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Wan Arsdale Vler my masters Tooketh upon a greate tis a little windom this is no door 2 UTRES EN 1 1933) LIBRIS 38 GAI fo A 38035 Cucan B. Uithoong THE LIFE SAN B. BLIC ADE Y FROM DURING TWO VOLU ANAPOLIS OWEN-ME Ercan 13. Mit THE LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY INCLUDING PUBLIC ADDRESSES, HER OWN LETTERS AND MANY FROM HER CONTEMPORARIES DURING FIFTY YEARS BY IDA HUSTED HARPER A Story of the Evolution of the Status of Woman IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME I ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS, PICTURES OF HOMES, ETC. INDIANAPOLIS AND KANSAS CITY THE BOWEN-MERRILL COMPANY 1899 COPYRIGHT 1898 BY THE BOWEN-MERRILL COMPANY TO WOMAN, FOR WHOSE FREEDOM SUSAN B. ANTHONY HAS GIVEN FIFTY YEARS OF NOBLE ENDEAVOR THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED PREFACE. A BIOGRAPHY written during the lifetime of the subject is unusual, but to the friends of Miss Anthony it seemed especially desirable because the reform in which she and her contempo- raries have been engaged has not been given a deserved place in the pages of history, and the accounts must be gleaned very largely from unpublished records and personal recollec- tions. The wisdom of this course often has been apparent in the preparation of these volumes. In recalling how many times an entirely different interpretation of letters, scenes and actions would have been made from that which Miss Anthony declared to be the true one, the author must confess that here- after all biographies will be read by her with a certain amount of skepticism-a doubt whether the historian has drawn cor- rect conclusions from apparent premises, and a disbelief that one individual can state accurately the motives which influ- enced another. Most persons who have attained sufficient prominence to make a record of their lives valuable are too busy to prepare an autobiography, but there is only one other way to go down to posterity correctly represented, and that is to have some one else write the history while the hero still lives. If we admit this self-evident proposition, then the question is presented, should it be published during his lifetime? A reason analo- gous to that which justifies the writing, demands also the pub- lication, in order that denials or attacks may be met by the per- son who, above all others, is best qualified to defend the original statement. It seems a pity, too, that he should be deprived of knowing what the press and the people think of the story of (v) vi PREFACE. his life, since there is no assurance that he will meet the book- reviewers in the next world. These volumes may claim the merit of truthfully describing the principal events of Miss Anthony's life and presenting her opinions on the various matters considered. She has objected to the eulogies, but the writer holds that, as these are not the expressions of a partial biographer but the spontaneous tributes of individuals and newspapers, no rule of good taste is violated in giving them a place. It is only justice that, since the abuse and ridicule of early years are fully depicted, esteem and praise should have equal prominence; and surely every one will read with pleasure the proof that the world's scorn and repudiation have been changed to respect and approval. Many letters of women have been used to disprove the assertion so often made, that women themselves do not properly estimate the labors of Miss Anthony in their behalf. It can not be expected that the masses should understand or appreciate her work, but the writ- ten evidence herein submitted will demonstrate that the women of each decade most prominent in intellectual ability, in phi- lanthropy, in reform, those who represent the intelligence and progress of the age, have granted to it the most cordial and thorough recognition. There has not been the slightest attempt at rhetorical dis- play, but only an endeavor to tell in plain, simple language the story of the life and work of one who was born into the simplicity and straightforwardness of the Society of Friends and never departed from them. The constant aim has been to condense, but it has not been an easy task to crowd into lim- ited space the history of nearly eighty busy, eventful years, comprising a revolution in social and legal customs. If the reader discover some things omitted which to him seem vital, or others mentioned which appear unimportant, it is hoped he will attribute them to an error of judgment rather than to an intention to minimize or magnify unduly any person or action. The fact should be kept in mind that this is not a history of woman suffrage, except in so far as Miss Anthony herself has been directly connected with it. A number of women have PREFACE. vii made valuable contributions to this movement whose lives have not come in contact with hers, therefore they have not been mentioned in these pages, which have been devoted almost exclusively to her personal labors and associations. Many of those even who have been her warm and faithful friends have had to be omitted for want of space. No one can know the regret this has caused, or the conscientious effort which has been made to render exact justice to Miss Anthony's co- workers. It was so difficult for her to select the few pictures for which room could be spared that she was strongly tempted to exclude all. Personal controversies have been omitted, in the belief that nothing could be gained which would justify handing them down to future generations. Where differences have existed in regard to matters of a public nature, only so much of them has been given as might serve for an object les- son on future occasions. In preparing these volumes over 20,000 letters have been read and, whenever possible, some of them used to tell the story, especially those written by Miss Anthony herself, as her own language seemed preferable to that of any other, but only a comparatively small number of the latter could be obtained. She kept copies of a few important official letters, and friends in various parts of the country kindly sent those in their posses- sion. Every letter quoted in these volumes was copied from the original, hence there can be no question of authenticity. The autographs reproduced in fac-simile were clipped from let- ters written to Miss Anthony. Her diaries of over fifty years have furnished an invaluable record. The strict financial ac- counts of all moneys received and spent, frequently have sup- plied a date or incident when every other source had failed. A mine of information was found in her full set of scrap-books, beginning with 1850; the History of Woman Suffrage ; almost complete files of Garrison's Liberator, the Anti-Slavery Stan- dard, and woman's rights papers—Lily, Una, Revolution, Bal- lot-Box, Woman's Journal, Woman's Tribune. The reader easily can perceive the difficulty of condensation, with Miss viii PREFACE. Anthony's own history so closely interwoven with the periods and the objects represented by all these authorities. The intent of this work has been to trace briefly the evolu- tion of a life and a condition. The transition of the young Quaker girl, afraid of the sound of her own voice, into the re- former, orator and statesman, is no more wonderful than the change in the status of woman, effected so largely through her exertions. At the beginning she was a chattel in the eye of the law; shut out from all advantages of higher education and opportunities in the industrial world ; an utter dependent on man; occupying a subordinate position in the church ; re- strained to the narrowest limits along social lines; an absolute nonentity in politics. Today American women are envied by those of all other nations, and stand comparatively free indi- viduals, with the exception of political disabilities. During the fifty years which have wrought this revolution, just one woman in all the world has given every day of her time, every dollar of her money, every power of her being, to secure this result. She was impelled to this work by no per- sonal grievance, but solely through a deep sense of the injus- tice which, on every side, she saw perpetrated against her sex, and which she determined to combat. Never for one short hour has the cause of woman been forgotten or put aside for any other object. Never a single tie has been formed, either of affection or business, which would interfere with this su- preme purpose. Never a speech has been given, a trip taken, a visit made, a letter written, in all this half-century, that has not been done directly in the interest of this one object. There has been no thought of personal comfort, advancement or glory; the self-abnegation, the self-sacrifice, have been abso- lute--they have been unparalleled. There has been no desire to emphasize the hardships and unpleasant features, but only to picture in the fewest possible words the many consecutive years of unremitting toil, begun amidst conditions which now seem almost incredible, and con- tinued with sublime courage in the face of calumny and perse- cution such as can not be imagined by the women of today. PREFACE. Nothing has been concealed or mitigated. In those years of constant aggression, when every step was an experiment, there must have been mistakes, but the story would be incomplete if they were left untold. No effort has been made to portray a perfect character, but only that of a woman who dared take the blows and bear the scorn that other women might be free. Future generations will read these pages through tears, and will wonder what manner of people those were who not only permitted this woman to labor for humanity fifty years, almost unaided, but also compelled her to beg or earn the money with which to carry on her work. If certain opinions shall be found herein which the world is not ready to accept, let it be remembered that, as Miss Anthony was in advance of public sentiment in the past, she may be equally so in the present, and that the radicalism which we reject today may be the con- servatism at which we will wonder tomorrow. Those who follow the story of this life will confirm the asser- tion that every girl who now enjoys a college education ; every woman who has the chance of earning an honest living in whatever sphere she chooses ; every wife who is protected by law in the possession of her person and her property ; every mother who is blessed with the custody and control of her own children-owes these sacred privileges to Susan B. Anthony beyond all others. This biography goes to the public with the earnest hope that it may carry to every man a conviction of his imperative duty to secure for women the same freedom which he himself enjoys; and that it may impress upon every woman a solemn obligation to complete the great work of this noble pioneer. Ida Husted Karper. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vol. I. CHAPTER I. 1-15 ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. (1550—1826.). Berkshire Hills; noted persons born there; Anthony and Read genealogy; military record; religious beliefs; education; mar- riage of father and mother of Susan B. Anthony; her birth and childhood; characteristics of mother; first factory built. CHAPTER II 17-31 GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL LIFE. (1826–1838.)........................... ..................................... Removal to Battenville, N. Y.; manufacturing business; temper- ance and labor questions; new house; Susan's factory expe- rience; Quaker discipline; the home school; first teaching; boarding-school life; Susan's letters and journals. CHAPTER III. 33-46 FINANCIAL CRASH–THE TEACHER. (1838-1845.) ..... The panic; father's letters; teaching at Union Village; the home sacrificed, life at Center Falls; more Quaker discipline; teaching at New Rochelle; Miss Anthony's letters on slavery, temperance, medical practice, Van Buren, etc.; teaching at Center Falls, Cambridge and Fort Edward; proposals of marriage; removal to Rochester, N. Y. CHAPTER IV. 47-55 THE FARM HOME END OF TEACHING. (1845-1850.)......... Journey to Rochester; the farm home and life; teaching in Canajoharie; a devotee of fashion; death of Cousin Margaret; weary of the school-room; early temperance work; first public address; return home; end of teaching. (xi) xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. ᏟᎻᎪᏢᎢᎬᎡ Ꮩ . 57-80 ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. (1850-1852.) Conditions leading to a public career; her home the center of reformers; temperance festival; first meeting with the Fosters, Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Bloomer, Lucy Stone, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Horace Greeley; women silenced in men's temperance meeting at Albany, hold one of their own; advice from Greeley and Mrs. Stanton; first Woman's State Temperance Convention; men's State Temperance Convention in Syracuse rejects women dele- gates; Rev. Samuel J. May and Rev. Luther Lee stand by the women; Miss Anthony as temperance agent; her appeal to women; attends her first Woman's Rights Convention at Syra- cuse; criticises decollete dress; letters and speeches of Stanton, Mayo, Stone, Brown, Nichols, Rose, Gage, Gerrit Smith, etc.; Bible controversy; vicious comment of Syracuse Star, N. Y. Her- ald, Rev. Byron Sunderland, etc.; platform of Human Rights. CHAPTER VI. TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. (1852-1853.).................. 81-105 Women's first appearance before Albany Legislature; Miss An- thony, Rev. Antoinette Brown and Mrs. Bloomer speak in New York and Brooklyn by invitation of S. P. Townsend and make tour of State; attack of Utica Telegraph; phrenological chart; visit at Greeley's; women insulted and rejected at temperance meeting in Brick Church, New York; abusive speeches of Wood, Chambers, Barstow and others; Greeley's defense; attack of N. Y. Commercial-Advertiser, Sun, Organ and Courier; first an- nual meeting Women's State Temperance Society; letters from Gerrit Smith and Neal Dow; right of Divorce; men control meeting; Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony withdraw from Soci- ety; Samuel F. Cary declines to attend Temperance Convention; characteristic advice from Greeley; Miss Anthony attends State Teachers' Convention and raises a commotion; Professor Davies' speech; disgraceful scene at World's Temperance Convention in New York; Woman's Rights Convention mobbed; Cleveland Convention; Miss Anthony and Rev. W. H. Channing call Woman's Rights Convention in Rochester. CHAPTER VII. PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. (1854.) ... ..... 107–122 Development of character; securing petitions for better laws; Woman's Rights Convention at Albany; ridiculous report of Representative Burnett; Miss Anthony's speech; canvassing the State and raising the funds; history of the Bloomer Costume, with interesting letters; lecture trip to Washington; opinions on TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii slavery; hard experiences; conventions at Saratoga and Phila- delphia; preparing to canvass New York State. CHAPTER VIII. FIRST COUNTY CANVASS—THE WATER CURE. (1855.)........................ 123-136 Winter canvass of New York; extract from Rondout Courier; letter from Greeley on Woman Suffrage; another proposal; ap- plying the “water cure;” hot meal for husbands, cold bite for wives; marriages of Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown; speaking at birthplace; Saratoga Convention; goes to Worcester Hydro- pathic Institute; her letters from Boston and Worcester; first Republican meeting; treatment at "water cure;" letter from Dr. Rogers on marriage; takes out life insurance. CHAPTER IX. .. ... ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. (1856.).............. ... 137–148 Invited to act as agent for American Anti-Slavery Society; second canvass of New York; her letters describing hardships of jour- ney, position of wives, etc.; Senator Foote's insolent report on petitions; advice to a wife; preparing speech on Co-Education; its reception in Troy; letter from Mary L. Booth on injustice to women teachers; meeting at Saratoga; the raid at Osawatomie; letter to brother Merritt regarding it; pathetic letter from Mary L. Booth; Greeley provoked; Gerrit Smith on woman's dress; New York Convention; words of confidence from Anti-Slavery Committe CHAPTER X. CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. (1857-1858.)...................... 149-166 Political conditions ; Miss Anthony's band of speakers; Abolition meetings; Remond's speech; letter from Garrison; notes of her speeches; Maria Weston Chapman; lecture trip to Maine; stormy State Teachers' Convention at Binghamton; Mrs. Stanton's com- ment; letter of Miss Anthony on family affection; the “raspberry experiment;" the “good old times;” “health food cranks ;'' New York Convention in hands of mob; stirring up teachers at Lockport; mass meeting at Rochester in opposition to capital punishment; gift of Francis Jackson. CHAPTER XI. CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. (1859.)... ......... 161-107 Scheme for Free Church; letter from Geo. Wm. Curtis on Woman's Rights; Miss Anthony's letters on pecuniary indepen- dence, denial of human rights, woman's individuality; criticism xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. of Curtis; six weeks' legislative work in Albany; convention in New York under difficulties; extract from Tribune; Memorial to Legislatures; lecturing at New York watering places; journey on boat to Poughkeepsie; anecdote of waiter at hotel; incident of Quaker meeting in Easton; married women too busy to help in fall canvass; letter of Rev. Thomas K. Beecher; incident at Ger- rit Smith'sthe Solitude of Self; John Brown meeting; letters regarding it from Pillsbury and Mrs. Stanton; Hovey Legacy; correspondence with Judge Ormond, of Alabama; "We are your enemies!” CHAPTER XII. RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. (1860.)...... 185-205 Early Woman's Rights meetings not Suffrage conventions; Legal Status of Woman outlined by David Dudley Field; Miss An- thony and Mrs. Stanton as co-workers and writers; Tilton's description of the two; before the N. Y. Legislature; Married Woman's Property Law; woman's debt to Susan B. Anthony; Emerson on Lyceum Bureau; letters from Mary S. Anthony on in- justice to school-teachers; Beecher's lecture on Woman's Rights; convention at Cooper Institute; Mrs. Stanton on Divorce; Phil- lips' objections; Mrs. Dall's proper convention in Boston; battle renewed at Progressive Friends' meeting; Miss Anthony's home duties; letter from her birth place; Anti-Slavery depository at Albany; Agricultural address at Dundee; Miss Anthony's defi- ance of the law giving child to father. CHAPTER XIII. 207-224 MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. (1861-1862............. Difference between Republicans and Abolitionists; Miss An- thony arranges series of Garrisonian meetings; mobbed in every city from Buffalo to Albany; Mayor Thacher preserves the peace at State capital; last Woman's Rights Convention before the War; Miss Anthony's views on motherhood; Phillips declares for War; letters on this subject from Beriah Green and Miss An- thony; opinion on “Adam Bede;" letter on Rosa Bonheur and Harriet Hosmer; N. Y. Legislature repeals laws recently enacted for women; letters from Anna Dickinson and Greeley on the War; Miss Anthony's opinion of private schools; attends her last Teacher's Convention; in the Anti-Slavery lecture field; death of father. TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XIV. WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. (1863–1864.).... 225-240 Disbelief that the War would lead to Woman Suffrage; letters from Tilton on Proclamation and Henry B. Stanton on condition of country; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton issue appeal to women to form National Loyal League; organization in Church of the Puritans; Miss Anthony's speech; they prepare eloquent Address to President Lincoln; headquarters opened in Cooper Institute; petitions and letters sent out by Miss Anthony; de- scription of draft riots; letters regarding her father and the sale of the home; lively note from Tilton; raising money for League; almost 400,000 names secured ; Sumner presents petitions in Sen- ate; letter from Sumner; merry letter from Phillips; first anni- versary of the League; Amendment XIII submitted by Con- gress; closing of League headquarters; failure of the government to recognize its distinguished women. CHAPTER XV. MALE IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. (1865.).. 241-253 Death of niece Ann Eliza McLean; letters on the loss of loved ones; trip to Kansas; work among refugees and in brother's newspaper office; appeals to return to the East; letters on di- vision in Anti-Slavery Society; Ottumwa speech on Reconstruc- tion; an unpleasant night; address to colored people at Leaven- worth; Republicans object to a mention of Woman Suffrage; Miss Anthony learns of motion for Amendment to Federal Con- stitution to disfranchise on account of Sex, and immediately starts eastward ; confers with Mrs. Stanton and they issue appeal to women of country to protest against proposed Fourteenth Amendment; Miss Anthony holds meetings at Concord, West- chester and many other places; N. Y. Independent supports women's demands. CHAPTER XVI. 255-270 THE NEGRO's Hour. (1866.) .... Reconstruction period; Anti-Slavery Society declines coalition with Woman's Rights Society; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton issue strong call for the reassembling in New York of Woman's Rights forces; Robert Purvis and Anna Dickinson approve; con- vention meets in Dr. Cheever's church; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton present ringing Address to Congress; Miss Anthony's speech for union of the two organizations; Equal Rights Asso- ciation formed; controversy of Phillips, Tilton, Anthony, Stan- ton in Standard office; Standard's offer of space rejected; Miss xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS. Anthony's speech at Equal Rights meeting in Albany; abusive article from N. Y. World; mass meetings held and petitions cir- culated to have women included in Fourteenth Amendment; Republicans refuse to recognize their claims; Democrats favor them to defeat the negroes; Miss Anthony complains of Stan- dard's treatment; words from friends and foes. CHAPTER XVII. CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. (1867.)........... 271-294 Canvass of New York to secure Woman Suffrage Amendment to new State Constitution; scurrilous comment of Buffalo Commer- cial; praise of Troy Times; Miss Anthony rebukes selfish woman; always assumes the drudgery; Beecher can not work in organiza- tions; Lucy Stone's letters from Kansas on action of Republi- cans; Beecher's speech in New York on Woman Suffrage; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton prepare Memorial to Congress; Miss Anthony and Greeley break lances at Albany; Curtis stands by the women; Mrs. Greeley's petition used to checkmate her husband; Anna Dickinson's indignation; Kansas Republi- can Committee fights Woman Suffrage; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton go to Kansas; hardships of the campaign; Mrs. Starrett's description of Miss Anthony; negroes oppose woman suffrage; George Francis Train comes to the rescue; Suffrage Amendment defeated; Leavenworth Commercial pays tribute; Miss An- thony, Mrs. Stanton and Mr. Train make lecture tour from Omaha to Boston; persecution by former friends. CHAPTER XVIII. ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. (1868.)........ 295-311 Mr. Train and David M. Melliss furnish funds for starting Woman Suffrage newspaper, The Revolution; comments of press; Mr. Train in Dublin jail; Mrs. Stanton defends The Revolution; how women were sacrificed; bright description of paper and editors; Equal Rights Association divided between claims of woman and negro; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton delegates to Democratic National Convention at Tammany Hall; their reception; Miss Anthony represents Workingwomen's Association at National Labor Congress in New York; her suffrage resolution rejected; her advice to women typesetters; sad case of Hester Vaughan; S. C. Pomeroy and George W. Julian present Woman Suffrage Amendments in Senate and House of Representatives. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvii CHAPTER XIX. AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. (1869.)............ 313-336 First National Convention in Washington; colored men object to Woman Suffrage; first hearing before Congressional Committee; descriptive letter from Grace Greenwood; Miss Anthony ar- raigns Republicans at Chicago; Mrs. Livermore’s tribute to Miss Anthony; speech at N. Y. Press Club on woman's“ proposing;" Fifteenth Amendment submitted ; criticism by The Revolution; Train withdraws from paper; Woman's Bureau; letters from Mrs. Livermore, Anna Dickinson, Gail Hamilton; stormy ses- sion of Equal Rights Association; Miss Anthony's speech against Amendment XV; William Winter defends her; discussion of “free love” resolution; Equal Rights platform too broad; found- ing of National Woman Suffrage Association; forming of Ameri- can Woman Suffrage Association; Miss Anthony secures testi- monial for Mrs. Rose; conventions at Saratoga and Newport; Miss Anthony protests against paying taxes; Mr. and Mrs. Minor claim woman's right to vote under Fourteenth Amend- ment; Miss Anthony speaks at Dayton, O., on laws for married women; Mrs. Hooker's description of her; Miss Anthony's speech at Hartford Convention; anecdote of Beecher; Mrs. Hooker's account; letters from Dr. Kate Jackson and Sarah Pugh; division in suffrage ranks. CHAPTER XX. FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. (1870.)........ 337–350 Washington Convention; Miss Anthony's speech on striking "male" from District of Columbia Bill; descriptions by Mrs. Fannie Howland, Hearth and Home, Mrs. Hooker, Mary Clem- mer; Fiftieth Birthday celebration and comments of N. Y. Press; Phoebe Cary's poem; Miss Anthony's letter to mother; begins with Lyceum Bureau; Robert G. Ingersoll comes to her as- sistance; attack by Detroit Free Press; tribute of Chicago Legal News; efforts to unite the two National Suffrage organizations; Union Suffrage Society formed; end of Equal Rights Associa- tion. CHAPTER XXI. END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. (1870.)........... 351-370 McFarland-Richardson trial; letter from Catharine Beecher on Divorce; financial struggle; touching letters; Mrs. Hooker offers to help; Alice and Phoebe Cary; prospectus of The Revo- lution; giving up of the paper; Miss Anthony's letter regarding ANT.-ii xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS. it; in the lecture field; the little Professor; Miss Anthony's strong summing-up of the Status of Woman Suffrage; rejected by National Labor Congress in Philadelphia; attack of Utica Herald ; Second Decade Meeting in New York; Mrs. Davis' History of the Movement for Twenty Years; death of nephew Thomas King McLean; meeting with Phillips. CHAPTER XXII. MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION-THE LECTURE FIELD. (1871.)...... 371-385 Mrs. Hooker undertakes Washington Convention; amusing let- ters from Anthony, Stanton, Hooker, Wright; first appearance of Mrs. Woodhull; accounts by Philadelphia Press, Washington Daily Patriot and National Republican; resolution by Miss An- thony claiming right to vote under Fourteenth Amendment; Declaration signed by 80,000 women; Catharine Beecher and Mrs. Woodhull; Mrs. Stanton rebukes men who object to Mrs. Woodhull; hard life of a lecturer; Mrs. Griffing, Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Hooker on political party attitude; Phoebe Couzins pleads for the National Association; Mrs. Woodhull at New York May Anniversary; charge of "free love” refuted; forcible letter from Miss Anthony declaring for one Moral Standard. CHAPTER XXIII. ..... FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. (1871.......... 387-408 Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton cross the continent; newspaper comment; Miss Anthony's letters from Salt Lake City; hostile treatment by San Francisco press; description of trip to Yosemite; journey by boat to Oregon; her letters on lecture experiences in Oregon and Washington; ridicule of Portland Bulletin; misrep- resentation of Territorial Despatch; "cards” in papers of British Columbia; account of stage ride back to San Francisco; banquet at Grand Hotel; journey eastward with Sargent family; snow- bound among the Rockies. CHAPTER XXIV. REPUBLICANISPLINTER—Miss ANTHONY VOTES. (1872.) ..409-429 National Convention declares women enfranchised under Four- teenth and Fifteenth Amendments; Miss Anthony sustains this position before Senate Judiciary Committee; friends in Rochester present testimonial; she reads in Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly call to form New Party under auspices of National Suffrage Asso- ciation; her indignant remonstrance; hastens to New York and prevents coalition ; Liberal Republican Convention at Cincinnati refuses to adopt Suffrage resolution; Miss Anthony's comment; TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix Republican Convention at Philadelphia makes first mention of Woman; Mr. Blackwell's and Miss Anthony's letters regarding this; Democratic Convention at Baltimore ignores Woman; Hon. John Cochran tells how not to do it; Miss Anthony and Mrs. Gage urge women to support Republican ticket; Miss Anthony states her Political Position; her delight and Mrs. Stanton's doubts; letter from Henry Wilson; Republican Committee summons her to Washington; she arranges series of Republican rallies; sus- tains party only on Suffrage plank; Miss Anthony Votes; news- paper comment; she is arrested; examination before U.S. Com- missioner; Judge Henry R. Selden and Hon. John Van Voorhis undertake her case; Rochester Express defends her; letter on case from Benjamin F. Butler. CHAPTER XXV. TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. (1873.)........... 431-448 Miss Anthony's speech at Washington Convention; she appears before U. S. District Judge at Albany and bail is increased to $1,000; addresses State Constitutional Commission; indicted by grand jury; becomes unconscious on lecture platform at Ft. Wayne; votes again; call for Twenty-fifth Suffrage Anniversary; Miss Anthony delivers her great Constitutional Argument in twenty-nine post office districts in Monroe Co.; District-Attorney moves her trial to another county; she speaks at twenty-one places and Mrs. Gage at sixteen in that county; Rochester Union and Advertiser condemns her; trial opens at Canandaigua; mas- terly argument of Judge Selden; Justice Ward Hunt delivers Written Opinion without leaving bench; declines to submit case to Jury or to allow it to be polled; refuses new trial; spirited en- counter between Miss Anthony and Judge; newspaper comment; trial of Inspectors; Judge refuses to allow Counsel to address Jury; opinion of Mr. Van Voorhis; contributions sent to Miss Anthony by friends; death of sister Guelma McLean; Miss Anthony's letter of grief to mother; generous gift of Anson Lapham. CHAPTER XXVI. No CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. (1874.)............... 449-465 Appeal to Congress to remit fine and declare Right to Trial by Jury; report from House Committee for and against, by Butler and Tremaine; from Senate Committee for and against, by Car- penter and Edmunds; pardon of Inspectors by President Grant; Supreme Court decision in suit of Virginia L. Minor against In- spectors for refusing her vote; Representative Butler and Senator Lapham on Woman Suffrage; President Grant's opinion ; letter of Judge A. G. Riddle on chief obstacles; death of Sumner; Miss Anthony's speech and letter on Women's Temperance Crusade; XX TABLE OF CONTENTS. lying telegram and N. Y. Herald's truthful report of convention; letter by Miss Anthony, “honesty best policy;" suffrage cam- paign in Michigan; Beecher-Tilton case. CHAPTER XXVII. REVOLUTION DEBT PAID–WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. (1875-1876.)..... 467-482 Miss Anthony's annual struggle to hold Washington Conven- tion; speech in Chicago on Social Purity ; comment of St. Louis Democrat and other papers; hard lecture tour in Iowa; shooting of brother Daniel R.; Revolution debt paid; commendation of press; Centennial Resolutions at Washington Convention; estab- lishing Centennial headquarters at Philadelphia; Republicans again recognize Woman in National platform; Miss Anthony and others present Woman's Declaration of Independence at Centennial celebration; eloquent description ; History of Woman Suffrage begun; writes articles for Johnson's Encyclopedia. CHAPTER XXVIII. COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. (1877–1878.)........ 483-498 Advocates of Woman Suffrage compelled to return to former pol- icy of demanding Sixteenth Amendment to Federal Constitution; letters from Garrison and Phillips on this subject; descriptions by Mary Clemmer and Washington papers of presenting Suffrage petitions in Congress; Lyceum Bureau circular with comment of Forney ; death of sister Hannah Mosher; friendship of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton; tribute of Annie McDowell; cam- paigning in Colorado; speaking in saloons; writing “Homes of Single Women” in Denver; prayer-meeting in Capitol at Wash- ington; Miss Anthony urged not to miss another National Con- vention; Thirtieth Suffrage Anniversary at Rochester; letter from J. H. Hayford relative to Woman Suffrage in Wyoming; Miss Anthony defines her attitude in regard to Political Parties. CHAPTER XXIX. CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE REPORTS-COMMENT. (1879-1880............ 499-513 Vigorous resolutions at National Convention; Senator Morton's position on Woman Suffrage; Senator Wadleigh scored by Mary Clemmer; first favorable Senate Committee report; advance in public sentiment; extracts from Indiana papers; bitter attacks of Richmond (Ky.) Herald and Grand Rapids (Mich.) Times; interview in Chicago Tribune on Woman's need of ballot for Tem- perance legislation; convention in St. Louis and Miss Anthony's response to floral offering; death of Wm. Lloyd Garrison; desire for a woman's paper; new workers; Washington Convention; hospitality of Riggs House; death of mother. LIST OF AUTOGRAPHS. .......Frontispiece, VOL. I. ............... faces 130 ........... ......... ................. 25 . 786 .......... faces 760 .............. 614 ................. 510 ........... faces 814 ............. 689 ....... 606 761 114 ANTHONY, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, HUMPHREY........... ANTHONY, DANIEL ............... ANTHONY, LUCY READ .......... ANTHONY, COLONEL D. R........... ANTHONY, MARY S...... ANTHONY, SENATOR HENRY B. A. BRONSON ALCOTT.... AVERY, RACHEL FOSTER .... BARTON, CLARA BEECHER, HENRY WARD ........ Biggs, CAROLINE ASHURST ... BLACKWELL, ALICE STONE. BLACKWILL, REV. ANTOINETTE BROWN..... BLACKWELL, DR. ELIZABETH. BLAIR, SENATOR HENRY W.... BLAKE, LILLIE DEVEREUX....... BLOOMER, AMELIA .... BOOTH, MARY L...................... BRIGHT, URSULA M................ BROWN, SENATOR B. GRATZ......... BROWNE, THOMAS M., M. C........ BUTLER, GENERAL BENJAMIN F............ BUTLER, JOSEPHINE E. ..... CAREY, SENATOR JOSEPH M.... CARY, ALICE .......... CARY, PHEBE CATT, CARRIE CHAPMAN........... CHANNING, REV. WILLIAM HENRY..... CHAPIN, REV. E. H.... CHAPMAN, MARIA WESTON.......... CHEEVER, REV. GEORGE B..... CHILD, LYDIA MARIA CLAY, LAURA ........................ CLEMMER, MARY................... COBBE, FRANCES POWER........... COBDEN, JANE... COLBY, CLARA BEWICK.......... 615 563 266 591 429 576 769 358 359 780 105 172 ........ ..............faces ............. ......... 154 276 807 340 ........ ........ 577 565 671 (xxi) xxii LIST OF AUTOGRAPHS. .......faces . . . . . . 251 578 756 138 322 : 531 522 153 202 ........ faces 888 ............. 858 97 315 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . COOPER, SARAH B......... CURTIS, GEORGE WILLIAM... DAVIS, PAULINA WRIGHT.. DICKINSON, ANNA E......... Diggs, ANNIE L............... DOLPH, SENATOR J.N.. DOUGLASS, FREDERICK...... Dow, NEAL...................... EMERSON, RALPH WALDO.... FAWCETT, MILLICENT GARRETT... FIELD, KATE .............. FORNEY, COLONEL JOHN W. FOSTER, ABBY KELLY........ FOSTER, STEPHEN S............ FOULKE, HON. WM. DUDLEY.. FROTHINGHAM, REV. O. B......... GAGE, MATILDA JOSLYN ..... GARFIELD, PRESIDENT JAMES A. GARRISON, WM. LLOYD............. GIBBONS, ABBY HOPPER.. GOODRICH, SARAH KNOX GRANT, MRS. U. S........... GREELEY, HORACE......... GREENWOOD, GRACE.. HAMILTON, GAIL........... HARPER, IDA HUSTED ...... HEARST, PHEBE A.............. HOAR, SENATOR GEORGE F........ HOOKER, ISABELLA BEECHER ..... HOSMER, HARRIET ........... HOWELL, MARY SEYMOUR............. JACOBI, DR. MARY PUTNAM....... JACKSON, FRANCIS.......... JULIAN, GEORGE W., M. C............ KELLEY, WILLIAM D., M. C............ KING, REV. THOMAS STARR........................ LAPHAM, SENATOR ELBRIDGE G............. LOGAN, MRS. JOHN A. LOZIER, DR. CLEMENCE S................. LUCAS, MARGARET BRIGHT............. MARTINEAU, HARRIET...... McCULLOCH, SECRETARY HUGH ........ McLAREN, PRISCILLA BRIGHT........... MERRICK, CAROLINE E............ MINOR, VIRGINIA L..................... MITCHELL, MARIA .............. MORTON, SENATOR OLIVER P........... Mott, LUCRETIA.... 322 ix ......... 889 .............. 502 .......faces .............. 656 .............. 692 374 191 ............ 455 .............. 670 .......faces 436 .......faces 578 .............. 571 .............. 705 ........faces 564 .......faces 608 .......faces 454 .............. 635 .... 500 .......faces 268 LIST OF AUTOGRAPHS. xxiii ............ faces 568 ............. 235 ................ 749 593 132 ........ 174 181 310 412 ............faces 526 .............. 258 ................ 669 .............. 456 ............faces 194 ............... 406 ............faces 864 ............ faces 746 .faces 688 ............... 588 93 .... ............ faces 512 .................. 830 .............. 851 ............faces 278 ............... 250 .............. 379 **** ........ NICHOL, ELIZABETH PEASE...... OWEN, ROBERT DALE................... PALMER, BERTHA HONORÉ.......... PALMER, SENATOR THOMAS W... PARKER, REV. THEODORE........... PHILLIPS, WENDELL................... PILLSBURY, PARKER.......... POMEROY, SENATOR S. C............. Post, AMY........... PURVIS, HARRIET.............. PURVIS, ROBERT ...... REED, SPEAKER THOMAS B. RIDDLE, JUDGE A. G............. ROSE, ERNESTINE L..... SARGENT, SENATOR A. A. SARGENT, ELLEN CLARK........ SEWALL, MAY WRIGHT.... SHAW, REV. ANNA HOWARD.... SIMPSON, BISHOP MATTHEW... SMITH, GERRIT ......... SOMERSET, LADY HENRY..... SPOFFORD, JANE H........... STANFORD, JANE L...... STANFORD, SENATOR LELAND . STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY....... STEVENS, THADDEUS............ STONE, LUCINDA HINSDALE....... STONE, LUCY............. SUMNER, CHARLES............ SWIFT, MARY Wood............ TAYLOR, EZRA B., M. C............... TAYLOR, HELEN......... TAYLOR, MENTIA (MRS. PETER).......... THOMPSON, GEORGE, M. P........... TILTON, THEODORE,.. TODD, ISABELLA M. S............ TRAIN, GEORGE FRANCIS ......... TYNG, REV. STEPHEN H. ....... UPTON, HARRIET TAYLOR......................... WADE, SENATOR BENJAMIN F....... WALLACE, ZERELDA G........ WARREN, SENATOR FRANCIS E.. WHITE, SENATOR John D........... WHITING, LILIAN....... WHITTIER, JOHN GREENLEAF........ WILLARD, FRANCES E ................ WILSON, VICE-PRESIDENT HENRY. 747 ....... : 112 236 893 700 : ....... ............ faces 565 554 233 218 572 290 233 ............. faces 700 ................ 266 ..............faces 632 716 ........ 543 673 669 . . 775 421 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. VOL. I. ....... SUSAN B. ANTHONY, at the age of 76...... .......... Frontispiece "THE OLD HIVE,” birthplace of father of SUSAN B. ANTHONY ... faces page 4 16 HOME OF LUCY READ, mother of SUSAN B. ANTHONY ........... 16 6 16 68 WEST END OF KITCHEN IN OLD HOMESTEAD ...... BIRTHPLACE OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY......... 66 66 12 TEMPORARY HOME AT BATTENVILLE, N. Y.......... THE BATTENVILLE HOME ............. HOME AT CENTER FALLS, N. Y........... SUSAN B. ANTHONY at the age of 28... AUNT HANNAH, the Quaker preacher SUSAN B. ANTHONY at the age of 32 ............ HUMPHREY ANTHONY at the age of 95 .. ........ 66 130 SUSAN B. ANTHONY at the age of 36........ THE FARM-HOME NEAR ROCHESTER ........ 160 ERNESTINE L. ROSE ............ 194 FATHER AND MOTHER OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY .. " 222 LUCRETIA MOTT.... " 268 ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.......... 278 SUSAN B. ANTHONY at the age of 48............ 302 SUSAN B. ANTHONY at the age of 50, from photograph by Sarony ISABELLA BEECHER HOOKER .......... 374 DR. CLEMENCE S. LOZIER.......... 436 VIRGINIA L. MINOR......... 66 454 JANE H. SPOFFORD...... 512 66 144 342 . . . . . . (xxiv) CHAPTER I. ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. 1550—1826. M A MONG the Berkshire Hills of Massachusetts is a very beautiful place in which to be born. It is famed in song and story for the loveliness of its scenery and the purity of its air. It has no lofty peaks, no great canyons, no mighty rivers, but it is diversified in the most picturesque manner by the long line of Green Mountains, whose lower ranges bear the musical name of “Berkshire Hills;" by rushing streams tumbling through rocky gorges and making up in impetuosity what they lack in size; by noble forests, gently undulating meadows, quaint farm- houses, old bridges and bits of roadway which are a never- ending delight to the artist. Writers, too, have found inspira- tion here and many exquisite descriptions in prose and verse commemorate the beauties of this region. Catharine Maria Sedgwick, the first woman in America to make a literary reputation on two continents, was born at Stockbridge, and her stories and sketches were located here. That old seat of learning, Williams College, is situated among these foothills. In his summer home at Pittsfield, Longfellow wrote “The Old Clock on the Stairs”; at Stockbridge, Haw- thorne builded his “ House of the Seven Gables”; and Lydia Sigourney poetically told of “Stockbridge Bowl” with “Its foot of stone and rim of green." It was at Lenox that Henry Ward Beecher created “Norwood” and “ Star Papers.” Here Char- lotte Cushman and Fanny Kemble came for many summers to rest and find new life. Harriet Hosmer had her first dreams of fame at the Sedgwick school. The Goodale sisters, Elaine and (1) LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Dora, were born upon one of these mountainsides and both embalmed its memory in their poems. Dora lovingly sings : Dear Berkshire, dear birthplace, the hills are thy towers, Those lofty fringed summits of granite and pine; No valley's green lap is so spangled with flowers, No stream of the wildwood so crystal as thine. Say where do the March winds such treasures uncover, Such maple and arrowwood burn in the fall, As up the blue peaks where the thunder-gods hover In cloud-curtained Berkshire who cradled us all ? Henry Ward Beecher said: This county of valleys, lakes and mountains is yet to be as celebrated as the lake district of England and the hill country of Palestine. .... Here is such a valley as the ocean would be if, when its waves were running tumult- uous and high, it were suddenly transformed and solidified..... The end- less variety never ceases to astonish and please. .... It is indeed like some choice companion, of rich heart and genial imagination, never twice alike in mood, in conversation, in radiant sobriety or half-bright sadness; bold, ten- der, deep, various. One has but to come into the midst of these hills to fall a victim to their fascination, while to those who were born among them there is no spot on earth so beautiful or so beloved. They have sent forth generations of men and women, whose fame is as imperishable as the marble and granite which form their everlasting foundations. Among the noted men who have gone out from the Berkshire region are William Cullen Bryant, Cyrus W. Field and brothers, Jonathan Edwards, Mark and Albert Hopkins, Senator Henry L. Dawes, Governor Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, George F. Root, the musical composer, Governor George N. Briggs, of Massachusetts, Governor and Senator Francis E. Warren, of Wyoming, the Deweys, the Bar- nards, a list too long for quoting. Oliver Wendell Holmes, whose grandfather was a Berkshire man, wrote: Berkshire has produced a race which, for independent thought, daring schemes and achievements that have had world-wide consequences, has not been surpassed. We claim, also, that more of those first things that draw the chariot of progress forward so that people can see that it has moved, have been planned and executed by the inhabitants of the 950 square miles that consti- ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. tute the territory of Berkshire than can be credited to any other tract of equal extent in the United States. Of late years the world of wealth and fashion has invaded the Berkshire country and there are no more magnificent sum- mer homes than those of Lenox, Stockbridge, Great Barrington and the neighboring towns. The first of the Anthony family of whom there is any record was William, born in Cologne, Germany, who came to Eng- land during the reign of Edward the Sixth and was made Chief Graver of the Royal Mint and Master of the Scales, holding this office through the reigns of Edward and Mary and part of that of Elizabeth. His crest and coat of arms are entered in the royal enumeration. His son Derrick was the father of Dr. Francis Anthony, born in London, 1550. According to the Biographia Britannica, he was graduated at Cambridge with the degree of Master of Arts and became a learned phy- sician and chemist. Although a man of high character and gen- erous impulses, he was intolerant of restraint and in continual conflict with the College of Physicians. He died in his seventy- fourth year, and was buried in the church of St. Bartholomew the Great, where his handsome monument still remains. He left a daughter and two sons, both of the latter distinguished physicians. From John, the elder, sprung the American branch of the family. His son, John, Jr., born in Hempstead, England, sailed to America in the ship Hercules, from that port, April 16, 1634, when he was twenty-seven years old. He settled in Portsmouth, R. I., and became a land-owner, an innkeeper and an office-holder. His five children who sur- vived infancy left forty-three children. One of these forty- three, Abraham, had thirteen children, and his son William fourteen, his son, William, Jr., four, his son David nine. It was just before the beginning of the Revolution that this David Anthony, with his wife, Judith Hicks, moved from Dartmouth, Mass., to Berkshire and settled near Adams at the foot of Greylock, the highest peak in the mountain range. This was considered the extreme West, as little was known of all that lay beyond. They brought two children with them LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and seven more were born here in the shadow of the moun. tains. Humphrey, the second son, born at Dartmouth, Feb- ruary 2, 1770, married Hannah Lapham, who was born near Adams (then called East Hoosac), November 11, 1773; and here, also, January 27, 1794, was born the first of their nine children, Daniel, father of Susan B. Anthony. On the maternal side the grandfather, Daniel Read, was born at Rehobeth, Mass., and said to be a lineal descendant and entitled to the coat of arms of Sir Brianus de Rede, A. D. 1075; but he had too much of the sturdy New England spirit to feel any special interest in the pomp and pride of heraldry, and the family tree he prized most was found in the grand old grove which shaded his own dooryard. Susannah Richardson, his wife, was born at Scituate, Mass., and her family were among the most wealthy and respected of that locality during the eighteenth century. Both Reads and Richardsons removed to Cheshire, Mass., before 1770, and Daniel and Susannah were married there. It was but a few months after this mar- riage when the first gun was fired at Lexington and the whole country was ablaze with excitement. At the close of the sermon, on a bright.spring morning, the old minister, his voice tremb- ling with patriotic fervor, asked every man who was ready to enlist in the Continental army to stand forth, and Daniel Read was the first to step out into the aisle of the little meeting-house. Leaving the girl-bride he entered the service and soon became conspicuous for his bravery. He was one of the memorable ex- pedition against Quebec under Arnold, in 1775, and of the party commanded by Ethan Allen at the capture of Ticonderoga. He was among that brave band from Cheshire (Stafford's Hill) who fought under Colonel Stafford at Bennington. On the 19th of October, 1780, he took part in the fatal fight of Stone Ara- bia, under Col. John Brown, and served with honor throughout the war. It was several years after peace had been declared and he had returned home and settled down to the quiet life of a New England farmer that, December 2, 1793, was born Lucy, the mother of Susan B. Anthony. Daniel Read was a member of the Massachusetts Legislature THE OLD HIVE," ADAMS, MASS. BIRTHPLACE OF Daniel, Father of Susan B. Anthony. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1897. ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. in 1814 and was elected to various public offices. He was a Whig in politics and adhered always to staunch republican principles, but rose above partisanship and was universally respected. Daniel and Susannah were thrifty New England Puritans, leading members of the Baptist denoniination and parishioners of the widely known Elder Leland. The cooking for Sunday always was done on Saturday, and the greater part of every Sunday, regardless of weather, was spent at church. They and their children sat through a service of two hours in the morning, ate a generous lunch at the noon intermission, and were ready for another two hours' sermon in the afternoon, through all the heat of summer and the terrible cold of New England winter. Susannah Read remained always a devout and consistent Baptist, but Daniel became, in later years, a thorough Univer- salist. Murray, the founder of this church in England, had come to the Colonies before the Revolutionary War, and by the close of the century the Universalists were organized as a sect, holding general conventions and sending itinerants among the people in the villages and country. Some of these doubtless had penetrated to Adams and converted Daniel Read, who was always liberal in his belief. He was an inveterate reader and pored over a vast amount of theological discussion which at- tracted so much attention in his day. The family moved from Cheshire to a suburb of Adams called Bowen's Corners. Near their house was the tavern, its proprietor known to all the people roundabout as “Uncle Sam” Bowen. He and Daniel Read never wearied in setting forth the merits of “free salvation.” They were the only two persons in all that sec- tion of the country who did not believe in a literal hell. It was the common sentiment then that only those disbelieved in end- less punishment who had reason to be afraid of it, and, since both these men were exemplary in every other respect, it was impossible for their friends to understand their aberration. Susannah Read, in the language of that time, “wore the skin off her knees,” praying night and day that God would bring her husband back into the fold, but her prayers never were LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. answered. Every Sunday regularly he accompanied her to church, and faithfully contributed to the support of the preacher, but he died, at the ripe old age of eighty-four, firm in his Universalist faith. Susannah was the care-taker of the family and looked after the farm, inheriting the Richardson energy and thrift. Daniel was genial, good-natured and very intelligent, but his health being impaired from army service, he was willing she should take the lead in business matters. The farm was one of only a hundred acres, but was carefully and economically managed and, at their death, the Reads left about $10,000, which was then considered a snug little fortune. Lucy, one of seven children, was born into a home of peace and comfort and had a happy and uneventful childhood. She attended the district school, was a fair writer and speller and, like her father, very fond of reading. She learned to cook and sew, make butter and cheese, spin and weave, and was very domestic in all her tastes. The Reads and Anthonys were near neighbors, and al- though differing widely in religious belief, a subject of much prominence in those days, they were on terms of intimate friendship even before the ties were made still closer by mar- riage between the two families. Both Anthonys and Laphams were Quakers as far back as the sect was in existence. Both were families of wealth and influence, and when Humphrey and Hannah were married she received from her parents a house and thirty acres of land, which were entailed on her children. Silver spoons are still in the family, which were part of her dowry more than a cen- tury ago. Hannah Lapham Anthony was a most saintly woman and, because of her beautiful religious character, was made an elder and given an exalted position on the “high seat. "I She was a very handsome brunette and was noted for the beauty and elegance of her Quaker attire, her bonnets always being made in New York. Humphrey never attained the “high seat;” he was too worldly. His ambition was con- stantly to add more to his broad acres, to take a bigger drove 1 Her oldest daughter, Hannah, became a famous Quaker preacher. HOME OF LUCY READ, ADAMS, MASS. Mother Of Susan B. ANTHONY. ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. of cattle to Boston than any of his neighbors, and to get a higher price for his own than any other Berkshire cheese would bring. He had a number of farms and a hundred cows, while his wife made the best cheese and was the finest house- keeper in all that part of the country. The fame of her coffee and biscuits, apple dumplings and chicken dinners, spread far and wide. Their kitchen was forty feet long. One end was used for the dining-room, with the table seating twenty per- sons, and in the other were the sink and the “penstock," which brought water from a clear, cold spring high up in the mountains. Here also were the huge fire-place, the big brick oven and the large pantry. Then there were the spacious “keeping” or sitting-room, with the mother's bedroom open- ing out of it, the great weaving-room with its wheels and loom, and two bed-rooms for the “ help” down stairs, while above were the children's sleeping-rooms. Opening out of the kitchen was a room containing the cheese press and the big “arch” kettle, and near by was a two-story building where the cheese was stored. Up in the grove was the saw-mill, and at the foot of the hill was the blacksmith shop, where nails were made, horses shod, wagons and farm implements mended and, later, scythes manufactured. On all the farms were fine orchards of apples, plums, pears, cherries and quinces, among which stood long rows of beehives with their wealth of honey. Here Daniel, father of Susan B. Anthony, grew to manhood in the midst of comfort and abundance and in an atmosphere of harmony and love. The Anthonys were broad and liberal in religious ideas, and in 1826, when bitter dissensions regarding the divinity of Christ arose among the Quakers, they followed Elias Hicks and were henceforth known as “ Hicksite Friends." This controversy divided many families, and on account of it the orthodox brother, Elihu Anthony, insisted on removing their aged father to his home in Saratoga, N. Y., to the great grief of Humphrey, who claimed that the old gentleman was tco childish to know whether he was orthodox or Hicksite and ought not to be taken to "a new country” in his declining years. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Hannah Anthony was ambitious for her children and in- sisted that they should be placed where they might have better educational facilities than in the little school at home. Hum- phrey thought the boys could manage a farm and the girls weave good cloth and make fine cheese without a boarding- school education. He finally yielded, however, and Daniel and two daughters were sent to the “Nine Partners,” that famous Quaker boarding-school in Dutchess county, N. Y. At the end of a year, Daniel, who was about nineteen, had made such rapid progress that he was appointed teacher. The quaint certificate given him by his associate teachers is still in existence and reads: This may apprize the friends & relatives of D. Anthony, that, during his residence with us, he has been an affectionate consort, excellent, consistant in the School, of steady deportment and conversation, being an example for us to follow when we are separated. We sincerely wish his preservation in all things laudable and believe we can with propriety hereunto set our names. Elihu Marshall, Charles Clement, John Taber, Stephen Willitz, Henry Cox, Frederick A. Underhill, William Seamen. There is a still more highly valued testimonial from the principal, the noble and dignified Richard F. Mott, who was held in loving reverence by all the distinguished Quaker families that confided their sons and daughters to his wise and tender care: Daniel Anthony has been an assistant here & we can aprise his friends that he has faithfully discharged his duty in that particular, has been a very agreeable companion & his conduct remarkably correct & exemplary, which, joined to his pleasant & obliging disposition, has gained him our esteem & affection. We sincerely wish his prosperity, spiritually & temporally, & shall grate- fully remember him and his services. On behalf of the sitting-room circle, R. F. Mott. Boarding School, 4 M., 1 D., 1814. The profession of teacher did not appeal to hard-headed Humphrey Anthony, and when Daniel came back with his brain full of ambitious projects and with a thorough distaste for farming, and his sisters, with many airs and graces and a feeling of superiority over the girls in the neighborhood, Father Anthony declared that no more children of his should WEST END OF KITCHEN IN OLD HOMESTEAD, ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. go away to boarding-school. The fact that young Daniel was skilled in mechanics and mathematics, able to superintend intelligently all the work on the farm and to make a finer scythe than any man in the shop, did not modify the father's opinion. When John, the next boy, was old enough and the mother began to urge that he be sent to school, the father offered him his choice to go or to stay at home and work that year for $100. This was a large sum for those days, it out- weighed the mother's arguments, John remained at home and regretted it all the rest of his life. The Anthony and Read farms were adjoining a mile east of Adams, and lay upon the first level or "bench” of the Green mountains. From their door-yards the ascent of the moun- tains began, and only the Hoosac in a deep ravine separated them from the base of "Old Greylock.” The crops were raised on the intervale” and the cattle pastured on the mountain side. Adams was then a sleepy New England village, and the Hoosac was a lovely stream, whose waters were used for the flocks and for the grist and saw-mills; but in later years the village became a manufacturing center and the banks of the pretty river were lined for miles with great factories. In early times wealthy Quakers had a school in their home or door-yard for their own children. Those of the neighbor- hood were allowed to attend at a certain price, and in this way undesirable pupils could be kept out. At the Anthony resi- dence this little school-house stood beneath a great weeping willow beside the front gate, and among the pupils was Lucy Read. She was the playmate of the sisters, and young Dan was the torment of their lives, jumping out at them from un- expected corners, eavesdropping to learn their little secrets and harassing them in ways common to boys of all generations, and she never hesitated to inform him that he was "the hatefullest fellow she ever knew.” When Daniel returned from boarding- school with all the prestige of several years' absence, and was made master of the little home-school, one of his pupils was this same Lucy Read, now a tall, beautiful girl with glossy brown hair, large blue eyes and a fine complexion, the belle of 10 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the neighborhood. The inevitable happened, childish feuds were forgotten, and teacher and pupil decided to become hus- band and wife. Then arose a formidable difficulty. The An- thonys were Quakers, the Reads were Baptists, and a Quaker was not permitted to “marry out of meeting." Love laughed at rules and restrictions eighty years ago, just as it does to-day, and Daniel refused to let the Society come between him and the woman of his choice, but Lucy had many misgivings. Thanks to her father's ideas she had been brought up in a most liberal manner, allowed to attend parties, dance and wear pretty clothes to her heart's content, and it was a serious question with her whether she could give up all these and adopt the plain and severe habits of the Quakers. She had a marvelous voice, and, as she sang over her spinning-wheel, often wished that she might “go into a ten-acre lot with the bars down” so ers did not approve of singing, and that pleasure also would have to be relinquished. That the husband could give up his religious forms and accept those of the wife never had been imagined. Love finally triumphed, and the young couple were married July 13, 1817. A few nights before the wedding Lucy went to a party and danced till four o'clock in the morning, while Friend Daniel sat bolt upright against the wall and counted the days which should usher in a new dispensation. A com- mittee was sent at once to deal with Daniel, and Lucy always declared he told them he “was sorry he married her," but he would say, “No, my dear, I said I was sorry that in order to marry the woman I loved best, I had to violate a rule of the religious society I revered most.” The matter was carefully talked over by the elders, and as he had said he was sorry he had to violate the rule, and as the family was one of much in- fluence, and as he was their most highly educated and culti- vated member, it was unanimously decided not to turn him out of meeting. Lucy learned to love the Friends' religion 1 A wedding trip was taken to Palatine Bridge, Deerfield, Union Springs, Farmington, Rochester and other points in New York State, to visit relatives of both families, all the long journey being made in a light one-horse wagon, many miles of it over corduroy roads. ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. 11 and often said she was a much more consistent Quaker than her husband, but she never became a member of the Society, declaring she was “not good enough.” She did not use the “plain language,” though she always insisted that her hus- band should do so in addressing her; nor did she adopt the Quaker costume, but she dressed simply and wore little “cot- tage” straw bonnets with strings tied demurely under her chin and later had them made of handsome shirred silk, the full white cap-ruche showing inside. She sang no more except lullabies to the babies when they came, and then the Quaker relatives would laugh and ask her why she did it. Her long married life was very happy, notwithstanding its many hard- ships, and she never regretted accepting her Quaker lover. The previous summer Daniel had helped his father prepare the lumber and build a large two-story addition to his house, and in return he gave to his son the lumber for a new home, on a beautiful tract of ground presented to the young couple by Father Read adjoining his own. While this was being built they lived at the Read homestead, and the loom was kept busy preparing the housekeeping outfit. In those days this was made of linen, bleached and spun and woven by the women of the household. Cotton was just coming into use, and Lucy Anthony was considered very fortunate because she could have a few sheets and pillow-cases which were half cotton. The manufacture of cotton becoming a prominent industry in New England at this time, the alert mind of Daniel Anthony. conceived the idea of building a factory and using the waters of Tophet brook and of a rapid little stream which flowed through the Read farm. This was done, and proved a success from the beginning. A document is still in existence by which “D. Read agrees to let D. Anthony have as much water from the brook on his farm as will run through a hole six inches in diameter.” This was conveyed by an aqueduct, made from hollow logs, to the factory where it turned the over- shot wheel and furnished power to the twenty-six looms. The factory hands for the most part came down from the Green 12 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. mountain regions, glad of an opportunity never before enjoyed of earning wages and supporting themselves. They were girls of respectability, and, as was the custom then, boarded with the families of the mill-owners. Those of the Anthony factory were divided between the wife and Hannah Anthony Hoxie, a married sister. Lucy Anthony soon became acquainted with the stern realities of life. Her third baby was born when the first was three years and two months old. That summer she boarded eleven factory hands, who roomed in her house, and she did all the cooking, washing and ironing, with no help except that of a thirteen-year-old girl, who went to school and did "chores” night and morning. The cooking for the fam- ily of sixteen was done on the hearth in front of the fire-place and in a big brick oven at the side. Daniel Anthony was a generous man, loved his wife and was well able to hire help, but such a thing was not thought of at that time. No matter how heavy the work, the woman of the household was expected to do it, and probably would have been the first to resent the idea that assistance was needed. During the first seventeen years of this marriage eight chil- dren were born. One died at birth and one at the age of two years. The eldest, born July 1, 1818, was named for the wife of William Penn, who married a member of the Anthony fam- ily, Gulielma Penn, which was contracted to Guelma. Susan was the second child, born February 15, 1820, and named for an aunt, Susan Anthony Brownell. She herself adopted the initial “B” when older, but never claimed or liked the full name. Lucy Read Anthony was of a very timid and reticent dispo- sition and painfully modest and shrinking. Before the birth of every child she was overwhelmed with embarrassment and humiliation, secluded herself from the outside world and would 1 Hannah was born September 15, 1821; Daniel Read, named for father and grand- father, was born August 22, 1824; Mary S., April 2, 1827; Eliza Tefft, April 22, 1832, and Jacob Merritt, April 19, 1834. At the present writing, 1897, Susan, Daniel, Mary and Merritt still survive, aged seventy-seven, seventy-three, seventy and sixty-three, all remarkably vigorous in mind and body; a family of few words, quiet, undemonstrative and yet knit together with bonds of steel, loyal to each other in every thought and each ready to make any sacrifice for the others. BIRTHPLACE OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY, ADAMS, MASS. (Born in Room SHADED BY Tree.) FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1897. The OLD-FASHIONED WINDOWS REPLACED BY MODERN. ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. 13 not speak of the expected little one even to her mother. That mother would assist her overburdened daughter by making the necessary garments, take them to her home and lay them care- fully away in a drawer, but no word of acknowledgment ever passed between them. This was characteristic of those olden times, when there were seldom any confidences between mothers and daughters in regard to the deepest and most sacred con- cerns of life, which were looked upon as subjects to be rigidly ta- booed. Susan came into the world in a cold, dreary season. The event was looked forward to with dread by the mother, but when the little one arrived she received a warm and loving welcome. She was born into a staid and quiet but very comfort- able home, where great respect and affection existed between father and mother. William Cullen Bryant, whose birth-place was but twenty miles distant, wrote of this immediate locality : I stand upon my native hills again, Broad, round and green, that in the summer sky, With garniture of waving grass and grain, Orchards and beechen forests, basking lie; While deep the sunless glens are scooped between, Where brawl o'er shallow beds the streams unseen. Each night in early childhood she watched the sun set behind the great dome of “ Old Greylock," that noble mountain-peak so famed in the literature of Berkshire, from whose lofty sum- mit one looks across four States. “It lifts its head like a glo- rified martyr,” said Beecher, and Julia Taft Bayne wrote: Come here where Greylock rolls Itself toward heaven; in these deep silences, World-worn and fretted souls, Bathe and be clean. To the child's idea its top was very close against the sky, and its memory and inspiration remained with her through life. Susan was very intelligent and precocious. At the age of three she was sent to the grandmother's to remain during the advent of the fourth baby at home, and while there was taught 14 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. to spell and read. Her memory was phenomenal, and she had an insatiable ambition, especially for learning the things con- sidered beyond a girl's capacity. The mother was most charitable, always finding time amidst her own family cares to go among the sick and poor of the neighborhood. One of Susan's childish grievances, which she always remembered, was that the “Sunday-go-to-meeting" dresses of the three little Anthony girls were lent to the chil- dren of a poor family to wear at the funeral of their mother, while she and her sisters had to wear their old ones. She thought these were good enough to lend. She had no toys or dolls except of home manufacture, but her rag baby and set of broken dishes afforded just as much happiness as children nowadays get from a roomful of imported playthings. To go to school the children had to pass Grandmother Read's, and they were always careful to start early enough to stop there for a fresh cheese curd and a drink of “coffee,” made by browning crusts of rye and Indian bread, pouring hot water over them and sweetening with maple sugar. Then in the evening they would stop again for some of the left-over, cold boiled dinner, which was served on a great pewter plat- ter, a big piece of pork or beef in the center and, piled all round, potatoes, cabbage, turnips, beets, carrots, etc. The story runs that, when the mother remonstrated with the chil- dren for bothering the grandmother for what they could have at home, Susan replied, “Why, grandma's potato peelings are better than your boiled dinners.” The Anthonys and Reads used white flour and real coffee on state occasions, but very few families could afford such luxuries. One of the recollections of Grandmother Anthony's house is of the little closet under the parlor stairs, where was set the tub of maple sugar, and, while the elders were chatting over neighborhood affairs, the children would gather like bees around this tub and have a feast. Always when they left, they were loaded down with apples, doughnuts, caraway cakes and other toothsome things which little ones love. Along the edges of the pantry shelves hung rows of shining pewter por- ANCESTRY, HOME AND CHILDHOOD. 15 ringers, and the pride of the children's lives was to eat “cider toast” out of them. This was made by toasting a big loaf of brown bread before the fire, peeling off the outside, toasting it again, and finally pouring over these crusts hot sweetened water and cider. The dish, however, which was relished above all others was “hasty pudding," cooked slowly for hours, then heaped upon a platter in a great cone, the center scooped out and filled with sweet, fresh butter and honey or maple syrup. In those days every sideboard was liberally supplied with rum, brandy and gin, and every man drank more or less, even the elders and preachers. When the farmers came down the mountain road with their loads of wood or lumber, they always stopped at Grandfather Read's for a slice of bread and cheese and a drink of hard cider, but the elders and preachers were regaled with something stronger. This was the custom, and criticism would have been considered fanatical. The little factory flourished and produced many yards of excellent cotton cloth. A store was opened in one corner of the house to supply the wants of the employes and neighbors, and the Anthonys enjoyed a plenty and prosperity somewhat unusual where small incomes and close economy were the rule. CHAPTER II. GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 1826-1838. |Y 1826, Daniel Anthony had become so well-known for business management that he received an offer from Judge John McLean, of Battenville, Wash- ington county, N. Y., who already had built a factory there, to go into cotton manufacturing on an extensive scale, the judge to furnish capital, Mr. An- thony executive ability. There was much opposition from the two older families to having their children go so far away (forty-four miles) and Lucy Anthony's heart was almost broken at the thought of leaving her aged father and mother, but Daniel was too good a financier to lose such an opportunity. So on a warm, bright July morning the goods were started and the judge and his grandson, Aaron McLean, came with a big green wagon and two fine horses to take the family to Batten- ville. Young Aaron little thought as he lifted the eight-year- old Guelma into the wagon that he was taking with him his future wife. The new home was in a pretty village nestled among the hills on the Battenkill. The first year the An- thonys lived in part of Judge McLean's house, where were two slaves not yet manumitted, and the children saw negroes for the first time and were dreadfully frightened. Afterwards the family moved into an old but comfortable story-and-a-half house where they remained several years. Meanwhile a great deal of expensive machinery had been put into the factory and a large brick store erected. For a long time Daniel Anthony had been very much interested in the temperance cause. At Adams he had sold liquor, like ANT.—2 (17) 18 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. every other merchant, but when a man was found by the road. side frozen to death with an empty jug which told the story, although Mr. Anthony had not sold him the rum, he resolved, as this was only one of many distressing cases, to sell no more. He was the first in that locality to put intoxicating liquors out of his store. He had not thought to discuss this question with Judge McLean when their contract was made, and had gone to Troy and selected goods for the store. The judge looked on while they were being unloaded and finally asked, “Why, Anthony, where are the rum barrels?” “There aren't any,” he answered. “You don't expect to keep store without rum, do you? If you don't 'treat,' nobody will trade with you,” said the judge. "Well, then I'll close the store,” was the reply. It was opened; the farmers would come in, look around, peer behind the counter, finally go down cellar and make a search, and then declare they would not trade at a temperance store; but, as they found here the best goods and lowest prices, with square dealing, they could not afford to go elsewhere and the store soon enjoyed a large business. When it was decided to build a number of tenement houses, the judge said, “The men will not come to the ‘raising' unless they can have their gin." "Then the houses will not be raised,” replied Mr. Anthony, and sent out the invitations. His wife made great quantities of lemonade, “training-day” gingerbread, doughnuts and the best of tea and coffee. Every- body came, things went off finely, not an accident during the day and all went home sober, having learned, for the first time, that there could be a house-raising without liquor. But the battle had to be fought continually. A saw-mill and a grist-mill were built and no man was employed who drank to excess. The tavern keeper, who had expected to reap a rich harvest from the factory, was very indignant at the temperance regulations. He put every temptation in the way of the mill-hands, but Daniel Anthony remained firm. Among his papers are found several letters of repentance and pledges from his men who had fallen from grace and wanted . . . www TEMPORARY HOME OF THE ANTHONYS, BATTENVILLE, N. Y., 1826. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1897. SUSAN AND MERRITT IN FOREGROUND. GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 19 another trial. He organized a temperance society, composed almost entirely of his men and women employes. The pledge, as was the custom, required “total abstinence from distilled liquor,'' but allowed wine and cider. He also established an evening school for them, many never having had any chance for an education, and it became unpopular not to attend. This was in session also a few hours on Sunday. It was taught by Mr. Anthony himself or his own family teacher without expense to the pupils. Everything about the factory was con- ducted with perfect system and order. Each man had a little garden around his house. Mr. Anthony looked upon his employes as his family and their mental and moral culture as a duty. Even thus early he was so strong an opponent of slavery that he made every effort to get cotton for his mills which was not produced by slave labor. The only persons ever allowed to smoke or drink intoxicants in the Anthony home were Quaker preachers. The house was half-way between Danby, Vt., and Easton, N. Y., where the Quarterly Meetings were held and the preachers and elders stopped there on their way. In a closet under the stairs were a case of clay pipes, a paper of tobacco and demijohns of excellent gin and brandy, from which the “high seat” broth- ers were permitted to help themselves. It is not surprising to find in the annals that a dozen or more would drop in to get one of Mrs. Anthony's good dinners and the refreshments above mentioned. In the spring of 1832 a brick-kiln was burned in preparation for the new house. Mrs. Anthony boarded ten or twelve brick-makers and some of the factory hands, with no help but that of her daughters Guelma, Susan and Hannah, aged four- teen, twelve and ten. When the new baby came, these three little girls did all the work, cooking the food and carrying it four or five steps up from the kitchen to the mother's room to let her see if it were nicely prepared and if the dinner-pails for the men were properly packed. Soon after this, Mr. Anthony remarked that one of the "spoolers” was ill and there was no one to do her work. 20 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Susan and Hannah had spent many hours watching the fac- tory girls, and at once raised a clamor to take the place of the sick "spooler.” The mother objected, but the father, who always encouraged his children in their independent ideas, interceded and finally they were allowed to draw straws to decide which should go, the winner to divide her wages with the loser. The lot fell to Susan, who worked faithfully every day for two weeks and received full wages, $3. Hannah, with her $1.50, bought a green bead bag, then considered the crowning glory of a girl's wardrobe. Susan purchased half a dozen pale-blue coffee cups and saucers, which she had heard her mother wish for, and presented them to her with a happy heart. The next summer the house was built, the finest in that part of the country, a two-and-a-half-story brick with fifteen rooms and all the conveniences then known. Quakers never cele- brate Christmas, but the Anthonys, having lived now for seven years in a Presbyterian neighborhood, decided to give the children a Christmas party in the new home. The walls had a beautiful hard finish, the woodwork was tinted light green and the new flag-bottomed chairs were painted black. Between the rough boots of the country youths and the chairs pushed or tipped against the wall, both woodwork and plaster- ing were almost ruined, and the new house carried a lasting reminder of the festivities. About this time Daniel Anthony was again brought under Quaker criticism. On one of his journeys to New York he had bought a camlet cloak with a big cape, as affording the best protection for the long, cold rides he had to take. The Friends declared this to be “out of plainness” and insisted that he leave off the cape and cease wearing a brightly colored handkerchief about his neck and ears. Daniel, who was beginning to be rather restive under these restraints, refused to comply, but, as he was a valuable member, it was finally decided here also to condone his offense. Through all those years Lucy Anthony went to Quaker meeting with her husband. After public services were over, GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 21 however, and the shutters pulled up between the men's and the women's sides of the house for business meeting, she was rigidly barred out. She would take her children and walk about in the grave-yard outside while she waited for Daniel, but, as the graves were all in a row without even a headstone to distinguish them, this was not a very interesting pastime and the wait was long and tedious. When the little girls went with the father they also were shut out of the executive session where such momentous questions were discussed as, "Are Friends careful to keep themselves and their children from attending places of diversion?” “Are Friends careful to refrain from tale-bearing and detraction?” “Are Friends care- ful to send their children to school, and all children in their employ?” One cold day, the mother being detained at home, ten-year- old Susan received permission to go with her father. When the business meeting began, she curled up quietly in a corner by the stove, thinking to escape detection, but was spied out by one of the elders, a woman with green spectacles, who tip- toed down from the “high seat” and said, “Is thee a mem- ber?" "No, but my father is,” replied Susan. “That will not do, thee will have to go out.” “My mother told me to stay in.” “Thy mother doesn't manage things here.” “But my father told me to stay in." "Neither thy father nor thy mother can say what thee shall do here; thee will have to go out;" and taking the child by the arm she led her into the cold vestibule. After remaining there until almost frozen, Susan decided to go to the nearest neighbor's. When she opened the gate a big dog sprung fiercely upon her. Her screams brought out the family and she was taken into the house, where it was found the only injury was a large piece bitten out of the new Scotch plaid cloak which she had gone to meeting on purpose to exhibit. The affair created consid- erable excitement, Mr. and Mrs. Anthony were very indignant, and it ended in the father's making a "request” that his chil- dren be made members of the Society, which was done. Daniel Anthony was by nature a broad, progressive man, 22 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and his family were not brought up according to the strictest and narrowest requirements of Quaker doctrine; while his wife, remembering the liberal teachings of her Universalist father and her own girlish love of youthful pastimes, went still further in making life pleasant for the children. Through her influence the daughters secured many a pretty article of wearing apparel, and, when there was a party whose hours were later than the father approved, the mother managed to have them spend the night with girls in the neighborhood. When the family first moved to Battenville the children went to the little old-fashioned district school taught by a man in winter and a woman in summer. None of the men could teach Susan "long division" or understand why a girl should insist upon learning it. One of the women maintained dis- cipline by means of her corset-board used as a ferule. As soon as Mr. Anthony finished the brick store he set apart one room upstairs for a private school, employed the best teachers to be had and admitted only such children as he wished to associate with his own. When the new house was built a large room was devoted to school purposes. This was the first in that neighborhood to have a separate seat for each pupil, and, although only a stool without a back, it was a vast improve- ment on the long bench running around the wall, the same height for big and little. The girls were taught sewing as carefully as reading and spelling, and Susan was noted for her skill with the needle. A sampler is still in existence which she made at the age of eleven, a fine specimen of needle-work with the family record surrounded by a wreath of strawberries all carefully wrought in crewels. There is also a bedquilt, the pieces sewed together with the fine "over-and-over” stitch, and there are ruffles hemmed with stitches so tiny they scarcely can be distinguished. An early teacher was a cousin, Nancy Howe,' who was followed by another cousin, Sarah Anthony, 1 Sixty-five years later, this cousin, Nancy Howe Clark, aged eighty-seven, wrote Miss Anthony: “The year I spent at your father's was the happiest of my whole long life. How well I remember the sweet voices saying 'Cousin Nancy,' and the affectionate way in which I was received by your dear father and mother. It had never been my fortune before to live in a household with an educated man at its head, and I felt a little shy of your father but soon GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 23 a graduate of Rensselaer Quaker boarding-school. Among the teachers was Mary Perkins, just graduated from Miss Grant's seminary at Ipswich, Mass., and a pupil of Mary Lyon, founder of Mt. Holyoke. She was their first fashionably edu- cated teacher and taught them to recite poems in concert, introduced school books with pictures, little black illustra- tions of Old Dog Tray, Mary and Her Lamb, etc., and gave them their first idea of calisthenics. She loved music, and wished to attend the village singing-school. Lucy Anthony sympathized with this desire and interceded for her, but Daniel decided it would be setting a bad example to the children and they would be wanting to sing.' Into this commodious home Lucy Anthony brought her aged father and mother, and carefully tended them until the death of both within the same year, aged eighty-four. In May, 1834, came the first great sorrow, the death of little Eliza, aged two years, and the mother was heart-broken. Her life was centered in her children, and she could not be reconciled to giving up even one. After her own death, nearly fifty years later, in her box of most sacredly guarded keepsakes, was found a little faded pink dress of the dear child's which many times had been moistened with the mother's tears. The children continued to attend this private school, and as Guelma and Susan reached the age of fifteen, each in turn was installed as teacher in summer when there were only young pupils. The factory now was at the height of prosperity ; there was only one larger in all that part of the country, and Daniel Anthony was looked upon as a wealthy man. He was much criticised for allowing his daughters to teach, as in those days no woman worked for wages except from pressing necessity; but he was far enough in advance of his time to believe that every girl should be trained to self-support. In 1837, writing found there was no occasion. Although it was a period of great financial depression, he always found time to be social and kindly in his family. He seemed to have an eye for everything, his business, the school and every good work. I considered your father and mother a model husband and wife and found it hard to leave such a loving home.” In later years the younger children were instructed on piano and violin, and he enjoyed nothing better than listening to them. 24 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. to Guelma at boarding-school, he urges her to accept the offer of the principal to remain through the winter as an assistant: I am fully of the belief that shouldst thou never teach school a single day afterwards, thou wouldst ever feel to justify thy course. . . . . Thou wouldst seem to me to be laying the foundation for thy far greater usefulness. Thy remaining through the winter, must, however, be left solely to thyself, as it would be of little avail for thee to stay and not be contented. Thy home, Guelma, is just the same as when thou left it, and shouldst thou decide to spend the winter months away, we will try to keep it the same until thy re- turn in the spring. Let me know if thou canst be content to remain away a few months longer from thy mother's kitchen. Pemilihan In the winter of 1837, at the age of seventeen, Susan taught in the family of Doris and Huldah Deliverge, at Easton, a few miles from Battenville, for $1 a week and board. The next summer she taught a district school at the neighboring vil- lage, Reid's Corners, for $1.50 a week and “boarded round,” and proud was she to earn what was then considered excellent wages for a woman. In the fall she joined Guelma at board- ing-school. The little circular, yellow with age, reads: DEBORAH MOULSON, having obtained an agreeable location in the pleasant village of Hamilton, in the vicinity of Philadelphia, intends, with the assistance of competent Teachers, to open immediately a Seminary for Females. Terms, $125 per annum, for boarding and tuition... The inculcation of the principles of Humility, Morality and a love of Vir- tue, will receive particular attention. This was Susan's first long absence from home, and her let- ters and journals give a good idea of the thoughts and feelings of a girl at boarding-school in those days. She developed then the “letter-writing habit,” which has clung to her through life. The letters of that time were laborious affairs, often con- Oman NOEL SEN THE BATTENVILLE HOME, BUILT IN 1833. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1897 GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. suming days in the writing, commencing even to children, “Respected Daughter," or "Son,” and rarely exceeding one or two pages. They were written with a quill pen on foolscap paper, and almost wholly devoted to the weather and the sick- ness in the family. The amount of the latter would be appall- ing to modern households. The women's letters were written in infinitesimal characters, it being considered unladylike to much the dear ones an gour write a large hand. The Anthonys were exceptional letter- writers. It cost eighteen cents to send a letter, but Daniel Anthony was postmaster at Battenville, and his family had free use of the mails. If he had had postage to pay on all of homesick Susan's epistles it would have cost him a good round sum. The rules of the school required these to be written on the slate, submitted to the teacher and then carefully copied by the pupil, so it is not unusual to find that a letter was five or six days in preparation. For the same reason it is impos- sible to tell how much sincerity there is in the frequent refer- ences to the “dear teacher” and the most excellent school.” The "stilted” style of Susan's letters is most amusing. A few extracts will illustrate: I regret that Brothers and Sisters have not the privilege of attending a school better adapted to their improvement, both in Science and Morality; surely a District School (unless they have recently reformed) is not an appro- priate place for the cultivation of the latter, although in the former they may make some partial progress. Deborah has not determined to relinquish this school, although she has not yet ascertained whether the income from it will be equal to the expenditures; but if it should continue I shall have a wish for Hannah and Mary to attend; as I think another one can not be named so agreeable on all accounts as is Deborah Moulson's at Hamilton. 1 In reading them over, sixty years afterwards, she said mournfully, “That has been the way all my life. Whenever I take a pen in hand I always seem to be mounted on stilts.” To those who are acquainted with her simple, straightforward style of speaking, this will seem hardly possible, yet it is probably one of the reasons which led her, very early in her public career, to abandon all attempts at written speeches. 26 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. One may imagine that Susan got several credit marks when her teacher corrected this on the slate. The lecturer on phi- losophy and science came up from Philadelphia, and Susan tells her parents that “he is quite an interesting man," and that “his lecture on Philosophy was far more entertaining than I had dared to anticipate.” Of the science lecture she He had a microscope through which we had the pleasure of viewing the dust from the wings of a butterfly, each minute particle of which appeared as large as a common fly. He mentioned several very interesting circumstances; but I must defer particularizing them until I can have the privilege of verbally communicating them to my dear friends at Battenville. Guelma joins with me in wishing love distributed to all. Again she writes : BELOVED PARENTS: The second Seventh day of my short stay in Hamil- ton arrives and finds me scarcely capable of informing you how the interven- ing moments have been employed; but I hope they have not passed with- out some improvement. Indeed, we should all improve, perceptibly too, were we to attend to the instructions which are here given, for the advance- ment both of moral and literary pursuits. May I improve in both; but it is far easier for us to perceive where others should reform, than to observe and correct our own imperfections, while perhaps our failings are completely dis- as to have a vacuum for the formation of those which are new and more ad- vantageous. My letter will be short this week and I can assign no other .cause than that my ideas do not freely flow. The difference in weather is quite material between this and our northern clime. Snow commenced falling about 12 o'clock to-day and continued till evening; but, Father, it was not such a storm as the one in which we travelled during the second day of our journey to the beautiful and sequestered shades of Hamilton. The cause of my neg- lecting to write last week was not the absence of this mind from home, but that it is obliged to occupy every moment in studies. A fire in Philadelphia gives her an opportunity for this bit of description : I was requested, 5th day evening last, about 7 o'clock, by one of the scholars, to step out and view the Aurora Borealis, which she said was ex- tremely brilliant and beautiful. When there I looked towards the north, but discovered no light, and then to the zenith, which was indeed very magnifi- cent; “but,” said I, “ that does not look like the Aurora, it is more like the light from a fire,” and upon investigation we found it so to be. The GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 27 light appeared in the east, we walked in that direction, when we beheld the flames bursting forth in stupendous grandeur. Not a bell was heard, all was calm, with the exception of the minds of some of the scholars whose parents resided in the city. The scene indeed would have been to the eye extremely pleasing, were it not for the reflection that some of our fellow-beings were about being deprived of a home, and perhaps lives also. We learned a few minutes after witnessing this phenomena that the fire was occasioned by the conflagration of a large board yard near Market Street Bridge. After many affectionate messages, she says: I have not had but one real homesick fit and that was one week from the night Father left us. I felt then as if I were taking leave of him again; in fact the tears have come into my eyes as I write that last sentence; but do not suppose I carry a gloomy countenance all the time, far be it from that, yet oft I think seriously of home and the endearing ties which bind us together. Father, we will look at the sentiments, and not the Orthography and Grammar of thy letters, in which I did discover some errors. She frequently admits that her sister admonishes her, “Susan, thee writes too much; thee should learn to be con- cise," but she delights in letter-writing and says: Most of the girls are taking a walk this First day afternoon, but I did not feel like enjoying myself by accompanying them as well as in holding sweet communion in writing with those inestimable friends I so dearly love, and arranging those thoughts in a manner congenial to our feelings. ... The query naturally arises, at least to the thoughtful mind, How has our time since the last Annual revolution of the Earth been employed? Have our minds become improved from passing occurences, or do they remain in that dormant-like state which so often degrades the human soul? She comes down from her lofty heights far enough to add, “It would have afforded us the greatest pleasure imaginable to have dined on that Goose in company with you on New Year's day.” It is Susan's diary, however, which affords the most satisfactory glimpses of her true character, serious, devo- tional, deeply conscientious and strong in affection : Five weeks have been spent in Hamilton and to what purpose? Has my mind advanced either in Virtue or Literature? I fear that every moment has not been profitably spent. O, may this careless mind be more watchful in the future! 0, may the many warnings which we every day receive, tend to make me more attentive to what is right! 28 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. We were cautioned by our dear Teacher to-day to beware of self-esteem and of all signs that would indicate an untruth. We were referred to the condition of Ananias and Sapphira, who intended to deceive the Apostle. Would that I were wholly free from that same Evil Spirit which tempted those persons in ancient times. The Spirit of Truth must have dominion in the mind in order to attain a state of happiness. Resolves and resolves fill up my time. I resolve at night to do better on the morrow, and when the morrow comes and I mingle with my companions all the resolutions are obliterated .... In the afternoon of Seventh day Deborah accompanied the scholars to Town and visited the Academy of Arts and Sciences; beautiful indeed was the sight. Nature, how bounteous and varied are thy works! On beholding the splendid scene I was ready to exclaim, “O, Miracle of Miracles,” with the celebrated Naturalist when speaking of the metamorphoses of insects. Her eyes troubled her then, as all through life, and in grieving over it she says: “Often does their non-conform- ance mortify this frail heart when attempting to read in class .... I arose at half-past five this morning. [January 15.] I find it so much more advantageous.” But the next day she sleeps till half-past six and laments the fact. Received a severe reproof from Deborah this evening on account of the listlessness which prevailed in the school, also the immorality of some of the pupils' minds. O, that I could feel perfectly clear of all the deviations which have been enumerated. O, Morality, that I could say I possessed thy charms! O, the happiness of an innocent mind, would that I could say mine was so, but it is too far from it. I think so much of my resolutions to do better that even my dreams are filled with these desires. The sin thus bitterly bewailed consisted in neglecting to use "thee" and "thou” in addressing her schoolmates. She would wake up in the night and mourn over it. One would judge from Deborah's continual lectures that the school was made up of a lot of desperately wicked girls sent her to be reformed, instead of a band of demure and saintly little Quaker maidens. On the 31st Susan writes: Our class has not recited in Philosophy, Chemistry or Physiology, nor have we read, since the 20th of this month, for the reason of there being such a departure among the scholars from the paths of rectitude. GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 29 Later she records that a new teacher has arrived “to relieve Deborah of some of her bodily labors,” that "he is a stern- looking man,” and that she was "somewhat mortified that she could not give him the desired definition of compendiums." The woman who sells molasses candy has been here, but when she leaves she does not carry the confusion with her which she causes .... Deborah requested eight of us larger girls to remain last evening, for the purpose of reproving us. The cause was the levity and mirthfulness which were dis- played on Third day of the week previous. She compared us to Judas Iscariot, who betrayed his master with a kiss. She said there were those amongst us who would surely have to suffer deep affliction for not attending to the manifestations of truth within.-I have been guilty of much levity and nonsensical conversation and have also permitted thoughts to occupy my mind which should have been far distant, but I do not consider myself as having committed any wilful offence. Perhaps the reason I can not see my own defects is because my heart is hardened. O, may it become more and more refined until nothing shall remain but perfect purity. 2nd mo. 11th day.-First day evening Deborah came down and sat with us. In a few moments she called for her Bible, and in a short time she read, “Jesus wept;" and then, after a long pause, she said, “There are those pres- ent who, if they do not attend to what has been said to them, will have their strings shortened, even as short as this verse.” This she said after having inquired on what subject Abraham Loire preached in the morning and none of us was able to tell. 2nd mo. 12th day.