Winſlow, who had
ſhamefully been kept, in expectation of the dilatory
arrival of Lord Louden, from attacking Crown Point,
while the enemy were weak, and it was eaſily in
our power to have beat them.
The conſequences of the deſtruction of our forts
at the Great Carrying-place, and General Webb's
retreating to Burnet's Field, is now, alas ! too appa-
rent to every one acquainted with American affairs.
The

92
THE LIFE OF
:
The Indians of the Six Nations undoubtedly looked
upon it as abandoning them and their country to
the French: for they plainly ſaw that we had no
ſtrong-hold near them, and that (by the place at
Wood's Creek being ſtopped) we could not, if we
would, afford them any affiftance at Onondago, Cayu-
ga, and in the Senekea's country, which were their
chief caſtles: That the forts begun by us in thoſe
countries were left unfiniſhed, and therefore could
be of no uſe to them, and which, if we had kept
the Carrying-place, we might have finiſhed, and
given them ſtill hopes of our being able to defend.
But deſpairing of our being further ſerviceable to
them, thoſe Iroquois, who were before our friends,
and ſome of the others, have indeed deſerted us,
and the conſequences of fuch their junctions with
the French, was ſoon after felt in the loſs of Fort
George on Lake Sacrament.
The fine country on the Mohawk's river down
to Albany, was by this ſtep left open to the ravages
of the enemy, and an eaſy paſſage opened to the
French and their Indians into the provinces of Pen-
fylvania and New Jerfey, by the way of Suſque-
hana and Delaware rivers, which were before co-
vered by our ſettlements on the Mohawk's river,
and the Six Nations.
I ſhall here give the beſt defcription of the In-
dians, their way of living, &c. in my power.
It is difficult to gueſs what may be the number
of the Indians ſcattered up and down our back ſet-
tlements; but, if their own account be true, they
amount to many thouſands. Be this, however,
as it will, they are not to be feared merely on
account of their numbers ; other circumſtances con-
fpire to make them formidable : The Engliſh in-
habitants, though numerous, are extended over a
vaſt tract of land, soo leagues in length on the
fea.

PETER WILLIAMSON.
93
ſea-ſhore, and for the moſt part have fixed habita-
tions, the eaſieſt and ſhorteſt paſſages to which, the
Indians, by conſtantly hunting in the woods, are
perfectly well acquainted with; and as their way
of making war is by ſudden attacks upon expoſed
places, as foon as they have done the miſchief at
one place, they retire, and either go home by fome
,
different route, or go to ſome diſtant place to re-
new their attacks. If they are purſued, it is a
chance if they do not enſnare their purſuers; or if
that be not the caſe, as foon as they have gained
the rivers, ſo dexterous are they in the uſe of their
canoes, that they prefently get out of reach. It is
to no purpoſe to follow them to their ſettlements;
for they can, without much diſadvantage, quit their
old habitations, and betake themſelves to new ones :
Add to this, that they can be ſuddenly drawn toge-
ther from any diſtance, as they can find their ſub-
fiftence in travelling from their guns.
No people on earth have a higher ſenſe of liber-
ty, or ſtronger affection for their relations: when
offended, they are the moſt implacable vindictive
enemies on earth; for no diſtance of place, or
ſpace of time, will abate their reſentment; but they
will watch every opportunity of revenge, and when
ſuch opportunity offers, they revenge themſelves ef-
fectually
They will fooner ſacrifice their own lives for the
fake of liberty, than humble themſelves to the ar-
bitrary control of any perſon whatſoever. In bat-
tle they never ſubmit, and will die rather than be
taken priſoners.
Our late tranſactions in America teſtify, that the
friendſhip of the Indians is to be defired, and the
only way to maintain a friendly correſpondence
with them, is by making ſuch propoſitions to them
as will ſecure their liberties, and be agreeable to
their expectations; and not only by keeping theſe
propofitions

94
THE LIFE OF THE
propoſitions inviolable as well in time of peace as
in time of war, but alſo renewing our treaties with
them from time to time; for they are very jealous
and tenacious of an affront or neglect. They are
very proud, and love to be eſteemed. In time of
peace, they live upon what they get of the white
people, for which they barter fkins, furs, &c. Their
clothing, and every thing elfe they want, ſuch as
arms, they get in the ſame manner. In war-time,
they live upon what they can procure by their gun,
and, if that fails, upon roots, fruits, herbs, and other
vegetables of the natural produce of the earth.
They have never the foreſight to provide neceſ-
faries for themſelves; they look only to the pre-
fent moment, and leave to-morrow to provide for
itſelf. They eat of every wild beaſt which they
kill, without diſtinction. They always prefer game
to vegetables ; but when they cannot get veniſon,
they live on roots, fruits, and herbs. They deſtroy
a great deal of meat at a time, when they have it in
their
power, and when they leave any, be it never
fuch a great quantity, it is ten to one
if
any
of them
will take the trouble to carry a pound of it, but
will rather leave it behind them; yet, notwithſtand-
ing this extravagance, ſuch is their tempers, and
they are ſo inured to hardihips, that if they cannot
conveniently get at food, they can, and adually do
faſt ſometimes for near a week together, and yet
are as active as if they lived regularly. All their
fpare time is taken up in contriving ſchemes to fuc-
ceed in their intended expeditions. They can ne-
ver be taken in a purſuit by any European. They
will travel ſeventy miles a-day, and continue for
months together, as I have reaſon to know from
experience; and they are ſure to bring their pur-
ſuers into a ſnare, if they are not wary, and have
ſome Indians on their fide to beat the buſhes.
When they are overtaken with fleep, they light a
great

PETER WILLIAMSON.
95
a
great fire, which prevents the wild beafts from fall-
ing upon them; for wild beaſts have a natural
averſion to fire: nor is it eaſy for an enemy to diſ-
cover them in this condition, for the country is
one continued tract of thick wood, overgrown with
bruſh-wood, ſo that you cannot ſee the fire till you
be within a few yards of it. They have nothing
covering them from the inclemency of the weather
but a blanket put upon them, ſomething in the ſhape
of a Highlander's plaid.
And further, to prevent their being long obſerved
by their purſuers, or to be ſeen too foon when they
have a mind to attack any plantation, they paint
themſelves of the ſame colour with the trees among
which they hide themſelves.
When they are to attack a plantation they never
come out till night, and then they ruſh inſtantly
upon the farms, Gc. and deſtroy every thing, as
well men, women, and children, as beaſts; then
they fall to plunder, and return to their lurking-
holes till another opportunity of plunder happens,
when they renew their attack in the fame manner;
fo that if ſome method is not taken to draw them
into our intereſt, our colonies will be in a continual
alarm, and the country will foon become defo-
late ; for no body will venture their lives to ſettle
on the back parts, unleſs the Indians are our friends.
The Indian manner of fighting is quite different
from that of other nations. They induſtriouſly
avoid all open engagements; and, beſides ambuſ.
cades, their principal way is buſh-fighting, in the
exerciſe of which they are very dexterous ; for the
back country being one continued wood, except
ſome few ſpots cleared for the purpoſe of huſband-
ry by our back ſettlers, the Indians fquat themſelves
down behind the trees, and fire their muſkets at
the enemy, if the enemy advances, then they retreat
behind other trees, and fire in the ſame manner;
and

96
THE LIFE OF TI
us.
and as they are good markſmen, they never fire in
vain, whereas their purſuers ſeldom hit."
Notwithſtanding the polite ſchemes of France
are nearly brought to a period, yet if the Indians
are not ſatisfied with the concluſion of a peace be-
twixt us and the French as to America ; I mean,
unleſs they are fairly dealt with, we ſhall gain but
little by all our conqueſts ; for it is the friendſhip
of the Indians that will make Canada valuable to
We have already more lands than we are able
to manage ; but the advantage, nay the neceſſity of
keeping Canada, I have already ihown; and there-
fore I ſhall go on with my account of the Indians.
When laſt in London, I remember to have heard
ſome coffee-houſe politicians, chagrined at the de-
vaſtation they made on our back ſettlements, ſay,
that it would be an eaſy matter to root out the ſa-
vages by clearing the ground. I anſwer, that the task
may ſeem eaſy to them, but the execution of ſuch
a ſcheme on ſuch a tract of land, would be ſo diffi-
cult, that I doubt whether there are people enough
in Great Britain and Ireland to accompliſh it in a
hundred years time, were they to meet with no op-
poſition ; but where there is ſuch a ſubtle enemy
to deal with, I am afraid we ſhould make but little
progreſs in reducing the Indians, even allowing the
country to be all cleared, as there are hills and other
faſtneſſes to which the Indians can retire, and where
they would greatly have the better of every attempt
to diſlodge them. The only way I would adviſe, is
to keep friends with the Indians, and endeavour to
prevail on them to ſettle in the ſame manner as the
planters do, which they will be the more eaſily
brought to, if the French are excluded from Cana-
da. For, notwithſtanding their wandering way of
life, I have the greateſt reaſon to believe they have
no diſlike to an eaſy life. And as they will have
no temptations to murder, as they had when ſtirred
up

PETER WILLIAMSON.
97
up by the ſubjects of his Moft Chriftian Majeſty,
they will ſoon become uſeful members of ſociety.
When firſt the Engliſh arrived in the American
colonies, they found the woods inhabited by a race
of people, uncultivated in their manners, but not
quite devoid of humanity. They were ſtrangers to
literature, ignorant of the liberal arts, and deltitute
of almoſt every conveniency of life.
But if they were unpractiſed in the arts of more
civilized nations, they were alſo free from their
vices. They ſeemed perfect in two parts of the an-
cient Perfian education, namely, ſhooting with the
bow, and ſpeaking truth. In their dealings they
commonly exchange one commodity for another.
Strangers themſelves to fraud, they had an entire
confidence in others. According to their abilities,
they were generous and hoſpitable. Happy, thrice
Happy had they been, if, ſtill preſerving their native
innocence and fimplicity, they had only been ina
ſtructed in the knowledge of God, and the doc-
trines of Chriſtianity! Had they been taught ſome
of the more uſeful parts of life, and to lay afide
what was wild and favage in their manners!
They received the Engliſh, upon their firſt arrival,
with
open arms, treated them kindly, and ſhewed
an earneſt defire, that they ſhould ſettle and live
with them. They freely parted with ſome of their
lands to their new-come brethren, and chearfully
entered into a league of friendſhip with them. As
the Engliſh were in immediate want of the aſliſtance
of the Indians, they, on their part, endeavoured to
make their coming agreeable. Thus they lived for
fome years, in the mutual exchange of friendly
offices. Their houſes were open to each other; they
treated one another as brothers. But by their dif.
ferent way of living, the Engliſh foon acquired pro-
perty, while the Indians continued in their former
indigence; hence the former found they could eaſily
+
I
live

98
THE LIFE OF
Jive without the latter, and therefore became leſs
anxious about preferving their friendſhip. This gave
a check to that mutual hoſpitality that had hitherto
fubſiſted between them; and this, together with the
decreaſe of game for hunting, ariſing from the in-
creaſe of the Engliſh ſettlements, induced the In-
dians to remove further back into the woods.
From this time the natives began to be treated
as a people of whom an advantage might be taken.
As the trade with them was free and open, men of
looſe and abandoned characters engaged in it, and
practifed every fraud. Before the coming of the
white people, the Indians never taſted ſpirituous
liquors, and, like molt barbarous nations, having
once taſted, became immoderately fond thereof,
and had no longer any government of themſelves.
The traders availed themſelves of this weakneſs;
inſtead of carrying our cloaths to cover the naked
ſavages, they carried them rum, and thereby de.
bauched their manners, weakened their conftitu-
tions, introduced diſorders unknown to them beforė,
and in thort corrupted and ruined them.
The Indians finding the ill effects of this trade,
began to complain. Wherefore laws were made, pro-
hibiting any from going to trade with them without
a licenſe from the Governor, and it was alſo made
lawful for the Indians to ſtave the caſks, and ſpill
what rum was brought among them; but this was
to little purpoſe: the Indians had too little com-
mand of themſelves to do their duty, and were
cafily prevailed upon not to execute this law; and
the deſign of the former was totally evaded, by men
of ſome character taking out licenſes to trade, and
then employing under them perfons of no honour
or principle, generally ſervants and convicts tranf-
ported hither from Britain and Ireland, whom they
fent with goods into the Indian country to trade on
their account. Theſe getting beyond the reach
of

PETER WILLIAMSON.
99
of the law, executed unheard-of villanies upon
the
poor natives, committing crimes which modeſty
forbids to name, and behaving in a manner too
ſhocking to be related.
At every treaty which the Indians held with the
Engliſh, they complained of the abuſes they ſuf-
fered from the traders, and trade as then carried
on. They requeſted that the traders might be re-
called; but all to no purpoſe. They begged, in the
ſtrongeſt terms, that no rum might be ſuffered to
come among them; but were only told they were
at liberty to ſpill all the rum brought into their
country. At this time, little or no pains was taken
to civilize or inſtruct them in the Chriſtian religion,
till at length the conduct of the traders, profeſling
themſelves of that religion, gave the Indians an al-
moſt invincible prejudice againſt it. Beſides, as
theſe traders travelled among diftant nations of the
Indians, and were in fome fort the repreſentatives
of the Engliſh, from them the Indians formed a
very unfavourable opinion of our whole nation, and
eafily believed every miſrepreſentation made of us
by our enemies. There are inſtances in hiſtory,
where the virtue and diſintereſted behaviour of one
man have prejudiced whole nations of barbarians
in favour of the people to whom he belonged ;
and is it then to be wondered at, if the Indians
conceived a rooted prejudice againſt us, when not
one, but a whole ſet of men, namely, all of our
nation, that they had an opportunity of ſeeing or
converſing with, were perfons of a looſe or aban-
doned behaviour, infincere and faithlefs, without
religion, virtue, or morality? No one will think I
exaggerate theſe matters, who has either known
the traders themſelves, or who has read the public
treaties.
If to this be added, what I find in the late trea-
ties, that they have been wronged in ſome of their
I 2
lands,
a
a