-Deborah came down in the afternoon to examine our writing. She looked at M.'s and gave her a severe reproof; she then looked at C.'s and said nothing. I, thinking I had improved very much, offered mine for her to examine. She took it and pointed out some of the best words as those which were not well written, and then she asked me the rule for dotting an i, and I acknowledged that I did not know. She then said it was no wonder she had undergone so much distress in mind and body, and that her time had been devoted to us in vain. This was like an Electrical shock to me. I rushed upstairs to my room where, without restraint, I could give vent to my tears. She said the same as that I had been the cause of the great obstruction in the school. If I am such a vile sinner, I would that I might feel it myself. Indeed I do consider myself such a bad creature that I can not see any who seems worse.-And we had a new scholar to witness this scene! Think of causing all this anguish and humiliation to a young girl because she did not know the rule for dotting an i! 2nd mo. 15th day.—This day I call myself eighteen. It seems impossible that I can be so old, and even at this age I find myself possessed of no more 30 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. knowledge than I ought to have had at twelve. Dr. Allen, a Phrenologist, gave us a short lecture this morning and examined a few heads, mine among them. He described only the good organs and said nothing of the bad. I should like to know the whole truth. Susan relates with a good deal of satisfaction that she has written a letter to a schoolmate at home, without putting it on the slate for the teacher to see. A few days later Deborah sends for her. She went down with cheerfulness,” but what was her astonishment to see Deborah with the intercepted let- ter open in her hand! Susan closes her account of the inter- view by saying, "Little did I think, when I was writing that letter, that I was committing such an enormous crime.” Learning that a young friend had married a widower with six children, she comments in her diary, “I should think any female would rather live and die an old maid.” She has a cold and cough for which Deborah gives her a “Carthartick,'' followed by some "Laudanum in a silver spoon." "The beau- tiful spring weather,” she says, "inhales me with fresh vigor.” She sees some spiderwebs in the schoolroom and, her domes- tic habits asserting themselves, gets a broom and mounts the desks to sweep them down, "little thinking of the mortifica- tion and tears it was to occasion.” Finally she steps upon Deborah's desk and breaks the hinges on the lid. That per- sonage is informed by an assistant teacher and arrives on the scene: “Deborah, I have broken your desk.” She appeared not to notice me, walked over, examined the desk and asked the teacher who broke it. “What! Susan Anthony step on my desk! I would not have set a child upon it,” she said, and much more which I can not write. “How came you to step on it?'' she asked, but I was too full to speak and rushed from the room in tears. That evening, after we read in the Testament, she said that where there was no desire for moral improvement there would be no improvement in reading. There was one by the side of her who had not desired moral improvement and had made no advancement in Literature. This deliberate cruelty to one whose heart was bursting with sorrow and regret! “Never will this day be forgotten," says the diary. In speaking of this incident Miss Anthony said : "Not once, in all the sixty years that have passed, has the GIRLHOOD AND SCHOOL-LIFE. 31 thought of that day come to my mind without making me turn cold and sick at heart.” On one occasion when a composition had been severely crit- icised, Susan blazed forth the inquiry why she always was cen- sured and her sister praised. “Because,” was the reply, “thy sister Guelma does the best she is capable of, but thou dost not. Thou hast greater abilities and I demand of thee the best of thy capacity.” Throughout this little record are con- tinual expressions of the pain of separation from the dear home, of keen disappointment if the expected letter fails to come, and most affectionate references to the beloved parents, brothers and sisters. Even the austere Deborah is mentioned always with respect and kindness for, notwithstanding her frequent censure, she inspired the girls with love and rev- erence. Subsequent events show that this lady was failing rapidly with consumption. Among the old letters, one from an assist- ant teacher to Daniel Anthony, dated 1839, a year after Susan left school, says: “The tender chord that so long confined our beloved Deborah to this world was broken on the 25th day of the 4th month, and we trust her happy spirit took its flight to realms of eternal felicity.” Deborah Moulson was a cul- tured and estimable woman, but she represented the spirit of that age toward childhood, one of chilling severity and con- stant repression, when reproof was as liberally administered as praise was conscientiously withheld. CHAPTER III. FINANCIAL CRASH-THE TEACHER. 1838–1845. HE prosperous days of the Anthonys were draw- ing to a close. All manufacturing industries of the country were in a ruinous state. The un- sound condition of the banks with their depre- ciated and fluctuating currency had created finan- cial chaos. Overproduction of cotton goods on a credit basis, inordinate speculation, reduction of duties on importations, produced the inevitable result, and the commercial world began to totter on its foundations. The final ruin is fore- shadowed in the letters of Daniel Anthony. In one to his brother September 2, 1837, he says: I am going next week on a tour of the eastern cities and when I return shall be prepared to face the situation. My goods at present will not sell for the actual cost of manufacturing. Van Buren's message has just made its appearance. It is opposed to banks and may operate unfavorably to busi- ness, but how it can be worse I don't know. He writes from Washington to his wife, September 11: I arrived last evening-came in R. Road cars from Baltimore, 39 miles, in two hours, over a barren and almost uncultivated tract of country. The public buildings and one street called Pennsylvania Avenue are all that are worth mention in this place. . . . As a specimen of some of the big finery in the town, I will name one room in Martin's [Van Buren's] house, 90 ft. by 42, the furniture of which cost $22,000. ... Our Congressmen are some like other folks, they look out first for themselves. They have spent most of this day in debating whether they shall be paid in specie. ... There are Black Folks in abundance here, but they don't act as if they were even under the pressure of hard times, much less the cruelties that we hear of slaves hav- ing to bear. ANT.-3 (33) LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. From New York he writes his brother: Such times in everything that pertains to business never were known in this land before. To-day I have passed through Pine street and have not seen one single box or bale of goods of any kind whatever. Last year at this time a person could scarcely go through the street without clambering over goods of all descriptions. A truck cart loaded with merchandise is now a rare object. A bale of goods can not be sold at any price. The countenances of all our best business men are stretched out in a perpendicular direction and when the times will let them come back into human shape not even the wisest pretend to guess. Those that are out of all speculative and ever-changing busi- ness may consider themselves in a Paradismal state. In the spring of 1838 he writes to Guelma and Susan, at that time twenty and eighteen years of age, to know if they feel that they possibly can go alone from Philadelphia to New York, where he will join them and bring them home; but evidently they decide they can not, for Susan's journal speaks of "the happy moment when they run to the gate to meet him.” On the journey he tells them that his business is ruined, they can not return to school and will have to give up their beautiful and beloved new home. In recalling those times Miss Anthony says that never in all her long life did she see such agony as her father passed through during the dreadful days which followed. All that he had accumulated in a lifetime of hard work and careful planning was swept away, and there was scarcely a spot of solid ground upon which he could plant his feet to begin the struggle once more. In her diary, speaking of an aunt who sympathizes with them and says it will be hard to give up going with the people they have been accustomed to, Susan observes, “I do not think that losing our property will cause us ever to mingle with low company.” She is now somewhat uncertain about taking up teaching permanently, fearing she will lose the habit of using the plain language;" but May 22, 1838, she writes at Union Village, now Greenwich: On last evening, which was First day, I again left my home to mingle with strangers, which seems to be my sad lot. Separation was rendered more try- ing on account of the embarrassing condition of our business affairs. I found my school small and quite disorderly. O, may my patience hold out to per- severe without intermission. FINANCIAL CRASH-THE TEACHER. 35 In the summer of 1838 the factory, store, home and much of the furniture had to be given up to the creditors. Not an article was spared from the inventory. All the mother's wed- ding presents, the furniture and the silver spoons given her by her parents, the wearing apparel of the family, even the flour, tea, coffee and sugar, the children's school books, the Bible and the dictionary, were carefully noted. On this list, still in existence, are "underclothes of wife and daughters," spectacles of Mr. and Mrs. Anthony," "pocket- knives of boys," "scraps of old iron”-and the law took all except the bare necessities. In this hour of extremity the guardian angel appeared in the person of Joshua Read, a brother of Mrs. Anthony, from Palatine Bridge, N. Y., who bid in all which the family desired to keep and restored to them their possessions, making himself their lenient creditor. The winter of 1839 Susan attended the home school, taught by Daniel Wright, a fine scholar and remarkably successful teacher. This ended her school days, and in her journal she says: “I probably shall never go to school again, and all the advancement which I hereafter make must be by my own ex- ertions." In March, 1839, the family moved to Hardscrabble, a small village two miles further down the Battenkill. They went on a cold, blustering day, and one may imagine the feel- ings of Daniel and Lucy Anthony and their older children as they turned away from their big factory, their handsome home and the friends they had learned to love. Mrs. Anthony's heart was overflowing with sorrow, for in less than five years she had lost by death her little daughter, her father and mother, and now was swept away her home hallowed by their beloved memories. In his prosperous days Daniel Anthony had built a satinet factory and a grist-mill at Hardscrabble and, although these were mortgaged heavily, he hoped to weather the financial storm and through them to build up again his fallen fortunes. The family were soon comfortably established in a large house which had been a hotel or tavern in the days when lumber 36 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. was cut in the Green mountains and floated down the river, an immense building, sixty feet square, with wide hall and broad piazza. They did not keep a hotel, but people were in the habit of stopping here, as it was a half-way house to Troy, and they found themselves obliged to entertain a number of travelers. Those were busy days for the family. Susan's journal con- tains many entries such as, "Did a large washing to-day. ... Spent to-day at the spinning-wheel. . . . Baked 21 loaves of bread. ... Wove three yards of carpet yesterday. ... Got my quilt out of the frame last 5th day. ... The new saw-mill has just been raised; we had 20 men to supper on 6th day, and 12 on 7th day.” But there were quilting-bees and apple- parings and sleighing parties and many good times, for the elastic temperament of youth rallies quickly from grief and misfortune. Susan went to Presbyterian church one Sun- day, and the gray-robed Quaker thus writes: To see them partake of the Lord's supper, as they call it, was indeed a solemn sight, but the dress of the communicants bespeaks nothing but vanity of heart-curls, bows and artificials displayed in profusion about most of them. They say they can dress in the fashion without fixing their hearts on their costume, but surely if their hearts were not vain and worldly, their dress would not be. The attic in this old house was finished off for a ball-room ; it was said that great numbers of junk bottles had been laid under the floor to give especially nice tone to the fiddles. The young people of the village came to Daniel Anthony for permis- sion to hold their dancing-school here but, with true Quaker spirit, he refused. Finally the committee came again and said: “You have taught us that we must not drink or go about places where liquor is sold. The only other dancing-hall in town is in a disreputable tavern, and if we can not come here we shall be obliged to go there.” So Mr. Anthony called a council of his wife and elder daughters. The mother, remem- bering her own youth and also having a tender solicitude for the moral welfare of the young people, advised that they should have the hall. Mr. Anthony at last agreed on condi- THE HOME AT CENTER FALLS, N. Y., BUILT IN 1810. The PORCH LONG Since Fallen AWAY. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1897. SUSAN, DANIEL, MARY AND MERRITT IN FOREGROUND. FINANCIAL CRASH-THE TEACHER. 37 tion that his own daughters should not dance. So they came, and Susan, Guelma and Hannah sat against the wall and watched, longing to join them but never doing it. They danced every two weeks all winter; Mrs. Anthony gave them some simple refreshments, they went home early, there was no drinking and all was orderly and pleasant. The Quakers at once had Daniel Anthony up before the com- mittee, there was a long discussion, and finally they read him out of meeting “because he kept a place of amusement in his house.” Reuben Baker, one of the old Quakers, said: “It is with great sorrow we have to disown friend Anthony, for he has been one of the most exemplary members in the Society, but we can not condone such an offense as allowing a dancing- school in his house." Mr. Anthony felt this very keenly. He said: "For one of the best acts of my life I have been turned out of the best re- ligious society in the world ; ” but he had kept his wife, his cloak and his ideas of right, and was justified by his conscience. He continued to attend Quaker meeting but grew more liberal with every passing year and, long before his death, had lost every vestige of bigotry and believed in complete personal, mental and spiritual freedom. In early life he had steadfastly refused to pay the United States taxes because he would not give tribute to a government which believed in war. When the collector came he would lay down his purse, saying, "I shall not voluntarily pay these taxes; if thee wants to rifle my. pocket-book, thee can do so." But he lived to do all in his power to support the Union in its struggle for the abolition of slavery and, although too old to go to the front himself, his two sons enlisted at the very beginning of the war. Mr. Anthony had the name Hardscrabble changed to Center Falls, and was made postmaster. Susan and Hannah secured schools, and Daniel R., then not sixteen, went into the mill with his father. Susan had several schools offered her and finally accepted one at New Rochelle. She went down the Hudson by the steamboat American Eagle, her father going with her as far as Troy. She speaks in her journal of several 38 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Louisiana slaveholders being on board, the discussion which took place in the evening and her horror at hearing them up- hold the institution of slavery. The pages of this little book show that this question and those of religion and temperance were the principal subjects of conversation in these days. One entry reads: “ Spent the evening at Mr. Burdick's and had a good visit with them, our chief topic being the future state." Then she comments: “Be the future what it may, our hap- piness in the present is far more complete if we live an up- right life.” From the time she was seventeen is constantly expressed a detestation of slavery and intemperance. Her life from the beginning seems to have had a serious purpose. When asked, during the writing of this biography, why her journals were not full of “beaux,” as most girls' were, she replied: “There were plenty of them, but I never could bring myself to put anything about them on paper." There are many references to their calling, escorting her to parties, etc., but scarcely any expression of her sentiments toward them. One, of whom she says: “He is a most noble-hearted fellow; I have respected him highly since our first acquaintance,'' goes to see a rival, and she writes: "He is at — 's this evening. 0, may he know that in me he has found a spirit congenial with his own, and not suffer the glare of beauty to attract both eye and heart.” Again she says: "Last night I dreamed of being married, queerly enough, too, for it seemed as if I had married a Pres- byterian priest, whom I never before had seen. I thought I repented thoroughly before the day had passed and my mind was much troubled.” This modest Quaker maiden writes of receiving a newspaper from a young man: “Its contents were none of the most polite; a piece of poetry on Love and one called ‘Ridin' on a Rail,' and numerous little stories and things equally as bad. What he means I can not tell, but silence will be the best rebuke.” Another who comes a-wooing she describes as "a real soft-headed old bachelor,'' and remarks: "These old bachelors are perfect nuisances to society.” A friend marries a man of rather feeble intellect, and she com- FINANCIAL CRASH–THE TEACHER. 39 ments: "'Tis strange, 'tis passing strange, that a girl pos- sessed of common sense should be willing to marry a lunatic -but so it is.” Miss Anthony went to New Rochelle as assistant in Eunice Kenyon's boarding-school, but the principal being ill most of the time, she has to take entire charge, and the responsibility seems to weigh heavily on the nineteen-year-old girl. She speaks also of watching night after night, with only such rest as she gets lying on the floor. She gives some idea of the medical treatment of those days: "The Doctor came and gave her a dose of calomel and bled her freely, telling me not to faint as I held the bowl. Her arm commenced bleeding in the night and she lost so much blood she fainted. Next day the Doctor came, applied a blister and gave her another dose of calomel.” She meets some colored girls from the school at Oneida and writes home: "A strict Presbyterian school it is, but they eat, walk and associate with the white people. 0, what a happy state of things is this, to see these poor, degraded sons of Afric privileged to walk by our side.” On Sunday she hears Stephen Archer, the great Quaker preacher, who was at the head of a large Friends' boarding-school at Tarrytown, and says: He is a much younger man than I expected to see, and wears a sweet smile on his face..... The people about here are anti-Abolitionist and anti- everything else that's good. The Friends raised quite a fuss about a colored man sitting in the meeting-house, and some left on account of it. The man was rich, well-dressed and very polite, but still the pretended meek followers of Christ could not worship their God and have this sable companion with them. What a lack of Christianity is this! There are three colored girls here who have been in the habit of attending Friends' meeting where they have lived, but here they are not allowed to sit even on the back seat. One long-faced elder dusted off a seat in the gallery and told them to sit there. Their father was freed by his master and left $60,000, and these girls are educated and refined. Aaron McLean, who is soon to marry her sister Guelma, writes in answer to this: “I am glad to hear that the people where your lot is cast for the present are sensible and reason- able on that exciting subject. I entreat you to be prudent in 40 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. your remarks and not attempt to niggerize' the good old Friends about you. Above all, let them know that you are about the only Abolitionist in this vicinity.” This severe letter does not seem to have affected her very deeply for, on the next day after receiving it, she writes her parents : "Since school to-day I have had the unspeakable satisfaction of visiting four colored people and drinking tea with them. Their name is Turpin, and Theodore Wright of New York is their stepfather. To show this kind of people respect in this heathen land affords me a double pleasure.” Mr. McLean evidently did not believe in woman preachers, for the radical Susan writes him : I attended Rose street meeting in New York and heard the strongest ser- mon on “The Vices of the City,'' that has been preached in that house very lately. It was from Rachel Barker, of Dutchess county. I guess if you could hear her you would believe in a woman's preaching. What an absurd notion that women have not intellectual and moral faculties sufficient for anything but domestic concerns ! She does not hesitate to write to an uncle, Albert Dickinson, and reprove him for drinking ale and wine at Yearly Meeting time. It seems that then, as now, girls had a habit of writing on the first page of a sheet, next on the third, then vertically on a page, etc. Uncle Albert retorts : Thy aunt Ann Eliza says to tell thee we are temperate drinkers and hope to remain so. We should think from the shape of thy letter that thou thy- self hadst had a good horn from the contents of the cider barrel, a part being written one side up and a part the other way, and it would need some one in nearly the same predicament to keep track of it. We hope thy cranium will get straightened when the answer to this is penned, so that we may follow thy varied thoughts with less trouble. A little advice perhaps would be good on both sides, and they that give should be willing to receive. See to it that thou payest me down for this. This letter also gives an insight into the medical practice of the good old times. A niece, Cynthia, is being treated for the dropsy by "drinking copiously of a decoction made by char- ring wormwood in a close vessel and putting the ashes into brandy, and every night being subjected to a heavy sweat.” It recommends plenty of blue pills and boneset for the ague. FINANCIAL CRASH–THE TEACHER. Later, Susan writes of a friend who is "under the care of both Botanical and Apothecary doctors.” For hardening of wax in the ear she sends an infallible prescription: "Moisten salt with vinegar and drop it in the ear every night for six weeks; said to be a certain cure.” The staid and puritanical young woman is much disturbed at the enthusiastic reception given President Van Buren at New Rochelle, and writes home: We had quite a noise last Fifth day on the occasion of Martin's passing through this village. A band of splendid music was sent for from the city, and large crowds of people called to look at him as if he were a puppet show. Really one would have thought an angelic being had descended from heaven, to have heard and seen the commotion. The whole village was in an uproar. Here was a mother after her children to go and gaze upon the great man, and there was a teacher rushing with one child by the hand and half a dozen running after. Where was I? Why I, by mustering a little self-government, concluded to remain at home and suffer the President to pass along in peace. He was to dine at Washington Irving's, at Tarrytown, and then proceed to the Capitol. Her extreme animosity is explained in a subsequent letter to Aaron McLean: I regret to hear that the people of Battenville are possessed of so little sound sense as to go 20 miles to shake hands with the President at Saratoga Springs; merely to look at a human being who is possessed of nothing more than ordi- nary men and therefore should not be worshipped more than any mortal be- ing, nor even so much as many in the humble walks of life who are devoted to their God. Let us look at his behavior and scan its effects on society. One day while in New York was spent in riding through the streets preceded by an extravagant number of military men and musicians, who were kept in exercise on that and succeeding days of the week until all were completely exhausted. On the next day, while he and his party were revelling in their tents on luxuries and the all-debasing Wine, many poor, dear children were crying for food and for water to allay their thirst. On Friday evening he at- tended Park Theater and on Monday Bowery Theater. Yes, he who is called by the majority as most capable of ruling this republic, may be seen in the Theater encouraging one of the most heinous crimes or practices with which our country is disgraced. Yes, and afterwards we find him rioting at the Wine Table, the whole livelong night. Is it to be wondered that there are such vast numbers of our population who are the votaries of Vice and Dissi- pation? No, certainly not, and I do not believe there ever will be less of this wickedness while a man practising these abominable vices (in what is called a gentlemanly manner) is suffered to sit at the head of our Government. 1 In after years Miss Anthony greatly enjoyed attending a good play. 42 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The future orator and reformer is plainly foreshadowed in this burst of indignation, to which Mr. McLean replies in part: I was agreeably disappointed in Van Buren's personal appearance. From what I had heard of him as a little, smooth, intriguing arch-magician, I expected his looks would bear that out but it was far to the contrary. He is quite old and gray, very grave and careworn. His dress was perfectly plain, not the least sign of jewelry save his watch seal which was solid gold. I saw him drink no wine, although there was plenty about him, nor did your father and mother who saw him dine at the United States Hotel. If you do not like him because he tastes wine, how can you like Henry Clay who drinks it freely? Mr. Webster drinks wine also. At a Whig festival got up in Boston in his honor, at which he and 1,200 other Whigs were present, there were drunk 2,300 bottles of champagne, two bottles to each man. Mr. Clay attended balls at the Springs. He had a slave with him to wait on him and hand him water to clear out his throat while he was speaking; and this while he was preach- ing liberty and declaring what a fine thing this freedom is! While at New Rochelle Susan becomes greatly interested in the culture of silk-worms, upon which the principal was exper- imenting. She writes home full descriptions and urges them to ascertain if black mulberry trees grow about there; she her- self knew of one. She insists that the sisters can teach school and take care of the silk-worms at the same time, but evidently receives no encouragement as no more is heard of the project. She retains the keenestinterest in every detail of the life at home. She sends some cherry stones to be planted because the cher- ries were the largest and best she ever ate. A box of shells is carefully gathered for brother Merritt, and sent with a grass linen handkerchief for sister Mary. She sends back her mother's shawl for fear she may need it more than herself. In the currant season she writes that nothing in the world would taste so good as one of mother's currant pies. She urges them to send her part of the family sewing to do outside of school hours. She frequently walks down to Long Island sound, a mile and a half away, and says at one time: The sun was passing toward the western horizon, and all seemed calm and tranquil save the restless wash of the waves against the beach. A gentle breeze from the water refreshed our tired bodies. To one unaccustomed to such scenes it was like a glimpse into another world. In the distance one could see the villages of Long Island, but I could think only of that village called home, and I longed every moment to be there. FINANCIAL CRASH-THE TEACHER. Her school commenced May 23 and closed September 6, a term of fifteen weeks, for which she received $30, and she ex- presses her grief that, after having paid for necessary clothes and incidentals, she has only enough left to take her home. She reaches Center Falls in time to assist in the final prepara- tions for the wedding, on September 19, 1839, of her sister Guelma to Aaron McLean, a prosperous merchant at Batten- ville. Susan's next school was in her home district at Center Falls, where she was very successful. One incident is on record in regard to the “bully” of the school. After having tried every persuasive method at her command to compel obedience, she proceeded to use the rod. He fought viciously, but she finally flogged him into complete submission and never had any further trouble with him or the other boys. She was, however, very tender-hearted toward children and animals. Among the outings enjoyed by the young people were excur- sions to neighboring villages. There were no railroads, but every young man owned his horse and buggy, and in pleasant weather a procession of twenty vehicles often might be seen, each containing a happy couple on their way to a supper and dance. On one occasion, according to the little diary, the night was so dark they did not dare risk the ten-mile drive home, as much of the road lay beside the river, so they con- tinued the festivities till daylight. Once a party went to Saratoga Springs, and, to Miss Anthony's grief, her favorite young man invited another girl, and she had a long, dreary drive trying to be agreeable to one while her thought was with another. To add to the unpleasantness her escort took this opportunity to ask her to give up teaching and preside over a home for him. One winter was spent with relatives at Danby, Vt., and here, with the assistance of a cousin, Moses Vail, who was a teacher, she made a thorough study of algebra. Later, when visiting her irrepressible brother-in-law, Aaron McLean, she made some especially nice cream biscuits for supper, and he said, “I'd rather see a woman make such biscuits as these than 44 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. solve the knottiest problem in algebra." "There is no reason why she should not be able to do both," was the reply. There ners." She taught one summer in Cambridge, and then, for two years, in the home of Lansing G. Taylor, at Fort Edward. Mrs. Taylor was the daughter of Judge Halsey Wing. The journals of that date either were abandoned or have been lost in the half century since then, and there is but one letter in existence written during this very pleasant period. In it, July 11, 1844, she says: As the week draws toward its close my mind travels to the dear home roof. It seems to fly far hence to that loved father and mingle with his spirit while he is wandering in the wilds of Virginia, and it raises to the throne of grace an ardent wish for his safe return. Oh, that he may make no change of land except for the better! Then do my thoughts rest with my dear mother, toil- ing unremittingly through the long day and at eve, seated in her arm-chair, wrapt in solemn stillness, and later reclining on her lonely pillow. How often, when I am enjoying the sweet hour of twilight, do I think of the sad- ness that has so long o'ershadowed her brow, and ardently entreat the God of love and mercy to give her that peace which is found only in a resignation to his just and holy will. How numerous are our favors! We have a com- fortable subsistence and health to relish it; but, more than this, we, as a family, are bound together by the strongest ties of affection that seem daily to grow stronger. . . . I arose this morning at half-past four. Two ladies from Albany are visit- ing here, the beautiful Abigail Mott, a Friend and a thorough-going Abolition- ist and reformer, and Mrs. Worthington, a strict Methodist. Mr. Taylor took eight of us to the Whig convention at Sandy Hill yesterday, and I attended my first political meeting. I enjoyed every moment of it. She also relates how Miss Mott would come to her room and expound to her most beautifully the doctrine of Unitarianism, and then Mrs. Worthington would come and pray with her long and earnestly to counteract the pernicious effect of Miss Mott’s heresies. While she was accustomed to the liberal the- ology of the Hicksite Quakers, this was the first time she ever church. From 1840 to 1845 Susan and Hannah taught almost con- tinuously, receiving only $2 or $2.50 a week and board, but FINANCIAL CRASH-THE TEACHER. 45 living with most rigid economy and giving the father all they could spare to help pay interest on the mortgage which rested on factory, mills and home. He gave his notes for every dollar and, years afterwards, when prosperity came, paid all of them with scrupulous exactness. It was in these early days of teaching that Miss Anthony saw with indignation the injus- tice practiced towards women. Repeatedly she would take a school which a male teacher had been obliged to give up because of inefficiency and, although she made a thorough success, would receive only one-fourth of his salary. It was the custom everywhere to pay men four times the wages of women for exactly the same amount of work, often not so well done. Mr. Anthony went into his mills and performed the manual labor. In partnership with Dr. Hiram Corliss he employed a number of men to cut timber, going into the woods in the depths of winter personally to superintend them. His wife would cook great quantities of provisions, bake bread and cake, pork and beans, boil hams and roast chickens, and go to the logging camp with him for a week at a time, and she used to say that notwithstanding all the labor and anxiety of those days they were among the happiest recollections of her life. At home the loom and spinning-wheel were never idle. The mill-hands were boarded, transient travelers cared for, and every possible effort made to enable the father to secure an- other foothold, but all in vain. The manufacturing business was dead, there was no building to call for lumber, people had no money, and, after a desperate struggle of five years, the end came and all was lost. Mr. Anthony then spent months in looking for a suitable location to begin life anew. He went to Virginia and to Michigan, but found nothing that suited him. He and his wife made a trip through New York, visiting a number of relatives on the way, and were persuaded to exam- ine a farm for sale near Rochester. It proved to be more sat- isfactory than anything they had seen, and they decided to take it. Joshua Read who, during all these years, had care- fully protected the portion which his sister, Mrs. Anthony, 46 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. had inherited from their father, took this to make the first payment on the farm.' They then returned to Center Falls and began preparations for what in those times was a long journey. One warm day in the summer of 1845, several Quaker elders had stopped to dine at the Anthony home on their way to Quarterly Meeting. Hannah and Susan were in the large, cool parlor working on the wonderful quilt which was to be a part of Hannah's wedding outfit, when one of the elders, a wealthy widower from Vermont, asked Susan to get him a drink. He followed her out to the well and there made her an offer of marriage, which she promptly refused. He pict- ured his many acres, his fine home, his sixty cows, told her how much she looked like his first wife, begged her to take time to consider and he would stop on his way back to get her answer. She assured him that it would be entirely unneces- sary, as she was going with her father and mother to their new home and did not want to marry. He could scarcely un- derstand a woman who did not desire matrimony, but was finally persuaded to gather up his slighted affections and go on to Quarterly Meeting. On September 4, Hannah was married to Eugene Mosher, a merchant at Easton. Daniel R. was now clerking at Lenox, Mass., so there were only Susan, Mary and Merritt to go with the father and mother. All the relatives bade them good-by as if forever, and the leave-taking was very sorrowful, for it was the first permanent separation of the family. 1 In 1848, when the law was enacted allowing a married woman to hold property, it was put in her name and she retained it till her death. CHAPTER IV. THE FARM HOME- END OF TEACHING. 1845–1850. DIN NOVEMBER 7, 1845, the parents and three children took the stage for Troy, and from there went by railroad to Palatine Bridge for a short visit to Joshua Read. The journey from here to way Rochester was made by canal on a “line boat” instead of a “packet,” because it was cheaper and because they wanted to be with their household goods. At Utica they found two cousins, Nancy and Melintha Howe, waiting for the packet to go west, but when they saw their relatives they gladly boarded the line boat. Mrs. Anthony did the cooking for the entire party, in the spotless little kitchen on the boat, and the young people, at least, had a merry journey. The family arrived in Rochester late in the afternoon of No- vember 14. They landed at Fitzhugh street and went to the National Hotel. The father had just ten dollars, and it was out of the question to remain there over night; so he took the old gray horse and the wagon off the boat, with a few neces- sary articles, and with his family started for the farm, three miles west of the city. The day was cold and cheerless, the roads were very muddy, and by the time they reached their destination it was quite dark. An old man and his daughter had been left in charge and had nothing in the way of food but cornmeal and milk. Mrs. Anthony made a kettle of mush which her husband pronounced “good enough for the queen.” The only bed was occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Anthony, and the rest slept on the floor. Next day the household goods were brought from the city and all were soon busy putting the new home in order. That was a long and lonesome winter. The (47) 48 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. closest neighbors were the DeGarmos, and there were a number of other Quaker families in the city. These called at once and performed every friendly office in their power, but the hearts of the exiles were very sad and home-sick. The cause of human freedom was then uppermost in many minds, and the Anthonys found here congenial spirits in their strong anti-slavery convictions, and numerous little "abolition” meetings were held during that winter at their home and in those of their new friends. When spring opened, the surroundings began to assume a more cheerful aspect. The farm was a very pretty one of thirty-two acres. The house stood on an elevation, the long walk that led up to it was lined on both sides with pinks, there were many roses and other flowers in the yard, and great num- bers of peach, cherry and quince trees and currant and goose- berry bushes. The scenery was peaceful and pleasant, but they missed the rugged hills and dashing, picturesque streams of their eastern home. Back of the house were the barn, car- riage-house and a small blacksmith shop. Mrs. Anthony used to say that her happiest hours were spent on Sunday mornings, when her husband would heat the little forge and mend the kitchen and farm utensils, while she sat knitting and talking with him, Quakers making no difference between Sunday and other days of the week. He had learned this kind of work in boyhood on his father's farm and always enjoyed the relaxa- tion it afforded from the cares and worries which crowded upon him in later years. Mr. Anthony put into his farm the energy and determina- tion characteristic of the man. He rose early; he ploughed and sowed and reaped; he planted peach and apple orchards, and improved the property in many ways, but it was unprofita- ble work. It seemed very small to him after the broad acres of his early home, and he was accustomed to refer to it as his “sixpenny farm." His life had been too large and too much among men of the great business world to make it possible for him to be content with the existence of a farmer. While he retained his farm home, he very soon went into business in THE FARM HOME-END OF TEACHING. 49 Rochester, connecting himself with the New York Life Insur- ance Company, then just coming into prominence, and used to say he made money enough out of that to afford the luxury of keeping the farm. He was very successful, and continued with this company the remainder of his life. On April 25, 1846, Miss Anthony received this invitation: At a meeting of the Trustees of the Canajoharie Academy held this day, it was unanimously Resolved to offer you the Female Department upon the terms which have heretofore been offered to the teachers of that department, viz:-the tuition money of the female department less 124, per cent., the teachers collecting their tuition bills. Should these terms meet your views, please favor us with an answer by return mail. The next term commences on the first Monday of May proximo. We are Very Respectfully Yours, JOSHUA READ, LIVINGSTON SPRAKER, GEORGE G. JOHNSON. Miss Anthony accepted in a carefully worded and finely writ- ten letter, and arrived at the home of her uncle Joshua Satur- day morning, May 2. He had lived many years at Palatine Bridge, just across the river, was school trustee, bank director, one of the owners of the turnpike, the toll bridge and the stage line, and also kept a hotel. His two daughters were well mar- ried, and Miss Anthony boarded with them during all of her three years' teaching in Canajoharie. She found her uncle very ill and being treated by the doctor with calomel, opium and morphine.” In a conversation he told her that her suc- cess would depend largely upon thinking that she knew it all.” Although there was now no postmaster in the family, letter postage had been reduced to five cents, and a voluminous correspondence is in existence covering the period from 1846 to 1849. The school commenced with forty boys and twenty- five girls, and the tuition was $5 per annum. The principal was Daniel B. Hagar, a man whom Miss Anthony always loved to remember, highly educated, a gentleman in deportment, kind, thoughtful, and always ready to help and encourage the young teacher. 1 Nearly fifty years afterwards, when Mr. Hagar was at the head of the Girls' High School, in Salem, Mass., Miss Anthony visited him and was most cordially invited to address his pupils "on any subject she pleased, even woman suffrage.” ANT.–4 50 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Here Miss Anthony was for the first time entirely away from Quaker surroundings and influences, and her letters soon show the effects of environment. The first month, second day," expressions are dropped and the “plain language” is wholly abandoned. She has more money now than ever before and is at liberty to use it for her own pleasure. A love of hand- some clothes begins to develop. “I have a new pearl straw gypsy hat,” she writes, “trimmed in white ribbon with fringe on one edge and a pink satin stripe on the other, with a few white roses and green leaves for inside trimming." The beaux hover around; a certain “Dominie," a widower with several children, is very attentive; another widower, a lawyer, visits the school so often as to set all the gossips in a flutter; a third is described as "very handsome, sleek as a ribbon and the most splendid black hair I ever looked at.” She takes many drives with still another, “through a delightful country varie- gated with hill and valley, past fields of newly-mown grass, splendid forests and gently winding rivulets, with here and there a large patch of yellow pond lilies.” In writing to a rel- ative she urges her to break herself of "the miserable habit of borrowing trouble, which saps all the sweets of life.” At an- other time she writes: “I have made up my mind that we can expect only a certain amount of comfort wherever we may be, and that it is the disposition of a person, more than the sur- roundings, that creates happiness.” Her first quarterly examination, to be held in the presence of principal, trustees and parents, is a cause of great anxiety. She writes that her nerves were on fire and the blood was ready to burst from her face, and she slept none the night pre- vious. She wore a new muslin gown, plaid in purple, white, blue and brown, two puffs around the skirt and on the sleeves at shoulders and wrists, white linen undersleeves and collar- ette; new blue prunella gaiters with patent-leather heels and tips; her cousin's watch with a gold chain and pencil. Her abundant hair was braided in four long braids, which cousin Margaret sewed together and wound around a big shell comb. Everybody said, “The schoolmarm looks beautiful,” and SUSAN B. ANTHONY. AT THE AGE OF 28, FROM A DAGUERREOTYPE. THE FARM HOME-END OF TEACHING. 51 “many fears were expressed lest some one should be so smitten that the school would be deprived of a teacher.” The pupils acquitted themselves with flying colors, and the teacher then went to spend her vacation with her married sisters at Easton and Batten ville. They had “long talks and good laughs and cries together,” but she writes her parents that if they will make one visit to this old home they will go back to Rochester thoroughly satisfied with the new one. For the winter she buys a broché shawl for $22.50, a gray fox muff for $8, a $5.50 white ribbed-silk hat, “which makes the villagers stare,” and a plum-colored merino dress at $2 a yard, “which everybody admits to be the sweetest thing en- tirely;" and she wonders if her sisters "do not feel rather sad because they are married and can not have nice clothes." Miss Anthony may be said to have been at this time at the height of her fashionable career. In the spring her pupils give an “exhibition” which far surpasses anything ever before seen in Canajoharie. She writes: "Can you begin to imagine my excitement? The nights seemed lengthened into days; the hopes, the fears that filled my mind are indescribable. Who ever thought that Susan Anthony could get up such an affair? I am sure I never did, but here I was ; it was sink or swim, I made a bold effort and won the victory.”. In June she attends her first circus, “ Sands, Lent & Co., Proprietors." About this time she writes of being invited to a military ball and says: “My fancy for attending dances is fully satiated. I certainly shall not attend another unless I can have a total abstinence man to accompany me, and not one whose highest delight is to make a fool of himself.” She says in this letter: "The town election has just been held and the good people elected a distiller for supervisor and a rumseller for justice of the peace.” In 1848 she shows the first signs of growing tired of teach- ing and wonders if she is to follow it for a lifetime. She says: “I don't know whether I am weary of well-doing, but oh, if The play for this occasion was written by James Arkell, father of W. J. Arkell, proprietor of the Judge. He was a pupil in the boys' department of the old academy. 52 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. I could only unstring my bow for a few short months, I think I could take up my work with renewed vigor.” She is very homesick, after the two years' absence, and so makes a visit to Rochester in August. For this she gets “a drab silk bon- net shirred inside with pink, and her blue lawn and her brown silk made over, half low-necked.” She has “a beautiful green delaine and a black braise [barége] which are very becoming." She wants a fancy hat, a $15 pin and $30 man- tilla, every one of which she resolves to deny herself, but afterwards writes: “There is not a mantilla in town like mine." In March, 1849, her beloved cousin Margaret, with whom she has been living for the past two years, gives birth to a child and she remains with her through the ordeal. In a letter to her mother immediately afterwards, she expresses the opinion that there are some drawbacks to marriage which make a woman quite content to remain single. She quotes a little bit of domestic life: “Joseph had a headache the other day and Margaret remarked that she had had one for weeks. Oh,' said the husband, ‘mine is the real headache, genuine pain, yours is a sort of natural consequence.'” For seven weeks she is at Margaret's bedside every moment when out of school, and also superintends the house and looks after the children. There are a nurse and a girl in the kitchen, but the invalid will eat no food which Cousin Susan does not prepare; there is no touch so light and gentle as hers; her very presence gives rest and strength. At the end of this time Margaret dies, leav- ing four little children. Susan's grief is as intense as if she had lost a sister, and she decides to remain no longer in Can- ajoharie. She writes: “I seem to shrink from my daily tasks; energy and stimulus are wanting; I have no courage. A great weariness has come over me.” In all the letters of the past ten years there has not been one note of discontent or discour- agement, but now she is growing tired of the treadmill. At this time the California fever was at its height, hundreds of young men were starting westward, and she writes: “Oh, if I were but a man so that I could go!” THE FARM HOME—END OF TEACHING. Soon after coming to Canajoharie Miss Anthony joined the society of the Daughters of Temperance and was made secre- tary. Her heart and soul were enlisted in this cause. She real- ized the immense task to be accomplished, and, even then, saw dimly the power that women might wield if they were properly organized and given full authority and sanction to work. As yet no women had spoken in public on this question, and they had just begun to organize societies among themselves, called Daughters' Unions, which were a sort of annex to the men's organizations, but they were strongly opposed by most women as being unladylike and entirely out of woman's sphere. On March 1, 1849, the Daughters of Temperance gave a sup- per, to which were invited the people of the village, and the address of the evening was made by Miss Anthony. She thus describes the occasion in a letter: I was escorted into the hall by the Committee where were assembled about 200 people. The room was beautifully festooned with cedar and red flannel. On the south side was printed in large capitals of evergreen the name of “Susan B. Anthony !” I hardly knew how to conduct myself amidst so much kindly regard. They had an elegant supper. On the top of one pyramid loaf cake was a beautiful bouquet, which was handed to the gentleman who escorted me (Charlie Webster) and by him presented to me. The paper is interesting as the first platform utterance of a woman destined to become one of the noted speakers of the century. While it gives no especial promise of the oratorical ability which later developed, it illustrates the courage of the woman who dared read an address in public, when to do so provoked the severest criticism. The following extracts are taken verbatim from the original MS.: Welcome, Gentlemen and Ladies, to this, our Hall of Temperance. We feel that the cause we have espoused is a common cause, in which you, with us, are deeply interested. We would that some means were devised, by which our Brothers and Sons shall no longer be allured from the right by the corrupting influence of the fashionable sippings of wine and brandy, those sure destroyers of Mental and Moral Worth, and by which our Sisters and Daughters shall no longer be exposed to the vile arts of the gentlemanly- appearing, gallant, but really half-inebriated seducer. Our motive is to ask of you counsel in the formation, and co-operation in the carrying out of plans which may produce a radical change in our Moral Atmosphere. ... 54 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. But to the question, what good our Union has done? Though our Order has been strongly opposed by ladies professing a desire to see the Moral con- dition of our race elevated, and though we still behold some of our thought- less female friends whirling in the giddy dance, with intoxicated partners at their side and, more than this, see them accompany their reeling compan- ions to some secluded nook and there quaff with them from that Virtue- destroying cup, yet may we not hope that an influence, though now unseen, unfelt, has gone forth, which shall tell upon the future, which shall convince us that our weekly resort to these meetings has not been in vain, and which shall cause the friends of humanity to admire and respect-nay, venerate- this now-despised little band of Daughters of Temperance? .... We count it no waste of time to go forth through our streets, thus proclaim- ing our desire for the advancement of our great cause. You, with us, no doubt, feel that Intemperance is the blighting mildew of all our social con- nections; you would be most happy to speed on the time when no Wife shall watch with trembling heart and tearful eye the slow, but sure descent of her idolized Companion down to the loathsome haunts of drunkenness; you would hasten the day when no Mother shall have to mourn over a darling son as she sees him launch his bark on the circling waves of the mighty whirlpool. How is this great change to be wrought, who are to urge on this vast work of reform? Shall it not be women, who are most aggrieved by the foul destroyer's inroads? Most certainly. Then arises the question, how are we to accomplish the end desired? I answer, not by confining our influence to our own home circle, not by centering all our benevolent feelings upon our own kindred, not by caring naught for the culture of any minds, save those of our own darlings. No, no, the gratification of the selfish impulses alone, can never produce a desirable change in the Moral aspect of Society. ... It is generally conceded that it is our sex that fashions the Social and Moral State of Society. We do not presume that females possess unbounded power in abolishing the evil customs of the day; but we do believe that were they en masse to discountenance the use of wine and brandy as beverages at both their public and private parties, not one of the opposite Sex, who has any claim to the title of gentleman, would so insult them as to come into their presence after having quaffed of that foul destroyer of all true delicacy and refinement. I am not aware that we have any inebriate females among us, but have we not those, who are fallen from Virtue, and who claim our efforts for their reform, equally with the inebriate? And while we feel it our duty to extend the hand of sympathy and love to those who are wanderers from the path of Temperance, should we not also be zealous in reclaiming those poor, deluded ones, who have been robbed of their most precious Gem, Virtue, and whom we blush to think belong to our Sex? Now, Ladies, all we would do is to do all in our power, both individually and collectively, to harmonize and happify our Social system. We ask of you candidly and seriously to investigate the Matter, and decide for yourselves whether the object of our Union be not on the side of right, and if it be, then one and all, for the sake of erring humanity, come forward and speed on the THE FARM HOME-END OF TEACHING. 55 right. If you come to the conclusion that the end we wish to attain is right, but are not satisfied with the plan adopted, then I ask of you to devise means by which this great good may be more speedily accomplished, and you shall find us ready with both heart and hand to co-operate with you. In my hum- ble opinion, all that is needed to produce a complete Temperance and Social reform in this age of Moral Suasion, is for our Sex to cast their United influ- ences into the balance. Ladies! there is no Neutral position for us to assume. If we sustain not this noble enterprise, both by precept and example, then is our influence on the side of Intemperance. If we say we love the Cause, and then sit down at our ease, surely does our action speak the lie. And now permit me once more to beg of you to lend your aid to this great Cause, the Cause of God and all Mankind. The next day on the streets, so the letters say, everybody was exclaiming, “Miss Anthony is the smartest woman who ever has been in Canajoharie.” Soon afterwards the school closed and, after spending the summer visiting eastern rela- tives and friends, Miss Anthony returned to Rochester in the autumn of 1849. The thing she remembers most vividly is how she reveled in fruit. All the young orchards her father had planted were now bearing, including a thousand peach trees, and for the first time in her life she had all the peaches she wanted, and “lived on them for a month.” The years of 1850 and 1851 Daniel Anthony conducted his insurance business in Syracuse and Susan remained at home, taking entire charge of the farm, superintending the planting of the crops, the harvesting and the selling. She also did most of the housework, as her mother was in delicate health, her sister was teaching school and both brothers were away. In the winter of 1852, she went into a school in Rochester as supply for three months. She found, however, that her taste for teaching was entirely gone, her work was without inspira- tion, her interest and sympathy had become enlisted in other things. She longed to take an active part in the two great re- forms of temperance and anti-slavery, which now were absorb- ing public attention; she could not endure the narrow and confining life of the school-room, and so, in the spring , she abandoned teaching forever, after an experience of fifteen years. CHAPTER V. ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 1850—1852. 3.LL the conditions were such as to make it most natural for Miss Anthony, when she reached the age of maturity, to adopt a public career and go actively into reform work, and especially to enter upon that contest to secure equal rights for those of her own sex, which she was to wage unceasingly for half a century. Her father's mother and sister were “high seat” Quakers, the latter a famous preacher. Her mother's cousin, Betsey Dunnell White, of Stafford's Hill, was noted as the only woman in that locality who could "talk politics,” and the men used to come from far and near to get her opinion on the po- litical situation. She was brought up in a society which rec- ognizes the equality of the sexes and encourages women in public speaking. In her own home the father believed in giv- ing sons and daughters the same advantages, and in preparing the latter as well as the former for self-support. The daugh- ters were taught business principles, and invested with respon- sibility at an early age. Two of them married, and the third was of a quiet and retiring disposition; but in Susan he saw ability of a high order and that same courage, persistence and aggressiveness which entered into his own character, enabling him to make his way in the business world and rally from his losses and defeats. He encouraged her desire to go into the reforms which were demanding attention, gave her financial backing when necessary, moral support upon all occasions, and was ever her most interested friend and faithful ally. She re- ceived also the sympathy and assistance of her mother, who, (57) 58 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. no matter how heavy the domestic burdens, or how precarious her own health, was never willing that she should take any time from her public work to give to the duties of home, al- though she frequently insisted upon doing so. During Miss Anthony's stay at Canajoharie she went often to Albany and there made the intimate acquaintance of Abi- gail Mott and her sister Lydia, whose names are now a blessed memory with the leaders of the abolition movement that still remain. Their modest home was a rallying center for the reformers of the day, and here Miss Anthony met many of the noted men and women with whom she was to become so closely associated in the future. She reached home in 1849 to find a hot-bed of discussion and fermentation. The first rift had been made in the old common law, which for centuries had held women in its iron grasp, by the passage, in April, 1848, of the Property Bill allowing a married woman to hold real estate in her own name in New York. Previous to this time all the property which a woman owned at marriage and all she might receive by gift or inheritance passed into the possession of the husband; the rents and profits belonged to him, and he could sell it during his lifetime or dispose of it by will at his death except her life interest in one-third of the real estate. The more thoughtful among women were begin- ning to ask why other unjust laws should not also be repealed, and the whole question of the rights of woman was thus opened. In 1848, Spiritualism may be said to have had its birth, and the remarkable manifestations of the Fox sisters brought numbers of people to Rochester, where they had removed as soon as they began to be widely known. This form of religi- ous belief soon acquired a large following, causing much con- troversy and great excitement. The Society of Friends had divided on the slavery issue and Miss Anthony found her family attending the Unitarian church, which soon afterwards called William Henry Chan- ning to its pulpit. Both he and Samuel J. May, the father of Unitarianism in Syracuse, became her steadfast friends and 17 AUNT HANNAH, THE QUAKER PREACHER, FROM A DAGUERREOTYPE. ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 59 never-failing support in all the great work which was developed in later years. In July, 1848, the first Woman's Rights Convention had been held in Seneca Falls and adjourned to meet in Rochester August 2. Miss Anthony's father, mother and sister Mary had attended and signed the declaration demanding equal rights for women, and she found them enthusiastic upon this subject and also over Mrs. Stanton, Lucretia Mott and other prominent women who had taken part. Her cousin, Sarah Anthony Burtis, had acted as secretary of the convention. In 1849 Mrs. Mott published her admirable Discourse on ridiculing the idea of civil and political rights for women. In 1847 Frederick Douglass had brought his family to Rochester and established his paper, the North Star. As soon as Miss Anthony reached home she was taken by her father to call on Douglass, and this was the beginning of another friendship which was to last a lifetime. The year 1849 saw the whole country in a state of great un- rest and excitement. Eighty thousand men had gone to Cali- fornia in search of gold. Telegraphs and railroads were being rapidly constructed, thus bringing widely separated localities into close communication. The unsettled condition of Europe and the famine in Ireland had turned toward America that tremendous tide of immigration which this year had risen to 300,000. The admission of Texas into the Union had precip- itated the full force of the slavery question. Old parties were disintegrating and sectional lines becoming closely drawn. New territories were knocking at the door of the Union and the whole nation was in a ferment as to whether they should North and the South. A spirit of compromise finally pre- vailed and deferred the crisis for a decade, but the agitation and unrest continued to increase. The Abolitionists were still a handful of radicals, repudiated alike by the Free Soil Whigs and Free Soil Democrats. Slavery, as an institution, had not 60 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. yet become a political issue, but only its extension into the ter- ritories. Such, in brief, was the situation at the beginning of 1850. It was a period of grave apprehension on the part of older men and women, of intense aggressiveness with the younger, who were eager for action. It is not surprising then that an educated, self-reliant, public-spirited woman who had just reached thirty should chafe against the narrow limits of a school-room and rebel at giving her time and strength to the teaching of children, when all her mind and heart were drawn toward the great issues then filling the press and the platform and even finding their way into the pulpit. Miss Anthony's whole soul soon became absorbed in the thought, “What serv- ice can I render humanity; what can I do to help right the wrongs of society?” At this time the one and only field of public work into which women had dared venture, except in a few isolated cases, was that of temperance. Miss Anthony had brought her credentials from the Daughters' Union at Cana- joharie and presented them at once to the society in Rochester; they were gladly accepted and she soon became a leader. In these days John B. Gough was delivering his magnificent lectures throughout the country, and Philip S. White, of South Carolina, was winning fame as a temperance orator. The year 1850 was for her one of transition. A new world opened out before her. The Anthony homestead was a favorite meeting place for liberal-spirited men and women. On Sun- day especially, when the father could be at home, the house was filled and fifteen or twenty people used to gather around the hospitable board. Susan always superintended these Sunday dinners, and was divided between her anxiety to sustain her reputation as a superior cook and her desire not to lose a word of the conversation in the parlor. Garrison, Pillsbury, Phil- lips, Channing and other great reformers visited at this home, and many a Sunday the big wagon would be sent to the city for Frederick Douglass and his family to come out and spend the day. Here were gathered many times the Posts, Hallo- wells, DeGarmos, Willises, Burtises, Kedzies, Fishes, Curtises, ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 61 Stebbins, Asa Anthonys, all Quakers who had left the society on account of their anti-slavery principles and were leaders in the abolition and woman's rights movements. Every one of these Sunday meetings was equal to a convention. The lead- ing events of the day were discussed in no uncertain tones. All were Garrisonians and believed in “immediate and uncon- ditional emancipation.” In 1850 the Fugitive Slave Law was passed and all the resources of the federal government were employed for its enforcement. Its provisions exasperated the Abolitionists to the highest degree. The house of Isaac and Amy Post was the rendezvous for runaway slaves, and each of these families that gathered on Sunday at the Anthony farm could have told where might be found at least one station on the “underground railroad.” Miss Anthony read with deep interest the reports of the woman's rights convention held at Worcester, Mass., October, 1850, which were published in the New York Tribune. She sympathized fully with the demand for equal rights for women, but was not yet quite convinced that these included the suf- frage. This, no doubt, was largely because Quaker men did not vote, thinking it wrong to support a government which believed in war. Even so progressive and public-spirited a man as Daniel Anthony, much as he was interested in all na- tional affairs, never voted until 1860, when he became con- vinced it was only by force of arms that the question of slavery could be settled. In 1851, the License Law having been arbitrarily repealed a few years before, there was practically no regulation of the liquor business, nor was there any such public sentiment against intemperance as exists at the present day. Drunk- enness was not looked upon as an especial disgrace and there had been little agitation of the question. The wife of a drunk- ard was completely at his mercy. He had the entire custody of the children, full control of anything she might earn, and the law did not recognize drunkenness as a cause for divorce. 1 The Tribune, at this time, was the only paper in New York, and, with few exceptions, the only large newspaper in the country, which treated the question of woman's rights in any but a contemptuous, abusive manner. 62 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Although woman was the greatest sufferer, she had not yet learned that she had even the poor right of protest. Oppressed by the weight of the injustice and tyranny of ages, she knew nothing except to suffer in silence; and so degraded was she by generations of slavish submission, that she possessed not even the moral courage to stand by those of her own sex who dared rebel and demand a new dispensation. The old Washingtonian Society of the first half of the nine- teenth century, composed entirely of men, because reformed drunkards only could belong to it, was succeeded by the Sons of Temperance, and these had permitted the organization of subordinate lodges called Daughters of Temperance, which, as subsequent events will show, were entitled to no official recog- nition. It was in one of these, the only organized bodies of women known at this time,' that Miss Anthony first displayed that executive ability which was destined to make her famous. During 1851 she was very active in temperance work and or- ganized a number of societies in surrounding towns. She in- stituted in Rochester a series of suppers and festivals to raise the funds which she at once saw were necessary before any efficient work could be done. An old invitation to one of these, dated February 21, 1851, and signed by Susan B. Anthony, chairman, reads: “The entertainment is intended to be of such a character as will meet the approbation of the wise and good ; Supper, Songs, Toasts, Sentiments and short speeches will be the order of the evening; $1 will admit a gentleman and a lady” A new paper account says: The five long tables were loaded with a rich variety of provisions, tastefully decorated and arranged. Mayor Samuel Richardson presided at the supper table. After the repast was over, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Directress of the Festival and President of the Association, introduced these highly creditable sentiments, which were greatly applauded by the assemblage: "The Women of Rochester-Powerful to fashion the customs of society, may they not fail to exercise that power for the speedy and total banishment of all that intoxicates from our domestic and social circles, and thus speed on the day when no young man, be he ever so genteelly dressed or of ever so 1 They may have been preceded by the Moral Reform Societies for the Rescue of Fallen Women, which originated in New York City, and by a few Female Anti-Slavery Societies. ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 63 noble origin, who pollutes his lips with the touch of the drunkard's cup, shall presume to seek the favor of any of our precious daughters. “Our Cause—May each succeeding day add to its glory and every hour give fresh impetus to its progress. ...". Many other toasts were proposed which space forbids quoting, but the following by one of the gentlemen deserves a place: The Daughters–Our characters they elevate, Our manners they refine; Without them we'd degenerate To the level of the swine. It is curious how willing men have been, through all the centuries, to admit that only the influence of women saves them from being brutes and how anxious to confine that influence to the narrowest possible limits. In the winter of 1851 Miss Anthony attended an anti-slavery meeting in Rochester, conducted by Stephen and Abby Kelly (bery truly and effectionality Foster. This was her first ac- quaintance with Mrs. Foster, who had been the most perse- cuted of all the women taking part in the anti-slavery strug- gle. She had been ridiculed, denounced and mobbed for years; and, for listening to her on Sunday, men and women had been expelled from church. Her strong and heroic spirit struck an answering spark in Miss Anthony's breast. She accompanied the Fosters for a week on their tour of meetings in adjoining counties, and was urged by them to go actively into this reform. The following May she went to the Anti-Slavery Anniver- sary in Syracuse. This convention had been driven out of New York by Rynders' mob in 1850 and did not dare go back. On the way home she stopped at Seneca Falls, the guest of Mrs. Amelia Bloomer, to hear again Wm. Lloyd Garrison and George Thompson, the distinguished Abolitionist from Eng- land, who had stirred her nature to its depths. Here was fulfilled her long-cherished desire of seeing Elizabeth Cady 64 LIFE AND WORK OF S LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. SAN B. ANTHONY. Stanton. Their meeting is best described in that lady's own words: “Walking home with the speakers, who were my guests, we met Mrs. Bloomer with Miss Anthony on the corner of the street waiting to greet us. There she stood with her good, earnest face and genial smile, dressed in gray delaine, hat and all the same color relieved with pale-blue ribbons, the perfection of neatness and sobriety. I liked her thoroughly from the beginning.” Both Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Bloomer on this occasion wore what is known as the Bloomer costume. In the summer Miss Anthony went to Seneca Falls to a meet- ing of those interested in founding the People's College. Horace Greeley, Lucy Stone and herself were entertained by Mrs. Stanton. The three women were determined it should be opened to girls as well as boys. Mr. Greeley begged them not to agitate the question, assuring them that he would have the constitution and by-laws so framed as to admit women on the same terms as men, and he did as he promised, making a spirited fight. Before the college was fairly started, however, it was merged into Cornell University. This was Miss Anthony's first meeting with Lucy Stone and may be called the commencement of her life-long friendship with Mrs. Stanton. These women who sat at the dinner-table that day were destined to be recorded in history for all time as the three central figures in the great movement for equal rights. There certainly was nothing formidable in the appear- ance of the trio: Miss Anthony a quiet, dignified Quaker girl; Mrs. Stanton a plump, jolly, youthful matron, scarcely five feet high; and Lucy Stone a petite, soft-voiced young woman who seemed better fitted for caresses than for the hard buffetings of the world. Miss Anthony's public life may be said to have fairly begun in 1852. The Sons of Temperance had announced a mass meeting of all the divisions in the state, to be held at Albany, and had invited the Daughters to send delegates. The Roches- ter union appointed Susan B. Anthony. Her credentials, with those of the other women delegates, were accepted and seats given them in the convention, but when Miss Anthony rose to ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 65 speak to a motion she was informed by the presiding officer that "the sisters were not invited there to speak but to listen and learn.” She and three or four other ladies at once left the hall. The rest of the women had not the courage to follow, but called them "bold, meddlesome disturbers,” and remained to bask in the approving smiles of the Sons. They sought ad- vice of Lydia Mott, who said the proper thing was to hold a meeting of their own; so they secured the lecture-room of the Hudson street Presbyterian church, and then went to the office of the Evening Journal, edited by Thurlow Weed, to talk the situation over with him. He told them they had done ex- actly right, and in his paper that evening he announced their meeting and related their treatment by the men. The night was cold and snowy. The little room was dark, the stove smoked and the pipe fell down during the exercises, but the women were sustained by their indignation and sense of justice and would not allow themselves to be discouraged. Rev. Samuel J. May, who was in the city attending the “Jerry Rescue”' trials, seeing the notice of their meeting, came to offer his assistance, accompanied by David Wright, husband of Martha C. Wright and brother-in-law of Lucretia Mott. These two, with a reporter, were the only men present at this little assemblage of women who had decided that they could do something better for the cause of temperance than being seen and not heard. Mr. May opened the meeting with prayer, and then showed them how to organize. Mary C. Vaughn, of Oswego, was made president; Miss Anthony, secretary; Lydia Mott, chair- man of the business committee. Mrs. Vaughn gave an ad- dress. A letter had been received from Mrs. Stanton so radical that most of the ladies objected to having it read, but Miss Anthony took the responsibility. She read, also, letters from Clarina Howard Nichols and Amelia Bloomer, which had been intended for the Sons' meeting. Mrs. Lydia F. Fowler, who happened to be lecturing in Albany, spoke briefly, and Mr. May paid high tribute to the valuable work of women in tem- ANT.–5 66 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. perance and anti-slavery, declaring their influence as indis- pensable to the state and the church as to the home. Miss Anthony then said their treatment showed that the time had come for women to have an organization of their own; and the final outcome was the appointment of a committee, with herself as chairman, to call a Woman's State Temperance Convention. She at once wrote to all parts of the State urging the unions to send delegates, and received many encouraging replies. Horace Greeley wrote as follows: I heartily approve the call of the Woman's Temperance Convention, and hope it may result in good. To this end I would venture to suggest: 1st. Hold an informal and private meeting before you attempt to meet in public. There select your officers, your business committees, etc., so that there shall be no jarring when you assemble in public. 2d. Have your addresses and resolves carefully prepared beforehand. Make them very short and pointed. Have them in type so that they may appear promptly and simultaneously in the daily papers. If you will send us a copy of them the night before we will endeavor to print them with our proceedings of the meeting received by telegraph. 3d. Be sure that your strongest thinkers speak and that the weaker for- bear, and that extraneous matters, so far as possible, are let alone. It will be seen that by adopting these shrewd political methods there would not be much left for the convention proper to do except listen to the speeches, but it would be hard to compress into smaller space more sensible advice. Mrs. Nichols wrote her: "It is most invigorating to watch the development of a woman in the work for humanity: first, anxious for the cause and depressed with a sense of her own inability; next, partial success of timid efforts creating a hope; next, a faith; and then the fruition of complete self-devotion. Such will be your his- tory." From Mrs. Stanton came cheering words: “I will gladly do all in my power to help you. Come and stay with me and I will write the best lecture I can for you. I have no doubt a little practice will make you an admirable speaker. Dress loosely, take a great deal of exercise, be particular about your diet and sleep enough. The body has great influence upon the mind. In your meetings, if attacked, be cool and good-natured, for if you are simple and truth-loving no sophis- ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 67 try can confound you. As for my own address, if I am to be president it ought perhaps to be sent out with the stamp of the convention, but as anything from my pen is necessarily radi- cal no one may wish to share with me the odium of what I may choose to say. If so, I am ready to stand alone. I never write to please any one. If I do please I am happy, but to proclaim my highest convictions of truth is always my sole object." After weeks of hard work, writing countless letters, taking numerous trips to various towns, and making almost without assistance all the necessary arrangements, the convention as- sembled in Corinthian Hall, Rochester, April 20, 1852. The morning audience was composed entirely of women, 500 being in attendance. Miss Anthony opened the meeting, read the call, which had been widely circulated, and in a clear, forcible manner set forth the object of the convention. The call urged the women to meet together for devising such associated action as shall be necessary for the protection of their interests and of society at large, too long invaded and destroyed by legalized intemperance.” It was signed by Daniel Anthony, William R. Hallowell and a number of well-known men and women, many of whom were present and took part in the discussions. Letters were read from distinguished persons and strong resolutions adopted, among them one thanking the New York Tribune for the kindness with which it had uniformly sustained women in their efforts for temperance. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was elected president; Mrs. Gerrit Smith, Mrs. E. C. Delavan, Antoinette L. Brown and nine others, vice-presidents; Susan B. Anthony and Amelia Bloomer, secretaries. In accepting the presidency, Mrs. Stanton made a powerful speech, certain parts of which acted as a bombshell not only at this meeting, but in press, pulpit and society. The two points which aroused most antagonism were: 1st. Let no woman remain in the relation of wife with a confirmed drunkard. Let no drunkard be the father of her children . . . . Let us petition our State government so to modify the laws affecting marriage and the custody of children, that the drunkard shall have no claims on wife or child. 2d. Inasmuch as charity begins at home, let us withdraw our mite from all associations for sending the Gospel to the heathen across the ocean, for the 68 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. education of young men for the ministry, for the building up of a theological aristocracy and gorgeous temples to the unknown God, and devote ourselves to the poor and suffering around us. Let us feed and clothe the hungry and naked, gather children into schools and provide reading-rooms and decent homes for young men and women thrown alone upon the world. Good schools and homes, where the young could ever be surrounded by an atmos- phere of purity and virtue, would do much more to prevent immorality and crime in our cities than all the churches in the land could ever possibly do toward the regeneration of the multitude sunk in poverty, ignorance and vice. The effect of such declarations on the conservatism of half a century ago hardly can be pictured. At this time the prin- cipal outlet for women's activities was through foreign mission- ary work, and even in this they were allowed no official re- sponsibility. None of the many charitable organizations which are now almost wholly in the hands of women were in existence. In scarcely one State was drunkenness recognized as cause for divorce, and yet when Mrs. Stanton made these demands, the women throughout the country joined with the men in denouncing them. Only a few of the broader and more progressive, who were ahead of their age, sustained her. Among these were Miss Anthony, Ernestine L. Rose, Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone, Frances D. Gage and Martha C. Wright. After six enthusiastic sessions and the forming of a strong organization, the convention adjourned. Thus the first Woman's State Temperance Society ever formed was due al- most entirely to Susan B. Anthony, because of her courage in demanding independent action and her successful efforts in calling the convention which inaugurated it. The executive committee met in May and appointed her State agent, “ with full power and authority to organize auxiliary societies, collect moneys, issue certificates of membership and do all things which she may judge necessary and expedient to promote the purposes for which our society has been organized.” The Men's State Temperance Society had issued an official call for a convention to be held at Syracuse in June, contain- ing these words: “Temperance societies of every name are invited to send delegates.” Acting upon this invitation, the executive committee of the Woman's State Temperance Society ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 69 appointed Gerrit Smith, Susan B. Anthony and Amelia Bloom- er as delegates. Mr. Smith was not able to attend and, after their experience at Albany, there were serious doubts in the minds of the women whether they would be received. They were much encouraged, however, by the receipt of a letter from Rev. Samuel J. May, written June 14, saying: "The local committee are now in session. I have just read your letter to them, and every member has expressed himself in favor of receiving the delegates of the Woman's State Temperance So- ciety, just as the delegates of any other society, and allowing them to take their own course, speak or not speak, as they choose.” Miss Anthony and Mrs. Bloomer went to Syracuse, and on the morning of the convention received a call from Mr. May. He came to inform them that their arrival had caused great excitement among the clergy, who comprised a large portion of the delegates and threatened to withdraw if the women were admitted. Their action had alarmed the other delegates, who feared a disturbance in the convention, and they had requested Mr. May, as probably having the most influence, to call upon the ladies and urge them not to ask for recognition. When they told him they should go to the meeting and present their credentials, he expressed great satisfaction and said that was just the decision he had hoped they would make. They qui- etly entered the hall and took seats with other ladies at one side of the platform. Immediately Rev. Mandeville, of Albany, turned his chair around with back to the audience and, facing them, attempted to stare them out of countenance. William H. Burleigh, secretary, read the annual report, which closed, “We hail the formation of the Woman's State Temperance So- ciety as a valuable auxiliary.” This precipitated the discus- sion. Rev. Mandeville sprung to his feet and moved to strike out the last sentence. His speech was filled with such venom and vulgarity as the foulest-mouthed politician would hesitate to utter. He denounced the Woman's State Temperance So- ciety and all women publicly engaged in temperance work, declared the women delegates to be "a hybrid species, half 70 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. man and half woman, belonging to neither sex,” and an- nounced finally that if this sentence were not struck out he would dissolve his connection with the society. . A heated debate followed. Mr. Havens, of New York, offered an amendment recognizing “the right of women to work in their proper sphere—the domestic circle." Rev. leyan Methodist, Hon. A. N. Cole, a leading Whig politician, and several others, defended the rights of the women in the most eloquent manner, but were howled down. Miss Anthony made only one attempt to speak and that was to remind them that over 100,000 of the signers to a petition for a Maine Law, the previous winter, were women, but her voice was drowned by Rev. Fowler, of Utica, shouting, “ Order! Order!” Her- man Camp, of Trumansburg, the president, ruled that she was not a delegate and had no right to speak. Amid great con- fusion the question was put to vote and the decision of the chair sustained. As no delegates had yet been accredited, everybody in the house was allowed to vote, but the secretary, J. T. Hazen, announced that he did not count the votes of the women! Rev. Luther Lee at once offered his church to the ladies for an evening meeting. They had a crowded house, fine speeches and good music, while the convention was practically deserted, not over fifty being present. After a masterly speech by Mr. May and stirring remarks from Mr. Lee, Mrs. Bloomer and others, Miss Anthony made the address of the evening, which she had prepared for the men's convention, a strong plea for the right of women to work and speak for temperance. Soon afterwards she wrote her father: “I feel there is a great work to be done which none but women can do. How I wish I could be daily associated with those whose ideas are in advance of my own, it would enable me to develop so much faster;" and then, notwithstanding all her rebuffs, she signed herself, “Yours cheerily.” The anti-slavery convention this year was held in Rochester, and Miss Anthony had as a guest her dear friend, Lydia Mott, ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. and again met Garrison, Phillips, May, the Fosters, Pillsbury, Henry C. Wright and others of that glorious band who to- gether had received the baptism of fire. Although intensely interested in the anti-slavery question she did not dare think she had the ability to take up that work, but she did resolve to give all her time and energy to the temperance cause. The summer of 1852 was spent in traveling throughout the State with Mrs. Vaughn, Mrs. Attilia Albro and Miss Emily Clark. They canvassed thirty counties, organizing societies and secur- ing 28,000 signatures to a petition for the Maine Law. Miss Anthony sent out a strong appeal, saying: Women, and mothers in particular, should feel it their right and duty to extend their influence beyond the circumference of the home circle, and to say what circumstances shall surround children when they go forth from under the watchful guardianship of the mother's love; for certain it is that, if the customs and laws of society remain corrupt as they now are, the best and wisest of the mother's teachings will soon be counteracted...... Woman has so long been accustomed to non-intervention with law-making, so long considered it man's business to regulate the liquor traffic, that it is with much cautiousness she receives the new doctrine which we preach; the doctrine that it is her right and duty to speak out against the traffic and all men and institutions that in any way sanction, sustain or countenance it; and, since she can not vote, to duly instruct her husband, son, father or brother how she would have him vote, and, if he longer continue to mis- represent her, take the right to march to the ballot-box and deposit a yote indicative of her highest ideas of practical temperance. It will be seen by this that already she had taken her stand on the right of woman to the franchise. While at Elmira she happened into a teachers' convention and heard Charles Anthony, of the Albany academy, a distant relative, make an address on “The Divine Ordinance of Cor- poral Punishment.” It was a severe and cruel justification of the unlimited use of the rod, but, although more than three- fourths of the teachers present were women, not a word was uttered in protest. Throughout the proceedings not a woman's voice was heard, none was appointed on committees or voted on any question, and they were as completely ignored as so many outsiders. Miss Anthony made up her mind that here also was a work to be done, and that henceforth she would at- 72 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tend the State teachers' conventions every year and demand for women all the privileges now monopolized by men. On September 8, 1852, she went to her first Woman's Rights Convention, which was held at Syracuse. She had read with avidity the accounts of the Ohio, Massachusetts, Indiana and Pennsylvania conventions, but this was her first opportunity of attending one. At the preliminary meeting, held the night before, she was made a member of the nominating committee with Paulina Wright Davis, of Providence, R. I., chairman. Mrs. Davis had come with the determination of putting in as president her dear friend Elizabeth Oakes Smith, a fashionable literary woman of Boston. Both attended the meeting and the convention in short-sleeved, low-necked white dresses, one with a pink, the other with a blue embroidered wool delaine sack with wide, flowing sleeves, which left both neck and arms exposed. At the committee meeting next morning, Quaker James Mott nominated Mrs. Smith for president, but Quaker Susan B. Anthony spoke out boldly and said that nobody who dressed as she did could represent the earnest, solid, hard- working women of the country for whom they were making the demand for equal rights. Mr. Mott said they must not expect all women to dress as plainly as the Friends; but she held her ground, and as all the committee agreed with her, though no one else had had the courage to speak, Mrs. Smith's name was voted down. This is but one instance of hundreds where Miss Anthony alone dared say what others only dared think, and thus through all the years made herself the target for criticism, blame and abuse. Others escaped through their cowardice; she suffered through her bravery. Lucretia Mott was made president, and the Syracuse Stand- ard said: “It was a singular spectacle to see this Quaker matron presiding over a convention with an ease, grace and dignity that might be envied by the most experienced legislator in the country.” Susan B. Anthony and Martha C.Wright were the secretaries. Delegates were present from Canada and eight ? At the first Woman's Rights Convention in 1848, Mrs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton were so op- posed to having a woman for chairman that they came near leaving the hall. Four years later Mrs. Mott is herself the presiding officer. ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 73 different States. Letters were received from Angelina Grimké Weld, William Henry Channing and others; Horace Greeley sent much good advice; Garrison wrote: “You have as noble an object in view, aye and as Christian a one too, as ever was advocated beneath the sun. Heaven bless all your proceed- ings." Rev. A. D. Mayo said in a long letter: I have never questioned what I believed to be the central principle of the reform in which you are engaged. I believe that every mature soul is respon- sible directly to God, not only for its faith and opinions, but for its details of life. The assertion that woman is responsible to man for her belief or con- duct, in any other sense than man is responsible to woman, I reject, not as a believer in any theory of “woman's rights,” but as a believer in that religion which knows neither male nor female in its imperative demand upon the in- dividual conscience. George W. Johnson, of Buffalo, chairman of the State com- mittee of the Liberty party, sent $10 and these vigorous senti- ments: “Woman has, equally with man, the inalienable right to education, suffrage, office, property, professions, titles and honors—to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. False to our sex, as well as her own, and false to herself and her God, is the woman who approves, or who submits without re- sistance or protest, to the social and political wrongs imposed upon her in common with her sex throughout the world.” Mrs. Stanton's letter, read with hearty approval by Miss An- thony, raised the usual breeze in the convention. She sug- gested three points: Should not all women, living in States where they have the right to hold property, refuse to pay taxes so long as they are unrepresented in the govern- ment? .... Man has pre-empted the most profitable branches of industry, and we demand a place at his side; to this end we need the same advantages of education, and we therefore claim that the best colleges of the country be opened to us.... In her present ignorance, woman's religion, instead of making her noble and free, by the wrong application of great principles of right and justice, has made her bondage but more certain and lasting, her degradation more helpless and complete. In the course of her argument Lucy Stone said: The claims we make at these conventions are self-evident truths. The sec- ond resolution affirms the right of human beings to their persons and earn- 74 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ings. Is not that self-evident? Yet the common law, which regulates the relation of husband and wife, and is modified only in a few instances by the statutes, gives the "custody" of the wife's person to the husband, so that he has a right to her even against herself. It gives him her earnings, no matter with what weariness they have been acquired, or how greatly she may need them for herself or her children. It gives him a right to her personal prop- erty, which he may will entirely away from her, also the use of her real estate, and in some of the States married women, insane persons and idiots are ranked together as not fit to make a will; so that she is left with only one right, which she enjoys in common with the pauper, the right of main- tenance. Indeed, when she has taken the sacred marriage vows, her legal existence ceases. And what is our position politically? The foreigner, the negro, the drunkard, all are entrusted with the ballot, all placed by men politically higher than their own mothers, wives, sisters and daughters! The woman who, seeing this, dares not maintain her rights is the one to hang her head and blush. We ask only for justice and equal rights—the right to vote, the right to our own earnings, equality before the law; these are the Gibral- tar of our cause. Rev. Antoinette Brown, the first woman ever ordained to preach, declared: Man can not represent woman. They differ in their nature and relations. The law is wholly masculine; it is created and executed by man. The framers of all legal compacts are restricted to the masculine standpoint of observation, to the thoughts, feelings and biases of man. The law then can give us no representation as women, and therefore no impartial justice, even if the law-makers were honestly intent upon this, for we can be represented only by our peers. ..When woman is tried for crime, her jury, her judges, her advocates, all are men; and yet there may have been temptations and various palliating circumstances connected with her peculiar nature as woman, such as man can not appreciate. Common justice demands that a part of the law-makers and law-executors should be of her own sex. In questions of marriage and divorce, affecting interests dearer than life, both parties in the compact are entitled to an equal voice. Mrs. Nichols said in discussing the laws: If a wife is compelled to get a divorce on account of the infidelity of the husband, she forfeits all right to the property which they have earned together, while the husband, who is the offender, still retains the sole posses- sion and control of the estate. She, the innocent party, goes out childless and portionless by decree of law, and he, the criminal, retains the home and children by favor of the same law. A drunkard takes his wife's clothing to pay his rum bills, and the court declares that the action is legal because the wife belongs to the husband. ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 75 Hon. Gerrit Smith here made his first appearance upon the woman suffrage platform, although he had written many let- ters expressing sympathy and encouragement, and made a grand argument for woman's equality. He closed by saying: “All rights are held by a precarious tenure if this one right to the ballot be denied. When women are the constituents of men who make and administer the laws they will pay due con- sideration to woman's interests, and not before. The right of suffrage is the great right that guarantees all others.” Here also was the first public appearance of Matilda Joslyn Gage, the youngest woman taking part in the convention, who read an excellent paper urging that daughters should be educated with sons, taught self-reliance and permitted some independent means of self-support. A fine address also was made by Paulina Wright Davis, who had managed and presided over the two conventions held in 1850 and 1851 at Worcester, Mass. The queen of the platform at this time was Ernestine L. Rose, a Jewess who had fled from Poland to escape religious persecu- tion. She was beautiful and cultured, of liberal views and great oratorical powers. Her lectures on "The Science of Gov- ernment”' had attracted wide attention. Naturally, she took a prominent part in the early woman's rights meetings. On this occasion she presented and eloquently advocated the fol- lowing resolution: We ask for our rights not as a gift of charity, but as an act of justice; for it is in accordance with the principles of republicanism that, as woman has to pay taxes to maintain government, she has a right to participate in the for- 1 Several of the speakers had weak, piping voices which did not reach beyond a few of the front seats and, after one of these had finished, Miss Anthony said: "Mrs. President, I move that hereafter the papers shall be given to some one to read who can be heard. It is an im- position on an audience to have to sit quietly through a long speech of which they can not hear a word. We do not stand up here to be seen, but to be heard.” Then there was a pro- test. Mrs. Davis said she wished it understood that “ladies did not come there to screech; they came to behave like ladies and to speak like ladies." Miss Anthony held her ground, declaring that the question of being ladylike had nothing to do with it; the business of any one who read a paper was to be heard. Mr. May, always the peacemaker, said Miss Anthony was right; there was not a woman that had spoken in the convention who if she had been in her own home would not have adjusted her voice to the occasion. "If your boy were across the street you would not go to the door, put your head down and say in a little, weak voice, ‘Jim, come home;' but you would fix your eye on him and shout, Jim, come home! If the ladies, instead of looking down and talking to those on the front seats, would ad- dress their remarks to the farthermost persons in the house, all between would hear.” 76 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. mation and administration of it; that as she is amenable to the laws of her country, she is entitled to a voice in their enactment and to all the protective advantages they can bestow; that as she is as liable as man to all the vicissi- tudes of life, she ought to enjoy the same social rights and privileges. Any difference, therefore, in political, civil and social rights, on account of sex, is in direct violation of the principles of justice and humanity, and as such ought to be held up to the contempt and derision of every lover of human freedom. minister from Massachusetts, made a speech so coarse and vul- gar that the president called him to order. As he paid no attention to her, the men in the audience choked him off with cries of “Sit down! Shut up!” His idea of woman's modesty was that she should cast her eyes down when meeting men, drop her veil when walking up the aisle of a church and keep her place at home. Miss Anthony arose and stated that Mr. Hatch himself was one of the young ministers who had been educated through the efforts of women, and she had always noticed those were the ones most anxious for women to keep silence in the churches. This finished Mr. Hatch. A young teacher by the name of Brigham also attempted to define the spheres of Mrs. Mott, Mrs. Stanton' and the other great advocates of woman's freedom and declared: “Women ought to be keepers at home and mind domestic con- cerns; he had no doubt the true object of this meeting was not so much to acquire any real or supposed rights as to make the speakers and actors conspicuous; he wished to urge upon them to claim nothing masculine for women, for even in animals the spheres were different. He had no objections to woman's voice being heard, but let her seek out the breathing-holes of perdition to do her work.” Mr. Brigham was badly worsted in the argument which followed, and at the next session he sent in a protest, declaring he had not had “justice." He self had been loudest in his refusal to do justice to woman. A heated discussion was called out by a resolution offered by Rev. Antoinette L. Brown declaring that “the Bible recog- 1 Mrs. Mott was the mother of six and Mrs. Stanton of seven children. Both were devoted mothers and noteworthy housekeepers. ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 77 nizes the rights, privileges and duties of woman as a public teacher, as in every way equal with those of man; that it enjoins upon her no subjection that is not enjoined upon him; and that it truly and practically recognizes neither male nor female in Christ Jesus.” Mrs. Rose closed the discussion by saying: I can not object to any one's interpreting the Bible as he or she thinks best; but I do object that such interpretation go forth as the doctrine of this convention, because it is a mere interpretation and not even the authority of the Book; it is the view of Miss Brown only, which is as good as that of any other minister, but that is all. For my part I reject both interpretations. Here we claim human rights and freedom, based upon the laws of humanity, and we require no written authority from Moses or Paul, because those laws and our claim are prior even to these two great men. Miss Brown's resolution was not adopted. Susan B. Anthony spoke briefly but earnestly in behalf of the People's College and also of the Woman's State Temperance Society, for which she asked their endorsement. She then read the resolutions sent by Mrs. Stanton, all but one of which were adopted. The Syracuse Journal commented: “Miss Anthony has a capital voice and deserves to be made clerk of the Assembly.” The Syracuse Standard said of this convention: “ It was attended by not less than 2,000 persons. The discussions were charac- terized by a degree of ability that would do credit to any deliberative body.” The Journal said: “No person can deny that there was a greater amount of talent in the woman's rights convention than has characterized any public gathering in this city during the last ten years, if ever before. The appearance of all the ladies was modest and unassuming, though prompt, energetic and confident. Business was brought forward, calmly deliberated upon and discussed with unanimity and in a spirit becoming true women, which would add an unknown dignity to the transactions of public associa- tions of the lords.'" The Syracuse Star, however, took a different view: The women of the Tomfoolery Convention, now being held in this city, talk as fluently of the Bible and God's teachings in their speeches as if they 78 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. could draw an argument from inspiration in maintenance of their woman's rights stuff .... The poor creatures who take part in the silly rant of “brawling women” and Aunt Nancy men are most of them “ismizers” of the rankest stamp, Abolitionists of the most frantic and contemptible kind and Christian (?) sympathizers with such heretics as Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Parker Pillsbury, C. C. Burleigh and S. S. Foster. These men are all wom- man's righters and preachers of such damnable doctrines and accursed here- sies as would make demons of the pit shudder to hear. We have selected a few appropriate passages from God's Bible for the consideration of the infuri- ated gang at the convention. The New York Herald, under the elder Bennett, which from the beginning of the demand had been the inveterate foe of equal rights for women, contained the following editorial, September 12, 1852: The farce at Syracuse has been played out. We publish today the last act, in which it will be seen that the authority of the Bible, as a perfect rule of faith and practice for human beings, was voted down, and what are called the laws of nature set up instead of the Christian code. We have also a practical exhibition of the consequences that flow from woman leaving her true sphere, where she wields all her influence, and coming into public to dis- cuss morals and politics with men. The scene in which Rev. Mr. Hatch violated the decorum of his cloth and was coarsely offensive to such ladies present as had not lost that modest “feminine element” on which he dwelt so forcibly, is the natural result of the conduct of the women themselves who, in the first place, invited discussion about sexes, and, in the second place, so broadly defined the difference between the male and the female as to be sug- gestive of anything but purity to the audience. The women of the conyen- tion have no right to complain, but for the sake of his clerical character, if no other motive influenced him, he ought not have followed so bad an example. His speech was sound and his argument conclusive, but his form of words was not in the best taste. The female orators were the aggressors, but to use his own language he ought not to have measured swords with a woman, espe- cially when he regarded her ideas and expressions as bordering upon the ob- scene. But all this is the natural result of woman placing herself in a false position. As Rey. Mr. Hatch observed, if she ran with horses she must ex- pect to be betted upon. The whole tendency of these conventions is by no means to increase the influence of woman, to elevate her condition or to command the respect of the other sex . . . . How did woman first become subject to man, as she now is all over the world? By her nature, her sex, just as the negro is and always will be to the end of time, inferior to the white race and, therefore, doomed to subjection; but she is happier than she would be in any other condition, just because it is the law of her nature. ... What do the leaders of the woman's rights convention want? They want to vote and to hustle with the rowdies at the polls. They want to be members ENTRANCE INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 79 of Congress, and in the heat of debate subject themselves to coarse jests and in- decent language like that of Rev. Mr. Hatch. They want to fill all other posts which men are ambitious to occupy, to be lawyers, doctors, captains of vessels and generals in the field. How funny it would sound in the newspapers that Lucy Stone, pleading a cause, took suddenly ill in the pains of parturition and perhaps gave birth to a fine bouncing boy in court! Or that Rev. Antoinette Brown was arrested in the pulpit in the middle of her sermon from the same cause, and presented a "pledge” to her husband and the congregation; or that Dr. Harriot K. Hunt, while attending a gentleman patient for a fit of the gout or fistula in ano found it necessary to send for a doctor, there and then, and to be delivered of a man or woman child-perhaps twins.1 A similar event might happen on the floor of Congress, in a storm at sea or in the raging tempest of battle, and then what is to become of the woman legis- lator? For months after this convention the discussions and con- troversies were kept up through press and pulpit. The clergy- men in Syracuse and surrounding towns rang the changes on the cry of “infidel” as the surest way of neutralizing its influ- ence. Rev. Byron Sunderland, a Congregational minister of Syracuse and afterwards chaplain of the United States Sen- ate, preached a sermon on the “Bloomer Convention.” Rev. Ashley, of St. Paul's Episcopal Church, Syracuse, also preached a sermon against equality for woman, which was put into pamphlet form and scattered throughout the State. It called forth many protests, some from the women of his own church. The clergymen selected the Star, the most disrepu- table paper in the city, for the publication of their articles. Rev. Sunderland was ably answered by Matilda Joslyn Gage over the signature of “M." and replied in the Star: “If the author should turn out to be a man, I should have no objection to point out his inaccuracies through your columns, but if the writer is a lady, why, really, I don't know what I shall do. If I thought she would consent to a personal interview, I should like to see her.” Some man, signing himself “A Reader,” having criticised him in a perfectly respectful man- ner for making the above distinction, the reverend gentleman replied to him through the Star: "His impertinence is quite characteristic. He probably knows as much about the Bible 1 No one of these ladies was married. 80 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. as a wild ass' colt, and is requested at this time to keep a proper distance. When a body is trying to find out and pay attention to a lady, it is not good manners for ‘A Reader' to be thrust in between us." In all the speeches and articles in favor of woman's rights there was not one which was not modest, temperate and dignified. Almost without exception those in opposition were vulgar, intemperate and abusive. No more brilliant galaxy of men and women ever assembled than at this Syracuse convention, and the great question of the rights of woman was discussed from every conceivable stand- point. Hundreds equally able have been held during the last half century, and these extensive quotations have been made simply to show that fifty years ago the whole broad platform of human rights was as clearly defined by the leading thinkers, and in as logical, comprehensive and dignified a manner, as it is today. There was as much opposition among the masses of both men and women against all that they advocated as exists today against their demand for the ballot, perhaps more; yet the close of the century finds practically all granted except the ballot; the full right to speak in public; nearly the same ed- ucational and industrial opportunities; in many States almost equal legal rights, and not one State now wholly under the En- glish common law, which everywhere prevailed at that time. The prejudice against all these innovations is rapidly disappearing but it still lingers in regard to the yielding of the suffrage, ex- cept in the four States where this also has been given. In not one instance have these concessions been made in response to the "voice of the people,” but only because of the continued agi- tation and unceasing efforts of a few of the more advanced and progressive thinkers of each generation, CHAPTER VI. TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 1852—1853. WISS ANTHONY came away from the Syracuse convention thoroughly convinced that the right which woman needed above every other, the one indeed which would secure to her all others, was the right of suffrage. She saw that it was by the ballot men emphasized their opinions and enforced their de- mands; she realized that without it women exercised small influence upon law-makers and had no power to reward friends or punish enemies. A sense of the terrible helplessness of be- ing utterly without representation came upon her with crush- ing force. The first great cause of the injustice which pressed upon women from every point was clearly revealed to her and she understood, as never before, that any class which is com- pelled to be legislated for by another class always must be at a disadvantage. She went home with these thoughts burning in her soul, and again took up her work for temperance, but much of her enthusiasm was gone. She felt that she was dealing with effects only and was shut out from all influence over causes. She still was loyal to her State society but the desire was growing strong for a larger field. In January, 1853, she arranged for a meeting to be held in Albany to secure a hearing before the Legislature and present petitions for a Maine Law. Lucy Stone, whom she urged to make an address, wrote: “I can't in conscience speak in favor of the Maine Law. It does not seem to me to be based upon sound philosophy. Such a law will not amount to much so long as there is not a temperance public sentiment behind ANT.-6 (81) 82 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. it. God bless your earnest and faithful spirit, Susan. I am glad the temperance cause has so devoted and judicious a friend." She then invited Rev. Antoinette Brown, who gave several reasons why she did not think best to deliver the ad- dress and concluded : “But there is a better way; you your- self must come to the rescue. You will read the appeal, you can fit the address to it and you will do it grandly. Don't hesitate but, in the name of everything noble, go forward and you shall have our warmest sympathy.” It was very hard to coax Miss Anthony into a speech in those days and she finally persuaded the Reverend Antoinette to make the address. There was a mass-meeting of all the tem- perance organizations in the State at Albany, January 21, and as the women made no attempt to take part in the men's meet- ings there was no disturbance. History is silent as to what the men did at that time, but the women held crowded sessions in the Baptist church, and in the Assembly chamber at night, Miss Anthony presiding, and a number of fine addresses were made. The rules were suspended one morning and the ladies invited to the speaker's desk. Mrs.Vaughn read Mrs. Stanton's eloquent appeal praying the Legislature to do one of two things : either give women a vote on this great evil of intemper- ance, or else truly represent them by enacting a Prohibitory Law. It was accompanied by the petition of 28,000 names which had been collected by a few women at immense labor and expense during the past year. This was the first time in the history of New York that a body of women had appeared before the Legislature, and in their innocence they had full confidence that their request would be granted in a very short time. While they were still in Albany their petition was discussed and a young member made a long speech against it, declared that women were "out of their sphere” circulating petitions and coming before the Legislature, and closed by saying, "Who are these asking From 1840 to 1848 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Ernestine L. Rose, Lydia Mott and Paulina Wright (afterwards Davis), circulated petitions for a Married Woman's Property Law and, in presenting them, addressed a legislative committee several times. TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 83 for a Maine Law? Nobody but women and children!” Miss Anthony then and there made a solemn resolve that it should be her life work to make a woman's name on a petition worth as much as a man's. S. P. Townsend, who had made a fortune in the manufac- ture of sarsaparilla, happening to be at the Capitol, called upon the ladies and invited them to come to New York and hold a meeting, offering to advertise and entertain them. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Bloomer and Miss Brown accepted his invita- tion and were entertained at his elegant home, and also by Professor and Mrs. L. N. Fowler. He engaged Metropolitan Hall (where Jenny Lind sang) for February 7, and the ladies spoke to an audience of 3,000 at twenty-five cents admission. Mrs. Fowler presided, and on the platform were Horace Gree- ley, who made a strong address, Mrs. Greeley, Abby Hopper Gibbons and others. The Tribune and Post were very complimentary, saying it was the first time a woman had spoken within those walls and the meeting would compare favorably with any ever held in the building. After it was over Mr. Townsend divided the net proceeds among the three women. He also arranged for them to speak in Broadway Tab- ernacle and in Brooklyn Academy of Music, each of which was crowded to its capacity. During March and April they made a successful tour of the principal cities in the State, Miss Anthony assuming the man- agement and financial responsibility. They went to Sing Sing, Poughkeepsie, Hudson, Troy, Utica, Syracuse, Roches- ter, Buffalo and other places, greeted everywhere with large and attentive audiences attracted by the unusual spectacle of women speaking in public. They lectured chiefly on temper- ance, but asked incidentally for equal civil and political rights. While they received from most of the papers respectful treat- ment, they were sometimes viciously assailed. The Utica Evening Telegraph gave the following false and malicious re- port: Miss Susan B. ANTHONY AND REV. A. L. BROWN ON THE STUMP.—Mechanics' Hall was tolerably well filled last evening by persons wishing to hear the 84 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. above-named ladies "spout” about temperance. Seven-eighths of the audi- ence was composed of women, and there was noticeable an absence of all rank, fashion and wealth. The ladies proper of Utica don't seem desirous of giving countenance to the silly vagaries disseminated by these strong-minded women. We conceived a very unfavorable opinion of this Miss Anthony when she performed in this city on a former occasion, but we confess that, after listening attentively to her discourse last evening, we were inexpressibly dis- gusted with the impudence and impiety evinced in her lecture. Personally re- pulsive, she seems to be laboring under feelings of strong hatred towards male men, the effect, we presume, of jealousy and neglect. She spent some hour or so to show the evils endured by the mothers, wives and daughters of drunkards. She gravely announced that the evil is a great one, and that no remedy might hopefully be asked from licentious statesmen nor from ministers of the gos- pel, who are always well fed and clothed and don't care for oppressed women. Prominent among the remedies which she suggested for the evils which she alleges to exist, are complete enfranchisement of women, allowing them the run of the legislative halls, ballot-box, etc. With a degree of impiety which was both startling and disgusting, this shrewish maiden counseled the numer- ous wives and mothers present to separate from their husbands whenever they became intemperate, and particularly not to allow the said husbands to add another child to the family (probably no married advocate of woman's rights would have made this remark). Think of such advice given in public by one who claims to be a maiden lady! Miss Anthony may be a very respectable lady, but such conversation is cer- tainly not calculated to enhance public regard for her. . . . She an- nounced quite confidently that wives don't de facto love their husbands if they are dissipated. Everyday observation proves the utter falsity of this statement, and if there is one characteristic of the sex which more than an- other elevates and ennobles it, it is the persistency and intensity of woman's love for man. But what does Miss Anthony know of the thousand delights of married life; of the sweet stream of affection, of the golden ray of love which beams ever through life's ills? Bah! Of a like disgusting character was her advice to mothers about not using stimulants, even when prescribed by physicians, for the benefit of the young. What in the name of crying babies does Miss Anthony know about such matters ? In our humble judgment, it is by no means complimentary to wives and mothers to be found present at such discourses, encouraging such untruthful and pernicious advice. If Miss Anthony's ideas were practically applied in the relations of life, women would sink from the social elevation they now hold and become the mere appendages of men. Miss Anthony concluded with a flourish of trumpets, that the woman's rights question could not be put down, that women's souls were beginning to expand, etc., after which she gathered her short skirts about her tight pants, sat down and wiped her spectacles. A letter written to Miss Anthony by her father during this tour shows that even thus early he recognized the utter inabil- TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 85 ity of women to effect great reforms without a vote: “I see notices of your meetings in multitudes of papers, all, with a few exceptions, in a rejoicing mood that woman at last has taken hold in earnest to aid in the reformation of the mighty evils of the day. Yet with all this 'rejoicing' probably not one of these papers would advocate placing the ballot in the hands of woman as the easiest, quickest and most efficient way of enabling her to secure not only this but other reforms. They are willing she should talk and pray and 'flock by her- self' in conventions and tramp up and down the State, footsore and weary, gathering petitions to be spurned by legislatures, but not willing to invest her with the only power that would do speedy and efficient work." At this time interest in the study of phrenology was at its height and while Miss Anthony was in New York she had an examination made of her head by Nelson Sizer (with Fowler & Wells) who, blindfolded, gave the following character sketch: You have a finely organized constitution and a good degree of compactness and power. There is such a balance between the brain and the body that you are enabled to sustain mental effort with less exhaustion than most per- sons. You have an intensity of emotion and thought which makes your mind terse, sharp, spicy and clear. You always work with a will, a purpose and a straightforwardness of mental action. You seldom accomplish ends by indi- rect means or circuitous routes, but unfurl your banner, take your position and give fair warning of the course you intend to pursue. You are not nat- urally fond of combat, but when once fairly enlisted in a cause that has the sanction of your conscience and intellect, your firmness and ambition are such, combined with thoroughness and efficiency of disposition, that all you are in energy and talent is enlisted and concentrated in the one end in view. You are watchful but not timid, careful to have everything right and safe before you embark; but when times of difficulty and danger arrive, you meet them with coolness and intrepidity. You have more of the spirit of acquisi- tion than of economy; you would rather make new things than patch the old. Your continuity is not large enough. You find it at times difficult to bring the whole strength of your mind to bear upon a subject and hold it there patiently in writing or speaking. You are apt to seize upon fugitive thoughts and wander, unless it be a subject on which you have so drilled your intellect as to become master of it. You have a full development of the social group. I judge that in the main you have your father's character and talents and your mother's tempera- ment. You have the spirit of her nature, but the framework in the main is 86 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. like the father. You have large benevolence, not only in the direction of sympathy but of gratitude. You have frankness of character, even to sharp- ness, and you are obliged to bridle your tongue lest you speak more than is meet. You have mechanical ingenuity, the planning talent, and the minds of others are apt to be used as instruments to accomplish your objects. For instance, if you were a lawyer, you would arrange the testimony and the mode of argument in such a way that the best final result would be achieved. You judge correctly of the fitness and propriety, as well as of the power, of the means you have to be employed. You would plan a thing better than you could use the tools to make it. Your reasoning organs are gaining upon your perceptions. At fifteen your mind was devoted to facts and phenomena; of late years you have been thinking of principles and ideas. You are a keen critic, especially if you can put wit as a cracker on your whip; you can make people feel little and mean if they are so, and when you are vexed can say very sharp things. You are a good judge of character. You have a full development of lan- guage devoted rather to accuracy and definiteness of meaning than yolubility; and yet I doubt not you talk fast when excited-that belongs to your temper- ament. Your intellect is active and your mind more naturally runs in the channel of intellect than of feeling. It seeks an intellectual development rather than to be developed through the affections merely. You have fair veneration and spirituality but are nothing remarkable in these respects. Your chief religious elements are conscience and benevolence; these are your working religious organs, and a religion that does not gratify them is to you "as sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal.” Those who know Miss Anthony intimately will readily testify to the accuracy of this analysis. It seems remarkable in view of the fact that the examiner was in utter ignorance of the subject, and that, even if he had known her name, she had not, at the age of thirty-three, developed the character- istics which are now so familiar to the general public. On this trip Miss Anthony was invited to spend an evening with Mr. and Mrs. Greeley and met for the first time Charles A. Dana, Alice and Phoebe Cary, Elizabeth F. Ellet, with a number of other literary men and women of New York. Mr. Greeley himself opened the door for them and sent them hunt- ing through the house for a place to lay their wraps. After awhile Mrs. Greeley came down stairs with a baby in her arms. She had put her apron over its face and would not let the visitors look at it “because their magnetism might affect it unfavorably.” During the evening she rang a bell and a man-servant came in. After a few words with her he retired SUSAN B. ANTHONY. AT THE AGE OF 32, FROM A DAGUERREOTYPE. TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 87 and presently brought in a big dish of cake, one of cheese and a pile of plates, set them on the table and went out. There was a long pause and Mr. Greeley said, “Well, mother, shall I serve the cake?” “Yes, if you want to.” So he went over to the table, took a piece of cake and one of cheese in his fingers, putting them on a plate and carrying to each, until all were served. The guests nibbled at them as best they could and after a long time the man brought in a pitcher of lemonade and some glasses and left the room. Mr. Greeley again asked, "Well, mother, shall I serve the lemonade?” “Yes, if you want to," she replied, so he filled the glasses, carried to each separately, and then gathered them up one at a time, instead of all together on a waiter. Both Mr. and Mrs. Greeley were thoroughly cordial and hospitable, both intellectually great, but utterly without social graces. Yet the conversation at their receptions was so brilliant that the most elegantly served refreshments would have been an unwelcome interruption. At another time, when Miss Anthony was visiting them, she asked Mrs. Greeley if she would marry the same man again if she were single. "Yes,” said she, “if I wanted a worthy father for my children, but for personal comfort I should pre- fer one who did not put his feet where I fell over them every time I went into the room, who knew how to eat, when to go to bed and how to wear his clothes.” A World's Temperance Convention had been called to meet in New York September 6 and 7, 1853, and a preliminary meeting was held May 12 in Dr. Spring's old Brick Church on Franklin Square, where the Times building now stands. The call invited "all friends of temperance” to be present. After attending the Anti-Slavery Anniversary in New York, Miss Anthony and Emily Clark went as representatives of the New York Woman's Temperance Society, and Abby Kelly Foster and Lucy Stone were sent from Massachusetts. The meeting was organized with Hon. A. C. Barstow, mayor of Providence, chairman; Rev. R. C. Crampton, of New York, and Rev. George Duffield, of Pennsylvania, secretaries. It was opened with prayer, asking God's blessing on the proceedings about 88 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. to take place. A motion was made that all the gentlemen present be admitted as delegates. Dr. Trall, of New York City, moved that the word "ladies'' be inserted, as there were delegates present from the Woman's State Temperance Society. The motion was carried, their credentials received, and every man and woman present became members of the convention. A business committee of one from each State was appointed and a motion was made that Susan B. Anthony, secretary of the Woman's Temperance Society, be added to the committee. This opened the battle with the opposition and one angry and abusive speech followed another. Abby Kelly Foster, the elo- quent anti-slavery orator, tried to speak, but shouts of "order" drowned her voice and, after holding her position for ten min- utes, she finally was howled down. Almost the entire convention was composed of ministers of the Gospel. Hon. Bradford R. Wood, of Albany, moved that, as there was a party present determined to introduce the ques- tion of woman's rights and run it into the ground, the con- vention adjourn sine die. He finally was persuaded to with- draw this and substitute a motion that a committee be appointed to decide who were members of the convention, although this had been settled at the opening of the meeting by the accept- ing of credentials. This committee consisted of Mr. Wood, Rev. John Chambers, a Presbyterian clergyman of Philadel- phia, and Rev. Condit, of New Jersey. They were out fifteen minutes and reported that, as in their opinion the call for this meeting was not intended to include female delegates, and custom had not sanctioned the public action of women in similar situations, their credentials should be rejected. And this after they already had been accepted! Rev. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, pastor of the Unitarian church in Worcester, Mass., at once resigned from the business committee and withdrew from the meeting, as did also the women delegates and such gentlemen, including several min- isters, as thought the ladies had been unjustly treated. They met at Dr. Trall's office and decided to call a Whole World's Temperance Convention which should not exclude one-half the TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 89 world, and that the half which was doing the most effective work for temperance. After they left the Brick Church meeting there were many speeches made condemning the action of women in taking public part in any reforms, led by Rev. Fowler, of Utica, Rev. Hewitt, of Bridgeport, Conn., and Rev. Chambers. The last said he rejoiced that the women were gone, as they were “now rid of the scum of the convention.” Mayor Barstow, who had threatened to resign rather than put the motion that Miss Anthony should be on the business committee, made a speech which the press declared too indecent to be reported. It must be remembered that this entire discussion was founded on the mere proposal to place Miss Anthony on a committee of a temperance meeting. Horace Greeley handled these men with- out gloves in an article in the Tribune beginning: Rey. John! We have allowed you to be heard at full length; now you and your set will be silent and hear us. Very palpably your palaver about Mr. Higginson's motion is a dodge, a quirk, a most contemptible quibble, reluctant as we are to speak thus irreverently of the solemn utterances of a Doctor of Divinity. Right well do you know, reverend sir, that the particu- lar form or time or fashion in which the question came up is utterly imma- terial, and you interpose it only to throw dust in the eyes of the public. Suppose a woman had been nominated at the right time and in the right way, according to your understanding of punctilios, wouldn't the same resistance have been made and the same row got up ? You know right well that there would. Then what is all your pettifogging about technicalities worth? The only question that anybody cares a button about is this, “Shall woman be allowed to participate in your World's Temperance Convention on a footing of perfect equality with man?” If yea, the whole dispute turns on nothing, and isn't worth six lines in the Tribune. But if it was and is the purpose of those for whom you pettifog to keep woman off the platform of that conven- tion and deny her any part in its proceedings except as a spectator, what does all your talk about Higginson's untimeliness and the committee's amount to ? Why not treat the subject with some show of honesty ? The women and their friends held a grand rally in the Broadway Tabernacle the second day afterwards. Every foot of sitting and standing room was crowded, although there was an admission fee of a shilling. Miss Anthony presided and there was the strongest enthusiasm, but perfect order was 90 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. maintained. The following comment was made by the New York Commercial-Advertiser: THE BATTLE OF THE SEXES.—On Saturday evening the Broadway Taber- nacle reverberated with the shrill, defiant notes of Miss Lucy Stone and her “sisters," who have thrown down the gauntlet to the male friends of temper- ance and declared not literally “war to the knife” but conflict with tongues. .... Henceforth the women's rights ladies—including among them the misses, Lucy herself, Emily Clark, Susan B. Anthony, Antoinette Brown, some Harriets and Angelinas, Melissas and Hannahs, with a Fanny too (and more's the pity for it is a sweet name) and sundry matrons whose names are household words in newspapers—are to be in open hostility to the regularly constituted temperance agencies, under cover of association with whom they have contrived to augment their notoriety. The delegates at the Brick Church, who took the responsibility of knocking off these parasites, deserve the thanks of the temperance friends the Union through. .... Such associ- ations would mar any cause. Left to themselves such women must fall into contempt; they have used the temperance cause for a support long enough, and we are glad that the seeming alliance has been thus formally disowned by the temperance delegates. The New York Sun, Moses Beach, editor, said: The quiet duties of daughter, wife or mother are not congenial to those her- maphrodite spirits who thirst to win the title of champion of one sex and victor over the other. What is the love and submission of one manly heart to the woman whose ambition it is to sway the minds of multitudes as did a Demosthenes or a Cicero? What are the tender affections and childish prat- tle of the family circle, to women whose ears itch for the loud laugh and bois- terous cheer of the public assembly? .... Could a Christian man, cherishing a high regard for woman and for the pro- prieties of life feel that he was promoting woman's interests and the cause of temperance by being introduced to a temperance meeting by Miss Susan B. Anthony, her ungainly form rigged out in bloomer costume and provoking the thoughtless to laughter and ridicule by her very motions upon the plat- form ? Would he feel that he was honoring the women of his country by accepting as their representatives women whom they must and do despise ? Will any pretend to say that women, whose tongues have dishonored their God and their Savior, while uttering praise of infidels and infidel theories, are worthy to receive the suffrages of their Christian sisters? .... We were much pleased with the remark made a few days since by one of the most distinguished as well as refined and polished men of the day on this very subject: “What are the rights which women seek, and have not ?" said he; and answering his own question, he replied, “The right to do wrong! that alone is denied to them--that is the only right appropriated exclusively by men, and surely no true woman would seek to divide or participate in such a right." TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. The Organ, the New York temperance paper, had this to say: The harmony and pleasantness of the meeting were disturbed by an evi- dently preconcerted irruption of certain women, who have succeeded beyond doubt in acquiring notoriety, however much they may have failed in win- ning respect. The notorious Abby Kelly, the Miss Stone whose crusade against the Christian doctrine on the subject of marriage has shocked the better portion of society, and several other women in pantaloons were pres- ent insisting upon their right to share in the deliberations of the convention. We wish our friends abroad to understand that the breeze got up here is nothing but an attempt to ride the woman's rights theory into respectability on the back of Temperance. And what absurd, infidel and licentious follies are not packed up under the general head of woman's rights, it would puzzle any one to say. While, however, we approve the act excluding the women at the Brick Church, we feel bound to say that we regretted what seemed to us an unnecessary acerbity on the part of some of the gentlemen opposing them. What a load of extraneous, foolish and crooked people and things the temperance cause has been burdened with during the years of its prog- ress! To our mind this conspiracy of women to crush the cause by making it the bearer of their woman's rights absurdities, is the saddest of all the phenomena of the reform. The New York Courier, James Watson Webb, editor, gave its readers the following Sunday article: Anniversary week has the effect of bringing to New York many strange specimens of humanity, masculine and feminine. Antiquated and very homely females made themselves ridiculous by parading the streets in company with hen-pecked husbands, attenuated vegetarians, intemperate Abolitionists and sucking clergymen, who are afraid to say “no” to a strong-minded woman for fear of infringing upon her rights. Shameless as these females-we sup- pose they were females-looked, we should really have thought they would have blushed as they walked the streets to hear the half-suppressed laughter of their own sex and the remarks of men and boys. The Bloomers figured extensively in the anti-slavery amalgamation convention, and were rather looked up to, but their intemperate ideas would not be tolerated in the tem- perance meeting at the Brick Chapel. .... A scene of the utmost confusion prevailed and there was a perfect warfare of tongues; but, singular to say, the women were compelled to hold their tongues and depart, followed by a number of male Betties and subdued husbands, wearing the apparel of manhood, but in reality emasculated by strong-minded women. .... So the Bloomers put their credentials in their breeches pockets and assembled at Dr. Trall's Cold Water Institute, where the men and Bloomers all took a bath and a drink together. 92 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. These sentiments were echoed by the newspapers, great and small, of the entire country. Not a word in regard to "wo- men's rights” had been uttered at the Brick Church meeting except the right to have their credentials from regularly-organ- ized temperance societies accepted, and the same privileges as other delegates granted. The continual reference to the “war- fare of tongues” is rather amusing in face of the fact that no woman was allowed to speak and the talking was entirely mo- nopolized by men. Is it a matter of surprise that only a very limited number of women had the courage to ally themselves with a movement which called down upon them and their families such an avalanche of ridicule and condemnation? Miss Anthony, on reaching home, immediately began active preparations for the first annual meeting of the Woman's State Temperance Society, which was to be held in Rochester. As usual she wrote hundreds of letters, raised the money, printed and circulated the call, looked after the advertising, engaged the speakers and took the whole responsibility. The conven- tion assembled in Corinthian Hall, June 1, 1853, with a large attendance. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the president, after stat- ing that the society had over 2,000 members, and was in a most flourishing condition, said: It has been objected that we do not confine ourselves to the subject of tem- perance, but talk too much about woman's rights, divorce and the church. . . . We have been obliged to preach woman's rights because many, in- stead of listening to what we had to say on temperance, have questioned the right of woman to speak on any subject. In courts of justice and legislative assemblies, if the right of any person to be there is questioned, all business waits until that point is settled. Now, it is not settled in the minds of the masses that woman has any right to stand on an even pedestal with man, look him in the face as an equal and rebuke the sins of her day and genera- tion. Let it be clearly understood then that we are a Woman's Rights Soci- ety; that we believe it is woman's duty to speak whenever she feels the im- pression to do so; that it is her right to be present in all the councils of Church and State. Continuing, she took firm ground in favor of the right of a woman to be divorced from an habitual drunkard, a position which brought upon her a storm of censure from press, pulpit TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 93 and society. She was strongly supported, however, by the most prominent women of the day and received many letters of approval, among them one from Lucy Stone, saying: “On the divorce question, I am on your side, for the reason that drunkenness so depraves a man's system that he is not fit to be a father." Gerrit Smith wrote to the convention : I know not why it is not as much the duty of your sex as of mine to estab- lish newspapers, write books and hold public meetings for the promotion of the cause of temperance. The current idea that modesty should hold women back from such services is nonsense and wickedness. Female modesty ! fe- male delicacy! I would that I might never again hear such phrases. There is but one standard of modesty and delicacy for both men and women; and so long as different standards are tolerated, both sexes will be perverse and cor- rupt. ... The Quakers are the best people I have ever known, the most serious and chaste and yet the most brave and resisting; but there are no other people who are so little concerned lest women get out of their sphere. None make so little difference be- tween man and woman. Others appear to think that the happiness and safety of the world consist in magnify- ing the difference. But when reason and religion shall rule, there will be no differ- ence between man and woman, in respect to the intellect, the heart or the manners. refell سیمانی A stirring letter was sent by Neal Dow, expressing his great pleasure that women were taking active and decided measures for the suppression of intemperance, and closing: “It is ab- surd, therefore, to argue that the community has no power to control this great evil; that any citizen has the right to inflict it upon society, or that society should hesitate to exercise its right and power of self-protection against it.” Many other letters were read from friends, among them Abby Kelly Foster, who said to Miss Anthony: “So far as separate organizations for women's action in the temperance cause are concerned, I consider you the center and soul, without whom nothing could have been done heretofore and I doubt whether anything would be done now.” Strong addresses were made by Rev. Channing, Frederick Douglass, Lucy Stone, Mrs. Nichols, Antoinette Brown, Mrs. Bloomer and others. 94 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. When this association was formed a clause was placed in the constitution allowing men to become members and to speak in all meetings but making them ineligible to office. There were two reasons for this: it was de- sired to throw the full responsi- bility on woman, compelling her to learn to preside and to think, speak and act for her- self, which she never would do if men were present to perform these duties for her; and it was feared that, on account of long habit, men would soon take matters into their own hands and gain control of the society, possibly to the extent of forbidding women to speak at the meetings. Many of the ladies, however, objected to this clause, among them Antoinette Brown, who refused to join the society on account of it. So, yielding to the pressure, Mrs. Stanton, on this first anniver- sary, said “as this seemed to many a violation of men's rights, and as the women had now learned to stand alone, it might perhaps be safe to admit men to all the privileges of the society, hoping, however, that they would modestly permit woman to continue the work she had so successfully be- na Yours therefore, to argue Very Respectfully It is absend that this Community has no home to control this. great Eail, that any artesen has the night to flict it when society - or that society should hesitate to exercise its right and komen of self against it. protection gun." Miss Anthony, chairman of the committee on revising the TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 95 constitution, brought in a report in favor of admitting the men, which was vigorously discussed. Before the close of this meeting the serious mistake of such action was apparent. The men present monopolized the floor, tried to have the name changed to the People's League, insisted that the society should have nothing to do with any phase of woman's rights, and showed their hand so plainly that Miss Anthony at once took the alarm and in an indignant speech declared the men were trying to drive the women from their own society. There was a strong undercurrent of opposition to Mrs. Stan- ton on account of her radical views in regard to equal rights, divorce for drunkenness and the subjection of woman to Bible authority, but those opposing her being wholly inexperienced did not know how to prevent her re-election. As the majority of the men, for obvious reasons, agreed with them in wishing to get rid of Mrs. Stanton, they proceeded to teach them politi- cal tactics, got out a printed opposition ticket and defeated her for president by three votes. She was chosen vice-president but emphatically declined. Miss Anthony was almost unanimously re-elected secretary but refused to serve, stating that “the vote showed they would not accept the principle of woman's rights and, as she believed thoroughly in standing for the equality of woman, she could not act as officer of such a society; besides, Mrs. Vaughn, the newly elected president, had openly declared that 'principle must sometimes be sacrificed to expe- diency.' She herself would never admit this; her doctrine was, 'Do right, and leave the consequences with God.'” Frederick Douglass and a number of others urged her in the most earnest manner to remain, paying high tribute to her services and pointing out how much they were needed, but in vain. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton at once severed all connec- tion with the organization they had founded; it passed into the hands of a body of conservative women, who believed they could accomplish by prayer what these two knew never could be done except through legislation with a constituency of women behind it. The society had a precarious existence of 96 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. one or two years and finally went to pieces. There was not another strong, concerted movement of women in the cause of temperance for twenty years.? Miss Anthony, although a total abstainer all her life,was never again connected with a temper- ance organization. She has steadfastly held to the opinion that the vital work for women is to secure for themselves the ballot which, above all other agencies, will make them an effective power for dealing not only with this but with all moral questions. Relieved from her onerous duties in connection with the State society, she at once set about working up the Whole World's Temperance Convention in New York, for which she felt a personal responsibility. Many of those who had seceded from the Brick Church meeting, including Mr. Higginson himself, were beginning to doubt the propriety of holding a separate convention. Miss Anthony was strongly in favor of it and wrote Lucy Stone: We have not the slightest reason for supposing that we shall be received at the World's Convention to be held September 5. The same men that con- trolled the Brick Church meeting are to be the leading spirits there. Not one of them, so far as I can learn, has expressed a regret that the women-dele- gates were excluded last May; how then can we entertain a hope that they will act differently in September? We may pretend to go in good faith but there will be no faith in us. If it is not too late I beg of you to see that the call is issued and for the very day that the Old Fogies hold their convention. Lucy Stone agreed with her and, through their efforts, the committee were persuaded to send out the call. It was de- cided, however, to hold the meeting September 1 and 2, just before the other, and then, while the great crowds from all parts of the country were in the city, to have a regular Woman's Rights Convention on the same date as that of Rev. John Chambers et al. Miss Anthony received many cordial replies to her numerous letters, and some not so cordial. Samuel F. Cary wrote in his characteristic style: “You ask whether I will speak at a Whole World's Temperance Conven- tion to be held in New York during the World's Fair. You 1 The W. C. T. U. was organized in 1874 and the temperance work passed almost entirely into the hands of women. TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 97 will have observed that my humble name is signed to a call for such a convention at that time and place, together with Chancellor Walworth's and others of like distinction. Provi- dence favoring, it is my purpose to participate in the delibera- tions of that meeting and I see no sufficient reason for another convention having the same object in view." Possibly if Mr. Cary and "others of like distinction” had been refused per- mission to speak a word or even to serve on a committee, they might have been able to see "sufficient reason for another con- vention.” Horace Greeley sent the following: I may not be able to write you a long letter, as you request, but I will give you a little confidential advice. All I know on temperance (pretty nearly) I put into a tract which was long ago printed at the Organ office. . . . Now, as to tracts: Make it your first rule to Be Thorough. Most of our temper- ance tracts are too short and flimsy and not calculated to convince reasoning beings. Let each tract take up some one aspect of the question and exhaust it, none of your fly-away five or six pages but from twelve to thirty-two, the whole case presented in all its aspects and proyed up. Nothing less than this will do much good. Now as to church matters: The short and safe way is simply to set them aside. If those who have outgrown the church do not introduce the subject by treading on the old lady's corns, they can effectually resist all interposi- tion of shibboleths by the followers of Pusey in all sects. Do not make the reform movement a pretext for assaulting the church. In short, the whole question with regard to the woman's movement is best solved by those en- gaged in it going quietly and effectively on with their work. That will soonest stop the mouths of gainsayers. “It does move, though,” is the true answer to all cavils. I can't be at your convention, and Mrs. Greeley is overwhelmed with mov- ing and babies. I const be of your anoention and Ms. Creels is overobelmed with herine and Gobies. Yours, Honoce Ereclę ANT.--7 98 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. While Miss Anthony was thus engaged, the State Teachers' Convention was held in Corinthian Hall, Rochester, August 3, 1853, and true to her resolve made the year previous she put aside everything else in order to attend. According to the rules any one paying a dollar was entitled to all the rights and privileges of the convention; so she paid her dollar and took her seat. There were over 500 teachers in attendance, two-thirds at least being women. For two entire days Miss Anthony sat there, and during that time not a woman spoke; in all the deliberations there was not the slightest recognition of their presence, and they did not vote on any question, though all had paid the fee and were members of the associa- tion. In a letter describing the occasion Miss Anthony said: “My heart was filled with grief and indignation thus to see the minority, simply because they were men, presuming that in them was vested all wisdom and knowledge; that they needed no aid, no counsel from the majority. And what was most humiliating of all was to look into the faces of those women and see that by far the larger proportion were perfectly satisfied with the position assigned them.” Toward the close of the second day's session the subject un- der discussion was, “Why the profession of teacher is not as much respected as that of lawyer, doctor or minister?” After listening for several hours, Miss Anthony felt that the decisive moment had come and, rising in her seat, she said, "Mr. President." A bombshell would not have created greater com- motion. For the first time in all history a woman's voice was heard in a teachers' convention. Every neck was craned and a profound hush fell upon the assembly. Charles Davies, LL. D., author of Davies' text books and professor of mathe- matics at West Point, was president. In full-dress costume with buff vest, blue coat and brass buttons, he was the Great Mogul. At length recovering from the shock of being thus addressed by a woman, he leaned forward and asked with satir- ical politeness, “What will the lady have?” “I wish to speak to the question under discussion,” said Miss Anthony calmly, although her heart was beating a tattoo. Turning to the few TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 99 rows of men in front of him, for the women occupied the back seats, he inquired, “What is the pleasure of the convention?" "I move she shall be heard,” said one man; this was seconded by another, and thus was precipitated a debate which lasted half an hour, although she had precisely the same right to speak as any man who was taking part in the discussion. She stood during all this time, fearing to lose the floor if she sat down. At last a vote was taken, men only voting, and it was carried in the affirmative by a small majority. Miss An- thony then said: “It seems to me you fail to comprehend the cause of the disrespect of which you complain. Do you not see that so long as society says woman has not brains enough to be a doctor, lawyer or minister, but has plenty to be a teacher, every man of you who condescends to teach, tacitly admits before all Israel and the sun that he has no more brains than a woman?'?—and sat down. She had intended to draw the conclusion that the only way to place teaching upon a level with other professions was either to admit woman to them or exclude her from teaching, but her trembling limbs would sus- tain her no longer. The convention soon adjourned for the day and, as Miss Anthony went out of the hall, many of the women drew away from her and said audibly : “Did you ever see such a disgrace- ful performance?” “I never was so ashamed of my sex.” But a few of them gathered about her and said: “You have taught us our lesson and hereafter we propose to make our- selves heard." The next day, at the opening of the morning session, Presi- dent Davies, who had evidently spent the night in preparing the greatest effort of his life, arose in all his majesty and was delivered of the following: I have been asked why no provisions have been made for female lecturers before this association and why ladies are not appointed on committees. I will answer: "Behold this beautiful hall! Mark well the pilaster, its pedes- tal, its shaft, its rich entablature, the crowning glory of this superb architec- ture, the different parts, each in its appropriate place, contributing to the strength, beauty and symmetry of the whole! Could I aid in bringing down this splendid entablature from its proud elevation and trailing it in the dust and dirt that surround the pedestal? No, never!” 100 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. To quote further from Miss Anthony's letter: "Many of the ladies readjusted their ribbons and laces and looked at each other as much as to say, 'Beautiful, perfectly beautifull' But a few there were whose faces spoke scorn and utter con- tempt, and whose flashing eyes said: "Such flattery as this adds insult to injury upon those of us who, equally qualified with men, are toiling side by side with them for one-half the salary. And this solely because of our sex!'” The women had no desire to pull down the building, entablature and all, about the head of the magnificent Davies, but some of them were aroused to the injustice with which they had so long been treated. To the astonishment of the professor and his following, these resolutions were presented by Mrs. Northrop, a teacher in the Rochester schools: Resolved, That this association recognizes the right of female teachers to share in all the privileges and deliberations of this body. Resolved, That female teachers do not receive an adequate and suffi- cient compensation, and that, as salaries should be regulated only according to the amount of labor performed, this association will endeavor by judicious and efficient action to remove this existing evil." An attempt was made to smother them, and when Mrs. Northrop asked why they had not been read, the president blandly replied that he regretted they could not be reached but other order of business preceded them. Mrs. Northrop, having found her voice, proceeded to speak strongly on the discrimination made against women in the matter of salaries, and was ably supported by her sister, Mrs. J. R. Vosburg. J. D. Fanning, of New York, recording secretary, asked that the resolutions be read, which was done. Miss Anthony then made a forcible speech in their favor and they were passed unanimously, to the utter amazement and discomfiture of Presi- dent Davies. She went home well satisfied with her work, and completed preparations for the Whole World's Temperance Convention, which was held in New York, September 1 and 2. Her zeal is amusingly illustrated by her proposal to invite Victor Hugo and Harriet Martineau to speak. It was a splendid assem- TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 101 blage, addressed by the leading men and women of the day, the large hall packed at every session, the audience sitting hour after hour, orderly but full of earnestness and enthusiasm. The New York Tribune said of it: “This has been the most spirited and able meeting on behalf of temperance that ever was held.” The men's convention has a different record. New York, in the month of September, 1853, was in a whirlwind of ex- citement. The first World's Fair of the United States was in progress and people had gathered from all parts of this and other countries. In order to reach these crowds, many con- ventions had been called to meet in this city, among them the two Temperance, the Anti-Slavery and the Woman's Rights. The Whole World's Temperance and the Anti-Slavery closed just in time for the opening of the World's Temperance and the Woman's Rights meetings. Rev. Antoinette Brown was appointed a delegate from two different societies to the World's Temperance Convention and, although they had every reason to believe that no woman would be received, it was decided to make the attempt in order to show their willingness to co- operate with the men's associations in temperance work. Wendell Phillips accompanied her to Metropolitan Hall, where she handed her credentials to the secretary and, after they were passed upon, the president, Neal Dow, informed her that she was a member of the convention. Later, when she arose to speak to a motion, he invited her to the platform and then pandemonium broke loose. There were cries of “ order," vorder," hisses, shouts of “she shall not speak,”' and above all the voice of Rev. John Chambers, who, pointing his finger at her, cried over and over, “Shame on the woman!” Miss Brown stood an hour and a half on the platform, in the midst of this bedlam, not because she was anxious to speak, but to establish the principle that an accredited delegate to a world's convention should not be denied the right of speech on ac- count of sex; but she was finally compelled to leave the hall. Wm. Lloyd Garrison said: “I have seen many tumultuous meetings in my day, but on no occasion have I ever seen any- 102 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. thing more disgraceful to our common humanity.” Samuel F. Cary led in the opposition to Miss Brown, offering a reso- lution that “women be not allowed to speak," and afterwards declaring in his paper that he did it “ because she tried to force the question of woman's rights upon the convention.” To this Rev. William Henry Channing replied in a public address : “If any man says that, he lies. She stood there simply asking her privilege as a delegate.” The New York Tribune said: “This convention has completed three of its four business sessions and the results may be summed up as fol- lows: First day-Crowding a woman off the platform; second day—Gagging her; third day-Voting that she shall stay gagged. Having thus disposed of the main question, we pre- sume the incidentals will be finished this morning.” This was not an exaggerated statement, as practically noth- ing was done during the three days of the convention except to fight over the question of allowing Miss Brown, an accepted delegate, an ordained minister, a young, beautiful and modest woman, to stand upon their platform and speak on the subject of temperance. Miss Anthony was a witness to these proceed- ings, her Quaker blood rose to the boiling point and she regis- tered anew a solemn vow within herself that she never would relax her efforts for one single day, if it took a lifetime, until woman had the right of speech on every platform in the land. The mob which had begun with the anti-slavery and gath- ered strength at the temperance meeting, now turned its atten- tion to the Woman's Rights Convention in Broadway Tabernacle. The president was that lovely Quaker, Lucretia Mott, and the speakers were among the greatest men and women in the nation: Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Rev. Chan- ning, Rev. John Pierpont, Mrs. Rose, Lucy Stone, Frances D. Gage, Miss Brown, Mrs. Nichols. In Miss Anthony's address she reviewed the action of the recent teachers' convention at Rochester and closed by saying: “A woman principal in that city receives $250, while a man principal, doing exactly the same work, receives $650. In this State there are 11,000 teach- ers and of these four-fifths are women. By the reports it will TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. S103 be seen that of the annual State fund of $800,000, two-thirds are paid to men and one-third to women; that is to say, two-thirds are paid to one-fifth of the laborers, and the other four-fifths are paid with the remaining one-third of the fund !” This was the first appearance of Madame Mathilde Anneke, a high- ly-educated German of noble family, a political exile from Hungary, and a friend of Kossuth. That wonderful colored woman, Sojourner Truth, also was present. The resolutions were, in effect, that each human being should be the judge of his or her sphere and that human rights should be recognized.” There never were, there never will be, grander speeches than those which were made on this occa- sion, and yet the entire convention was in the hands of a mob. The women, as well as the men, were greeted with cries of "shut up," "sit down,” “get out," "bow-wow," "go it, Susan,” and their voices drowned with hisses and cat-calls. The uproar was indescribable, with shouting, yelling, screaming, bellowing, stamping and every species of noise that could be made. Hor- ace Greeley went down among the crowd and tried to quiet them. The police were appealed to in vain, and the meeting finally closed in the midst of tumult and confusion. The Tribune under the management of Greeley, and the Evening Post under that of William Cullen Bryant, condemned the rioters with the greatest severity, but the other leading dailies of New York sustained the mob spirit and made the ladies a target for ridicule and condemnation. After leaving New York, Miss Anthony went to the Fourth National Woman's Rights Convention at Cleveland, O., which was one of the largest and most enthusiastic that had been held. It was attended by many noted people, among them Hon. Joshua R. Giddings, always a consistent advocate of woman's rights, and the proceedings were marked with perfect order and propriety. Miss Anthony was continued at the head of the finance committee, as it was found that no one could raise so much money. The three weeks following she traveled through the southern counties in New York and spoke in a number of villages. A year before she had gone 104 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. over the same ground and organized woman's temperance so- cieties. She found that, with the exception of one at Elmira, none of these was in existence. The explanation in every in- stance was that they had no money to secure lecturers, or to do any practical work and, as all the members were wives and housekeepers, they were not in a position to earn any. Miss Anthony makes this entry in her journal : Thus as I passed from town to town was I made to feel the great evil of woman's utter dependence on man for the necessary means to aid reform movements. I never before took in so fully the grand idea of pecuniary in- dependence. Woman must have a purse of her own, and how can this be so long as the law denies to the wife all right to both the individual and the joint earnings ? Reflections like these convince me that there is no true freedom for woman without the possession of equal property rights, and that these can be obtained only through legislation. If this is so, then the sooner the demand is made, the sooner it will be granted. It must be done by petition, and this, too, of the very next legislature. How can the work be started ? We must hold a convention and adopt some plan of united action. With her, to think was always to act. She reached Rochester on the morning of election day, and went at once to the home of William and Mary Hallowell, that home whose doors never were closed to her, where for more than fifty years she was welcome day or night, where she always turned for advice, assistance and sympathy and ever found them in the fullest measure. She explained to them her idea of calling a meeting in Rochester for the specific purpose of starting a pe- tition for more extended property rights to women. They en- couraged the project, and she then turned toward her other Mecca, the home of Maria G. Porter. Three of the Porter sisters kept a private school in this city for thirty years, while the eldest, Maria, made a home for them and also took a select class of boarders. This was a literary center, she often invited Miss Anthony to meet her distinguished guests, and ever encour- aged and sustained her public work. Mr. Channing was boarding here, and when Miss Anthony unfolded her plan, he exclaimed, “ Capital ! Capital!" and at once prepared an elo- quent call for the convention. This meant for her the writing of letters to scores of influential people asking their signatures, TEMPERANCE AND TEACHERS' CONVENTIONS. 105 which were almost invariably given, and was followed by all the drudgery necessary for every meeting of this kind. The convention opened Nov. 30 at Corinthian Hall, Rev. May presiding and Rev. Channing the leading spirit. Two i food depe Z tohannux. forms of the petition were adopted, one for the just and equal rights of women in regard to wages and children; the other for the right of suffrage. Miss Anthony was appointed one of the lecturers, and also put in charge of the petitions. Sixty women began circulating these, and she herself canvassed her own city, lectured in a number of towns, and at the same time made arrangements for a State suffrage convention to be held in Albany February 14 and 15. At this time Parker Pillsbury wrote to Lydia Mott: Is there work down among you for Susan to do? Any shirt-making, cook- ing, clerking, preaching or teaching, indeed any honest work, just to keep her out of idleness! She seems strangely unemployed-almost expiring for some- thing to do, and I could not resist the inclination to appeal to you, as a person of particular leisure, that an effort be made in her behalf. At present she has only the Anti-Slavery cause for New York, the “Woman's Rights Movement” for the world, the Sunday evening lectures for Rochester and other lecturing of her own from Lake Erie to the “Old Man of Franconia mountains;" pri- vate cares and home affairs and the various et ceteras of womanity. These are about all so far as appears, to occupy her seven days of twenty-four hours each, as the weeks rain down to her from Eternal Skies. Do pity and pro- cure work for her if it be posşible ! CHAPTER VII. PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 1854. MONSIDERABLE space has been given to detailed accounts of these early conventions to illustrate the prejudice which existed against woman's speaking in public, and the martyrdom suffered * by the pioneers to secure the right of free speech for succeeding generations. From this time until the merging of all questions into the Civil War, such conventions were held every year, producing a great revolution of sentiment in the direction of an enlarged sphere for woman's activities and a modification of the legal and religious restraints that so long had held her in bondage. They have been fully described also in order to indicate some of the causes which operated in the development of the mind and character of Susan B. Anthony, transforming her by degrees from a, quiet, domestic Quaker maiden to a strong, courageous, uncompromising advocate of absolute equality of rights for woman. Brought into close association with the most advanced men and women of the age, seeing on every hand the injustice perpetrated against her sex and hearing the magnificent appeals for the liberty of every human being, her soul could not fail to respond; and having passed the age when women are apt to consecrate themselves to love and marriage, it was most natural that she should dedi- cate her services to the struggle for the freedom of woman. She did not realize then that this would reach through fifty years of exacting and unending toil, but even had she done so, who can doubt that she freely would have given up her life to the work? (107) 108 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. In the ten weeks before the State convention at Albany, 6,000 names were secured for the petition that married women should be entitled to the wages they earned and to the equal guardianship of their children, and 4,000 asking for the suf- frage. Miss Anthony herself trudged from house to house during that stormy winter, many of the women slamming the door in her face with the statement that they “had all the rights they wanted;" although at this time an employer was bound by law to pay the wife's wages to the husband, and the father had the power to apprentice young children without the mother's consent, and even to dispose of them by will at his death. One minister, in Rochester, after looking her over carefully, said: “Miss Anthony, you are too fine a physical specimen of woman to be doing such work as this. You ought to marry and have children.” Ignoring the insult, she re- plied in a dignified manner: “I think it a much wiser thing to secure for the thousands of mothers in this State the legal control of the children they now have, than to bring others into the world who would not belong to me after they were born." The State convention met in Association Hall, Albany, Feb- ruary 14, 1854. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, president, delivered a magnificent address which Miss Anthony had printed and laid upon the desk of every member of the Legislature; she also circulated 50,000 of these pamphlets throughout the State. The convention had been called for two days, but so great was the interest aroused and so popular were the speakers in at- tendance that evening meetings were held for two weeks; the questions under consideration were taken up by the news- papers of Albany and the discussion spread through the press of the State, finding able defenders as well as bitter opponents. A peculiar illustration of the uncertain disposition of an audience was here given. While in other places women had been prevented from speaking, now they would not hear any but women, and whenever Mr. Channing or Mr. May attempted to speak he was at once cried down in a good-natured but effective manner. The women were greatly distressed at this, PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 109 as these men had been their strongest allies, their leaders, their educators; but their appeals to the audience to listen to masculine eloquence were made in vain. The petitions with their 10,000 names were presented in the Assembly, and strongly advocated by Mr. Peters, and Mr. D. P. Wood, of Onondaga county, but vehemently opposed by Mr. Burnett, of Essex. In his speech against the petition asking only that married women might possess their own wages and have equal guardianship of their children, he said: I hope before even this motion is put, gentlemen will be allowed to reflect upon the important question whether these individuals deserve any consid- eration at the hands of the Legislature. Whatever may be their pretensions or their sincerity, they do not appear satisfied with having unsexed them- selves, but they desire to unsex every female in the land and to set the whole community ablaze with unhallowed fire. I trust, sir, the House may deliber- ate before we suffer them to cast their firebrand into our midst. True, as yet, there is nothing officially before us, but it is well known that the object of these unsexed women is to overthrow the most sacred of our institutions, to set at defiance the divine law which declares man and wife to be one, and establish on its ruins what will be in fact and in principle but a species of legalized adultery. It is, therefore, a matter of duty, a duty to ourselves, to our consciences, to our constituents and to God, who is the source of all law and of all obliga- tions, to reflect long and deliberately before we shall even seem to counte- nance a movement so unholy as this. Are we, sir, to give the least countenance to claims so preposterous, disgraceful and criminal as are embodied in this address? Are we to put the stamp of truth upon the libel here set forth, that men and women in the matrimonial relation are to be equal? We know that God created man as the representative of the race; that after his creation, his Creator took from his side the material for woman's creation; and that, by the institution of matrimony, woman was restored to the side of man, and they became one flesh and one being, he the head. . . . But we are now asked to have the ordinance of matrimony based on jeal- ousy and distrust; and, as in Italy, so in this country, should this mischievous scheme be carried out to its legitimate results, we, instead of reposing safe confidence against assaults upon our honor in the love and affection of our wives, shall find ourselves obliged to close the approaches to those assaults by the padlock. The petitions were referred to a select committee of the Sen- ate and the Assembly, which Miss Anthony addressed. The Albany Argus reported her speech as follows: Miss Anthony said that she appeared on behalf of the signers of the peti- 110 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tions and tendered to the Legislature thanks for the courteous manner in which they had been received. They asked that husband and wife should be tenants in common of property, but with a partition upon the death of one; that a wife should be competent to discharge trusts and powers, the same as a single woman; that the statute in respect to married women's property should be made effectual, and the wife's property descend as though she had been unmarried; that married women should be entitled to execute letters testamentary and of administration; that they should have power to make contracts and transact business; that they should be entitled to their own earnings, subject to their proportionate liability for support of children; that post nuptial acquisitions should belong equally to husband and wife; that married women should stand on the same footing with single as parties or witnesses in legal proceedings; that they should be equal -guardians of their minor children; that the homestead should be inviolable and inalienable for widows and their children; that laws in relation to divorce should be revised, and habitual drunkenness be made cause of absolute divorce; that the prefer- ence of males in descent of real estate should be abolished; that women should exercise the right of suffrage, be eligible to all offices, occupations and professions, entitled to act as jurors, eligible to employment in public offices; that a law should be passed extending the masculine designation in all stat- utes to females. The committee, James L. Angle, of Monroe county, chair- man, presented a dignified and respectful report, denying the petition for suffrage but recommending that the laws be so changed as to allow the wife to collect and control her own earnings if the family were neglected by the husband, and to require the written consent of the mother to the apprentice- ship of her children. The Legislature, however, refused to pass such a bill, as did all succeeding Legislatures until 1860. There was nothing but to go to work again, for Miss Anthony and her co-laborers were determined not to relax their efforts until the obnoxious laws against women were repealed. It was at this rallying of the forces and renewing of the attack that Mr. Channing declared Miss Anthony to be “the Napoleon of the movement,'' a title so appropriate that it has clung to her to the present day. She had now thoroughly systematized the work in New York and was appointed general agent. It was decided to hold a series of conventions throughout the state for the purpose of rolling up mammoth petitions to pre- sent to the Legislature every session until they should be granted. Two strong appeals, one written by Mrs. Stanton and one by Mr. Channing, were widely circulated and a large PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 111 corps of able speakers was engaged. All this work the State committee assigned to Miss Anthony, but did not provide her with one dollar to pay expenses. For many years thereafter she canvassed the State annually; held meetings, organized societies and secured thousands of signatures, without any guaranteed fund. Not only did she give all her time and perform far greater labor than any other person engaged in this movement, but she also took the whole financial responsibility. The anxiety of this hardly can be imagined, but she was seldom discouraged, never daunted. Her father had repaid the few hundred dollars she had loaned him from her slender earnings as teacher in the days of his adversity, and these she used freely without expectation of re- placing them. She never hesitated because she had not money but went boldly forward, trusting to collections and contributions to pay expenses. Sometimes she came out even, sometimes behind. In the latter case she sent at once to her father who supplied the necessary funds, which were repaid when there was a surplus. Had she waited to have the money in hand, had she feared to take the chances, her work never would have been done; and unless some one else had been developed who could and would assume the risk and manage the business part of the State campaigns, the progress of woman, slow as it has been, would have been still longer delayed. The one ruling characteristic of her life ever has been courage, moral and physical. There never have been hardships which she feared to endure, never scorn, ridicule or abuse which she did not dare face. While she might have risen to a high position and commanded a large salary as teacher, or have lived at home in restful comfort, she volun- tarily chose the hardest field of work the world offered, one shadowed with obloquy, holding out no prospect of money or fame and no hope of success except through long and bitter conflict. Soon after the Albany convention Lucy Stone wrote: “God bless you, Susan dear, for the brave heart that will work on even in the midst of discouragement and lack of helpers. Everywhere I am telling people what your State is doing, and 112 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. nooside it is worth a great deal to the cause. The example of positive action is what we need. . . . Does not Channing deserve the blessing of all the race for his fidelity to the cause of women? I believe he understands better than any others, un- less it be Higginson and Phillips, just what we need. Give my love and best wishes to the household of faith." Channing, when she wanted him to preside preside " Leidy Atones. at a meeting, answered face- tiously: “Napoleon will not be surprised that a corporal of an awkward squad hesitates to appear in command where the general-in-chief is present.” It was at the close of this Albany convention that Miss An- thony decided to abandon the Bloomer costume. The subject had been occupying her sleeping and waking hours for some time, and it was only after a long and agonizing struggle that she persuaded herself to take the step. In order to show how very serious a question this had been with the women, it will be necessary to go into a somewhat detailed account of this first movement toward dress reform. The costume consisted of a short skirt and a pair of Turkish trousers gathered at the ankle or hanging straight, and was made of ordinary dress materials. It was first introduced at the various "water cures” to relieve sick and delicate women, often rendered so by their unhealthful mode of dress, and was strongly recommended in the "water cure” journals. When women began to go into public work, they could not fail to recognize the disadvantages of the unyielding corsets, heavy, quilted and stiffly-starched petticoats, five or six worn at one time to hold out the long, voluminous dress skirts; and to feel that to be consistent they must give freedom to the body. The proprietors of the "water cures” were, for the most part, in touch with all reform movements and their hospitality was freely extended to those engaged in them. In this way the women had an opportunity to see the comfort which the patients enjoyed in their loose, short garments, and began to ask why they also should not adopt what seemed to them a rational dress, PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 113 Hon. Gerrit Smith, of Peterboro, N. Y., the wealthy and influential reformer and philanthropist, became an earnest advocate of this costume, and his daughter, Elizabeth Smith Miller, a beautiful and fashionable woman, was the first to. put it on. In Washington she wore it, made of the most ele- gant materials, during all her father's term in Congress. She was soon followed by his cousin, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and with this social sanction it was adopted in 1851 and '52 by a small number, including Lucy Stone, Amelia Bloomer, Dr. Harriet Austin, Celia Burleigh, Charlotte Wilbour, the Grimké sisters, probably less than one hundred in the whole country. In order to be entirely relieved from the care of personal adornment, they also cut off their hair. Miss Anthony was the very last to adopt the style. In May, 1852, she wrote Lucy Stone that Mrs. Stanton had offered to make her a present of the costume, but she would not wear it. In Decem- ber she wrote again, dating her letter from Mrs. Stanton's nursery, “Well, at last I am in short skirt and trousers!” At this time she also sacrificed her abundant brown tresses. The world was not ready for this innovation. There were no gymnasiums or bicycles to plead for the appropriateness of the costume and it was worn chiefly by women who preached doctrines for which the public was no better prepared than for dress reform. The outcry against it extended from one end of the country to the other; the press howled in derision, the pulpit hurled its anathemas and the rabble took up the refrain. On the streets of the larger cities the women were followed by mobs of men and boys, who jeered and yelled and did not hesitate to express their disapproval by throwing sticks and stones and giving three cheers and a tiger ending in the loudest of groans. Sometimes these demonstrations became so violent At the top of their voices they shouted such doggerel as this: "Heigh ho, And this: Thro' sleet and snow, “Gibbery, gibbery gab, Mrs. Bloomer's all the go. The women had a confab Twenty tailors take the stitches, And demanded the rights Plenty of women wear the breeches, To wear the tights. Heigh ho, Gibbery, gibbery gab." Carrion crow!" ANT.—8 114" LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. that the women were obliged to seek refuge in a store and, after the mob had grown tired of waiting and dispersed, they would slip out of the back door and find their way home through the alleys. Their husbands and children refused to be seen with them in public, and they were wholly ostracized by other women. Mrs. Bloomer was at this time publishing a paper called the Lily, which was the organ for the reforms of the day. Its columns were freely used to advocate the short dress, the paper thus became the target of attack and, because the costume had no distinctive name, it was christened with that of the editor, much to her grief. Later a substitute for the trousers was adopted, consisting of high shoes with but- toned gaiters fitting in the tops and extending up over the leg, and an effort was made to change the name to the “American costume,” but the people would not have it and “Bloomer's it will remain for all time. An extract from one of her un- published letters will show how all the women felt on this sub- ject. After protesting against connecting it with the question of woman's rights, she says: It is only one of our rights to dress comfortably. Many have put on the short dress who have never taken any part in the woman's rights movement and who have no idea they are going to be any less womanly by such a change. I feel no more like a man now than I did in long skirts, unless it be that enjoying more freedom and cutting off the fetters is to be like a man. I suppose in that respect we are more mannish, for we know that in dress, as in all things else, we have been and are slaves, while man in dress and all things else is free, I admit that we have got on the pantaloons,” but I deny that put- ting them on is going to make us any the less womanly or any the more mascu- line and immodest. On the contrary, I feel that if all of us were less slaves to fashion we would be nobler women, for both our bodies and minds are now rendered weak and useless from the unhealthy and barbarous style of dress adopted, and from the time and thought bestowed in making it attractive. A change is demanded and if I have been the means of calling the attention of the public to it and of leading only a few to disregard old customs and for once to think and act for themselves, I shall not trouble myself about the false im- putations that may be cast upon me. Amelin. Below Mrs. Bloomer wore the costume eight years, but very few held out one-fourth of that time. With the exception of Gerrit PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 115 Smith, all the prominent men, Garrison, Phillips, Channing, May, were bitterly opposed to the short dress and tried to dis- suade the women from wearing it by every argument in their power. The costume, however, was adopted as a matter of principle, and for it they suffered a martyrdom which would have made burning at the stake seem comfortable. It requires far more heroism to bear jibes and jeers for one's personal ap- pearance than for one's opinions. No pen can describe what these women endured for the two or three years in which they tried to establish this principle, through such sacrifices as only a woman can understand. So long as they were upheld by the belief that they were giving strength to the cause they loved, they bravely submitted to the persecution, but when they real- ized that they were injuring instead of helping it, endurance reached its limit. Mrs. Stanton was the first to capitulate, and as she had tried to induce the others to wear the costume so she endeavored to persuade them to abandon it. She wrote to Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone: “I know what you must suffer in consenting to bow again to the tyranny of fashion, but I know also what you suffer among fashionable people in wearing the short dress; and so, not for the sake of the cause, nor for any sake but your own, take it off! We put it on for greater free- dom, but what is physical freedom compared with mental bondage ?” In agony of spirit as to whether the cause was helped or hindered by wearing it, and ready to put aside all personal feeling in the matter, Miss Anthony appealed to Lucy Stone, who answered : Now, Susan, it is all fudge for anybody to pretend that a cause which deserves to live is impeded by the length of your skirt. I know, from having tried through half the Union, that audiences listen and assent just as well to one who speaks truth in a short as in a long dress; but I am annoyed to death by people who recognize me by my clothes, and when I travel get a seat by me and bore me for a whole day with the stupidest stuff in the world. Then again, when I go to each new city a horde of boys pursue me and destroy all comfort. I have bought a nice new dress, which I have had a month, and it is not made because I can't decide whether to make it long or short. Not that I think any cause will suffer, but simply to save myself a great deal of annoyance and not feel when I am a guest in a family that they are mortified if other persons happen to come in. I was at Lucretia Mott's a few weeks 116 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ago, and her daughters took up a regular labor with me to make me abandon the dress. They said they would not go in the street with me, and when Grace Greenwood called and others like her, I think it would have been a real relief to them if I had not been there. James and Lucretia defended me bravely. This was received by Miss Anthony while at the Albany convention, and she wrote: Your letter caused a bursting of the floods, long pent up, and after a good cry I went straight to Mrs. Stanton and read it to her. She has had a most bitter experience in the short dress, and says she now feels a mental freedom among her friends that she has not known for two years past. If Lucy Stone, with all her power of eloquence, her loveliness of character, who wins all that hear the sound of her voice, can not bear the martyrdom of the dress, who can? Mrs. Stanton's parting words were, “Let the hem out of your dress to-day, before to-morrow night's meeting.” I have not obeyed her but have been in the streets and printing offices all day long, had rude, vulgar men stare me out of countenance and heard them say as I opened the door, “There comes my Bloomer!” O, hated name! I have been compelled to attend to all the business here, as at Rochester. There every one knew me, knew my father and brother, and treated me accordingly, but here I am known only as one of the women who ape men-coarse brutal men! Oh, I can not, can not bear it any longer. To this Lucy Stone replied: I am sure you are all worn out or you would not feel so intensely about the dress. I never shed a tear over it in my life or came within a thousand ages of martyrdom on account of it; and to be compelled to travel in rain and snow, mud and dirt, in a long dress would cost me more in every respect than the short dress ever did. I don't think I can abandon it, but I will have two skirts. I have this feeling: Women are in bondage; their clothes are a great hindrance to their engaging in any business which will make them pecu- niarily independent, and since the soul of womanhood never can be queenly and noble so long as it must beg bread for its body, is it not better, even at the expense of a vast deal of annoyance, that they whose lives deserve respect and are greater than their garments should give an example by which woman may more easily work out her own emancipation ? .... It is a part of the "mint, anise and cumin,” and the weightier matters of justice and truth occupy my thoughts more. She did abandon the costume, however, before the year was ended, as did most of the others. The establishment of gymnasiums and the encouragement of athletic sports among women eventually made a short dress an acknowledged neces- PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 117 sity, and the advent of the bicycle so thoroughly swept away the old prejudice that the word "Bloomers” no longer strikes terror to the heart, nor does the wearing of a short skirt ostra- cise a woman and destroy her good works. Miss Anthony wore hers a little over a year. It was not very different from the bicycle dress of the present day, the skirt reaching almost to the shoe tops and made of satin or heavy merino, and yet for years afterwards she was described as attending meetings in "the regulation bombazine Bloomers,'' and it was impossi- ble to convince people to the contrary until they had seen her with their own eyes. She herself said in regard to it: "I felt the need of some such garments because I was obliged to be out every day in all kinds of weather, and also because I saw women ruined in health by tight lacing and the weight of their clothing; and I hoped to help establish the principle of rational dress. I found it a physical comfort but a mental crucifixion. It was an intellectual slavery; one never could get rid of thinking of herself, and the important thing is to forget self. The attention of my audience was fixed upon my clothes instead of my words. I learned the lesson then that to be successful a person must attempt but one reform. By urging two, both are injured, as the average mind can grasp and assimilate but one idea at a time. I have felt ever since that experience that if I wished my hearers to consider the suffrage question I must not present the temperance, the religious, the dress, or any other besides, but must confine myself to suffrage.” With the exception of that one year, Miss Anthony always has been particular to follow, in a modi- fied and conservative form, the prevailing styles, and has fought strenuously the repeated efforts to graft any kind of dress reform on the suffrage movement. In March, 1854, after getting back into long skirts, Miss Anthony decided to go to Washington with Mrs. Rose, and see how the propaganda of equal rights would be received at the capital of the nation. This was her first visit to that city and she enjoyed it, but the meetings were not a financial suc- cess. Great prejudice existed against Mrs. Rose on account 118 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of her alleged infidelity, there was no interest in the question of woman's rights, and Washington was not a good field for lectures of any sort, Congress furnishing all the oratory for which the public cared. The papers were kind about publish- ing notices, but with the exception of the Star, gave no reports. Chaplain Milburn refused to let them have the Representative chamber for a Sunday lecture, “because Mrs. Rose was not a member of any church.” Miss Anthony replied that “our country stood for religious as well as civil liberty.” He acknowledged the truth of this but still refused the use of the room. Then they applied to Professor Henry for permission to speak in the hall of the Smithsonian Insti- tute, and he told them that "it was necessary to avoid the discussion of any exciting questions there, and it would dis- turb the harmony of feeling for a woman to speak, so he hoped they would not ask permission of the board of regents." They had several good audiences, however, while in the city, made many warm friends and were handsomely entertained at the home of Gerrit Smith, then in Congress. They went to Alexandria and to Baltimore, where they had much better houses, but everywhere were warned not to touch on the question of slavery. Miss Anthony was terribly dis- gusted with the general shiftlessness she saw about the hotels and boarding-houses, and was in a state of pent-up indignation to see on every hand the evils of slavery and not be allowed to lift her voice against them, but later writes in her journal: "This noon I ate my dinner without once asking myself, 'Are these human beings who minister to my wants slaves who can be bought and sold ?' Yes, even I am growing accustomed to slavery; so much so that I cease to think of its accursed influ- ence and calmly eat from the hands of the bondman without being mindful that he is such. O, Slavery, hateful thing that thou art thus to blunt the keen edge of conscience !” The landlord failing to have her called in time for the train, she complains: There is no promptness, no order, no system down here. The institution of slavery is as ruinous to the white man as to the black . . . . Three northern servants, engineered by a Yankee boarding-house keeper, would do PETITIONS-BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 119 more work than a dozen of these slaves. The free blacks, who receive wages, do no more than the others. Such is the effect of slavery upon labor. I can understand why northern men make the most exacting overseers; they require an amount of work from the slave equal to what they would from the paid white laborer of the north. From Baltimore Miss Anthony went to Philadelphia, where she found herself among friends, and as wherever two or three were gathered together in those days they always decided to hold a woman's rights meeting, James Mott sallied forth to arrange for one in the Quaker city, and she comments in her diary: “O, how good it seems to have some one take the burden off my shoulders!” They visited, made excursions, attended anti-slavery meetings and also spiritual seances, which were then attracting great attention. Of the many dis- cussions which arose as to existence or non-existence after death, she writes: “The negative had reason on their side; not an argument could one of us bring, except an intuitive feeling that we should not cease to exist. If it be true that we die like the flower, what a delusion has the race suffered, what a vain dream is life!”. Miss Anthony went from here to New York, Brooklyn and Albany, and then to her old home at Battenville, stopping with relatives and friends at each place and speaking in the interest of the petitions. An example of the courage required to go into a strange town and arrange for a meeting may be given by an extract from one of many similar letters : I speak in this village to-morrow night; had written a gentleman but he was away, so I had all the work to do myself. I first called on the Methodist minister to get his church. I stated my business and he asked: “What are you driving at ? Do you want to vote and be President?” I answered that I did not personally aspire to the presidency, but when the nation decided a woman was most competent for that office, I would be willing she should fill it. “Well,” said he, “if the Bible teaches anything, it is that women should be quiet keepers at home and not go gadding round the country;” and much more. In all my traveling, in short or long skirts, I have never been treated so contemptuously, so insultingly, as by this same wretch of a minister. He is void of the first spark of reverence for humanity, therefore must be equally so for God. Just now his pious church bell is ringing for prayer-meeting; I have half a mind to go, to see if he warns his flock to beware of my heresies. From him I went to the Wesleyan Methodist minister, and what a contrast! He thought I wanted the church for to-night and said: “We have our 120 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. prayer-meeting, but will adjourn it for you.” This kindness made me so weak, the tears came in spite of me, and I explained the rowdy treatment of the other minister. I have had a varied experience ever since I left Easton. Verily, I am embarked in an unpopular cause and must be content to row up stream. In May she went to the great Anti-Slavery Anniversary in New York. In August she attended the State Teachers' Con- vention at Oswego. Victor M. Rice, of Buffalo, was president and accorded her every courtesy and encouragement. The question of woman's right to speak had been settled at the Rochester convention the previous year and never again was disputed, so she turned her attention to the right of women to hold office in the association and to fill the position of princi- pal in the public schools, which called forth vigorous discus- sion. She secured the election of a woman as one of the vice- presidents. The Oswego press declared: “Miss Anthony made the speech of the convention; in grace of oratory and in spirit and style of thought it fully vindicated her claim to woman's right to speak in public. Her arguments were good, her speaking talents of the first order, and we hope that when men answer such pleas as she made, they will do it in a manly and generous spirit.” She saw at this time that a Temperance and also an Anti- Nebraska Convention were to be held this month at Saratoga Springs, and at once conceived the idea of calling a woman's rights meeting for the same week. The time was short but she wrote urgent letters to Lucy Stone, Antoinette Brown, Ernestine Rose and Lucretia Mott. At the appointed time, every one failed to come. Each, supposing all the rest would be there, had allowed some other duty to keep her away. The meeting had been advertised and Miss Anthony was in despair. Judge William Hay, of Saratoga, always her faithful friend, had made the arrangements and he encouraged her to go ahead. In those days she had no faith in herself as a speaker. She was accustomed to raise the money, marshal the forces, then take the onerous position of secretary and let the orators come in and carry off all the glory. She spoke only when there was nobody else who could or would do so. In the pre- sent emergency she could utilize her one written speech and PETITIONS—BLOOMERS-LECTURES. 