100
THE LIFE OF
lands, what room will there be any longer to won-
der, that we have fo little intereſt with them;
that their conduct towards us is of late ſo much
changed, that, inſtead of being a fecurity and pro-
tection to us, as they have been hitherto, during
the ſeveral wars between us and the French, they
are now turned againſt us and become our enemies,
principally on account of the fraudulent dealings
and immoral conduct of thoſe heretofore employed
in our trade with them, who have brought difho-
nour upon our religion, and diſgrace on our na-
tion? It nearly concerns us, if pollible, to wipe off
theſe reproaches, and to redeem our character,
which can only be done by regulating the trade.-
And this the Indians, with whom the government
of Philadelphia lately treated, demanded and ex-
pected of us.
At preſent, a favourable opportunity preſents for
doing it effectually. All thoſe who were engaged
in this trade, are by the preſent troubles removed
from it; and it is to be hoped that the legiſlature
will fall upon meafures to prevent any ſuch from
ever being concerned in it again. This is the only.
foundation upon which we can expect a laſting
peace
with the natives. It is evident that a great
deal depends upon the perſons who are to be ſent
into the Indian country: from theſe alone the In-
dians will form a judgment of us, our religion, and
manners. If theſe then who are to be our repre-
fentatives among the Indians, be men of virtue and
integrity, ſober in their converſation, honeft in their
dealings, and whoſe practice correſponds with their
profeſſion, the judgment formed of us will be fa-
vourable : if, on the contrary, they be looſe and
profane perſons, men of wicked lives, and profligate
morals, we muſt expect that, among the Indians,
our religion will paſs for a jeſt, and we in general
for a people faithleſs and deſpicable.
I might

PETER WILLIAMSON.
IOI
a
I might here add ſome obſervations reſpecting
the commodities proper to be carried among the In-
dians, in kind as well as quality, with a method of
carrying on the trade, ſo as to preſerve the native
innocence of the Indians, and at the ſame time con-
firm them immoveable in our intereſt ; but theſe
things, as well as ſome remarks I have in a courſe
of years made upon the Indians, I ſhall leave for
the ſubject of ſome future hiſtory.
I ſhall now proceed to give a conciſe account of
the climates, produce, trade, &c. of North Ameri-
And firſt,
ca.
Of NEW-ENGLAND.
The province of New-England appears to be
vaſtly extenfive, being about 400 miles in length,
and near 300 in breadth, ſituated between 69 and
73 deg. W. long. and between 41 and 46 deg. N.
lat. It was firſt fettled by the Independents, a
little before the commencement of the civil wars
in England: They tranſported themſelves thither,
rather than they would communicate with the
church of England.
The lands next the ſea in New-England, are gee
nerally low, and the foil fandy; but farther up the
country, it riſes into hills, and on the north-eaſt it
is rocky and mountainous: The winters are much
feverer here than in Old England, though it lies 9 or
10 degrees more ſouth, but they have uſually a
clearer ſky and more ſettled weather, both in win-
ter and fummer, than in Old England; and though
their fummers are ſhorter, the air is conſiderably
hotter while it laſts. The winds are very boil-
terous in the winter ſeaſon, and the north wind
blowing over a long tract of frozen and uncultivated
countries, with feveral freſh water lakes, makes it
exceſſive
I 3

102
THE LIFE OF
exceſſive cold. Their rivers are fometimes con.
gealed in a night's time: the climate is generally
healthful, and agreeable to Engliſh conſtitutions.
The fruits of Old England come to great perfec-
tion here, particularly peaches, which are planted
trees; and we have commonly 1200 or 1400 fine
peaches on ſuch a tree at one time; nay, of the
fruit of one ſingle apple tree, in one ſeaſon, nine
barrels of cyder have been made. Engliſh wheat
I find does not thrive here, within 40 or 50 miles
of Boſton; but farther up in the country, they have
it in great plenty, and 'I think it comes to the fame
perfection as in Britain. Now, why wheat ſhould
not grow near this city, I confeſs I can afſign no
reaſon that will fully ſatisfy the reader's curioſity.
The conjectures upon it are various : Some ven-
ture to ſay, that it was occaſioned by the unjuſt
perſecution of the Quakers, the Independents hav-
ing vented their ſpleen againſt them in a way the
moſt rigorous, and in flat contradiction to the laws
of Chriſtianity. All other grain but wheat thrives
in this place with great ſucceſs; in particular In-
dian corn, one grain whereof frequently produces
1200, and ſometimes 2000 grains. This corn is
of three different colours, viz. blue, white, and
yellow.
Of NEW-YORK.
The ſituation of this province is between 72 and
76 weſt long. and between 41 and 44 north lat.
being about 200 miles in length, and 100 miles in
breadth. The lands, in the Jerſeys and fouth part
of New York, are low and flat; but as you
aſcend
20 or 30 miles up Hudſon's river, the country is
rocky and mountainous. The air is much milder
here in winter than in New-England, and in fum-
mer it is pretty much the ſame. The produce and
trade

PETER WILLIAMSON.
103
a
trade of New York and the Jerſeys conſiſt in cattle,
and a good breed of horſes. They have plenty of
wheat and other grain, ſuch as Indian corn, buck-
weed, oats, barley, and rye. It abounds alſo with
ſtore of fiſh: they ſupply the ſugar iſlands with
flower, falt beef, pork, falt fiſh, and timber planks,
in return for the produce raiſed there.
Of PENSYLVANIA.
The extent of this colony is 200 miles in length,
and 200 miles in breadth. The ſoil is much better
than in Jerfey, chiefly conſiſting of a black mould;
the country rifes gradually as in the adjacent pro-
vinces, having the Apalachian mountains on the
weſt, and is divided into fix counties. The air,
it lying in the 40 deg. of N. lat. is near the ſame as
in New York, and very healthy to Engliſh conſti-
tutions. The produce and merchandiſe of Penſyl-
.
vania conſiſts in horſes, pipe ftaves, beef, pork,
falt fith, ſkins, furs, and all ſorts of grain ; viz.
wheat, rye, peaſe, oats, barley, buck-weed, In-
dian corn, Indian peaſe, beans, pot-aſhes, wax,
&c. and in return for theſe commodities, they
import from the Carribee iſlands, and other places,
rum, ſugar, melaſſes, ſilver, negroes, falt, and
clothing of all ſorts, hardware, &c. The nature
of the ſoil in Penſylvania, the Jerſeys, and New
York, is extremely proper to produce hemp,
flax, Etc.
If the government of Penſylvania, ſince the death
of its firſt proprietor, William Penn, had taken
proper methods to oblige the traders to deal juſtly
with the Indians, whoſe tempers, when exaſperated
with reſentment, are more ſavage than the hungry
lion, theſe diſaſters might have been, in a good dea
gree, prevented.
I intend

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I intend to conclude this argument in a few words,
and ſhall endeavour to do juſtice on both ſides,
by adhering ſtrictly to truth. Know, therefore,
that within theſe late years, the Indians being tole-
rably acquainted with the nature of our commerce,
have detected the roguery of ſome of the traders,
whereupon they lodged many and grievous com-
plants to Col. Weifer, the interpreter between them
and the Engliſh, of the injurious and fraudulent
uſage they had received for feveral years backwards
from white people, who had cheated them out of
their ſkins and furs, not giving them one quarter
their value for them.
Likewiſe they remonſtrated, that whereas hunt-
ing was the chief way or art they ever had to earn
a livelihood by; game was now become very
ſcarce, becauſe the whites practiſed it ſo much on
their ground, deſtroying their prey. Colonel
Weiſer, their interpreter, adviſed them to bring
down their ſkins and furs to Philadelphia them-
ſelves, promiſing that he would take proper care to
ſee their goods vended to their advantage. Where-
upon they did fo, in purſuance of his inſtructions,
and finding it their intereſt, reſolved to continue in
the way he had chalked out for them; for now
they were ſupplied with every thing they wanted
from the merchants fhops, at the cheapeſt rates.
And thus it plainly appeared to the Indians, that
they had been long impoſed on by the traders, and
therefore they were determined to have no more
dealings with them. This conduct and ſhyneſs of
.
the Indians was very diſagreeable to ſeveral gentle-
men of the province, who were nearly intereſted in
that ſpecies of commerce.
Accordingly, in the year 1753 and 1754, fome
of the traders had the afſurance to renew their
friendſhip with them, when, inſtead of remitting
them cloaths and other neceffaries as had been
uſual,

PETER WILLIAMSON. 105
uſual, and were moſt proper for them, they, with
inſidious purpoſes, carried them large quantities of
rum in ſmall caſks, which they knew the natives
were fond of, under cclour of giving it them gratis.
In this manner were the ſavages inveigled into li-
quor by the whites, who took the opportunity, while
they were intoxicated, of going off with their ſkins
and furs; but the natives, recovering from the de-
bauch, foon detected the villany, and, in revenge,
killed
many
of the traders, and went direaly over
to the French, who encouraged them to ſlay every
Engliſh perſon they could meet with, and deſtroy
their houſes by fire, giving them orders to ſpare
neither man, woman, nor child. Beſides, as a
farther incitement to diligence in this bloody taſk,
they promiſed the ſavages a reward of 15l. Sterling,
for every ſcalp they ſhould take, on producing the
fame before any of his Moft Chriſtian Majeſty's of-
ficers, civil or military.
Thus our perfidious enemies inſtigated thoſe un-
reaſonable barbarians to commence acts of depreda-
tion, violence, and murder, on the ſeveral inhabitants.
of North America in 1754, and more eſpecially in
Penſylvania, as knowing it to be the moit defence-
leſs province on the continent. This conſideration
prompted the ſavage race to exhauſt their malicious
fury on it in particular.
Of MARYLAND.
This country extends about 150 miles in length,
and
137
miles in breadth. The lands are low and
flat next the ſea; towards the heads of rivers they
riſe into hills, and beyond lie the Apalachian moun-
tains, which are exceeding high. The air of this
.
province is exceſſive hot fome part of the ſummer,
and equally cold in the winter, when the north-
welt

106
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weft wind blows; but the winters are not of fo
long duration here as in ſome other colonies ad-
joining to it. In the ſpring of the year, they are
infeſted with thick heavy fogs that riſe from the
low lands, which render the air more unhealthy for
Engliſh conſtitutions; and hence it is, that, in the
aforeſaid ſeaſon, the people are conſtantly afflicted
with agues.
The produce of this country is chiefly tobacco,
planted and cultivated here with much application,
and nearly the ſame ſucceſs as in Virginia, and their
principal trade with England is in that article. It
alſo affords them moſt ſorts of the grain and fruits
of Europe and America.
Of VIRGINIA.
The extent of this province is computed to be
260 miles in length, 220 miles in breadth, be-
ing moſtly low flat land. For one hundred miles
up the country, there is ſcarce a hill or a ſtone to
be ſeen. The air and ſeaſons (it lying beween 36
and 39 of north lat.) depend very much on the
wind, as to heat and cold, dryneſs and moiſture.
The north and north-weſt winds are very nitrous
and piercing cold, or elſe boiſterous and ſtormy:
The fouth and fouth-eaſt winds, hazy and fultry
hot. In winter they have a fine clear air, which
renders it very pleaſant: The froſts are ſhort, but
ſometimes ſo very ſharp that rivers are frozen over
three miles broad. Snow often falls in large quan-
tities; but ſeldom continues above two or three
days at moſt.
The ſoil, though generally fandy and ſhallow,
produces tobacco of the beſt quality, in great abun-
dance. The people's uſual food is Indian corn made
into hommony, boiled to a pulp, and comes the
neareſt to buttered wheat of any thing I can coma
pare

PETER WILLIAMSON.
TOY
pare it to.
They have horſes, cows, ſheep, and
hogs in prodigious plenty, many of the laſt running
wild in the woods. The regulation kept here is
much the fame as in New England; every man
from 16 to 60 years of age is inlifted into the mi-
litia, and muſtered once a-year at a general review,
and four times a-year by troops and companies.-
Their military complement, by computation, a-
mounts to about 30,000 effective men; the collec-
tive number of the inhabitants, men, women and
children, to 100,500, and including ſervants and
flaves, to twice that number.
Of CAROLINA.
This colony is computed to extend 660 miles in
length; but its breadth is unknown. The lands
here are generally low and flat, and not a hill to be
ſeen from St. Auguſtine to Virginia, and a great
way beyond. It is moſtly covered with woods,
where the planters have not cleared it. About 100
miles weſt of the coaſt, it ſhoots up into eminences,
and continues to riſe gradually all along to the Apa-
lachian mountains, which are about 160 miles dif-
tant from the ocean. The north
parts of Carolina
are very uneven, but the ground is extremely pro-
per for producing wheat; and all other forts of
grain that grow in Europe, will come to great per-
fection here. The ſouth parts of Carolina, if pro-
perly cultivated, might be made to produce folk,
wine, and oil. This country yields large quantities
of rice, of which they yearly ſhip off to other colo-
nies about 80,000 barrels, each barrel containing 400
weight; beſides they make abundance of tar, pitch,
and turpentine. They carry on alſo a great trade
with deer-ſkins, and furs, to all places of Europe,
which the Engliſh receive from the Indians in bar-
ter

108
THE LIFE OF
ter for guns, powder, knives, fciffars, looking-glafles,
beads, rum, tobacco, coarſe cloth, &c.
The Engliſh chapmen carry their pack-horſes five
or fix hundred miles into the country, weſt of
Chareſtown; but moſt of the commerce is confined
within the limits of the Creek and Cherokee nations,
which do not lie above 350 miles from the coaſt.
The air is very temperate and agreeable both fum-
mer and winter. Carolina is divided into two diftinct
provinces, viz. North and South Carolina.
OF NOVA SCOTIA.
This place extends about 600 miles in length,
and 450 in breadth: The air is pretty much the
ſame as in Old England: The ſoil is, for the moſt
part, barren; but where it is cleared and cultivat-
ed, it affords good corn and paſture. Here is fine
timber, and fit for building, from whence pitch and
tar may be extracted. Here alſo hemp and flax
will grow, ſo that this country will be capable of
furniſhing all manner of naval ftores. It abounds
likewiſe with deer, wild fowl, and all forts of game.
On the coaſt is one of the fineſt cod-fiſheries in the
world. European cattle, viz. ſheep, oxen, ſwine,
horſes, &c. they have in great abundance. The
winters are very cold, their froſts being ſharp and
of a long duration : Their ſummers are moderately
hot; ſo that the climate, in the main, ſeems to be
agreeable to Engliſh conſtitutions.
Of CANADA.
I ſhall cloſe the deſcription of the American colo-
nies with a fhort account of the ſoil and produce
of French Canada. Its extent is, according to their
map, 1800 miles in length, and 1260 in breadth.
The ſoil, in the low lan.is near the river St. Lau-
rence,

PETER WILLIAMSON.
109
rence, will indeed raiſe wheat; but, withal, I found
it fo fhallow, that it would not produce that grain
above two years, unleſs it was properly manured.
About 20 miles from the ſaid river, ſo hilly and
mountainous is the country, that nothing but In-
dians and wild ravenous beaſts reſort there. How-
ever, they have plenty of rye, Indian corn, buck-
weed, and oats; likewiſe of horſes, cows, ſheep,
fwine, &c. But I have obſerved that fruits of any
kind do not come to ſuch perfection here as in ſome
of the Engliſh fettlements, which is owing to the
long duration and exceſſive cold of their winters.
The ſummer is ſhort, and temperately hot. The
climate, in general, is healthy and agreeable to Eu-
ropean conſtitutions. And ſo much for the pro-
vinces in North America.
a
It is now high time to return to the embarkation
at Quebec. Five hundred of us, being to be ſent to
England, were put on board La Renomme, a French
paquet-boat, Captain Dennis Vitree commander:
we failed under a flag of truse, and though the
French behaved with a good deal of politeneſs, yet
we were almoſt ſtarved for want of proviſions. One
biſcuit, and two ounces of pork a-day, being all
our allowance, and half dead with cold, having but
few clothes, and the veſſel being ſo ſmall, that the
major part of us were obliged to be upon deck in
all weathers. After a paffage of fix weeks, we at
laſt, to our great joy, arrived at Plymouth, on the
fixth of November 1756. But theſe our troubles
and hardſhips were not, as we expected, put to a
period for ſome time ; ſeruples ariſing to the Com-
miflaries and Admiral there, about taking us on
fore, as there was no cartel agreed on between the
French and Engliſh, we were confined on board,
until the determination of the Lords of the Admi-
ralty ſhould be known; lying there in a miſerable
K
condition

IIO
THE LIFE, &c.
condition ſeven or eight days, before we received
orders to diſembark, which, when we were permit-
ted to do, being ordered from thence, in different
parties, to Totneſs, Kingſbridge, Newton Buſhel,
Newton Abbot in Devonſhire, I was happy in
being quartered at Kingſbridge, where I met with
ſuch civility and entertainment as I had for a long
time been a ſtranger to.
In about four months we were again ordered to
Plymouth-dock, to be draughted into other regi-
ments; where, on being inſpected, I was, on ac-
count of the wound I had received in my hand, diſ-
charged as incapable of further ſervice; and was
allowed the ſum of fix ſhillings to carry me home
to Aberdeen, near the place of my nativity. But
finding that ſum inſufficient to fubfift me half the
way, I was obliged to make my application to the
honourable gentlemen of the city of York, who,
on conſidering my neceflity, and reviewing my ma-
nuſcript on the tranſactions of the Indians, herein
before mentioned, thought proper to have it print-
ed for my own beneat, which they chearfully ſub-
fcribed unto. And after diſpoſing of ſeveral of my
books through the fhire, I took the firſt opportu-
nity of going in queſt of my relations at Aberdeen,
where I received very barbarous uſage and ill
treatment, occaſioned by complaining againſt the
illegal practice of kidnapping, in the beginning of
my book, which I ſhall hereafter finally diſcribe in
the following pages.
A DIS

[III.]
A DISCOURSE ON KIDNAPPING:
With proper directions for tradeſmen and others,
to avoid ſavery, when tranſported from their
native country, by the inftigation of perfidious
traders.
T.
O make the ſubject of the enſuing pages the
more accurate and diſtinct, I ſhall, in the firſt
place, begin with the proceedings of the Magi-
ſtrates of Aberdeen, when I arrived in that town in
June 1758, after having completed the period of
my ſlavery, as related in the beginning of this nar-
rative. No ſooner had I offered this little work to
ſale in that town, which was then my only means
of ſubſiſtence, than I was arraigned in a fummary
complaint at the inſtance of the Magiftrates, before
their own tribunal, and carried by three or four
town-officers to the bar of that tremendous Court
of Judicature. The complaint exhibited againſt
me contained in ſubſtance, “ That I had been guil-,
ty of cauſing print, and of publiſhing and diſperſing
this fcurrilous and infamous libel, reflecting greatly
upon the characters and reputations of the mer-
chants in Aberdeen, and on the town in general,
without any ground or reaſon; whereby the cor-
poration of the city, and whole members thereof,
were greatly hurt and prejudged; and that there.
fore I ought to be exemplarily puniſhed in my per-
ſon and goods; and that the ſaid book, and
whole copies thereof, ought to be ſeized and pub-
licly burnt.” Such was the tenor of the complaint;
and inſtead of allowing me an opportunity of tak-
ing advice, in time to prepare for my defence, I
was hurried before them, and concuſſed by threats
K2
of

112
THE LIFE OF
of impriſonment to make a declaration of a very
extraordinary caſt, and dictated by themfelves;
bearing, that " I had no ground for advancing and
uttering the calumnies mentioned in my book
againſt the merchants in Aberdeen, but the funcy I
took in my younger years, which ſtuck on my memory,
though I did not find that I had reaſon fo to do; nor
did I believe theſe things to be true ; and that I was
willing to contradict, in a public manner, what I
had fo advanced," &c.
After eliciting this declaration, the Magiſtrates,
without adjournment, “appointed me to find cau-
tion to ſtand trial on the ſaid complaint at any
time when called for, and impriſoned till perform-
ance; and ordered all the copies of my books to
be lodged in the clerks chamber. My books were
accordingly ſeized, and myſelf committed to the
cuſtody of the town officers, who conducted me to
jail, and where I muſt hav lain till next day, had
not my landlord bailed me out. Next forenoon
the Magiftrates proceeded to fentence on their own
complaint; and accordingly they “ ordained the
offenſive leaves of all the copies of the ſaid book to
be cut out, and publicly burnt at the market-croſs
by the hands of the common hangman, the town-
officers attending and publiſhing the cauſe of the
burning; that I ſhould give in a figned declaration
of much the ſame tenor with the former; beg-
ging pardon of the magiſtrates and merchants in
the moſt ſubmiſſive manner, and defiring this my
recantation to be inſerted in the York newſpapers,
cr any other newſpapers they ſhould think proper ;
and alſo ordained me to be incarcerated in the tol-
booth, till I granted the faid declaration; and
amerciated me in ten fhillings Sterling, under the
pain of impriſonment; and immediately after to
remove out of town,
Such

PETER WILLIAMSON.
113
Such was the ſentence of the Magiſtrates of Aber-
deen againſt me, every particular of which was
forthwith put in execution in the moſt rigorous
manner. Had theſe judges had the leaſt reflection,
they muſt have been conſcious, that, in every ſtep
of their procedure, they were committing the groff
eft abuſe. The complaint was made by their order
and direction, and ſerved at their own inſtigation,
by which means they were firſt the Accuſers, and
afterwards the Condemners. The ſubject of it was
fo irrelevant, that they muſt have been ſenſible they
were proſecuting an innocent man, for relating the
melancholy particulars of his life, which ought to
have rendered him rather an object of their pro-
tection, than of their malice. The facts he had
fet forth in his book, relating to the original
of his misfortunes, were fo flagrant, that, had he
ſued for it, he was entitled to redreſs againſt the
authors of his miferies, from thoſe very Magiſtrates
who now had the cruelty to aggravate them, by in-
flicting additional hardſhips. To pretend ignorance
is a very lame 'excuſe. He muſt have been a very
youthful Magiſtrate in 1758, who could not remem-
ber fome circumſtances of a public branch of trade
carried on in 1744. It is ipconceivable, that, of
a whole bench of Magiſtrates, no leſs than fix in
number, not one was of an age capable of re-
collecting what had happened only fourteen years
before ; nor is it to be prefumed, that, of almoſt
all the inhabitants of Aberdeen, they alone, who
had the beſt acceſs to know the traffic of the
town, ſhould remain ignorant of a commerce,
which was carried on in the market places, on
the high ſtreets, and in the avenues to the town,
in the moſt public manner. Neither of theſe ſup-
poſitions will eaſily gain credit. The Magiſtrates
are commonly of ſuch an age, and ought to be
men of ſuch reflection, as to render the firſt im
poſſible
B3

I14
THE LIFE OF
poſſible ; and the ſecond, for the reaſons given
above, is equally incredible. Every impartial per-
fon muſt therefore be perfuaded, that the Magiſtrates
were not unacquainted with that illicit ſpecies of
trade openly carried on in that city about the year
1744, and prior to that period. To prove that
there was ſuch an infamous traffic, I appeal to the
depofitions of ſeveral witneſſes, ſome of whom
ſhared in the calamity by the loſs of their children
and other relations. Theſe I have fubjoined, as
they occur in the proof taken on my part, by way
of notes to the treatiſe.
From thefe vouchers it appears, that the trade
of carrying off boys to the Plantations in America,
and ſelling them there as llaves, was carried on at
Aberdeen, as far down as the year 1744, with an
amazing effrontery. It was not carried on in ſe.
cret, or by ſtealth, but publicly, and by open vio-
lence. The whole neighbouring country were
alarmed at it. They would not allow their children
to go to Aberdeen, for fear of being kidnapped.
When they kept them at home, emiffaries were
ſent out by the merchants, who took them by vio-
lence from their parents, and carried them off. If
a child was amiſſing, it was immediately ſuſpected
that he was kidnapped by the Aberdeen merchants;
and, upon inquiry, that was often found to be the
caſe; and ſo little pains were taken to conceal
them, when in the poffeffion of the merchants,
that they were driven in flocks through the town,
under the inſpection of a keeper, who overawed
them with a whip, like ſo many theep carrying to
the ſlaughter. Not only were theſe flocks of un-
happy children locked up in barns, and places of
private confinement, but even the tolbooth and
public work-houſes were made receptacles for them,
and a town officer employed in keeping them. Par-
ties of worthleſs fellows, like preſs-gangs, were
hired

PETER WILLIAMSON.
115
hired to patrol the ſtreets, and ſeize by force ſuch
boys as ſeemed proper ſubjects for the flave-trade.
The practice was but too general. The names of
no
Depoſitions of witneſſes on the part of Peter Williamſon.
a
ALEXANDER King depones, That he knew the de.
ceaſed James Williamſon, in Hirnley, in the pariſh of A-
boyne : That the ſaid James Williamſon had a ſon, named
Peter Williamſon, whom the Deponent knew when he was
a boy; and he ſeeing the ſaid Peter Williamſon imme-
diately at his emitting this depofition, he is very fure
that he is the identical Peter Williamſon, whom he knew
when he was a boy. Depones, That ſome years before
the battle of Culloden, and, fo far as he remembers, he
believes it was upwards of four years before the battle
of Culloden, it was the general report of the country,
that when the ſaid Peter Williamſon, the Purſuer, was
a little boy, going with a clipped head, he was taken
at Aberdeen, and carried to Philadelphia, along with
ſeveral other boys. Depones, That, about that time,
the Deponent had a converſation with the ſaid James
Williamfon concerning his fon Peter, who told the De-
ponent ſeveral times, that he came into Aberdeen ſeeking
his ſon Peter, but they would not let him near hand
him. Depones, That the ſaid James Williamſon told
the Depenent, that his ſon Peter was in cuſtody in a
barn at Aberdeen, and they would not let him ſpeak to
him ; and afterwards, the ſaid James Williamſon told
the Deponent, that the merchants of Aberdeen had car-
ried
away his ſon to Philadelphia, and ſold him for a
flave. Depones, That he heard in the country by re-
port, that John Elphingſton merchant in Aberdeen, and
one Black a merchant there, whether James or George
he does not remember, did deal in that
way
of carrying
away boys. And further depones, That the faid James
Williamſon told him, the Deponent, that his ſon Peter
was carried away without his confent, and he ſaw the fa-
ther ſhed many ſalt tears on that account.
otrok JOHN

II6
THE LIFE OF T
no leſs than fifteen merchants, concerned in this
trade, are mentioned in the proof: And when fo
many are ſingled out by the witneffes, it is hardly
to
and was
John Wilson depones, That he knew, and was
well acquainted with James Williamfon, in Hirnley, and
with all his children, particularly his fon Peter William-
fon. Depopes, That the ſaid Peter Williamfon having
gone to Aberdeen, as the Deponent was informed, he was
carried away therefrom to the Plantations; and when his
father and friends miffed him, they made ſearch for him
many ways in the country, but conld not find him; and
the ſaid James Williamſon went to Aberdeen in ſearch of
him, and, upon his return, he told the Deponent, that he
had been at Aberdeen feeking his fon Peter, but could
not find him, and was informed that he was taken up at
Aberdeen, and carried to the Plantations. Depones,
That he believes, when the ſaid Peter Williamſon was
amiling, he was about eight or ten years of age,
a ſtout boy; and the Deponent ſeeing the faid Peter
Williamſon immediately at emitting this depoſition,
he is ſure that he is the identical perſon whom he knew,
before he went away, to be James Williamfon's ſon, and
was at the ſaid Peter Williamſon's baptiſm.
FRANCIS FRASER of Tindrack, Eſq. depones, That,
about twenty years ago, he knew the deceaſed James
Williamfon living in Upper Balnacraig, in the pariſh of
Lumphanan, and that he heard the ſaid James Williamſon
lived formerly in Hirnley, in the pariſh of Aboyne. De-
pones, He knew ſeveral of the faid James Williamſon's
children, and he heard it was the practice of ſome of the
merchants of Aberdeen to kidnap young children, and
ſend them to the Plantations to be fold for flaves. De-
pones, He heard in the country, that the ſaid James
Williamſon, or his wife, had gone into Aberdeen, and
one of their fons, called Peter Williamſon, had followed,
and that James Smith, faddler in Aberdeen, had picked
the ſaid Peter; and the Deponent heard he was either
put in priſon, or put on board a fhip, till the ſhip failed.
Depones,

PETER WILLIAMSON.
117
to be imagined it ſhould be confined to theſe only,
but that they muſt have omitted many, who were
either principals, or abettors and decoys in this
infamous
a
Depones, It was the voice of the country, that James
Williamſon and his wife regretted, or made a clamour for
the loſs of their ſon, not knowing what was become of
him.
ROBERT Reid depones, That, to the beſt of his re-
membrance, he came to Aberdeen in the year 1740, to
fee his fiſter; that his fifter propoſed to the Deponent to
go to a barn, to ſee the country boys who were going
over to Philadelphia, and to carry home to their parents
fome accounts of them; that the Deponent accordingly
went over, and heard muſic and a great noife in faid
barn, but the Deponent refuſed to go in, becauſe it oc-
curred to him, that he had heard in his own country
that many boys had been decoyed by particular artifices
of merchants (and he has heard John Burnet named)
to go over to America. Depones, That he was told
that the number of boys in the ſaid barn was between
thirty and forty. Depones, That, ſome time after this,
the Deponent's mother refuſed to allow the Deponient to
go into Aberdeen, and mentioned as the reaſon of this
refuſal, that the fon of one Williamſon, a tenant of Lord
Aboyne's, in Hirnley, and who lived within two miles of
her, was amiſſing.
ISABEL Wilson depones, That ſhe went to Aber-
deen in the year 1740, and lived there for ſeven years
and a half, and that ſhe heard it frequently reported in
Aberdeen, that many young people of both ſexes were
decoyed by the artifices of merchants in Aberdeen, par-
ticularly John Barnet and John Elphingſton, to engage
to go over to America. That ſhe once went into a malt-
barn to ſee one Peter Ley, who had engaged to go to
America, and might be about thirty years of age : that,
upon that occafion, ſhe ſaw the barn full of boys and men,
to the number of fifty and upwards, as ſhe believes, and
that they had a piper amongst them; and that particu-
larly
-