121 she was fortunate enough to find at the hotel Matilda Joslyn Gage and Sarah Pellet, a graduate of Oberlin, who consented to help her out. St. Nicholas Hall was crowded at both ses- sions. Twenty-five cents admission was charged, many tracts were sold, she paid all expenses, gave each of her speakers $10 and had a small balance left. She needed it, for while at Saratoga her purse had been stolen with $15, all she possessed. In 1854 the Missouri Compromise had been repealed, trouble in Kansas had reached its height, the Know Nothing party was at its zenith, the Whigs were demoralized and the Free Soilers were gaining the ascendency. This anti-Nebraska meeting at Saratoga may be said to have witnessed the birth of the Republican party. It possessed an additional interest for Miss Anthony, who attended all its sessions, from the fact that her brother, Daniel R., made on this occasion his first political speech. He had just returned from Kansas and could describe from personal observation the outrages perpe- trated in that unhappy territory. After leaving Saratoga, Miss Anthony spoke in many places on the way to Rochester, among them Canajoharie, the scene of her last teaching. Her experience here is described in a letter home: The trustees of the Methodist church said I could have it for my meeting, but the minister protested and put the key into his saintly pocket. Brown Stafford said to him, “Keep that key, if you dare! I guess Uncle Read and Uncle John Stafford and I have done enough to build and sustain that church to warrant us in having our say about it full as much as you, sir;” and he was compelled to give up the key. Uncle Read went to aunt and said: “I have not thought of going to an evening meeting in a long time, but I will go tonight if it kills me.” So they went, also the very best of the folks from both sides of the river, and I seldom have spoken better. Uncle seemed very much pleased, and when Aunt Mary and the trustees urged me to take the school again, he said: “No, some one ought to go around and set the people thinking about the laws and it is Susan's work to do this.” Miss Anthony reached home, October 1, after seven months' constant travel and hard work, and on the 17th went to the National Woman's Rights Convention at Philadelphia and gave the report for New York. It was through her determined efforts, overcoming the objection that she was an atheist and declaring that every religion or none should have an equal right on their platform, that Mrs. Rose was made president. 122 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. She met here for the first time Anna and Adeline Thomson, Sarah Pugh and Mary Grew, and was the guest of James and Lucretia Mott, who entertained twenty-four visitors in their hospitable house during all the convention. This is the quaint invitation sent her by Mrs. Mott: “ It will give us pleasure to have thy company at 338 Arch street, where we hope thou wilt make thy home. We shall of course be crowded, but we ex- pect thee and shall prepare accordingly. We think such as thyself, devoted to good causes, should not have to seek a home.” Wm. Lloyd Garrison sat at her right hand at table and Miss Anthony at her left. At the conclusion of each meal she had brought in to her a little cedar tub filled with hot water and washed the silver, glass and fine china, Miss Anthony drying them with the whitest of towels, while the brilliant conversation at the table went on uninterrupted. At the close of 1854, Miss Anthony decided to make a thorough canvass of every county in New York in the interest of the petitions to the Legislature, a thing no woman ever had dreamed of doing. Most of the papers responded cordially to her request that they publish her notices. Mr. Greeley wrote: "I have your letter and your programme, friend Susan. I will publish the latter in all our editions, but return your dollars. To charge you full price would be too hard and I prefer not to take anything." As she had not a dollar of surplus left from her year's work she went in debt, with her father as security, for the hand-bills which she had printed to announce her meetings. These were folded and addressed by her brother Merritt and a young relative, Mary Luther, his future wife, and under the direction of her father were sent two weeks in advance to sheriff and postmaster, accompanied by a letter from Miss Anthony requesting that they be put up in a con- spicuous place. She then wrote Wendell Phillips asking if any funds were available from the Philadelphia convention, and he replied “no,” but sent a personal check for $50. With this money in her pocket, and without the promise of another dollar, she started out alone, at the beginning of winter, to canvass the great State of New York. CHAPTER VIII. FIRST COUNTY CANVASS-THE WATER CURE. 1855. ISS ANTHONY left home on Christmas Day, 1854, and held her first meeting at Mayville, Chautau- qua Co., the afternoon and evening of the 26th. On her expense account is the item : “56 cents for four pounds of candles to light the court- house.” The weather was cold and damp and the audiences small, although people were present from eight towns, attracted by curiosity to hear a woman. At the evening session a “York shilling” admittance fee was charged. At Sherman, the next evening, there was a large audience and the diary says: “I never saw more enthusiasm on the subject; even the ortho- dox churches vied with each other as to which should open its doors.” The plan adopted was to hold these meeting every other day, allowing for the journey from place to place ; but whenever distances would permit, one was held on the intervening day. Occasionally Miss Anthony had the assistance of another speaker, but more than half the meetings were conducted with the little local help she could secure. In the afternoon she would read half of her one and only speech and try to form a society, but there was scarcely a woman to be found who would accept the presidency. In the evening she would read the other half, sell as many tracts as possible and secure names to the petitions. In almost every instance she found the sheriff had put up her posters, inserted notices in the papers, had them read in the churches and prepared the courthouse for her. (123) 124 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. From only one of the sixty counties did she receive an insult- ing reply to her letters, and this was from Schoharie. The postmasters also pasted her hand-bills in a conspicuous place, and they were a source of much amusement and comment. Most of the towns never had been visited by a woman speaker, and wagon-loads of people would come from miles around to see the novelty. The audiences were cold but respectful and, as a rule, she was treated decently by the county papers. Occasionally a smart editor would get off the joke about her rela- tionship to Mark Antony, which even then had become thread- bare, and invariably the articles would begin, “ While we do not agree with the theories which the lady advocates.” Most of them, however, paid high tribute to her ability as a speaker and to the clearness, logic and force of her arguments. A quo- tation from the Rondout Courier will illustrate : At the appointed hour a lady, unattended and unheralded, quietly glided in and ascended the platform. She was as easy and self-possessed as a lady should always be when performing a plain duty, even under 600 curious eyes. Her situation would have been trying to a non-self-reliant woman, for there was no volunteer co-operator. The custodian of the hall, with his stereo- typed stupidity, had dumped some tracts and papers on the platform. The unfriended Miss Anthony gathered them up composedly, placed them on a table disposedly, put her decorous shawl on one chair and a very exemplary bonnet on another, sat a moment, smoothed her hair discreetly, and then deliberately walked to the table and addressed the audience. She wore a becoming black silk dress, gracefully draped and made with a basque waist. She appears to be somewhere about the confines of the fourth luster in age, of pleasing rather than pretty features, decidedly expressive countenance, rich brown hair very effectively and not at all elaborately arranged, neither too tall nor too short, too plump nor too thin-in brief one of those juste milieu persons, the perfection of common sense physically exhibited. Miss Anthony's oratory is in keeping with all her belongings, her voice well modulated and musical, her enunciation distinct, her style earnest and im- pressive, her language pure and unexaggerated. Judging from other friendly notices this must be an accur- ate description of Miss Anthony at the age of thirty-five. The experiment of a woman on the platform was too new, however, and the doctrines she advocated too unpopular for it to be pos- sible that she should receive fair treatment generally, and there were few papers which described her in as unprejudiced FIRST COUNTY CANVASS—THE WATER CURE. 125 a manner as the one quoted. A letter from her father during this trip said: “Would it not be wise to preserve the many and amusing observations by the different papers, that years hence, in your more solitary moments, you and maybe your children can look over the views of both the friends and op- ponents of the cause?” This was the beginning of the scrap books carefully kept up for nearly half a century. I The journal for that year gives a detailed account of the hardships of this winter, one of the coldest and snowiest on record. Many towns were off the railroad and could be reached only by sleigh. After a long ride she would be put for the night into a room without a fire, and in the morning would have to break the ice in the pitcher to take that sponge bath from head to foot which she never omitted. All that she hoped from a financial standpoint was to pay the expenses of the trip, and had she desired fame or honor, she would not have sought it in these remote villages. The diary relates : At Olean, not a church or schoolhouse could be obtained for the lecture and it would have had to be abandoned had not the landlord, Mr. Comstock, given the use of his dining-room.... At Angelica, nine towns represented; crowded house, courtroom carpeted with sawdust. A young Methodist minister gave his name for the petition, but one of his wealthy parishioners told him he should leave the church unless it was withdrawn. . At Corning, none of the ministers would give the notice of our meeting, which so incensed some of the men that they went to the printing office, struck off handbills and had boys standing at the door of the churches as the people passed out. Who was responsible for the Sabbath breaking ? .. At Elmira, took tea at Mrs. Holbrook's with Rev. Thomas K. Beecher. His theology, as set forth that evening, is a dark and hopeless one. He sees no hope for the progress of the race, does not believe that education even will improve the species. I find great apathy wherever the clergy are opposed to the advancement of women. In February Miss Anthony suspended her canvass long enough to go to Albany to the State convention and present the petitions. In response to her request to be present Horace Greeley wrote: “You know already that I am thoroughly com- mitted to the principle that woman shall decide for herself whether she shall have a voice and vote in legislation or shall 126 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. continue to be represented and legislated for exclusively by man. My own judgment is that woman's presence in the arena of politics would be useful and beneficent but I do not assume to judge for her. She must consider, determine and act for herself. Moreover, when she shall in earnest have re- solved that her own welfare and that of the race will be pro- moted by her claiming a voice in the direction of civil government, as I think she ultimately will do, then the day of her emancipation will be very near. That day, I will hope yet to see.” Her mission accomplished, Miss Anthony plunged again into the ice and snow of northern New York. At Albany a wealthy and cultured Quaker gentleman had been an attentive and interested listener, and when she took the stage a few days later at Lake George, she found not only that he was to be her fellow-passenger, but that he had a thick plank heated, which he asked permission to place under her feet. Whenever the stage stopped he had it re-heated, and in many ways added to the comfort of her journey. At the close of the next meeting to her surprise she found his fine sleigh waiting filled with robes and drawn by two spirited gray horses, and he himself drove her to his own beautiful home presided over by a sister, where she spent Sunday. In this same luxurious conveyance she was taken to several towns and, during one of these trips, was urged in the most earnest manner to give up the hard life she was leading and accept the ease and protection he could offer. But her heart made no response to this appeal while it did urge her strongly to continue in her chosen work. All through the Schroon Lake country the snow was over the fences and the weather bitterly cold. At Plattsburg, Miss Anthony was a guest at Judge Watson's. Before leaving Rochester she had had a pair of high boots made to protect her from the deep snows, which were so much heavier than she was accustomed to that they almost ruined her feet. She was at that time an ardent convert to the “water cure” theories and, after suffering tortures from one foot especially, she came home from the afternoon meeting, put it under the “pen- FIRST COUNTY CANVASS—THE WATER CURE. 127 stock” in the kitchen and let the cold water run over it till it was perfectly numb, then wrapped it up in flannels. That evening it did not hurt her a particle, and concluding that what was good for one foot must be good for two, she put both under the “penstock” till they were almost congealed. In the morning she scarcely could get out of bed, all the pain having settled in her back, but in spite of protests from the family she resumed her journey. All the way to Malone, she had to hold fast to the seat in front of her to relieve as much as possible the motion of the cars. She managed to conduct her afternoon and evening meetings, and then went on to Og- densburg, where she stopped with a cousin. The next morning she hardly could move and the women of the family had to help her make her toilet. Nothing they could say would per- suade her to remain ; she was advertised to speak at Canton and proposed to do it if she were alive, so she was carried out, put into a sleigh and driven seventeen miles actually doubled up with her head on her knees. She finished the two meet- ings and then resolved on heroic measures. Arising at 4 A. M. she rode in a stage to within ten miles of Watertown, took the cars to that city and went to a hotel. Here she ordered the chambermaid to bring several buckets of ice water into her room and, sitting down in a tub, she had them poured on her back, then wrapping up in hot blankets went to bed. The next morning she was apparently well and held her meetings. At Auburn, Mrs. Stanton came over from Seneca Falls to assist and they were entertained by Martha C. Wright. As a usual thing Miss Anthony stopped at a hotel but after the first session some one in her audience would be so pleased with her that she was sure to be invited into a comfortable home for the rest of her stay. One cold spring day she was to speak at Riverhead, L. I. Reaching the courthouse, at 1 o'clock, she found it swept and garnished and a good fire but not a person in sight except the janitor; so she sat down and waited and finally one man after another dropped in, until there were per- haps a dozen. Not at all discouraged, she began her speech. Presently the door opened a little and she saw a woman's bon- 128 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. net peep in but it was quickly withdrawn. This was repeated a number of times but not one ventured in. Whether each woman saw her own husband and was afraid to enter, or whether she did not dare face the other women's husbands, there was not one in the audience. The men heard her through, bought her tracts and signed the petition. Having decided there was nothing dangerous about her, they came back in the evening, bringing their wives and neighbors. She closed her campaign May 1, having made a thorough canvass of fifty-four counties, during which she sold 20,000 pamphlets. The total receipts for the four months were $2,367, and the expenses were $2,291, leaving a balance of $76. Out of this she sent Mr. Phillips the $50 he had ad- vanced, but he returned it saying he thought she had earned it. The diary relates that it was the common practice in those days for the husband, upon coming to an eating station, to go in and get a hot dinner, while the wife sat in the car and ate a cold lunch. It tells of an old farmer who came with his wife to her lecture and went into the dining-room for the best meal the tavern afforded, while the wife sat in the parlor and nibbled a ltttle food she had brought with her. Miss Anthony and her companions were the only women who dared go out when the train stopped, to walk up and down for air and exercise, and they were considered very bold for so doing. In 1855, to Miss Anthony's great regret, Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown were married. Both were very active in the reforms of the day, and there was such a dearth of effective workers she felt that they could ill be spared. Their semi- apologetic letters and her half-sorrowful, half-indignant remon- strances are both amusing and pathetic. They assure her that marriage will make no difference with their work, that it will only give them more power and earnestness. She knew from observation that the married woman who attempts to do public work must neglect either it or home duties, and that the advent of children necessarily must compel the mother to withdraw practically from outside occupation. She was not opposed to FIRST COUNTY CANVASS—THE WATER CURE. 129 marriage per se, but she felt that such women as Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown might make a sacrifice and consecrate themselves to the great needs of the world which were demanding the services of the ablest women. Anniversary. In regard to this her father wrote: "Were I in your place I should like to attend these anniversaries. The women are soon to have their rights and should there be any slavery left in the world after they are liberated, it should be your business to help clear it out.” Very few of those who were actively engaged in the effort to secure equal rights for women had the slightest conception of the half century and more of long and steady work before them. To their minds the demand seemed so evident, so just and so forcible, that prejudice and opposition must yield in a short time and the foundation principles of the government be established in fact as well as in theory. From New York she went to her birthplace, Adams, Mass., and spoke in the Baptist church. Just as she began, to her amazement, her Quaker grandfather eighty-five years old came up the aisle and sat down on the pulpit steps. While he had been very anxious that she should speak and that her lecture should be well advertised she had not expected him to be pres- ent, as he was not in the habit of entering an orthodox church. She stopped at once, gave him her hand and assisted him to a seat in the pulpit, where he listened with deep interest. When she finished he said: “Well, Susan, that is a smart talk thee has given us tonight.” After Miss Anthony returned home, outraged nature asserted itself and at every moment the pain in her back was excruciat- ing. She went to a doctor for the first time in her life and was given a fly-blister and some drugs to put in whiskey. The last two she threw away but applied the blister, which only increased her misery. She suffered terribly all summer but was busy every moment writing a new speech and sending out scores of letters for a second woman's rights convention which ANT.—9 130 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. had been called to meet at Saratoga in August. Most of the replies were favorable. T. W. Higginson wrote: “With great pleasure will I come to Saratoga Springs on August 15 and 16. It is a capital idea to have a convention there, coax in some curious fashionables and perhaps make those who come to scoff, remain to pray.” Lucretia Mott sent a letter full of good cheer. From Mrs. Stanton, overwhelmed with the cares of many little children, came this pathetic message: "I can not go. I have so many drawbacks to all my efforts for women that every step is one of warfare, but there is a good time com- ing and I am strong and happy in hope. I long to see you, dear Susan, and hear of your wanderings." Paulina Wright Davis said, in discussing the convention: "I get almost discouraged with women. They will work for men, but a woman must ride in triumph over everything be- fore they will give her a word of aid or cheer; they are ready enough to take advantage of every step gained, but not ready to help further steps. When will they be truer and nobler ? Not in our day, but we must work on for future generations." Lucy Stone, enjoying her honeymoon at the Blackwell home near Cincinnati, wrote in a playful mood: “When, after reading your letter; I asked my husband if I might go to Sara- toga, only think of it! He did not give me permission, but told me to ask Lucy Stone. I can't get him to govern me at all...The Washington Union, noticing our marriage, said: ? We understand that Mr. Blackwell, who last fall assaulted a southern lady and stole her slave, has lately mar- ried Miss Lucy Stone. Justice, though sometimes tardy, never fails to overtake her victim.' They evidently think him well punished. With the old love and good will I am now and ever, LUCY STONE (only).” On the way to Saratoga Miss Anthony stopped at Utica for the State Teachers' Convention and was appointed to read a paper at the next annual meeting on “Educating the Sexes Together.” This action showed considerable advance in senti- ment during the two years since this same body at Rochester debated for half an hour whether a woman should be allowed # Anthony At the Age of 95, in His Own Room At The Old Homestead. FIRST COUNTY CANVASS—THE WATER CURE. 131 to speak to a motion. She called the Woman's Rights Con- vention to order in Saratoga, August 15, 1855, and Martha C. Wright was made president. The brilliant array of speakers addressed cultured audiences gathered from all parts of the country at this fashionable resort. The newspapers were very complimentary; the Whig, however, declared, “The business of the convention was to advocate woman's right to do wrong." It was here that Mary L. Booth, afterwards for many years editor of Harper's Bazar, made her first public appearance, acting as secretary. She decided to go for a while to the Worcester Hydropathic Institute conducted by her cousin, Dr. Seth Rogers, and she found here complete change and comparative rest, although occupying a great deal of her time in sending out tracts and petitions. Her account-books show the purchase of 600 one- cent stamps, each of which meant the addressing of an envel- ope with her own hand, and her letters to her father are full of directions for printing circulars, etc. She was, however, enabled to take some recreation, a thing almost unknown in her busy life. On September 18 she attended the Massachu- setts Woman's Rights Convention, and wrote home : I went into Boston with Lucy Stone and stopped at Francis Jackson's, where we found Antoinette Brown and Ellen Blackwell, a pleasant company in that most hospitable home. As this was my first visit to Boston, Mr. Jack- son took us to see the sights; and then we dined with his daughter, Eliza J. Eddy, returning in the afternoon. In the evening, we attended a reception at Garrison's, where we met several of the literati, and were most heartily welcomed by Mrs. Garrison, a noble, self-sacrificing woman, loving and loved, surrounded with healthy, happy children in that model home. Mr. Garrison was omnipresent, now talking with and introducing guests, now soothing some child to sleep, and now, with his wife, looking after the refreshments. There we met Caroline H. Dall, Elizabeth Peabody, Mrs. McCready, the Shakespearian reader, Caroline M. Severance, Dr. Harriot K. Hunt, Charles F. Hovey, Wendell Phillips, Sarah Pugh and others. Having worshipped these distinguished people afar off, it was a great satisfaction to meet them face to face. Saturday morning, with Mr. and Mrs. Garrison and Sarah Pugh, I visited Mount Auburn. What a magnificent resting-place! We could not find Mar- garet Fuller's monument, which I regretted. I spent Sunday with Charles Lenox Remond at Salem, and we drove to Lynn with his matchless steeds to hear Theodore Parker preach a sermon which filled our souls. We discussed 132 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. its excellence at James Buffum's where we all dined. Monday Mr. Garrison escorted me to Charlestown; we stood on the very spot where Warren fell and mounted the interminable staircase to the top of Bunker Hill Monument. Then we called on Theodore Parker; found him up three flights of stairs in his library which covers that whole floor of his house; the room is lined with books to the very top-16,000 volumes—and there at a large table in the cen- ter of the apartment sat the great man himself. It really seemed audacious in me to be ushered into such a presence and on such a commonplace errand as to ask him to come to Rochester to speak in a course of lectures I am plan- ning, but he received me with such kindness and simplicity that the awe I felt on entering was soon dissipated. I then called on Wendell Phillips in his sanctum for the same purpose. I have invited Ralph Waldo Emerson by letter and all three have promised to come. In the evening with Mr. Jack- son's son James, Ellen Blackwell and I went to see Hamlet. In spite of my Quaker training, I find I enjoy all these worldly amusements intensely. Returning to Worcester, I attended the Anti-Slavery Bazaar. I suppose there were many beautiful things exhibited, but I was so absorbed in the conversation of Mr. Higginson, Samuel May, Jr., Sarah Earle, cousin Seth Rogers and Stephen and Abby Foster, that I really forgot to take a survey of the tables. The next day Charles F. Hovey drove with me out to the home of the Fosters where we had a pleasant call. или Miss Anthony visited a baby show but she considered it "a sad exhibition, unless it may be the crude and rude beginning of arousing an interest in the laws which govern the produc- tion of strong, healthy, beautiful children." She heard Mr. Higginson preach every Sunday, and of one sermon on the “Secret Springs of True Greatness" she writes home: The minister read from the Book of Esdras in the Apocrypha. It is aston- ishing that such a beautiful and forcible exemplification of the governing principle of life should have been cast aside as doubtful by those who pre- sumed to sit in judgment upon the revealed will of the Almighty. That they did fail to perceive in this the divine stamp, proves all the more conclusively to me that we, who have the experience of all past generations to enlighten our understanding and deepen our convictions, are infinitely more competent At this Boston convention Ralph Waldo Emerson gave a flowery description of the changed condition when women should vote and the polls would be in a beautiful hall decorated with paintings, statuary, etc. The women were very much worried, fearing that the politicians would be frightened at the idea of so much respectability. FIRST COUNTY CANVASS—THE WATER CURE. 133 to discern between the good and evil in that wonderful book than were any king-appointed councils of olden times. During Mr. Higginson's absence his place was filled by Rev. David A. Wasson, who was temporarily a resident of the "water cure.” His sermons and his daily companionship were a revelation to Miss Anthony of a higher intellectual and spiritual life than she had known before, and she records in her diary: “It is plain to me now that it is not sitting under preaching that I dislike, but the fact that most of it is not of a stamp that my soul can respond to.” While in Worcester she went to her first Republican meeting and heard John P. Hale. Her cousin escorted her to a seat on the platform and Mr. Hale gave her a cordial welcome. She was the only woman present, although several peeped in at the door but had not the courage to enter. She also heard Henry Wilson, Charles Sumner and Anson Burlingame, and writes: “Had the accident of birth given me place among the aristocracy of sex, I doubt not I should be an active, zealous advocate of Re- publicanism; unless, perchance, I had received that higher, holier light which would have lifted me to the sublime height where now stand Garrison, Phillips and all that small but no- ble band whose motto is 'No Union with Slaveholders.'” She was at this time becoming deeply interested in politics but had not dreamed that she herself ever would enter the ranks of political speakers. In October she complains of her restlessness and her anxiety to go home, but she is not strong and knows it would be impossible to keep up the treatment there, so she says: “Because of this, and because of my great desire to be able to do what now seems my life work, I have decided to stay awhile longer.” But in this same letter she adds: “If Merritt is sick and needs me I will go to him at once. My waking and sleeping thoughts are with him.” This young brother had insisted upon going West to seek his fortune and was taken ill in Iowa. At one time when he asked for some money he had saved, and his father, thinking he was too young to be trusted, did not let him have it, Miss Anthony wrote: “It is too bad to treat him like a child. Let 134 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. him make a blunder even; it will do much more to develop him than the judgment of father, mother and all the brothers and sisters. He ought to have the privilege, since it is clearly his right, to invest his money exactly as he pleases and I hope he will yet be trusted at least with his own funds." To a woman who is publishing a paper and complains that her efforts are neither helped nor appreciated, she replies: “Every individual woman who launches into a work hitherto monopolized by men, must stand or fall in her own strength or weakness. Whatever we manufacture we must study to make it for the interest of the community to purchase. If we fail in this, we must improve the work. . . . Each of us individually has her own duties to perform and each of us alone must work out her life problem.” In October the National Woman's Rights Convention was held in Cincinnati but she was unable to attend. It was the only one she missed from 1852 until the breaking out of the war, when they were abandoned for a number of years, and she felt so distressed that she wrote to Rochester and persuaded her sister Mary to get leave of absence from school and go in her place. We know she has a very pretty bonnet this fall, for she says: “It is trimmed with dark green ribbon, striped with black and white, and for face trimming, lace and cherry and green flowers with the least speck of blue.” She grieves because her married sisters never have time to write her, and says: But so it is; every wife and mother must devote herself wholly to home duties, washing and cleaning, baking and mending—these are the must be's; the culture of the soul, the enlargement of the faculties, the thought of any- thing or anybody beyond the home and family are the may be's. When society is rightly organized, the wife and mother will have time, wish and will to grow intellectually, and will know that the limits of her sphere, the extent of her duties, are prescribed only by the measure of her ability. Her daily treatment at the "water cure” is thus described : “First thing in the morning, dripping sheet; pack at 10 o'clock for forty-five minutes, come out of that and take a shower, followed by a sitz bath, with a pail of water at 75° FIRST COUNTY CANVASS-THE WATER CURE. 135 poured over the shoulders, after which dry sheet and then brisk exercise. At 4 P. M. the programme repeated, and then again at 9 P. M. My day is so cut up with four baths, four dress- ings and undressings, four exercisings, one drive and three eatings, that I do not have time to put two thoughts together.” Miss Anthony recovered her health, either as a result of the treatment or of the rest and the long rides which she took daily with her cousin as he made his round of visits. While he was indoors she sat in the chaise enjoying the sun- shine and fresh air and reading some interesting book. The journal shows that during the fall she read Sartor Resartus, Consuelo, bits from Gerald Massey, Villette, Gaskell's Life of Charlotte Bronté, Corinne, and a number of other works. Dr. Rogers, the intimate friend of Thoreau and Emerson, was a cultured gentleman, liberal in his views, strong in his opin- ions, yet tender, sympathetic and companionable. Many of his beautiful letters to Miss Anthony have been preserved. In speaking of political cowardice and corruption, he says: "Were it not for the thunder and lightning of the Garrison- ians to purify the moral atmosphere, we would all sink into perdition together.” His love of liberty is thus expressed : I believe in the absolute freedom of every human being so long as the rights of others are left undisturbed. Conformity too often cuts down our stature and makes us Lilliputians, no longer units but unities. Help me to stand alone and I will help you to right the universe. Better, a thousand times better, that societies, friendships even, never were formed, that we all were Robinson Crusoes, than that the terrible tragedy of soul-annihilation through conformity be so conspicuous in the drama of human life. How many wives do you see who are not acting this tragedy? How many hus- bands who do not applaud ? Hence degeneracy after marriage, more directly of the wife than the husband, but too often of both. As soon as Miss Anthony reached home, the last of Novem- ber, she began preparing for another winter campaign in the interest of the petitions, and also for a course of lectures to be given in Rochester by the prominent men of the day. Lucy Stone wrote her at this time : “Your letter full of plans reaches me here. I wish I lived near enough to catch some of your magnetism. For the first time in my life I feel, day 136 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. after day, completely discouraged. When my Harry sent your letter to me he said, “Susan wants you to write a tract, and I say, Amen.' When I go home I will see whether I have any faith in my power to do it . . . . Susan, don't you lecture this winter on pain of my everlasting displeasure. I am going to retire from the field; and if you go to work too soon and kill yourself, the two wheelhorses will be gone and then the chariot will stop.” Arguments were of no avail, however, when the field was waiting and the workers few, and while Miss Anthony was ever ready to excuse others, she never spared herself. She decided before starting to take out a policy in the New York Life Insurance Company. The medical certificate given on December 18, 1855, by Dr. Edward M. Moore, the leading surgeon of western New York, read as follows: “Height, 5 ft. 5 in.; figure, full; chest measure 38 in.; weight, 156 lbs.; complexion, fair ; habits, healthy and active ; nervous affec- tions, none; character of respiration, clear, resonant, murmur perfect; heart, normal in rhythm and valvular sound; pulse 66 per minute; disease, none. The life is a very good one." And so it has proved to be, as she has paid her premiums for over forty years.? Just before she was ready to start on her long lecture tour in the interest of educational, civil and political rights for women, she received a letter, which was an entire surprise and added a new feature to the work to which she was devoting her time and energy. 1 The president of the company, John A. McCall, in a personal letter, written December 21, 1897, just forty-two years afterwards, says: “That you may be spared for many, many years to your numerous friends and admirers is the wish of this company and its officials." CHAPTER IX. ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. 1856. 481 HE letter which Miss Anthony received with so much pleased surprise was from Samuel May, Jr., cousin of Rev. S. J. May. He was secretary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, which had its headquarters in Boston; Wm. Lloyd Garri- son was its president, and among its officers were Wendell Phillips, Francis Jackson, Charles Hovey, Stephen and Abby Kelly Foster, Parker Pillsbury, Maria Weston Chapman, the most distinguished Abolitionists of the day. This letter read: The executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society desire to engage you as an agent, for such time between now and the first of May next as you may be able to give. Will you let us know what your engagements are, and, if you can enter into this agency, when you will be ready to com- mence? The committee passed no vote as to compensation. We would like to be informed what would be acceptable. It is quite probable that your field of service at first would be western and central New York. An early answer will much oblige. A previous chapter has told how Miss Anthony longed to take part in anti-slavery work, and behold here was the coveted opportunity! And then to have such a recognition of her ability by this body of men and women, who represented the brains and conscience of this period of reforms, was the highest compliment she could receive. The salary, even though small, would relieve her from the pressing anxiety of making each day's work pay its own expenses, and while she should be laboring in a reform in which she was greatly inter- ested, she could at the same time even more effectually advance the cause which lay nearest to her heart. But the woman's (137) 138 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. rights meetings already announced by posters, what should be done in regard to them? She finally decided to hold them during January with Frances D. Gage, initiate her and then leave her to fill the remainder of the winter's engagements. So she accepted Mr. May's offer and at his request planned a route and ar- ranged meetings W e profondacokiet for a number of speakers. Stephen S. Foster wrote, “I shall give myself entirely into your power, only stipulating for the liberty of speech.” Miss Anthony started with Mrs. Gage January 4, 1856. As many of their meetings were off the railroad, there was a hard siege ahead of them. The diary says: “January 8: Terribly cold and windy; only a dozen people in the hall; had a social chat with them and returned to our hotel. Lost more here at Dansville than we gained at Mount Morris. So goes the world. ... January 9: Mercury 12° below zero but we took a sleigh for Nunda. Trains all blocked by snow and no mail for several days, yet we had a full house and good meeting.” Extracts from one or two letters written home will give some idea of this perilous journey: HALL'S CORNERS, January 11, 872 o'clock. Just emerged from a long line of snowdrifts and stopped at this little coun- try tavern, supped and am now roasting over a hot stove. Oh, oh, what an experience! No trains running and we have had a thirty-six mile ride in a sleigh. Once we seemed lost in a drift full fifteen feet deep. The driver went on ahead to a house, and there we sat shivering. When he returned we found he had gone over a fence into a field, so we had to dismount and plough through the snow after the sleigh; then we reseated ourselves, but oh, the poor horses ! . . . WENDTE'S STATION, January 14, 12%, o'clock P. M. Well, well, good folks at home, these surely are the times that try women's souls. After writing you last, the snows fell and the winds blew and the cars failed to go and come at their appointed hours. We could have reached War- saw if the omnibus had had the energy to come for us. The train, however, got no farther than Warsaw, where it stuck in a snowdrift eleven feet deep and a hundred long, but we might have kept that engagement at least. Friday ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. 139 morning we went to the station; no trains and no hope of any, but a man said he could get us to Attica in time for an evening meeting, so we agreed to pay him $5. He had a noble pair of greys and we floundered through the deepest snowbanks I ever saw, but at 7 o'clock were still fourteen miles from Attica. We stopped at a little tavern where the landlady was not yet twenty and had a baby fifteen months old. Her supper dishes were not washed and her baby was crying, but she was equal to the occasion. She rocked the little thing to sleep, washed the dishes and got our supper; beautiful white bread, butter, cheese, pickles, apple and mince pie, and excellent peach preserves. She gave us her warm bedroom to sleep in, and on a row of pegs hung the loveliest embroidered petticoats and baby clothes, all the work of that young woman's fingers, while on a rack was her ironing perfectly done, wrought undersleeves, baby dresses, embroidered underwear, etc. She prepared a 6 o'clock breakfast for us, fried pork, mashed potatoes, mince pie, and for me, at my especial request, a plate of delicious baked sweet apples and a pitcher of rich milk. Now for the moral of this story: When we came to pay our bill, the dolt of a husband took the money and put it in his pocket. He had not lifted a hand to lighten that woman's burdens, but had sat and talked with the men in the bar room, not even caring for the baby, yet the law gives him the right to every dollar she earns, and when she needs two cents to buy a darning needle she has to ask him and explain what she wants it for. Here where I am writing is a similar case. The baby is very sick with the whooping cough; the wife has dinner to get for all the boarders, and no help; husband standing around with his hands in his pockets. She begs him to hold the baby for just ten minutes, but before the time is up he hands it back to her, saying, “Here, take this child, I'm tired.” Yet when we left he was on hand to receive the money and we had to give it to him. We paid a man a dollar to take us to the station, and saw the train pull out while we were stuck in a snowdrift ten feet deep, with a dozen men trying to shovel a path for us; so we had to come back. In spite of this terrible weather, peo- ple drive eight and ten miles to our meetings. On January 20, Mrs. Gage was called home by illness in her family, leaving Miss Anthony to finish the campaign alone. This destroyed all plans for her work with the anti-slavery committee, as no inducement could have been offered which would cause her to abandon these woman's rights meetings af- ter having advertised them. She requested Mr. May to release her and he did so, stipulating however that she should inform him as soon as she was at liberty. She begged various speak- ers to assist her but received no favorable replies. Lucy Stone wrote, “I wish you had a good husband; it is a great blessing.” Her intense desire for help may be judged by a letter to Martha 140 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. C. Wright in regard to a meeting which had been announced for Auburn: “Mrs. Gage has gone; now, dear Mrs. Wright, won't you give an address ? Be brave and make this begin- ning. You can speak so much better, so much more wisely, so much more everything than I can; do rejoice my heart by consenting. I wish I could see you tonight ; I'm sure I could prevail upon you. Yours beseechingly.” She got no aid from any quarter, and went on alone through the dreary winter. To those who were to advertise her meetings she said: “I should like a particular effort made to call out the teachers, seamstresses and wage-earning women generally. It is for them rather than for the wives and daughters of the rich that I labor." In February she returned to Rochester to look after Mr. Garrison's lecture and entertained him at her home. As it had been decided not to hold a convention at Albany she took this opportunity to go there and present the petitions to the Legislature. They were referred to the Senate Judiciary Com- mittee, Samuel G. Foote, chairman. Mr. Foote was a lawyer, prominent in society, the father of daughters, and yet reported as follows on the petition asking that a woman might control her wages and have the custody of her children: The committee is composed of married and single gentlemen. The bache- lors, with becoming diffidence, have left the subject pretty much to the mar- ried gentlemen. They have considered it with the aid of the light they have before them and the experience married life has given them. Thus aided, they are enabled to state that the ladies always have the best place and choicest titbit at the table. They have the best seat in the cars, carriages and sleighs; the warmest place in winter and the coolest in summer. They have their choice on which side of the bed they will lie, front or back. A lady's dress costs three times as much as that of a gentleman; and at the present time, with the prevailing fashion, one lady occupies three times as much space in the world as a gentleman. It has thus appeared to the mar- ried gentlemen of your committee, being a majority (the bachelors being silent for the reason mentioned, and also probably for the further reason that they are still suitors for the favors of the gentler sex) that if there is any inequality or oppression in the case, the gentlemen are the sufferers. They, however, have presented no petitions for redress, having doubtless made up their minds to yield to an inevitable destiny. On the whole, the committee have concluded to recommend no measure, ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. 141 except that they have observed several instances in which husband and wife have both signed the same petition. In such case, they would recommend the parties to apply for a law authorizing them to change dresses, so that the husband may wear petticoats, and the wife breeches, and thus indicate to their neighbors and the public the true relation in which they stand to each other. The Albany Register said “this report was received with roars of laughter.” Judge Hay, Lydia Mott and a number of Miss Anthony's friends wrote her not to be discouraged at this insult, but it may be imagined that she took up the work again with a heart filled with resentment and indignation. She had many peculiar experiences during her travels and had to listen to many a chapter of family history which was far from harmonious. On one occasion a friend was pouring into her ears an account of the utter uncongeniality between herself and husband, largely because he was wholly unappreciative of her higher thoughts and feelings. As an example she re- lated that when they visited Niagara Falls and her soul was soaring into the seventh heaven of glory, majesty and sub- limity, he exclaimed, “What a magnificent water power this would be, if utilized ;" and that he did it on purpose to shock her sensibilities. Miss Anthony finally said: “Now, my dear, the trouble is you fail to recognize that your husband is so constituted that he sees the practical while you feel only the sentimental. He does not jar your feelings any more by his matter-of-fact comments than you jar his by flying off in- to the realms of poetry on every slight provocation.” She then recalled a number of similar instances which the wife had detailed as illustrating the husband's cruelty, impressing upon her that they were born with different temperaments and neither had any right to condemn the other. At the end of this conversation, the woman, weeping, put her arms around Miss Anthony and said: “You have taught me to under- stand my husband better and love and respect him more than I had learned to do in all my long years of living with him.” In March Garrison wrote, thanking her and her family for their generous hospitality, concluding, “Nowhere do I visit with more real satisfaction.” He told her that he had had to 142 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. give up his lecture engagements on account of the heavy snows, but she had gone straight through with hers. She now closed her series of meetings and went home to arrange for Theodore Parker's lecture. Antoinette Brown Blackwell wrote her: “I hear a certain bachelor making a number of inquir- ies about Susan B. Anthony. This means that we shall look for another wedding in our sisternity before the year ends. Get a good husband, that's all, dear.” On Miss Anthony's return from the May anti-slavery meet- ing in New York, she received a reminder from the president of the State Teachers' Association that she would be expected to read her paper on “Co-Education” before that body in August. This recollection had been keeping her awake nights for some time. It had been an easy thing to present a resolu- tion or make a five-minute speech, but it was quite another to write an hour's lecture to be delivered before a most critical audience. As was always her custom in such a dilemma, she turned to Mrs. Stanton, who responded : Your servant is not dead but liveth. Imagine me, day in and day out, watching, bathing, dressing, nursing and promenading the precious contents of a little crib in the corner of my room. I pace up and down these two chambers of mine like a caged lioness, longing to bring nursing and house- keeping cares to a close. Come here and I will do what I can to help you with your address, if you will hold the baby and make the puddings. Let Antoinette and Lucy rest in peace and quietness thinking great thoughts. It is not well to be in the excitement of public life all the time, so do not keep stirring them up or mourning over their repose. You, too, must rest, Susan; let the world alone awhile. We can not bring about a moral revolu- tion in a day or a year. Now that I have two daughters, I feel fresh strength to work for women. It is not in vain that in myself I feel all the wearisome care to which woman even in her best estate is subject. Together they ground out the address, taking turns at writ- ing and baby tending, and then she went home. It seemed to her that in order to prove the absolute equality of woman with man she ought to present this as an oration instead of reading it as an essay; so she labored many weary hours to commit it to memory, pacing from one end of the house to the other, and when these confines became too small rushing out into the orchard, but all in vain. It was utterly impossible ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. 143 for her, then or ever, to memorize the exact words of any- thing. The lecture, occupying an entire evening, was given before a large audience in Rand's Hall, Troy, and cordially received. At its close Mr. L. Hazeltine of New York, president of the association, took Miss Anthony by the hand, saying: “Madam, that was a splendid production and well delivered. I could not have asked for a single thing different either in matter or manner; but I would rather have followed my wife or daugh- ter to Greenwood cemetery than to have had her stand here before this promiscuous audience and deliver that address.” Superintendent Randall, of the city schools of New York, over- hearing the conversation, said: "Father Hazeltine, I fully agree with the first part of your remark but dissent entirely from the latter. I should be proud if I had a wife or daughter capable of either writing or reading that paper as Miss Anthony has done." She was invited by the Massachusetts teachers who were present to come to their State convention at wards delivered at a number of teachers' institutes. Mary L. Booth had written her: I am glad that you will represent us at the Troy gathering. You will bear with you the gratitude of very many teachers whose hearts are swelling with repressed indignation at the injustice which you expose, but who have not grown strong enough yet to give open utterance to words which would jeopardize the positions on which they depend for support. There is not a female principal in Brooklyn or New York whose salary exceeds the half of that of the male principals. Each female principal and assistant is required to attend the normal school under penalty of loss of position, while male teachers are excused from such attendance. There are plenty of indignation meetings among us. In August Miss Anthony planned a meeting at Saratoga and, as on a previous occasion, every speaker failed her, nor could she find among the visitors one who could help her out. As she was not in the habit of giving up what she undertook, she went through the meeting alone, making the speeches herself. 144 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Her faithful friend Judge Hay came to her rescue with a donation of $20 and she was just able to pay expenses. The public was not in a mood for woman's conventions. The presidential campaign was at its height, with three tickets in the field, and the troubles in Kansas were approaching a crisis. In September came the news of the raid at Osawatomie and that thirty out of the fifty settlers had been killed by the "border ruffians." This brought especial gloom to the An- thony homestead, as the dispatches also stated that the night before the encounter, John Brown had slept in the cabin of the young son Merritt, and for weeks they were unable to learn whether he were among the thirty who died or the twenty who lived. At last the welcome letters came which related how the coffee was just ready to be put on the table in the cabin when the sound of firing was heard, and how without waiting to drink it, John Brown and his little band rushed to the con- flict. The old hero gave strict orders to Merritt not to leave the house, as he had been very ill, but as soon as they were out of sight he seized his gun, staggered down to the bank of the Marais du Cygne and was soon in the thick of the fight. When it was over he crawled on his hands and knees back to his cabin, where he lay ill for weeks, entirely alone and uncared for. A letter from Miss Anthony to this brother shows the tender, domestic side of her nature, which the public is seldom permitted to see : How much rather would I have you at my side tonight than to think of your daring and enduring greater hardships even than our Revolutionary heroes. Words can not tell how often we think of you or how sadly we feel that the terrible crime of this nation against humanity is being avenged on the 1 In 1854 Judge William Hay brought out a new edition of his romance, Isabel D'Avalos, the Maid of Seville, with a sequel, The Siege of Granada, dedicated as follows: TO SUSAN B. ANTHONY whose earnestness of purpose, honesty of intention, unintermitted industry, indefatigable perseverance, and extraordinary business-talent, are surpassed only by the virtues which have illustrated her life, devoted, like that of Dorothea Dix. TO THE CAUSE OF HUMANITY. In a letter to her he said: “I have placed in my will a bequest to you, the only person to whose care I would willingly entrust them, that at my death the manuscripts and plates of this work are to be your absolute property. I sincerely desire and faintly hope that yon may derive some pecuniary benefit from them.” CBSD9995 Coooooooollage Oo90991900 co SUSAN B. ANTHONY. AT THE AGE OF 36, FROM A DAGUERREOTYPE, ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. 145 heads of our sons and brothers.... Wednesday night, Mr. Mowry, who was in the battle, arrived in town. Like wild fire the news flew. D. R. was in pursuit of him when father reached his office. He thought you were not hurt. Mother said that night, “I can go to sleep now there is a hope that Merritt still lives;” but father said: “I suppose I shall sleep when nature is tired out, but the hope that my son has survived brings little solace to my soul while the cause of all this terrible wrong remains untouched.” . . . Your fish pole never caught so luscious a basketful as it has this afternoon. I made a march through the peach orchard with pole in hand to fish down the soft Early Crawfords that had escaped even the keen eyes of father and mother when they made their last detour. As the pole reached to the top- most bough and down dropped the big, fat, golden, red-cheeked Crawfords, thought went away to the owner of the rod, how he in days gone by planted these little trees, pruned them and nursed them and now we were enjoying the fruits of his labor, while he, the dear boy, was away in the prairie wilds of Kansas. I thought of many things as I walked between the rows to spy out every ambushed, not enemy but friend of the palate. With the haul made I filled the china fruit dish and then hallooed for Mary L. and Ann Eliza to see what I had found, and down they came for a feast. I shall send Aaron and Guelma the nicest ones and how I wish my dearest brother could have some to cool his fevered throat. Evening.-Father brings the Democrat giving a list of killed, wounded and missing, and the name of our Merritt is not therein, but oh! the slain are sons, brothers and husbands of others as dearly loved and sadly mourned. Later.-Your letter is in to-day's Democrat, and the Evening Advertiser says there is "another letter from our dear brother in this morning's Shrieker for Freedom.” The tirade is headed “Bleeding Kansas.” The Advertiser, Union and American all ridicule the reports from Kansas, and even say your letters are gotten up in the Democrat office for political effect. I tell you, Merritt, we have “border ruffians” here at home-a little more refined in their way of outraging and torturing the lovers of freedom, but no less fiendish. Miss Anthony was busy through September and October securing speakers for the national convention. She still be- lieved that her chief strength lay in her executive ability. Having written Lucy Stone that she could not and would not speak, the latter answered: “Why do you say the people won't listen to you, when you know you never made a speech that was not attentively heard? All you need is to cultivate your power of expression. Subjects are so clear to you that you can soon make them as clear to others.” In re- sponse to an invitation to the Hutchinson family to sing at the convention, Asa wrote: "The time is coming, I hope, ANT.-10 146 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. when we can do something for the glorious cause which you are so nobly advocating.” John added: “It would rejoice my heart to be at the convention and help along, with the one talent God has given me, the greatest reform ever attempted by lovers of the human race.” Miss Anthony asked Mary L. Booth, at that time just beginning to attract attention by her fine translations, to speak at the coming convention and re- ceived this touching response: The hope of yet aiding the cause is the polar star which guides all my efforts. If it were possible I would do this directly, but the fashion of the times has made me a dependant and home aid would scarcely be extended to me in this. I am trying to make myself independent. Fortune now prom- ises favorable things. If I succeed, count on me. All that I can do, I will, to rescue my sex from the fetters which have chafed me so bitterly, from the evils of the giant system which makes woman everywhere a satellite. I have drank of the cup which is offered as the wine of woman's life, and have found the draught frothy and unsatisfactory. Now am I willing, if successful, to give all to purchase her a purer aliment. I have faith enough in the cause to move mountains, but if I speak at present I forfeit all claims on my home forever. Lucy Stone when appealed to with the intimation that she was losing interest in the work, replied: "Now that I occupy a legal position in which I can not even draw in my own name the money I have earned or give a valid receipt for it when it is drawn or make any contract, but am rated with fools, minors and madmen, and can not sign a legal document without being examined separately to see if it is by my own free will, and even the right to my own name questioned, do you think that, in the grip of such pincers, I am likely to grow remiss? . . I am not at all sanguine of the success of the convention. However much I hope, or try to hope, the old doubt comes back. My only trust is in your great, in- domitable perseverance and your power of work.” That the answers were not always favorable and that the women constantly found themselves between two fires, the fol- lowing letters will show. Horace Greeley, who heretofore had been so friendly, wrote: The only reason why I can not publish your notices in our news columns is that my political antagonists take advantage of such publications to make the ADVANCE ALONG ALL LINES. 147 Tribune responsible for the anti-Bible, anti-Union, etc., doctrines, which your conventions generally put forth. I do not desire to interfere with your “free speech.” I desire only to secure for myself the liberty of treating pub- lic questions in accordance with my own convictions, and not being made responsible for the adverse convictions of others. I can not, therefore, print this programme without being held responsible for it. If you advertise it, that is not in my department, nor under my control.1 From Gerrit Smith came these emphatic opinions: You invite me to attend the woman's convention in New York. It will not be in my power to do so. You suggest that I write a letter in case I can not attend, but so peculiar and offensive are my views of the remedy for woman's wrongs, that a letter inculcating them would not be well received. Hence, I must not write it. I believe that poverty is the great curse of woman, and that she is powerless to assert her rights, because she is poor. Woman must go to work to get rid of her poverty, but that she can not do in her present disabling dress, and she seems determined not to cast it aside. She is unwilling to sacrifice grace and fashion, even to gain her rights; albeit, too, that this grace is an absurd conventionalism and that this fashion is infinite folly. Were woman to adopt a rational dress, a dress that would not hinder her from any employment, how quickly would she rise from her pres- ent degrading dependence on man! How quickly would the marriage con- tract be modified and made to recognize ihe equal rights of the parties to it! And how quickly would she gain access to the ballot-box. Thus one man refused to assist the cause because its advo- cates were too radical, and another because they were not radical enough; or, in other words, each wanted the women to be and to do according to his own ideas. The Seventh National Woman's Rights Convention met in the Broadway Tabernacle, New York, November 25 and 26. Lucy Stone presided and Wendell Phillips was one of the prominent speakers. The election was over, the mob spirit temporarily quieted, and the convention was not disturbed ex- cept when certain of the men attempted to make long speeches or introduce politics. The audience had come to hear women Three years before Mr. Greeley had written to the suffrage convention at Cleveland: “I recognize most thoroughly the right of woman to choose her own sphere of activity and use- fulness If she sees fit to navigate vessels, print newspapers, frame laws and select her rulers, I know no principle that justifies man in placing any impediment to her doing so." The letter used above shows, however, that not even so great a paper as the Tribune could endure the misrepresentation heaped upon every one who advocated the unpopular doctrine of woman's rights. 148 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. plead their own cause and insisted that this should be the program. In this fall of 1856 Miss Anthony renewed her engagement with the anti-slavery committee, writing Mr. May: “I shall be very glad if I am able to render even the most humble serv- ice to this cause. Heaven knows there is need of earnest, effective radical workers. The heart sickens over the delus- ions of the recent campaign and turns achingly to the uncon- sidered whole question.” The committee answered: “We put all New York into your control and want your name to all letters and your hand in all arrangements. We like your form of posters; by all means let ‘No Union with Slavehold- ers' be conspicuous upon them.” An extract from a letter received from Mr. May, the secretary, dated October 22, shows the estimate placed upon her services by the committee : The Anti-Slavery Society wants you in the field. I really think the efficiency and success of our operations in New York this winter will depend more on your personal attendance and direction than upon that of any other of our workers. We need your earnestness, your practical talent, your energy and perseverance to make these conventions successful. The public mind will be sore this winter, disappointment awaits vast numbers, dismay will overtake many. We want your cheerfulness, your spirit-in short, yourself. CHAPTER X. CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 1857—1858. NE scarcely could imagine a more unfavorable time than the winter of 1857 for a campaign under the Garrisonian banner of “No Union with Slave- holders." The anti-slavery forces were divided among themselves, but were slowly crystallizing into the Republican party. The triumph of the Democrats over Republicans, Know Nothings and Whigs at the recent presidential election had warned these diverse elements that it was only by uniting that they could hope to prevent the fur- ther extension of slavery. The “Dred Scott decision” by the Supreme Court of the United States, declaring “slaves to be not persons but property” and the Missouri Compromise to be unconstitutional and void, had roused a whirlwind of indigna- tion throughout the Northern States. Those who were seek- ing to prevent the extension of slavery into the Territories were stigmatized by their opponents as traitors defying the Constitution. While this supported the claim of the Garri- sonians that the Constitution did sanction slavery and protect the slaveholder, yet the majority of the anti-slavery people were not ready to accept the doctrine of "immediate and un- conditional emancipation, even at the cost of a dissolution of the Union.” The Republicans had polled so large a vote as to indicate that further extension of slavery could be prevented through that organization, and they were excessively hostile toward any element which threatened to antagonize or weaken it. Thus into whatever town Miss Anthony took her little (149) 150 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. band, the backbone of the Garrison party, they had to en- counter not only the hatred of the pro-slavery people, but also the enmity of this new and rapidly increasing Republican ele- ment, which at this time did not stand for the abolition of slavery, but simply for no further extension. The first year of Mr. Buchanan's administration was marked by a severe and widespread financial stringency. A decade of unparalleled prosperity, with its resultant speculation and expansion of business, was followed by heavy losses, failures and panic. The whole year of 1857 was one continued strug- gle and vain effort to ward off the impending crisis. To make the situation still more trying the winter was one of great severity, so it is not surprising, accustomed though she was to hardships and disappointments, that Miss Anthony should have found this series of meetings the most disheartening ex- perience of her life. She engaged Stephen and Abby Fos- ter, Parker Pillsbury, Aaron M. Powell, Benjamin and Eliza- beth Jones, Charles Remond and his sister Sarah, the last two educated and refined colored people; marked out routes, planned the meetings, kept three companies of speakers con- stantly employed, and spared herself no labor, no exposure, no annoyance. She found that envy, jealousy and other disa- greeable traits were not confined to one sex, but that it required quite as much tact and judgment to deal with men as with women. She had the usual experience of a manager, speakers complaining of their routes, refusing to go where sent, falling ill at the most critical times, and continual fault-finding from the people who stayed at home and did nothing. She had been working for the public long enough to expect all this, but was distressed beyond measure because she could not make the meetings pay for themselves. For reasons already mentioned the audiences were small and collections still smaller. At her woman's rights lectures she had encoun- tered indifference and ridicule; now she was met with open hostility. In every town a few friends rallied around and ex- tended hospitality and support, but the ordeal was of that kind which leaves ineffaceable marks on the soul. For all this she CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 151 was paid $10 a week and expenses; not through any desire to be unjust, but because the committee were having a hard struggle to secure the necessary funds to carry on their vast work. Her last woman's rights campaign had left her in debt and she could not provide herself with a new wardrobe for this tour, but records in her diary at the beginning of winter: “A double-faced merino, which I bought at Canajoharie ten years ago, I have had colored dark green and a skirt made of it. I bought some green cloth to match for a basque, and it makes a handsome suit. With my Siberian squirrel cape I shall be very comfortable.” Lucy Stone wrote: “I know how you feel with all the burden of these conventions and it is not just that you should bear it. There is not a man in the whole anti-slavery ranks who could do it. I wish I could help you but I can not. You are one of those who are sufficient unto themselves and I thank God every day for you. Antoinette can not come because she is so busy with that baby!” From Mr. May came these comforting words: "We sympathize in all your trials and hope that fairer skies will be over your head before long. Garrison says, "Give my love to Susan, and tell her I will do for her what I would hardly do for anybody else.' I hope from that he means to attend your Rochester and Syracuse conventions. . . . You must be dictator to all the agents in New York; when you say, 'Go,' they must go, or Come,' they must come, or 'Do this,' they must do it. I see no other way of getting along, and I am sure to your gentle and wholesome rule they will cheerfully defer. God bless you all; and if you don't get pay in money from your audiences, you will have the satisfaction of know- ing you have given them the hard, solid truth as they never had it before." These meetings often took the form of debates between the speakers and the audience, and frequently lasted till midnight. Of one place Miss Anthony says in her diary, “All rich farm- ers, living in princely style, but no moral backbone;" at another time: “I spoke for an hour, but my heart fails me. Can it be that my stammering tongue ever will be loosed ? I 152 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. am more and more dissatisfied with my efforts." The diary shows that they had many delightful visits among friends and many good times sandwiched between the disagreeable features of their trip, and that everywhere they roused the community to the highest pitch on the slavery question. She gives a de- scription of one of these gatherings at Easton: That Sunday meeting was the most impressive I ever attended. Aaron and I had spoken, Charles Remond followed, picturing the contumely and oppro- brium everywhere heaped upon the black man and all identified with him, the ostracism from social circles, etc. At the climax he exclaimed: “I have a fond and loving mother, as true and noble a woman as God ever made; but whenever she thinks of her absent son, it is that he is an outcast.” He sank into his seat, overwhelmed with emotion, and wept like a child. In a mo- ment, while sitting, he said: “Some may call this weak, but I should feel myself the less a man, if tears did not flow at a thought like that." The whole audience was in sympathy with him, all hearts were melted and many were sobbing. When sufficiently composed he rose and related, in a subdued and most impressive manner, his experience at the last village we visited where not one roof could be found to shelter him because he had a black face. At the close of his speech several men came up, handed us money and left the house because they could not bear any more, while others crowded around and assured him that their doors were open to him and his sister. From the home of her dear friend Elizabeth Powell,' where she had gone for a few days' rest, she writes: “At Pough- keepsie, Parker Pillsbury spoke grandly for freedom. I never heard from the lips of man such deep thoughts and burning words. In the ages to come, the prophecies of these noble men and women will be read with the same wonder and venera- tion as those of Isaiah and Jeremiah inspire today. Now while the people worship the prophets of that time, they stone those of their own." Mr. Garrison wrote her: I seize a moment to thank you for your letter giving an account of your anti-slavery meetings and those of the Friends of Progress. I am highly gratified to learn that the latter followed the example of the Progressive Friends at Longwood in favor of a dissolution of our blood-stained Ameri- can Union. I meant to have sent to you in season some resolutions or "testi- mony” on the subject, but circumstances prevented. I felt perfectly satisfied however that all would go right with you and Aaron and Oliver Johnson present to enforce the true doctrine. You must have had a soul-refreshing tirae, even though there appear to have been present what Emerson calls 1 Now Elizabeth Powell Bond, dean of Swarthmore College for many years. CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 153 “The fleas of the convention.” . . . . On Wednesday, there was a great popular demonstration here to inaugurate the statue of Warren. Think of Mason, of Virginia, the author of the Fugitive Slave Bill, being one of the speakers on Bunker Hill! of liberty, d Garrison Yous, for the trumph wema Ilona On this great tour Miss Anthony became so thoroughly aroused that she could no longer confine herself to written addresses, which seemed cold and formal and utterly unre- sponsive to the inspiration of the moment. She threw them aside and used them thereafter only on rare occasions. Her speeches from that time were made from notes or headings and among those used during the winter of 1857 are the following: Object of meeting; to consider the fact of 4,000,000 slaves in a Christian and republican government . . . . Everybody is anti-slavery, ministers and brethren. There are sympathy, talk, prayers and resolutions in ecclesiasti- cal and political assemblies. Emerson says “Good thoughts are no better than good dreams, unless they be executed;" so anti-slavery prayers, reso- lutions and speeches avail nothing without action .... Our mission is to deepen sympathy and convert it into right action; to show that the men and women of the North are slave-holders, those of the South slave-owners. The guilt rests on the North equally with the South, therefore our work is to rouse the sleeping consciences of the North . . . . No one is ignorant now. You recognize the facts which we present. We ask you to feel as if you, yourselves, were the slaves. The politician talks of slavery as he does of United States banks, tariff or any other commercial question. We demand the abolition of slavery because the slave is a human being, and because man should not hold property in his fellowman. The politician demands it be- cause its existence produces poverty and discord in the nation and imposes taxes on free labor for its support, since the government is dominated by southern rule.... We preach revolution; the politicians reform. We say disobey every unjust law; the politician says obey them, and meanwhile labor constitutionally for repeal. Accompaning these notes are many special incidents illus- trating the evils of slavery. With Miss Anthony's strong, rich voice, her powerful command of language and her inten- sity of feeling in regard to her subject, it may be imagined that her speeches were eloquent appeals and roused to action both her friends and her enemies. Some meetings were suc- 154 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. cessful financially, others failures, and her report to the com- mittee in the spring showed that she lacked $1,000 of having paid the total expenses, including salaries of speakers. A few of the committee were inclined to the opinion that meetings should not have been held in places where they would not pay, but that noble woman, Maria Weston Chapman, said : “My friends, if all you say is true, regarding this young woman's business enterprise, practical sagacity and platform ability, I think $1,000 expended in her education and development for this work is one of the best investments that possibly could have been made.” At the unanimous request of the commit- Bons in affectionale lememtiones 0711 Ohairman tee Miss Anthony remained in office and during the year can- vassed the entire state with her speakers. Mr. May wrote: "We cheerfully pay your expenses and want to keep you at the head of the work.” In March she was invited to go to Bangor, Me., and speak on woman's rights, in a course which included Henry Wilson, Gough, Phillips, Beecher and other notables. For this she was paid $50 and expenses, the first large sum she had received for a lecture, and it gave her much hope and courage. While in Maine she spoke a number of times, going from point to point in sleigh or wagon through snow, slush and mud. The press was very complimentary." The Bangor Jeffersonian said: "Miss Anthony is far from being an impracticable enthusi- ast. Dignity, conscientiousness and regard for the highest welfare of her sex, are the im- pressions which one receives of her. Doubtless all (if any there were) who went to scoff, remained to pray for the success of the doctrine she advocated. Personally she is good- looking, of symmetrical figure and modest and ladylike demeanor." The Bangor Whig was equally favorable. The Ellsworth American said: "Her enuncia- tion is very clear and remarkably distinct, yet there is nothing in it of the unfeminine character and tone which people had been led to expect from the usual criticisms of the press. The lecture itself, as an intellectual effort, was satisfactory as well to those who dissented as to those who sympathized with its positions and arguments. It was fruitful in ideas and suggestions and we doubt not many a woman, and man too, went home that night with the germ of more active ideas in their heads than had gathered there for a twelvemonth before." CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 155 In August Miss Anthony attended the State Teachers' Con- vention at Binghamton, and here created another commotion by introducing the following: Resolved, That the exclusion of colored youth from our public schools, academies, colleges and universities is the result of a wicked prejudice. Resolved, That the expulsion of Miss Latimer from the normal school at Albany, when after six months of successful scholarship it was discovered that colored blood coursed in her veins, was mean and cruel. Resolved, That a flagrant outrage was perpetrated against the teachers and pupils of the colored schools of New York City, in that no provision was made for their attendance at the free concerts given to the public schools. Resolved, That the recent exclusion of the graduates of the colored normal school of New York City, from the public diploma presentation at the Acad- emy of Music, was a gross insult to their scholarship and their womanhood. Resolved, That all proscription from educational advantages and honors, on account of color, is in perfect harmony with the infamous decision of Judge Taney—“that black men have no rights which white men are bound to respect.” After considerable uproar these were referred to a select committee on which were placed two ladies, Mary L. Booth and Julia A. Wilbur, both strong supporters of Miss Anthony. The committee brought in a majority report in favor of the resolutions but this make-shift minority report was adopted: “In our opinion the colored children of the State should enjoy equal advantages of education with the white.” Miss Anthony then proceeded to throw another bomb by presenting this reso- lution: Since the true and harmonious development of the race demands that the sexes be associated together in every department of life; therefore Resolved, That it is the duty of all our schools, colleges and universities to open their doors to woman and to give her equal and identical educational advantages side by side with her brother man. This opened the flood gates. Motions to lay on the table, to refer to a committee, etc., were voted down. A few strong speeches were made in favor, but most of them were in oppo- sition and very bitter, insisting that "it was sought to uproot the theory and practice of the whole world." The antique Professor Davies was in his element. He declared: “Here is an attempt to introduce a vast social evil. I have been trying 156 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. for four years, [i. e. ever since Miss Anthony's first appearance at a teachers' convention] to escape this question, but if it has to come, let it be boldly met and disposed of. I am opposed to anything that has a tendency to impair the sensitive delicacy and purity of the female character or to remove the restraints of life. These resolutions are the first step in the school which seeks to abolish marriage, and behind this picture I see a mon- ster of social deformity.” Another speaker, whose name is lost in oblivion, said in tones which would melt a heart of stone: “Shall an oak and a rose tree receive the same culture? Better to us is the clear, steady, softened, silvery moonlight of woman's quiet, unobtrusive influence, than the flashes of electricity showing that the true balance of nature is destroyed. Aye, better a thousand times is it than the glimmering ignus fatuus rising from decayed hopes and leading the deluded follower to those horrible quag- mires of social existence-amalgamation and Mormonism.” Prof. John W. Buckley, of Brooklyn, opposed the resolution in coarse and abusive language. State Superintendent of Pub- lic Instruction Henry H. Van Dyck demolished its last hope when he demanded with outstretched arm and pointed finger: "Do you mean to say you want the boys and girls to room side by side in dormitories? To educate them together can have but one result !” The Binghamton Daily Republican said: ”Miss Anthony vindicated her resolutions with eloquence, force, spirit and dignity, and showed herself a match, at least, in debate for any member of the convention. She was equal if not identi- cal. Whatever may be thought of her notions or sense of pro- priety in her bold and conspicuous position, personally, intel- lectually and socially speaking, there can be but one opinion as to her superior energy, ability and moral courage; and she may well be regarded as an evangel and heroine by her own sex." The woman who advocated co-education in those days was indeed in a “bold and conspicuous position.” The resolutions were lost by a large majority. Even if every man present had CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 157 voted against them, there were enough women to have carried them had they voted in the affirmative. The Republican said: “If the lady members had voted so as to be heard we know not what would have been the result; but their voices, to say the least, have not been ordained by the Creator to be equal or identical with man's, and are drowned by his louder sounds." Mrs. Stanton's opinion can best be learned by an extract from a letter : I see by the papers that you have once more stirred that pool of intellectual stagnation, the educational convention. What an infernal set of fools those schoolmarms must be! Well, if in order to please men they wish to live on air, let them. The sooner the present generation of women dies out, the bet- ter. We have idiots enough in the world now without such women propagat- ing any more. ... The New York Times was really quite compliment- ary. Mr. Stanton brought every item he could find about you. “Well, my dear,'' he would say, "another notice of Susan. You stir up Susan, and she stirs the world.” I was glad you went to torment those devils. I guess they will begin to think their time has come. I glory in your perseverance. O, Susan, I will do anything to help you on. You and I have a prospect of a good long life. We shall not be in our prime before fifty, and after that we shall be good for twenty years at least. If we do not make old Davies shake in his boots or turn in his grave, I am mistaken. The proceedings of the convention were published in full in the New York Tribune, and Miss Anthony received letters of commendation from Judge William Hay, Charles L. Reason, superintendent of the New York city colored schools, and many others. William Marvin, of Binghamton, wrote: "The sympathy of the people here, during the teachers' association, was decidedly with you. A vote from the audience would have carried any one of your resolutions." In the autumn the anti-slavery meetings were resumed, and Miss Anthony was unsparing of herself and everybody else. Parker Pillsbury complained: “What a task-mistress our gen- eral agent is proving herself. I expect as soon as women get command, an end will have come to all our peace. We shall yet have societies for the protection of men's rights, in the cause of which many of us will have to be martyrs.” Her brother, Daniel R., was sending frequent letters from Kansas containing graphic descriptions of the terrible condition of 158 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. affairs in that unhappy territory, and scathing denunciations of the treachery of northern “dough faces,” thus fanning the fires of patriotism that glowed in her breast and filling her with renewed zeal for the cause to which she was giving her time and strength. During these days she wrote a cherished sister: Though words of love are seldom written or spoken by one of us to the other, there must ever remain the abiding faith that the heart still beats true and fond. Our family is now so widely separated that our enjoyment must consist in soul communing. Indeed, I almost believe in the power of affec- tion to draw unto itself the yearning heart of the absent one. What the mod- ern Spiritualist tells of feeling the presence of departed friends and enjoying their loving ministrations, I sometimes imagine to be true, not of the spirits of those gone hence, but of those still in the body who are separated from us. I often pass blessed moments in these sweet, silent communings..... Every day brings to me new conceptions of life and its duties, and it is my constant desire that I may be strong and fearless, baring my arm to the encounter and pressing cheerfully forward, though the way is rough and thorny. I have just returned from the hardest three weeks' tour of anti-slavery meetings I have had yet, so cold and disheartening. The masses seem devoid of conscience and looking only for some new expedient to accomplish the desired good; but in every town there are some true spirits who walk in God's sunlight and do what is right, trusting results to the great Immutable Law..... I wish all the dear ones would write me more often. Though I am sure of their affection, yet when the soul is burdened and one is sur- rounded by strangers, a letter from a loved one brings healing to the spirit, and I need it more than I can tell. There is scarcely a letter to her own family, in the large number preserved, which does not express a longing for love and sympathy, a craving that no public career, no devotion to any cause, however absorbing, ever eradicates from the human soul. Although so fully occupied, Miss Anthony did not neglect the beloved cause of woman. This year, however, when she attempted to arrange for the annual convention, she found to her dismay that every one of the speakers whom she always depended upon was unable to be present because of maternal duties. Some were anticipating an event, others had very young infants, and the older women were kept at home by ex- pected or recently arrived grandchildren. She was used to overcoming obstacles, but the conditions on this occasion were CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 159 too much for her and, with feelings which can not well be put into language, she was obliged to give up the national conven- tion, the only one omitted from 1850 to 1861. Amidst the hard work and many disappointments of the year, there is one gleam of humor in what was known to the family as “Susan's raspberry experiment.” During her wan- derings she visited her friend Sarah Hallock who had made a great success of raspberry culture, selling 40,000 baskets dur- ing the season, and she did not see why she could not do quite as well. She unfolded her plan to her father, who supported her in that as in everything and gave her as much ground as she desired. While at home for a short time she had this un- derdrained and prepared, $100 worth of raspberry plants set out and staked; then went away and left the family to look after them. The father was in the city all day attending to business, the sister Mary teaching school, the mother was not well and there was no one else but the hired man, who knew nothing about the culture of raspberries and was otherwise occupied; so the bushes took their chances. The fame of the experiment, however, spread far and wide, the newspapers announced that Miss Anthony had bought a large farm and stocked it with raspberries; that she had abandoned the platform and taken up fruit culture. She received scores of letters asking information as to the best plants and most successful methods, others begging her not to give up public work, and many from friends who had no end of fun at her expense. The bushes grew and bore fruit enough to give the family a number of delicious meals. Then a very cold winter followed and there was no one to care for the tender plants. In December came a letter from the irre- pressible brother-in-law, Aaron McLean: “As to your rasp- berry 'spec,' I regret to tell you it has 'gone up.' The poor, little, helpless things expired of a bad cold about two weeks since. Do you remember that text of Scripture, which says, "She who by the plow would thrive, herself must either hold or drive'? It has cost you $200 to learn the truth of it.” Her sister Mary wrote: "I hope, Susan, when you get a husband and 160 children, you will treat them better than you did your rasp- berry plants, and not leave them to their fate at the beginning of winter.” It was a deep regret to Miss Anthony that she could not give the necessary time and care to make this experiment a success, as she was anxious to encourage women to go into the pursuit of agriculture, horticulture, floriculture, anything which would take them out of doors. In a letter to Mr. Hig- ginson she says: “The salvation of the race depends, in a great measure, upon rescuing women from their hothouse existence. Whether in kitchen, nursery or parlor, all alike are shut away from God's sunshine. Why did not your Caro- line Plummer, of Salem, why do not all of our wealthy women leave money for industrial and agricultural schools for girls, instead of ever and always providing for boys alone?” This is one of the many instances where Miss Anthony foreshadowed reforms and improvements which have been fulfilled in the present generation. In 1858 is presented the same routine of unremitting work which characterized so many previous years. The winter was given up to anti-slavery meetings with their attendant hard- ships. Miss Anthony has great scorn for those who talk regretfully of the "good old days.” She thinks one lecture season under the conditions which then existed would be an effectual cure to any longing for them one might have. The conveniences of modern life, bathrooms with plenty of hot water, toiletrooms, steam-heated houses, gas and hundreds of realize they have not always existed, were comparatively unknown. One of the greatest trials these travellers had to endure was the wretched cooking which was the rule and not the exception among our much-praised foremothers. In one of the old diaries is this single ejaculation, “0, the crimes that are committed in the kitchens of this land!” In those days the housewife could not step around the corner and buy for two cents a cake of yeast which insured good bread, but THE FARM-HOME NEAR ROCHESTER, N. Y., 1845–65. CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 161 understood by the average housekeeper, so a substitute was found in "salt risings,” and a heavy indigestible mass gener- ally resulted. White flour was little used and was of a poor quality. Baking powder was unknown and all forms of cakes and warm bread were made with sour milk and soda, easily ruined by too much or too little of the latter. In no particular did the table compare favorably with that of modern families. The anti-slavery and woman's rights lecturers always ac- cepted private hospitality when offered, for reasons of economy and, as many of the people who favored these reforms were seeking light in other directions also, they were very apt to find themselves the guests of "cranks” upon the food question and were thus made the subject of most of the experiments in vogue at that period. On one occasion Miss Anthony, Aaron Powell and Oliver Johnson were entertained by prominent and well-to-do people in a town near New York, who had not a mouthful for any of the three meals except nuts, apples and coarse bran stirred in water and baked. At the end of one day the men ignominiously fled and left her to stay over Sun- day and hold the Monday meeting. She lived through it but on Tuesday started for New York and never stopped till she reached Delmonico's, where she revelled in a porterhouse steak and a pot of coffee. During these winter meetings all of the men broke down physically and their letters were filled with complaints of their heads, their backs, their lungs, their throats and their eyes. Garrison wrote at one time: “I hope to be present at the meeting but I can not foresee what will be my spinal condition at that time, and I could not think of appearing as a Garri- risonian Abolitionist' without a backbone.” Miss Anthony never lost a day or missed an engagement, although it may be imagined that she had many hours of weariness when she would have been glad to drop the burden for a while. On March 17 she writes: “How happy I am to lay my head on my own home pillow once more after a long four months, scarcely stopping a second night under one roof.” Mr. May ANT.-11 162. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. wrote in behalf of the committee: “We rejoice with you in the success of your meetings and in all your hopes for the up- springing of the good seed sown by the faithful joint labors of you and your gallant little band. We have made the follow- ing a committee of arrangements for the annual meeting : Garrison, Phillips, Quincy, Johnson and Susan B. Anthony." So she at once girded on her armor and began to prepare for the May anniversary and, being determined the National Woman's Rights Convention should not be omitted this year, she conducted also an extensive correspondence in regard to that. Referring to all this drudgery Lucy Stone urged : " Don't do it; quit common work such as a common worker could do ; and don't mourn over us and our babies. We are growing workers. I know you are tired with your four months' work, but it is not half so hard as taking care of a child night and day. I shall not assume any responsibility for another convention till I have had my ten daughters.'' But Miss Anthony knew that this “common work,” this hir- ing halls, raising money and advertising meetings was just what nobody else could or would do. She understood also that while the other women were at home “growing workers," somebody must be in the field looking after the harvest. Abby Hutchinson, the only sister in the famous family of singers, wrote from their Jersey home, Dawnwood: “I want so much to help you; I have longed to do some good with my voice but public life wears me out very fast." Nevertheless she came and sang for them. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Brown Blackwell brought new babies into the world a few weeks be- fore the convention, to Miss Anthony's usual discomfiture. She wrote to the latter: "Mrs. Stanton sends her love to you and says if you are going to have a large family, go right on and finish up as she has done. She has only devoted eighteen years out of the very heart of her existence to this great work. But I say, stop now." The convention in Mozart Hall followed close upon the Anti- Slavery Anniversary, Miss Anthony presided and there were the usual distinguished speakers, Phillips, Pillsbury, Garri- CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 163 son, Douglass, Higginson, Lucretia Mott, Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Rose, and, for the first time, George William Curtis spoke on the woman's rights platform. Notwithstanding this array of talent, the convention through all its six sessions was threat- ened with a mob, encouraged by the Herald and other New York papers. The disturbance at times was so great the speakers could not be heard, even Curtis was greeted with hisses and groans, but Miss Anthony stood at the helm unter- rified through all and did not leave her post until the last fea- ture of the program was completed and the convention ad- journed. She was growing accustomed to mobs. In August, 1858, she attended the teachers' convention at Lockport. The sensational feature of this meeting was the reading by Professor Davies of the first cablegram from Eng- land, a message from the Queen to the President. The press reports show that she took a prominent part in the proceedings and possibly merited the name which some one gave her of “the thorn in the side of the convention." These annual gatherings were very largely in the nature of mutual admira- tion societies among the men, who consumed much of the time in complimenting each other and the rest of it in long-winded orations. During this one Miss Anthony arose and said that, as all members had the same right to speak, she would sug- gest that speeches should be limited so as to give each a chance. She made some of the men furious by stating that they spoke so low they could not be heard. At another time she suggested that, as there were only a few hours left for the business of the convention, they should not be frittered away in trifling discussions, saying, “if she were a man she would be ashamed to consume the time in telling how much she loved women and in fulsome flattery of other men.” She moved also that they set aside the proposed discussion on - The Effects of High Intellectual Culture on the Efficiency and Respectability of Manual Labor,” and take up pressing questions. When one man was indulging in a lot of the sense- less twaddle about his wife which many of them are fond of 164 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. introducing in their speeches, she called him to order saying that the kind of a wife he had, had nothing to do with the subject. She introduced again the resolution demanding equal pay for equal work without regard to sex. A friend wrote of this occasion: “She arraigned those assembled teachers for their misdemeanors as she would a class of schoolboys, in per- fect unconsciousness that she was doing anything unusual. We women never can be sufficiently thankful to her for taking the hard blows and still harder criticisms, while we reaped the benefits.” The press reports said: “Miss Anthony has gained in the estimation of the teachers' convention, and is now listened to with great attention.” She gave her lecture on “Co-Educa- tion” to a crowded house of Lockport's prominent citizens, introduced by President George L. Farnham, of Syracuse, always her friend in those troublous days. By this time more than a score of the eminent educators of the day had become her steadfast friends, and they welcomed her to these conven- tions, aiding her efforts in every possible manner. Rev. Sam- uel J. May, who had delivered an address, upon his return home wrote: “You are a great girl, and I wish there were thousands more in the world like you. Some foolish old con- ventionalisms would be utterly routed, and the legal and social disabilities of women would not long be what they are.” Miss Anthony herself, writing to Antoinette Blackwell, said: “I wish I had time to tell you of my Lockport experience; it was rich. I never felt so cool and self-possessed among the plan- nings and plottings of the few old fogies, and they never appeared so frantic with rage. They evidently felt that their reign of terror is about ended.” October, 1858, brought another crucial occasion. In Roches- ter, a young man, Ira Stout, had been condemned to be hung for murder. A number of persons strongly opposed to capital punishment believed this a suitable time to make a demonstra- tion. It was not that they doubted the guilt of Stout, but they were opposed to the principle of what they termed judicial CAMPAIGNING WITH THE GARRISONIANS. 