118
THE LIFE OF
infamous traffic. Some of the witneſſes depone,
That it was the general opinion, that the Magiſtrates
themſelves had a hand in it. But what exceeds
every
larly fhe faw two young boys, called Elſmies, whom ſhe
knew, and who were the fons of a widow-woman there ;
the youngeſt of whom appeared to her to be about ten
years of age, and the eldeſt about fourteen
years.
De-
pones, That after ſhe left Aberdeen and went back to
her own country, ſhe has heard James Williamſon, tenant
of Lord Aboyne, in the town of Hirnley, frequently com-
plain that a ſon of his had been amiſſing, and he did not
know what became of him.
MARGARET Reid depones, That, about the year 1740
or 41, ſhe heard that many young boys were decoyed by
merchants in Aberdeen, particularly John Burnet, to go
over to America ; and that, about that time, one Peter
Ley, and two brothers of the name of Ellmie, who lived
in Aboyne, in the Deponent's neighbourhood, were a-
miffing, and were much regretted by their mother, and
who were believed to have been carried over to America.
Depones, That, in the pariſh of Aboyne, they were ge.
nerally afraid to ſend their boys on errands to Aberdeen,
for fear they ſhould be carried off. Depones, That ſhe
did not know the age of the ſaid two Elſmies, but from
their
appearance, the one might be ten or twelve, and
the other ſeven or eight years. Depones, That James
Williamſon, tenant in Hirnley, of Aboyne, had a ſon who
was amiffing, whoſe name was Peter, and who the De-
very
well at that time, and who in the
year 1740, might be nine or ten
of
age,
in the De-
ponent's opinion ; that in that year he was ſent into
Aberdeen to be under his aunt's care, his mother being
dead: That foon thereafter he was amiſſing, and the De-
ponent has frequently heard his father regret him very
much, who went into Aberdeen in fearch of him, but
could not find him; and that it was the general opinion
of the country, and the opinion of his father alſo, that
he was carried over to America.
years
GEORGE
ponent knew

PETER WILLIAMSON.
ITO
every proof, and is equal to an acknowledgment,
is, that, from a book of accounts, recovered on lead-
ing the proof, recording the expences laid out
on
George JOHNSTON depones, That he was fent over
to Virginia by an uncle, to be put under the care of a
friend there ; that the ſhip in which he failed was called
the Indian Queen, Captain Ferguſon commander; and
the ſaid ſhip failed from Aberdeen, and had above fixty
boys on board, under indentures to ſerve for a number
of years in Virginia: That, as the Deponent has been
frequently informed, many of theſe boys were engaged
by different artifices to enter into the ſaid indentures,
without the conſent of their parents ; and the Deponent
particularly knows, that there were two brothers went
over in the ſaid ſhip, to wit, James and William Sheds,
the eldeft of whom was about fifteen years of age, and
the other about fix years; that theſe two brothers were
bought by one John Graham, in Quantigo Creek, in Vir-
ginia ; that the eldeſt ſerved out the time of his indenture,
which was five years, and the youngeſt was adjudged to
ſerve the ſaid John Graham until he was twenty-one
years
of age. Depones, That he has been well inform-
ed, that James Abernethy, John Elphingſton, and John
Burnet, merchants in Aberdeen, were very much em-
ployed in engaging boys as aforeſaid. Depones, That
he knows that fix or ſeven of the boys before men-
tioned were ſold in Virginia to different maiters; one of
them, named Thomas Whitehead, was fold to the De-
ponent's maſter; that one of them, called James Shed,
the youngeſt of the two Sheds above mentioned, was
fold to a planter within three miles of where the Depo-
nent lived; that he deſerted his maſter's ſervice, was ap-
prehended, and whipped for ſo doing, and adjudged to
ſerve for a year longer than otherwiſe he was obliged to
do, he having deſerted his ſervice for the ſpace of a
month. Depones, That he knows that in the year 1745,
there came a ſhip from Aberdeen to Virginia, and that
he was particularly acquainted with Thomas Whitehead
above mentioned, who, upon recollection, he remembers
came

I 20
0. THE LIFE OF I
on one cargo of theſe unfortunate objects, it ap-
pears, that no leſs than fixty-nine boys and girls
were carried over to America along with me, all
of
came over a paſſenger in that fhip, and not in the ſhip
before mentioned ; that the ſaid Thomas Whitehead ac-
quainted the Deponent, that he was engaged by James
Abernethy, merchant in Aberdeen, to go to Virginia to
ferve there. Depones, That the boys brought over as
above, and engaged to ſerve in Virginia, are in ufe to be
maintained by their maſters during the time of their fer-
vice; and at the end of their ſervice to get 50 s. Sterling,
and have no other encouragement. Depones, That
during their ſervice, they are commonly very harſhly uſed
by their maſters, and kept upon a very coarſe diet, ſo
that they are often forced to deſperate meaſures, and ta
make
away with themſelves. Depones, That he return-
ed to Britain in the end of the year 1745, and foon
thereafter came to Aberdeen ; and that there ſeveral of
the parents of the children that had gone over with him,
came to the Deponent, and with great anxiety inquired
after their children; and particularly, one Helen Law
aſked the Deponent about her ſon ; and at the fame time
poured out a great many curſes upon the ſaid James A-
bernethy, for decoying young boys, and ſending them
to America, and particularly her own fon; and that
this ſhe did in preſence of the ſaid James Abernethy. And
depones, That the Deponent was ſent down by his ma-
fter along with John Spriggs, to bring up the ſaid Tho-
mas Whitehead, together with ſeveral others of the boys
that came along with him, in order for ſale. Depones
That he never ſaw the Purſuer in Virginia, but has good
reaſon to believe he was there, not only becauſe ſome of
his neareſt relations had told him ſo, but that he him-
ſelf had converſed particularly with him, with regard to
ſeveral perſons and places there, of which he gave a juſt
and true account.
ALEXANDER GRIGERSON depones, That he and an-
other boy (whoſe name he does not remember) were
coming

PETER WILLIAMSON.
I 21
of whom ſuffered the ſame fate of being ſhip-
wrécked, and many of them, that of being ſold as
flaves.
After
coming from the mill of Crathy, where they had been
ſeeking their meat and near to a birch-wood near to the
kirk of Crathy, three countrymen on horſeback came up
with them, but the Deponent knew none of them; and
they aſked the Deponent and the other boy that was a-
long with him, if they would go with them, and they
would clothe them like gentlemen, and ſaid very kind
things to them; but the Deponent, being elder than the
other boy, made anſwer, That they would not go along
with them; for it ftruck the Deponent in the head, that
perhaps he and the other boy were to be carried abroad,
in reſpect of a rumour prevailing in the country, that
young boys were carried abroad at that time. Depones,
That
upon their refuſing to go along with the ſaid three
men, they ſaid they would force them'; and thereupon
alighted from their horſes; and while the ſaid three men
were tying their horſes to growing trees, he, the Depo-
nent, and the other boy, run away into the wood, and hid
themſelves into a thick buſh, and the three men followed
them, but did not find them, though they paſſed by with-
in three yards of them; and the Deponent heard one of
them ſay, “Go you that way, and I ſhall go
this
way,
and if we can find them in this buſh, we can eaſily take
them up.” Depones, That he and the other bay ítayed
about half an hour in the buſh, till they found that the
faid three men were gone away, and then he, the Depo-
ment, and the other boy, went back to the mill of Crathy:
MARGARET Ross depones, That about 17 years ago,
ſhe had a ſon, named James Ingram, then about twelve
age, whom ſhe fent an errand to Aberdeen,
and who at that time was taken up by Alexander
Gray merchant in Aberdeen, in order to be carried to
the Plantations; that he was detained in Aberdeen
about eight days, but had liberty to go through the town
with other boys, and they uſed to go in companies beat-
ing
a
years of
光
​
722
THE LIFE OF
After ſuch a demonſtration of my veracity, and
the maltreatment I had formerly ſuffered, the
reader, it is believed, cannot but reflect with ſome
degree
ing the drum. Depones, That, on Sunday thereafter, the
came to the Chapel in the Gallowgate to hear worſhip,
and ſhe ſaw her ſon there, and got hold of him, and
carried him home with her to Loanhead, which is
about half a mile from Aberdeen. Depones, That ſhe
kept her ſaid fon at home for ſome time, until four men
came out of Aberdeen for him, in the night-time, while
the Deponent and her huſband were in bed, and their ſon
James lying at their feet. Depones, She knew none of
theſe four men, but they told they were come from the
faid Alexander Gray, and wanted to carry the ſaid James
Ingram into Aberdeen Depones, That when her ſon
heard them ſaying ſo, he wept and ſhed tears; and they
inſiſting, cauſed him to riſe out of bed, and go along with
them to Aberdeen, and his father followed them; and
ſhe was told by her huſband, they went to Alexander
Gray's houſe. Depones, That next day, the faid John
Ingram, her huſband (as he informed the Deponent),
came into Aberdeen, and met with Alexander Gray,
and fought back his fon; who ſaid to him, That if he
would pay feven pounds Scots, for the expence of main-
taining his ſon while he was with Alexander Gray, in
that caſe he ſhould get back his fon; but their circum-
ftances could not allow them to pay the ſaid feven pounds.
Deponés, That thereafter ſhe came into Aberdeen, and
met with Provoſt Aberdeen, who was then Provoſt of the
town, and repreſented the caſe to him, and he ſent for
Alexander Gray, to come to the town-houſe and ſpeak
with the Provoſt. Depones, That when he came, the
Provoſt aſked him, if he had a boy of the Deponent's with
him, to which Alexander Gray anſwered, that he had
a boy, one James Ingram ; whereupon the Provoft ſaid
to him, That he did not think it right to take up any
perſon's child without conſent of parents, to which
Alexander Gray anſwered, that the boy complained that
lais mother was not good to him; and the Provoſt re-
plied

PETER WILLIAMSON.
123
degree of indignation on the iniquitous ſentence of
the magiftrates of Aberdeen, and commiferate the dif-
mal ſituation to which I was reduced in conſequence
of
a
plied, that a parent could not correct a child out of time,
and deſired, that the Deponent ſhould get her ſon ;
whereupon Alexander Gray aſked, who would pay his
charges for maintaining the boy while he had him; at
fame time Gray faid, he had given off the boy to one
Mr. Copland, in the Gallowgate. Depones, That the
Provoſt ſent an officer for Mr. Copland, who could not
be found that day; but the Provoſt deſired the Deponent
to go home, and return next day to the town-houſe, and
ſhe ſhould get her ſon. Depones, That, on her return,
the Provoft fent for Mr. Copland, and ordered him to
give the Deponent her ſon; and he aſked, who would
pay the charges of him ; and the Provoſt replied, that
when his father grew rich, he would cut ftones for him,
he being a ſtone-cutter to his employment. Depones,
That Mr. Copland went along with her to a barn at the
back-ſide of the town, where her fon and ſeveral other
boys were, the door whereof was open, and James Roſs
an officer ftanding thereat. Depones, That ſeveral of
the boys came out of the barn, calling to Mr. Copland
for ſhoes and other neceſſaries that they wanted, and
her ſon came to the door to her, and Mr. Copland de-
fired to take from him a ſtriped waiſtcoat that he had
given him ; which was taken from him accordingly,
and the Deponent put a plaid about her ſon above his
fhirt, and carried him home with her. Depones, That
ſhe kept her ſon at home a conſiderable time with her-
felf, thereafter he went into Aberdeen, and was taken
up fas ſhe was informed) by one Lunen in Aberdeen,
who went over with boys, a trader to the Plantations.
Depones, That, before her ſon went away, he was put
into the tolbooth of Aberdeen, and kept there for ſeve-
ral weeks by the ſaid Mr. Lunen; and the Deponent
went twice or thrice to the tolbooth, and ſaw her ſon
there, and gave him her bleſſing before he went away,
and ſhe never ſaw him fince. Depones, That when ſhe
went
L 2

124
THE LIFE OF
of that tyrannical deciſion. Stript at once of my
all, and of my only means of ſubſiſtence, branded
with the character of a vagrant and impoſtor, and
ſtigmatized
went into Alexander Gray's ſhop, who cauſed firſt to ap-
prehend her boy, to ſeek him back, the ſaid Alexander
Gray took her by the ſhoulders, and thruſt her out of
his fhop. Depones, That, at the aforeſaid time, when
her ſon was taken up and carried away, proviſions were
very dear and ſcarce, and many were difficulted to get
their bread; but the Deponent and her huſband were in
condition to have maintained her ſon, and never conſent-
ed to his being carried off.-JOHN INGRAM depones,
conforms to the ſaid Margaret his ſpouſe.
WILLIAM JAMIESON depones, That, in ſpring 1741,
and for fome years before and after, the Deponent re-
fided with his family in the town of Old Meldrum,
which he reckons to be twelve computed miles from
Aberdeen ; that the Deponent had a lon, named John,
who was, in the ſpring 1741, between ten and eleven
years of age ; that about that time, the ſaid John his
fon having been amiſſing from his houſe, the Deponent
was informed by the neighbours in Old Meldrum, the
day after he was amifing, that they ſaw a man, whom
they ſaid was a fervant to John Burnet, late merchant in
Aberdeen, who was commonly called Bonny John, with
the Deponent's ſaid ſon, and two other boys much about
the ſame age, travelling towards Aberdeen; and that his
fon would be ſent to the Plantations: That, in two or
three days after receiving this information, the Deponent
went to Aberdeen, where he found the ſaid John Burnet,
who told him that he had ſeveral boys, but did not know
whether the Deponent's fon was amongſt them ; but
ſaid, that though he was, the Deponent would not get
him back, becauſe he was engaged with him; that the
Deponent upon this left Mr. Burnet, and went down
about the ſhore, where he had been informed the boys
were out getting the air, that when he came there, he
obſerved a great number of boys, he thinks about 60,
diverting

PETER WILLIAMSON. 125
ftigmatized as ſuch in the Aberdeen Journal, ba-
nifhed from the capital of the county wherein I was
born, and left to the mercy of the wide world,
loaded
diverting themſelves ; that they were attended by a man,
who, the Deponent was informed by the people of the
town, was employed for that purpoſe by the ſaid John
Burnet; that this man had a horſe-whip, and the De-
ponent obſerved him ftriking the boys therewith when
they went out of the crowd. Depones, That he ob-
ſerved his own ſon John amongſt theſe boys, and called
upon him; that the boy came up to him, and told him
that he would willingly go home with him if he was al-
lowed ; that immediately upon this, the perſon who was
Mr. Burnet's overſeer, came up and gave the boy a laſh
with his whip, and took him by the ſhoulder, and car-
ried him amongſt the reſt, and immediately drove them
off, and carried them to a barn, where the Deponent
faw them locked in by the fore-mentioned overſeer, who
put the key in his pocket : that the place where the boys
were ſtanding, when the deponent ſpoke with his fon as
above deponed on, was on the ſhore, and the Deponent
thinks, as far diſtant from the fore-mentioned barn, as
from the Writers Court to the Nether-bow Port; that
when the boys were marching up to the barn, the De-
ponent kept pace with the overfeer, who followed im-
mediately after the boys, entreating of him to get liberty
to ſpeak to his ſon; who anſwered him, that he ſhould
get leave to ſpeak with him by and by when they were
come to the barn: but when they came there, the over-
feer locked the door as above mentioned, and refuſed
the Deponent acceſs; that the Deponent never ſaw his
fon after this: that the Deponent, in paſſing through the
town of Aberdeen after his fon was locked
up
from him,
was told by ſeveral trades-people, and others to whom
he had told the ſtory of his ſon, that it would be in vain
for him to apply to the magiſtrates to get his ſon libes
rate; becauſe ſome of the magiſtrates had a hand in
thoſe doings, as well as the ſaid John Burnet ; upon
which the Deponent went home.
That in ſummer
thereafter,
13

126
THE LIFE OT
loaded with all the infamy that malice could in
vent. What a deplorable ſituation this! I could
not help conſidering myſelf in a more wretched
ftate,
a
a
thereafter, the Deponent came up to Edinburgh, to take
advice what he ſhould do in this matter, being certainly
informed by the voice of the country, that the ſhip on
board of which his fon was put, had failed for Maryland
about a fortnight or ſo after that day when the Deponent
was at Aberdeen, and ſaw his fon as before mentioned.
That after the Deponent came up to Edinburgh, he was
recommended to the deceaſed Mr. William Seton, writer
to the Signet, who gave him a libelled fummons againſt
the ſaid John Burnet, before the Lords of Council and
Seſſion, for reſtitution of the Deponent's ſon; that none
of the meſſengers in Aberdeen would execute the ſum-
mons againft Mr. Burnet, becauſe they would not diſ-
oblige him for any thing the Deponent could give them ;
which obliged the Deponent to ſend a meffenger from
Old Meldrum to Aberdeen ; that the Deponent having
inſiſted in this ſummons, the ſaid John Burnet applied to
the late Earl of Aberdeen, who ſent for the Deponent's
father, his tenant; and the Deponent's father came and
carried him to the houſe of Haddo, where the Earl and
John Burnet were at that time; that, at this meeting,
it was agreed, that the ſaid John Burnet ſhould give the
Deponent his bond to reſtore his ſon to him, within the
ſpace of a twelvemonth, under the penalty of 507.
Sterling ; that the Deponent did not get the ſaid bond,
but that the Earl of Aberdeen promiſed that he would
caufe John Burnet to grant the bond ; that the Deponent
thinks, to the beſt of his remembrance, this meeting
was in the end of ſummer 1742; that ſhortly thereafter,
Lord Aberdeen died, and the Deponent having inlifted
zisy a ſoldier, was fent over to Flanders, where he ſerved
fome
years,
his return John Burnet was become
bankrupt, and had left the country; and the Deponent
knows not whether his ſon is dead or alive, having never
heard of him fince he was carried from Aberdeen, and
never got the bond before mentioned from John Burnet.
GEORGE
and upon

PETER WILLIAMSON.
124
ftate, to be reduced to ſubmit to ſuch barbarities in
a civilized country, and the place of my nativity,
than when a captive among the favage Indians, who
boaft not of humanity.
Conſcious
GEORGE Leslie depones, That, about the year
1742, it was the current report, That Hugh Mackie
ftabler in Aberdeen, was employed by John Burnet
merchant in Aberdeen for taking up boys, that they
might be carried to the Plantations. Depones, That
the faid Hugh Mackie, with a gang of five or fix boys
along with him, was at the back of the Gallowgate,
where the Deponent was working as a maſon's ſervant,
and they obſerving a boy coming down the ſtreet, they
took hold of him ; but the boy ſtruggled and got out of
their gripes ; whereupon Hugh Mackie kicked the ſaid
boy with his foot, and turned him into the loch, and the
boy being hurt, was confined in the houſe of Harry
Black ftabler, for eight or ten days, till he recovered;
but the Deponent does not know what became of that
boy afterwards. Depones, That he ſaw a parcel of boys
and girls confined in a barn in the Green, before they
were ſent to the Plantations. Depones, That he believes
they were of different ages, from ten to fifteen years.
a
CHRISTIAN FINLATER depones, That, fome years
before the battle of Culloden, Hugh Mackie ſtabler in
the Gallowgate of Aberdeen, and James Wilſon ftabler
there, were employed for taking up boys to be ſent to
the Plantations; and one time ſhe ſaw the ſaid Hugh
Mackie driving a parcel of boys before him down the
Gallowgate, with a ſtaff in his hand, and ſhe has ſeen
him chaſing boys in at cloſes. Depones, She ſaw ſome
boys looking out at the window of a barn in the Green,
and ſhe reckons they were kept there till they ſhould be
ſent to the Plantations, and ſhe heard there were other
places in town where boys were kept until they ſhould be
ſent away. Depones, That, according to her knowledge
and belief, ſome of theſe boys would have been twelve years
of age, others of them thirteen, and ſome above and ſome
lefs;

128
THE LIFE OF
Conſcious of my own integrity, and fired with re-
fentment at the indignities poured upon me by this
arbitrary decree, I was, by the advice and affiſtance
of
leſs; and ſhe ſaw among them, lads from the Highlands
of the fize of men, and women alfo; and the boys were
generally ſtrapping boys. Depones, That ſhe heard one
Mr. Copland in Aberdeen was concerned in employing
Hugh Mackie and James Wilſon for the above purpoſe.
Robert Brand depones, That, about the month
of June 1758, he, the Deponent, faw James Thomfon,
Dean of Guild's officer, carrying out of George Mackie's
houſe (where Peter Williamſon was quartered at that
time) a parcel of books, bound or ſtitched in blue pa+
per; the Deponent does not know the number of them.
but James Thomſon had his arms extended full of them.
Depones, That thereafter he faw a fervant-maid of
George Mackie's coming down ſtairs of Mr. Mackie's
houſe, after the town-officer had come out of it, and the
Deponent aſked her what was the matter; and the an-
fwered her, that it was the town-officers carrying away
Mr. Williamſon's books to the clerks chamber, where
Mr. Williamſon was himſelf, and this was the fecond
burden of them.
George MACKIE deponés, That two or three of the
town-officers came to the Deponent's own houſe, and
he ſaw them carry away all the copies of the ſaid
pamphlets or books, and the ſaid Peter Williamſon was
along with the officers, and they were carried to the
town-houſe. Depones, That he ſaw ſome of theſe co-
pies drop by the way, as the officers were carrying them
to the town-houſe, but he does not know how many
copies were fo dropped, neither did he fee Peter Wil-
liamſon take up any of the dropt copies. Depones, That
when Peter Williamſon was appointed by the Magiſtrates
to find bail for his appearance to ſtand trial on the com-
plaint againſt him, at the inſtance of the Dean of Guild
and Procurator-fiſcal, and when he was put in priſon till
he fhould find the ſaid bail, he, the ſaid Peter William-
fon

PETER WILLIAMSON.
129
of ſome worthy friends, induced to raiſe a proceſs
of oppreſſion and damages againſt theſe my judges,
before the Court of Seſlion, the ſupreme tribunal
of
fon, ſent for the Deponent to ſpeak to him, and to bail
him: Accordingly the Deponent came up the tolbooth-
ftair, and found him confined in that part of the prifon.
oppoſite to the door of the court-room, and the Depo-
nent ſpoke to the faid Peter Williamfon through the bars
of the door of the place where he was confined; and
that the ſaid Peter Williamſon deſired the Deponent to
become bail for him, and he the Deponent became bail
for his appearånce before the Magiſtrates, and he thinks
he figned ſomething for that purpoſe, and thereupon the
faid Peter Williamſon was ſet at liberty; and the Depo-
nent had him over to his houſe, and preſented him be-
fore the Magiſtrates next day. Depones, That, after the
Magiftrates had pronounced ſentence againſt the ſaid
Peter Williamſon, he came over to the Deponent's houſe,
and told the Deponent, that he had been threatened to
fign a paper, obliging himſelf to go out of the town, and
that if he did not fign the paper, he was threatened to be
again impriſoned; thereafter, the faid Peter Williamſon
hurried himſelf away out of the Deponent's houſe in leſs
than a quarter of an hour, leaving behind him ſome of
his baggage, which he deſired to be ſent after him to
Newcattle, and which tlre Deponent ſent to him accord-
ingly. Depones, That he was an inhabitant of Aberdeen
from the year 1740, and that about the year 1741, down-
ward to the year 1744, it was a cuſtom for ſeveral of the
merchants of Aberdeen, to carry on a trade of tranſport-
ing young boys and women to the Plantations, of differ-
ent ages. Depones, That he knew the perſons after-
named were concerned in that way of trade, viz. George
Garioch, John Elphingſton, John Burnet, Alexander
Gray, Lewis Gordon, and Andrew Logie, all merchants
in Aberdeen, and James Smith ſaddler there.
JAMES RATTRAY depones, That ſome more than
three
years ago, the Purſuer, Peter Williamſon, was in
Aberdeen,

130
THE LIFE OF
of juſtice. And as the Lord Ordinary was pleaſed
to allow both parties a proof at large, under the
fanction of his authority, I ventured to reviſit the
city
Aberdeen, and being carried before the Magiſtrates by
the town officers, the Deponent, as he underſtood Peter
Williamfon was a ſtranger, having been ſeveral times in
company with him before that day, he went into the
court, houſe, where he heard the clerk and fome of the
Magiſtrates, but cannot particularly ſay which of them,
challenge the ſaid Peter Williamſon for ſelling and diftri-
buting the pamphlet libelled, reflecting upon the mer-
chants of Aberdeen as Kidnappers, and that they uſed
very rough language to the ſaid Feter Williamſon, but
he does not remember the expreſſions, not having given
great attention thereto, at leaſt, the expreſſions have
now eſcaped his memory. Depones, That before the
Deponent left the court, he ſaw the Purſuer carried off
by the town officers by order of the court, but knows
not where they carried him to, further than that next
day, or the day thereafter, the Deponent happening to
be in the houſe of George Mackie innkeeper, he was in-
formed by the faid George Mackie, that Peter William-
fon was obliged to leave the town; and that he, the ſaid
George Mackie, had become bail to preſent him to the
Magiftrates any time within fix months, under a penalty;
and that both Mackie and his wife ſaid to the Depo-
nent, that he had been very ill uſed by the Magiſtrates.
Depoſitions on the part of the Magiftrates.
Georee GARIOCH, merchant in Aberdeen, depones,
That about the year 1740, and forward for ſome years,
ſeveral of the gentlemen merchants in Aberdeen, were in
uſe to indent ſervants for America ; and if any young
boys or girls of under-age were ſo indented, and that
any of their parents or relations came to claim them back,
even after they were indented and atteſted, they were,
fo far as the Deponent knows or remembers, delivered
back to their parents or relations, upon paying up what
money the merchant had diſburſed on their account. De
pones

PETER WILLIAMSON.
131
city from which I had been formerly båniſhed,
where, in ſpite of all the diſadvantages with which
power, wealth, and influence could overwhelm
me,
a
pones, That he was informed, that, unleſs a ſervant was
atteſted, their indentures were of no avail, and which
was his own opinion. Depones, That ſeveral ſervants
were indented in the years 1740 and 1741, at which
time proviſions were ſcarce in this country ; that many
ſervants were turned off from their maſters, who could
not afford them daily bread for their work, which forced
fundry perſons to come from the country to Aberdeen,
and indent; and on that account, the Deponent himſelf,
at that period, indented ſeverala out of charity, and, for
the above reaſons, believes he was the firſt, at that time
of ſcarcity, that began to indent fuch ſervants. And
being interrogate by the faid Peter Williamſon, whether
or not he employed people to go and inlift ſuch kind of
fervants through the country ; or if all the ſervants he
inliſted about that period, came to the Deponent's houſe
voluntarily, to be indented by him? Depones, That he
never employed perſons to go and bring perfons to be in-
dented as ſervants at his houſe, but ſuch as he indented
came of themſelves, or with their companions, volunta-
rily to him, and that ſome of thoſe who had indented,
he has afterwards diſcharged, without exacting any mo-
ney of them. And being further interrogate by the ſaid
Peter Williamſon, whether or not there were any boys
or children from eight to fourteen years of
agę
that in-
dented themſelves with the Deponent, or did their pa-
rents, after they were indented, come and demand them
back from
you
after they were indented? Or did you not
fend over boys of that age, after they deſired themſelves
to be releaſed, or that their parents or relations had come
and demanded them back? and were any of ſuch young
boys or children offered up by their parents or relations
to you to be indented for ſcarcity of bread, who were to
your knowledge the maſter of ſuch ſervants, who dif-
miſſed them as before faid? And whether or not did you
fell fuch indented boys in America, for what number of
years,