165 murder. As the Anthonys and many of the leading Quaker families, Frederick Douglass and a number of Abolitionists shared in this opinion, it was not surprising that Miss Anthony undertook to get up the meeting. In a cold rain she made the round of the orthodox ministers but none would sign the call. The Universalist minister, Rev. J. H. Tuttle, agreed to be present and speak. She secured thirty or forty signatures, engaged the city hall and advertised extensively. The feeling against Stout was very strong and there was a determination among certain members of the community that this meeting should not be held. Huge placards were posted throughout the city, urging all opposed to the sentiments of the call to be out in force, a virtual invitation to the mob. When the evening arrived, October 7, the hall was filled with a crowd of nearly 2,000, a large portion of whom only needed the word to break into a riot. Miss Anthony called the assemblage to order and Frederick Douglass was made chairman, but when he attempted to speak, his voice was drowned with groans and yells. Aaron M. Powell, William C. Bloss and others tried to make themselves heard but the mob had full sway. Miss Anthony was greeted with a perfect storm of hisses. Finally the demonstrations became so threat- ening that she and the other speakers were hurried out of the hall by a rear door, the meeting was broken up and the janitor turned out the lights. No attempt was made by the mayor or police to quell the disturbance and mob law reigned supreme. The brightest ray of sunshine in the closing days of 1858 was the following letter from Mr. Phillips : “I have had given me $5,000 for the woman's rights cause; to procure tracts on that subject, publish and circulate them, pay for lectures and secure such other agitation of the question as we deem fit and best to obtain equal civil and political position for women. The name of the giver of this generous fund I am not allowed to tell you. The only condition of the gift is that it is to remain in my keeping. You, Lucy Stone and myself are a committee of trustees to spend it wisely and 166 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. efficiently." The donor proved to be Francis Jackson, the staunch friend of the emancipation of woman as well as the negro. With much respect and esteem Francis Jackson CHAPTER XI. CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 1859. $1283318 MONG Miss Anthony's many schemes for regen- z erating the world was one to have a Free church in Rochester, after the manner of Theodore AVA E Parker's in Boston, similar to an ethical society, where no doctrines should be preached and all should be welcome, contributing what they chose. This was in her mind for years, and at the beginning of 1859 she en- gaged Corinthian Hall for Sunday evenings, her good friend, William A. Reynolds, as usual making her a reduced rate; and here Antoinette Brown Blackwell and Parker Pillsbury each preached for a month. She tried to engage Mrs. Stanton for a year and also Aaron M. Powell, but the financial support was too uncertain and the project had to be abandoned. All her life, however, Miss Anthony cherished the hope of seeing this Free church established and sustained. She arranged a series of lectures for this winter. George William Curtis accepted her invitation in this characteristic letter: I think of no title for your course, but why have any? Why not say sim- ply, “A Course of Independent Lectures ?” To call them woman's rights would damn them in advance, so strong is prejudice. The only one I have at all suited to your purpose is “Fair Play for Women.”i I hate the words “woman's rights,” nor do they properly describe my treatment of the question which, in my mind, is not one of sex but of humanity. My lecture is a plea for the recognition of the equal humanity of women and an assertion that 1A critic said of this: "It is the most faultless presentation of the question to which I have listened. Mr. Curtis takes the broadest view of the subject, his logic in its sweep is convincing as demonstration itself. His satire is cutting, but not bitter; his wit keen as a Damascus blade. He came out bravely for the suffrage.” For forty years the advocates of equal rights have been using this lecture as one of their strongest documents. (167) 168 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. they have rights not as women but as human beings. In respect to terms, I leave it with you. I usually receive $50, but you will understand that I should prefer to pay the expenses myself rather than that you or any one interested should expend a penny; so if you can not justly give me anything, I shall be content. هر سه است يا بنااااا Miss Anthony always came out of these lecture courses in debt, but she would call upon her friends or borrow from sister or father enough to make up the deficit, and replace the loan out of her scanty earnings. She persisted in having them to educate the public on the progressive questions of the day. At this time the long, severe mental and physical strain of years began to be felt in her one weak spot, and the old trouble with her back asserted itself. From every quarter came urgent appeals for her assistance. At first she answered: “If New York calls a constitutional convention for next spring, this will be a capital winter to strike heavy blows for freedom and equality such as we shall not have for a long time to come. I am ready just as soon as the armies can be marshaled and equipped.” But later she wrote: It is being forced upon me that nature orders me to stay quietly at home this winter and it may be that it is to enable me to get a greater literary culture than I possibly could, amidst the hurry and bustle of continual meet- ings. Somehow I can not philosophize away a shrinking from going into active work. I can not get up a particle of enthusiam or faith in the success, either financial or spiritual, of another series of conventions. For the past five years I have gone through this routine and something within me keeps praying to be spared from more of it. There has been such a surfeit of lecturing, the people are tired of it. Then I never was so poor in purse and I fear to end another campaign with a heavy debt to still further encroach upon my small savings. I can not bear to make myself dependent upon rel- atives for the food I eat and the clothes I wear; I never have done it and hope I may never have to. Perhaps I may feel a renewed faith in myself and my work but the past years have brought me so much isolation and spiritual loneliness, although in the midst of crowds, that I confess to a long- ing to stay for awhile among my own people. CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 169 The commands of the physician were imperative that she should avoid all fatigue and nervous excitement, but her pen was not idle, and the time which she hoped to devote to the reading of many books was occupied in sending out letters, petitions, appeals and the various documents necessary to keep the work going. In answer to an invitation from the Friends of Human Progress she wrote: To be esteemed worthy to speak for woman, for the slave, for humanity, is ever grateful to me, and I regret that I can not be with you at your annual gathering to get for myself a fresh baptism, a new and deeper faith. I would exhort all women to be discontented with their present condition and to assert their individuality of thought, word and action by the energetic doing of noble deeds. Idle wishes, vain repinings, loud-sounding declamations never can bring freedom to any human soul. What woman most needs is a true appreciation of her womanhood, a self-respect which shall scorn to eat the bread of dependence. Whoever consents to live by “the sweat of the brow” of another human being inevitably humiliates and degrades herself . . . . No genuine equality, no real freedom, no true manhood or womanhood can exist on any foundation save that of pecuniary independence. As a right over a man's subsistence is a power over his moral being, so a right over a woman's subsistence enslaves her will, degrades her pride and vitiates her whole moral nature. To her brother Daniel R., in Kansas, who was somewhat skeptical on the woman question, she sent this strong letter: Even the smallest human right denied, is large. The fact that the ruling class withhold this right is prima facie evidence that they deem it of impor- tance for good or for evil. In either case, therefore, the human being is out- raged. It, perchance, may matter but little whether Kansas be governed by a constitution made by her bona fide settlers or by people of another State or by Congress; but for Kansas to be denied the right to make her own consti- tution and laws is an outrage not to be tolerated. So the constitution and laws of a State and nation may be just as considerate of woman's needs and wants as if framed by herself, yet for man to deny her the right to a voice in making and administering them, is paralleled only by the Lecompton usur- pation. For any human being or class of human beings, whether black, white, male or female, tamely to submit to the denial of their right to self- government shows that the instinct of liberty has been blotted out. You blunder on this question of woman's rights just where thousands of others do. You believe woman unlike man in her nature; that conditions of life which any man of spirit would sooner die than accept are not only endur- able to woman but are needful to her fullest enjoyment. Make her position in church, State, marriage, your own; everywhere your equality ignored, 170 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. everywhere made to feel another empowered by law and time-honored cus- tom to prescribe the privileges to be enjoyed and the duties to be discharged by you; and then if you can imagine yourself to be content and happy, judge your mother and sisters and all women to be. It was not because the three-penny tax on tea was so exorbitant that our Revolutionary fathers fought and died, but to establish the principle that such taxation was unjust. It is the same with this woman's revolution; though every law were as just to woman as to man, the principle that one class may usurp the power to legislate for another is unjust, and all who are now in the struggle from love of principle would still work on until the estab- lishment of the grand and immutable truth, "All governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.” She wrote Lydia Mott: "The new encyclopedia is just out and I notice in regard to Antoinette Brown Blackwell that it gives a full description of her work up to the time of her mar- riage, then says: “She married Samuel Blackwell and lives near New York.' Not a word of the splendid work she has done on the platform and in the pulpit since. Thus does every married woman sink her individuality.” This brought from Lydia a spirited answer: For my part, when you speak of the individuality of one who is truly mar- ried being inevitably lost, I think you mistake. If there ever was any indi- viduality it will remain. I don't believe it is necessary for development that the individual must always force itself upon us. We naturally fall into the habits and frequently the train of thought of those we love and I like the expression “we” rather than "I.” I never feel that my interests and actions can be independent of the dear ones with whom I am surrounded. Even the one who seems to be most absorbed may, in reality, possess the strongest soul. This standing alone is not natural and therefore can not be right. I am sure one of these days you will view this matter from a different stand- point. Miss Anthony so far yielded as to reply: "Institutions, among them marriage, are justly chargeable with many social and individual ills but, after all, the whole man or woman will rise above them. I am sure my true woman’ never will be crushed or dwarfed by them. Woman must take to her soul a purpose and then make circumstances conform to this purpose, instead of forever singing the refrain, 'if and if and if !”” But later when one woman failed to keep a lecture en- gagement because her husband wanted her to go somewhere CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 171 with him, and another because her husband was not willing she should leave home, she again poured out her sorrows to her friend : There is not one woman left who may be relied on, all have “first to please their husband,” after which there is but little time or energy left to spend in any other direction. I am not complaining or despairing, but facts are stern realities. The twain become one flesh, the woman, “we”; henceforth she has no separate work, and how soon the last standing monuments (your- self and myself, Lydia), will lay down the individual “shovel and de hoe” and with proper zeal and spirit grasp those of some masculine hand, the mer- cies and the spirits only know. I declare to you that I distrust the power of any woman, even of myself, to withstand the mighty matrimonial mael- strom ! But how did I get into this dissertation? If to you it seems morbid, pardon the pen-wandering. In the depths of my soul there is a continual denial of the self-annihilating spiritual or legal union of two human beings. Such union, in the very nature of things, must bring an end to the free action of one or the other, and it matters not to the individual whose freedom has thus departed whether it be the gentle rule of love or the iron hand of law which blotted out from the immortal being the individual soul-stamp of the Good Father. How I do wish those who know something of the real social needs of our age would rescue this greatest, deepest, highest question from the pres- ent unphilosophical, unspiritual discussers. As might be expected, the legacy of $5,000 brought not only a flood of requests from all parts of the country, but some di- vision of opinion among those who had it in control. Miss Anthony would use all of it in the work of propaganda, lect- ures, conventions, tracts and newspaper articles. Lucy Stone wished to use part in suits to prove the unconstitutionality of the law which taxes women and refuses them representation. Antoinette Blackwell wanted a portion to establish a church where she could spread the doctrine of woman's rights along with the gospel. Most of the women lecturers and some of the men wished to be engaged immediately at a fixed salary. Miss Anthony writes for advice to Phillips, who replies: “Go ahead with your New York plan as sketched to me. I am will- ing to risk spending $1,000 on it. Never apologize as if you troubled me; it is my business as much as yours, and I am only sorry to be of so little help.” Brief records in the little diary say: 172 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Sister Mary and I passed New Year's Day, 1859, most quietly and hap- pily in the dear farm-home. Mother is in the East with sister Hannah, and father dined in the city with sister Guelma, who sent us a plate of her excel- lent turkey. ..In the afternoon Mary and I drove to Frederick Doug- lass' and had a nice visit; stayed to tea and listened to a part of his new lect- ure on “Self-Made Men.” . . . Father and Mary gone to their work in the city, and I am writing on my lecture “The True Woman.” Ground out four commercial-note pages in five mortal hours, but they are strong. ... Ten degrees below zero. Mother home; no writing today; all talk about the eastern folks. ..Antoinette Blackwell preached here yesterday, and we have had a good visit together today. Just helped two fugitive slaves, perhaps genuine and perhaps not. ... Went to the city to hear A. A. Willit's lecture on "A Plea for Home.” Gives woman a place only in domestic life- sad failure. ... Twenty letters written and mailed today. Took tea with the Hallowells. Am glad to learn that the money forwarded to the Anti- Slavery Bazar and lost was sent by a man instead of a woman. ... Heard Bayard Taylor on “Life in Lapland.” Hundreds could not gain admittance. ... Curtis lectured on “Fair Play for Women”; great success, but I feel that he has not yet been tried by fire. Afterwards visited with Curtis and Taylor, and Mr. Curtis said: “Rather than have a radical thinker like Mrs. Rose at your suffrage conven- tions, you would better give them up. With such speak- ers as Beecher, Phillips, Theo- dore Parker, Chapin, Tilton and myself advocating wom- an's cause, it can not fail.” مع لامعة سر Miss Anthony did not hesitate to criticise even Mr. Curtis, writing him in reference to his great lecture, “ Democracy and Education”: “When all the different classes of industrial claimants for a voice in the government were enumerated, there was not one which could be interpreted to represent womanhood. Hence only the few who know that with George William Curtis, the words 'man,' 'people,' 'citizens,' are not, as with the vast majority of lecturers, mere glittering generalities, can understand that his grand principles of democracy are intended to be applied to woman equally with man. I listen for the unthinking masses and pray that every earnest, manly spirit shall help make women free.” In reply Mr. Curtis closed a long and cordial letter by saying: “ Believe me that I have thought of the point you make but the greater statement must inevitably include the less.” She CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 173 scribbled a comment on the back of this for her own satisfac- tion: "Men still the greater, women the less.”' The last of January Miss Anthony went to Albany to attend the anti-slavery convention and remained six weeks during the legislative session to work in the interest of the women's petitions and the Personal Liberty Bill. This was a season of great enjoyment for her, notwithstanding much tramping about in the rain and snow and many discouraging experiences with the Legislature. She writes a friend: "Well, I am a member of the lobby but lacking the two most essential requi- sites, for I neither accept money nor have I any to pay out. Dr. Cheever speaks tonight in the Assembly chamber on 'The Guilt of the Slave Traffic and of the Legislation by which it is Supported.' I have been going about all day to collect enough to defray his expenses.” Phillips, Garrison, Pillsbury and all the host were at the convention. They dined in Lydia Mott's simple little home and had a merry time. Between the meetings the party visited the Legislature, Geological Hall, Palmer's studio and other places of interest and managed to get a bit of holiday recreation. Miss Anthony stayed with her friend Miss Mott, visited Rev. Mayo, called often on Thurlow Weed, went to Troy to hear Beecher lecture on "The Burdens of Society," to Hudson to hear Phillips on “ Toussaint L'Ouverture” and, whenever she could spare a day from her work with the Legis- lature, held woman's rights meetings in neighboring towns; thus every hour was filled to overflowing. In March she finished her lecture, “ The True Woman,” and plunged into the preparations for the approaching woman's rights convention. She also indulged the love for gardening which her busy life so seldom permitted and, judging from her diary, must have given the hired men more attention than they ever received before or afterwards: Uncovered the strawberry and raspberry beds....Worked with Simon building frames for the grape vines in the peach orchards.. . . Set out eighteen English black currants, twenty-two English gooseberries and Muscadine grape vines, also Lawton blackberries. . ... Worked in the 174 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. garden all day, then went to the city to hear Dr. Cheever; few there, but grand lecture. How he unmasked the church hypocrites! . . . . Wrote reports of the lecture for Standard and Liberator, and helped father plan the new kitchen. .... Finished setting out the apple trees and the 600 blackberry bushes, then took the 6 o'clock train for Seneca Falls. Hot and dusty, and I am very, very tired. She spoke in various towns all the way to New York where she arrived in time to attend the Anti-Slavery Anniversary and make final arrangements for the convention in Mozart Hall, May 12. She had written asking Lucretia Mott to preside, who answered, “I am sure there needs not a better presiding officer than thyself,” but agreed to come. When the hour arrived the hall was so packed that it was impossible for Mrs. Mott to reach the platform and Miss Anthony was obliged to open the meeting. This convention, like several which pre- ceded it, was greatly disturbed by noise and interruptions from the audience, until til Hon thich hästix n these areno toline awab an there me over to Wendell Phil- lips who “knew bet- how to play with and lash a mob and thrust Beck what he wished to say . into their long ears.” 7 At the end of his speech Miss Anthony immediately adjourned the convention, to pre- vent violent demonstrations. The Tribune said : The woman's rights meeting last night was well calculated to advance the cause that the reformers met to plead. The speakers were comparatively so CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 175 temperate, while sundry voters were so intemperate in demonstrating their folly, rudeness, ignorance and indecency, that almost any cause which the one pleaded and the other objected to would be likely to find favor with order- loving people. The presence of a single policeman might have preserved per- fect order, saved the reputation of our city before crowds of strangers and given hundreds an opportunity to hear. Of course it being a meeting that women were to address, as “ women have no rights in public which men are bound to maintain,” there was no policeman present. The disturbances at these conventions were not so much be- cause the mob objected to the doctrine of woman's rights as that they were addressed by the leading anti-slavery speakers and therefore had to bear the odium attached to that hated cause. A strong memorial, asking for equal social, civil and politi- cal rights for women and based on the guarantees of the Declaration of Independence, was prepared by a committee con- sisting of Miss Anthony, Mr. Phillips and seven others, to be presented to every legislature in the Union. By the time the leg- islatures met in 1860, political affairs had reached a crisis and the country was in a state of unrest and excitement which made it impossible to secure consideration for this or any other question outside the vital issues that were pressing, although it was pre- sented in several States. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton wrote an eloquent appeal to be circulated with the petitions to rouse public sentiment. Armed with this the former began correspondence with speak- ers in reference to a summer and fall campaign of the state. The diary shows that she actually found time to attend a picnic, but as she was called upon for a speech while there the day was not wholly wasted. There are also references to “moonlight rides,” and one entry records: “Mr. walked home with me; marvelously attentive. What a pity such powers of intellect should lack the moral spine!” Out of the Francis Jackson fund Mr. Phillips sent Miss Anthony $1,500 for her extensive campaign. She engaged speakers to come into New York in different months, and July 13 opened the series with Antoinette Blackwell at Niagara Falls. From here they made the round of the watering places, 176 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Ayon, Clifton, Trenton Falls, Sharon, Saratoga, Ballston Spa and Lake George, where persons of wealth and prominence were gathered from all parts of the Union. In some places they spoke in a grove to thousands of people; at others in hotel parlors, and everywhere met a friendly spirit and respectful treatment. Miss Anthony did not forget to go to Poughkeepsie this summer, and stir up the teachers at their annual meeting. Antoinette Blackwell says of this trip: "I shall always recol- lect our journey on the boat with two or three dozen teachers, and your walking the deck with one and another, talking about women and their rights, in school and out of school, in the most matter-of-fact way, although it was plainly evident that most of them would sooner have listened to a dis- cussion on the rights of the Hottentots.” The teacher who was her chief support at these conventions was Helen Philleo.! There were very few of them in those days who had the cour- age to help fight this battle for their own interests. At the last session she announced a woman's rights meeting and many remained to attend it. After the summer resorts were closed the meetings were con- tinued in the principal towns. Mrs. Blackwell thus describes an incident in the Fort William Henry hotel: “I remember a rich scene at the breakfast table. Aaron Powell was with us and the colored waiter pointedly offered him the bill of fare. Miss Anthony glanced at it and began to give her order, not to Powell in ladylike modesty, but promptly and energetically to the waiter. He turned a grandiloquent, deaf ear; Powell fidgeted and studied his newspaper; she persisted, determined that no man should come between her and her own order for coffee, cornbread and beefsteak. “What do I understand is the full order, sir, for your party?' demanded the waiter, doggedly By an odd coincidence, while this chapter was being written a letter came to Miss Anthony from Dean M. Jenkins, of Detroit, which said: "Enclosed please find my check to help on the good work to which you have devoted your life. You see I have almost par- doned you for saying, 'I have never quite forgiven you for marrying Helen Philleo and tak- ing her away from the suffrage work. In place of one worker you now have four. Mrs. Jenkins made a convert of me. Our daughter, Mrs. Spalding, is as earnest a worker for the suffrage cause as her mother, and our son is a defender of his mother's principles. ... ” CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 177 and suggestively. Powell tried to repeat her wishes, but stumbled and stammered and grew red in the face. I put in a working oar to cover the undercurrent of laughter, while she, coolly unconscious of everything except that there was no occa- sion for a 'middleman,' since she was entirely competent to look after her own breakfast, repeated her order, and the waiter, looking intensely disgusted, concluded to bring some- thing, right or wrong.” While at Easton among her old friends Miss Anthony at- tended Quaker meeting and the spirit moved her to speak very forcibly, as she relates in a letter: “A young Quaker preacher from Virginia, who happened to be there, said: 'Christ was no agitator, but a peacemaker; George Fox was no agitator; the Friends at the South follow these examples and are never dis- turbed by fanaticism. This was more than I could bear; I sprung to my feet and quoted : 'I came into the world not to bring peace but a sword...Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites that deyour widow's houses!' Read the New Testament, and say if Christ was not an agitator. Who is this among us crying 'peace, peace, when there is no peace?' —and sat down.” It is a matter of regret that she did not tell what became of the gentleman from Virginia. Miss Anthony writes to Mary Hallowell, during these days: “I am more tired than ever before and know that I am drain- ing the millpond too low each day to be filled quite up during the night, but I am having fine audiences of thinking men and women. Oh, if we could but make our meetings ring like those of the anti-slavery people, wouldn't the world hear us? But to do that we must have souls baptized into the work and consecrated to it." Mrs. Blackwell's domestic affairs will not permit any further lecturing and Miss Anthony says in a letter to her: “O, dear, dear, how I do wish you could have kept on with me. I can't tell you how utterly awful is the suspense these other women keep me in; first, they can't, then they can, then they won't unless things are so and so; and when I think every- ANT.-12 178 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. thing is settled, it all has to be gone over again. The fact is I am not fit to deal with anybody who is not terribly in earn- est.” To this she replies: “Dear child, I'm sorry I can not help you, but pity a poor married woman and forgive. The ordeal that I have been going through, four sewingwomen each giving about two days, no end of little garments to alter and to make, with a husband whose clothes as well as him- self have been neglected for three months, the garden to be covered up from the frost, shrubs to transplant, winter provis- ions to lay in and only one good-natured, stupid servant to help with all. This, Susan, is 'woman's sphere.'” As Miss Anthony never approved of a woman's neglecting her household for any purpose, she urged no more but sought elsewhere for assistance. There was not one unmarried woman except herself in all the corps of available speakers and, while some of them could make a trip of a few weeks, not one could be depended on for steady work. In October she secured Mrs. Tracy Cutler for awhile, and later Frances D. Gage, J. Eliza- beth Jones and Lucy N. Coleman, but was obliged to hold many meetings alone. These were continued at intervals through the fall of 1859 and the winter and spring of 1860, and numerous pages of foolscap are still in existence containing a carefully kept account of the expenses. Each meeting was made partly to pay for itself, the lecturers received $12 a week, Miss Anthony herself taking only this sum, and it may be be- lieved that no more extended and effective propaganda work ever was accomplished with the same amount of money. While this was being done, she also assisted Clarina Howard Nichols and Susan E. Wattles to plan an important campaign in Kansas with money furnished from the Jackson fund. She received the following characteristic letter from Rev. Thomas K. Beecher when she asked for the use of his church in Elmira: “I will answer for myself and afterwards append the decision of the trustees. Anybody with good moral char- acter and clean feet is welcome to use our meeting house, if they like, but were I you I should prefer Holden's Hall. But, CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 179 lastly, I should shrink from holding such a meeting. I fear that you will come to pain of disappointment when your en- thusiasm is chilled and bruised against the stone walls of El- mira apathy. More people will attend at Holden's Hall than at church. So speaks in brief, yours with hearty respect.”' Mrs. Blackwell writes her teasingly about what she calls her obtuseness, going straight ahead with her work, never know- ing when she was snubbed or defeated, giving the undiluted doctrine to people without ever perceiving their frantic efforts to escape, and ignoring all the humorous features of the cam- paigns. Miss Anthony retorts: “ You might give some of the funny things at your own expense, but tell just as many as you please at mine. You see I have always gone with such a blind rush that I never had time to see the ridiculous, and blessed for me and my work and my happiness that I did not.” Another invariable habit was never to notice complaints writ- ten to her. She always answered the business points but entirely ignored complainings, charges against other people and all extraneous matters. She relates a significant incident which occurred during this summer campaign when she and Antoinette Blackwell spent a Sunday at Gerrit Smith's. He had established at Peterboro and was maintaining at his own expense a Free church. Mrs. Blackwell, under the influence of Theodore Parker, Chapin and other liberal thinkers, had become very broad in her doc- trines, and was greatly pleased at an opportunity to preach for Mr. Smith, thinking to find perfect appreciation and sympathy. After church Miss Anthony went to her room and found her weeping bitterly, but she begged to be left to herself. When more composed she sent for her and told how in the midst of her sermon, when she felt herself surpassing anything she ever had done, she heard a gentle snore, and looking down beheld Mr. Smöith sound asleep! She was terribly disappointed and now had made up her mind there was but one thing for the human soul, and that was to live absolutely within itself. There is no friend, no relative, who can enter into the depths 180 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of another individuality. A husband and wife may be very happy together; in all the little occurrences which really make up the sum of everyday life, they may be perfectly congenial; but there will be times when each will feel the other separated by an immeasurable distance. Henceforth she would enjoy what solace there was in her religious faith for herself but would expect no other soul to share it with her. “This was to me a wonderful revelation,” said Miss Anthony, “and I realized, as never before, that in our most sacred hours we dwell indeed in a world of solitude." as erat Anornette BBroos Blackwell On December 2, 1859, occurred that terrible tragedy in the country's history, the execution of John Brown for the raid on the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry. The nation was shaken as by a great earthquake. Its dreadful import was realized perhaps by none so strikingly as by that little band of Abolitionists who never had wavered in their belief that slavery must ultimately disrupt the Union. When the coun- try was paralyzed with horror and uncertainty, they alone dared call public meetings of mourning and indignation. It was natural that in Rochester they should turn to Susan B. Anthony for leadership. Without a moment's hesitation for fear of consequences she engaged Corinthian Hall and set about arranging a meeting for the evening of that day. Par- ker Pillsbury wrote: Can you not make this gathering one of a popular character? What I mean is will not some sturdy Republican or Gerrit Smith man preside, another act as secretary and several make addresses? Only we must not lose the control. I do not believe that any observance of the day will be instituted outside our ranks. I am without tidings from the seat of war” since Tuesday evening; and do not know what we shall hear next. My voice is against any attempt CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 181 at rescue. It would inevitably, I fear, lead to bloodshed which could not compensate nor be compensated. If the people dare murder their victim, as ishtalth & Fermenth Jourt Pour Pillehusy; they are de- termined to do, and in the name of law, he dares and is prepared to die and the moral effect of the execution will be without a parallel since o uder the scenes on Calvary eighteen hundred years ago, and the halter that day sanctified shall be the cord to draw millions to salvation. Miss Anthony found that beyond the little band of Aboli- tionists not a person dared give her any assistance. Her diary says: “Not one man of prominence in religion or politics will publicly identify himself with the John Brown meeting.” She went from door to door selling tickets and collecting money. Samuel D. Porter, a prominent member of the Liberty party, assisted her, as did that circle of staunch Quaker friends who never failed her in any undertaking; Frederick Douglass had been obliged to flee to England. An admission fee of fifty cents kept out the rabble, and not more than 300 were present. The masses of the people, even those in full sympathy, were afraid to attend. Rev. Abram Pryn, a Free church minister, made a fine address, and Parker Pills- bury spoke as never before. Mr. Porter said: “This was the only occasion that ever matched Pillsbury's adjectives.” Miss Anthony presided and there was no disturbance. The surplus receipts were sent to John Brown's family. Mrs. Stanton wrote shortly afterwards, urging her to come to Seneca Falls: “Indeed it would do me great good to see some reformers just now. The death of my father, the worse than death of my dear cousin Gerrit,' the martyrdom of that great and glorious John Brown, all conspire to make me regret He had become temporarily insane on account of the persecution he suffered in connec- tion with the John Brown raid. 182 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. more than ever my dwarfed and perverted womanhood. In times like these every soul should do the work of a fullgrown man. When I pass the gate of the celestials and good Peter asks me where I wish to sit, I will say: “Anywhere so that I am neither a negro nor a woman. Confer on me, great angel, the glory of white manhood, so that henceforth I may feel unlimited freedom.'” In this year of 1859, Charles F. Hovey, a wealthy merchant of Boston, a radical in religion and a noted reformer and philanthropist, left $50,000 to be expended in securing equal rights for women, the abolition of slavery, and other reforms, at the discretion of Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and the other executors. As slavery was abolished four years later, a considerable portion of this was used for the cause of woman. Early in December the anti-slavery committee insisted that Miss Anthony should resume the management of their conven- tions, as they wished to hold a series throughout the large cities of the State and had been unable to find any one who could so successfully conduct them. Abby Kelly Foster, though often critical and censorious, wrote her regarding one of her speeches: “It is a timely, noble, clear-sighted and fear- less vindication of our platform. I want to say how delighted both Stephen and myself are to see that you, though much younger than some others in the anti-slavery school, have been able to appreciate so entirely the genius of our enterprise.” The distinguished George B. Cheever, of the Church of the Puri- tans in New York, one of the few orthodox clergymen who stood with the Abolitionists in those early days, wrote Miss Anthony: “May God be with you and guide and bless you in your efforts. That is the strength we all need and must have if we accomplish anything good and permanent in this terrible conflict." Respectfully and tuzu Corge B. Cheeva CONDITIONS PRIOR TO THE WAR. 183 A single instance will show how closely the question of woman's rights was connected with that of anti-slavery in the popular mind. When Miss Anthony and Mrs. Blackwell were at Fort William Henry, at the head of Lake George, they spoke one evening in the hotel parlors. There were a number of southerners present and many of them were delighted with the meeting, whose doctrines were entirely new to them, and made liberal contributions. The next day the speakers left in the stage with one of these, Judge John J. Ormond and his two daughters, of Tuscaloosa, Ala. He told Miss Anthony he had been instrumental in securing many laws favorable to women in that state and it would be a pleasure to him to see that their memorial was presented to the Alabama Legislature. When she reached home she sent it to him with the following letter: Enclosed is a copy of our woman's rights memorial. Will you give me a full report of the action taken upon it?... I hope you and your daugh- ters arrived home safe. Say to the elder I shall be most happy to hear from her when she shall have fairly inaugurated some noble life work. I trust each will take to her soul a strong purpose and that on her tombstone shall be en- graved her own name and her own noble deeds instead of merely the daughter of Judge Ormond, or the relict of some Honorable or D. D. When true womanhood shall be attained it will be spoken of and remembered for itself alone. My kindest regards to them, accompanied with the most earnest de- sire that they shall make truth and freedom the polar star of their lives. To this Judge Ormond made cordial reply, October 17, 1859: DEAR MADAM: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., with the papers enclosed. The petition to the Legislature will be presented by the senator from this county and I will apprise you of the action had upon it. My daughters are obliged to you for the interest you take in them. To a certain extent I agree with you as to the duties of woman. I am greatly in favor of her elevation to her proper sphere as the equal of man as to her civil rights, the security of her person, the right to her property and, where there is a separation after marriage, her equal right with the father to the custody and education of the children. All this as a legislator I have endeavored to accomplish, making large innovations upon the ancient common law. If I differ from you as to her political rights, it is because I think that, from political as well as moral considerations, she is unfit for, indeed incapacitated from, the performance of most of the duties which are now per- formed by men as members of the body politic; but there are many avocations and professions now exclusively occupied by men which women are as well, 184 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. perhaps better fitted to fill. I hope these will soon be thrown open to an active competition of both sexes. Then came the raid on Harper's Ferry and all its terrible consequences, and in December Judge Ormond wrote again : MADAM: In redemption of my promise to tell you the fate of the woman's rights petition to our Legislature, I have the honor to inform you that it was virtually rejected, being laid on the table. I interested a distinguished mem- ber of our Senate in its presentation and, in addition, wrote a letter which under ordinary circumstances would have insured its respectful consideration. But after your petition was forwarded came the treasonable and murderous invasion of John Brown. The atrocity of this act, countenanced as it mani- festly was by a great party at the North, has extinguished ourlast spark of frater- nal feeling. Whilst we are all living under a Constitution which secures to us our right to our slayes, the results of which are in truth more beneficial to the whole North, and especially to the New England States, than to us, you are secretly plotting murderous inroads into our peaceful country and endeavoring to incite our slaves to cut the throats of our wives and children. Can you believe that this state of things can last? We now look upon you as our worst ene- mies and are ready to separate from you. Measures are in progress as far as practicable to establish non-intercourse with you and to proscribe all articles of northern manufacture or origin, including New England teachers. We can live without you; it remains to be seen how you will get along without us. You will probably find that fanaticism is not an element of national wealth or conducive to the happiness or comfort of the people. In conclusion, let me assure you this is written more in sorrow than in anger. I am not a politician and have always been a strenuous friend of the Union. I am now in favor of a separation, unless you immediately retrace your steps and give the necessary guarantees by the passage of appropriate laws that you will faithfully abide by the compromises of the Constitution, by which alone the slaveholding States can with honor or safety remain in the Union. But that this will be done, I have very little hope, as “madness seems to rule the hour;” and as you have thus constituted yourselves our enemies, you must not be surprised at finding that we are yours. CHAPTER XII. RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 1860. URING the first decade of its history the move- ment toward securing a larger liberty for wo- men was known by the comprehensive term rowoman's rights.” At its inception, under the English common law which everywhere pre- vailed, woman was legally a part of man's belongings, one of his chattels. Restrained by custom from speaking in public or expressing herself through the newspapers, she had been silent under the oppression of ages. When at length she found her voice there were so many wrongs to be righted that she scarcely knew which first should receive attention. Those early meetings could not be called woman suffrage conventions, for many who advocated all the other reforms which they con- sidered either disbelieved in or were indifferent to the fran- chise. It was only the Anthonys, Stantons, Stones, Roses, Garrisons, Phillips of this great movement for woman's lib- erty who were philosophical enough to see that the right of suffrage was the underlying principle of the whole question ; so it was not for many years, not until practically all other de- mands had been granted, that they were finally resolved into a suffrage organization, pure and simple. At the beginning of 1860 the laws relating to women, as briefly stated by the great jurist, David Dudley Field, were as follows: The elective franchise is confined entirely to men. A married woman can not sue for her services, as all she earns legally belongs to the husband, whereas his earnings belong to himself, and the wife legally has no interest (185) 186 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in them. Where children have property and both parents are living, the father is the guardian. In case of the wife's death without a will, the hus- band is entitled to all her personal property and to a life interest in the whole of her real estate to the entire exclusion of the children, even though this property may have come to her through a former husband and the children of that marriage still be living. If the husband die without a will, the widow is entitled to one-third of the personal property and to a life interest in one- third only of the real estate. In case a wife be personally injured, either in reputation by slander, orin body by accident, compensation must be recovered in the joint name of herself and her husband, and when recovered it belongs to him. On the other hand, the wife has no legal claim in a similar case in regard to the husband. The father may by deed or will appoint a guardian for the minor children, who may thus be taken entirely away from the juris- diction of the mother at his death. Where both parents are dead, the chil- dren shall be given to the nearest of kin and, as between relatives of the same degree of consanguinity, males shall be preferred. No married woman can act as administrator in any case. One can not but ask why, under such laws, women ever would marry, but in those days virtually all occupations were closed to them and the vast majority were compelled to marry for support. In the few cases where women had their own means, they married because of the public sentiment which considered it a serious reproach to remain a spinster and rigorously forbade to her all the pleasures and independence that are freely accorded to the unmarried woman of today. And they married because it is natural for women to marry, and all laws and all customs, all restrictions and all freedom, never will circumvent nature. On February 3 and 4, 1860, the State Woman's Rights Con- vention was held at Albany in Association Hall, an interesting and successful meeting. At its close, in a letter to Mrs. Wright, Miss Anthony said: “Mr. Anson Bingham, chairman of the judiciary committee, will bring in a radical report in favor of all our claims, but previous to doing so he wishes our strongest arguments made before the committee and says Mrs. Stanton must come. I wish you would slip over there and make her feel that the salvation of the Empire State, at least of the women in it, depends upon her bending all her powers to move the hearts of our law-givers at this time. I should go there myself this very night but I must watch and encourage friends RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 187 here.” Mrs. Stanton replied to her urgent appeal: “I am willing to do the appointed work at Albany. If Napoleon says cross the Alps, they are crossed. You must come here and start me on the right train of thought, as your practical knowl- edge of just what is wanted is everything in getting up the right document.” The readers of history never will be able to separate Miss Anthony's addresses from Mrs. Stanton's; they themselves scarcely could do it. Some of the strongest ever written by either were prepared without the assistance of the other, but most of their resolutions, memorials and speeches were the joint work of both. Miss Anthony always said, “Mrs. Stanton is my sentence maker, my pen artist.” No one can excel Miss Anthony in logic of thought or vigor of expression; no one is so thoroughly supplied with facts, statistics and arguments, but she finds it difficult and distasteful to put them into writ- ten form. When, however, some one else has taken her wonderful stock of material and reduced it to shape, she is a perfect critic. Her ear is as carefully attuned to the correct balance of words as that of a skilled musician to harmony in music. She will detect instantly a weak spot in a sentence or a paragraph and never fail to suggest the exact word or phrase needed to give it poise and strength. Mrs. Stanton bad a large house and a constantly increasing family, making it exceedingly difficult to find time for literary work; so when a state paper was to be written, Miss Anthony would go to Seneca Falls. After the children were in bed, the two women would sit up far into the night arranging material and planning their work. The next day Mrs. Stanton would seek the quietest spot in the house and begin writing, while Miss Anthony would give the children their breakfast, start the older ones to school, make the dessert for dinner and trundle the babies up and down the walk, rushing in occasion- ally to help the writer out of a vortex. Many an article which will be read with delight by future generations was thus pre- 188 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. pared. Mrs. Stanton describes these occasions in her charm- ing Reminiscences: It was mid such exhilarating scenes that Miss Anthony and I wrote ad- dresses for temperance, anti-slavery, educational and woman's rights conven- tions. Here we forged resolutions, protests, appeals, petitions, agricultural reports and constitutional arguments, for we made it a matter of conscience to accept every invitation to speak on every question, in order to maintain woman's right to do so. It is often said by those who know Miss Anthony best, that she has been my good angel, always pushing and guiding me to work. With the cares of a large family, perhaps I might in time, like too many women, have become wholly absorbed in a narrow selfishness, had not my friend been continually exploring new fields for missionary labors. Her description of a body of men on any platform, complacently deciding ques- tions in which women had an equal interest without an equal voice, readily roused me to a determination to throw a fire-brand in the midst of their assembly. Thus, whenever I saw that stately Quaker girl coming across my lawn I knew that some happy convocation of the sons of Adam were to be set by the ears with our appeals or resolutions. The little portmanteau staffed with facts was opened and there we had what Rev. John Smith and Hon. Richard Roe had said, false interpretation of Bible texts, statistics of women robbed of their property, shut out of some college, half-paid for their work, reports of some disgraceful trial-injustice enough to turn any woman's thoughts from stockings and puddings. Then we would get out our pens and write articles for papers, a petition to the Legislature, letters to the faithful here and there, stir up the women in Ohio, Pennsylvania or Massachusetts, call on the Lily, the Una, the Liberator, the Standard, to remember our wrongs. We never met without issuing a pronunciamento on some question. In thought and sympathy we were one, and in the division of labor we exactly complemented each other. In writing we did better work together than either could do alone. While she is slow and analytical in composition, I am rapid and synthetic. I am the better writer, she the better critic. She supplied the facts and statistics, I the philosophy and rhetoric, and together we made arguments which have stood unshaken by the storms of nearly fifty long years. In 1878 Theodore Tilton gave this graphic description: “ These two women, sitting together in their parlors, have for the last thirty years been diligent forgers of all manner of pro- jectiles, from fireworks to thunderbolts, and have hurled them with unexpected explosion into the midst of all manner of edu- * At Miss Anthony's request only such speeches are published in the appendix of this biography as were prepared entirely without the co-operation of Mrs. Stanton. RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 189 cational, reformatory, religious and political assemblies, some- times to the pleasant surprise and half welcome of the mem- bers; more often to the bewilderment and prostration of nu- merous victims; and in a few signal instances, to the gnashing of angry men's teeth. I know of no two more pertinacious in- cendiaries in the whole country; nor will they themselves deny the charge. In fact, this noise-making twain are the two sticks of a drum for keeping up what Daniel Webster called 'the rub-a-dub of agitation.''' On March 19, 1860, Mrs. Stanton presented her address to a joint session of the Legislature at Albany, occupying the speaker's desk and facing as magnificent an audience as ever assembled in the old Capitol. It was a grand plea for a repeal of the unjust and oppressive laws relating to women, and it was universally said that its eloquence could not have been surpassed by any man in the United States. A bill was then in the hands of the judiciary committee, simply an amend- ment of the Property Law of 1848, to which Andrew J. Colvin objected as not liberal enough. Miss Anthony gave him a very radical bill just introduced into the Massachusetts Legis- lature, which he examined carefully, adding several clauses to make it still broader. It was accepted by the committee, com- posed of Messrs. Hammond, Ramsey and Colvin, reported to the Senate and passed by that body in February. It was con- curred in by the Assembly the day following Mrs. Stanton's speech, and signed by Governor Edwin D. Morgan. This new law declared in brief : Any property, real and personal, which any married woman now owns, or which may come to her by descent, etc., shall be her sole and separate prop- erty, not subject to control or interference by her husband. Any married woman may bargain, sell, etc., carry on any trade or perform any services on her own account, and her earnings shall be her sole and sep- arate property and may be used or invested by her in her own name. 1 In a letter to Miss Anthony regretting that no action was taken on the suffrage question, Mr. Colvin wrote: “The more reflection I give, the more my mind becomes convinced that in a republican government we have no right to deny woman the privileges she claims. Besides, the moral element which those privileges would bring into action would, in my judgment, have a powerful influence in perpetuating our form of government." 190 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. A married woman may buy, sell, make contracts, etc., and if the husband has willfully abandoned her, or is an habitual drunkard, or insane, or a con- vict, bis consent shall not be necessary. A married woman may sue and be sued, bringing action in her own name for damages and the money recovered shall be her sole property. Every married woman shall be joint guardian of her children with her hus- band, with equal powers, etc., regarding them, At the decease of the husband the wife shall have the same property rights as the husband would have at her death. This remarkable action, which might be termed almost a legal revolution, was the result of nearly ten years of labo- rious and persistent effort on the part of a little handful of women who, by constant agitation through conventions, meet- ings and petitions, had created a public sentiment which stood back of the Legislature and gave it sanction to do this act of justice. While all these women worked earnestly and con- scientiously to bring about this great reform, there was but one, during the entire period, who gave practically every month of every year to this purpose, and that one was Susan B. Anthony. In storm and sunshine, in heat and cold, in seasons of encouragement and in times of doubt, criticism and contumely, she never faltered, never stopped. Going with her petition from door to door, only to have them shut in her face by the women she was trying to help; subjecting her- self to the jeers and insults of men whom she need never have met except for this mission; held up by the press to the censure and ridicule of thousands who never had seen or heard her; misrepresented and abused above all other women because she stood in the front of the battle and offered herself a vicarious sacrifice—can the women of New York, can the women of the nation, ever be sufficiently grateful to this one who, willingly and unflinchingly, did the hardest pioneer work ever performed by mortal? Miss Anthony divided the winter of 1860 between the anti- slavery and the woman's cause. As she had very little on hand (!) she arranged another course of lectures for Roches- ter, inviting A. D. Mayo, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Thomas RIFT IN COMMON LAW—DIVORCE QUESTION. 191 Cemall Horny Starr King and others. These speakers were in the employ of the lyceum bureau, but were so restricted by it that they could give their great reform lectures only under pri- vate management. At the close of Emerson's he said to Miss Anthony that he had been instrumental in estab- lishing the lyceum for the purpose of securing a freedom of speech not permitted in the churches, but he believed that now he would have to do as much to break it up, because of its conservatism, and organize some new scheme which would permit men and women to utter their highest thought. She was in the habit of arranging many of her woman's rights meetings in different towns when Phillips or others were to be there for a lyceum lecture, thus securing them for a speech the following afternoon. A letter received this winter from her sister Mary is inter- esting as showing that the belief in equal rights for women was quite as strong in other members of the family. She had been requested by the board of education to fill the place of one of the principals who was ill, and gives the following ac- count: I was willing to do the best I could to help out, so the next morning, with fear and trembling, I faced the 150 young men and women, many of whom, like their fathers and mothers before them, felt that no woman had the abil- ity to occupy such a place. All went well until it was noised about that I should expect as much salary as had been paid the principal. To establish such a precedent would never do, so a man from a neighboring town was sent for post-haste, but the moment he began his administration the boys rebelled. After slates and books had been thrown from the window and I had been obliged to guard him from their snowballs on his way home, he decided teaching, in that place at least, was not his “sphere” and refused to return. Next morning the committee asked me to resume the management. I answered: "No person can fill the place of a long-tried teacher, but I in a measure succeeded-yet not one of you would entertain the idea of paying me as much as the principal. You sent to another town for a man, who has made an absolute failure, and yet you do not hesitate to pay him the full salary for the time he was here. If you will be as just to me, I will resume the work and do my best-on any other conditions I must decline.” They 192 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. agreed to the proposition, I finished the term and for the first time on record a woman received a principal's salary! A little later Miss Mary continues the story: You know the principal of Number Ten has been ill nearly two months. I asked him if Miss Hayden, who took his place, was to receive his salary. He replied: "Do you think after the money has been audited to me, I ought to turn around and give it all to her ?” Said I: "If the board are willing to pay you $72 a month while you are sick and pay her the same, all right; but if only one is to receive that salary, I say, and most emphatically, she is the one.” He wanted to know if I was not aware that mine was the only case where such a thing had been done in Rochester. I told him I was heartily glad I had been the means of having justice done for once, and was really in hopes other women teachers would follow my example and suffer themselves no longer to be duped. Miss Hayden however was obliged to accept $25 a month for doing exactly the work for which the man received $72 during all his illness. To keep her from making trouble, the board gave her a small present with the understanding that it was not to be considered as salary. A short time afterwards Miss Mary wrote again: “A woman teacher on a salary of $20 a month has just been ill for a week and another was em- ployed to take her place; when she recovered, she was obliged to have the supply teacher's salary deducted from her own. So I posted down to the superintendent's office and had an- other decidedly plain talk. He owned that it was unjust but said there was no help for it.” In the winter of 1860, Henry Ward Beecher delivered his great woman's rights speech at Cooper Institute, New York. At that time his name was a power in the whole world and his masterly exposition of the rights of women is still used as one of the best suffrage leaflets. Miss Anthony tells in her diary of meeting Tilton and of his amusing account of the struggle they had to get this speech published in the Independent. Her little visits to New York and Boston always inspired her with fresh courage, for here she would meet Theodore Parker, Frothingham, Cheever, Chapin, Beecher, Greeley, Phillips, Garrison, the great spirits of that age, and all in perfect sym- pathy with what she represented. RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 193 The Tenth National Woman's Rights Convention assembled in Cooper Institute, May 10, 1860. Miss Anthony called it to order and read a full and interesting report of the work and progress of the past year. The usual eloquent speeches were made by Phillips, Mrs. Rose, Rev. Beriah Green, Mary Grew, Rev. Samuel Longfellow, brother of the poet, and others. The warmest gratitude was expressed toward Susan B. Anthony, through whose untiring exertions and executive ability the recent laws for women were secured." A hearty laugh was enjoyed at the expense of the man who shouted from the audience, “She'd a great deal better have been at home taking care of her husband and children." The proceedings were pleasant and harmonious, but next morning the whole atmosphere was changed and Elizabeth Cady Stanton did it with a little set of resolutions declaring that, under certain conditions, divorce was justifiable. She supported them by an address which for logic of argument, force of expression and beauty of diction never has been, never can be surpassed. No such thoughts ever before had been put into words. She spoke on that day for all the women of the world, for the wives of the present and future generations. The audience sat breathless and, at the close of the following peroration, burst into long-continued applause : We can not take our gauge of womanhood from the past but from the solemn convictions of our own souls, in the higher development of the race. No parchments, however venerable with the mold of ages, no human insti- tutions, can bound the immortal wants of the royal sons and daughters of the great I Am-rightful heirs of the joys of time and joint heirs of the glories of eternity. If in marriage either party claim the right to stand supreme, to woman, the mother of the race, belongs the scepter and the crown. Her life is one long sacrifice for man. You tell us that among all womankind there is no Moses, Christ or Paul-no Michael Angelo, Beethoven or Shakespeare- no Columbus or Galileo-no Locke or Bacon. Behold those mighty minds so grand, so comprehensive-—they themselves are our great works ! Into you, O sons of earth, goes all of us that is immortal. In you center our very life, our hopes, our intensest love. For you we gladly pour out our heart's blood and die, knowing that from our suffering comes forth a new and more glori- ous resurrection of thought and life. Antoinette Black- This speech set the convention on fire. ANT.-13 194 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. well spoke strongly in opposition, Mrs. Rose eloquently in favor. Mr. Phillips was not satisfied even with the motion to lay the resolutions on the table but moved to expunge them from the journal of the convention, which, he said, had noth- ing to do with laws except those that rested unequally upon women and the laws of divorce did not. It seems incredible that Mr. Phillips could have taken this position, when by the law the wife had no legal claim upon either property or children in case of divorce, and, even though the innocent party, must go forth into the world homeless and childless; in the major- ity of States she could not sue for divorce in her own name nor could she claim enough of the community property to pay the costs of the suit. Miss Anthony said : I hope Mr. Phillips will withdraw his motion. It would be contrary to all parliamentary usage that when the speeches which advocated them are pub- lished in the proceedings, the resolutions should not be. I wholly dissent from the point that this question does not belong on our platform. Marriage has ever been a one-sided contract, resting most unequally upon the sexes. Woman never has been consulted; her wish never has been taken into con- sideration as regards the terms of the marriage compact. By law, public sentiment and religion, woman never has been thought of other than as a piece of property to be disposed of at the will and pleasure of man. This very hour, by our statute books, by our so-called enlightened Christian civilization, she has no voice whatever in saying what shall be the basis of this relation. She must accept marriage as man proffers it, or not at all. And then again, on Mr. Phillips' own ground, the discussion is perfectly in order, since nearly all the wrongs of which we complain grow out of the inequality, the injustice of the marriage laws, that rob the wife of the right to herself and her children and make her the slave of the man she marries. I hope, therefore, the resolutions will be allowed to go out to the public, that there may be a fair report of the ideas which actually have been presented here and that they may not be left to the mercy of the press. Abby Hopper Gibbons supported Mr. Phillips, but Mr. Gar- rison favored the publication of the resolutions. The motion to expunge them from the minutes was lost. This discussion stirred the country from center to circum- ference, and all the prominent newspapers had editorials favoring one side or the other. It produced the first un- pleasantness in the ranks of those who had stood together for the past decade. Greeley launched thunderbolts against the right of divorce under any circumstances, and Mrs. Stanton yourt Affectionateze Erreshnede More RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 195 replied to him in his own paper. Lucy Stone, who just before the convention had written to Mrs. Stanton, "That is a great, grand question, may God touch your lips," now took sides with Phillips. To Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony came let- ters from far and wide, both approving and condemning. Mrs. William H. Seward and her sister, Mrs. Worden, wrote that it not only was a germane question to be discussed at the convention but that there could be no such thing as equal rights with the existing conditions of marriage and divorce. From Lucretia Mott came the encouraging words: “I was re- joiced to have such a defense of the resolutions as yours. I have the fullest confidence in the united judgment of Elizabeth Stanton and Susan Anthony and I am glad they are so vigor- ous in the work.” Parker Pillsbury sent a breezy note: “What a pretty kettle of hot water you tumbled into at New York! Your marriage and divorce speeches and resolutions you must have learned in the school of a Wollstonecraft or a Sophie Arnaut. You broke the very heart of the portly Even- ing Post and nearly drove the Tribune to the grave.” For the censure of the world at large they did not care, but Phillips' defection almost broke their hearts. He was their ideal of the brave and the true and always before they had had his approval and assistance in every undertaking. Miss Anthony wrote Mrs. Stanton: “It is not for you or for me, any more than for Mr. Phillips, to dictate our platform; that must be fixed by the majority. He is evidently greatly distressed. I find my only comfort in that glorious thought of Theodore Parker: ‘All this is but the noise and dust of the wagon bringing the harvest home. These things must be, and happy are they who see clearly to the end.” And to her friend Amy Post: “It is wonderful what letters of approval we are receiv- ing, some of them from the noblest women of the State, not connected in any way with our great movement but sympa- thizing fully with our position on the question of divorce. I only regret that history may not see Wendell Phillips first and grandest in the recognition of this great truth; but he is a man and can not put himself in the position of a wife, can not 196 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. feel what she does under the present marriage code. And yet in his relations to his own wife he is the embodiment of chiv- alry, tenderness and love." In a letter to Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton said: “We are right. My reason, my experience, my soul proclaim it. Our religion, laws, customs, all are founded on the idea that woman was made for man. I am a woman, and I can feel in every nerve where my deepest wrongs are hidden. The men know we have struck a blow at their greatest stronghold. Come what will, my whole soul rejoices in the truth I have uttered. One word of thanks from a suffering woman outweighs with me the howls of Christendom.” Notwithstanding all that had passed, Miss Anthony wrote Mr. Phillips for money from the Hovey fund to publish the report of the convention containing these very resolutions, and he sent it accompanied with a cordial letter. With his gener- ous disposition he soon recognized the fact that it was eminently proper to agitate this question of divorce, in order to make it possible for a woman to secure release from a habitual drunk- ard, or a husband who treated her with personal violence or willfully abandoned her, and to have some claim on their property and a right to their children, if she were the innocent party. Before three months he wrote Miss Anthony, “Go ahead, you are doing grandly,” and he spoke many times afterwards on their platform. During the height of this dis- cussion Miss Anthony was in Albany and Rev. Mayo, thinking to annihilate her, said: “You are not married, you have no business to be discussing marriage.” “Well, Mr. Mayo,'' she replied, "you are not a slave, suppose you quit lecturing on slavery.” As a result of this agitation a little clique of women in Bos- ton, led by Caroline H. Dall, announced that they would hold a convention which should not be open to free discussion but should be "limited to the subjects of Education, Vocation and Civil Position." They drew to themselves a small body of conservatives and it was thought might start a new movement, but the meeting had no permanent results. Parker Pillsbury RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 197 said of it: "With the exception of Phillips, no soul kindled with volcanic fire was permitted a solitary spark. O, such a meeting! Beautiful as parlor theatricals, but as a bold shriek for freedom or a protest against tyrant laws, not a sparrow on the housetop could have been more harmless.” Miss Anthony wrote at this time: “Cautious, careful people, always casting about to preserve their reputation and social standing, never can bring about a reform. Those who are really in earnest must be willing to be anything or nothing in the world's estimation, and publicly and privately, in season and out, avow their sympathy with despised and persecuted ideas and their advocates, and bear the consequences.” In June she and Mrs. Stanton went to a large meeting of Progressive Friends at Waterloo, where the latter read this same speech on divorce and then, to quote Miss Anthony's own words, “As usual when she had fired her gun she went home and left me to finish the battle.” In this case it lasted several days, but Mrs. Stanton knew she could count upon her friend to defend her to the last ditch. Miss Anthony was always on the skirmish line. She would interview the married women who could not leave home and children, get their approval of her plans and then go to the front. Once or twice a year she would gather her hosts for a big battle, but the rest of the time she did picket duty, acted as scout and penetrated alone the enemy's country. Between meetings she would find her way home, make over her old dresses and on rare occasions get a new one. This she called “looking after the externals.'' Then, as her mother was an invalid, she would clean the house from top to bottom and do a vast amount of necessary work. In her diary are many such entries as these : “Washed all the shutters. Took up the carpet this morning . . . Whitewashed the kitchen today.... Helped the girl wash this morning ; in the afternoon ironed six shirts, and started for New York at 4 o'clock. Was a little bit tired." At one time, with the help of a seamstress, she made fourteen shirts, stitching by hand all the collars, bosoms and wrist- 198 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. bands, and, as this woman had worked in the Troy laundry, she taught Miss Anthony to clear-starch and iron them. Each summer she managed to be home long enough to assist with the canning, pickling and preserving. The little journal gives the best glimpses of her daily life, usually only a hasty scrawl of a few lines but containing many flashes of humor and wisdom. Thus the records run: Crowded house at Port Byron. I tried to say a few words at opening, but soon curled up like a sensitive plant. It is a terrible martyrdom for me to speak. . ... Very many Abolitionists have yet to learn the A B C of woman's rights. . . . . The Boston Congregationalist has a scurrilous article. Shall write the editor. . . . . It is discouraging that no man does right for right's sake, but everything to serve party. . . . . I find such comfort in Aurora Leigh when I am sorely pressed. . . . . Heard Stephen A. Douglas today; a low spectacle for both eye and ear. . . . . Gave my lecture on “The True Woman” at Penn Yan teachers' institute. Some strange gentleman present supported my plea for physical culture for girls. . . . . Had a talk with Frederick Douglass. He seems to have no faith in simple and abstract right..... Lost patience this morning over a lamp and suffered vastly therefor. Why can I not learn self-control?. . Company came and found me out in the garden picking peas and blackber- ries—and hoopless. . . . . A fine-looking young colored man on train presented me with a bouquet. Can't tell whether he knew me or only felt my sympathy. . . . . Am reading Buckle's History of Civilization and Darwin's Descent of Man. Have finished his Origin of Species. Pillsbury has just given me Emerson's poems..... Miss Anthony did not fail to put aside everything long enough to attend the State Teachers' Convention at Syracuse. The right of women to take part had now become so well estab- lished that it needed no further defense, but she still fought for equal pay for equal services, and equal advantages of edu- cation for colored children, and each year found her views gaining a stronger support from both men and women. After this convention she continued her meetings, anti-slavery and woman's rights, and during the summer visited again her birthplace at Adams, Mass., writing home: Found grandfather working in the oat field, just think of it, ninety-and-a- half years old! But in honor of my arrival he remained home and visited all the afternoon. How hard the women here work, and how destitute they are of all the conveniences. It is perfectly barbarous when they have plenty of money. I borrowed a calico dress and sunbonnet and with the cousins RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 199 climbed to the very top of Old Greylock. Later I visited the "Daniel House,” as grandfather calls our old home. I rambled through the orchard, but the loved so well. I visited the old spring up in the pasture, and thought how many times the tired feet of mother and grandmother had trod those paths- and the little brook runs over the stones as merry and beautiful as ever. From here she went to Boston to attend a meeting of the Hovey fund committee and urged them to establish a "deposi- tory” at Albany with Lydia Mott in charge, which was done. This depot of supplies of literature, etc., for the anti-slavery cause, and central meeting place for its friends, was continued throughout the war. The Mott sisters, cousins of James, lovely and cultured Quaker women, had a little home in Maiden Lane and kept a gentlemen's furnishing store, making by hand the ruffled shirtbosoms and other fine linen. As their home had been so long the center for the reformers of the day, the committee were glad to put Lydia in charge of this depository, at a small salary, and she conducted an extensive correspondence for them during several years. Miss Anthony stayed with her till everything was arranged and in good run- ning order. In July she had received the following invita- tion: By a unanimous vote of the Union Agricultural Society of Dundee a resolution was passed to tender you an invitation to deliver the annual address at our next fair. We know it is a departure from established usage, but your experience as one of a brave band of radical reformers will have taught you that only by gradual steps and continued efforts can the prejudices of custom be overcome and the rights of humanity maintained. Woman's rights are coming to be respected more and more every year, and we hope you will aid us in demon- strating that a woman can deliver as profitable an address at an agricultural fair as can a lord of creation. ... Yours respectfully, WILLIAM HOUSE, Secretary, per D. S. BRUNER. To refuse such an opportunity was not to be thought of, so she accepted, and then wrote Mrs. Stanton, who answered : “Come on and we will grind out the speech. I shall expect to get the inspiration, thoughts and facts from you, and will agree to dress all the children you bring.” She found a cordial welcome when she reached Dundee, October 17. It rained so hard her address was deferred till 200 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the next day, as it had to be delivered out of doors, so she visited the “art” and “culinary” departments of the fair, and records in her diary: “I have just put an extra paragraph in my speech on bedquilts and bad cooking." Her stage was a big lumber wagon, and her desk the melodeon of James G. Clark, the noted singer and Abolitionist, who held an umbrella over her head to keep off the rain. The diary says: “More than 2,000 feet were planted in the mud, but I had a grand listening to the very end.” The speech was a great success and was published in full in the Dundee Record, occupying the entire front page. It was a fine exposition of modern methods of farming and a strong plea for beautifying the home, giving the children books and music and making life so pleasant they would not want to leave the country for the city. These ideas at that time were new and attracted much attention and favorable comment. This was the first instance of a woman's making an address on such an occasion. At the close of 1860 an incident occurred which attracted wide attention and strikingly illustrated Miss Anthony's un- flinching courage and firm persistence when she felt she was right. One evening in December she was in Albany at the depository with Lydia Mott when a lady, heavily veiled, en- 'tered and in a long, confidential talk told her story, which in brief was as follows: She was the sister of a United States senator and of a prominent lawyer, and in her younger days was principal of the academy and had written several books. She married a distinguished member of the Massachusetts Senate and they had three children. Having discovered that her husband was unfaithful to her and confronted him with the proofs, he was furious and threw her down stairs, and there- after was very abusive. When she threatened to expose him, he had her shut up in an insane asylum, a very easy thing for husbands to do in those days. She was there a year and a half, but at length, through a writ of habeas corpus, was re- leased and taken to the home of her brother. Naturally she longed to see her children and the husband permitted the son to visit her a few weeks. When she had to give him up she RIFT IN COMMON LAW—DIVORCE QUESTION. 201 begged for the thirteen-year-old daughter, who was allowed to remain for two weeks, and then the father demanded her re- turn. The mother pleaded for longer time but was refused. She prayed her brother to interfere but he answered: “It is of no use for you to say another word. The child belongs by law to the father and it is your place to submit. If you make any more trouble about it we'll send you back to the asylum." Then in her desperation she took the child and fled from the house, finding refuge with a Quaker family, where she stayed until she learned that her hiding-place was discovered, and now as a last resort she came to these women. They assured the unhappy mother that they would help her and, upon mak- ing careful inquiry among her friends, found that, while all believed her sane, no one was willing to take her part because of the prominence of her brothers and husband. Finally it was decided that Miss Anthony should go with the mother and child to New York and put them in a safe place, so they were directed to disguise themselves and be at the train on Christ- mas afternoon. Miss Anthony went on board and soon saw a woman in an old shawl, dilapidated bonnet and green gog- gles, accompanied by a poorly dressed child, and she knew that so far all was well, but she found the woman in a terrible state of nervousness. She had met her brother coming out of an- other car where he had just placed his young son to return to boarding-school, after a happy vacation at home, while his sister with her child was fleeing like a criminal; but fortunately he had not recognized her. Miss Anthony and her charges reached New York at 10 o'clock at night and went through snow and slush to a hotel but were refused admittance because it did not take women "unaccompanied by a gentleman.” They made their weary way to another, only to be met with a similar refusal. Finally she thought of an acquaintance who had had a wretched ex. perience with a bad husband and was now divorced, and she felt that sympathy would certainly impel this woman to give them shelter. When they reached the house they found her keeping boarders and she said all would leave if they learned 202 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. she was "harboring a runaway wife.” It was then midnight. They went in the cold and darkness to a hotel on Broadway, but here the excuse was made that the house was full. Miss Anthony's patience had reached its limit and she declared: “I know that is not so. You can give us a place to sleep or we will sit in this office all night.” The clerk threatened to call the police. "Very well," was the reply, "we will sit here till they come and take us to the station.” At last he gave them a room without a fire, and there, cold, wet and exhausted, they remained till morning. Then they started out again on foot, as they had not enough money left to hire a carriage. They went to Mrs. Rose but she could not accommodate them; then to Abby Hopper Gibbons, who sent them to Eliza- beth F. Ellet, saying if they could not find quarters to come back and she would care for them. Mrs. Ellet was not at home. All day they went from place to place but no one was willing to accept the responsibility of sheltering them, and at night, utterly worn out, they returned to Mrs. Gibbons. She promised to keep the mother and child until other arrange- ments could be effected, and Miss Anthony left them there and took the 10 o'clock train back to Albany. She arrived toward morning, tired out in mind and body, but soon was made com- fortable by the ministrations of her faithful friend Lydia. Yaitthally thingne Mohn morruttibong It was not long before the family became convinced that Miss Anthony knew the whereabouts of mother and child and then began a siege of persecution. She had at this time com- menced that never-to-be-forgotten series of anti-slavery con- ventions which were mobbed in every town from Buffalo to RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 203 Albany. In the midst of all this excitement and danger, she was constantly receiving threats from the brothers that they would have her arrested on the platform. They said she had broken the laws and they would make her pay the penalty; that their sister was an "ugly” woman and nobody could live with her. To this she replied: "I have heard there was Indian blood in your family; perhaps your sister has got a little of it as well as yourselves. I think you would not allow your children to be taken away from you, law or no law. There is no reason or justice in a woman's submitting to such outrages, and I propose to defy the law and you also.” If she had been harassed only by these men, it would have caused her no especial worry, but letters and telegrams from friends poured in urging her to reveal the hiding-place and, most surprising of all, both Garrison and Phillips wrote that she had abducted a man's child and must surrender it! Mr. Phillips remonstrated : “Let us urge you, therefore, at once to advise and insist upon this woman's returning to her rela- tives. Garrison concurs with me fully and earnestly in this opinion, thinking that our movement's repute for good sense should not be compromised by any such mistake.” In a let- ter from Mr. Garrison covering six pages of foolscap, he argued: "Our identification with the woman's rights move- ment and the anti-slavery cause is such that we ought not un- necessarily involve them in any hasty and ill-judged, no mat- ter how well-meant, efforts of our own. We, at least, owe to them this—that if for any act of ours we are dragged before courts we ought to be able to show that we acted discreetly as well as with good intentions." Both men spoke kindly and affectionately but they were unable to view the question from a mother's or even from a woman's standpoint. Miss Anthony replied to them : I can not give you a satisfactory statement on paper, but I feel the strong- est assurance that all I have done is wholly right. Had I turned my back upon her I should have scorned myself. In all those hours of aid and sym- pathy for that outraged woman I remembered only that I was a human being. 204 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ment never crossed my mind, nor will I now allow such a fear to stifle my sympathies or tempt me to expose her to the cruel, inhuman treatment of her own household. Trust me that as I ignore all law to help the slave, so will I ignore it all to protect an enslaved woman. At the anti-slavery convention in Albany Mr. Garrison pleaded with her to give up the child and insisted that she was entirely in the wrong. He said: “Don't you know the law control of the children ?” “ Yes, I know it,” she replied, " and does not the law of the United States give the slaveholder the ownership of the slave ? And don't you break it every time you help a slave to Canada ?” “Yes, I do.” “Well, the law which gives the father the sole ownership of the chil- dren is just as wicked and I'll break it just as quickly. You would die before you would deliver a slave to his master, and I will die before I will give up that child to its father.” It was impossible for even such great men as Garrison and Phillips to feel for a wronged and outraged woman as they could for a wronged and outraged black man. Miss Anthony wrote at hounded by the two men whom I adore and reverence above all others !” Through all this ordeal her father sustained her position, saying: “My child, I think you have done abso- lutely right, but don't put a word on paper or make a state- ment to any one that you are not prepared to face in court. Legally you are wrong, but morally you are right, and I will stand by you." Mrs. Elizabeth F. Ellet, author of Women of the Revolution and other works, cared for and protected the unfortunates, ob- tained sewing for the mother and helped her to live in peaceful seclusion for a year. She was placed in the family of a phy- sician who watched her closely and testified, as did all con- nected with her, that she was perfectly sane. According to her letters still in existence, the husband took possession of her funds in bank, drew all the money due to her from her publishers and forbade them to pay her any more from the RIFT IN COMMON LAW-DIVORCE QUESTION. 205 sale of her books, as he had a legal right to do. In this ex- tremity one of the brothers sent her some money through Miss Mott, who stood as firm as Miss Anthony in the face of threat and persecution. At length, feeling safe, the mother let the little girl go to Sunday-school alone and at the door of the church she was suddenly snatched up, put into a close car- riage and in a few hours placed in possession of the father. The mother and her friends made every effort to secure the child, but the law was on the side of the father and they never succeeded. CHAPTER XIII. MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR, 1861–1862. HE beginning of 1861 found the country in a state approaching demoralization. Lincoln had received a majority of the electoral vote but far from a majority of the popular vote. The victory was so narrow that the Republicans did not feel themselves strong enough for aggressive action, and the party was composed of a number of diverse elements not yet sufficiently united to agree upon a distinctive policy. Its one cohesive force was the principle of no further extension of slavery, but there was no thought among its leaders of any interference with this institution in the States where it already existed. They accepted the interpretation of the Constitution which declared that it sanctioned and protected slavery, but were determined that the Territories should be admitted into the Union as free States. While many of them were in favor of emancipation, they expected that in some way this question would be settled without recourse to extreme measures, and they feared the effect, not only on the South but on the North, of the forcible language and radical demands of the Aboli- tionists. The latter were roused to desperation. Never for an instant did they accept the doctrine that the North should be satisfied merely by the prevention of any further spread of slavery ; they believed the system should be exterminated root and branch. They were angered at the reserved and dispassionate language of Lincoln and alarmed at the threats of the seces- (207) 208 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. sion of the South, which must result either in putting it for- ever beyond the power of the government to interfere with slavery, or in terrorizing it into making such concessions as would enable the slave power to intrench itself still more strongly under the protection of the Constitution. At this critical moment, therefore, the Abolitionists put forth every effort to rouse public sentiment to the impending dangers. They gathered their forces and sent them through- out New England, New York and the Western States, bearing upon their banners the watchwords, “No Compromise with Slaveholders. Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation." One detachment, under the intrepid leadership of Susan B. Anthony, arranged a series of meetings for New York in the winter of 1861. This party was composed of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Rev. Samuel J. May, Rev. Beriah Green, Aaron M. Powell and Stephen S. Foster; but one after another gave out and went home, while Miss Anthony still remained at the helm. The series began at Buffalo, January 3, in St. James Hall. The mob was ready for them and, led by ex-Justice George Hinson and Birdseye Wilcox, hissed, hooted, yelled and stamped, making it utterly impossible for the speakers to be heard. Prominent among the disturbers were young Horatio Seymour and a son of ex-President Fillmore. The police refused to obey the orders of a Republican mayor and joined in the efforts of the mob, which held carnival two en- tire days, finally crowding upon the platform and taking pos- session; and in the midst of the melee the gas was turned off. Miss Anthony stood her ground, however, until lights were brought in, and then herself declared the meeting adjourned. In towns where there were not enough people to create a dis- turbance, the meetings passed off quietly, but they were mobbed and broken up in every city from Buffalo to Albany. Demo- cratic officials encouraged the mob spirit and where Republi. cans might have wished to oppose it, they were too cowardly to do so. The meetings were advertised for three days in Roches- ter, beginning January 12, and, as the newspapers occupied many columns with a discussion as to whether they would be MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 209 broken up here as elsewhere, the opposition was thoroughly aroused and the turbulent elements had time to become fully organized. The board of aldermen were called together to consider whether means could not be found to prevent Mr. Reynolds allowing the use of Corinthian Hall, which had been rented for the occasion, and whether it would not be wise to issue an order forbidding the owner of any public building to let it to the Abolitionists; but finally adjourned without ac- tion. The mob, under the lead of Constable Richard L. Swift, fully answered all expectations. As Miss Anthony stepped forward to open the meeting, she was greeted with a broadside of hisses and ironical applause. When Mrs. Stanton began her address her voice was drowned in jeers and groans and, although she persevered for some time, she was unable to complete a single sentence. Rev. May attempted to speak and was met by yells and stamping of feet. A Southerner in the audience rose and said: “Well, I may as well go back to Ken- tucky, for this is ahead of any demonstration against free speech I ever saw in the South;” but he was stopped by cries of, "Put him out!” The men kept on their hats, smoked pipes and cigars, stamped, bellowed, swore, and bedlam reigned. The acting mayor, sheriff and chief of police were present, but not an arrest was made. Mrs. Stanton finally left the platform, but Miss Anthony courageously maintained her position until the chief of police mounted the rostrum and de- clared the meeting adjourned. Even then the rioters refused to go out of the hall, and the speakers were obliged to leave under protection of the police amid the hooting and howl- ing of the rabble. All wanted to give up the rest of the meet- ings, but Miss Anthony declared they had a right to speak and it was the business of the authorities to protect them, and persisted in finishing the series as advertised. On Sunday the only place where they were allowed to hold services was in Zion's colored church. The house was filled, morning and evening, and they were left in peace. ANT.-14 210 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. At Port Byron the meeting was broken up by the throwing of cayenne pepper on the stove. When the speakers reached Utica, where Mechanics' Hall had been engaged, they learned that the board of directors had met and decided it should not be used, in direct violation of the contract with Miss An- thony, who had spent $60 on the meeting. They found the doors locked and a large crowd on the outside. The mayor was among them and begged her not to attempt to hold a meet- ing. In reply she demanded that the doors be opened. He refused but offered to escort her to a place of safety. She answered: “I am not afraid. It is you who are the coward. If you have the power to protect me in person, you have also the power to protect me in the right of free speech. I scorn your assistance." She declined his proffered arm, but he per- sisted in escorting her through the mob. As no hall could be had they held their meeting at the residence of her host, James C. DeLong, and formed an anti-slavery organization. The instigator of the opposition in Utica was ex-Governor Horatio Seymour. Of the meeting at Rome, Miss Anthony wrote: Last evening there was a furious organized mob. I stood at the foot of the stairs to take the admission fee. Some thirty or forty had properly paid and passed up when a great uproar in the street told of times coming. It proved to be a closely packed gang of forty or fifty rowdies, who stamped and yelled and never halted for me. I said, “Ten cents, sir,” to the leader, but he brushed me aside, big cloak, furs and all, as if I had been a mosquito, and cried, “Come on, boys!” They rushed to the platform, where were Foster and Powell who had not yet commenced speaking, seated themselves at the table, drew out packs of cards, sang the Star-Spangled Banner and hurrahed and hooted. After some thirty or forty minutes, Mr. Foster and Aaron came down and I accompanied them back to Stanwix Hotel, where the gang made desperate efforts to get through the entrance room in pursuit of the damned Abolitionists." The Republican paper called us pestiferous fanatics and infidels, and advised every decent man to stay away. Were the Republicans true at this crisis, we not only should be heard quietly, as in past years, but should have far larger audiences; and yet a hundred unmolested conventions would not have made us a tithe of the sympathizers this one diabolical mob has done. Mr. May was in favor of giving up the conventions and was especially anxious that one should not be attempted in Syra- cuse, which city, he said, had always maintained freedom of MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 211 speech and he did not want the record broken; but still, if they insisted upon coming he would do all in his power to help them. Miss Anthony was firm, replying: "If Syracuse is capable of maintaining free speech the record will not be broken ; if it is not capable, it has no right to the reputation." Convention Hall was engaged and Mr. May and Mr. C. D. B. Mills lent every possible assistance, but the Abolitionists en- countered here the worst opposition of all. The hall was filled with a howling, drunken, infuriated crowd, headed by Ezra Downer, a liquor dealer, and Luke McKenna, a pro-slavery Democrat. Even Mr. May, who was venerated by all Syra- cuse, was not allowed to speak. Rotten eggs were thrown, benches broken, and knives and pistols gleamed in every direc- tion. The few ladies present were hurried out of the room, and Miss Anthony faced that raging audience, the only woman there. The Republican chief of police refused to make any effort toward keeping order. The mob crowded upon the platform and took possession of the meeting, and Miss Anthony and her little band were forced out of the hall. They repaired to the residence of Dr. R. W. and Mrs. Hannah Fuller Pease, which was crowded with friends of the cause. That evening the rioters dragged through the streets hideous effigies of Susan B. Anthony and Rev. S. J. May, and burned them in the public square. Not at all daunted or discouraged, Miss Anthony took her speakers forthwith into the very heart of the enemy's country, the capital of the State. Albany had at that time a Democratic mayor, George H. Thacher. As soon as the papers announced the coming of the Abolitionists, over a hundred prominent citizens addressed a petition to the mayor to forbid their meeting for fear of the same riotous demonstrations which had disgraced the other cities. He replied at considerable length, saying that he had taken an oath to support the Constitutions of the United States and the State of New York, that both guaranteed the right of free speech to all citizens, and while he was mayor he intended to protect them in that right. On the day of the convention he called at the Delevan 212 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. House for Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, now reinforced by Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright, Gerrit Smith and Frederick Douglass, and accompanied them to Association Hall. They found it packed to the doors. The mayor went on the plat- form and announced that he had placed policemen in various parts of the hall in citizens' clothes, and that whoever made the least disturbance would be at once arrested. Then he laid a revolver across his knees, and there he sat during the morn- ing, afternoon and evening sessions. Several times the mob broke forth, and each time arrests were promptly made. To- ward the close of the evening he said to Miss Anthony: “If you insist upon holding your meetings tomorrow, I shall still protect you, but it will be a difficult thing to hold this rabble in check much longer. If you will adjourn at the close of this session I shall consider it a personal favor.”. Of course she willingly acceded to his request. He accompanied the ladies to their hotel, the mob following all the way. This closed the series of conventions. With a Republican mayor in every other city, there had been no attempt at official protection ; and yet it may be remembered, in extenuation, that it is always easier for the party out of power than for the one in power to stand for principle; the former has nothing to lose. The Republicans at this time were panic-stricken and staggering under the weight of responsibility suddenly laid upon them; and the Abolitionists, by their radical demands and scathing criticism, were adding to their difficulties. There can be no justification, however, for any official who is too cowardly or too dishonest to fulfill the duties of his office. Immediately upon the close of this anti-slavery meeting, the State Woman's Rights Convention was held in Albany, Feb- ruary 7 and 8. Mr. Garrison, Mrs. Rose, Lucretia Mott and many of the old brilliant galaxy were among the speakers. They little thought that this was the last convention they would hold for five years, that a long and terrible war would cast its shadow over every household before they met again, that differences would arise in their own ranks, and that never more would they come together in the old, fraternal spirit that MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 213 had bound them so closely and given them strength to bear the innumerable hardships which so largely had been their por- tion. After the Albany meeting, Miss Anthony at once began preparations for the National Woman's Rights Convention in New York in May. The date was set, the Tabernacle secured and many of the speakers engaged, but in the meantime the affairs of the nation had become more and more complicated; the threatened secession of the Southern States had been ac- complished; the long-expected, long-dreaded crisis seemed close at hand; the people were uncertain and bewildered in the presence of the dreadful catastrophe. All thought, all in- terest, all action were centered in the new President. The whole nation was breathlessly awaiting the declaration of Lincoln's policy. To call any kind of meeting which had an object other than that relating to the preservation of the Union seemed almost a sacrilege. Letters poured in upon Miss An- thony urging her to relinquish all idea of a convention, but she never had learned to give up. Even after the fall of Sumter and the President's call for troops, the letters were still insisting that she declare the meeting postponed; but it was not until the abandonment of the Anti-Slavery Anniver- sary, which always took place the same week, and until she found there were absolutely no speakers to be had, that she finally yielded. About this time she takes care of a sister with a baby, and writes Mrs. Stanton: “O this babydom, what a constant, never-ending, all-consuming strain! We should never ask anything else of the woman who has to endure it. I realize more and more that rearing children should be looked upon as a profession which, like any other, must be made the primary work of those engaged in it. It can not be properly done if other aims and duties are pressing upon the mother.” And yet so great was her spirit of self-sacrifice that in this same letter she while she makes a three months' trip abroad. At a later date, when caring for a young niece, she says: “The dear little 214 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Lucy engrosses most of my time and thoughts. A child one loves is a constant benediction to the soul, whether or not it helps to the accomplishment of great intellectual feats.” The watchword of the Abolitionists ever had been “Peace.” Under the leadership of Garrison, their policy had been one of non-resistance. When war actually was precipitated, when the South had fired upon the stars and stripes and the tread of marching feet resounded through every northern city, they were amazed and bewildered. Instinctively they turned to their great leaders for guidance. In Music Hall, Boston, April 21, 1861, to an audience of over 4,000, Wendell Phillips made that masterly address, justifying “this last appeal to the God of Battles,” and declaring for War. It was one of the matchless speeches of all history, and touched the keynote which soon swelled into a grand refrain from ocean to ocean. But even then there were those who waited for the declaration of Garrison, the great pioneer of Abolitionism. A letter writ- ten by Rev. Beriah Green to Miss Anthony, May 22, expresses the sentiment which pervaded the minds of many Abolitionists at this period : I looked forward to the Anti-Slavery Anniversary with the keenest pleas- ure and hope. I should see luminous faces; I should hear the voice of wis- dom; I should gather strength and courage and return to my task-garden refreshed and quickened. But when I read the official notice in the Standard and Liberator of the grounds on which the meeting was given up, “that nothing should be done at this solemn crisis needlessly to check or divert the mighty current of popular feeling which is now sweeping southward with the strength and impetuosity of a thousand Niagaras," I was surprised and puzzled. I have read Phillips' War Speech, marked the tenor and spirit of the Liberator, seen the stars and stripes paraded in the Standard, perused James Freeman Clarke's sermon, and I feel more desolate and solitary than ever. Mrs. Stanton, too, is for War for the Union, and I say to myself: “How will Susan Anthony and Parker Pillsbury and all the other old comrades be affected by these signs of the times? Miss Anthony replied in the same strain : A feeling of sadness, almost of suffocation, has been mine ever since the first announcement that the anti-slavery meeting was postponed. I can not welcome the demon of expediency or consent to be an abettor, by silence any more than by word or act, of wicked means to accomplish an end, not even MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 215 for the sake of emancipating the slaves. I have tried hard to persuade myself that I alone remained mad, while all the rest had become sane, because 1 have insisted that it is our duty to bear not only our usual testimony but one even louder and more earnest than ever before. ... The Abolitionists, for once, seem to have come to an agreement with all the world that they are out of time and place, hence should hold their peace and spare their rebukes and anathemas. Our position to me seems most humiliating, simply that of the politicians, one of expediency not principle. I have not yet seen one good reason for the abandonment of all our meetings, and am more and more ashamed and sad that even the little Apostolic number have yielded to the world's motto--“the end justifies the means." As the long, hard winter's work had left her very tired she gladly turned to that haven of refuge, the farm-home. The father, who was willing always to put the control of affairs into her capable hands, took this opportunity to make a long-de- sired trip to Kansas, going the first of May and returning in September. She assumed the entire management of the farm, put in the crops, watched over, harvested and sold them ; as- sisted her mother with the housework and the family sewing and, by way of variety, pieced a silk quilt and wove twenty yards of rag carpet in the old loom. She found time, more- over, to go to the Progressive Friends' meeting at Junius and to attend the State Teachers' Convention at Watertown. She also managed a large anti-slavery Fourth of July meeting at Gregory's grove, near Rochester, securing a number of dis- tinguished speakers. In writing her, relative to this meeting, Frederick Douglass said: “I rejoice not in the death of any one, yet I can not but feel that, in the death of Stephen A. Douglas, a most dangerous person has been removed. No man of his time has done more than he to intensify hatred of the negro and to demoralize northern sentiment. Since Henry mert a tot predau Milan Milf Mina klwhat' wall Clay he has been the King of Compromise. Yours for the free- dom of man and of woman always." From her diary may be obtained an idea of the busy life 216 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. which only allowed the briefest entries, but these show her rest- lessness and dissatisfaction : Tried to interest myself in a sewing society; but little intelligence among them. ... Attended Progressive Friends' meeting; too much namby- pamby-ism. ..Went to colored church to hear Douglass. He seems without solid basis. Speaks only popular truths.... Quilted all day, but sewing seems to be no longer my calling. ... I stained and var- nished the library bookcase today, and superintended the plowing of the orchard. ... The last load of hay is in the barn; all in capital order. Fitted out a fugitive slave for Canada with the help of Harriet Tubman... The teachers' convention was small and dull. The woman's committee failed to report. I am mortified to death for them.... Washed every window in the house today. Put a quilted petticoat in the frame. Commenced Mrs. Browning's Portuguese Sonnets. Have just finished Casa Guidi Windows, a grand poem and so fitting to our terrible struggle. . . . I wish the gov- ernment would move quickly, proclaim freedom to every slave and call on every able-bodied negro to enlist in the Union army. How not to do it seems the whole study at Washington. Good, stiff-backed Union Democrats would dare to move; they would have nothing to lose and all to gain for their party. The present incumbents have all to lose; hence dare not avow any policy, but only wait. To forever blot out slavery is the only possible compensation for this merciless war. All through the chroniclings of the monotonous daily life is the cry: “The all-alone feeling will creep over me. It is such a fast after the feast of great presences to which I have been so long accustomed.” During these days she reads Adam Bede, and thus writes Mrs. Stanton: I finished Adam Bede yesterday noon. I can not throw off the palsied oppression of its finale to poor, poor Hetty-and Arthur almost equally com- mands my sympathy. He no more desired to wrong her or cause her one hour of sorrow than did Adam, but the impulse of his nature brooked no restraint. Should public sentiment tolerate such a consummation of love or passion, if it were not love? (But I believe it was, only the impassable bar- rier of caste forbade its public avowal.) If such a birth could be left free from odium and scorn, contempt and pity from the world, it would be a thousand times more holy, more happy, than many of those in legal mar- riage. It will not do for me to read romances; they are too real to shake off. What is the irresistible power so terrifically pictured in both Hetty and Arthur, which led them on to the very ill they most would shun? To crown the result I went to the colored church to hear Sallie Holley, but she did not come. Mrs. Coleman was in the pulpit and read a poem of Ger- ald Massey on Peace, spoke a few minutes and said she saw Miss Anthony present and hoped she'd occupy the time. Then rang round the house the MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 217 appalling cry of “Miss Anthony.” There was no escape, and I staggered up and stammered out a few words and sat down-dead, killed-thoroughly enraged that I had not spent the forenoon in making myself ready at least to read something, instead of poring over Adam Bede. To this Mrs. Stanton replies: “You speak of the effect of Adam Bede on you. It moved me deeply, and The Mill on the Floss is another agony. Such books as these explain why the ‘marriage question' is all-absorbing. O, Susan, are you ever coming to visit me again? It would be like a new life to spend a day with you. How I shudder when I think of our awful experience with those mobs last winter, and yet even now I long for action.” Miss Anthony was equally restive in her own seclusion which, although by no means an idle one, had shut her from the great outside world that at this hour seemed to cry aloud for the best service of every man and woman. In January, 1862, she went to Mrs. Stanton's and together they prepared an address for the State Anti-Slavery Convention to be held at Albany, February 7 and 8, and here in the society of Garrison and Phillips, she received fresh inspiration. Soon after reaching home, at Phillips' request, she arranged a lect- ure for him in Rochester. After paying all expenses, she sent him a check—there is no record of its size—but he returned a portion, saying: DEAR SUSAN: Thank you, but you are too generous. I can't take such an awful big lion's share, even to satisfy your modesty. Put the enclosed, with my thanks, into your own pocket, as a slight compensation for all your trouble. Remember and pay my successor not one cent more than you can afford. . . . . I had to charter a locomotive all to myself to get back from Oswego in time for Rondout. Riding in the darkness with the engineer through the snow gave me time to think of the pleasant group and supper I missed the night before at the Hallowells. Kind regards to them. Tell Mrs. Hallowell her lunch tasted good about midnight, as I entered Syracuse. Miss Anthony managed the usual series of lectures this winter. When she sent Mr. Tilton his check he returned this rollicking answer: DEAR S. B. A.: I received your letter and its enclosure, which latter has already vanished like April snow, to pay the debts of the subscriber.... Our morning ride with our good friend Frederick gives me pleasure when- 218 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ever I think of it. Those pictures of Mount Hope and the waterfall were better than any in the Academy of Design. As to yourself, I have had some talk with Rev. Oliver Johnson about your "sphere," and we both agree that you are defrauding some honest man of his just due. I recommend that you form an acquaintance, with a view to prospective results for life, with some well-settled, Old-School Presbyterian clergyman, and send me some of the cake. In 1862, as the previous year, Miss Anthony was determined to hold a National Woman's Rights Convention in New York, but her efforts met with no favorable response and so, for the second time, she was obliged to give up the annual protest which seemed to her a sacred duty. She did not then acknowl- edge, nor has she ever admitted, that there is any question of more vital importance than that relating to the freedom of woman. Defeated here she decided to start out again in the anti-slavery lecture field, since, as she wrote her friend Lydia: "It is so easy to feel your power for public work slip- ping away if you allow yourself to remain too long snuggled in the Abrahamic bosom of home. It requires great will-force to resurrect one's soul.” In her tour she visited Adams, ac- companied by her loved niece, Ann Eliza McLean, and wrote back an amusing account of how she lectured the male rela- tives for requiring their women folks to use worn-out cook- stoves, broken kitchen utensils and all sorts of inconven- ient things in the household. While there she went with a large party of relatives over the mountains to see the wonderful Hoosac Tunnel, now well under way. One day she spoke to an audience on the very top of the Green mountains. On this MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR.. 219 trip, having for a rarity a little leisure, she visited the art gal- leries of New York and wrote: My very heart of hearts has been made to rejoice in the work of two of earth's noblest women-Harriet Hosmer and Rosa Bonheur. Twice have I visited the Academy of Design and there have I sat in silent, reverential awe, with eyes intent upon the marble face of Harriet Hosmer's Beatrice Cenci. I have no power to express my hope, my joy, my renewed faith in woman- hood. In the accomplishment of that grand work of the sculptor's chisel, making that cold marble breathe and pulsate, Harriet Hosmer has done more to ennoble and elevate woman than she possibly could have done by mere words, it matters not how Godlike; though I would not ignore true words, for it is these which rouse to action the latent powers of the Harriet Hosmers. ... Even the rude and uncultivated seem awed into silence when they come into the presence of that sleeping, but speaking purity. Rosa Bonheur is the first woman who has dared venture into the field of animal painting, and her work not only surpasses anything ever done by a woman, but is a bold and successful step beyond all other artists. Mark another significant fact: The three greatest productions of art during the past three years are by women-Elizabeth Barrett Browning's Aurora Leigh, Rosa Bonheur's Horse Fair and Harriet Hosmer's Beatrice Cenci—and these triumphs are in three of its most difficult and exalted departments. In April she took Mrs. Stanton's four boys from Seneca Falls to New York, and cared for them while the family were removing to that city. In May she attended the New York Anniversary and the New England convention in Boston, and on the Fourth of July the celebration at Framingham, and dur- ing this time gave many addresses on anti-slavery. When in Boston she had a delightful visit with the Garrisons, and called on Mrs. Phillips with Mrs. Garrison, one of the few persons admitted to the invalid's seclusion. While all the women were giving themselves, body and soul, to the great work of the war, the New York Legislature, April 10, 1862, finding them off guard, very quietly amended the law of 1860 and took away from mothers the lately-acquired right to the equal guardianship of their children. They also repealed the law which secured to the widow the control of the property for the care of minor children. Thus at one blow were swept away the results of nearly a decade of hard work on the part of women, and wives and mothers were left in almost the same position as under the old common law. Had 220 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. one woman been a member of the Legislature, such an act never would have been possible; but the little band who for their sex, were in the sanitary commission, the hospitals, at the front, on the platform in the interest of the Union, or at home doing the work of those who had gone into the army, and this was their reward! Miss Anthony's anger and sor- row were intense when she heard of the repeal of the laws through cold and heat to roll up petitions and traversing the whole State of New York in the dead of winter to create public sentiment in their favor. In her anguish she wrote Lydia Mott: Your startling letter is before me. I knew some weeks ago, that abomina- ble thing was on the calendar, with some six or eight hundred bills before it, and hence felt sure it would not come up this winter, and that in the mean- time we should sound the alarm. Well, well; while the old guard sleep the "young devils” are wide awake, and we deserve to suffer for our confidence in "man's sense of justice;" but nothing short of this could rouse our women again to action. All our reformers seem suddenly to have grown politic. All alike say: "Have no conventions at this crisis; wait until the war excite- ment abates;" which is to say: "Ask our opponents if they think we had better speak, or rather if they do not think we had better remain silent." I am sick at heart, but I can not carry the world against the wish and will of our best friends. What can we do now when even the motion to retain the mother's joint guardianship is voted down? Twenty thousand petitions words of gratitude in the Capitol scarcely died away, and now all is lost! This year began the acquaintance with Anna Dickinson, whose letters are as refreshing as a breeze from the ocean: The sunniest of sunny mornings to you, how are you today? Well and happy, I hope. To tell the truth I want to see you very much indeed, to hold your hand in mine, to hear your voice, in a word, I want you—I can't have you? Well, I will at least put down a little fragment of my foolish self and send it to look up at you. ... I work closely and happily at my prepa- tions for next winter-no, for the future-nine hours a day, generally; but I never felt better, exercise morning and evening, and never touch book or paper after gaslight this warm weather; so all those talks of yours were not thrown away upon me. What think you of the "signs of the times?" I am sad always, under all my folly ;—this cruel tide of war, sweeping off the fresh, young, brave life MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 221 to be dashed out utterly or thrown back shattered and ruined! I know we all have been implicated in the "great wrong,” yet I think the comparatively innocent suffer today more than the guilty. And the result-will the people save the country they love so well, or will the rulers dig the nation's grave ? Will you not write to me, please, soon? I want to see a touch of you very much. hry Affictionality Tour Anna. E. Sekinteni Early in September Greeley writes her: “I still keep at work with the President in various ways and believe you will yet hear him proclaim universal freedom. Keep this letter and judge me by the event.” Miss Anthony thus lectures Mrs. Stanton because she has a teacher and educates her children at home: “I am still of the opinion that whatever the short-comings of the public schools your children would be vastly more profited in them, side by side with the very multitude with whom they must mingle as soon as school days are over. Any and every private education is a blunder, it seems to me. I believe those per- sons stronger and nobler who have from childhood breasted the commonalty. If children have not the innate strength to re- sist evil, keeping them apart from what they must inevitably one day meet, only increases their incompetency.” In the summer of 1862 Miss Anthony attended her last State Teachers' Convention, which was held in Rochester, where she began her labors in this direction. In 1853 she had forced this body to grant her a share in their deliberations, the first time a woman's voice had been heard. For ten years she never had missed an annual meeting, keeping up her membership dues and allowing no engagement to interfere. Year after year she had followed them up, insisting that in the conventions women teachers should hold offices, serve on com- mittees and exercise free speech; demanding that they should be eligible to all positions in the schools with equal pay for equal work; and compelling a general recognition of their rights. 222 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. All these points, with the exception of equal pay, had now been gained and there was much improvement in salaries. Her mission here being ended, she turned her attention to other fields; but for the privileges which are enjoyed by the women teachers of the present day, they are indebted first of all to Susan B. Anthony. After speaking at intervals through the summer, she started on a regular tour early in the fall, writing Lydia Mott: "I can not feel easy in my conscience to be dumb in an hour like this. I am speaking now extempore and more to my satisfac- tion than ever before. I am amazed at myself, but I could not do it if any of our other speakers were listening to me. I am entirely off old anti-slavery grounds and on the new ones thrown up by the war. What a stay, counsel and comfort you have been to me, dear Lydia, ever since that eventful little temperance meeting in that cold, smoky chapel in 1852. How you have compelled me to feel myself competent to go forward when trembling with doubt and distrust. I never can express the magnitude of my indebtedness to you." A letter from Abby Kelly Foster at this time said: “I am especially gratified to know that you have entered the field in earnest as your own speaker, which you ought to have done years ago instead of always pushing others to the front and taking the drudgery yourself.” Miss Anthony was very suc- cessful, each day gaining more courage. Her sole theme was “Emancipation the Duty of the Government.” A prominent citizen of Schuyler county wrote her after she had spoken at Mecklinburg: “There is not a man among all the political speakers who can make that duty as plain as you have done." Her whole heart was in the work and she was constantly inspired by the thought that the day of deliverance for the slave was approaching. At the height of her enthusiasm came the heaviest blow it would have been possible for her to receive. She had come home for a few days, and the Sunday morning after election A few years after the war, Miss Anthony chancing to be in Binghamton at the time of a teachers' convention went in. Immediately the whole body rose to give her welcome, she was escorted to the platform and, amid great applause, invited to address them. VERGESSE RGEGEES DICCOVER SCOTA? FATHER AND MOTHER OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. AGED 60, FROM DAGUERREOTYPES. MOB EXPERIENCE-CIVIL WAR. 223 was sitting with her father talking over the political situation. They had been reading the Liberator and the Anti-Slavery Standard and were discussing the probable effect of Lincoln's proclamation, when suddenly he was stricken with acute neuralgia of the stomach. He had not had a day's illness in forty years and had not the slightest premonition of this attack. He lingered in great suffering for two weeks and died on November 25, 1862. No words can express the terrible bereavement of his family. He had been to them a tower of strength. From childhood his sons and daughters had carried to him every grief and perplex- ity and there never had been a matter concerning them too trivial to receive his careful attention. In manhood and womanhood they still had turned to him above all others for advice and comfort, even the grandchildren receiving always the same loving care. Between husband and wife there ever had been the deepest, truest affection. He was far ahead of his time in his recognition of the rights of women. Years before he had written to a brother: “ Take your family into your confidence and give your wife the purse.” He was never willing to enter into any pleasure which his wife did not share. They tell of him that once the daughters persuaded him to remain in town on a stormy evening and go to the Hutchinson concert. As they were driving home he said: "Never again ask me to do such a thing; I suffered more in thinking of your mother at home alone than any enjoyment could possibly compensate.” A short time before his death he and his wife went to Ontario Beach one afternoon and did not return till 10 o'clock. When asked by the daughters what detained them, the mother an- swered that they had a fish supper and then strolled on the beach by moonlight; and on their laughing at her and saying she was worse than the girls, she replied: “Your father is more of a lover today than he was the first year of our mar- riage.” He was a broad, humane, great-hearted man, always mind- ful of the rights of others, always standing for liberty to every human being. Public-spirited, benevolent and genial in dis- 224 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. position, his loss was widely mourned. The family's devoted friend, Rev. Samuel J. May, conducted the funeral services, at which Frederick Douglass and several prominent Abolition- ists paid affectionate tribute, expressing “ profound reverence for Mr. Anthony's character as a man, a friend and a citizen." Many letters of sympathy were received by Miss Anthony, but nothing brought consolation to her heart; her best and strongest friend was gone. Parker Pillsbury expressed her sorrow when he wrote: "You must be stricken sore indeed in the loss of your constant helper in the great mission to which you are devoted, your counselor, your consoler, your all that man could be, besides the endearing relation of father. What or who can supply the loss ?” There had not been a day in her life which had not felt his presence. She went forth to every duty sustained by his cheery and brave encouragement. With her father's support she could face the opposition and calumny of the world, and when these became too great she had but to turn again to him for the fullest sympathy and appreciation. He had inspired all she had done and with his wise advice and financial aid had assisted in the doing. When he passed away she felt the foundations taken from beneath her feet. For a little while she was stunned and helpless, and then the old strength came slowly back. The same spiritual force that had upheld her so many years still spoke to her soul and bade her once more take up life's duties. CHAPTER XIV. WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 1863—1864. w was in 23T was with a sore and heavy heart that Miss An- thony again turned to her public work, but she was impelled by the thought that it would have 5 been her father's earnest wish, and also by the feel- winding that work alone could give relief to the sorrow which overwhelmed her. She was bitterly disappointed that the "old guard” persisted in putting the question of the rights of women in the background, thus losing the vantage points gained by years of agitation. She alone, of all who had labored so earnestly for this sacred cause, was not misled by the sophistry that the work which women were doing for the Union would compel a universal recognition of their demands when the war was ended. Subsequent events showed the cor- rectness of her judgment in maintaining that the close of the war would precipitate upon the country such an avalanche of questions for settlement that the claims of women would re- ceive even less consideration than heretofore had been accorded. Next to this cause, however, that of the slaves appealed to her most strongly and she willingly continued her labors for them, trusting that the day might come when Garrison, Phillips, Greeley and the other great spirits would redeem their pledges and unite their strength in securing justice for women. On January 11, 1863, Miss Anthony received this letter from Theodore Tilton: "Well, what have you to say to the proclamation ? Even if not all one could wish, it is too much not to be thankful for. It makes the remainder of slavery too valueless and precarious to be worth keeping. The millenium ANT.--15 (225) 226 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. is on the way. Three cheers for God!... I had the pleasure of dining yesterday with Wendell Phillips in New York. Shall I tell you a secret? I happened to allude to one Susan Anthony. “Yes,' said he, 'one of the salt of the earth.'” On the 16th came this from Henry B. Stanton: “I date from the federal capital. Since I arrived here I have been more gloomy than ever. The country is rapidly going to destruction. The army is almost in a state of mutiny for want of its pay and for lack of a leader. Nothing can carry the North through but the Southern negroes, and nobody can marshal them into the struggle except the Abolitionists. The country was never so badly off as at this moment. Such men as Lovejoy, Hale and the like have pretty much given up the struggle in despair. You have no idea how dark the cloud is which hangs over us. . . . We must not lay the flatter- ing unction to our souls that the proclamation will be of any use if we are beaten and have a dissolution of the Union. Here then is work for you. Susan, put on your armor and go forth!” From many prominent men and women came the same cry, and so she did gird on her armor and go forth. The latter part of February she took up her abode with Mrs. Stanton in New York. Herculean efforts were being made at this time by the Republicans, under the leadership of Charles Sumner, to secure congressional action in regard to emancipation. A widespread fear existed that the President's proclamation might not prove sufficient, that some way of overriding it might be found, and there was much anxiety to secure such an expression of public sentiment as would justify Congress in submitting an amendment to the United States Constitution which should forever abolish slavery. This could best be done through petitions, and here Miss Anthony recognized her work. An eloquent appeal was sent out, enclosing the follow- ing: CALL FOR A MEETING OF THE LOYAL WOMEN OF THE NATION. In this crisis it is the duty of every citizen to consider the peculiar blessings of a republican form of government, and decide what sacrifices of wealth WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 227 and life are demanded for its defense and preservation. ... No mere party or sectional cry, no technicalities of constitutional or military law, no methods of craft or policy, can touch the heart of a nation in the midst of revolution. Å grand idea of freedom or justice is needful to kindle and sus- tain the fires of a high enthusiasm.. At this hour the best word and work of every man and woman are impera- tively demanded. To man, by common consent, are assigned the forum, camp and field. What is woman's legitimate work and how she may best accomplish it is worthy our earnest counsel one with another. ... Woman is equally interested and responsible with man in the final settlement of this problem of self-government; therefore let none stand idle spectators now. When every hour is big with destiny and each delay but complicates our difficulties, it is high time for the daughters of the Revolution in solemn council to unseal the last will and testament of the fathers, lay hold of their birthright of free- dom and keep it a sacred trust for all coming generations. To this end we ask the loyal women of the nation to meet in the Church of the Puritans, New York, on Thursday, the 14th of May next. Let the women of every State be largely represented both in person and by letter. On behalf of the Woman's Central Committee, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, SUSAN B. ANTHONY. An immense audience, mostly women, assembled in Dr. Cheever's famous church. Miss Anthony called the conven- tion to order and nominated Lucy Stone for president. Stir- ring addresses were made by Mrs. Stanton and the veteran anti-slavery speaker, Angelina Grimké Weld, while the Hutch- inson family with their songs added inspiration to the occasion. Miss Anthony presented a series of patriotic resolutions with the following spirited address : There is great fear expressed on all sides lest this shall be made a war for the negro. I am willing that it shall be. It is a war which was begun to found an empire upon slavery, and shame on us if we do not make it one to establish the freedom of the negro-against whom the whole nation, North and South, East and West, in one mighty conspiracy, has combined from the beginning. Instead of suppressing the real cause of the war, it should have been proclaimed not only by the people but by the President, Congress, Cab- inet and every military commander. Instead of President Lincoln's waiting two long years before calling to the aid of the government the millions of al- lies whom we have had within the territory of rebeldom, it should have been the first decree he sent forth. By all the laws of common sense—to say noth- ing of laws military or civil-if the President, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, could have devised any possible means whereby he might hope to suppress the rebellion without the sacrifice of the life of one loyal cit- izen, without the sacrifice of one dollar of the loyal North, it was clearly his duty to have done so. Every interest of the insurgents, every dollar of their 228 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. property, every institution, every life in every rebel State even, if necessary, should have been sacrificed, before one dollar or one man should have been drawn from the free States. How much more then was it the President's duty to confer freedom on the millions of slaves, transform them into an army for the Union, cripple the rebellion and establish justice, the only sure founda- tion of peace. I therefore hail the day when the government shall recognize that this is a war for freedom. We talk about returning to the Union as it was" and " the Constitution as it is”-about "restoring our country to peace and prosperity-to the blessed conditions which existed before the war!” I ask you what sort of peace, what sort of prosperity, have we had? Since the first slave ship sailed up the James river with its human cargo and there, on the soil of the Old Do- minion, it was sold to the highest bidder, we have had nothing but war. When that pirate captain landed on the shores of Africa and there kidnapped the first stalwart negro and fastened the first manacle, the struggle between that captain and that negro was the commencement of the terrible war in the midst of which we are today. Between the slave and the master there has been war, and war only. This is but a new form of it. No, no; we ask for no return to the old conditions. We ask for something better. We want a Union which is a Union in fact, a Union in spirit, not a sham. By the Con- stitution as it is, the North has stood pledged to protect slavery in the States where it existed. We have been bound, in case of insurrections, to go to the aid, not of those struggling for liberty but of the oppressors. It was politi- cians who made this pledge at the beginning, and who have renewed it from year to year. These same men have had control of the churches, the Sabbath- schools and all religious institutions, and the women have been a party in complicity with slavery. They have made the large majority in all the churches throughout the country and have, without protest, fellowshipped the slaveholder as a Christian; accepted proslavery preaching from their pul- pits; suffered the words “slavery a crime” to be expurgated from all the les- sons taught their children, in defiance of the Golden Rule, “Do unto others as you would that others should do unto you.” They have meekly accepted whatever morals and religion the selfish interest of politics and trade dic- tated. Woman must now assume her God-given responsibilities and make herself what she is clearly designed to be, the educator of the race. Let her no longer be the mere reflector, the echo of the worldly pride and ambition of man. Had the women of the North studied to know and to teach their sons the law of justice to the black man, they would not now be called upon to offer the loved of their households to the bloody Moloch of war. Women of the North, I ask you to rise up with earnest, honest purpose and go forward in the way of right, fearlessly, as independent human beings, responsible to God alone for the discharge of every duty. Forget conventionalisms; forget what the world will say, whether you are in your place or out of it; think your best thoughts, speak your best words, do your best works, looking to your own consciences for approval. The fourth resolution, asking equal rights for women as well WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 229 as negroes, was seriously objected to by several who insisted that they did not want political rights. Lucy Stone, Mrs. Weld, Mrs. Rose and Mrs. Coleman made strong speeches in its favor, and Miss Anthony said: This resolution merely makes the assertion that in a genuine republic, every citizen must have the right of representation. You remember the maxim "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned.” This is the fundamental principle of democracy, and before our government can be placed on a lasting foundation, the civil and political rights of every citizen must be practically established. This is the meaning of the resolution. It is a philosophical statement, made not because women suffer, not because slaves suffer, not because of any individual rights or wrongs—but as a simple declaration of the fundamental truth of democracy proclaimed by our Revolutionary fathers. I hope the discussion will no longer be continued as to the comparative rights or wrongs of one class or another. This is the question before us: Is it possible that peace and union shall be established in this country, is it possible for this government to be a true democracy, a genuine republic, while one-sixth or one-half of the people are disfranchised ? The resolution was adopted by a large majority. A business meeting was held in the afternoon to decide upon the practical work, and again the room was crowded. Miss Anthony was in the chair. There were women of all ages, classes and con- ditions, and the assembly was pervaded with deep and solemn feeling. The following was unanimously adopted: “We, loyal women of the nation, assembled in convention this 14th day of May, 1863, hereby pledge ourselves one to another in a Loyal League, to give support to the government in so far as it makes a war for freedom.” Mrs. Stanton was elected presi- dent and Miss Anthony secretary of the permanent organiza- tion. A great meeting was held in Cooper Institute in the evening. An eloquent address to President Lincoln, read by Miss Anthony, was adopted and sent to him. Powerful speeches were made by Ernestine L. Rose and Rev. Antoinette Blackwell, a patriotic address to the soldiers was adopted, and the convention closed amid great enthusiasm. At subsequent meetings it was decided to confine the work of the League to the one object of securing signatures to peti- 1 See Appendix for this address. 230 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tions to the Senate and House of Representatives, praying for an act emancipating all persons of African descent held in involuntary servitude. They set their standard at a million names. Their scheme received the commendation of the entire anti-slavery press, and of prominent men and women in all parts of the country. The first of June headquarters were opened in Room 20, Cooper Institute, and the great work was begun. Miss Anthony prepared and sent out thousands of petitions accompanied by this letter: THE WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE TO THE WOMEN OF THE REPUBLIC: We ask you to sign and circulate this petition for the entire abolition of slavery. Remember the President's proclamation reaches only the slaves of rebels. The jails of loyal Kentucky are today filled with Georgia, Mississippi and Alabama slaves, advertised to be sold for their jail fees according to law,” precisely as before the war! While slavery exists anywhere there can be freedom nowhere. There must be a law abolishing slavery. We have undertaken to canvass the nation for freedom. Women, you can not vote or fight for your country. Your only way to be a power in the government is through the exercise of this one, sacred, constitutional "right of petition;" and we ask you to use it now to the utmost. Go to the rich, the poor, the high, the low, the soldier, the civilian, the white, the black-gather up the names of all who hate slavery, all who love liberty, and would have it the law of the land, and lay them at the feet of Congress, your silent but potent vote for human freedom guarded by law. . . . . . . Every day and every hour were given to the Loyal League. All through the hot summer Miss Anthony remained at her post in Cooper Institute, scattering her letters far and wide, pushing into the field every woman who was willing to work, sending out lecturers to stir up the people, directing affairs with the sagacity of an experienced general, sparing no one who could be pressed into service, and herself least of all. On July 15, during the New York Draft Riots, she writes home: "These are terrible times. The Colored Orphan Asylum which was burned was but one block from Mrs. Stanton's, and all of us left the house on Monday night. Yesterday when I started for Cooper Institute I found the cars and stages had been stopped by the mob and I could not get to the office. I took the ferry and went to Flushing to stay with my cousin, but WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 231 found it in force there. We all arose and dressed in the mid- dle of the night, but it was finally gotten under control.” Miss Anthony had many heartaches during these trying times and longed more and more for that strength which had been taken from her forever. Writing to her mother of her brother Daniel R.'s election as mayor of Leavenworth, Kan., she says: “0, how has our dear father's face flitted before me as I have thought what his happiness would have been over this honor. Last night when my head was on my pillow, I seemed to be in the old carriage jogging homeward with him, while he happily recounted D. R.'s qualifications for this high post and accepted his election as the triumph of the opposition to rebels and slaveholders. Every day I appreciate more fully father's desire for justice to every human being, the lowest and blackest as well as the highest and whitest, and my constant prayer is to be a worthy daughter." | On the anniversary of his death she writes again to her mother: “It has seemed to me last night and today that I must fly to you and with you sit down in the quiet. It is tor- ture here with not one who knew or cared for the loved one. It is sacrilege to speak his name or tell my grief to those who knew him not. O, how my soul reaches out in yearning to his dear spirit! Does he see me, will he, can he, come to me in my calm, still moments and gently minister and lift me up into nobler living and working?” In a letter to her, relative to the sale of the home, the mother uses these touching words: "If it had been my heart that had ceased to beat, all might have gone on as before, but now all must go astray. I know I ought to get rid of this care, and Mary and I should not try to live here alone, but every foot of ground is sacred to me, and I love every article bought by the dear father of my children.” On this subject Miss Anthony writes to her sister Mary: Your letter sent a pang to my very heart's core that the dear old home, so full of the memory of our father, must be given up. I do wish it could be best to keep it, and yet I do not think he will be less with us away from that loved spot, for my experience in the past months disproves such feeling. Every 232 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. place, every movement, almost, suggests him, Last evening, I strolled west on Forty-fifth street to the Hudson river, a mile or more. There was newly- sawed lumber there and the smell carried me back, back to the old sawmill and childhood's days. I looked at the beautiful river and the schooners with their sails spread to the breeze. I felt alone, but my mind traversed the entire round of the loved ones. I doubt if there be any mortal who clings to loves with greater tenacity than do I. To see mother without father in the old home, to feel the loneliness of her spirit, and all of us bereft of the joy of looking into the loved face, listening to the loved tones, waiting for his sanc- tion or rejection--0, how I could see and feel it all! The rest of us have our work to engross us and other objects to center our affections upon, but mother now lives in her children, and I often feel as if we did too little to lighten her heart and cheer her path. Never was there a mother who came nearer to knowing nothing save her own household, her husband and children, whether high in the world's esteem or crucified, the same still with her through all. If we sometimes give her occasion to feel that we prized father more than her, it was she who taught us ever to hold him thus above all others. Our high respect and deep love for him, our per- fect trust in him, we owe to mother's precepts and vastly more to her exam- ple. And, by and by, when we have to reckon her among the invisible, we shall live in remembrance of her wise counsel, tender watching, self-sacrifice and devotion not second to that we now cherish for the memory of our father -nay, it will even transcend that in measure, as a mother's constant and ever-present love and care for her children are beyond those of a father. A bit of mirth comes into the somber atmosphere with a note from Theodore Tilton : To Susan B. ANTHONY, ADJUTANT-GENERAL-Since of late you have been bold in expressing your opinion that the draft should be strenuously enforced and that the broken ranks of our brave armies should be supplied with new men, it will serve to show you how great the difference is between those who say and those who do, if I inform you-as in duty bound I do hereby—that I know a little lady only half your size who doubles your zeal in all these re- spects and who, without waiting for your tardy example, presented on her own account to the government on Thursday last a new man, weighing nine pounds, to be enrolled among the infantry of the United States. Miss Anthony undertook the great work of this National Loyal League without the guarantee from any source of a single dollar. The expenses were very heavy; office rent, clerk hire, printing bills, postage, etc., brought them up to over $5,000, but as usual she was fertile in resources for rais- ing money. All who signed the petition were requested to give a cent and in this way about $3,000 were realized. A few WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 233 sheetsuly d. Weld, Rosdi Slipkart / contributions came in, but the demands were infinite for every dollar which patriotic citizens could spare, and the league felt desirous of paying its own way. To assist in this, she arranged a course of lectures at Cooper Institute. Among those who re- sponded to her call were Hon. William D. Kel- ley, Edwin P. Whipple, Theodore D. Weld, Rev. Stephen H. Tyng, Fred- erick Douglass, Wen- dell Phillips, George William Cur- tis, Frances D. Gage and several others. Most of these donated their services and others reduced their price. Letters of commenda- tion were received from editors, ministers, senators and gen- erals. George Thompson, the British Abolitionist and ex- member of Parliament, gave hearty sympathy and co-opera- tion. Benjamin F. Wade wrote: “You may count upon any aid which I am competent to bestow to forward the object of your league. As a member of Congress, you shall have my best endeavors for your success, for a cause more honorable to human nature or one that promised more benefit to the world, hearty spopathy In phrene huske, Very dance la Torden never called forth the efforts of the patriot or philanthropist.” From Major-General Rosecrans came the message: “The cause in which you are engaged is sacred, and would ennoble mean and sanctify common things. You have my best wishes for continued success in your good work.” 234 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. In December, 1863, Miss Anthony went to Philadelphia to attend the great meeting which celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and was strengthened and encouraged by the lofty and enthusiastic addresses and the renewed expressions of friend- ship and fealty to herself. The work of securing the petitions was rapidly and ener- getically pushed during the winter and spring of 1864. Miss Anthony gave all her time to the office. During the year and a half of her arduous labors, she received from the Hovey Committee $12 a week. As she boarded with Mrs. Stanton at a reduced price she managed to keep her ex- penses within this limit. She writes home: “I go to a restaurant near by for lunch every noon. I take always straw- berries with two tea-rusks. Today I said, 'All this lacks is a glass of milk from my mother's cellar,' and the girl replied, We have very nice Westchester county milk.' So tomorrow I shall add that to my bill of fare. My lunch costs, berries, five cents, rusks five, and tomorrow the milk will be three.'' There is reason to believe, however, that she often would have been glad to afford a second dish of strawberries. The Hovey Committee sent $155, Gerrit Smith $200, Schief- felin Brothers, Druggists, $100, and Jessie Benton Fremont, $50. In her great need of funds, Miss Anthony decided to appeal to Henry Ward Beecher and she relates how, as she was wearily climbing Columbia Heights to his home, she felt a hand on her shoulder and heard a hearty voice say: Well, old girl, what do you want now?” It was Mr. Beecher him- self who, the moment she explained her mission, said: “I'll take up a collection in Plymouth church next Sunday.” The result of this was $200. The carefully kept books still in ex- istence show that when the accounts of the league were closed, there was a deficit of $4.72 to settle all indebtedness, and this Miss Anthony paid out of her own pocket ! She was assisted from time to time by Mrs. Stanton, Lucy Stone, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Dr. Clemence S. Lozier, Mary F. Gilbert, Frances V. Hallock, Mattie Griffith (Brown), Re- becca Shepard (Putnam), and Frances M. Russell, all donating their services. The book- keeper and the clerks were paid small salaries from the office receipts. WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 235 In January the brother Daniel R. came East for his beauti- ful young bride, and the mother from her quiet farm-nook sends her petition to New York. She can not manage the "infare” unless Susan comes home and helps. So she drops the affairs of government long enough to skim across the State and lend a hand in preparing for this interesting event, and then back again to her incessant drudgery, made doubly hard by financial anxiety. During all this work of the Loyal League, Miss Anthony found her strongest and staunchest support in Robert Dale Owen, who was then in New York by appointment of Presi- dent Lincoln as chair- man of the Freed- man's Inquiry Com- mission. She was also in constant communication with Senator Charles Sum- U ner, who was most anxious that the work should be hastened. The blank petitions were sent in great sacks to him at Wash- ington, and distributed under his “frank" to all parts of the Union. On February 9, 1864, he presented in the Senate the first installment. The petitions from each State were tied by themselves in a large bundle and endorsed with the number of signatures. Two able-bodied negroes carried them into the Senate chamber, and Mr. Sumner presented them, saying in part: Owen ha These petitions are signed by 100,000 men and women, who unite in this unparalleled number to support their prayer. They are from all parts of the country and from every condition of life. . . . They ask nothing less than universal emancipation, and this they ask directly at the hands of Congress. It is not for me to assign reasons which the army of petitioners has forborne to assign; but I may not improperly add that, naturally and obviously, they all feel in their hearts, what reason and knowledge confirm, not only that slavery is the guilty origin of the rebellion, but that its influence everywhere, even outside the rebel States, has been hostile to the Union, always impairing loy- alty and sometimes openly menacing the national government. The peti- tioners know well that to save the country from peril, especially to save the national life, there is no power in the ample arsenal of self-defense which Congress may not grasp; for to Congress under the Constitution, belongs the 236 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. prerogative of the Roman Dictator to see that the republic receives no detri- ment. Therefore to Congress these petitioners now appeal. After an earnest discussion by the Senate the petition was referred to the Select Committee on Slavery and Freedom, whose chairman was Thomas D. Eliot, of Massachusetts. Im- mediately afterwards several thousand more blank petitions were sent out, accompanied by a second appeal which closed: “Shall we not all join in one loud, earnest, effectual prayer to Congress, which will swell on its ear like the voice of many waters, that this bloody, desolating war shall be arrested and ended by the immediate and final removal by statute law and amended Constitution, of that crime and curse which alone has brought it upon us?”. In answer to an invitation to be present at the first anniver- Juch an install Alich as zou prepare Cauld neh prie to proshce a strong effect, - Thelp the godt o llen paus, Chals Tube sary of the Women's National Loyal League, Senator Sumner wrote: I can not be with you for my post of duty is here. I am grateful to your association for what you have done to arouse the country to insist on the extinction of slavery. Now is the time to strike and no effort should be WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 237 spared. The good work must be finished, and to my mind nothing seems to be done, while anything remains to be done. There is one point to which attention must be directed. No effort should be spared to castigate and blast the whole idea of property in man, which is the corner-stone of the rebel pre- tension and the constant assumption of the partisans of slavery, or of its lukewarm opponents. Let this idea be trampled out and there will be no sympathy with the rebellion, and there will be no such abomination as slave- hunting, which is beyond question the most execrable feature of slavery itself. As Miss Anthony herself had asked so many favors of Wen- dell Phillips, she thought it would be a good idea to have Mrs. Stanton invite him to make an address at this anniversary ; but he was not in the least deceived, as his reply shows : DEAR MRS. STANTON: Your S. B. A. thinks she is very cunning. As if I did not see a huge pussy under that meal! She has been so modest, humble, ashamed, reluctant, apologetic, contrite, self-accusing whenever the last ten years she has asked me to do anything, go anywhere, speak on any topic! Now she makes you pull the chestnuts out of the fire and thinks I do not see her waiting behind. Ah, the hand is the hand of Esau, the voice is the voice of Jacob, wicked, sly, skulking, mystifying Jacob. Why don't “secretaries” write the official letters? How much they leave the president” to do! Naughty idlers, those secretaries! Well, let me thank Miss Secretary An- thony for her gentle consideration; then let me say I'll try to speak, as you say, fifteen minutes. ... Remember me defiantly to S. B. A. In the midst of all this correspondence came a letter from a sweetheart of her girlhood, now a prominent officeholder in Ohio, stating that he was a widower but would not long remain one if his old friend would take pity upon him. It is sincerely to be hoped that the secretary of the Loyal League found time at least to have one of her clerks answer this epistle. The meeting was held in the Church of the Puritans, May 12, 1864, and soul-stirring speeches were made by Phillips, Mrs. Rose, Lucretia Mott, George Thompson, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony. The report of the executive committee showed that a debt of $5,000, including $1,000 for postage alone, had been paid ; that 25,000 blank petitions had been sent out; that the league now numbered 5,000 members, and that branch Loyal Leagues had been formed in many cities. Strong resolutions were adopted demanding not only emanci- pation but enfranchisement for the negroes. The entire pro- 238 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ing women of the country understood the political situation, how broad and comprehensive was their grasp of public affairs, and with what a patriotic and self-sacrificing spirit they per- formed their part of the duties imposed by the great Civil War. By August, 1864, the signatures to the petitions had reached almost 400,000. Again and again Charles Sumner and Henry Wilson had written Miss Anthony that these petitions formed the bulwark of their demand for congressional action to abol- ish slavery. Public sentiment on this point had now become emphatic, the Senate had passed the bill for the prohibition of slavery, and the intention of the House of Representatives was so apparent that it did not seem necessary to continue the pe- titions. The headquarters in Cooper Institute were closed, and the magnificent work, which from this center had radiated throughout the country, found its reward in the proposition by Congress, on February 1, 1865, for Amendment XIII to the Federal Constitution: Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist in the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. bileet to their jurisdictionea The faithful, untiring, persistent chief of this Women's Na- tional Loyal League was Susan B. Anthony, whose only material reminder of that great achievement for the freedom of the slave is the arm-chair in which, for the past thirty-five years, she has sat and conducted her vast correspondence in the interest of liberty for the half of humanity still in bond- age; yet in the blessed thought that her efforts were an im- portant factor in securing freedom for millions of her fellow- creatures, she has been rewarded a thousandfold. But what words can express her sense of humiliation when, at the close of this long conflict, the government which she had served so faithfully still held her unworthy a voice in its councils, while it recognized as the political superiors of all the noble wo- men of the nation, the negro men just emerged from slavery WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE. 239 and not only totally illiterate but also densely ignorant of every public question? There never can be an adequate portrayal of the services rendered by the women of this country during the Civil War, but none will deny that, according to their opportunities, they were as faithful and self-sacrificing as were the men. A comparison of values is impossible, but women's labors supplemented those of men, and together they wrought out the freedom of the slave and the salvation of the Union. Among the great body of women, a few stand out in immortal light. The plan of the vital cam- paign of the Tennessee, one of the great strategic movements of history, was made by Anna Ella Carroll. The work of Dorothea Dix, government superintendent of women nurses, with its onerous and important duties, needs no eulogy. Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, fresh from England and an intimacy with Florence Nightin- gale, originated well the Sanitary Com- mission. No name is held in more profound reverence than that of Clara Barton, for her matchless services upon the bat- tle-field among the dead and dying. To Josephine S. Griffing belongs the full credit of founding the Freedmen's Bureau, which played so valuable a part in the help and protection of the newly emancipated negroes. Who of all the public speak- ers rendered greater aid to the Union than the inspired Anna Dickinson? Yet not one of these ever received the slightest official recognition from the government. In the cases of Miss Carroll, Dr. Blackwell and Mrs. Griffing, the honors and the profits all were absorbed by men. Neither Dorothea Dix nor Clara Barton ever asked for a pension. All of these women at the close of the war appealed for the right of suffrage, a voice in the affairs of government; but such appeals were and still are treated with contemptuous denial. The sit- uation was thus eloquently summed up by that woman states- man, Elizabeth Cady Stanton : The lessons of the war were not lost on the women of this nation; through 240 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. varied forms of suffering and humiliation, they learned that they had an equal interest with men in the administration of the government, alike en- joying its blessings or enduring its miseries. When in the enfranchisement of the black men they saw another ignorant class of voters placed above their heads, and beheld the danger of a distinctively “male” government, for- ever involving the nations of the earth in war and violence; and demanded for the protection of themselves and children, that woman's voice should be heard and her opinions in public affairs be expressed by the ballot, they were coolly told that the black man had earned the right to vote, that he had fought and bled and died for his country, CHAPTER XV. " MALE” IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 1865. OON after closing the league headquarters, Miss Anthony went to Auburn to attend the wedding of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Jr., and Ellen, daughter of her dear friend Martha C. Wright and niece of Lucretia Mott, a union of two families very ac- ceptable to the friends of both. From this scene of festivity she returned home to meet a fresh sorrow in the sudden death, almost at the hour of her arrival, of Ann Eliza, daughter of her eldest sister Guelma and Aaron McLean, the best beloved of all her nieces. She was twenty-three years old, beautiful and talented, a good musician and an artist of fine promise. In her Miss Anthony had centered many hopes and ambitions, and the letters show that she was always planning and work- ing for her future as she would have done for that of a cher- ished daughter. She was laid to rest on the silver wedding anniversary of her parents. Miss Anthony writes: “She had ceased to be a child and had become the fullgrown woman, my companion and friend. I loved her merry laugh, her bright, joyous presence, and yet my loss is so small compared to the awful void in her mother's life that I scarcely dare men- tion it." Months afterwards she wrote her sister Hannah: "Today I made a pilgrimage to Mount Hope. The last rays of red, gold and purple fringed the horizon and shone serenely on the mounds above our dear father and Ann Eliza. What a con- trast in my feelings; for the one a subdued sorrow at the sud- den ending of a life full-ripened, only that we would have ANT.-16 (241) 242 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. basked in its sunshine a little longer; for the other a keen anguish over the untimely cutting off in the dawn of existence, with the hopes and longings but just beginning to take form, the real purpose of life yet dimly developed, a great nature but half revealed. The faith that she and all our loved and gone are graduated into a higher school of growth and progress is the only consolation for death." At another time she wrote her brother: "This new and sor- rowful reminder of the brittleness of life's threads should soften all our expressions to each other in our home circles and open our lips to speak only words of tenderness and approba- tion. We are so wont to utter criticisms and to keep silence about the things we approve. I wish we might be as faithful in expressing our likes as our dislikes, and not leave our loved ones to take it for granted that their good acts are noted and appreciated and vastly outnumber those we criticise. The sum of home happiness would be greatly multiplied if all families would conscientiously follow this method.” There were urgent appeals in these days from the lately- married brother and his wife for sister Susan to come to Kansas and, as no public work seemed to be pressing, she started the latter part of January, 1865. She stopped in Chi- cago to visit her uncle Albert Dickinson, was detained a week by heavy storms, and reached Leavenworth the last day of the month. Of her journey she wrote home: I paid a dollar for a ride across the Mississippi on the ice. When we reached Missouri all was devastation. I asked the conductor if there were not a sleeper and he replied, “Our sleeping cars are in the ditch.” Scarcely a train had been over the road in weeks without being thrown off the track. We were nineteen hours going the 200 miles from Quincy to St. Joe. Twelve miles out from the latter we had to wait for the train ahead of us to get back on the rails. I was desperate. Any decent farmer's pigpen would be as clean as that car. There were five or six families, each with half a dozen children, moving to Kansas and Nebraska, who had been shut up there for days. A hovel stood up the bank a little way and several of the men went there and washed their faces. After watching them enjoy this luxury for a while I finally rushed up myself and asked the woman in charge if she would sell me a cup of coffee. She grunted out yes, after some hesitation, and while she was making it, I washed my face and hands. When she handed me my "MALE” IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 243 drink she said, “This is no rye; it is real coffee.” And so it was and I en- joyed it, brass spoon, thick, dingy, cracked cup and all. This was Miss Anthony's first visit to Kansas and she found much to interest her in Leavenworth-caravans of emigrants, long trains of supplies for the army, troops from the barracks, crowds of colored refugees, the many features of frontier life so totally different from all she had seen and known in her eastern home. The prominence of her brother brought many distinguished visitors to his house, she enjoyed the long car- riage drives and the days were filled with pleasant duties, so that she writes, “I am afraid I shall get into the business of being comfortable.” On her birthday, February 15, the diary shows that she wagered a pair of gloves with the family phy- sician that it would not rain before morning, and on the 16th is recorded: "The bell rang early this morning and a boy left a box containing a pair of gloves with the compliments of the doctor.” In March one entry reads: “The new seamstress starts in pretty well but she can not sew nicely enough for the little clothes. We shall have to make those ourselves.” This life of ease proved to be of short duration. Her brother was renominated for mayor and plunged at once into the thick of a political campaign, while Miss Anthony went to the office to help manage his newspaper, limited only by his injunc- tion “not to have it all woman's rights and negro suffrage.” The labor, however, which she most enjoyed was among the colored refugees. Soon after the slaves were set free they flocked to Kansas in large numbers, and what should be done with this great body of uneducated, untrained and irresponsible people was a perplexing question. She went into the day schools, Sunday-schools, charitable societies and all organizations for their relief and improvement. The journal shows that four or five days or evenings every week were given to this work and that she formed an equal rights league among them. A colored printer was put into the composing-room, and at once the en- tire force went on strike. The diary declares "it is a burning, blistering shame,” and relates her attempts to secure other work for him. She met at this time Hiram Revels, a colored 244 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Methodist preacher, afterwards United States senator from Mississippi. During these months she was in constant receipt of letters pressing her to return to the East. Phillips said: “Come back, there is work for you here.” From Lydia Mott came the pathetic cry: "Our old fraternity is no more; we are divided, bodily and spiritually, and I seem to grow more iso- lated every day.” Pillsbury wrote: “We do not know much now about one another. We called a meeting of the Hovey Committee and only Whipple and I were present. Why have you deserted the field of action at a time like this, at an hour unparalleled in almost twenty centuries? If you watch our papers you must have observed that with you gone, our forces are scattered until I can almost truly say with him of old, 'I only am left.' It is not for me to decide your field of labor. Kansas needed John Brown and may need you. It is no doubt missionary ground and, wherever you are, I know you will not be idle; but New York is to revise her constitution next year and, if you are absent, who is to make the plea for woman?” Mrs. Stanton insisted that she should not remain buried in Kansas and concluded a long letter: I hope in a short time to be comfortably located in a new house where we will have a room ready for you when you come East. I long to put my arms around you once more and hear you scold me for my sins and short-comings. Your abuse is sweeter to me than anybody else's praise for, in spite of your severity, your faith and confidence shine through all. O, Susan, you are very dear to me. I should miss you more than any other living being from this earth. You are intertwined with much of my happy and eventful past, and all my future plans are based on you as a coadjutor. Yes, our work is one, we are one in aim and sympathy and we should be together. Come home. Miss Anthony's own heart yearned to return, but the work- ers were so few in Kansas and so many in the Eastern States, that she scarcely knew where the call of duty was strongest. At the close of the war her mind grasped at once the full im- port of the momentous questions which would demand settle- ment and she felt the necessity of placing herself in touch with those who would be most powerful in moulding public senti- ment. The threatened division in the Abolitionist ranks and the "MALE” IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 245 reported determination of Mr. Garrison to disband the Anti- Slavery Society, filled her with dismay and she sent back the strongest protests she could put into words : How can any one hold that Congress has no right to demand negro suffrage in the returning rebel States because it is not already established in all the loyal ones ? What would have been said of Abolitionists ten or twenty years ago, had they preached to the people that Congress had no right to vote against admitting a new State with slavery, because it was not already abolished in all the old States ? It is perfectly astounding, this seeming eager- ness of so many of our old friends to cover up and apologize for the glar- ing hate toward the equal recognition of the manhood of the black race. Well, you will be in New York to witness, perhaps, the disbanding of the Anti-Slavery Society-and I shall be away out here, waiting anxiously to catch the first glimpse of the spirit of the meeting. But Phillips will be glo- rious and genial to the end. All through this struggle he has stood up against the tide, one of the few to hold the nation to its vital work—its one necessity, moral as military-absolute justice and equality for the black man. I wish every ear in this country might listen to his word. A letter from Mr. Phillips said: “Thank you for your kind note. I see you understand the lay of the land and no words are necessary between you and me. Your points we have talked over. If Garrison should resign, we incline to Purvis for president for many, many reasons. We (Hovey Commit- tee) shall aid in keeping our Standard floating till the enemy comes down." All the letters received by Miss Anthony dur- ing May and June were filled with the story of the dissension in the Anti-Slavery Society. It is not a part of this work to go into the merits of that dis- cussion. In brief, Mr. Garrison and his followers believed that, with the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment, slavery was forever abolished in the United States and there was no further need of the Anti-Slavery Society which he himself had founded. Phillips and his following held that "no emancipation can be effectual and no freedom real, unless the negro has the ballot and the States are prohibited from enacting laws making any distinction among their citizens on account of race or color.” There were minor differences of opinion respecting men and measures, but the above are the fundamental points which led to the first breach that had oc- 246 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. curred for a quarter of a century in the ranks of the great anti-slavery leaders, who had borne a persecution never equalled in the history of our country. It resulted, at the May Anni- versary in New York, in Garrison's declining a re-election to the presidency of the society, which he had held for thirty-two years, and in the election of Phillips. tained the position of Mr. Phillips--Mrs. Stanton, Parker Pillsbury, Robert Purvis, Charles Remond, Stephen Foster, Lucretia and Lydia Mott, Anna Dickinson, Sarah Pugh-and she herself was his staunchest defender. Believing as strongly as she did that the suffrage is the very foundation of liberty, woman, she could not have done otherwise, and yet, so great was her reverence and affection for Mr. Garrison, it was with the keenest regret she found herself no longer able to follow him. She writes: “I am glad I was spared from witnessing that closing scene. It will be hard beyond expression to leave him out of our councils, but he never will be out of our sym- pathies. I hope you will refrain from all personalities. Pro- slavery signs are too apparent and too dangerous at this hour for us to stop for personal adjustments. To go forward with the great work pressing upon the society, without turning to the right or the left, is the one wise course.” Parker Pillsbury was made editor of the Standard in place of Oliver Johnson, and was assisted by George W. Smalley, who had married an adopted daughter of Wendell Phillips. Mr. Pillsbury wrote Miss Anthony soon after the anniversary: We could not see how the colored race were to be risked, shut up in the States with their old masters, whom they had helped to conquer and out of whose defeat their freedom had come; so we voted to keep the machinery in gear until better assurances were given of a free future than we yet possess. We have offended some by our course. I am sorry, but it was Mr. Garrison who taught me to be true to myself. To my mind, suffrage for the negro is now what immediate emancipation was thirty years ago. If we emancipate from slavery and leave the European doctrine of serfdom extant, even in the mildest form, then the colored race, or we, or perhaps both, have another war in store. And so my work is not done till the last black man can declare in the full face of the world, “I am a man and a brother.” "MALE” IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 247 In June, as the expected little stranger had arrived safe, Miss Anthony accepted an invitation to deliver the Fourth of July address at Ottumwa, and then went through her inevita- ble agony whenever she had a speech to prepare. She took the stage for Topeka, finding among her fellow-passengers her relative, Major Scott Anthony, with Mr. Butterfield of the Overland Dispatch, and the long, hot, dusty ride was enlivened' by an animated discussion of the political questions of the day. During this drive over the unbroken prairies, she made the prediction that, given a few decades of thrift, they would be dotted with farms, orchards and villages and the State would be a paradise. Miss Anthony was among the first of the Abolitionists to declare that the negroes must have the suffrage, one of the most unpopular ideas ever broached, and she writes: “As fearless, radical and independent as my brother is, he will not allow my opinions on this subject to go into his paper." At To- peka she spoke to a large audience in the Methodist church on this question. In order to reach Ottumwa she had to ride 125 miles by stage in the heat of July, and her expenses were con- siderable. No price had been guaranteed for her address, but she learned to her surprise that she was expected to make it a gratuitous offering, as was the custom on account of the pov- erty of the people. They came from miles around and were enthusiastic over her speech on “ President Johnson's Missis- sippi Reconstruction Proclamation.” The Republicans insisted that she should put her notes in shape for publication, but urged her to leave out the paragraph on woman suffrage. The other speakers were Sidney Clark, M. C., and a profes- sor from Lawrence University. They were entertained by a prominent official who had just built a new house, the up- per story of which was unfinished. It was divided into three rooms by hanging up army blankets, and each of the orators was assigned to one of these apartments. Miss Anthony was so exhausted from the long stage-ride, the speaking and the heat, that she scarcely could get ready for bed, but no sooner 1 See Appendix for full speech. 248 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. had she touched the pillow than she was assailed by a species of animals noted for the welcome they extended to travellers in the early history of Kansas. Her dilemma was excruciat- ing. Should she lie still and be eaten alive, or should she get up, strike a light and probably rouse the honorable gentlemen on the other side of the army blankets? A few minutes de- cided the question; she slipped out of bed, lighted her tallow dip and reconnoitered. Then she blew out her light, and sat by the window till morning. She spoke at Lawrence in the Unitarian and the Congrega- tional churches, and August 1, the thirty-first anniversary of England's emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies, she addressed an immense audience in a grove near Leavenworth. She discussed the changed condition of the colored people and their new rights and duties, and called their attention to the fact that not one of the prominent politicians advertised was there; pointed out that if they possessed the ballot and could vote these men into or out of office, all would be eager for an opportunity to address them; and then drew a parallel between their political condition and that of women. At this time she received a second intimation of what was to come, when prom- inent Republicans called upon her and insisted that hereafter she should not bring the question of woman's rights into her speeches on behalf of the negro. A few days afterwards Miss Anthony was seated in her broth- er's office reading the papers when she learned to her amaze- ment that several resolutions had been offered in the House of Representatives sanctioning disfranchisement on account of sex. Up to this time the Constitution of the United States never had been desecrated by the word " male,” and she saw instantly that such action would create a more formidable bar- rier than any now existing against the enfranchisement of women. She hesitated no longer but started immediately on her homeward journey, stopping in Atchison, where she was the guest of ex-Mayor Crowell. Senator Pomeroy called, ac- companied her to church and arranged for her to address the colored people next day. She lectured also in St. Joseph, Mo. "MALE” IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 249 At Chillicothe one of the editors sent word that if she would not “lash” him he would print her handbills free of charge. Here she addressed a great crowd of colored people in a tobacco factory. At Macon City she spoke to them in an abandoned barracks, and slept in a slab house. Her night's experience at Ottumwa was repeated here, except that the army of invad- ers were fleas. The next day she was invited to the Methodist minister's home and his church placed at her disposal, where she addressed a large white audience. Of her speech in St. Louis she wrote: Sunday afternoon I spoke to the colored people in an old slave church in which priests used to preach “ Servants, obey your masters;" and in which slaves never dared breathe aloud their hearts' deepest prayer for freedom. The church was built by actual slaves with money they earned working odd hours allowed them by their masters. The greatest danger for these people now lies in being duped by the priests and Levites who used to pass them by on the other side but who, now that they have become popular prey, wildly run to and fro to do them good--that is, get their money and give themselves easy, fat posts as superintendents, missionaries, teachers, etc. The country is full of these soul-sharks, men who haven't had brains enough to find pulpits or places in the free States. As Miss Anthony took the train for Chicago, a woman-thief picked her pocket but she caught her and, without any appeal to the police, compelled her to deliver up the stolen goods. At Chicago she lectured several times, visited the Freedmen's Commission, heard General Howard, called on General Sher- man, went to the board of trade, where she was greatly shocked at the roaring of the “bulls and bears," and had pleasant visits with relatives in the city and adjacent towns, speaking at a number of these places. She lectured at Battle Creek and Ann Arbor, arriving at Rochester September 23. Pausing only for a brief visit, she went on to New York to fulfillthe purpose which brought her eastward. She stopped at Auburn to coun- sel with Mrs. Wright and Mrs. Worden, but found both very dubious about reviving interest in woman's rights at this crit- ical moment. After a night of mapping out the campaign with Mrs. Stanton, she started out bright and early the next morning on that mission which she was to follow faithfully and 250 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. steadfastly, without cessation or turning aside, for the next thirty years—to compel the Constitution of the United States to recognize the political rights of woman! The days were spent in hunting up old friends and supporters of the years before the war and enlisting their sympathies in the great work now at hand; and the evenings were occupied with Mrs. Stanton in preparing an appeal and a form of petition praying Congress to confer the suffrage on women. This was the first demand ever made for Congressional action on this question. The Fourteenth Amendment, as proposed, contained in Section 2, to which the women objected, the word "male" three times, and read as follows: Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any elec- tion for the choice of electors for president and vice-president of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. If it had been adopted without this word 'male,'' all women would have been virtually enfranchised, as men would have let women vote rather than have them counted out of the basis of representation. Thaddeus Stevens made a vigorous attempt to have women included in the provisions of this amendment. eren ما As the question of suffrage is now agitating the public mind, it is the hour for woman to make her demand. Propositions already have been made on the floor of Congress to so amend the Constitution as to exclude women from a voice in the government. As this would be to turn the wheels of legislation backward, let the women of the nation now unitedly protest against such a desecration of the Constitution, and petition for that right which is at the foundation of all government, the right of representation. Send your pe- tition when signed to your representative in Congress, at your earliest convenience. ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, LUCY STONE, "MALE' IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 251 A letter written by Mrs. Stanton to Martha Wright is a sam- ple of hundreds which were sent to friends in all parts of the country: I enclose you the proof of the memorial which Susan and I have just been getting up for Congress. I have been writing to Mr. Garrison to make some mention of us, "the only disfranchised class now remaining,” in his last Liberator. It is fitting that we should be recognized in his valedictory. We have now boosted the negro over our own heads, and we had better begin to remember that self-preservation is the first law of nature. Will you see if you can get our petition in your city and county papers ? Sign it yourself and send it to your representatives in Senate and Congress, and then try to gal- vanize the women of your district into life. Some say: "Be still; wait; this is the negro's hour.” We believe this is the hour for everybody to do the best thing for reconstruction. Miss Anthony found the leaders among the men so absorbed · with their interest in the male negro that they had given little thought to the suffrage as related to women; but the Hovey Committee appropriated $500 to begin the petition work. She went to Concord and held a parlor meeting attended by Emer- son, Alcott, Sanborn and other sages of that intellectual cen- ter, stating what the women desired to accomplish. After she finished, Emerson was appealed to for an opinion but said: “Ask my wife. I can philosophize, but I always look to her to decide for me in practical matters.” Mrs. Emerson replied without hesitation that she fully agreed with Miss Anthony in regard to the necessity for petitioning Congress at once to enfranchise women, either before this great body of negroes was invested with the ballot or at the same time. Mr. Emerson and the other gentlemen then assured her of their sympathy and support. She presented her claims at the annual anti-slavery meeting in Westchester and at many other gatherings. She went also to Philadelphia to visit James and Lucretia Mott and interest Mary Grew and Sarah Pugh and all the friends in that local- ity; then back to New York with tireless energy and unflag- ging zeal. She wrote articles for the Anti-Slavery Standard, sent out petitions and left no stone unturned to accomplish Waldo e 252 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. her purpose. The diary shows the days to have been well filled : Went to Tilton's office to express regrets at not being able to attend their tin wedding. He read us his editorial on Seward and Beecher. Splendid ! ... Went to hear Beecher, morning and evening. There is no one like him. ... Spent the day at Mrs. Tilton's and went with her to Mrs. Bowen's. ... Listened to 0. B. Frothingham, "Justice the Mother of Wisdom.” .. Put some new buttons on my cloak. This is its third winter. ... Excellent audience in Friends' meeting house, at Milton- on-the-Hudson. Visited the grave of Eliza W. Farnham.... Went over to New Jersey to confer with Lucy Stone and Antoinette Blackwell. ..Called at Dr. Cheever's, and also had an interview with Robert Dale Owen. ... Went to Worcester to see Abby Kelly Foster and from there work. Took dinner at Garrison's. Saw Whipple and May, then went to Wendell Phillips'. ... Spent the day with Caroline M. Severance, at West Newton. She is earnest in the cause of women. ... Returned to New York and commenced work in earnest. Spent nearly all the Christ- mas holidays addressing and sending off petitions. Henry Ward Beecher and Theodore Tilton entered heartily into the plans of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton. Mr. Tilton proposed that they should form a National Equal Rights Asso- ciation, demanding suffrage for negroes and for women, that Mr. Phillips should be its president, the Anti-Slavery Standard its official organ; and Mr. Beecher agreed to lecture in behalf of this new movement. Mr. Tilton came out with a strong editorial in the Independent, advocating suffrage for women and paying a beautiful tribute to the efficient services in the past of those who were now demanding recognition of their political rights : A LAW AGAINST WOMEN.—The spider-crab walks backward. Borrowing this creature's mossy legs, two or three gentlemen in Washington are seeking to fix these upon the Federal Constitution, to make that instrument walk back- ward in like style. For instance, the Constitution has never laid any legal disabilities upon woman. Whatever denials of rights it formerly made to our slaves, it denied nothing to our wives and daughters. The legal rights of an American woman-for instance, her right to her own property, as against a squandering husband; or her right to her own children as against a malicious father-have grown, year by year, into a more generous and just statementin American laws. This beautiful result is owing in great measure to the per- sistent efforts of many noble women who, for years past, both publicly and "MALE' IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 253 privately, by pen and speech, have appealed to legislative committees and to the whole community for an enlargement of the legal and civil status of their fellow-countrywomen. Signal, honorable and beneficent have been the works and words of Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria Child, Paulina Wright Davis, Abby Kelly Foster, Frances D. Gage, Lucy Stone, Caroline H. Dall, Antoinette Blackwell, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and many others. Not in all the land lives a poor woman or a widow who does not owe some portion of her present safety under the law to the brave exertions of these faithful laborers. All forward-looking minds know that, sooner or later, the chief public question in this country will be woman's claim to the ballot. The Federal Constitution, as it now stands, leaves this question an open one for the sev- eral States to settle as they choose. Two bills, however, now lie before Con- gress proposing to array the fundamental law of the land against the multi- tude of American women by ordaining a denial of the political rights of a whole sex. To this injustice we object totally ! Such an amendment is a snap judgment before discussion; it is an obstacle to future progress; it is a gratuitous bruise inflicted on the most tender and humane sentiment that has ever entered into American politics. If the present Congress is not called to legislate for the rights of women, let it not legislate against them. Ameri- cans now live who shall not go down into the grave till they have left behind them a republican government; and no republic is republican that denies to half its citizens those rights which the Declaration of Independence and a true Christian democracy make equal to all. Meanwhile, let us break the legs of the spider-crab. CHAPTER XVI. THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 1866. HE reconstruction period of our government was no less trying a time than the four years of war- fare which preceded it. The Union had been preserved but the disorganization of the Southern States was complete. Lincoln, whose cool judg- ment, restraining wisdom and remarkable genius for under- standing and persuading men never had been more needed, was dead by the hand of an assassin. In his place was a man, rash, headlong, aggressive, stubborn, distrusted by the party which had placed him in power. This chief executive had to deal not only with the great, perplexing questions which always follow upon the close of a war, but with these rendered still more difficult by the great mass of bewildered and help- less negroes, ignorant of how to care for themselves, with no further claims upon their former owners, and yet destined to live among them. The immense Republican majority in Con- gress found itself opposed by a President, southern in birth and sympathy and an uncompromising believer in State Rights. The southern legislatures, while accepting the Thirteenth Amendment, which prohibited slavery, passed various laws whose effect could not be other than to keep the negro in a con- dition of "involuntary servitude." To the South these meas- ures seemed to be demanded by ordinary prudence to retain at least temporary control of a race unfitted for a wise use of lib- erty ; to the North they appeared a determination to evade the (255) 256 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. provisions of the Thirteenth Amendment, and Congress de- cided upon more radical measures. One wing of the old Ab- olitionists, under the leadership of Phillips, had steadfastly insisted that there could be no real freedom without the ballot. Several attempts had been made to secure congressional action for the enfranchisement of the negro, which the majority of Republicans had now come to see was essential for his protec- tion, and these resulted finally in the submission of the Four- teenth Amendment. Charles Sumner stated that he covered nineteen pages of foolscap in his effort so to formulate it as to omit the word “male” and, at the same time, secure the bal- lot for the negro. When Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton sounded the alarm, the old leaders in the movement for woman's rights came at once to their aid, but they were soon to meet with an unex- pected and serious disappointment. In January Miss Anthony went to the anti-slavery meeting at Boston, full of the new idea of consolidating the old Anti-Slavery and the Woman's Rights Societies under one name, that of the Equal Rights Associa- tion. She was warmly supported by Tilton, Lucy Stone, Pow- ell and others, but to their amazement they found Mr. Phillips very cool and discouraging. He said this could be done only by amending the constitution of the Anti-Slavery Society, which required three months' notice. Still they did not dream of his opposing the proposition and so deputized Mr. Powell to give the formal notice, in order that it might be acted upon at the coming May Anniversary. On the way back the New York delegation discussed this new plan enthusiastically, and Miss Anthony wrote home that there was a strong wish in the society to widen its object so as to include universal suffrage, believing this to be the case. The necessary steps at once were taken for calling a national woman's rights meeting to convene in New York the same week as the Anti-Slavery An- niversary, and the following call was issued setting forth its principal objects : Those who tell us the republican idea is a failure, do not see the deep gulf between our broad theory and our partial legislation; do not see that our gov- THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 257 ernment for the last century has been but a repetition of the old experiments of class and caste. Hence the failure is not in the principle, but in the lack of virtue on our part to apply it. The question now is, have we the wisdom and conscience, from the present upheavings of our political system to recon- struct a government on the one enduring basis which never yet has been tried-Equal Rights to All ? From the proposed class legislation in Congress, it is evident we have not yet learned wisdom from the experience of the past; for, while our repre- sentatives at Washington are discussing the right of suffrage for the black man as the only protection to life, liberty and happiness, they deny that "ne- cessity of citizenship” to woman, by proposing to introduce the word “male” into the Federal Constitution. In securing suffrage but to another shade of man- hood, while disfranchising 15,000,000 women, we come not one line nearer the republican idea. Can a ballot in the hand of woman and dignity on her brow, more unsex her than do a scepter and a crown? Shall an American Congress pay less honor to the daughter of a President than a British Parlia- ment to the daughter of a King ? Should not our petitions command as re- spectful a hearing in a republican Senate as a speech of Victoria in the House of Lords? Do we not claim that here all men and women are nobles --all heirs apparent to the throne ? The fact that this backward legislation has roused so little thought or protest from the women of the country but proves what some of our ablest thinkers already have declared, that the greatest barrier to a government of equality is the aristocracy of its women; for while woman holds an ideal position above man and the work of life, poorly imitating the pomp, heraldry and distinction of an effete European civ- ilization, we as a nation never can realize the divine idea of equality: To build a true republic, the church and the home must undergo the same upheavings we now see in the state; for while our egotism, selfishness, lux- ury and ease are baptized in the name of Him whose life was a sacrifice, while at the family altar we are taught to worship wealth, power and position, rather than humanity, it is vain to talk of a republican government. The fair fruits of liberty, equality and fraternity must be blighted in the bud till cherished in the heart of woman. At this hour the nation needs the highest artery of its life; and woman needs a broader, deeper education such as a pure religion and lofty patriotism alone can give. From the baptism of this second Revolution should she not rise up with new strength and dignity, clothed in all those “ rights, privileges and immunities” which shall best and herself? On behalf of the National Woman's Rights Central Committee, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, President; Susan B. ANTHONY, Secretary. Letters both encouraging and discouraging were received. Robert Purvis, one of the most elegant and scholarly colored men our country has known, whose father was a Scotchman ANT.—17 258 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and mother a West Indian with no slave blood, sent this noble response: “. . . . I can not agree that this or any hour is especially the negro's.' I am an anti-slavery man because I hate tyranny and in my nature revolt against oppres- sion, whatever its form or character. As an Abolitionist, therefore, I am for the equal rights movement, and as one of the confessedly oppressed race, how could I be otherwise ? With what grace could I ask the women of this country to labor for my enfranchisement, and at the same time be unwill- ing to put forth a hand to remove the tyranny, in some respects greater, to which they are subjected? Again wishing you a successful meeting, I am very gratefully yours.” Anna Dickinson, who had come upon the scene of action since the last woman's rights convention five years before, wrote Miss Anthony that she should be present but was not sure that she was yet ready to speak: “I'm a great deal of a Quaker—I don't like to take up any work till I feel called to it. My personal interest is perhaps stronger in that of which thee writes me than in any other, but my hands are so full just now. I see what I shall do in the future, and I hope the near future. Wait for me a little--forbear, and I honestly be- lieve I'll do thee some good and faithful service; I don't mean wait for me, but be patient with me. I write this out of my large love for and confidence in thee. I will talk to thee more of it by end of the month when I see thee in Boston and put my mite in thy hands; till then believe me, dear friend, affectionately and truly thine.” At the business meeting of the anti-slavery convention the proposition was made by the National Woman's Rights Com- mittee that, as all there was left for the society to do was to THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 259 secure suffrage for the negro, and as the woman's society also was working for universal suffrage, they should merge the two into one, and in that way the same conventions, appeals, peti- tions, etc., would answer for both. To this Mr. Phillips vigorously objected because the necessary three months' notice had not been given! As Mr. Powell had been delegated the previous January to give this, there could be no other conclu- sion than that he had refrained from doing so. There was considerable discussion on the question but, as president of the Anti-Slavery Society, Mr. Phillips' influence was supreme and the coalition was declined. The Woman's Rights Convention met in Dr. Cheever's church, May 10, 1866, with a large audience present. It was their first meeting since before the war, and while it had many elements of gladness, yet it was not unmixed with sorrow. Mr. Garrison was absent, the first rift had been made in the love and gratitude in which for many years Mr. Phillips had been held, and a vague feeling of distrust and alarm was be- ginning to creep over the women, lest, after all these years of patient work, they were again to be sacrificed. Miss Anthony presented a ringing set of resolutions, and splendid addresses were given by Mrs. Stanton, Theodore Til- ton and Henry Ward Beecher. Mr. Phillips then made a long and eloquent speech which was rapturously received by the audience, but which filled the leaders with sadness, because of the skillful evasion of the disputed question which they never had expected from this staunch friend. Miss Anthony read an address to Congress' which was adopted with unanimous approval. At the close of the convention a business session was held, at which she offered a resolution declaring that, since by the act of emancipation and the Civil Rights Bill, the negro and woman now had the same civil and political status, alike needing only the ballot, therefore the time had come for an organization which should demand universal suffrage; and that hereafter their society should be known as the American 1 Seo Appendix for this address. 