132
THE LIFE OF
me, I was enabled to lead ſuch a proof, as convin-
ced that moſt honourable and impartial bench to
which I now appealed, that I had met with the
higheſt
or ten
years, and what fums did you receive for them? De
pones, That he never indented any boy or girl of eight
years
of age, except when the parents of ſuch chil-
dren indented with him likewiſe. Depones, That he ne-
ver ſent off any boys or girls of under-age indented with
him, that had been demanded back by their parents or
friends. Depones, That never did he indent any boys
or girls in town without their parents confent. Depones,
That ſeveral ſervants were indented as aforeſaid to the
Deponent, who told the Deponent they were turned off
by their maſters for want of bread, but does not remem-
ber the names of their maſters. Depones, That he went
not to America himſelf, but that their indentures were
feld there from 5 1. to 81. Sterling ; that ſuch as were of
under-age might be indented for five or fix
years,
and
{uch as were of full age only for four.
ALEXANDER GORDON, ſhipmaſter in Aberdeen, de
pones, That it has been a practice for to indent ſervants
to be carried from Aberdeen to the Plantations in Ame-
rica, from the year 1735, downward to the year. 1753;
and that during the foreſaid period, he has been concern-
ed himſelf in that trade of indenting, for his own account
and of his owners, fervapts from Aberdeen, and carrying
them over to the American Plantations, in different ſhips
commanded by him on different voyages, viz. in the brig
Diligence, to Philadelphia, and the Ruby, to Virginia
and Maryland. Depones, That he has carried over boys,
but not under fourteen years of age, and that no inden-
tures can be taken for ſervants of fourteen years of age
to continue longer than the ſervants attain the age of
twenty-one years, by the cuſtom of Maryland; and
that the price he generally received for ſuch ſervants, in
Maryland and at Philadelphia, amounted to about 10 l,
Sterling over head.
ALEXANDER

PETER WILLIAMSON.
133
higheſt injury and injuſtice, and induced them to
decern a ſuitable redreſs.--For the ſatisfaction of
the reader the ſubſtance of this proof is ſubjoined,
as before mentioned.
The
ALEXANDER GRAY, merchant in Aberdeen, depones,
That it was a cuſtom nineteen or twenty years ago, and
fince, that ſeveral merchants in the town of Aberdeen,
were in practice of hiring boys, girls, and other ſervants,
atteſted before the magiſtrates of Aberdeen, or ſome o-
ther juſtice of peace, to be carried to America, or other
of his Majeſty's Plantations, to be diſpoſed of there.
Caufa fcientiæ, the Deponent dealt in that way himſelf.
Helen Law depones, That about the years 1740,
1741, 1742, and ſince, feveral of the merchants of
Aberdeen were in practice to inliſt boys to be indented,
to carry over as ſervants to the Plantations, viz. George
Black, Alexander Gray, George and Andrew Gariochs,
Mr. Copland, James Abernethy, John Elphingſton, all
merchants in Aberdeen, and Capt. Robert Ragg ſhip-
maſter, and James Smith ſaddler there ; and that theſe
feveral merchants have employed the Deponent to furniſh
diet to boys and ſervants that had indented with them.
Depones, That about ſeventeen years paſt the month of
May laft, the Deponent was employed to furniſh diet to
a parcel of boys and ſervants that were afterwards car-
ried over from Aberdeen to the Plantations by the ſaid
Captain Robert Ragg. Depones, That there were nine
of the young boys, whom ſhe dieted at that time, that
were never confined, but that ſeveral of the big boys
and men, who were threatening to run off, that were
afterwards confined in priſon, or in the workhouſe of
Aberdeen, for ſome ſhort time before Capt. Ragg failed.
Depones, That
among the boys that were never confined,
and dieted at her houſe, there was one boy named Peter
M-William, who would have been upwards of twelve
years of age, a long ſtowie clever boy (by which ſhe
means a growthie boy). Depones, That theſe boys
came not all at one time to diet with her ; ſhe began
M
with
*

134
THE LIFE OF
The following pages, when duly conſidered, will
be obvious to the meaneſt capacity, as the ſubject
is entirely calculated to open the eyes of the de-
luded
with ſome of them a little after Martinmas, and they were
continuing to come to her till within a day or two before
the ſailing of the ſhip in May thereafter; and that their
weekly board was twenty-pence a-week for each, and
that the boy Peter M William was fome weeks dieted by
her. Depones, That there were four or five of thoſe
boarded with her that were delivered back by the mer-
chants to their friends, on paying the charges they had
coſt the merchants. Depones, That for five weeks be-
fore the ſhip commanded by Captain Robert Ragg failed
from the harbour of Aberdeen, ſhe lay at the key of Tory,
and the boys were carried over to the ſhip: during which
ſpace the Deponent went over and hired a houſe at Tory,
in which houſe ſhe made their diet, and carried it to them
on board the ſaid ſhip during that ſpace : and the Depo-
nent was informed, that the reafon why the ſhip lay at
Tory, was, that ſhe was neeped, and had no water to
carry her over the bar. And being further interrogate,
If Peter Williamſon, whom ſhe now fees before her, is
the identical perſon that dieted at the time foreſaid with
her, then named Peter M William ? Depones, That ſhe
cannot ſwear that he is the ſame perſon, for feveral of
theſe boys returned from the Plantations a few years af-
ter, whom ſhe did not know again when ſhe ſaw them,
by reaſon of the change at that time. Depones, That ſhe
had a ſon of her own that the year before had been car-
ried over by James Abernethy, merchant in Aberdeen,
whom ſhe had aſked back, and Mr. Abernethy agreed at
three different times to deliver him back to her ; but he
was reſolute to go, and went accordingly. And being
interrogate by the ſaid Peter Williamſon, whether or
not the Deponent was not always in uſe to aſk leave of
the keepers on board of the ſhip, for the boys to come
aſhore any time when they lay at Tory, and ſuch liberty
was only obtained on the ſaid Helen Law's obliging her
to return them back on ſhipboard ? Depones, That ſhe did
a
alk

PETER WILLIAMSON. 135
luded poor, many of whom have fuffered tribula-
tion for the loſs of their children, whom the ties
of nature bind every Chriſtian parent to preſerve
and
aſk leave of the keepers on board of the ſhip for ſome of
the ſaid boys to come aſhore with her, which ſhe accord-
ingly obtained, and did become bound to return them
back to the ſhip, and on her verbal obligement or pro-
miſe, ſhe was allowed to bring ſome of them even over to
the town of Aberdeen with her, and always returned
them again on ſhipboard. Depones, That ſhe knows
nothing about their parents conſenting to their inden-
tures, as fome might have had parents and ſome of them
none, and ſeverals of them were begging their bread
through the town. Bot depones, That when any of
their parents and relations claimed them, they were given
them by the merchants on paying their charges.
James ROBERTSON, ftahler in Aberdeen, depones,
That, about ſeventeen years paſt the month of May laft,
the Deponent was employed by James Smith ſaddler,
as keeper of ſeveral young boys, the youngeſt of whom
would have been about ten years of age, and ſome
of them fixeeen and upwards, who were indented, and
their indentures atteſted by the Magiſtrates of Aberdeen,
to be carried over to the Plantations in America, along.
with other ſervants, both men and women of full age,
alſo indented and atteſted by the Magiſtrates of Aber-
deen, to be ſhipped on board a ſhip lying at the har-
bour of Aberdeen, then commanded by Captain Robert
Ragg, ſhipmaſter in Aberdeen, and which ſhip was car-
ried over to Tory, where ſhe lay and received the faid
boys on board of her. The Deponent was ſome time
afterwards employed by the faid James Smith to go over
and ſtay on board the ſaid ſhip as a keeper of the ſaid
boys and other ſervants, to the beſt of his remembrance,
for the ſpace of twelve or fourteen days, till the ſhip fail-
ed, and he went with them in faid ſhip out of the har-
buur, till the fhip was in the road before Aberdeen,
from whence he returned back to the town of Aberdeen.
Depones, That, during the time the ſaid James Robert-
M 2
fon

136
THE LIFE OF
and cheriſh as their own lives: For, as it is abſurd
to imagine that any parent, though in ever fo necef-
fitous a condition, would diſpoſe of their own fleſh
and
fon was on fhipboard as above, there was alſo another
keeper, named Robert Adam, along with him, employed
likewife to take care of the ſaid boys and fervants. De-
pones, That all the night they were confined, and put to
their beds in the hold of the ſhip, but all day had liberty
to go upon the deck, and even to play them aſhore,
their keepers always looking after them; and ſome of
them allowed to go to Helen Law's houſe, to help her
on board with victuals for themſelves and others. De-
pones, That among the boys under the Deponent's, and
the other keeper's care, there was a boy of about four-
teen years of age, who was called Peter M William.
Depones, That Peter Williamſon, whom he fees pre-
fently before him, is the ſame perſon that was then
named Peter M William, as he prefently apprehends,
but will not ſwear poſitively that he is the ſame perſon ;
for that Peter W William had black brows, and was
pock-marked, and fo is Peter Williamſon whom he now
fees; but does not remember any boy then aboard called
Peter Williamſon ; and that Peter M William was a
ftout, clever, rough lown, and very ill to guide.
James SMITH, faddler in Aberdeen, depones, That,
to the beſt of the Deponent's memory, about nineteen
or twenty years ago, but cannot be abſolutely pofitive
about the preciſe time, he was employed by John El-
phingfton merchant in Aberdeen, and Captain Robert
Ragg fhipmaſter in Aberdeen, and Mr. Walter Coch-
ran town-clerk depute of Aberdeen, in partnerfhip with
them, to make leather-caps, and pay for diet, and to
pay tailors for clothing furniſhed to ſeveral young boys
and other ſervants, that had entered into indentures;
atteſted before the Magiftrates of Aberdeen, with the
above-named Captain Robert Ragg, to be carried from
Aberdeen to America to be diſpoſed of at Philadelphia.
Depones, That he accordingly furniſhed the ſaid fervants
with leather-caps, and paid for their clothing and diet,
fox

PETER WILLIAMSON. 137
and blood to ſtrangers, who make a prey of inno-
cent children, to accumulate their ill-gotten wealth,
and ſupport their grandeur, by conveying the un-
happy
for all which he was afterwards repaid by the above-
named gentleman. Depones, That, among thoſe fer-
vants that were ſo indented, there was one boy named
Williamſon, of about 12 years of age, and another boy
of the fame ſurname, of about 13 or 14 years of age, to
the beſt of the Deponent's knowledge and remembrance ;
but depones, He does not know any of the faid two boys
Chriſtian names.
Depones, That he has not in his cuſ-
tody any accounts or writings relative to the ſervants
that were ſent from Aberdeen to the Plantations in the
year 1753: But depones, That the account ſhewn to
him at deponing, and exhibited by Walter Cochran,
town-clerk depute of Aberdeen, conſiſting of twelve
leaves, with a docquet on the laſt page thereof, dated
26th July 1743, is a juſt and true account, all wrote
with the Deponent's hand-writing; and the Deponent
received from the faid Walter Cochran payment of the
balance of ſaid account, conform to his receipt and dif-
charge : and the whole of the articles in ſaid account,
and names therein inſert, are genuine and true as wrote
by the Deponent, and which account is figned by the
Deponent and Commiſſioner at deponing. Depones, He
heard the ſhip the Planter, Captain Robert Ragg maſter,
who carried ſervants for the Plantations in the year
1743, was ftranded on Cape May.
Walter COCHRAN, town-clerk depute of Aberdeen,
depones and produces an account, wrote book-ways, and
bound in marble paper, entitled, Account Bailie William
Fordyce and Company to James Smith, which account
begins the third day of December 1742, and confifts of
twelve leaves, and upon the laſt page thereof is a dif-
charge by James Smith, dated the 26th July 1743,
granting the receipt from the Deponent of payment of
the balance of 181. 145. 5 d. Sterling, being full and
complete payment of the above and foregoing accounts;
and therefore diſcharging the Deponent and Company of
all
M 3

138
THE LIFE OF
happy victims to the remoteſt paris of the globe,
where they can have no redreſs for the injuries
done them, theſe cautions are offered to prevent
their falling into the fnare.
Senſible
a
all he could demand of them: upon the ſecond page of
which account, there is charged a fix-pence for a pair of
flockings to Peter Williamſon, and five-pence for a wool-
len cap to ditto, as diſburſed 8th January 1743; and on
the third page, there is charged one fhilling and three-
pence Sterling, for five days board of Williamſon, as
diſburſed 13th January 1743. Depones, That he re-
ceived the foreſaid account from James Smith, ſaddler
in Aberdeen, and paid him the balance contained in the
foreſaid account, and which account is figned by the
Deponent and Commiſſioner, and produced with the re-
port; and further adds, that the foreſaid account has
been lying by the Deponent for ſeveral years paft, he
being one of the company that were owners of the ſhip
the Planter, Robert Ragg maſter, who tranſported fer-
vants to the Plantations, and was wrecked at Cape
May.
William Gibson, carpenter in Tory, depones, That
before the 12th of May 1743, the Deponent was hired
a fhip-carpenter to Captain Robert Ragg, to fail a voy-
age from Aberdeen to Virginia, on board his ſhip, call-
ed the Planter, and that there were ſhipped a number
of boys, girls, and other ſervants, under indenture, as
he heard; but that in their voyage their ſhip was ſtrand-
ed on Cape May; but ſome time after, all the fervants
they carried over were ſafely recovered, and a floop
came down from Philadelphia, and carried all of them
up there,
JOHN DICKSON, mariner in Stonehive, depones,
That the deponent, to the beſt of his remembrance,
was engaged as a ſailor in the year 1743, to ſerve
under Captain Ragg, to navigate his ſhip called the
Planter, from Aberdeen for Virginia. Depones, That
'the

PETER WILLIAMSON.
139
Senſible I am, that what I have already faid
againſt my firſt proſecutors, quadrates with the
truth in every particular, and that many unfortu-
nate perſons have been involved in iniſery, and de-
coyed into flavery and bondage, as well as myſelf.
Separated from their deareſt relations, and obliged
tamely to ſubmit to the caprice and chaſtiſement of
arbitrary maſters, who have leſs pity and compal-
fon on them than on their beaſts of burden.
Hard fate to ſuffer all this ! harder ſtill to be pre-
fecuted for telling the intereſting tale! I ſpeak this
by woful experience, as well as from the know-
ledge of the hard fate of ſeveral young people, in
the neighbourhood of my nativity, whither I had
gone in queft of my relations. After ſo long an
abſence, my perſonal appearance muſt no doubt
recall to the memory of my friends, the manner of
my being carried off in my infancy, and they muſt
receive me with worder and amazement, whom
the faid ſhip, on her arrival from London, in order to
perform the ſaid voyage, lay at the pier of Tory until
the failed from ſaid river on her voyage, as the Depo-
nent remembers, on the 12th of May 1743, and took
in her cargo there, which conſiſted of ſome parcels of
goods, and ſeveral fervants, being men, women, and
boys, who, he believes, were all indented as fervants,
for behoof of the contractors with them, to be diſpoſed
of in Virginia: That the ſhip was, before her arrival,
ſtranded to the northward of Cape May, upon a little
iſland in the province of New Jerſey, where ſhe became
a wreck. Depones, That how foon the ſhip ftruck, ſo
many of the crew took out a yoal to difcover a landing
place, and the reſt of the crew, and ſome of the ſervants,
went into the long boat, and got ſafe aſhore; and ſome
of them returned with the long boat, and brought out
the reſt of the ſervants; and afterwards a floop came
down-very ſoon, and carried them up to Philadelphia.
they

140
THE LIFE OF
They be
they had for many years deemed for loft. The
ſatisfaction my preſence gave them, of which they
had been ſo long deprived, it is not to be expreſſed
and the comfort I enjoyed in the proſpect of feeing
my neareſt relations, was in ſome degree a folace for
the miſeries I had undergone. But, even in this, hard
fortune purſued me ftill, and my troubles were
not yet at an end. New enemies ſtarted up, who,
as if the abettors of thoſe who laid the fnare for
me when a child, now contrived a new ſpecies of
captivity for me, when I was a man.
grudged me my liberty, and the freedom I took to
relate my misfortunes; in order, therefore, to fup-
preſs a diſagreeable truth, they again deprived me
of it for a time; deſtroyed my means of fubfiftence,
and loaded me with infamy and reproach ; from
which, thanks to the juſtice of my cauſe and the
integrity of my judges, I have at laft been honour
ably delivered. KIDNAPPING, a ſpecies of trade
followed by theſe monſters of impiety for the luſt
of gain, may be compared to the practices of the
ſavages formerly mentioned, who, to gratify their
propenſity to miſchief, cut, mangle, burn, and de-
ſtroy, all the innocent people they can catch. And
ſurely the guilt of the kidnapped muſt be much
greater than that of the favage race, who boaſt
not of humanity. If the latter commit ſuch crimes,
it is againſt thofe they imagine to be their ene-
mies, for the ſake of plunder ; but the former are
void of all excuſe. What then can ſome of the
worthy merchants of Aberdeen ſay for themſelves.
Prompted by avarice, and defpifing the laws of
God and all civilized nations, have they not been
guilty of this atrocious crime? And does not the
blood of the innocent, ſeveral of whom have died
under the hands of their cruel maſters, cry againſt
them for vengeance? Certain it is, that this exe-
crable practice of kidnapping was put in execution
from

PETER WILLIAMSON.
141
from the year 1740 and downwards, by ſeveral
merchants in that city, ſome of whom, for reaſons
too well known, have fince deferted their country.
I remember that much about that time, there were
idle fellows employed by thoſe traders, to cajole
and decoy men, women, and children, to ſerve in
the Plantations in America. The poor deluded
parents being ignorant of the nature of the traf-
ic, and equally ignorant how or whcre to apply
to for redreſs, were obliged to rely on the fair pro-
miſes of the merchants, whoſe deluſions proved
fatal to many of the unhappy victims, who were
even come of age, and much more ſo to infants
from ſix to fourteen years, who were incapable to
contract for themſelves, and tranſported without
the knowledge or confent of their parents. Theſe
were teft to lament the loſs of their children ;
many of them without the conſolation of knowing
what had become of them; and who could only
imagine that an untimely end had been their fate.
Such, it is to be ſuppoſed, were the dreadful ap-
prehenſions that filled the eyes of my aged parent
with tears, from whom I was thus ſeparated in
my non-age. What heart can be unmoved with
pity at the relation of fo diſmal a tale ? Who can
think, without horror, on theſe monſters of impiety,
who could make a traffic of their fellow-creatures
in a Chriſtian country, almoſt as openly as is prac-
tiſed on the coaft of Guinea ? Quis talia fando tem-
perit a lachrimis? And here the following queries
occur, which will tend to explain the meaning of
kidnapping
I. Whether or not, when children are either
carried off by force, or decoyed by fraud, without
the conſent, or without the knowledge, of their
parents, in a ſtate of infancy, or under the years
of pupillarity, and incapable of entering into a
contract

142
THE LIFE OF
contract or indenture, may not this be called Kid-
NAPPING?
II. Whether or not, the ſhutting theſe children
up in priſons, or places of confinement, in order
to make ſure of them as a prey, and conceal them
from their parents, is not contrary to law, and an
atrocious crime?
III. If theſe proceedings were agreeable to law,
and the inclinations of the perſons ſo impriſoned,
what occafion was there for confinement? When
a perſon inliſts himſelf in any fervice as a volun-
teer, where is the neceſſity of putting him in
prifon? But,
IV. If theſe proceedings were contrary to all
laws, human and divine, what puniſhment can be
inflicted adequate to the crime?
My betrayers well knew the impracticability of
making children abide by any obligation extorted
from them, or any agreement to which they were
decoyed; and therefore they confined us in barns,
on board ſhips, and other convenient places; and,
to make our time paſs away the more infenfibly and
free of reflection, they entertained us with mu-
fic, cards, and other childiſh diverſions, till ſuch
time as they had got their complement, and the
fhip was ready to fail.
Various were the arts and ſtratagems made uſe
of to inveigle theſe unhappy creatures. Some were
inſnared by receiving a trifle of money, and then
told they were fairly inliſted. Others were tempted
with the bait of great promiſes, being told that they
were going to a country where they ſhould live like
gentlemen; that they ſhould ride in their coaches,
with ſeveral negroes to attend them; that they
ſhould poſſeſs large plantations of their own, and
foon be in a condition to come home - and viſit
their friends with great pomp and grandeur. By
theſe fpecious and artful infinuations, many un-
thinking

PETER WILLIAMSON.
143
thinking giddy youths were feduced into flavery,
relying on promiſes which were meant only to in-
ſnare, and not to enrich them. Some were carried
off from their parents by violence, and whipt into
the flock, like ſtrayed ſheep going to the ſhambles.
All theſe methods, and many more, were practifed
in this execrable branch of traffic, of which the
reader will find a proof to his conviction, by per-
uſing the depoſitions formerly inſerted.
How far theſe ſpecious promiſes were fulfilled,
will appear from the treatment we met with when
landed in America. On our arrival there, our
merchant, or ſupercargo, who had the charge of us,
took the earlieſt opportunity to diſpoſe of us to the
planters, ſome of whom will buy ten, others twenty,
to labour in their plantations and cultivate their
ground. Thus were we driven through the country
like cattle to a Smithfield market, and expoſed to
fale in public fairs, as ſo many brute beaſts. When
thus maltreated by our countrymen, what reaſon
had we to expect better uſage from our new ma-
ſters, whoſe property we now were ? Luckily for
me, I fell into the hands of one of my own coun-
trymen, who had undergone the ſame fate himſelf,
and who uſed me in a more tender manner than
many of my companions in flavery had to boaſt of.
No thanks, however, to my Kidnappers; for if the
devil had come in the ſhape of a man to purchaſe
us, with money enough in his pocket, it would have
been as readily accepted as of the honeſteſt and
moſt humane man in the world. Beſides, theſe
children are fometimes ſold to barbarous and cruel
maſters, from whom they often make an elopement,
to avoid the harſh uſage they daily meet with; but
as there is ſcarce a poſſibility of making a total
eſcape, they are generally taken and brought back,
and for every day they have been abſent, they are
compelled to ſerve a week, for every week a month,
and

144
THE LIFE OF
and for every month a year; they are beſides ob-
liged to pay the coſt of advertiſing, apprehending,
and bringing them back; which often protracts
their ſlavery four or five years longer. But a more
fhocking care often occurs ; ſome of theſe poor
deluded flaves, after groaning for ſome time under
the yoke of tyranny and oppreſſion, with only a
diſtant proſpect of relief, in order to put an end to
their bondage, put a period to their lives at the fame
time. What a diſmal reflection this, to be the in-
ftrument of driving an innocent helpleſs creature
to deſpair, and ruining him both in foul and body!
The planters themſelves are generally of an idle
indolent diſpoſition, not caring to fatigue themſelves
with work. As ſoon therefore as they can raiſe 20
or 30 1. they purchaſe ſervants from the European
merchants, whom they make flaves, ſome for four
or five, others for ſeven years. Theſe they ſend to
the woods, or employ in other kinds of hard labour,
and oblige them to perform a certain taſk of work
in a day, in which if they fail, they are ſeverely
puniſhed by their maſters, who review their work
at night. Nor dare the ſervant, when he is thus
chaſtized, preſume to vindicate himſelf, for fear of
giving a new offence to this unrelenting tyrant,
whoſe humour inuſt be indulged, even at the ex-
pence of ſtrokes and blows. This is generally the
cafe throughout the different colonies in North
America; but more efpecially in Maryland and
Virginia. Theſe two are the beſt markets to which
our European merchants can reſort for the ſale of
their illicit cargoes of flaves. Here they may bar-
ter them for tobacco, the ſtaple commodity of theſe
colonies, upon which they have an immenſe return
of profit.
The ſervants in Maryland are moſtly convicts,
who have been baniſhed their native country
for
miſdemeanors;

PETER WILLIAMSON. 145
miſdemeanors; yet ſome of them, when their
pe-
riod of ſlavery is over, acquire plantations of their
own, and are very expert in raiſing tobacco, and
in the other branches of trade in that country.
They frequently contract with their correſpond-
ents in Europe, to ſend them over men, women,
and children, to be employed in the culture of their
plantations: But the fallacious promiſes of the un-
dertakers here, are ſo pernicious to thoſe whona
they engage, that they generally prove their utter
deſtruction. By their manner of cajoling, they
induce thofe ignorant creatures to believe, that,
when they indent themſelves for four or five years,
to ſerve in the Plantations, they are to have high
wages, to be paid annually in their mother-coun-
try: But when theſe deluded perſons come to make
the experiment, they will find it quite the contrary.
Be affured, you will meet with no ſuch entertain-
ment in any part of America ; for you muſt ſerve
your indented time, agreeable to the laws of the
country, without one farthing of allowance, but at
the diſcretion of your maſter; and it is well if you
are furniſhed with clothes ſufficient to cover your
nakedneſs.
Beſides, you who indent yourſelves in this man-
mer, labour under another diſadvantage; for, in
that country, they are of opinion (and a natural
preſumption it is), that when men and women,
come to the age of maturity, wilfully and delibe-
rately agree to tranſport themſelves as ſlaves for any
number of years, they muſt have been guilty of ſome
notorious crime; thoſe, therefore, who come over
in this manner, are looked upon as in the black
claſs of convicts, who, for fear of a profecution at
home, take this ſtep to prevent a diſcovery of their
vices. For ſome time, honeſt people, who had
engaged to ſerve in that country, ſuffered conſider-
ably on this account, both in their characters and
N
fortunes,

146
THE LIFE OF
their re-
a
fortunes, as theſe renegadoes were allowed to be
evidences againſt them, and to ſwear
away
putations. But this has at laft been debarred by
.
the laws of the country, as none are allowed this
privilege, unleſs they bring along with them a cer-
tificate, ſigned and atteſted by perſons of character
and repute, bearing, that they were deſcended of
honeſt parents, and that nothing criminal or dif-
honeſt can be laid to their charge; this being ap-
proved of and recorded in the books of a Court of
Juſtice, the perſon's oath is then deemed legal.
From hence it appears, that numberleſs inconve-
niencies and diſadvantages attend the perſon, who,
though of an age capable to diſpoſe of himſelf, by
fooliſhly liſtening to the deceitful promiſes of theſe
recruiters for flaves, at once ſtakes his happineſs,
his liberty, and perhaps his life. You will perhaps
be told, that you are going to a country flowing
with milk and honey. Theſe, it is true, are to be
had in great plenty in America ; but before you
come to enjoy them, you will find that
you
muſt
wade through an ocean of labour and fatigue, and
that out of the ſweet cometh forth bitterneſs.
Whereas, if you are pofleffed but of three or four
pounds to pay your paffage, and are of an ingenious
diſpoſition, whether in mechanics, commerce, agri-
culture, or manufactures, you are certain not only
of handſome bread, but, by moderate frugality and
induſtry, of making a genteel fortune in a few
years.
A Short

PETER WILLIAMSON.
147
A Short hiſtory of the Proceſs between
PETER WILLIAMSON and the Magiſtrates
of Aberdeen.
IN
N the introduction to the former Diſcourſe on
Kidnapping, I fairly ſtated the caſe betwixt the
Magiſtrates of Aberdeen and me, without difguil-
ing the truth in any the moſt minute particular. I
therefore appeal to the unbiaffed judgment of the
candid Reader, whether, after the unmerited mal-
treatment I ſuffered from the arbitrary proceedings
of theſe magiſtrates, merely for relating a ſimple,
but diſagreeable fact, I ſay, I fubmit it, whether
I was not entitled to ſue for redreſs before a higher
tribunal. The motives or principles upon which
they acted, in the irregular profecution againſt me,
in which they were both my Accuſers and Judges,
I ſhall not pretend to determine ; but, from the
proof before inſerted, the reader will hardly be at
a lofs to form a conjecture. In order to aſcertain
the power of a magiſtracy, it is neceſſary to
have recourſe to the original inſtitution of it.
That liberty which the conſtitution of this country
conſiders as its favourite object, is the reſult of the
equipoiſe which our laws have eſtabliſhed between
the authority of Magiſtrates and the rights of the
people. As the relative duties of ſociety muſt be
enforced by the Magiſtrate, and compliance with
the law exacted from the Citizens, by means of his
authority, all the power that is neceſſary for theſe
ſalutary purpoſes is veſted in him; and, in the due
execution of it, he is not only entitled to the pro-
tection of the laws, but is an object of its venera-
tion: Yet the fame principles that have thus armed
him with authority, for the benefit of ſociety, have
wiſely impoſed upon him a reſtraint from abuſing it.
Senſible
a
N 2

348
THE LIFE OF
Senſible that authority improperly uſed, may Be-
come the moſt dreadful inſtrument of oppreſſion,
the law has not only declared wilful malverſation
in office to be a crime, but to thoſe who have fuf-
fered by the proceedings of Magiſtrates, whether
through inattention or ignorance (for ignorance is
tiever blameleſs in a Magiſtrate), it has given an
action of oppreſſion and damages, for reparation of
the injury the private party has ſuffered.
In this light did I conſider the harſh ſentence of
the Magiſtrates of Aberdeen againſt me, p. 112,
Had they acted, according to the eſtabliſhed forms
of all courts of Juſtice, their proceedings would, at
leaſt, have had ſome colour of regularity; though
their ſentence would not have been leſs iniquitous.
Why was not I complained of, by a party having
intereſt in the cauſe? Why was not the complaint
ſerved upon ine, and I appointed to give in an-
ſwers ? Why were not the legal induciæ, or days,
allowed me to prepare for my defence ? All theſe
forms were neglected or deſpiſed. The Magiftrates
themſelves inſtigated the complaint; they proceeded
to judge upon it without ſervice; without allowing .
ing induciæ; and without anſwers. It is evident,
therefore, they acted not as Magiſtrates, but as pri-
vate oppreffors.
Banilhed from the capital of the county
where-
in I was born, and ſtript of my all, I now bethought
myſelf where or how to apply for redreſs. In
this view I purſued my journey to Edinburgh; but,
ignorant of the law, and unacquainted with any of
its members, equally deftitute of money and friends,
and labouring under the reflections which the ca-
lumnious advertiſement publiſhed by the Magiſtrates
threw on my character, I was utterly at a loſs to
whom, or in what manner, I ſhould apply to for di-
rection. From this dilemma, however, I was foon
relieved by the aſſiſtance of kind providence, who
threw

PETER WILLIAMSON.
149
threw me in the way of a Gentleman verſant in the
Law, a Gentleman of knowledge, character, and
integrity, by whoſe advice I was conducted, and by
whoſe intereſt I was ſupported, from the infancy to
the concluſion of my proceſs. On a fair relation
of my grievances, the injuries I ſuffered appeared
to him fo flagrant, that he did not heſitate a moment
to declare his opinion, That I was not only entitled
to ample damages from my proſecutors, but that
the Court of Seſſion would find no difficulty to a-
ward theſe, with full coſts of fuit. It is unneceſſary
here to take up the Reader's time in running over
minutely the different ſteps of the proceſs from the
beginning. Suffice it to ſay, that a proceſs of Oppreſ-
fion and Damages was commenced at my inſtance,
againſt the Magiſtrates of Aberdeen, wherein the
Lord Ordinary allowed both parties a proof of the
facts alleged on either fide. And accordingly a
.
Proof was taken, partly at Edinburgh, and partly
at Aberdeen, of which the Reader has ſeen a ſpeci-
men in the preceding pages. I fhall only obſerve
here, that my perſonal prefence being neceffary on
this occafion at the laſt-mentioned place, I ſet out
from Edinburgh for Aberdeen in September 1760,
and though I had not the leaſt knowledge of, or
connection with any fingle evidence I might bring,
yet the trade of Kidnapping was ſo flagrant in that
country, and had left ſuch an imprellion on the
minds of the people, that I was under no difficulty
to bring a complete proof of the practice, by a
number of perſons who had ſuffered by it, being de-
prived of their children.
And here I cannot forbear doing juſtice to the
conduct of the Gentleman whom I named as Cam-
miſſioner, to take the depoſitions of the witneſſes
on the part of my Opponents. During the various
ſteps of procedure in leading the Proof, wherein
I met with all the obſtructions that the inalice of
N3
my

150
THE LIFE OF
a
my enemies could throw in my way, he acted a
moft candid and ingenuous part.
After a ſhort dependence, the cauſe at laſt came
to be adviſed in courſe, before the Court of Seſſion,
by Memorials on the proof; when, after hearing
of parties at the bar at full length, their Lordſhips
were pleaſed, on the 2d of February 1762, to pro-
nounce the following Interlocutor:
“ The Lords having adviſed the ſtate of the pro-
s ceſs, teftimonies of the witneſſes adduced, writs
“ produced, with the memorials given in hinc inde,
" and having heard parties procurators thereon,
« find the libel relevant and proven; and find the
“ defenders, conjunctly and ſeverally, liable to the
“ Purfuer in damages, and modify the ſame to the
« ſum of 100 l. Sterling, and decern; and find the
" Defenders alſo, conjunctly and ſeverally, liable
« to the Purſuer in the expences of this proceſs,
« and of the extract of the Decreet, as the ſame
“ fhall be certified by the Collector of the clerk's
"fees; for which the Lords declare the Defenders
“ to be perſonally liable, and that the fame ſhall be
no burden
upon
the town of Aberdeen; and or-
66 dain an account of the ſaid expences to be given
or in ; and ordain the account-book mentioned in
“ the State, and produced upon oath by Walter
“ Cochran, and ſigned by the Lord Preſident, of
« this date, to remain in the hands of the clerk of
“ this proceſs, till further order of the Court.”
Againſt this Interlocutor, the Magiſtrates preſent-
ed a reclaiming Petition, craving either to be af-
foilzied from the Proceſs; or, at leaſt, that the da-
mages awarded ſhould be modified. To this Peti.
tion is ſubjoined the following curious letter.
Copy

PETER WILLIAMSON.
151
Copy of a Letter from William Davidſon and James
Jopp, late Bailies of Aberdeen, to Walter Scott,
Writer to the Signet.
SIR,
Aberdeen, February 4, 1764.
W!
E are very forry to find by yours of 30th
paſt, that there is a ſentence pronounced
againſt us in Williamſon's proceſs, whereby we are
decerned to pay to him a very large ſum out of our
private pockets.
We think it neceſſary to inform you, that our
conduct and intentions, with regard to our ſentence
againſt him, have been entirely miſunderſtood. We
can with the greateſt integrity declare, That, at the
time of pronouncing that ſentence, neither of us
knew, directly or indirectly, that Walter Cochran,
the depute-clerk, was any ways concerned in tranſ-
porting boys to America, or that there ever was
in being the book he produced in the proof: That
neither of us had ever any intereſt or concern in
ſuch trade: That we never knew, and did not be-
lieve, that any men and boys were ever tranſported
from Aberdeen to America contrary to law: That
we conſidered the paragraph in Williamſon's book,
reſpecting the merchants of Aberdeen, to be a
very calumnious and reproachful aſperſion on them,
which they did not deſerve: That Williamſon him-
ſelf had the appearance of being an idle ſtroller,
and could give no good account of himſelf, and had
procured this pamphlet to be compoſed for him, of
ſuch ſhocking circumftances, in order the more
eaſily to impoſe upon, and draw money from the
credulous vulgar: And, upon the whole, That we
had no motive of intereſt, either on our own ac-
count,

15.2
THE LIFE OF
count, or any perſon whatever, or any prejudice
againſt Williamſon (having never before ſeen or
heard of him), to induce us to pronounce the ſen-
tence againſt him: That we did it purely, as what
we judged material juſtice to vindicate the charac-
ter of thoſe we believed to be innocent, and were
unjuſtly reflected upon ; and that whatever in the
ſentence appears to their Lordſhips to be either op-
preſſive or illegal, proceeded entirely from error in
judgment, and not from any finilter deſign: So
that however far the ſentence has been wrong, we
are ready moſt freely to make any declaration that
may be neceſſary, that it proceeded from the moſt
innocent intention.
Under theſe circumſtances, you will eaſily per-
ceive how much we were ſurpriſed on reading
yours, giving account of the ſentence againſt us;
and how hard a thing it is to be decerned to pay a
ſum of money, as a fine, for doing what we confi-
dered to be our duty.
You will therefore lay this before the lawyers,
in order they may the better form a reclaiming pe-
tition. We muſt think our caſe very hard, if their
Lordſhips do 'not grant us redreſs in this matter.
-We are, &c.
W. DAVIDSON,
JAMES JOPP.
This letter, however, did not avail their cauſe.
It was in vain to deny their being in the knowledge
that ſuch an illicit ſpecies of traffic was carried
on by ſome of the merchants in Aberdeen, when
it was done in fo public a manner, that the meaneſt
reſidenter in the city obſerved it; when the fama
clamofa of KIDNAPPING overſpread the whole
country, ſo that the poor people, whoſe buſineſs
led them frequently to town, were afraid to carry
their children along with them, left they ſhould
be

PETER WILLIAMSON.
153
be picked up, and tranſported to the Plantations.
In the end, they inſinuate that their ſentence againſt
me proceeded from an error in judgment, and
not from any finiſter deſign; and that they were
willing to make any declaration neceſſary, to evince
the innocence of their intentions. But if a ſentence
calculated for the fuppreſſion of truth, and to pre-
vent the detection of a commerce the moſt ille-
gal and moſt deſtructive of ſociety, can be ſaid to
proceed from no finiſter deſign, then every fen-
tence that has a tendency to ſcreen the guilty, and
encourage thoſe monſters who make a traffic of the
perſons and liberties of their fellow-creatures, muft
be accounted innocent. The whole of the proce-
dure of the Magiſtrates againſt me appears to have
been directed to this ſingle end. From this view,
they firſt cauſed the whole impreſion of my book
to be ſeized, and thoſe offenſive tell-truth leaves to
be burnt, that they might not revive the memory
of this villanous trade, and riſe in judgment again ft
their brother-merchants. 2do, In order to make
the furer work of it, they extorted from me the
declaration inſerted, p. 112, under the terror of im-
priſonment; and cauſed publiſh the fame in the
newſpapers, in order to ſtigmatize my character,
and brand me with the infamy of being an impoſtor
and a liar. And, loftly, They banilhed me the
city, leſt I ſhould retract my declaration, and have
an opportunity to ſpread the truth of my former
adlertions. Their ſchemes, however, had an effect
the
very reverſe of what they intended. Inſtead
of fuppreſſing the truth, their proceedings have
proved the means of bringing it to light, and con-
firming it by indubitable evidence; and ſo opening
a ſcene of the groffeſt impiety, barbarity, and
wickedneſs.
To the above reclaiming petition, anſwers were
given in on my part; and the Lords, after re-con-
fidering

154
THE LIFE OF
fidering the merits of the cauſe, were pleafed to ad-
here to their former Interlocutor. Thus ended this
proceſs of oppreffion, carried on by a poor man,
againſt the Magiſtracy of one of the moſt opulent
and moſt reſpectable boroughs in Scotland.
It is the peculiar happineſs of this land of liberty,
to be bleſſed with a Supreme Court, wherein juſtice
is difpenſed with an equal hand to the poor and
rich; wherein the cauſe of the King and the Beg-
gar is weighed in the balance of equity and law,
and decided in favour of him whoſe ſcale prepon.
derates. Happy is that nation whoſe judges are
men of integrity, uninfluenced by power, unbiaſſed
by party, and untainted by corruption! Such be-
come the Guardians of the liberties and properties
of the people, the protectors of the innocent, the
ſcourges of the guilty, the ſupporters of the weak,
and the terrors of the tyrant and oppreſſor. Such
are the members of that honourable tribunal to
which I appealed my caufe, who redretfed my griev-
ances, and allowed me ſuch compenſation for thoſe
acts of violence and oppreſſion which I had fuf-
fered from my tyrannical proſecutors, as they, in
their wiſdom, thought juſt and equitable. Nor
muſt I omit to pay a tribute of gratitude to thoſe
worthy and learned Gentlemen who appeared in
my cauſe at the bar, and who nobly exerted them-
ſelves in opening up and diſplaying that ſcene of
oppreffion and lawleſs perfecution where with I had
been haraſſed, and that without any profpect of
fee or reward. In particular, I muſt acknowledge
my obligations to that learned Lawyer, who was
afligned me as Counſel by their Lord'hips, when
my circumſtances could not afford the price of a
conſultation. He generouſly embarked in my cauſe,
and, by force of argument, law, and eloquence,
expoſed the injuſtice done me, and the weakneſs
of my Opponent's reafonings, in ſuch a light, that
my

PETER WILLIAMSON.
155
my plea became as clear as noon-day, and obvious
to the meaneft capacity.
I ſhall trouble the Reader no further on this ſub-
ject, my chief intent in publiſhing this narrative of
my Proceſs, being, to warn Gentlemen in power
and ſtation, not to abuſe them by a lawleſs exerciſe
of their authority againſt the poor and innocent;
for they may be afſured, that power will not ſancti-
fy oppreſſion, nor will juſtice be hood-winked by
riches. On the other hand, the weak and friend-
leſs need not deſpair of obtaining redreſs, though
groaning under the yoke of tyranny: Let them
have but the reſolution to apply to the College of
Juſtice; Providence will throw friends in their
way, their oppreſſors ſhall hide their heads, and
the cruelties they have committed be retaliated
upon them.
A particular Deſcription of the
INDIAN TOMAHAWK.
a
THE
THE hatchet or axe, which the Indians call a Toma-
hawk, is uſed by them in many different employ-
ments. This inftrument, in its preſent form, is ſaid to have
been the invention of the great William Penn, firſt pro-
prietor of Penſylvania. The tools uſed by the Indians,
when he came among them, were made of ſtone ; which
were of little uſe in cutting wood. He procured a To-
mahawk, and a ſcalping knife; and employed European
ſmiths to make fuch after the Indian pattern; which
was accordingly done. The Tomahawk was made like
a plaſterer’s hammer, with a whiſtle in the handle, to
give an alarm in caſe of danger : by this, and ſuch-like
inventions, the name of Penn became famous among
them. The Indians he found much addicted to ſmoking
tobacco ; but for want of a better method, they ſmoke
ed through leaves twiſted up into a kind of a pipe. See.
a
ing

156
THE LIFE, &c.
ing this, he diſtributed ſeveral groſs of Engliſh tobacco
pipes among them, which pleaſed them for the inſtant;
but unuſed to ſuch brittle ware, the pipes would not
ſtand their rough uſage, but quickly broke; which
loft Penn his credit among them, as they concluded
themſelves defrauded, ſince pipes ſo eaſily broke they
eſteemed of no ſervice. Father Penn, as they called him,
was hereupon obliged to reſtore the Indian goods he
had received in exchange for the pipes, and was glad
to make ſpeedy reftitution to prevent bad conſequences.
He then cauſed the Tomahawk to be made to hold to-
bacco in the head of it, with a hole drilled through the
handle to ſmoke by: an inſtrument of ſuch beneficial
ſervice entirely regained him the confidence of the In-
dians ; and was much more prized than the former,
with the whiſtle at the end. It is now become uſeful
in many branches of their buſineſs. In time of war
they carry it with them, under their belts, and, when
victory inclines to their fide, after firing their guns,
they ruſh upon their enemies with it, fracturing and
cleaving their ſkulls; very feldom failing of killing with
the firſt blow. They are alſo very dexterous in throw-
ing it, and will ſtrike an object at 50 yards diſtance.
They alſo employ it in cutting wood, and in barking
trees, at the ſeaſon when they make their canoes. On
the handle of the Tomahawk they record the occur-
rences of war. When their warriors are ſent to fight,
they cut as many notches on the handle of the hatchet
to know their number by. Their wounded are alſo
marked down, with the number of priſoners they take
from the enemy; each in a different manner. So that
at the cloſe, they are enabled to form an eſtimate of the
fucceſs of every expedition. Their Tomahawk is alſo
the regiſter of their time: the returns of the moon, and
remarkable events, are thereon diftinguiſhed; as will
appear upon converfing with any of their wiſe men,
who will account for themſelves for 6000 moons paſt.
F IN IS,





C2
1792
Williamson, Peter,
35956
Gift of:
Johor L Fox
Wi
The
WILLIAM L.
CLEMENTS
LIBRARY
University of Michigan
Gift of
JOHN L. FOX
holio
bod no
holm