260 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Equal Rights Association. She supported this by an able speech in which she said: For twenty years we have pressed the claims of woman to the right of rep- resentation in the government. Each successive year after 1848, conventions were held in different States, until the beginning of the war. Up to this hour we have looked only to State action for the recognition of our rights; but now, by the results of the war, the whole question of suffrage reverts back to the United States Constitution. The duty of Congress at this moment is to declare what shall be the basis of representation in a republican form of gov- ernment. There is, there can be, but one true basis, viz.: that taxation and representation must be inseparable; hence our demand must now go beyond woman-it must extend to the farthest limit of the principle of the consent of the governed," as the only authorized or just government. We therefore wish to broaden our woman's rights platform and make it in name what it ever has been in spirit, a human rights platform. As women we can no longer claim for ourselves what we do not for others, nor can we work in two separate movements to get the ballot for the two disfranchised classes, negroes and women, since to do so must be at double cost of time, energy and money. ... Therefore, that we may henceforth concentrate all our forces for the practical application of our one grand, distinctive, national idea-uni- versal suffrage—I hope we will unanimously adopt the resolution before us, thus resolving ourselves into the American Equal Rights Association. Notwithstanding the rebuff they had received from the Anti- Slavery Society, this resolution was unanimously adopted and the Woman's Rights Society which had existed practically for sixteen years was merged into the American Equal Rights As- sociation to work for universal suffrage. A constitution was adopted and officers chosen. Mrs. Stanton thus describes the last moments of the convention: "As Lucretia Mott uttered her few parting words of benediction, the fading sunlight through the stained windows falling upon her pure face, a ce- lestial glory seemed about her, a sweet and peaceful influence 1 WHEREAS, by the war, society is once more resolved into its original elements, and in the reconstruction of our government we again stand face to face with the broad question of natural rights, all associations based on special claims for special classes are too narrow and partial for the hour; therefore, from the baptism of a second Revolution, purified and exalted by suffering, seeing with a holier vision that the peace, prosperity and perpetuity of the republic rest on Equal Rights to All, we, today assembled in our Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention, bury the woman in the citizen, and our organization in that of the American Equal Rights Association. President, Lucretia Mott; vice-presidents, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Theodore Tilton, Frederick Douglass, Josephine S. Griffing, Frances D. Gage, Robert Purvis, Martha C. Wright, Rebecca W. Mott; corresponding secretaries, Susan B. Anthony, Caroline M. Sever- ance, Mattie Griffith; treasurer, Ludlow Patton; recording secretary, Henry B. Blackwell. THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 261 pervaded every heart, and all responded to Theodore Tilton when he said this closing meeting was one of the most beauti- ful, delightful and memorable which any of its participants ever enjoyed.' A short time thereafter Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Tilton were in the Standard office discussing the work. Mr. Phillips argued that the time was ripe for striking the word "white" out of the New York constitution, at its com- ing convention, but not for striking out “male.” Mr. Tilton supported him, in direct contradiction to all he had so warmly advocated only a few weeks before, and said what the women should do was to canvass the State with speeches and petitions for the enfranchisement of the negro, leaving that of the women to come afterward, presumably twenty years later, when there would be another revision of the constitution. Mrs. Stanton, entirely overcome by the eloquence of these two gifted men, acquiesced in all they said; but Miss Anthony, who never could be swerved from her standard by any sophistry or blan- dishments, was highly indignant and declared that she would sooner cut off her right hand than ask the ballot for the black man and not for woman. After Phillips had left, she over- heard Tilton say to Mrs. Stanton, “What does ail Susan? She acts like one possessed.” Mrs. Stanton replied, “I can not imagine; I never before saw her so unreasonable and abso- lutely rude." She was obliged to leave immediately to keep an engage- ment, but as soon as she was at liberty went straight to Mrs. Stanton's home, and found her walking up and down the long parlors, wringing her hands. She threw her arms around Miss Anthony, exclaiming: “I never was so glad to see you. Do tell me what is the matter with me? I feel as if I had been scourged from the crown of my head to the soles of my feet !” They sat down together and went over the whole con- versation, and she then saw and felt most keenly the insult and degradation concealed in the proposition of the two men, and agreed with Miss Anthony that she would sacrifice her life before she would accept it. 262 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. This incident illustrates one marked difference in these two women, each so strong in her own characteristics. Mrs. Stanton in the presence of brilliant intellect and elegant cult- ure at times would seem to be entirely psychologized, even though the arguments used were in direct conflict with her own instincts and judgment. On the contrary, no eloquence, no persuasiveness of manner, no magnetic power could induce Miss Anthony for one moment to abandon her convictions of truth and justice. Mrs. Stanton's disposition was one of extreme suavity which loved to please, while Miss Anthony's nature was rugged, unflinching and stern in upholding the right without regard to expediency. On May 31 both the Anti-Slavery Society and the Equal Rights Association held large meetings in Boston. The latter, in conformity with its new name, announced that “any mem- ber of the audience, man or woman, was entitled to speak on the topics under debate and would be made welcome.” This had been the rule always in the old woman's rights conyen- tions, but it was reaffirmed now in order to show the broad and catholic spirit of the new organization. At this Boston meeting Anna Dickinson made her first speech for the rights of woman. It was one of those bursts of inspiration which no pen can reproduce, and was received by the audience with cheer upon cheer. She gave $100 to the cause, assuring them of her services henceforth, and Miss Anthony wrote of her, “She is sound to the heart's core.” The great work of rolling up petitions, not only to Congress but to the New York Constitutional Convention, was then com- menced. The executive board of the Standard offered to lease to the Equal Rights Association office-room and a certain amount of space in the paper. These, however, were put at such a price and placed under such restrictions as it was thought unwise to accept. All the matter submitted would be subject to "editorial revision,” even though the association paid for the space, and as Mr. Pillsbury had resigned the edi- torship and Mr. Powell had taken it, they decided they could not trust the "editorial revision.” The women had done so THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 263 vast an amount of gratuitous work for the Standard in past years, that they felt themselves entitled to more liberal treat- ment. The editor had written, only a short time before, of the excellent service Miss Anthony had rendered in straightening out the accounts. She also had secured numerous subscrib- ers, sending in as many as thirty at a time from some of her meetings. For the purpose of arousing public interest in the approach- ing New York Constitutional Convention, an equal rights meeting was held at Albany, in Tweddle Hall, November 21. To make this a success Miss Anthony spent many weeks of hard work. The diary notes that, among other things, she directed and sent out 1200 complimentary tickets. At this Albany convention political differences began to appear. Mrs. Stanton complimented the Democrats for the assistance they had rendered; Frederick Douglass objected to their receiving any credit, branding their advocacy as a trick of the enemy, and there were frequent sharp encounters. Miss Anthony made an extended speech, of which there is but this news- paper report: She referred to the assertion of Horace Greeley, that while women had the abstract right to suffrage the great majority of them did not wish it. So they told us when we said the negro ought to be free; he did not wish it; he was contented and happy. As we replied relative to the negro, so do we regard- ing women. If they do not desire the right to vote, it is an evidence of the depth to which they have been degraded by its deprivation. A woman clerk, in the New York Mercantile Library, told her that during the war the sala- ries of the male clerks all had been raised, but not those of the women, and a man's, who held an inferior position, had been increased to $300 more than her own. The clerk said that if she had been a voter she did not believe such injustice would have been perpetrated. In Rochester the salaries of the male teachers in the public schools were raised $100 per annum while the small salaries of the women were still further reduced. In Auburn $200 addi- tional compensation was voted to the male teachers and $25 to the women, 1 Mr. Beecher was invited to one of the preliminary meetings held during the summer and thus replied: "I can not come to Syracuse, much as I should like to, for I am, from the middle of August, a victim of ophthalmic catarrh, often called hay-fever or hay cold, which unfits me for any serious duty except that of sneezing and crying. That which the prophet longed for-that his eyes might become a fountain of tears I have, unlonged for, and I am persuaded that Jeremiah would never have asked for it a second time, if he had but once tried it. The visit to Gerrit Smith's is tempting but at this, like many another good thing, I look and pass on." 264 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. who thereupon held a meeting and passed an ironical resolution thanking the board for their liberal allowance. The board then required them to sign a paper saying they did not intend an insult, and those who did not make such recantation were discharged. The speaker then referred to the power of the ballot. No politician dared oppose the eight-hour agitation, because the workingman held the franchise. Give the workingwoman a vote and she, too, can protect herself. A form of petition was approved asking that women might be members of the coming Constitutional Convention and vote on the new constitution. Respectful reports were made by the New York papers with the exception of the World, which said in a long and abusive article: Altogether the ablest, most dignified and best-balanced man in the body is Frederick Douglass, and there is a deep feeling for him for United States senator in spite of the drift of the convention, which is evidently in favor of Susan B. Anthony; notwithstanding which Elizabeth Cady Stanton is like- wise a candidate with considerable strength, favoring as she does the Copper- heads, the Democratic party and other dead and buried remains of alleged disloyalty. Susan is lean, cadaverous and intellectual, with the proportions of a file and the voice of a hurdy-gurdy. She is the favorite of the conven- tion. Mrs. Stanton is of intellectual stock, impressive in manner and dis- posed to henpeck the convention which of course calls out resistance and much cackling. ... Susan has a controlling advantage over her in the fact that she is unencumbered with a husband. As male members of Congress rarely have wives in Washington, so female members will be expected to be with- out husbands at the capital. . . . . . Parker Pillsbury, one of the notabilities of the body, is a good-looking white man naturally, but has a cowed and sneakish expression stealing over him, as though he regretted he had not been born a nigger or one of these females. ... Lucy Stone, the president of the convention, is what the law terms a "spinster.” She is a sad old girl, presides with timidity and hesitation, is wheezy and nasal in her pronunciation and wholly without dignity or com- mand.... Mummified and fossilated females, void of domestic duties, habits and natural affections; crack-brained, rheumatic, dyspeptic, henpecked men, vainly striving to achieve the liberty of opening their heads in presence of their wives; self-educated, oily-faced, insolent, gabbling negroes, and Theodore Tilton, make up the less than a hundred members of this caravan, called, by themselves, the American Equal Rights Association. On December 6 and 7 a mass meeting was held in Cooper Institute, Miss Anthony presiding. There were the usual effective speeches and large and appreciative audiences present at every session. From New York the speakers went at once to Rochester and held a two days' convention there. The forces THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 265 then divided and, under the management of Miss Anthony, held meetings in a large number of the towns of western and central New York, to arouse public sentiment in favor of giv- ing women a representation at the Constitutional Convention. Meanwhile the petitions asking Congress to include women in the proposed Fourteenth Amendment were rapidly pushed, and as soon as ten or twelve thousand names were secured they were sent at once to Washington, as the resolution was then under discussion. And here came the revelation which had been for some time foreshadowed—the Republicans refused to champion this cause! From the founding of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1833, women had been always its most loyal sup- porters, bearing their share of the odium and persecution of early days. When the Republican party was formed, the lead- ing women of the country had allied themselves with it and given faithful service during the long, dark years which fol- lowed. All the Abolitionists and prominent Republicans had upheld the principle of equal rights to all, and now, when the test came, they refused to recognize the claims of woman ! Some of the senators and representatives declined to present the petitions sent from their own districts; others offered them merely as petitions for "universal suffrage,” carefully omit- ting the word “woman” and trusting that it would be inferred they meant suffrage for the negro men. Even Charles Sumner, who so many times had acknowledged his indebtedness to Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and the other women who were now asking for their rights, presented a pe- tition from Massachusetts, headed by Lydia Maria Child, with the declaration that he did it under protest and that it was " most inopportune.” Mrs. Child was the first and one of the ablest editors of the Anti-Slavery Standard, and had battled long and earnestly for the freedom of the slave at the cost of her literary popularity ; but now when she asked that she might receive the rights of citizenship at least at the same time they were conferred upon the freedman, her plea was declared “most inopportune.” The Democrats in Congress, who never had favored or assisted 266 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in any way the so-called woman's rights doctrines, seized upon this opportunity to harass the Republicans and defeat negro suffrage. They not only presented the women's petitions but . Thrach made long and eloquent speeches in their favor, using with telling force against the Republicans their own oft-repeated ar- guments for equal rights to all. In the midst of this agita- tion, the District of Columbia Suffrage Bill being under dis- cussion, Edgar Cowan, a Pennsylvania Democrat, moved to strike out the word “male,” and thus precipitated a debate which occupied three entire days in the Senate. Among the Republicans Benjamin F. Wade and B. Gratz Brown made splendid arguments for woman suffrage and announced their دارد که اگر votes in favor of the measure. Senator Wilson, from Massa- chusetts, declared himself ready at any and all times to vote for a separate bill enfranchising women, but opposed to con- necting it with negro suffrage. The vote in the Senate to strike the word "male" from the proposed bill resulted : yeas, 9; nays, 47; in the House, yeas, 49; nays, 74—68 not voting. A number of members in both Houses who believed in woman suffrage voted “no” because they preferred to sacrifice the women rather than the negroes. The Republican press was equally hostile to the proposition to enfranchise women. Mr. Greeley, who in times past had ? See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II; p. 103. THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 267 been so staunch a supporter of woman's rights, now said in the New York Tribune: A CRY FROM THE FEMALES.-.. .. Our heart warms with pity towards these unfortunate creatures. We fancy that we can see them, deserted of men, and bereft of those rich enjoyments and exalted privileges which be- long to women, languishing their unhappy lives away in a mournful singleness, from which they can escape by no art in the construction of waterfalls or the employment of cotton-padding. Talk of a true woman needing the ballot as an accessory of power, when she rules the world by a glance of her eye! There was sound philosophy in the remark of an Eastern monarch, that his wife was sovereign of the empire, because she ruled his little ones and his little ones ruled him. The sure panacea for such ills as the Massachusetts petitioners complain of, is a wicker-work cradle and a dimple-cheeked baby. The New York Post, which under Mr. Bryant's editorship had favored the enfranchisement of women, also took ground against it now, and this was the attitude of Republican pa- pers in all parts of the country. The Democratic press was opposed, except when it could make capital against the Repub- licans by espousing it. In November Miss Anthony went to a great anti-slavery meeting in Philadelphia. Between the two sessions, Lucretia Mott invited about twenty of the leading men and women to lunch with her. At her request Miss Anthony acted as spokes- man and, in behalf of the women, begged Mr. Phillips to reconsider his position and make the woman's and the negro's cause identical, but here, in the presence of the women who had stood shoulder to shoulder with him in all his hard-fought battles of the last twenty years, he again refused, declaring that their time had not yet come. Miss Anthony sent the most impassioned appeals to the Joint Committee of Fifteen, with Thaddeus Stevens as chairman, which had charge of the con- gressional policy on reconstruction, urging that if they could not report favorably on the petitions, at least they would not interpose any new barrier against woman's right to the ballot; but, although Mr. Stevens had ever been friendly to the claims of women, he refused to recognize them now. Everywhere they were met by the cry, “This is the negro's hour !” It was a long time before the women could believe that the 268 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Republicans and Abolitionists, who had advocated their cause for years, would forsake them at this critical moment. The let- ters written during this period showed the agony of spirit they endured as they beheld one after another repudiating their de- mands and setting them aside in favor of the negro. Not only did the men thus abandon the cause of equal rights but, by their specious arguments, they persuaded many of the women that it was their duty to sacrifice their own claims and devote themselves to securing suffrage for the colored men. This in- dignant letter from Mrs. Stanton to one of the “old guard,'' who at first declined to circulate petitions, will serve as an ex- ample of many which were sent to the women : I have just read your letter, and it would have been a wet blanket to Susan and me were we not sure that we are right. With three bills before Congress to exclude us from all hope of representation in the future, I thank God that two women of the nation felt the insult and decided to rouse the rest to use the only right we have in the government—the right of petition. If the peti- tion goes with our names alone, ours be the glory, and the disgrace to all the rest! We have sent out 1,000 franked by Representative James Brooks, of the New York Express, and if they come back to us empty, Susan and I will sign all of them, that every Democratic member may have one to shame those hypocritical Republicans. When your granddaughters hear that against such insults you made no protest, they will blush for their ancestry. This letter from Lucretia Mott shows that some men re- mained true to the woman's cause: “My husband and myself cordially hail this movement. The negro's hour came with his emancipation from cruel bondage. He now has advocates not a few for his right to the ballot. Intelligent as these are, they must see that this right can not be consistently withheld from women. We pledge $50 toward the necessary funds." At this time Miss Anthony in a strong and earnest letter showed the injustice of the Standard's behavior: How I do wish the good old Standard would preach the whole gospel of the whole loaf of republicanism; but I am sorry to say the present indications are that it will extend even less favor to us than ever before. I gather this from Mr. Powell's announcement to me last week that henceforth, if I were not going to give my personal efforts to the Standard, he should not publish notices of our meetings except at “full advertising rates.” I was not a little startled but answered: “Of course I shall say the Standard is the truest and Lucretia Mott THE NEGRO'S HOUR. 269 best paper for negro suffrage; but I can not say that it is so for woman suf- frage.” He said he saw this and hereafter we must pay for all notices. Now, I do complain of this and with just cause, so long as $2,000 of the sainted Hovey's money are sunk annually in the struggle to keep the Stan- dard afloat, while Mr. Hovey's will expressly says: “In case chattel slavery should be abolished before the expenditure of the full amount, the residue shall be applied toward securing woman's rights,” etc. Mr. Pillsbury told the Hovey Committee last winter, after abolition was proclaimed, that he could not in conscience accept his salary from them as editor of the Standard for another year unless it should advocate woman's claims equally with those of the negro. In her diary she writes: “Even Charles Sumner bends to the spirit of compromise and presents a constitutional amend- ment which concedes the right to disfranchise law-abiding, tax-paying citizens.” Robert Purvis again expressed his cordial sympathy: “I am heartily with you in the view that the reconstruction of the Union is a work of greater impor- tance than the restoration of the rebel States;' and that it should be in accordance with the true republican idea of the personal rights of all our citizens, without regard to sex or color. If the settlement of this question upon the.comprehen- sive basis of equal rights and impartial justice to all should require the postponement of the enfranchisement of the colored man, I am willing for the delay, though it should take a dec- ade of years to 'fight it out on that line.' ” Mr. Purvis fre- quently said in the debates of those days that he would rather his son never should be enfranchised than that his daughter never should be, as she bore the double disability of sex and color and, by every principle of justice, should be the first to be protected. As the struggle for the enfranchisement of the negro grew more intense, and the entire burden of it fell upon the Repub- lican party, its members became more and more insistent that the women should not jeopardize the claims of the colored man by pressing their own. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and a few others of the stronger and more independent women declared they would not suffer in silence the injustice and insult of having this great body of ignorant men granted the political rights which were denied intelligent women; nor 270 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. would they submit without protest to having a million ballots added to the mass which already were sure to be cast against the enfranchisement of women if ever the question came to a popu- lar vote. As a result of their stand for justice, they found themselves utterly deserted by all the great leaders with whom they had labored so earnestly and harmoniously for many years-Garrison, Phillips, Greeley, Curtis, Tilton, Higginson, Douglass, Gerrit Smith. Of all the old Abolitionists only four -Samuel J. May, Robert Purvis, Parker Pillsbury and Stephen S. Foster-remained loyal to their standard. There was not one of the men repudiating them who did not believe thoroughly in the principle of woman's full right to the ballot. The women simply were sacrificed to political expediency; set aside without a moment's hesitation in obedience to the party shibboleth. “This is the negro's hour!” CHAPTER XVII. CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 1867. HE first three months of 1867 were spent by Miss Anthony and a corps of speakers in a series of conventions throughout the State of New York in order to secure for women a representation in the Constitutional Convention. The history of these was that of many which had preceded them, large crowds and much enthusiasm in some places, small audiences and chilling receptions at others. The press comments were generally fair, but occasionally there was a weak attempt at wit or satire. For instance, the editor of the Buffalo Commercial thus replied through his columns to a polite note from Miss Anthony en- closing an advertisement of the convention and requesting that the blank space left be filled with the names of places where tickets usually were sold, the bill to be sent to her: By reference to the notice which we publish elsewhere, it will be seen that we have complied with the request of Susan, except in giving the names of places where tickets are to be had. "The bars of the principal hotels” sug- gested itself; but then it occurred to us that perhaps some of our strong- minded female fellow-citizens might not like to go to these places for cards of admission. Then we thought of inserting "for freight or passage apply to the captain on board;” but we did not know whether Susan or Elizabeth was captain, and a row might have resulted, in which case the former would proba- bly become "black-eyed Susan.” We finally concluded not to meddle with the matter but to let Susan and Elizabeth do as the man insisted upon doing who enacted the part of the king in the play, and who profanely declared that as he was king, he would die just where he d-- pleased. The girls can sell tickets just where “they've a mind ter.” We may not be able to give the proposed meeting "frequent editorial notice;' still the probabilities are that we shall allude to it if we live and do well, and we shan't charge Susan a cent (271) 272 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. for our services. We would not have it said, nor would we have you, "O Susan, Susan, lovely dear,” imagine that we are ag'in "the one true basis of a genuine republic.” And yet, after all this, the freedom-loving General Rufus Saxton had the courage to preside at the meeting and introduce the speakers. He subsequently wrote: “I pray that God will bless your noble work and that, sooner than you think, woman shall be admitted to her proper place, where God intended she should be, and to exclude her from which must, like any other great wrong, bring misery and sorrow.” The Troy Times said: The last time we heard Miss Anthony speak was in 1861, shortly after the election of Lincoln when, it will be remembered, she was mobbed from city to city. Since then time and the various undertakings in which she has en- gaged have apparently had no effect upon her, unless to render her more eloquent and more sanguine of the ultimate righting of all wrongs, and to inspire additional enthusiasm for a cause to which she has clung with a per- severance deserving admiration. She is very choice in the selection of words and phrases, speaks in an earnest, attractive monotone, and really made one of the most eloquent and sensible speeches for female suffrage to which we ever listened. At Fairfield, Herkimer Co., Miss Anthony spoke in the presence of a large number of students from the academy and, at the close of her address, there were vigorous calls for the wife of the principal, who was known to be opposed to any phase of so-called woman's rights. She finally responded and, in the course of her remarks, said that when she was a teacher she used to believe that women should receive the same salary as men, but since she had married and realized the responsibilities of a man of family, she had been converted to the belief that men should receive more than women. Miss Anthony at once retorted: “It would seem then, that so long as you were earning your own living you wanted a good salary, but so soon as you give your services to a husband, you want him to receive the value of both your work and his own, regardless of those women who still have to support them- selves and very often a family.” The fact that the lady was CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 273 her hostess did not save her from this merited rebuke, which was heartily appreciated and enjoyed by the students. In these tours the burden of the preliminary arrangements always was assumed by Miss Anthony. When Mrs. Stanton and she reached a place where a meeting was to be held, the former would go at once to bed, while the latter rushed to the newspaper offices to look after the advertising, then to the hall to see that all was in readiness, and usually conducted the afternoon session alone. In the evening Mrs. Stanton would appear, rested and radiant, and read a carefully written address, while Miss Anthony, exhausted and having had no time to pre- pare a speech, would make a few impromptu remarks as best she could. Then the papers would comment on the difference between the beautiful and amiable Mrs. Stanton and the aggressive and jaded Miss Anthony, and attribute it to the fact that one was a wife and the other a spinster.! At Albany Miss Anthony arranged with Charles J. Folger, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, for an address by Mrs. Stanton, which was given January 13, 1867, before the joint committees, in the Assembly chamber, crowded with men and women. She based her claim on the assumption that when a new constitution is demanded, the State is resolved into its original elements and all the people have a right to a voice in its reconstruction, supporting her position by an im- posing array of legal authorities. Of the discussion by the legislators, which followed the address, Mr. Pillsbury wrote to the Hallowells: "Their arguments against universal suf- frage Susan could have extinguished with her thimble.” While Miss Anthony was in Albany she learned that a mem- ber from New York City had presented a bill to license houses of ill-repute, and she protested to Judge Folger. He told her 1 Helen Ekin Starrett, in her Kansas reminiscences, says: "Miss Anthony always looked after Mrs. Stanton's interests and comfort in the most cheerful and kindly manner. I re- member one evening in Lawrence when the hall was crowded with an eager and expectant audience. Miss Anthony was there early, looking after everything, seats, lights, ushers, doorkeepers. Presently Governor Robinson said to her, 'Where's Mrs. Stanton? It's time to commence.' 'She's at Mrs. —'s waiting for some of you men to go for her with a carriage,' was the reply. The hint was quickly acted upon and Mrs. Stanton, fresh, smiling and unfatigued, was presented to the audience." ANT.-18 274 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. that this was a subject which could not be publicly discussed, especially by women. She replied that if there were any attempt to pass the bill she would arouse the women and it should be discussed from one end of the State to the other. The bill never was taken up. In answer to an invitation to be present at Albany, Mr. Beecher sent his regrets as follows: I should certainly come and contribute my share of influence if I were not tied hand and foot. I am to preside and speak on Wednesday night in my own church; on Thursday I preside and introduce a lecturer at the Acad- emy of Music, in Brooklyn; on Friday, at Cooper Institute, I have a speech to make for the starving people of the South; and on Saturday, at the same place, a speech for the Cretans. These are but the punctuations of my main business, which, just now, is to write a novel for Bonner, at which I am work- ing every forenoon. I have also a matter of two sermons every week to prepare. I write these details, because our friend Studwell intimates to me that you feel I do not care to be identified with this movement in such a way as to take the unpopularity of the women chiefly engaged in it. I should be unwilling to have you think so. I have never belonged even to an anti-slay- ery society, Christian or heathen. I am willing to take my stand with any- body on great issues or objects, but in regard to the organizations and instru- ments by which to attain the end, I have always let others work their way and I mine. I think there is a touch of wildness in my blood (some of my ancestors must have nursed an Indian breast) which is impatient of the harness and so I have always worked on my own hook. I am surprised to see how rapidly the thoughts of intelligent nen and women are ameliorating on this question. It needs only that women should have a conscience educated to this duty of suffrage, and it will be yielded. Early in March the Legislature of Kansas submitted two amendments, one enfranchising the negroes and one the women. State Senator Samuel N. Wood wrote Miss Anthony that an equal rights convention had been called to meet in Topeka, April 2, and urged her to send out the strongest speakers to canvass the State in behalf of the woman suffrage amendment. This was the first time the enfranchisement of women ever had been presented for a popular vote and its ad- vocates were most anxious that it should be carried. Neither Miss Anthony nor Mrs. Stanton could go to Kansas at this time, so they appealed to Lucy Stone, begging her to make the campaign. Since her marriage, twelve years before, she had CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 275 been practically out of public work, insisting that she had lost her power for speaking. Miss Anthony assured her that if she would take the platform it would come back to her, and Mr. Blackwell joined in the entreaty. He gave up his busi- ness position to accompany his wife and they made a thorough canvass of that State during April and May. Mr. Phillips was unwilling that any money from the Jackson fund should be used for this purpose, as he did not want the question agi- tated at this time, but as Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone con- stituted a majority of the committee, they appropriated $1,500 for it. Even thus early in the contest the Republican man- agers began to show their hand. Lucy Stone wrote from Atch- ison May 9: I should be glad to be with you tomorrow at the equal rights convention in New York and to know this minute whether Phillips has consented to take the high ground which sound policy, as well as justice and statesmanship require. Just now there is a plot here to get the Republican party to drop the word “male," and canvass only for the word “white." A call has been signed by the chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, for a meeting at Topeka on the 15th, to pledge the party to that single issue. As soon as we saw it and the change of tone in some of the papers, we sent let- ters to all those whom we had found true, urging them to be at Topeka and vote for both words. Till this action of the Republicans is settled, we can affirm nothing. Everywhere we go, we have the largest and most enthusi- astic meetings and any one of our audiences would give a majority for women; but the negroes are all against us. These men ought not to be allowed to vote before we do because they will be so much more dead weight to lift. Again she wrote of the situation in Kansas: The Tribune and Independent alone, if they would urge universal suffrage as they do negro suffrage, could carry this whole nation upon the only just plane of equal human rights. What a power to hold and not use!.. They must take it up. I shall see them the very first thing when I get home. At your meeting next Monday evening, I think you should insist that all of the Hovey fund used for the Standard and anti-slavery purposes since slavery was abolished, must be returned with interest to the three causes which by the express terms of the will were to receive all of the fund when slavery should be ended. I trust you will not fail to rebuke the cowardly use of the terms" universal," "impartial ” and “ equal," applied to hide a dark skin and an unpopular client. . . . . I hope not a man will be asked to speak at the convention. If they volunteer, very well, but I have been for the last time on my knees to Phillips, Higginson or any of them. If they help now, they should ask us and not we them. 276 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. On May 9 and 10 the Equal Rights Association held its first anniversary in New York, at the Church of the Puritans. Cordial and encouraging letters were received from Lydia Maria Child, Anna Dick- inson, Clara Barton, Mary A. Livermore and many / other distinguished wo- men. While there were the usual number of Le Maria Child. able speeches, the strongest discussion was on the following resolution, offered by Miss Anthony: "The proposal to recon- struct our government on the basis of manhood suffrage, which emanated from the Republican party and has received the recent sanction of the American Anti-Slavery Society, is but a continuation of the old system of class and caste legisla- tion, always cruel and proscriptive in itself and ending, in all ages, in national degradation and revolution.” Henry Ward Beecher spoke eloquently in its favor, saying in part: I am not a farmer, but I know that spring comes but once in the year. When the furrow is open is the time to put in your seed, if you would gather a harvest in its season. Now, when the red-hot plowshare of war has opened a furrow in this nation, is the time to put in the seed. If any say to me, “Why will you agitate the woman question when it is the hour for the black man ?” I answer, it is the hour for every man and every woman, black or white. The bees go out in the morning to gather the honey from the morning-glories. They take it when they are open, for by 10 o'clock they are shut, never to open again. . When the public mind is open, if you have anything to say, say it. If you have any radical principles to urge, any higher wisdom to make known, don't wait until quiet times come, until the public mind shuts up altogether. We are in the favored hour; and if you have great principles to make known, this is the time to advocate them. I therefore say whatever truth is to be known for the next fifty years in this nation, let it be spoken now-let it be enforced now. The truth that I have to urge is not that women have the right of suffrage-not that Chinamen or Irishmen have that right-not that native born Yankees have it—but that suffrage is the inherent right of mankind. . . . I do not put back for a single day the black man's enfran- chisement. I ask not that he should wait. I demand that this work should be done, not upon the ground that it is politically expedient now to enfran- chise black men; but I propose that you take expediency out of the way, and put a principle which is more enduring in the place of it-manhood and woman- hood suffrage for all. That is the question. You may just as well meet it CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 277 now as at any other time. You will never have so favorable an occasion, so sympathetic a heart, never a public reason so willing to be convinced as to- day. . . . . I believe it is just as easy to carry the enfranchisement of all as of any one class, and easier than to carry it class after class. he and believe is the your Mardorcehen The resolution was adopted unanimously, as was also a memorial to Congress, written by Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, asking most earnestly that the negro should be en- franchised, but just as earnestly that the suffrage should be conferred on woman at the same time. The leading thought was expressed in these beautiful words: We believe that humanity is one in all those intellectual, moral and spirit- ual attributes out of which grow human responsibilities. The Scripture declaration is, “So God created man in his own image, male and female created he them, and all diyine legislation throughout the realm of nature recognizes the perfect equality of the two conditions; for male and female are but different conditions. Neither color nor sex is ever discharged from obedience to law, natural or moral, written or unwritten. The command- ments thou shalt not steal, or kill, or commit adultery, recognize no sex; and hence we believe that all human legislation which is at variance with the divine code, is essentially unrighteous and unjust. ..... Women and colored men are loyal, liberty-loving citizens, and we can not believe that sex or complexion should be any ground for civil or political degradation Against such outrage on the very name of a republic we do and ever must protest; and is not our protest against this tyranny of "taxa- tion without representation” as just as that thundered from Bunker Hill, when our Revolutionary fathers fired the shot which shook the world ? ... We respectfully and earnestly pray that, in restoring the foundations of our nationality, all discriminations on account of sex or race may be removed; and that our government may be republican in fact as well as form; A GOV- ERNMENT BY THE PEOPLE, AND THE WHOLE PEOPLE; FOR THE PEOPLE, AND THE WHOLE PEOPLE, 278 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. This was the last convention ever held in the old historic Church of the Puritans. It soon passed into other hands, and where once sparkled and scintillated flashes of repartee and gems of oratory, now glitter and shine the magnificent jewels in the great establishment of Tiffany. After this May Anniversary Miss Anthony prepared to go before the New York Constitutional Convention with speeches and petitions for the recognition of women in the new consti- tution. The necessary arrangements involved an immense amount of labor, and her diary says: “My trips from Albany to New York and back are like the flying of the shuttle in the loom of the weaver.” At this hearing, June 27, 1867, after Mrs. Stanton had finished her address she announced that they would answer any questions, whereupon Mr. Greeley said in his drawling monotone: “Miss Anthony, you know the bal- lot and the bullet go together. If you vote, are you ready to you fought in the late war-at the point of a goose-quill !! After the merriment had subsided, he continued: “When should this inalienable right of suffrage commence for young men and foreigners? Have we the right to say when it shall begin?” Miss Anthony replied : “My right as a human being is as good as that of any other human being. If you have a right to vote at twenty-one, then I have. All we ask is that you shall take down the bars and let the women and the ne- groes in, then we will settle all these matters.” The Tribune report said this was received with “ loud and prolonged ap- plause." Miss Anthony continued with great vivacity: “Can you show me any class possessed of the franchise which is shut out of schools or degraded in the labor market, or any class but women and negroes denied any privilege they show themselves possessed of capacity to attain? Since you refuse to grant woman's de- mand, tell her the reason why. Men sell their votes; but did any one ever hear of their selling their right to vote? We de- mand that you shall recognize woman's capacity to vote." The newspaper account ended: “She closed by demanding Uzabello lado Mantan CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 279 the right to vote for women as an inalienable one, and pre- dicted that from its exercise would follow the happiest results to man, to woman, to the country, to the world at large; and took her seat amidst warm expressions of approval.” In writ- ing to her mother of this occasion she said: We had to rush up by Wednesday night's boat, without any preparation, and passed the ordeal last night, members asking questions and stating ob- jections. At the close the cheerful face and cordial hand of our good Mr. Reynolds were presented to me. Mr. Ely also came up to be introduced, say- ing he knew my father and brother well, but had never had the pleasure of my acquaintance. Ah, when my “wild heresies” become "fashionable or- thodoxies,” won't my acquaintance be a pleasure to other Rochester people, too? George William Curtis was delighted-said the impression made upon the members was vastly beyond anything he had imagined possible. It is always a great comfort to feel that we have not distressed our cultured friends. Mrs. Stanton is going to slip out to Johnstown to spend Sunday with her mother. How I wish I could slip out to Rochester to sit a few hours in my mother's delightful east chamber, but I must hie me back to New York by tonight's boat instead. In a letter from George William Curtis, he declared: “You may count upon me not to be silent when, whether by my ac- tion or another's, this question comes before the convention.” Petitions were presented by various members, signed by 28,- 000 men and women, asking that the constitution be so amended as to secure the right of suffrage to the women of New York. One of these was headed by Margaret Livingston Cady, mother of Mrs. Stanton, one by Gerrit Smith, one by Henry Ward Beecher, and all contained many influential names. Mr. Greeley was chairman of the committee on suf- frage and, as Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton knew he would seize upon this occasion to repeat his hackneyed remark, "The best women I know do not want to vote,” they wrote Mrs. Greeley to roll up a big petition in Westchester. So she got out her old chaise and, with her daughter Ida, drove over the county, collecting signatures. After all the others had been presented, Mr. Curtis arose and said: “Mr. Chairman, I hold in my hand a petition signed by Mrs. Horace Greeley and 300 other women of Westchester asking that the word 'male' be stricken from the constitution.” As Mr. Greeley was about to 280 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. make an adverse report, his anger and embarrassment, as well as the amusement of the audience, may be imagined. A magnificent argument in behalf of the petitions was made by Mr. Curtis, and the discussion lasted several days; but the committee handed in an adverse report, which was sustained by a large majority of the convention. When this result was announced, Anna Dickinson wrote Miss Anthony: My blood boiled, my nerves thrilled, as I read from day to day the reports of the convention debate. Reasons urged for the enfranchisement of paupers, of idiots, of the ignorant, the degraded, the infamous-none for women! The exquisite care with which men guard their own rights in the most vulner- able of their sex—the silence, the scorn, the ridicule with which they pass by or allude to our claims-great God! it is too much for endurance and patience. Daily I pray for a tongue of flame and inspired lips to awaken the sleeping, arouse the careless, shake to trembling and overthrow the insolence of oppo- sition. . . . After men and women have alike borne the burden and heat of battle, to mark the absolute silence with which these men regard the rights of half the race, while they squabble and wrangle, debate and contend, for exact justice to the poorest and meanest man-to mark this spectacle is to be filled with alternate pity and disgust. Naturally the women felt highly indignant at the treatment they had received, especially from the Republican party, which was so deeply indebted for their services and from which they had every reason to expect recognition and support, and they did not hesitate freely to express themselves. Soon after their defeat at Albany Mr. Curtis wrote: “I beg you and your friends to understand that the real support of this measure, the support from conviction, comes from men who believe in Republican principles, and not from the Democracy as such.” His intense feeling on the matter is thus described in the History of Woman Suffrage: "A few weeks after this he met Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony at one of Alice Cary's Sun- day evening receptions. As he approached, both arose and with extended hands exclaimed most cordially, 'Good evening, Mr. Greeley.' But his hands hung limp by his side, as he said in measured tones: 'You two ladies are the most maneuvering politicians in the State of New York. I saw in the manner my wife's petition was presented, that Mr. Curtis was acting under instructions, and I saw the reporters prick up their ears.' Turning to Mrs. Stanton, he asked, 'You are so tenacious about your own name, why did you not inscribe my wife's maiden name, Mary Cheney Greeley, on her petition?' 'Because,' she replied, 'I wanted all the world to know that it was the wife of Horace Greeley who protested against her husband's report.' 'Well,' said he, I understand the animus of that whole proceeding, and I have given positive instructions that no word of praise shall ever again be awarded you in the Tribune, and that if your name is ever necessarily mentioned, it shall be as Mrs. Henry B. Stanton!' And so it has been to this day.” CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 281 While a close analysis might prove the truth of this assertion, the women were not able to find comfort in the fact. As a party, the Republicans were opposed to their claims, and with the immense majority of its members completely under the domination of party, the result could be nothing but defeat. Not only was this the case, but the leaders, who dictated its policy and directed its action, although avowed believers in the political rights of women, did not hesitate to sacrifice them for the success of the party. Lucy Stone and her husband had returned from Kansas the last of May, reporting a good prospect for carrying the woman suffrage amendment; but the Republicans there soon became frightened lest the one enfranchising the negro should be lost and, in order to lighten their ship, decided to throw the women overboard. Although the proposition had been sub- mitted by a Republican legislature and signed by a Republi- can governor, the Republican State Committee resolved to re- main “neutral," and then sent out speakers who, with the sanction of the committee, bitterly assailed this amendment and those advocating it. Prominent among these were P. B. Plumb, I. S. Kalloch, Judge T. C. Sears and C. V. Eskridge. The Democratic State Convention vigorously denounced the amendment. The State Temperance Society endorsed it, and this aroused the active enmity of the Germans. Eastern poli- ticians warned those of Kansas not to imperil the negro's chance by taking up the woman question. Mr. Greeley, who at the beginning of the campaign warmly espoused woman suffrage in Kansas,' soured by his experience in the New York Constitutional Convention, withdrew the support of the Tribune and threw his influence against the amendment. Even the Independent, under the editorship of Tilton, was so dominated by party that, notwithstanding the appeals of the 1 Womanhood suffrage is now a progressive cause beyond fear of cavil. It has won a fair field where once it was looked upon as an airy nothing, and it has gained champions and con- verts without number. The young State of Kansas is fitly the vanguard of this cause, and the signs of the agitation therein hardly allow a doubt that the citizenship of women will be ere long recognized in its laws. Fourteen out of twenty of its newspapers are in favor of making woman a voter, .. . The vitality of the Kansas movement is indisputable, and whether de- feated or successful in the present contest, it will still hold strongly fortified ground.-New York Tribune, May 29, 1867. 282 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. women, it had not one word of endorsement. There was scarcely a Republican home in that State which did not take one or the other of these papers, looking upon its utterances as inspired, and their influence was so great that their support alone could have carried the amendment. Such was the situation when Miss Anthony started with Mrs. Stanton for Kansas, hoping to turn the tide. She learned, however, to her great disappointment, that no more money was available from the Jackson or the Hovey fund. The proposed campaign would call for so large an amount that any other woman would have given up in despair. Even the stock of literature had been exhausted and there was nothing left in the way of tracts or pamphlets. Undaunted, she set forth under a blazing July sun and tramped up and down Broadway soliciting advertisements for the fly-leaves of the new literature she meant to have printed. She then visited various friends who were interested in the woman's cause, and received such sums as they could spare, but their number was not large and the demands were numerous. She also sent out many appealing letters, like this to her friend Mrs. Wright: Mrs. Stanton and I start for Kansas Wednesday evening, stopping at Rochester just to look at my mother and my dear sister, sick so long, and I devoting scarce an hour to her the whole year. How will the gods make up my record on home affections ? You see our little trust fund_$1,800—of Jackson money is wrenched from us. The Hovey Committee gave us our last dollar in May, to balance last year's work, and I am responsible for stereotyping and printing the tracts, for the New York office expenses, and for Mrs. Stanton and myself in Kansas, in all not less than $2,000. Not one of the friends wants the Kansas work to go undone, and to do it, both tracts and lecturers must be sent out. We need money as never before. I have to take from my lean hundreds, that never dreamed of reaching thousands, to pay our travelling expenses. It takes $50 each for bare railroad tickets. We are advertised to speak every day-Sun- days not excepted-from September 2, one week from today, to November 6. What an awful undertaking it looks to me, for I know Kansas possibilities in fare, lodging and travelling. I never was so nearly driven to desperation- so much waiting to be done, and not a penny but in hope and trust. Oh, if 1 From the Howe Sewing Machine Co., she got $150; from the Samuel Browning Washing Machine Co., $100; from Dr. Dio Lewis' Gymnasium, $100, and from Madame Demorest's Fine Millinery and Patterns, a considerable sum; besides a donation of $100 from Mr. and Mrs. E. D. Draper, of Massachusetts, and $150 from Sarah B. Shaw, mother of Mrs. George Wm. Curtis; and in this way raised partly enough to print 50,000 tracts. CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 283 somebody else could go and I stay here, I could raise the money; but there is no one and I must go. We must not lose Kansas now, at least not from lack of work done according to our best ability. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton left New York August 28, 1867. It was necessary then to change cars several times to reach Atchison, their first appointment, and the trains being late they missed connections and were finally stranded at Macon City over Sunday. They found that while Mr. Wood had made out a very elaborate plan for their meetings and had posters printed for each place, these still remained piled up in the printing office. After making a two weeks' tour of the principal towns with Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony saw that an entire new program was necessary, that the meetings must be better advertised and there must be a central distributing point for tracts, etc., so she stationed herself at Lawrence. Senators Pomeroy and Ross gave the full use of their “franking” privi- lege and the former contributed $50 besides. The Republicans called a mass meeting at Lawrence, Sep- tember 5, of citizens from all parts of the State, “for consul- tation concerning the best method for defeating the proposition to strike the word 'male' from the Constitution of Kansas, and for arranging a canvass of the State in opposition to this amendment.” A newspaper account said : On motion of Judge G. W. Smith, Messrs. T. C. Sears, Rev. S. E. McBur- ney and C. V. Eskridge were appointed a committee on resolutions, and reported the following, which were unanimously adopted: Resolved, That we recognize the doctrine of manhood suffrage as a principle of the Republican party, supported by reason, experience and justice. Resolved, That we are unqualifiedly opposed to the dogma of "Female Suf- frage," and while we do not recognize it as a party question, the attempt of certain persons within the State, and from without it, to enforce it upon the people of the State, demands the unqualified opposition of every citizen who respects the laws of society and the well-being and good name of our young commonwealth. On motion, the executive committee were instructed to open a campaign based upon the foregoing resolutions; and an Anti-Female Suffrage Commit- tee appointed of one member from each county. At the beginning of the campaign, Republican leaders and newspapers were in favor of woman suffrage, but when it was 284 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. feared that its advocacy would hazard the chances of negro suffrage, they repudiated the amendment. While it was by no means certain that all women when enfranchised would vote the Republican ticket, there was no doubt whatever that the negroes would, and so it was party expediency to sacrifice the women. Notwithstanding the opposition of both Republi- can and Democratic politicians, the woman suffrage advocates had large and friendly audiences and the amendment would have been carried beyond a doubt, if it had had the continued sanction of Republican leaders. In October, stung by the re- proaches of the women, a number of influential Republicans from different parts of the country'sent out an appeal which was published in the newspapers of Kansas, but this was wholly offset by the active opposition of the State Committee. The hardships of a campaign in the early days of Kansas scarcely can be described. Much of the travelling had to be done in wagons, fording streams, crossing the treeless prairies, losing the faintly outlined road in the darkness of night, sleep- ing in cabins, drinking poor water and subsisting on bacon, soda-raised bread, canned meats and vegetables, dried fruits and coffee without cream or milk, sweetened with sorghum. The nights offered the greatest trial, owing to a species of in- sect supposed to breed in the cottonwood trees. In one of her letters home Miss Anthony says: “It is now 10 A. M. and Mrs. Stanton is trying to sleep, as we have not slept a wink for several nights, but even in broad daylight our tormentors are so active that it is impossible. We find them in our bon- nets, and this morning I think we picked a thousand out of the ruffles of our dresses. I can assure you that my avoirdu- pois is being rapidly reduced. It is a nightly battle with the infernals. ... Twenty-five years hence it will be delight- ful to live in this beautiful State, but now, alas, its women 1 Charles Robinson, S. N. Wood, Samuel C. Pomeroy, E. G. Ross, Sidney Clark, S. G. Craw- ford, Kansas; James W. Nye, Nevada; William Loughridge, Iowa; Robert Collyer, Illi- nois; George W. Julian, H. D. Washburn, Indiana; R. E. Trowbridge, John F. Driggs, Michigan; Benjamin F. Wade, Ohio; J. W. Broomall, William D. Kelley, Pennsylvania; Henry Ward Beecher, Gerrit Smith, George William Curtis, New York; Dudley S. Gregory, George Polk, John G. Foster, James L. Hayes, Z. H. Pangborn, New Jersey; Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Samuel E. Sewall, Oakes Ames, Massachusetts, William Sprague, T. W. Higginson, Rhode Island; Calvin E. Stowe, Connecticut. CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 285 especially see hard times, and there is no poetry in their lives." She was not given to complaining but again she writes: It is enough to exhaust the patience of Job, the slip-shod way in which tel- egraph, express and postoffices are managed here. It is almost impossible to arrange for halls or to get literature delivered at the point where it is sent. We speak in school houses, barns, sawmills, log cabins with boards for seats and lanterns hung around for lights, but people come twenty miles to hear us. The opposition follow close upon our track, but they make converts for us. The fact is that most of them are notoriously wanting in right action toward women. Their objections are as low and scurrilous as they used to be in the East fifteen or twenty years ago. There is a perfect greed for our tracts, and the friends say they do more missionary work than we ourselves. If our suffrage advocates only would go into the new settlements at the very beginning, they could mould public sentiment, but they wait until the com- forts of life are attainable and then find the ground occupied by the enemy. Of course they were guests in some beautiful homes, free from all discomforts, but these were the exceptions. A strik- ing instance of the first reception usually accorded the two ladies is given by Mrs. Starrett, in her Kansas chapter in the History of Woman Suffrage: All were prepared beforehand to do Mrs. Stanton homage for her talents and fame, but many persons who had formed their ideas of Miss Anthony from the unfriendly remarks in opposition papers had conceived a prejudice against her. Perhaps I can not better illustrate how she everywhere over- came and dispelled this prejudice than by relating my own experience. A convention was called at Lawrence, and the friends of woman suffrage were asked to entertain strangers who might come from abroad. Ex-Governor Robinson asked me to entertain Mrs. Stanton. We had all things in readi- ness when I received a note stating that she had found relatives in town with whom she would stop, and Miss Anthony would come instead. I hastily put on bonnet and shawl, saying, "I won't have her and I am going to tell Governor Robinson so.” At the gate I met a dignified Quaker-looking lady with a small satchel and a black and white shawl on her arm. Offering her hand she said, “I am Miss Anthony, and I have been sent to you for entertainment during the convention.”... Half disarmed by her genial manner and frank, kindly face, I led the way into the house and said I would have her stay to tea and then we would see what farther arrangements could be made. While I was looking after things she gained the affections of the babies; and seeing the door of my sister's sick-room open, she went in and in a short time had so won the heart and soothed instead of exciting the nervous sufferer, entertaining her with accounts of the outside world, that by the time tea was over I was ready to do anything if Miss Anthony would only stay with 286 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. us. And stay she did for over six weeks, and we parted from her as from a beloved and helpful friend. I found afterwards that in the same way she made the most ardent friends wherever she became personally known. The physical discomforts could have been borne without a murmur, but it was the treachery of friends, both East and West, which brought the discouragement and heart-sickness. One of the active opponents who canvassed the State was Charles Langston, the negro orator, whose brother John M. had met with much kindness from Miss Anthony and her family before the war. When one considers how these women had spent the best part of their lives in working for the free- dom of the negro, their humiliation can be imagined at seeing educated colored men laboring with might and main to prevent white women from obtaining the same privileges which they were asking for themselves. It was a bitter dose and one which women have been compelled to take in every State where a campaign for woman suffrage has been made. The Hutchinsons—John, his son Henry and lovely daughter Viola—were giving a series of concerts, travelling in a hand- some carriage drawn by a span of white horses. As they had one vacant seat, they were carrying Rev. Olympia Brown, a talented Universalist minister from Massachusetts, who had been canvassing the State for several months, and she spoke for suffrage while they sang for both the negro and woman. Hon. Charles Robinson, the first Free State governor of Kan- sas, volunteered to take Mrs. Stanton in his carriage and pay all expenses. Their hard trip killed a pair of mules and a pair of Indian ponies. Miss Anthony directed affairs from her post at Lawrence and made herculean efforts to raise money for the campaign, which thus far was dependent on the collec- tions at the meetings. There was scarcely a hope of victory. On the 7th of October came a telegram from George Francis Train, who was then at Omaha, largely interested in the Union Pacific railroad. He had been invited by the secretary and other members of the St. Louis Suffrage Association to go to Kansas and help in the woman's campaign. Accordingly he telegraphed that if the committee wanted him he was ready, CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 287 would pay his own expenses and win every Democratic vote. Miss Anthony never had seen Mr. Train; she merely knew of him as very wealthy and eccentric. The Republicans not only had forsaken the women but were waging open war upon them. The sole hope of carrying the amendment was by adding enough Democratic votes to those of Republicans who would not obey their party orders to vote against it. Every member of the woman suffrage committee who could be communicated with-Rev. and Mrs. Starrett, Rev. John S. Brown and daughter Sarah, Judge Thatcher and others-said that Mr. Train was an eloquent speaker and advised that he be invited, so the following telegram was sent: "Come to Kansas and stump the State for equal rights and woman suffrage. The people want you, the women want you. S. N. Wood, M. W. Reynolds, Charles Robinson, Mrs. J. H. Lane, E. Cady Stan- ton, Susan B. Anthony." Mr. Train accepted and Miss Anthony at once began laying out a route for him and telegraphed: “Begin at Leavenworth Monday, October 21. Yes, with your help we shall triumph. All shall be ready for you.” If she had had any political ex- perience, she would have made his appointments along the railroad, whose employes were largely Irish, with whom he was very popular on account of his Fenian affiliations; but in her ignorance, she arranged for most of the meetings in small towns off the railroads, where the inhabitants were chiefly Republicans. Mark W. Reynolds, editor of the Democratic paper at Law- rence, agreed to accompany him; but when the time arrived, although Mr. Reynolds had joined in the telegram of invita- tion, he took to the woods, going on a buffalo hunt without any excuse or explanation. Mr. Train made his first speech at Leavenworth, Mayor John A. Halderman presiding, Colonel D. R. Anthony, Rev. William Starrett and other Republicans on the platform. Laing's Hall was packed with Irishmen and when he first mentioned woman suffrage all of them hissed, but after he pointed out the absurdity of letting the negroes vote and shutting out their own mothers and wives, the tide 288 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. turned and they cheered for the women. The next meeting was at Lawrence, and here Mr. Train objected decidedly to the route marked out, saying it was too rough a trip for any man, and as Mr. Reynolds had deserted him he was for giving up the tour. Not so Miss Anthony; she said: “Your offer and his were accepted in good faith. The engagements have been made and hand-bills sent to every post-office within fifty miles of the towns where meetings are to be held. The next an- nouncement is for Olathe tomorrow night. I shall take Mr. Reynolds' place. At one o'clock I shall send a carriage to your hotel. You can do as you please about going. If you decline I shall go there and to all the other meetings alone." He replied: “Miss Anthony, you know how to make a man feel ashamed.” The next day when the carriage came to the Starretts, for Miss Anthony, Mr. Train was in it and, with her heart in her throat, she took her seat beside him. The situation was en- tirely unforeseen and decidedly embarrassing, but she never turned back, never allowed any earthly obstacle to stand in her way. There was a crowded house at Olathe and when the meeting closed two young men announced that they had been sent to take Mr. Reynolds and Mr. Train to Paola, and they would have to leave at 4 A. M. Miss Anthony was the guest of Rev. and Mrs. J. C. Beach. Next morning they started on time in a pouring rain, stopping at a little wayside inn for breakfast at six. The meeting was at eleven, in the Methodist church. After it was over the county superintendent of schools, Mr. Bannister, took them to Ottawa in a lumber wagon. The steady rain had put the roads in a fearful condition and by the time they reached the river bottoms it was very dark and pour- ing in torrents. The driver lost his way and brought them up against a brush fence. Mr. Train jumped out of the vehicle, took off his coat so that his white shirtsleeves would show and thus guided the team back to the road; then he and the county superintendent took turns walking in front of the horses. The river finally was crossed and they reached Ottawa at 9 o'clock. CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 289 Mr. Train was very fastidious and, no matter how late the hour, never would appear in public before he had changed his gray travelling suit for full dress costume with white vest and lavender kid gloves, declaring that he would not insult any audience by shabby clothes. This evening he made no excep- tion and so, while he went to the hotel, Miss Anthony, wet, hungry and exhausted, made her way straight to the hall to see what had become of their audience. She found that it had been taken in charge by General Blunt, one of the Republican campaign orators, and as she entered, he was making a violent attack on woman suffrage. Her arrival was not noticed and she concluded to sit quietly down in a corner and let matters take their course. A stair- way led from some lower region up to the platform and, just as the speaker was declaring, “This man Train is an infernal traitor and a vile copperhead," Mr. Train appeared at the top of the stairs. The audience broke into a roar, and in a few moments he had the general under a scathing fire. From Ottawa they travelled, still in a lumber wagon, to Mound City and then to Fort Scott, where they had an im- mense audience. After the meeting Train went to the news- paper office and wrote out his speech, which filled two pages of the Monitor, and Miss Anthony and the friends spent all of Sunday in wrapping and mailing these papers. From here they drove to Humboldt in a mail wagon, stopping for dinner at a little “half-way house," a cabin with no floor. Miss An- thony retains a lively recollection of this place, for the hostess brought a platter of fried pork, swimming in grease, and in her haste emptied the contents the whole length of her light gray travelling dress. They found many people ill, and Mr. Train always prescribed not a drop of green tea, not a mouth- ful of pork, though that was the only meat they could get, plenty of fruit, though there was none to be had in Kansas, and a thorough bath every morning, although there was not enough water to wash the dishes. During this trip he stopped at hotels, but Miss Anthony usually was invited to stay with ANT.—19 290 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. families who were either her personal friends or warm advo- cates of the cause she represented. So on they went, to Leroy, Burlington, Emporia, Junction City. It was 9 o'clock when they reached the last and, as usual, Miss Anthony had to make her speech without change of dress, and a half hour later Mr. Train stepped on the plat- form, refreshed and resplendent. His first words were: “When Miss Anthony gets back to New York she is going to start a woman suffrage paper. Its name is to be The Revolution; its motto, 'Men, their rights, and nothing more; women, their rights, and nothing less.' This paper is to be a weekly, price $2 per year; its editors, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Parker Pillsbury; its proprietor, Susan B. Anthony. Let everybody subscribe for it !” Miss Anthony was dumbfounded. During the long journey that day, he had asked her why the equal rights people did not have a paper and she had replied that it was not for lack of brains but want of money. “Will not Greeley and Beecher and Phillips and Tilton advance the money?” “No, they say this is the negro's hour and no time to advocate woman suffrage.” “Well,” said he, “I will give you the money." She had not taken him seriously and was amazed when he made this public statement, announcing name, price, editors, motto and everything complete. SAC- earious: 4 ." They spoke at Topeka and Wyandotte and reached Leaven- worth the Sunday previous to election. Mr. Train spent the evening at Colonel Anthony's, entertaining them in his in- imitable manner till midnight, and after he left the colonel de- clared that “he knew more about more things than any man living.” Governor Robinson and Mrs. Stanton were to close the campaign in this city the day before election, and the meet- ing had been thoroughly advertised, but at the last moment they telegraphed that they would be unable to arrive till evening, so it was decided that Mr. Train should remain at Leavenworth to speak in the afternoon, and Miss Anthony CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 291 should keep the engagement at Atchison, announcing Mr. Train for the evening. This she did, but at night, when a great crowd had assembled, a telegram brought word that the cars were off the track and he could not reach that city. There was nothing for her to do but make a short speech and adjourn the meeting. Mr. Train had promised Miss Anthony that he really would advance the money to start a paper and, in addition, had pro- posed to defray all the expenses of Mrs. Stanton and herself if they would join him in a lecture tour of the principal cities on the way eastward. It was essential, therefore, for her to have a talk with him before she could make a definite state- ment to Mrs. Stanton, and her only chance for this was to cross the Missouri river and wait for the belated train from Leaven- worth. She found the ferry boats had stopped running for the night, but George Martin, chairman of the suffrage committee of Atchison, offered to take her across in a skiff. Undaunted, she seated herself therein and in the dense darkness was safely landed on the opposite shore. Here she boarded the cars and went to St. Joseph where she met Mr. Train, made the neces- sary arrangements and returned to Leavenworth by the first train. On election day the Hutchinsons, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, in open carriages, visited all the polling-places in Leavenworth, where the two ladies spoke and the Hutchinsons sang. Both amendments were overwhelmingly defeated, that for negro suffrage receiving 10,843 votes, and that for woman suffrage 9,070, out of a total of about 30,000. These 9,000 votes were the first ever cast in the United States for the en- franchisement of women. How many of them were Republi- can and how many Democratic, and how much influence Mr. Train may have had one way or another, never can be known; but it is a significant fact that Douglas county, the most radi- cal Republican district, gave the largest vote against woman suffrage, and Leavenworth, the strongest Democratic county, gave the largest majority in its favor. 292 The Commercial, the Democratic paper of this city, said: When we consider the many obstacles thrown in the way of the advocates of this measure, the indifference with which the masses look upon anything new in government and their indisposition to change, the degree of success of these advocates is not only remarkable, but one of which they have a just right to feel proud. To these two ladies, Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, to their indomitable will and courage, to their eloquence and energy, is due much of the merit of the work performed in the State. ... While in the recent election these ladies were not successful to the full ex- tent of their wishes, they have the consciousness of knowing that their work has been commensurate with the combined efforts of party organization, con- gressmen, senators, press and ministers to enfranchise the negro, and that the people of Kansas are not more averse to giving the franchise to woman than to the black man. During the campaign the usual order was for Miss Anthony to speak the first half hour, making a clear, concise, strong argument for suffrage as the right of an American citizen, pleading for the negro as well as for the women, and urging men to vote for both amendments. She then was followed by Mr. Train, who insisted that it would be one of the grossest outrages to give suffrage to the black man and not to the white woman, and pleaded earnestly that the women of Kansas should be enfranchised. In this he was sincere, as he believed thoroughly that women ought to have the ballot. He was an inimitable mimic and was unsparing in his ridicule of those Republicans who had battled so valiantly for equal rights but now demanded that American women should stand back quietly and approvingly and see the negro fully invested with the powers denied to themselves. He had a remarkable mem- ory, an unequalled quickness of repartee, a peculiar gift of improvising epigrams and, while erratic, was a brilliant and entertaining speaker. He was at this time about thirty-five, nearly six feet tall, a handsome brunette, with curling hair and flashing dark eyes, the picture of vigorous health. He was exquisitely neat in person and irreproachable in habits, and had a fine courtliness of bearing toward women which suggested the old-school gentleman. Miss Anthony often said that all the severe criticisms made upon him for years had not CAMPAIGNS IN NEW YORK AND KANSAS. 293 been able to impair the respect with which he inspired her dur- ing that most trying campaign. Mrs. Stanton, essentially an aristocrat and severe in her judgment of men and manners, spoke most highly of Mr. Train in her Reminiscences. Some of the friends in Kansas were opposed to the contem- plated lecture tour, and letters were received from the East urging that it be abandoned. Mrs. Stanton was accustomed to defer to Miss Anthony in such matters. The latter felt that they had been deserted by their old friends and supporters and the breach was too wide to be soon healed. Here was a man of wealth and high personal character, who offered to ar- range a lecture tour of the principal cities of the country, pay all expenses and at the end of the journey furnish capital for a paper. It seemed to her she could best serve the cause she placed above all else by accepting the offer, and she did so. As time was limited, Miss Anthony had to make arrange- ments for hall, etc., by telegraph, which cost Mr. Train $100. The series commenced in Omaha, November 19, and continued in Chicago, Springfield, St. Louis, Louisville, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, Albany, Springfield (Mass.), Worcester, Boston and Hartford, ending with a great meeting in Steinway Hall, New York, December 14. Mr. Train engaged the most elegant suites of rooms in the best hotels for the ladies, secured the finest halls, and this was re- membered as the only luxurious suffrage tour they ever had made. There was a railway wreck between Louisville and Cincinnati, and he chartered a special train in order that they might keep their engagement at the latter place. This trip cost him $3,000. Where heretofore the Democratic papers had been abusive and some, at least, of the Republican papers complimentary, the tone was now completely reversed. Because they had affiliated with Mr. Train, the former had nothing but praise, and for 1“I take my beloved Susan's judgment against the world. I have always found that when we see eye to eye we are sure to be right, and when we pull together we are strong. After we discuss any point and fully agree, our faith in our united judgment is immovable, and no amount of ridicule and opposition has the slightest influence, come from what quarter it may." 294 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the same reason the latter were unsparing in their denuncia- tions, and were bitterly indignant at the women for accepting from Mr. Train and other Democrats the help which they themselves had positively refused. They insisted that the Democrats only used woman suffrage as a club to beat negro suffrage, which doubtless was true of many, but Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton claimed the right to accept proffered aid without looking behind it for the motive. The opposition, however, did not arise alone from the press and the politicians. From the leading advocates of suffrage came a vehement pro- test against any partnership with George Francis Train. The old associates wrote scores of letters expressing their personal allegiance, but refusing to attend the meetings and repudiating the connection of Mr. Train with the woman suffrage move- ment. Miss Anthony was made to realize to the fullest extent the feeling which had been aroused, but the last entry in the diary says: “ The year goes out, and never did one depart that had been so filled with earnest and effective work; 9,000 votes for woman in Kansas, and a newspaper started! The Revolution is going to be work, work and more work. The old out and the new in!” CHAPTER XVIII. ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 1868. HE first entry in the diary of 1868, January 1, reads: “All the old friends, with scarce an ex- ception, are sure we are wrong. Only time can tell, but I believe we are right and hence bound to succeed.” Immediately after the meeting at Steinway Hall, Mr. Train had brought with him to call on Miss Anthony, David M. Melliss, financial editor of the New York World, and they entered into an agreement by which the two men were to supply the funds for publishing a paper until it was on a paying basis. It was to be conducted by Miss An- thony and Mrs. Stanton in the interests of women, and Mr. Train and Mr. Melliss were to use such space as they desired for expressing their financial and other opinions. The first number was issued January 8, a handsome quarto of sixteen pages. Ten thousand copies were printed and, under the congres- sional frank of Representative James Brooks, of New York, were sent to all parts of the country. The advent of this ele- ment in the newspaper world created a sensation such as scarcely ever has been equalled by any publication. From hundreds of clippings a few characteristic examples are selected. The New York Sunday Times said : THE LADIES MILITANT.-It is out at last. If the women as a body have not succeeded in getting up a revolution, Susan B. Anthony, as their representa- tive, has. Her Revolution was issued last Thursday as a sort of New Year's gift to what she considered a yearning public, and it is said to be “charged to the muzzle with literary nitro-glycerine." If Mrs. Stanton would (295) 296 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. attend a little more to her domestic duties and a little less to those of the great public, perhaps she would exalt her sex quite as much as she does by Quixotically fighting windmills in their gratuitous behalf, and she might possibly set a notable example of domestic felicity. No married woman can convert herself into a feminine Knight of the Rueful Visage and ride about the country attempting to redress imaginary wrongs without leaving her own household in a neglected condition that must be an eloquent witness against her. As for the spinsters, we have always said that every woman has a nat- ural and inalienable right to a good husband and a pretty baby. When, by proper “ agitation,” she has secured this right, she best honors herself and her sex by leaving public affairs behind her, and endeavoring to show how happy she can make the little world of which she has just become the bril- liant center. The New York Independent, the great organ of the Congre- gationalists, had this breezy editorial: The Revolution is the martial name of a bristling and defiant new weekly journal, the first number of which has just been laid on our table. When we mention that it is edited by Mr. Parker Pillsbury and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, all the world will immediately know what to expect from it. Those two writers can never be accused of having nothing to say, or of backward- ness in saying it. Each has separately long maintained a striking individual- ity of tongue and pen. Working together, they will produce a canvas of the Rembrandt school-Mrs. Stanton painting the high lights and Mr. Pillsbury the deep darks. In fact, the new journal's real editors are Hope and Despair. Beaumont and Fletcher were intellectually something alike; but Mrs. Stanton and Mr. Pillsbury are totally different. The lady is a gay Greek, come forth from Athens; the gentleman is a sombre Hebrew, bound back to Jerusalem, We know of no two more striking, original, and piquant writers. What keen criticisms, what knife-blade repartees, what lacerating sarcasms we shall expect from the one! What solemn, reverberating, sanguinary damnations we shall hear from the other! Conspicuous among the new journal's contributors is that great traveller, hotel-builder, epigrammatist and kite-flyer, Mr. George Francis Train. So The Revolution, from the start, will arouse, thrill, edify, amuse, vex and non- plus its friends. But it will compel attention; it will conquer a hearing. Its business management is in the good hands of Miss Susan B. Anthony, who has long been known as one of the most indefatigable, honest, obstinate, faithful, cross-grained and noble-minded of the famous women of America. It only remains to add that, as "the price of liberty is eternal vigilance,” so the price of The Revolution is two dollars a year. The Cincinnati Enquirer in a complimentary notice said: "Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton's Revolution grows with each additional number more spicy, readable and revolutionary. It hits right and left, from the shoulder and overhand, at ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 297 every body and thing that opposes the granting of suffrage to females as well as males. The Revolution is mourning over no lost cause, but is aggressive, bold and determined to win one dear to its heart." New York's society paper, the Home Journal, commented: “The Revolution is plucky, keen and wide awake, and although some of its ways are not at all to our taste, we are glad to recognize in it the inspiration of the noblest aims, and the sagacity and talent to accomplish what it desires. It is on the right track, whether it has taken the right train or not;" while the Chicago Workingman's Advocate declared: “We have no doubt it will prove an able ally of the labor reform movement.” The Boston Commonwealth ob- served approvingly: “It is edited by Mrs. E. C. Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, whose names are guarantees of ability and character. Their effusions are able, pertinent and coura- geous.” To quote from Mrs. Stanton: "Radical and defiant in tone, it awoke friends and foes alike to action. Some denounced it, some ridiculed it, but all read it. It needed just such clarion notes, sounded forth long and loud each week, to rouse the friends of the movement from the apathy into which they had fallen after the war.” Miss Anthony went to Washington to introduce the paper and returned with a list of distinguished subscribers, including President Johnson himself! The follow- ing from Mrs. Stanton will show how criticising letters usually were answered: I know that you would feel that we were right if I could talk with you. If George Francis Train had done for the negro all that he has done for woman the last three months, the Abolitionists would enshrine him as a saint. The attacks on Susan and me by a few persons have been petty and narrow, but we are right and this nine days' wonder will soon settle itself. Of course, people turn up the whites of their eyes, but time will bring them all down again. We have reason to congratulate ourselves that we have shocked more friends of the cause into life than we ever dreamed we had-persons who never gave a cent or said a word for our movement are the most concerned lest Susan and I should injure it. Mr. Train has some extravagances and idiosyncrasies, but he is willing to devote his energies to our cause when no other man is, and we should be foolish not to accept his aid. To think of Boston women holding a festival to aid the Anti-Slavery Standard, while their own petitions are ignored in the Senate of the United States ! Women have 298 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. been degraded so long they have lost all self-respect. If we love the black man as well as ourselves we shall fulfill the Bible injunction. The anti-slavery requirement to love him better is a little too much for human nature. A few members of the executive board of the Equal Rights Association made a strong attempt to prevent the editors of The Revolution from occupying the room at No. 37 Park Row, used for their headquarters. Miss Anthony soon showed, however, that she had made herself personally responsible for the rent, that while she was overwhelmed with the work of the Kansas campaign letters were continually sent her asking if she could not somehow get the money to pay it, and that as soon as she returned, she borrowed $100 on her own note and paid it in full. So she held possession and the committee, after voting itself out at one session, voted itself back at the next, and finally abandoned the room. On the very day the first copy of The Revolution appeared, Mr. Train announced that he was going to England immedi- ately. Miss Anthony says in her diary: "My heart sank within me; only our first number issued and our strongest helper and inspirer to leave us! This is but another discipline to teach us that we must stand on our own feet.” Mr. Train gave her $600 and assured her that he had arranged with Mr. Melliss to supply all necessary funds during his short absence, but she felt herself invested with a heavy responsibility. A few days later Mrs. Stanton said in a letter to a friend: Our paper has a monied basis of $50,000 and men who understand business to push it. Train is engaging writers and getting subscribers in Europe. It will improve in every way when we are thoroughly started. Just now we are fighting for our life among reformers; they pitch into us without mercy. We are trying to make the Democrats take up our question, for that is the only way to move the Republicans. Subscribers come in rapidly, beyond our most sanguine expectations. The press in the main is cordial, but looks askance at a political paper edited by a woman. If we had started a “Lily” or a “Rosebud” and remained in the region of sentiment, we should have been eulogized to the skies, but here is something dangerous. Instead of Mr. Train's securing writers and subscribers in Europe, he was arrested for complicity with the Fenians the moment he made his first speech, and spent the year in a Dub- ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 299 lin jail. He wrote that the finding of fifty copies of The Rev- olution in his possession was an additional reason for his arrest, as the officials did not stop to read a word, the name was sufficient. While Mr. Train continued his contributions to the paper during his residence in jail, he was not able to meet his financial obligations to it. Mr. Melliss made heroic efforts to pay in his quota, but the days were full of anxiety for everybody connected with The Revolution. Miss Anthony was used to such care. She had been the financial burden- bearer of every reform with which she had been connected, but to this crushing weight was added such a persecution as she never had experienced before, even in the days of pro- slavery mobs. Then the attacks had been made by open and avowed enemies, and she had had a host of staunch supporters to share them and give her courage; now her persecutors were in ambush and were those who had been her nearest and dearest friends; and now she was alone except for Mrs. Stan- ton and Mr. Pillsbury. Even they were labored with, and besought to renounce one who seemed to have complete mas- tery over them and was leading them to destruction, but noth- ing could shake their allegiance. The excuse for this persecu- tion was that the Equal Rights Association was injured by the publication of The Revolution. That there should be a paper published in the interest of the rights of women had been the dream of the advocates for many years. Antoinette Blackwell had written Miss Anthony sev- eral years before: “I wish we had the contemplated paper for Mrs. Stanton's especial benefit. I am afraid it will be too late for her when we get it fairly established, which does not promise to be very soon. Lucy believes her own talents lie in other directions, and gives no approval to the plan for her- self.” Lucy Stone had written: “We must have a paper and dear, brave, sensible Mrs. Stanton must be the editor.” And at another time: “I feel very proud of Mrs. Stanton, she is so strong and noble. When we have a new paper she must be the editor.” Mrs. Stanton, with her house and her large family, had no 300 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. desire for this position. Miss Anthony herself was not a writer, and many times of late years had agitated the question of raising money to have Lucy Stone and her husband at the head of a paper, they having now signified their willingness to hold such a place. The founding of The Revolution was totally unexpected and its editors accepted it only because of the great need of a medium through which the cause of woman might be thoroughly advocated. There was not the slightest desire to enter into rivalry with anybody or to antag- onize the Republicans. If the latter had been willing to fur- nish the money to start a paper, or had allowed space in their own publications, the favor would have been most gladly ac- cepted. Had the members of the Equal Rights Association raised a fund to establish an organ, so much the better, but although the subject had been talked of for years, the capital had not been forthcoming. There was no attempt to make the association responsible for the opinions of The Revolution, as this letter from Mrs. Stanton indicates : Susan and I, though members of the Equal Rights Association, do many things outside that body for which no one is responsible. The idea of start- ing a paper under its auspices, or as an organ for it, never entered our minds. We went to Kansas as individuals; personal friends outside that association gave us money to go and contributed the funds to start a paper. We object to that resolution of censure, first, because we were outside its province; second, because it was an outrage to repudiate Susan and me, who have labored with- out cessation for twenty years and had just returned from a hard three months' campaign. For any one to question our devotion to this cause is to us amazing. The treatment of us by Abolitionists also is enough to try the souls of better saints than we. The secret of all this furor is Republican spite. They want to stave off our question until after the presidential cam- paign. They can keep all the women still but Susan and me. They can't control us, therefore the united effort of Republicans, Abolitionists and cer- tain women to crush us and our paper. In showing how the women were sacrificed, The Revolution said: Charles Sumner, Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith and Wendell Phillips, with one consent, bid the women of the nation stand aside and behold the salva- tion of the negro. Wendell Phillips says, “One idea for a generation,” to come up in the order of their importance. First negro suffrage, then temper- ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 301 ance, then the eight-hour movement, then woman suffrage. Three genera- tions hence, woman suffrage will be in order! What an insult to the women who have labored thirty years for the emancipation of the slave, now when he is their political equal, to propose to lift him above their heads. Gerrit Smith, forgetting that our great American idea is "individual rights,” on which Ab- olitionists have ever based their strongest arguments for emancipation, says: “This is the time to settle the rights of races; unless we do justice to the ne- gro we shall bring down on ourselves another bloody revolution, another four years' war, but we have nothing to fear from woman, she will not avenge herself!” Woman not avenge herself? Look at your asylums for the deaf, the dumb, the blind, the insane, and there behold the results of this whole- sale desecration of the mothers of the race! Woman not avenge herself? Go into the streets of your cities at the midnight hour, and there behold those whom God meant to be queens in the moral universe giving your sons their first lessons in infamy and vice. No, you can not wrong the humblest of God's creatures without making discord and confusion in the whole social system. In regard to the bitter persecution waged upon the two women, Ellen Wright Garrison said in a letter to Miss An- thony: “This sitting in judgment upon those whose views differ from our own, pouring vials of wrath on their heads and calling in the outside and prejudiced public to help con- demn, is unwise and un-Christian.” Her mother, Martha Wright, who at first was inclined to blame, wrote in the spring of 1868: “As regards the paper, its vigorous pages are what we need. I regret the idiosyncrasies of Mr. Train, as they give occasion to the sons and daughters of the Philistines to rejoice, and the children of the uncircumcised only wanted a good ex- cuse to triumph. Shall you be at the May meeting? I will not be there under any circumstances without you and Susan and our good friend Parker; so whatever may become of Mr. Train or of the paper, count me now and ever as your true and unswerving friend.” The following graphic description, by the correspondent, Nellie Hutchinson, was published in the Cincinnati Commer- cial : There's a peculiarly resplendent sign at the head of the third flight of stairs, and obeying its directions I march into the north corridor and enter The Revo- lution office. Nothing so very terrible after all. The first face that salutes my vision is a youthful one-fresh, smiling, bright-eyed, auburn-crowned. It belongs to one of the employes of the establishment, and its owner conducts 302 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. me to a comfortable sofa, then trips lightly through a little door opposite to inform Miss Anthony of my presence. I glance about me. What editorial bliss is this! Actually a neat carpet on the floor, a substantial round table covered by a pretty cloth, engravings and photographs hung thickly over the clear white walls. Here is Lucretia Mott's saintly face, beautiful with eternal youth; there Mary Wollstonecraft looking into futurity with earnest eyes. In an arched recess are shelves con- taining books and piles of pamphlets, speeches and essays of Stuart Mill, Wendell Phillips, Higginson, Curtis. Two screens extend across the front of the room, inclosing a little space around the two large windows which give light, air and glimpses of City Hall park. Glancing around the corner we see editor Pillsbury seated at his desk by the further window. Opposite is another desk covered with brown wrappers and mailing books. Close against the screen stands yet another, at which sits the bookkeeper, an energetic young woman who ably manages all the business affairs of The Revolution. There's an atmosphere of womanly purity and delicacy about the place; everything is refreshingly neat and clean, and suggestive of reform. Ah! here comes Susan—the determined—the invincible -- the Susan who is possibly destined to be Vice-President or Secretary of State some of these days! What a delicious thought! I tremble as she steps rapidly toward me and I perceive in her hand a most statesmanlike roll of MSS. The eyes scan me coolly and interrogatively but the pleasant voice gives me a yet pleas- anter greeting. There's something very attractive, even fascinating in that voice--a faint echo of the alto vibration-the tone of power. Her smile is very sweet and genial, and lights up the pale, worn face rarely. She talks awhile in her kindly, incisive way. “We're not foolishly or blindly aggres- sive,” says she, tersely; "we don't lead a fight against the true and noble in- stitutions of the world. We only seek to substitute for various barbarian ideas, those of a higher civilization—to develop a race of earnest, thoughtful, conscientious women.” And I thought as I remembered various newspaper attacks, that here was not much to object to. The world is the better for thee, Susan. She rises; “Come, let me introduce you to Mrs. Stanton.” And we walk into the inner sanctum, a tiny bit of a room, nicely carpeted, one-windowed and furnished with two desks, two chairs, a little table--and the senior editor, Mrs. Stanton. The short, substantial figure, with its handsome black dress and silver crown of curls, is sufficiently interesting. The fresh, girlish com- plexion, the laughing blue eyes and jolly voice are yet more so. Beside her stands her sixteen-year-old daughter, who is as plump, as jolly, as laughing- eyed as her mother. We study Cady Stanton's handsome face as she talks on rapidly and facetiously. Nothing little or mean in that face; no line of distrust or irony; neither are there wrinkles of care--life has been pleasant to this woman. We hear a bustle in the outer room-rapid voices and laughing questions - then the door is suddenly thrown open and in steps a young Aurora, habited in a fur-trimmed cloak, with a jaunty black velvet cap and snowy feather set upon her dark clustering curls. What sprite is this, whose eyes flash and sparkle with a thousand happy thoughts, whose dimples and rosy lips and SUSAN B. ANTHONY. AT THE AGE OF 48. ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 303 white teeth make so charming a picture? “My dear Anna,” says Susan, starting up, and there's a shower of kisses. Then follows an introduction to Anna Dickinson. As we clasp hands for a moment, I look into the great gray eyes that have flashed with indignation and grown moist with pity be- fore thousands of audiences. They are radiant with mirth now, beaming as a child's, and with graceful abandon she throws herself into a chair and be- gins a ripple of gay talk. The two pretty assistants come in and look at her with loving eyes; we all cluster around while she wittily recounts her re- cent lecturing experience. As the little lady keeps up her merry talk, I think over these three representative women. The white-haired, comely matron sitting there hand-in-hand with her daughter, intellectual, large-hearted, high-souled-a mother of men; the grave, energetic old maid-an executive power; the glorious girl, who, without a thought of self, demands in eloquent tones justice and liberty for all, and prophesies like an oracle of old. May we not hope that America's coming woman will combine these salient qualities, and with all the powers of mind, soul and heart vivified and devel- oped in a liberal atmosphere, prove herself the noblest creature in the world? And so I leave them there—the pleasant group-faithful in their work, happy in their hopes. On May 14, 1868, the American Equal Rights Association held its second anniversary in Cooper Institute. Mrs. Stanton, who had a wholesome dread of anything disagreeable, was de- termined not to go, but Miss Anthony declared that to stay away would be showing the “white feather” and that, as their enemies had been many weeks working up a sentiment against them, their presence would prove they had nothing to fear. When the convention assembled, Lucretia Mott, the president, being absent on account of the recent death of her husband, Colonel Higginson said to Miss Anthony: “Now we want everything pleasant and peaceable here, do we not?” “Cer- tainly,” she replied. “Well then, we must have Lucy Stone open this meeting.” “Why so,” asked Miss Anthony, "when Mrs. Stanton is first vice-president? It would be not only an insult to her but a direct violation of parliamentary usage. I shall never consent to it.” Finding that, nevertheless, there was a scheme to carry out this plan, she put Mrs. Stanton on the alert and, as the officers filed on the platform, gave her a gentle push to the front, whereupon she opened the conven- tion with the utmost suavity. It was here that these pioneers of the movement for woman 304 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. suffrage had the humiliation of hearing Frederick Douglass announce that it was women's duty to take a back seat and wait till the negro was enfranchised before they put in their claim. Rev. Olympia Brown and Lucy Stone both declared the Republican party false to its principles unless it protected women as well as colored men in their right to vote, and in his report on the Kansas campaign, Mr. Blackwell, after speaking of the splendid work of Lucy Stone, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Brown, said: “Their eloquence and determination gave great promise of success; but, in an inoppor- tune moment, Horace Greeley and others saw fit in the Consti- tutional Convention to report adversely to woman suffrage in New York, which influenced the sentiment in the younger western State and its enterprise was crushed. Even the Re- publicans in Kansas set their faces against the extension of suffrage to women.” Throughout the entire convention there was much resent- ment on the part of the women at the manner in which they had been abandoned in favor of the negro. During the same week, at the anti-slavery meeting in Steinway Hall, Anna Dickinson, in the midst of an impassioned speech, declared: "The position of the black woman today is no better than be- fore her emancipation from slavery. She has simply changed masters from a white owner to a black husband in many cases." She demanded freedom and franchise for woman as for man, irrespective of color; and, while giving Mr. Phillips credit for his years of service in the cause of woman, took occasion to enter her protest against the tenor of a portion of his morning address-in effect, that woman's rights must be set aside until the rights of the black man were fully secured. As there was so much cavilling and faultfinding on the part of many of the Equal Rights Association at every forward and radical step taken by Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, they formed an independent committee of themselves, Elizabeth Smith Miller, daughter of Gerrit Smith, Mrs. Horace Greeley and Abby Hopper Gibbons, daughter of Isaac T. Hopper, the noted Abolitionist, and wife of a prominent banker. These ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 305 ladies sent a memorial to the Republican National Convention, which met in Chicago and nominated General Grant, but it never saw the light after reaching there. Snubbed on every hand by the Republicans, they determined to appeal to the Democrats. On June 27 Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stan- ton attended a mass convention addressed by Governor Sey- mour, calling out the following editorial from the New York Sun: The fact that Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony were the only ladies admitted upon the platform at Cooper Institute, may be regarded as not only committing them to Governor Seymour's views, but as committing the approaching Democratic convention, in whose behalf he spoke, to the doctrine of woman suffrage. Therefore, whether Miss Anthony is received as a delegate to the July convention, it is clear that female suf- frage must be incorporated among the planks of the national Democratic platform; and if Governor Seymour, who is a remarkably fine-looking man, is nominated, he will receive the undivided support of the women of the North, which will more than compensate for the loss of the negro vote of the South. At the meeting of the Equal Rights Committee, held in New York, a half-sarcastic resolution was offered by Theodore Til- ton and adopted by the committee declaring that as “Miss Susan B. Anthony, through various published writings in The Revolution, had given the world to understand that the hope of the woman's rights cause rests more largely with the Demo- cratic party than with any other portion of the people; there- fore she be requested to attend the approaching National Democratic Convention in New York for the purpose of ful- filling this cheerful hope by securing in the Democratic plat- form a recognition of woman's right to the elective fran- chise." Miss Anthony ignored the sarcasm, and with Mrs. Stanton at once prepared a memorial. The convention met and dedicated Tammany Hall on July 4, 1868. This was the first time since the war that the southern Democrats had joined with the northern On the Sunday before, the two ladies were invited to breakfast at the home of Mr. Melliss, with the president of the National Labor Union and a number of prominent men from Wall street, to talk over their prospects in the convention. ANT.-20 306 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in national convention and, conservative as they naturally were and separated as they had been from all the woman's rights agitation which had kept the North stirred up for the past decade, one can imagine their amazement when Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and a few other ladies walked into the great hall and occupied reserved seats at the left of the platform. Their memorial was sent to the president, Horatio Seymour, and by him handed to the secretary, who read it amid jeers and laughter. It was then referred to the resolution committee where it slept the sleep of death. The special correspondent of the Chicago Republican thus describes the scene when the memorial was presented : Susan B. Anthony appeared to the convention like Minerva, goddess of wisdom. Her advent was with thunders, not of applause, but of the scorn of a degenerate masculinity. The great Horatio said, with infinite condescen- sion, that he held in his hand a memorial of the women of the United States. The name of Miss Anthony was greeted with a yell such as a Milton might imagine to rise from a conclave of the damned. “She asked to plead the cause of her sex; to demand the enfranchisement of the women of America--the only class of citizens not represented in the government, the only class with- out a vote, and their only disability, the insurmountable one of sex.” As these last significant words, with more than significant accent and modula- tion, came from the lips of the knightly, the courtly Horatio, a bestial roar of laughter, swelling now into an almost Niagara chorus, now subsiding into comparative silence, and again without further provocation rising into infer- nal sublimity, shook the roof of Tammany. Sex--the sex of women--was the subject of this infernal scorn; and the great Democratic gathering, with yells and shrieks and demoniac, deafening howls, consigned the memorial of Susan B. Anthony to the committee on resolutions. The World, the Herald, the Democratic press generally, spoke of this incident in satirical and half-contemptuous tones, and the few papers which treated it seriously declared in effect that, if they had to take the "nigger," they might as well add woman to the unpalatable dose. A petition from the Work- ingmen's Association to this same convention, demanding a "greenback plank” in the platform, was received with great respect and the plank put in as requested-offering the very strongest object lesson of the superiority of an enfranchised over a disfranchised class. It was not that the convention ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 307 had more respect for the workingman, per se, but they feared his vote and so adopted the greenback plank in order to placate him, and then nominated for President the most ultra of gold bond-paying advocates. The Revolution took up with great earnestness the cause of workingwomen, investigated their condition and published many articles in regard to it. A meeting was called at the office of The Revolution and a Workingwoman's Association formed, with officers chosen from the various occupations represented, which ranged from typesetters to ragpickers. In September the National Labor Union Congress was held in Germania Hall, New York, and Miss Anthony was selected to represent this association. Mr. J. C. C. Whaley, a master workman from the great iron mills of Philadelphia, presided and she was cordially received. A committee on female labor was formed with her as chairman, and reported a strong set of resolutions, urging the organization of women's trades unions, demanding an eight-hour law and equal pay in all positions, and pledging support to secure the ballot for women. After an extended discussion the words to secure the ballot" were stricken out, and a resolution adopted that "by accepting Miss Anthony as a delegate, the Labor Congress did not com- mit itself to her position on female suffrage.” Here was this great body of men, honestly anxious to do something to ameli- orate the condition of workingwomen, and yet denying to them the ballot, the strongest weapon which the workingman pos- sessed for his own protection; unable to see that by placing it in the hands of women, they would not only give to them im- mense power but would double the strength of all labor organ- izations. Miss Anthony gave a large amount of time to the cause of workingwomen, taught them how to organize among them- selves, stirred up the newspapers to speak in their behalf, and interested in them many prominent women and also “Sorosis,' that famous club, which had just been formed. In address- ing women typesetters she said: “The four things indispens- able to a compositor are quickness of movement, good spell- 308 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ing, correct punctuation and brains enough to take in the idea of the article to be set up. Therefore, let no young woman think of learning the trade unless she possesses these requi- sites. Without them there will be only hard work and small pay. Make up your minds to take the 'lean' with the 'fat,' and be early and late at the case precisely as men are. I do not demand equal pay for any women save those who do equal work in value. Scorn to be coddled by your employers; make them understand that you are in their service as workers, not as women.” The diary says in October, “Blue days these.” Mr. Train was still in the Dublin jail. Mr. Melliss was doing his part manfully, subscribers were constantly coming in, but no paper can be sustained by its subscription-list. Miss Anthony wrote hundreds of letters in its interests, and walked many a weary mile and had many an unpleasant experience soliciting adver- tisements, but the Republicans were hostile and the Demo- crats had no use for The Revolution. Invariably the more liberal-minded men would say: "We advertise in the Tribune and Independent, and your paper will reach few homes where one or the other is not taken;" which was true. All the business and financial management devolved upon Miss Anthony, and she was untrained in this department. She labored all the day and late into the night over these details, longing to be in the field and pushing the cause by means of the platform, as she had been accustomed to do, and yet feeling that through the paper she could reach a larger audience. Her diary shows that, notwithstanding past differences, she still visited at Phil- lips', Garrison's, Greeley's and very often at Tilton's. In August she tells of attending the funeral of the baby in the family of the last, the departure from the usual customs, the house filled with sunshine, the mother dressed in white, and the inspired words of Mr. Beecher. She is invited to Flushing, Owego and various places to address teachers' institutes and occasionally to give a lyceum lecture and, regardless of all fatigue, goes wherever a few dol- lars may be gathered. Mrs. Stanton finishes her new home at ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 309 Tenafly, N. J., and Miss Anthony enjoys slipping over there for a quiet Sunday. Mrs. Stanton did most of her editorial work at home and Mr. Pillsbury stayed in the office. The last battle for 1868 was made in what was known as the Hester Vaughan case. When Anna Dickinson lectured in New York before the Workingwoman's Association she told the story of Hester Vaughan: A respectable English girl, twenty years old, married and came to Philadelphia only to find that the husband had another wife. She then secured em- ployment at housework and was seduced by a man who deserted her as soon as he knew she was to become a mother. She wandered about the streets and finally, in the dead of winter, after being alone and in labor three days, her child was born in a garret and she lay on the floor twenty-four hours without fire or food. When discovered the child was dead and the mother had nearly perished. Circumstances indicated that she might have killed the child. Four days after its birth, she was taken to prison, where she was kept for five months, then tried, found guilty and sentenced to be hanged. She had now been in jail ten months. The Revolution and the Workingwoman's Association, headed by Miss Anthony, took up the case, not so much be- cause of the individual as to call attention to the wrongs con- stantly perpetrated against woman. They created such a pub- lic sentiment that a great meeting was held in Cooper Institute, where Horace Greeley presided and a number of well-known men and women took part, including Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Rose, Dr. Lozier and Eleanor Kirk. Speaking briefly but to the point Miss Anthony submitted resolutions demanding that women should be tried by a jury of their peers, have a voice in making the laws and electing the officers who execute them; and declaring for the abolition of capital punishment. These were adopted with enthusiasm and the meeting, by unanimous vote, asked the governor of Pennsylvania for an unconditional 1 Dr. Clemence Lozier and Mrs. Eleanor Kirk went to Moyamensing prison to see the un- fortunate girl. In passing the different cells they noticed many women prisoners and one of the ladies asked the inspector if he could give any idea of the cause of the downfall of these women. “Yes,” he replied, "faith in men.” 310 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. pardon for the girl, while over $300 were subscribed for her benefit. Through Miss Anthony arrangements were made for Mrs. Stanton and Elizabeth Smith Miller to carry to Governor Geary a memorial from the Workingwoman's Association in behalf of Hester Vaughan. During their interview the gov- ernor declared emphatically that justice never would be done in such cases until women were in the jury-box. These efforts, supplemented by others afterwards made in Philadelphia, resulted in his granting the pardon, and the girl was assisted back to her home in England. Although The Revolution suffered the anxieties inseparable from the launching of a new paper, it found much reason for encouragement. A number of prominent men and newspapers, during the year, had come out boldly in favor of woman suf- frage and there seemed to be a considerable public sentiment drifting in that direction; but there were signs even more hope- ful than these. Immediately upon the assembling of Congress, in December, 1868, Senator S. C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, pres- ented a resolution as an amendment to the Federal Constitu- tion providing that "the basis of suffrage in the United States shall be that of citizenship; and all native or naturalized citi- zens shall enjoy the same rights and privileges of the elective franchise; but each State shall determine by law the age,'' etc. in Corptielle Dominy A few days later George W. Julian, of Indiana, offered a similar amendment in the House of Representatives, as follows: “The right of suffrage in the United States shall be based upon citizenship, and shall be regulated by Congress; and all citizens of the United States, whether native or naturalized, shall enjoy ESTABLISHING THE REVOLUTION. 311 this right equally, without any distinction or discrimination whatever founded on sex.”. om ulian The last of December Senator Henry Wilson, of Massa- chusetts, and Mr. Julian introduced bills to enfranchise women in the District of Columbia, the latter including also the women in the Territories. A review of the situation in The Revolution of December 31, said : In our political opinions, we have been grossly misunderstood and misrep- resented. There never was a time, even in the re-election of Lincoln, when to differ from the leading party was considered more inane and treasonable. Because we made a higher demand than either Republicans or Abolitionists, they in self-defense revenged themselves by calling us Democrats; just as the church at the time of its apathy on the slavery question revenged the goad- ings of Abolitionists by calling them "infidels.” If claiming the right of suffrage for every citizen, male and female, black and white, a platform far above that occupied by Republicans or Abolitionists today, is to be a Demo- crat, then we glory in the name, but we have not so understood the policy of modern Democracy. Though The Revolution and its founders may have been open to criticism in many respects, all admit that we have galvanized the people into life and slumbering friends to action on this question, CHAPTER XIX. AMENDMENT XV--FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 1869. POTWITHSTANDING the protests and petitions of the women, the Fourteenth Amendment had been formally declared ratified July 28, 1868, the word "male" being thereby three times branded on the Constitution. In the resolutions of Senator Pom- eroy and Mr. Julian, however, they found new hope and fresh courage. They had learned that the Federal Constitution could be so amended as to enfranchise a million men who but yesterday were plantation slaves. Here, then, was the power which must be invoked for the enfranchisement of women. From the office of The Revolution went out thousands of peti- tions to the women of the country to be circulated in the interests of an amendment to regulate the suffrage without making distinctions of sex. It was decided that a convention should be held in Washington in order to meet the legislators on their own ground. A suffrage association had been formed in that city with Josephine S. Griffing, founder of the Freed- men's Bureau, president; Hamilton Willcox, secretary. This was the first ever held in the capital, and it brought many new and valuable workers into the field. Clara Barton here made her first appearance at a woman suffrage meeting, and was a true and consistent advocate of the principle from that day forward. The venerable Lucretia Mott presided, and Senator Pomeroy opened the convention with an eloquent speech, January 19, 1869. A feature of this occasion was the appearance of several (313) 314 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. young colored orators, speaking in opposition to suffrage for women and denouncing them for jeopardizing the black man's claim to the ballot by insisting upon their own. One of them, George Downing, standing by the side of Lucretia Mott, de- clared that God intended the male should dominate the female everywhere! Another was a son of Robert Purvis, who was earnestly and publicly rebuked by his father. Edward M. Davis, son-in-law of Lucretia Mott, also condemned the women for their temerity and severely criticised the resolutions, which demanded the same political rights for women as for negro men. Miss Anthony called on Senator Harlan, of Iowa, chairman of the District committee, who readily granted the women a hearing which took place January 26, when she and Mrs. Stanton gave their arguments. This was the first congres- sional hearing ever granted to present the question of woman suffrage. An appeal was sent to Congress praying that women should be recognized in the next amendment. In her letter to the Philadelphia Press, Grace Greenwood thus described the leading spirits of the convention: Near Lucretia Mott sat her sister, Martha Wright, a woman of strong, con- stant character and rare intellectual culture; Mrs. Cady Stanton, of impres- sive and beautiful appearance, in the rich prime of an active, generous and healthful life; Miss Susan B. Anthony, looking all she is, a keen, energetic, uncompromising, unconquerable, passionately earnest woman; Clara Barton, whose name is dear to soldiers and blessed in thousands of homes to which the soldiers shall return no more—a brave, benignant-looking woman. ... Miss Anthony followed in a strain not only cheerful, but exultant-review- ing the advance of the cause from its first despised beginning to its present position, where, she alleged, it commanded the attention of the world. She spoke in her usual pungent, vehement style, hitting the nail on the head every time, and driving it in up to the head. Indeed, it seems to me, that while Lucretia Mott may be said to be the soul of this movement, and Mrs. Stanton the mind, the "swift, keen intelligence,” Miss Anthony, alert, aggressive and indefatigable, is its nervous energy-its propulsive force. . . . To see the three chief figures of this great movement sitting upon a stage in joint council, like the three Fates of a new dispensation-dignity and the ever-acceptable grace of scholarly earnestness, intelligence and beneficence making them prominent-is assurance that the women of our country, bereft AMENDMENT XY-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 315 of defenders or injured by false ones, have advocates equal to the great demands of their cause. Soms affcétimately Grace Greenwood a so Immediately after this convention, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, by invitation of a number of State suffrage commit- tees, made a tour of Chicago, Springfield, Bloomington, Ga- lena, St. Louis, Madison, Milwaukee and Toledo, speaking to large audiences. At St. Louis they were met by a delegation of ladies and escorted to the Southern Hotel, and then invited by the president of the State association, Mrs. Virginia L. Minor, to visit various points of interest in the city. At Springfield, Ill., the lieutenant-governor presided over their convention, and Governor Palmer and many members of the legislature were in the audience. With the Chicago delega- tion, Mrs. Livermore, Judge Waite, Judge Bradwell, Mrs. Myra Bradwell, editor of the Legal News, and others, they ad- dressed the legislature. At Chicago, in Crosby Music Hall, the meeting was decidedly aggressive. Miss Anthony's resolu- tions stirred up the politicians, but she defended them bravely, according to report: She stood outside of any party which threw itself across the path of complete suffrage to woman, and therefore she stood outside of the Republican party, where all her male relatives and friends were to be found. Republican leaders had told them to wait; that the movement was inopportune; but all the time had continued to put up bars and bar- riers against its future success. No woman should belong at present to either party; she should simply stand for suffrage.... She protested against any Republicans saying that Mrs. Stanton or herself had laid a straw in the way of the negro. Because they insisted that the rights of women ought to have equal prominence with the rights of black men, it was 316 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. assumed that they opposed the enfranchisement of the negro. She repelled the assumption. She arraigned the entire Republican party because they re- fused to see that all women, black and white, were as much in political servi- tude as the black men. At this meeting Robert Laird Collyer (not the distinguished Robert Collyer) made a long address against the enfranchise- ment of women, mixing up purity, propriety and pedestals in the usual incoherent fashion. He was so completely annihi- lated by Anna Dickinson that no further defense of the meas- ure was necessary. Suffrage societies were organized in Chi- cago, Milwaukee and Toledo. In her account of this conven- tion, Mrs. Livermore wrote of Miss Anthony: She is entirely unlike Mrs. Stanton, notwithstanding the twain have been fast friends and diligent co-laborers for a quarter of a century. ... Miss Anthony is a woman whom no one can know thoroughly without respect. Entirely honest, fearfully in earnest, energetic, self-sacrificing, kind-hearted, scorning difficulties of whatever magnitude, and rigidly sensible, she is the warm friend of the poor, oppressed, homeless and friendless of her own sex. Her labors in their behalf are tireless and judicious. You think her plain until she smiles, and then the worn face lights up so pleasantly and benignly that you forget to criticise and your heart warms towards her. Knowing her great goodness, and how she has devoted her life to hard, unpaid work for the negro slave and for woman, we can never read jibes and jeers at her ex- pense without a twinge of pain. Let the press laugh at her as it may, she is a mighty power among both men and women, and those who really love as well as respect her are a host. In this winter of 1869 the Press Club of New York made the startling innovation of giving a dinner to which ladies were invited. Among the guests were Phoebe and Alice Cary, Mary L. Booth, Elizabeth Oakes Smith, Olive Logan, Mary Kyle Dallas and Miss Anthony. J. W. Simonton, of the As- sociated Press, was toast-master. Not having had the slightest intimation that she was expected to speak, Miss Anthony was called upon to respond to the question, "Why don't the women propose ?” Without a moment's hesitation she arose and said: “Under present conditions, it would require a good deal of assurance for a woman to say to a man, 'Please, sir, will you support me for the rest of my life?' When all avocations are open to woman and she has an opportunity to AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 317 acquire a competence, she will then be in a position where it will not be humiliating for her to ask the man she loves to share her prosperity. Instead of requesting him to provide food, raiment and shelter for her, she can invite him into her home, contribute her share to the partnership and not be an utter de- pendent. There will be also another advantage in this ar- rangement—if he prove unworthy she can ask him to walk out.” It will be seen by this original and daring reply that Miss Anthony could not attend a dinner party even without creating a sensation. The passage of the Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slav- ery, and the Fourteenth establishing the citizenship of the ne- gro, did not prove sufficient to protect him in his right of suf- frage and, although Sumner and other Republican leaders con- tended that another amendment was not necessary for this, the majority of the party did not share this opinion and it became evident that one would have to be added.' Those proposed by Pomeroy and Julian securing universal suffrage were brushed aside without debate, and the following was submitted by Con- gress to the State legislatures, February 27, 1869 : The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Amendment XIV had settled the status of citizenship. “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” Now came the next meas- ure to protect the citizen's right to vote, which proposed to guard against any discrimination on account of race, of color, of previous condition, but by the omission of the one word "sex,” all women still were left disfranchised. At this time the leading Republicans believed in universal suffrage. Garrison, Phillips, Greeley, Sumner, Tilton, Wilson, Wade, It is claimed, on good authority, that Anna Dickinson was the first to suggest that such an amendment would be required, as early as 1866, in a consultation with Theodore Tilton and Frederick Douglass at the National Loyalists' Convention in Philadelphia, as the only sure method of protecting the freedmen. See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 327. 318 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Stevens, Brown, Julian and many others had publicly declared their belief in the right of woman to the ballot, but now driven by party necessity, they repudiated their princi- ples, and deferred the day of her freedom for generations. Yet it was not forgotten still carefully to include her in the basis of representation, fully to make her amenable to the laws, and strictly to hold her to her share of taxation. In reference to this The Revolution said : The proposed amendment for “manhood suffrage” not only rouses woman's prejudices against the negro, but on the other hand his contempt and hostility toward her. . . . Just as the Democratic cry of a “white man's govern- ment” created the antagonism between the Irishman and the negro, which culminated in the New York riots of 1863, so the Republican cry of “manhood suffrage” creates an antagonism between black men and all women, which will culminate in fearful outrages on womanhood, especially in the Southern States. While we fully appreciate the philosophy that every extension of rights prepares the way for greater freedom to new classes and hastens the day of liberty to all, we at the same time see that the immediate effect of class enfranchisement is greater tyranny and abuse of those who have no voice in the government. Had Irishmen been disfranchised in this country, they would have made common cause with the negro in fighting for his rights, but when exalted above him, they proved his worst enemies. The negro will be the victim for generations to come, of the prejudice engendered by making this a white man's government. While the enfranchisement of each new class of white men was a step toward his ultimate freedom, it increased his degradation in the transition period, and he touched the depths when all men but himself were crowned with citizenship. Just so with woman, while the enfranchisement of all men hastens the day for justice to her, it makes her degradation more complete in the transition state. It is to escape the added tyranny, persecutions, insults, horrors which will surely be visited upon her in the establishment of an aristocracy of sex in this republic, that we raise our indignant protest against this whole- sale desecration of woman in the pending amendment, and earnestly pray the rulers of this nation to consider the degradation of disfranchisement. Our Republican leaders see that it is a protection and defense for the black man, giving him new dignity and self-respect, and making his rights more sacred in the eyes of his enemies. It is mockery to tell woman she is excluded from all political privileges on the ground of respect; since the laws and constitu- tions for her, in common with all disfranchised classes, harmonize with the degradation of the position. In their protest against this discrimination and their insist- ence that the word “sex” should be included in the Fifteenth Amendment, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton stood practi- AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 319 cally alone. Most of the other women allowed themselves to be persuaded by the politicians that it was their duty to step aside and wait till the negro was invested with this highest attribute of citizenship. In the first issue of The Revolution for 1869. appeared this letter from George Francis Train, who had just been released from the Dublin jail and had returned to America: ..I knew the load I had to carry in the woman question, but you did not know the load you had to carry in Train. When the poor man's horse fell and broke his leg, the crowd sympathized. “How much you pity ?!! asked the Frenchman; “I pity man $20.” I saw that the theoretical breech- ing had broken in Kansas, and with voice, with pen, with time and, what none of your old friends did, with purse, I threw myself into the battle. With your remarkable industry and extraordinary executive ability you have astonished all by your success. You remember I begged you never to stop to defend me but to push on to victory. Now both parties are neck and neck to see who shall lead the army of in-coming negro voters. Woman already begins to creep. Soon she will walk and legislate. No sneers, no low jokes, no obscene remarks are now bandied about. The iceberg of prej- udice is moving down the Gulf Stream of a wider liberty and will melt away with the bigotry of ages. The ball is rolling down the hill. You no longer need my services. The Revolution is a power. Would it not be more so bring you more subscribers, and better assist the noble cause of reform? Although the Garrisonians have so ungenerously attacked me, perhaps they will do as much for you as I have. If so, tell them, confidentially, the thou- sands I have devoted to the cause, and guarantee the haters of Train that his name shall not appear in The Revolution after January 1. I can not better show my unselfishness than by asking you to forget my honest exertions for equal rights and equal pay for women, and to shut me out of The Revolution in future, in order to bring in again "the apostates." Although Mr. Train continued to supply funds and to send an occasional letter for a few months longer, his active connec- tion with the paper ceased after its first year. In the issue Our readers will find Mr. Train's valedictory in another column. Feeling that he has been a source of grief to our numerous friends and, through their constant complaints, an annoyance to us, he magnanimously retires. He has of journalism, he should leave us "to row our own boat.” Our partnership dissolves today. Now we shall look for a harvest of new subscribers, as many have written and said to us again and again, if you will only drop Train, we 320 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. will send you patrons by the hundred. We hope the fact that Train has dropped us will not vitiate these promises. Our generous friend starts for California on May 7, in the first train over the Pacific road. He takes with him the sincere thanks of those who know what he has done in the cause of woman, and of those who appreciate what a power The Revolution has al- ready been in rousing public thought to the importance of her speedy en- franchisement. The heading of the financial department and the column of Wall street gossip, which had given so much offense, were removed, and the paper became purely an advocate of the rights of humanity in general and women in particular. Up to this time the editorial rooms had been in the fourth story of the New York World building, and the paper was printed on the fifth floor of another several blocks away, with no elevator in either. Miss Anthony made the trip from one to the other and climbed the seven flights of stairs half a dozen times a day. for sixteen months. In 1869, Mrs. Elizabeth B. Phelps, a wealthy and practical philanthropist of New York City, pur- chased a large and elegant house on East Twenty-third street, near the Academy of Design, which she dedicated as the "Woman's Bureau.” She proposed to rent the rooms wholly for women's clubs and societies and for enterprises con- ducted by women. The first floor was taken by The Revolu- tion. The handsome and spacious parlors above were to be used for receptions, readings, concerts, etc., and it was Mrs. Phelps' intention to make the Bureau a center, not only for the women of New York, but for all those who might visit the city. Notwithstanding all that had passed, Miss Anthony did not abate her labors for the Equal Rights Association and she worked unceasingly for the success of the approaching May Anniver- sary in New York, securing, among other advantages, half fare on all the railroads for delegates. Hundreds of letters were sent out from The Revolution office to distinguished people in all parts of the country and cordial answers were received, showing that the hostility against the paper and its editors was principally confined to a very small area. A pri- vate letter from Mrs. Stanton says: “We have written AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 321 every one of the old friends, ignoring the past and urging them to come. We do so much desire to sink all petty con- siderations in the one united effort to secure woman suffrage. Though many unkind acts and words have been administered to us, which we have returned with sarcasm and ridicule, there are really only kind feelings in our souls for all the noble men and women who have fought for freedom during the last thirty years.” Under date of April 4, Mary A. Livermore wrote Miss An- thony, asking if she could secure a pass for her over the Erie road, and saying: “I have written to the New England friends to let bygones be bygones and come to the May meeting. It seems to me personal feelings should be laid aside and women should all pull together.” After telling of the excellent prospects of her own suffrage paper, the Agitator, just started in Chicago, she continues: “It seems as if everybody who does not like The Revolution is bound to take the Agitator, which is very well, since they are detachments of the same corps. We must keep up a good understanding and work together. If you want to let people know there is no rivalry between us, you can an- nounce that I am to send your paper fortnightly letters from the West detailing the progress of affairs here." A cheery letter from Anna Dickinson says: “Work has run in easy grooves this winter-not that the travel has not often been exhausting and the roads wearisome; but that every one in this western world is ablaze with the grand question. Thank God, and hurrah! I feel in both moods. I hope you and that adorable cherub, E. C. S., are well, and that everything is flourishing as it should flourish with two such saints. As for me, the finger of care touches lightly ; further- more I am in a doubly delectable condition by reason of hav- ing my face set towards home, and beyond home is a vista of my Susan's countenance. Please, my dear, can't you meet this sinner at Cortlandt street, and then the sinner and the saint will have all the afternoon together somewhere, and that seems almost too good to be true ?” ANT.-21 322 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. This was the beginning of a correspondence with Gail Ham- ilton, who wrote: “I regret to say that I can neither honor nor shame your anniversary with my presence. I have been out on a sixteen-months' cruise, fighting single handed for equal rights, and am now hauled up in dock for repairs. But you, I am sure, will be glad to know that, though much battered and tempest-tossed, I came into port with all sail set and every rag of bunting waving victory. This is a pri- vate note to you, and as you are but a landsman yourself, you will never know if my ropes are not knotted sailor-fash- ion." Very Resputfully Mail Hamil wie The third aniversary of the Equal Rights Association opened at Steinway Hall, May 12, 1869, Mrs. Stanton presiding, and proved to be the most stormy and unsatisfactory meeting ever held. The usual brilliant galaxy of speakers was present, besides a number of prominent men and women who were just beginning to be heard on the woman suffrage platform. Among these were Olive Logan, Phoebe Couzins, Madam D'Hericourt, a French physician and writer, Rev. Phoebe A. Hanaford, Rev. 0. B. Frothingham, Hon. Henry Wilson, Rev. Gilbert Haven and others. There were also more dele- gates from the West, headed by Mrs. Liver- more, than had been present at any prev- ious meeting. The usual number of fine addresses were made and all promised fair, but Stephen S. Foster soon disturbed the harmony by suggesting that it was time for Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton to withdraw from the association, as they had repudiated its principles and the Massachusetts society could no longer co-operate with AMENDMENT XY--FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 323 them. This called forth indignant speeches from all parts of the house, and he was soon silenced. Frederick Douglass and several other men attempted to force the adoption of a resolution that “we gratefully welcome the pending Fifteenth Amendment prohibiting disfranchise- ment on account of race and earnestly solicit the State legis- latures to pass it without delay.” Miss Anthony declared indignantly that she protested against this amendment because it did not mean equal rights; it put 2,000,000 colored men in the position of tyrants over 2,000,000 colored women, who un- til now had been at least the equals of the men at their side. She continued: The question of precedence has no place on an equal rights platform. The only reason it ever forced itself here was because certain persons insisted that woman must stand back and wait until another class should be enfranchised. In answer we say: "If you will not give the whole loaf of justice to the en- tire people, if you are determined to extend the suffrage piece by piece, then give it first to women, to the most intelligent and capable of them at least. I remember a long discussion with Tilton and Phillips on this very question, when we were about to carry our petitions to the New York Constitutional Convention. Mr. Tilton said that we should urge the amendment to strike out the word “white,” and added: “The question of striking out the word 'male' we, as an equal rights association, shall of course present as an intel- lectual theory, but not as a practical thing to be accomplished at this conven- tion.” Mr. Phillips also emphasized this point; but I repudiated this down- right insolence, when for fifteen years I had canvassed the entire State, county by county, with petition in hand asking for woman suffrage! To think that those two men, among the most progressive of the nation, should 1 In reference to this unwarranted attack, the noted writer, William Winter, said in the New York Tribune: "Noble, virtuous, honorable women are a country's greatest wealth, and when, from petty envy or jealousy, any one attempts with private innuendoes or public assaults to blacken a fair name which has long stood before the nation representing a principle, it is an injury not only to the individual but to the moral sense of the nation, and all true people are inter- ested in maintaining its integrity and power. Susan B. Anthony has stood before this nation twenty years, earnestly devoted to every good work. As a teacher in the schools of New York for fifteen years, she bears from superintendents the highest testimonials to her faith- fulness and ability. Her noble labors in the temperance cause are known throughout the State, and in association with the true men and women who fought the anti-slavery battle, she was equally faithful and earnest, finishing her work by getting up a petition for the black man's freedom of 400,000 names-the largest ever presented in Congress. For woman's enfranchisement her labors have been unremitting and unwearied for the last eighteen years. She is a frank, generous, self-sacrificing woman, of a kind, tender nature, firm principle, great executive ability, and in every relation of life true as the needle to the pole. Her mot- to has ever been, 'Let the weal and the woe of humanity be everything to me; their praise and their blame of no effect.'” 324 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. dare look me in the face and speak of this great principle for which I had toiled, as a mere intellectual theory! If Mr. Douglass had noticed who applauded when he said “black men first and white women afterwards,” he would have seen that it was only the men. When he tells us that the case of black men is so perilous, I tell him that even outraged as they are by the hateful prejudice against color, he himself would not today exchange his sex and color with Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Mr. Douglass—“Will you allow me a question?'' Miss Anthony—“Yes, anything for a fight today.” Mr. Douglass—“I want to inquire whether granting to wo- man the right of suffrage will change anything in respect to the nature of our sexes.” Miss Anthony—“It will change the nature of one thing very much, and that is the dependent condition of woman. It will place her where she can earn her own bread, so that she may go out into the world an equal competitor in the struggle for life; so that she shall not be compelled to take such posi- tions as men choose to accord and then accept such pay as men please to give. .. . It is not a question of prece- dence between women and black men; the business of this association is to demand for every man, black or white, and every woman, black or white, that they shall be enfranchised and admitted into the body politic with equal rights and privi- leges.” As everybody in the hall was allowed to vote there was no difficulty in securing the desired endorsement of an amend- ment to enfranchise negro men and make them the political superiors of all women. There never had been a convention so dominated by men. Although the audience refused to listen to most of them and drowned their voices by expressions of disapproval and calls for the women speakers, they practically wrested the control of the meeting from the hands of the women and managed it to suit themselves. This was Mrs. Livermore's first appearance at one of these anniversaries and she created a commotion by introducing this resolution: “While we recognize the disabilities which legal marriage imposes upon woman as wife and mother, and while we pledge ourselves to seek their removal by putting her AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 325 on equal terms with man, we abhorrently repudiate 'free loveism' as horrible and mischievous to society, and disown any sympathy with it.” It was the first time the subject had been brought before a woman's rights convention and its in- troduction was indignantly resented by the "old guard.” Lucy Stone exclaimed: "I feel it is a mortal shame to give any foundation for the implication that we favor 'free loveism.' I am ashamed that the question should be raised here. There should be nothing at all said about it. Do not let us, for the sake of our own self-respect, allow it to be hinted that we helped to forge a shadow of a chain which comes in the name of 'free love.' I am unwilling that it should be suggested that this great, sacred cause of ours means anything but what we have said it does. If any one says to us, 'Oh, I know what you mean, you mean free love by this agitation,' let the lie stick in his throat.” Mrs. Rose followed with a strong protest, saying: “I think it strange that the question of 'free love' should have been brought upon this platform. I object to Mrs. Livermore's resolution, not on account of its principles, but on account of its pleading guilty. When a man tries to convince me that he is not a thief, then I take care of my coppers. If we pass this resolution that we are not ‘free lovers,' people will say, 'It is true that you are, for you try to hide it.' Lucretia Mott's name has been mentioned as a friend of 'free love,' but I hurl back the lie into the faces of those who uttered it. We have been thirty years in this city before the public, and it is an in- sult to all the women who have labored in this cause; it is an insult to the thousands and tens of thousands of men and wo- men who have listened to us in our conventions, to say at this late hour, 'We are not ‘free lovers.?" The charge of “free love” was vigorously repudiated by Miss Anthony also, who closed the discussion by asserting : “This howl comes from the men who know that when women get their rights they will be able to live honestly and not be compelled to sell themselves for bread, either in or out of mar- riage. There are very few women in the world who would 326 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. enter into this relationship with drunkards and libertines pro- vided they could get their subsistence in any other way. We can not be frightened from our purpose, the public mind can not long be prejudiced by this 'free love 'cry of our enemies." Olive Logan poured oil upon the troubled waters in a graceful speech, and the subject was dropped. At each recurring anniversary the conviction had been grow- ing that the term "equal rights” was too comprehensive, per- mitting entirely too much latitude as to speakers and subjects. Ever themselves having been repressed and silenced, when at last women made a platform on which they had a right to stand, they declared first of all for “free speech.” They would not refuse to any human being what so long had been denied to them and, as a result, fanatics, visionaries and ad- vocates of all reforms flocked to this platform, delighted to find such audiences. According to the tenets of the associa- tion, all speakers must have equal rights on their platform and there was no escape. Sometimes it was nothing more harmful than a man with a map to explain how the national debt could be paid without money, or a woman with a system of celestial kites by which she proposed to communicate with the other world. Occasionally the advocates of various political theories would secure possession, consuming the time and diverting attention from the main issue. At the convention just closed, the hobby-riders were present in greater force than ever before and it seemed imperative that some means should be adopted to shut them out thereafter. It was proposed to change the name to Woman Suffrage Association, which would bar all discussion of a miscellaneous character. There was a strong objection to this, however, because such action required three months' notice. At the close of the convention a reception was held at the Woman's Bureau, Saturday evening, May 15, 1869, and attended by women from nineteen States who had come as representatives to the Equal Rights Association. At their Maine 3, Vermont 1, New Hampshire 1, Massachusetts 5, Rhode Island 2, Connecticut 1, New Jersey 7, Pennsylvania 3, Illinois 3, Ohio 3, Wisconsin 1, Minnesota 1, Missouri 3, Kan- AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 327 earnest request, it was decided to form a new organization to be called the National Woman Suffrage Association, whose especial object should be a Sixteenth Amendment to the Fed- eral Constitution, securing the ballot to the women of the nation on equal terms with men. A convention of officially appointed delegates was at that time impracticable, as there were but few local suffrage societies and still fewer State organ- izations. It was thought that although it might not be formed by delegates elected for this specific object, it would be sufficient for working purposes until the next spring when, the required three months' notice having been given, a perma- nent organization might be effected. Accordingly, a constitu- Cooper Institute Anna Dickinson made her great speech for the rights of women, entitled “ Nothing Unreasonable,” to in- augurate the new National Woman Suffrage Association, and before an immense audience she pleaded for woman with the same beauty and eloquence as in days past she had pictured the wrongs of the slave and urged his emancipation. The association was organized May 15, and on the 17th Mrs. Livermore wrote Miss Anthony from Boston: "I hope you are rested somewhat. I am very sorry for you, that you same city, I would relieve you of some of them, for I believe we might work together, with perhaps an occasional collision. Now I want you to answer these two questions: 1st.–Did you do anything in the way of organizing at the Saturday even- ing reunion, and if so, what? That Equal Rights Associa- sas 2, Nebraska 1, California 5, District of Columbia 3, Washington Territory 1–46. The re- mainder of the one hundred members who joined the association that evening resided in different parts of the State of New York. 1 President, Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Vice-presidents, Elizabeth B. Phelps, N. Y.; Anna Dickinson, Penn.; Kate N. Doggett, Ill. ; Madame Anneke, Wis.; Lucy Elmes, Conn.; Mat. tie Griffith Brown, Mass.; Mrs. Nicholas Smith, Kan. ; Lucy A. Snow, Maine; Elizabeth B. Schenck, Cal.; Josephine S. Griffing, D. C.; Paulina Wright Davis, R. I.; Mary Foote Hen- derson, Phoebe W. Cousins, Mo. Corresponding secretaries, Laura Curtis Bullard, Ida Greeley, Adelaide Hallock. Recording secretaries Abby Burton Crosby, Sarah E. Fuller. Treasurer, Elizabeth Smith Miller. Executive committee, Ernestine L. Rose, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Mathilde F. Wendt, Mary F. Gilbert, Susan B. Anthony. Advisory counsel, Matilda Joslyn Gage, N. Y.; Mrs. Francis Minor, Mo.; Adeline Thomson, Penn.; Mrs. M. B. Longley, Ohio; Mrs. J. P. Root, Kan.; Lilie Peckham, Wis. 328 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tion is an awful humbug. I would not have come on to the anniversary, nor would any of us, if we had known what it was. We supposed we were coming to a woman suffrage convention. 2d.-If Mrs. Stanton will not go West to a series of meetings this fall and winter, would you dare undertake it with me alone? We must have strong people of established reputations. Only the Stanton, the Anthony, and the Livermore,' that is what the Chicago Tribune says. . Later, while still in Boston, she wrote again : You are mistaken in thinking I exhorted the formation of a national suf- frage association the Saturday night after the New York convention; I only advised talking it up. All agreed that it ought to be formed but that a pre- liminary call should be issued first. I am for a national organization with Mrs. Stanton, president, and with you as one of the executive committee, but I want it arrived at compatibly with parliamentary rules. . . . . And now having asserted myself, let me say that I sympathize more with your energy and earnestness which lead you to override forms and rules than I do with the awfully proper and correct spirit that waits till everybody consents before it does anything. I have no doubt but we all shall join the National Association, each State by its elected members, when we hold our great West- ern Woman Suffrage Conyention in Chicago next fall. Mrs. Stanton and you must both be present; we probably shall all vote together then to go into the National Association. Remember you are to make that series of conven- tions with me. I am depending on you. The next November, in answer to a circular signed by Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, Caroline M. Severance, T. W. Hig- ginson and George H. Vibbert, a call was issued resulting in a convention at Cleveland, O., to form another national suf- frage association on the following basis of representation: “The delegates appointed by existing State organizations shall be admitted, provided their number does not exceed, in each case, that of the congressional delegation of the State. Should it fall short of that number, additional delegates may be ad- mitted from local organizations, or from no organization what- ever, provided the applicants be actual residents of the State they claim to represent." The American Suffrage Association was thus formed, with twenty-one States represented; Henry Ward Beecher, president; Henry B. Blackwell, Amanda Way, AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 329 recording secretaries; Lucy Stone, chairman executive com- mittee. In the midst of her exacting duties and many annoyances, Miss Anthony found time to write numerous letters and obtain a testimonial for Ernestine L. Rose, who was about to return with her husband to England, after having given many years of valuable service to the women of America. She secured a handsome sum of money and a number of presents for her, and Mrs. Rose went on board ship laden with flowers and very happy and grateful. Miss Anthony wrote to Lucretia Mott: "Was it not a little funny that this unsentimental personage should have suggested the thing and stirred so many to do the sentimental, and yet could not even take the time to go to the wharf and say good-by? I spent Sunday evening with her and it is a great comfort to me that I helped others contribute to her pleasure.” On the back of this letter, which was sent to her sister, Martha Wright, Mrs. Mott penned: "Think of the complaints made of Susan when she does so much and puts others up to doing, and always keeps herself in the back- ground.” In the summer of 1869, under the auspices of the National Association, large and successful conventions were held at Saratoga and Newport in the height of the season. Of the former The Revolution said: “That a woman suffrage con- vention should have been allowed to organize in the parlors of Congress Hall, that those parlors should have been filled to their utmost capacity by the habitual guests of the place, that such men as ex-President Fillmore, Thurlow Weed, George Opdyke and any number of clergymen from different parts of the country, should have been interested lookers-on, are sig- nificant facts which may well carry dismay to the enemies of the cause. That the whole convention was conducted by women in a dignified, orderly and business-like manner, is a strong intimation that in spite of all which has been said to the contrary, women are capable of learning how to manage public affairs." The following comment was made by Mrs. Stanton on the 330 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Newport convention: “So, obeying orders, we sailed across the Sound one bright moonlight night with a gay party of the 'disfranchised,' and found ourselves quartered on the enemy the next morning as the sun rose in all its resplendent glory. Although trunk after trunk-not of gossamers, laces and flowers, but of suffrage ammunition, speeches, petitions, reso- lutions, tracts, and folios of The Revolution-had been slowly carried up the winding stairs of the Atlantic, the brave men and fair women, who had tripped the light fantastic toe until the midnight hour, slept heedlessly on, wholly unaware that twelve apartments were already filled with the strong-minded invaders.... The audience throughout the convention was large, fashionable and as enthusiastic as the state of the weather would permit.” The Fourth of July was celebrated by the association in a beautiful grove in Westchester county, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton, Judge E. D. Culver and others making addresses. Weekly meetings of as many of its members as were in New York were held at the Woman's Bureau, a large number of practical questions relating to women were brought forward, and there was constant agitation and discussion. A note from the tax collector called forth this indignant answer from Miss Anthony: I have your polite note informing me that as publisher of The Revolution, I am indebted to the United States in the sum of $14.10 for the tax on monthly sales of that journal. Enclosed you will find the amount, but you will please understand that I pay it under protest. The Revolution, you are aware, is a journal the main object of which is to apply to these degenerate times the great principle for which our ancestors fought, that taxation and representa- tion should go together. I am not represented in the United States govern- ment, and yet it taxes me; and it taxes me, too, for publishing a paper the chief purpose of which is to rebuke the glaring inconsistency between its professions and its practices. Under the circumstances, the federal govern- ment ought to be ashamed to exact this tax of me. . . . On September 10 Miss Anthony attended the Great Western Wo- man Suffrage Convention at Chicago, where she spoke several times and was cordially received. She was the guest of Mrs. Kate N. Doggett, founder of the Fortnightly Club. From here she AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 331 went to the St. Louis convention, October 6 and 7, which was especially distinguished because of the resolutions presented by Francis Minor, a prominent lawyer of that city, with an argu- ment to prove that, under the Fourteenth Amendment, women already had a legal right to vote. These were supported by his wife, Virginia L. Minor, in a strong speech. They were the first thus to interpret this amendment. Ten thousand extra copies of The Revolution containing the resolutions and this speech were, published, laid on the desk of every member of Congress, sent to the leading newspapers and circulated throughout the country. For a number of years the National Suffrage Association held to this construction of the amend- ment, until it was decided to the contrary by the Supreme Court of the United States. Conventions were held in Cincinnati and Dayton, O. At the latter Miss Anthony gave a scathing review of the laws affecting married women, the control which they allowed the husband over the wife, children and property, making, how- ever, no attack upon men but only upon laws. Each of the other speakers, all of whom were married, in turn took up the cudgel, and proceeded to tell how good her own husband was, and to say that if Miss Anthony only had a good husband she never would have made that speech, but each admitted that the men were better than the laws. In her closing remarks Miss Anthony used their own testimony against them and cre- ated great merriment in the audience. Whenever she com- mented on existing conditions or on general principles, indi- vidual men and women were sure to rush into the fray, making a personal application and waxing highly indignant. The Dayton Herald said of her evening address : “She made a clear, logical and lawyerlike argument, in sprightly language, that women being persons are citizens, and as citizens, voters. We think that none who examine her authorities and line of discussion can avoid her conclusions, and we are certain that many of the ablest jurists of the land have the honor (logic- ally and legally) to coincide in her argument.” In 1869 Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker came actively into the 332 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. suffrage work and proved a valuable ally. She had been much prejudiced against Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton by newspaper reports and by the misrepresentations of some of her acquaintances, and in order to overcome this feeling Paulina Wright Davis arranged that the three should visit her for several days at her home in Providence, R. I., saying in her invitation: “I once had a prejudice against Susan B. An- thony but am ashamed of it. I investigated carefully every charge made against her, and I now know her to be honest, honorable, generous and above all petty spites and jealousies.” Mrs. Hooker was so delightfully disappointed in the two ladies that she became at once and forever their staunchest friend and advocate. To Caroline M. Severance she wrote: I have studied Miss Anthony day and night for nearly a week, and I have taken the testimony of those who have known her intimately for twenty years, and all are united in this resume of her character: She is a woman of incorruptible integrity and the thought of guile has no place in her heart. In unselfishness and benevolence she has scarcely an equal, and her energy and executive ability are bounded only by her physical power, which is something immense. Sometimes she fails in judgment, according to the standard of others, but in right intentions never, nor in faithfulness to her friends. I confess that after studying her carefully for days, and under the shadow of - 's letters against her, and after attending a two-days' convention in New- port engineered by her in her own fashion, I am obliged to accept the most favorable interpretation of her which prevails generally, rather than that of Boston. Mrs. Stanton, too, is a magnificent woman, and the truest, woman- liest one of us all. I have spent three days in her company, in the most intense, heart-searching debate I ever undertook in my life. I have handled what seemed to me to be her errors without gloves, and the result is that I love her as well as I do Miss Anthony. I hand in my allegiance to both as the leaders and representatives of the great movement. Mrs. Hooker set about arranging a mass convention at her home in Hartford, Conn., and upon Miss Anthony's ex- pressing some doubt as to being present, she wrote: "Here I am at work on a convention intended chiefly to honor Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, and behold the Quakeress says maybe she can not come! I won't have the meeting if you are going to flunk. It has been a real consolation to me in this wearisome business to think you would for once be relieved AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 333 from all responsibility and come as orator and guest. Don't fail me." The convention, which closed October 29, was a great success and a State society was formed with a distinguished list of officers. The Hartford Post gave considerable space to Miss Anthony's address, saying: Miss Anthony is a resolute, substantial woman of forty or fifty, exhibiting no signs of age or weariness. Her hair is dark, her head well formed, her face has an expression of masculine strength. If she were a man you would guess that she was a schoolmaster, or a quiet clergyman, or perhaps a busi- ness man and deacon. She pays no special attention to feminine graces, but is not ungraceful or unwomanly. In speaking her manner is self-possessed without ranting or unpleasant demonstrations, her tones slightly monotonous. Long experience has taught her a candid, kindly, sensible way of presenting her views, which wins the good will of her hearers whether they accept them or not. She said in part: “How different is this from the assemblages that used to greet us who twenty years ago commenced to agitate the enfranchisement of woman. We begin to see the time, which we shall gladly welcome, when we shall not be needed at the front of the battle. Of late years, the country has been occu- pied in discussing the claim of man to hold property in his fellow-man, and has decided the question in the negative. Still another form of slavery remains to be disposed of; the old idea yet prevails that woman is owned and possessed by man, to be clothed and fed and cared for by his generosity. All the wrongs, arrogances and antagonisms of modern society grow out of this false condition of the relations between man and woman. The present agi- tation rises from a demand of the soul of woman for the right to own and possess herself. It is said that as a rule man does sufficiently provide for woman, and that she ought to remain content. The great facts of the world are at war with this assumption. "For example, I see in the New York Herald 1,200 advertisements of people wanting work. Upon examination, 500 of them come from women and 300 more are from boarding-house keepers; and we may therefore say that eight of the twelve hundred advertisements are from women compelled to rely upon their own energies to gain their food and clothing. Every morning from 6 to 7 o'clock you may see on the Bowery and other great north and south avenues of New York, troops of young girls and women, with careworn or crime-stained faces, carrying their poor lunch half-concealed beneath a scanty shawl. If the facts were in accordance with the common theory, we should not see these myriads of women thus thrust out to get their living. Society must either provide great establishments maintained by taxation to care for women, or else the doors of all trades and callings must be thrown wide open to them. ... This woman's movement promises an entire change of the conditions of wages and support. The status of woman can not be materially changed while the subsistence question remains as at present." 334 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Miss Anthony was entertained at the home of Governor Jewell, afterwards Postmaster-General. One morning she went over to Mrs. Hooker's and found all her guests at the breakfast table, Henry Ward Beecher, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Mrs. Severance, Mrs. Davis and others. She received a hearty welcome and Mrs. Hooker insisted she should sit down and have a cup of tea or coffee. Mr. Beecher joined in the entreaty, saying: “Now, Miss Anthony, you know you have to make a big speech today. When I want to be very effective and make people cry, I drink a cup of tea before speaking; when I want to be very clever and make them laugh, I drink coffee; but when I want them to cry half the time and laugh the other half, I take a cup of each." In a letter to Miss Anthony after she returned home Mrs. Hooker said: “I am astonished at the praise I receive for my part in the convention, and humbled too, for I realize how worthy of all these pleasant and commendatory words you and others have been all these years, and what have you received or rather what have you not received? Thank God, that is all over now and you are to have blue sky and clear sailing. It must be through suffering we enter the gates of peace.” But the peace was a long way off and the hardest struggle was yet to come! A little later Mrs. Hooker wrote to a friend: I can't tell you how my heart swells—but there is present within me one undercurrent of feeling that will come to the surface ever and anon, viz., the wonderful dignity, strength and purity of the early workers in this reform. I can't wait for history to do them justice; I want to make history today, and so far as in me lies I will do it. I have come in at the death and get a large share of the glory, and lo, here are these, a great company, who have been in the field for thirty years, and a whole generation has passed them by un- recognized. Every one here says, “Our noble friend Susan has carried the day right over the heads of all of us." Said one of our editors, Charles Dud- ley Warner, a man of finest taste and culture, when he had been praising the dignity and power of the whole platform: "Susan Anthony is my favorite. She was the only woman there who never once thought of herself. You could see in her every motion and in her very silence that the cause was all she cared for, self was utterly forgotten.” He had indeed struck the key note to Miss Anthony's strongest characteristic, utter forgetfulness of self, total AMENDMENT XV-FOUNDING OF NATIONAL SOCIETY. 335 self-abnegation, self-sacrifice without a consciousness that it was such. Mrs. Hooker's statement that she “had come in at the death” shows the strong faith of most of these early workers that it would be only a brief time until the rights they claimed would be recognized and granted; but she herself has labored faithfully yet another thirty years without break- ing down the Chinese Wall of opposition. One object of Mrs. Hooker in calling this Hartford conven- tion was to see if she could not bring together what were now becoming known as “the New York and Boston wings of the suffrage party,'' but she comments: “We have decided to give up our attempts at reconciliation; we have neither time nor strength to spare, and if we had, they would probably fail." In December Miss Anthony went to the Dansville Sanitarium for a few days and after her return, Dr. Kate Jackson, so widely known and loved, wrote her: “Since your visit here, through which I obtained somewhat of an insight into your struggles and labors, I have been in special sympathy with you. Ido admire the liberal and comprehensive spirit which you and Mrs. Stanton show in allowing both sides of a question to be fairly discussed in your paper, and in giving any woman who does good work for her race in any field the credit for it, even though she may not exactly agree with you on all points. The spirit of exclusiveness is not calculated to push any re- form among the masses. ... Our house and hearts are always open to you. I want to send you something more than good wishes and so enclose a little New Year's gift to you, with my love and earnest prayers for your success.” The lovely Quaker, Sarah Pugh, wrote from Philadelphia: DEAR SUSAN: Not“ Dear Madam,” or “Respected Friend,” according to our stately fashion, for my heart yearns too warmly toward thee and thy work for such formality. Would it were in my power to help thee more in thy onward way, for it must be onward even though opponents fill it with stumbling-blocks. Lucretia Mott is firm in her adherence to New York- not but that she can work, if the way offers, in all organizations which labor for the same end. My opinion of The Revolution may be expressed in what was said of another paper: "It fights no sham battles with enemies already 336 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. defeated. It is true, good men and women not a few stumble at it, object to it and in some cases antagonize it, but nobody despises it. An affectation of contempt is not contempt." Scores of similar letters were received from the early work- ers in the cause. It is unnecessary to enter further into a discussion of this division in the ranks of the advocates of woman suffrage. The conscientious historian must perform some unpleasant duties, hence it could not be passed without notice. The mass of correspondence on this question has been carefully sifted and that which would give pain to others, even though it would magnify the subject of this work, has been rigorously excluded. Most of the writers and those whom they criticised have ended their labors and passed from the scene of action. No good can be accomplished, either to the individuals or to the reform, by inflicting these personali- ties upon future generations. Among earnest, forceful, aggres- sive leaders of any great movement, there must arise contro- versies because of these strong characteristics, but the chief interest of mankind lies not in the individuals but in the results which they were able to accomplish. A comparison of the position of woman today with that which she occupied at the beginning of the agitation in her behalf, fifty years ago, offers more eloquent testimony to the efforts of those heroic pioneers than could be put into words by the most gifted pen. CHAPTER XX. FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY---END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 1870. VONVENTIONS and conventions for fifty years, without a break, planned and managed by one woman — was there ever a similar record? The year 1870 opened with the Second National Woman Suffrage Convention, in Lincoln Hall, Washington, D. C., January 19. It had been advertised for two days, but the interest was so great that it was continued through the third day and evening. Mrs. Stanton was in the chair and the papers united in praising the beauty, dignity and elegant attire of the women on the platform. A long table at the Arlington Hotel was reserved for them, and Miss An- thony relates that as they were all going into the dining-room one day, Jessie Benton Fremont beckoned to her and when she went over to the table where the general and she were sitting, she said in her bright, pretty way: “Now tell me, did you hunt the country over and pick out a score of the most beauti- ful women you could find to melt the hearts of our congress- men?' Letters of warm approval were read from John Stuart Mill and Helen Taylor, of England; Professor Homer B. Sprague, of Cornell University; Bishop Simpson, of the Methodist church; Senator Matthew H. Carpenter, and many other dis- tinguished persons. A number of senators and representatives addressed the meetings, as did also Hon. A. G. Riddle, of the District of Columbia, Rev. Samuel J. May, Charlotte B. Wil- bour, Isabella Beecher Hooker, and the usual corps of well- known suffrage speakers. Jennie Collins, the Lowell factory ANT.-22 (337) 338 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. girl, electrified the audience by discussing the great question from the standpoint of the workingwomen. All the New York dailies sent women reporters, a comparatively new feature at conventions. A hearing was arranged before the joint committees for the District of Columbia, and a number of the ladies made short addresses. Mrs. Stanton based her remarks on the unanswer- able argument of Francis Minor at the St. Louis convention a few months before, the first assertion of woman's right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. Miss Anthony said: We are here for the express purpose of urging you to present in your respec- tive bodies, a bill to strike the word "male" from the District of Columbia Suffrage Act and thereby enfranchise the women of the District. We ask that the experiment of woman suffrage shall be made here, under the eye of Congress, as was that of negro suffrage. Indeed, the District has ever been the experimental ground of each step toward freedom. The auction-block was here first banished, slavery here first abolished, the freedmen here first enfranchised; and we now ask that women here shall be first admitted to the ballot. There was great fear and trepidation all over the country as to the results of negro suffrage, and you deemed it right and safe to inaugurate the experiment here, and you all remember that three days' discussion in 1866 on Senator Cowan's proposition to strike out the word "male.” Well do I recollect with what anxious hope we watched the daily reports of that debate, and how we longed that Congress might then declare for the establishment in this District of a real republic. But conscience or courage or something was wanting, and women were bidden still to wait. When, on that March day of 1867, the negroes of the District first voted, the success of that election inspired Congress with confidence to pass the prop- osition for the Fifteenth Amendment, and the different States to ratify it, until it has become a fixed fact that black men all over the nation not only may yote but sit in legislative assemblies and constitutional conventions. We now ask Congress to do the same for women. We ask you to enfranchise the women of the District this very winter, so that next March they may go to the ballot-box, and all the people of this nation may see that it is possible for women to vote and the republic yet stand. There is no reason, no argu- ment, nothing but prejudice, against our demand; and there is no way to break down this prejudice but to make the experiment. Therefore, we most earnestly urge it, in full faith that so soon as Congress and the people shall have witnessed its beneficial results, they will go forward with a Sixteenth Amendment which shall prohibit any State from disfranchising any of its citizens on account of sex. A letter from Mrs. Fannie Howland in the Hartford Courant thus describes the hearing: FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 339 Senator Hannibal Hamlin, chairman, presented to them successively the gentlemen of the committee, who took their seats around a long table. Mrs. Stanton stood at one end, serene and dignified. Behind her sat a large semi- circle of ladies, and close about her a group of her companions, who would have been remarkable anywhere for the intellectual refinement and elevated expression of their earnest faces. Opposite sat Charles Sumner, looking fatigued and worn, but listening with alert attention. So these two veterans in the cause of freedom were fitly and suggestively brought face to face. The scene was impressive. It was simple, grand, historic. Women have often appeared in history-noble, brilliant, heroic women; but woman collec- tively, impersonally, today asks recognition in the commonwealth-not in virtue of hereditary noblesse—not for any excellence or achievement of in- dividuals, but on the one ground of her possessing the same rights, interests and responsibilities as man. There was nothing in this gathering at the Capitol to touch the imagination with illusion, no ball-room splendor of light, fragrance and jewels, none of those graceful enchantments by which women have been content to reign through brief dynasties of beauty and briefer fealties of homage. The cool light of a winter morning, the bare walls of a committee room, the plain costumes of everyday use, held the mind strictly to the actual facts which gave that group of representative men and women its moral significance, its severe but picturesque unity. Some future artist, looking back for a memorable illustration of this period, will put this new “Declaration of Independence” upon canvas, and will ransack the land for portraits of those ladies who spoke for their countrywomen at the Capitol, and of those senators and representatives who gave them audience. Mrs. Stanton was followed by Miss Anthony, morally as inevitable and impersonal as a Greek chorus, but physically and intellectually individual, intense, orig- inal, full of humor and good nature. The Hearth and Home, in Photographs of our Agitators, thus depicts Miss Anthony on this occasion : She is the Bismarck; she plans the campaigns, provides the munitions of war, organizes the raw recruits, sets the squadrons in the field. Indeed, in presence of a timid lieutenant, she sometimes heads the charge; but she is most effective as the directing generalissimo. Miss Anthony is a quick, bright, nervous, alert woman of fifty or so—not at all inclined to embonpoint -sharp-eyed, even behind her spectacles. She presides over the treasury, she cuts the Gordian knots, and when the uncontrollables get by the ears at the conventions, she is the one who straightway drags them asunder and turns chaos to order again. In every dilemma, she is unanimously sum- moned. As a speaker, she is angular and rigid, but trenchant, incisive, cut- ting through to the heart of whatever topic she touches. Mrs. Hooker wrote: “There were congratulations without stint; but Sumner, grandest of all, approaching us said in a deep voice, really full of emotion: 'I have been in this place, 340 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ladies, for twenty years; I have followed or led in every movement toward liberty and enfranchisement; but this meet- ing exceeds in interest anything I ever have witnessed.'” In her weekly letter to the Independent, Mary Clemmer wrote of this convention : I am glad to say that it was not mongrel-in part a dramatic reading, in part a concert, and in part an organ advertisement; but wholly a convention whose leaders, in dignity and intellect, were fully the peers of the men whose councils they besieged and arraigned. There was Mrs. Stanton-smiling, serene, and motherly—just the woman whose hand laid upon a young man's arm, whose voice speaking to him, could do so much to hold him back from evil. There was Susan Anthony-anxious, earnest and importunate, sarcas- tic, funny and unconventional as ever. Among all the company, “Susan” is the most violently and the most unjustly abused. To be sure, she can be very provocative of such speech. She sometimes has a lawless way of talking and acting, which men think wonderfully fascinating in a belle, but utterly unfor- givable in a plain, middle-aged woman. Moreover, “Susan's” utter abne- gation to her cause, her passion for it, sometimes carries her on to " ways and means” not altogether tenable--in fine, she will offend your taste and mine; but this is only the outside and a very small side of Susan Anthony. A man, and more than a man—a woman who can deny herself, ignore her- self, for a principle, for what she believes to be the truth, whether we be- lieve it or not, is at least entitled to our respect. Susan B. Anthony has a strong, earnest and loving nature; her devotion to her sex is an utterly absorbing and absolute passion. Born and nurtured a Quaker, she transgresses no prejudice, even of education, when she stands forth everywhere and in all places the unflinching, unwearied, never-to-be- put-down champion of woman. In the better age, when the woman of the future shall be man's equal in law, in education, in labor, in labor's rewards; when time shall have softened the asperities of the present, and the crude- ness of the personal shall be buried forever in the grave, Susan B. Anthony will live as one of the truest friends that woman ever had. Mary Clone Sarah Pugh wrote Miss Anthony to stop over in Philadel- phia and visit Mrs. Mott and herself on her way home from Washington, adding, “We are true to you.” In accepting the invitation, Miss Anthony said: “I pray every day to keep broad and generous towards all who scatter and divide, and hope I may hold out to the end. The movement can not be damaged, though some particular schemes may, by any ill- judged action. The wheels are secure on the iron rails, and FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 341 no National' or 'American’-no New York or Boston-as- sumption or antagonism can block them. Individuals may jump on or off, yet the train is stopped thereby but for a mo- ment." A letter to her from the California association declares: “We will split into a thousand pieces before we will prove false to you, who have so long borne the heat and burden of the day.” The heat and burden had indeed been great, and one less strong in body and less heroic in soul would have sunk under them. Although she was still weighed down by the terrible financial struggle of The Revolution, the storm of opposition which it had aroused was passing away and the old friends and many new ones were flocking around the intrepid standard bearer, whom neither fear nor favor could induce to swerve from the straight line marked out by her own convictions and conscience. Miss Anthony would soon complete a half-century, and her friends resolved to commemorate it in a worthy man- ner. Handsomely engraved cards were sent out, reading : The ladies of the Woman's Bureau invite you to a reception on Tuesday evening, February 15, 1870, to celebrate the Fiftieth Birthday of Susan B. Anthony. On this occasion her friends will be afforded an opportunity to testify their appreciation of her twenty years' service in behalf of woman. ELIZABETH B. PHELPS, ANNA B. DARLING, CHARLOTTE B. WILBOUR. There had been hard work to persuade Miss Anthony to ac- cept this testimonial, but she was very happy that evening when the spacious parlors were crowded with the leading men and women of the day. Although her opinions and methods had been many times attacked by the newspapers, they now united in cordial congratulations. The New York World, in a long account, thus described the affair : A large number of friends and admirers of the private virtues and public services of Miss Anthony assembled at the Woman's Bureau in Twenty-third street last evening to congratulate the lady upon this auspicious anniversary, and to wish her the customary “many happy returns of the day.” The parlors were dazzling with light, the atmosphere laden with perfume, the walls covered with beautiful works of art, and the sweet sounds of women's laughter and silvery voices filled the apartments. Miss Susan B. Anthony stood at the entrance of the front parlor to receive her numerous friends. She 342 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY wore a dress of rich shot silk, dark red and black, cut square in front, with a stomacher of white lace and a pretty little cameo brooch. All female vanities she rigorously discarded-no hoop, train, bustle, panier, chignon, powder, paint, rouge, patches, no nonsense of any sort. From her kindly eyes and from her gentle lips, there beamed the sweetest smiles to all those loving friends who, admiring her really admirable efforts in the cause of human free- dom, her undaunted heroism amid a dark and gloomy warfare, were glad to press her hand and show their appreciation of her character and achieve- ments. Every daily paper in the city had some pleasant comment, while scores of loving and appreciative letters were received. Accompanying these were many beautiful gifts and also checks to the amount of $1,000. After the guests had assembled, Isabella Beecher Hooker an- nounced that Anna T. Randall would read a poem written for the occasion by Phoebe Cary. She was followed by Mrs. Hooker, who read some delightfully humorous verses from her husband, John Hooker, dedicated to Miss Anthony. There were more poetical tributes, recitations by Sarah Fisher Ames and other well-known elocutionists, and then a call for the recipient of all these honors. Miss Anthony stepped forward, completely overwhelmed and, after stammering her thanks for the unexpected ovation of the evening, said in a voice which For selections from newspapers and letters and the list of presents see Appendix. 2We touch our caps, and place to night She might have chose an honored name, The victor's wreath upon her, And none had scorned or hissed it; The woman who outranks us all Have written Mrs. Jones or Smith, In courage and in honor. But, strange to say, she Missed it. While others in domestic broils For fifty years to come may she Have proved by word and carriage, Grow rich and ripe and mellow, That one of the United States Be quoted even above "par," Is not the state of marriage, “Or any other fellow;" She, caring not for loss of men, And spread the truth from pole to pole, Nor for the world's confusion, And keep her light a-burning, Has carried on a civil war Before she cuts her stick to go And made a “Revolution." To where there's no returning. True, other women have been brave, Because her motto grand hath been When banded or hus-banded, The rights of every human, But she has bravely fought her way And first and last, and right or wrong, Alone and single-handed. She takes the part of woman. And think of her unselfish life, “A perfect woman, nobly planned," Her generous disposition, To aid, not to amuse one; Who never made a lasting prop Take her for all in all, we ne'er Out of a proposition. Shall see the match of Susan. SUSAN B. ANTHONY. AT THE AGE OF 50, FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY SARONY. FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 343 broke in spite of her self-control: “If this were an assembled mob opposing the rights of women I should know what to say. I never made a speech except to rouse people to action. My work is that of subsoil plowing. . . . I ask you to- night, as your best testimony to my services, on this, the twentieth anniversary of my public work, to join me in mak- ing a demand on Congress for a Sixteenth Amendment giving women the right to vote, and then to go with me before the several legislatures to secure its ratification; and when the Sec- retary of State proclaims that that amendment has been rati- fied by twenty-eight States, then Susan B. Anthony will stop work—but not before.” When all was over, before she slept, Miss Anthony wrote this characteristically tender little note to the one who never was absent from her mind : MY DEAR MOTHER: It really seems tonight as if I were parting with some- thing dear-saying good-by to somebody I loved. In the last few hours I have lived over nearly all of life's struggles, and the most painful is the memory of my mother's long and weary efforts to get her six children up into womanhood and manhood. My thought centers on your struggle especially because of the proof-reading of Alice Cary's story this week. I can see the old home-the brick-makers—the dinner-pails—the sick mother--the few years of more fear than hope in the new house, and the hard years since. And yet with it all, I know there was an undercurrent of joy and love which makes the summing-up vastly in their favor. How I wish you and Mary and Hannah and Guelma could have been here--and yet it is nothing--and yet it is much. My constantly recurring thought and prayer now are that the coming frac- tion of the century, whether it be small or large, may witness nothing less worthy in my life than has the half just closed-that no word or act of mine may lessen its weight in the scale of truth and right. Then there is the bare mention of a luncheon a few days before with Alice and Phoebe Cary, Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Hooker. What a treat would have been a résumé of the con- versation of that gifted quintette of women! Mrs. Stanton was ill and could not attend the reception, which was a great disappointment to Miss Anthony. They had shared so much trouble that she felt most anxious they should share this one great pleasure. In the diary at mid- 344 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. night is recorded: “Fiftieth birthday! One half-century done, one score years of it hard labor for bettering humanity—tem- perance-emancipation-enfranchisement-oh, such a strug- gle! Terribly stormy night, but a goodly company and many, many splendid tributes to my work. Really, if I had been dead and these the last words, neither press nor friends could have been more generous and appreciative.” This beautiful anniversary was a sweet oasis in the severe monotony of a life which had been filled always with hard work, criticism and misrepresentation, although it was only a public expression of the numerous and strong friendships which had been many times manifested in private. The birth- day celebration served also to disprove the oft-repeated asser- tion that all women conceal their age, but though Miss Anthony made this frank avowal of her fifty years, there was scarcely a newspaper which did not introduce its comments with the usual silly and threadbare remarks. After the people began to recover in a social, intellectual and financial way from the effects of the Civil War, the lyceum bureau became a marked feature in literary life. The princi- pal bureaus were in New York, Boston and Chicago. Their managers engaged the best speakers and each season marked out a route, made the appointments, advertised extensively and sent them throughout the country. They paid excellent prices, assuming all responsibility, and engagements with them were considered very desirable. Under the management of the New York bureau, Mrs. Stanton began a tour in Novem- ber, 1869. Miss Anthony at this time, while well-known from one end of the country to the other, had not gained a reputation as a platform orator. She thoroughly distrusted her own power to make a sustained speech of an entire evening, and at all conventions had placed others on the program for the principal addresses, presided herself, if necessary, and kept everything in motion. By the winter of 1870, however, the bureau began to receive applications from all parts of the United States for lectures from her, and Mrs. Stanton being ill for a month, Miss An- FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 345 thony went as her substitute. She proved so acceptable that in February, March and April she was engaged by the bureau for many places in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, and received a considerable sum for her services, besides securing a number of subscribers and some liberal do- nations for The Revolution. In her journal she speaks of the good audiences, the enthusiasm and the many prominent call- ers at most of the places. At Mattoon she had a day and a night with Anna Dickinson and wrote: “I found her the most weary and worn I had ever seen her, and desperately tired of the lecture field. Her devotion to me is marvelous. She is like my loving and loved child.” At Peoria, the editor of the Democratic paper stated that the laws of Illinois were better for women than for men. Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll, whom she never had seen, was in the audience, and sent a note to the president of the meeting, ask- ing that Miss Anthony should not answer the editor but give him that privilege. He then took up the laws, one after an- other, and, illustrating by cases in his own practice, showed in his eloquent manner how cruelly unjust they were to women and proved how necessary it was that women should have a voice in making them. He also offered the following resolu- tion, which was unanimously adopted: “We pledge ourselves, irrespective of party, to use all honorable means to make the women of America the equals of men before the law.” In Detroit Rev. Justin Fulton occupied one evening in op- position to woman suffrage, and Miss Anthony replied to him the next. An audience of a thousand gathered in Young Men's Hall at each meeting. The Free Press had a most scurri- lous review of the debate in which it said : The speakeress rattled on in this strain until a late hour, saying nothing new, nothing noble, not a word that would give one maid or mother a purer or better thought. She drew no pictures of love in the household—she did not seem to think that man and wife could even stay under the same roof. She was not content that any woman should be a bashful, modest woman, but wanted them to be like her, to think as she thought. . . . People went there to see Susan B. Anthony, who has achieved an evanescent reputation by her strenuous endeavors to defy nature. Not one woman in a hundred cares to 346 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. vote, cares aught for the ballot, would take it with the degrading influences it would surely bring. . . . Old, angular, sticking to black stockings, wearing spectacles, a voice highly suggestive of midnight Caudleism at poor Anthony, if he ever comes around, though he never will. If all woman's righters look like that, the theory will lose ground like a darkey going through a cornfield in a light night. If she had come out and plainly said, “See here, ladies, see me, I am the result of twenty years of constant howling at man's tyranny,” there would never have been another “howl” uttered in Detroit. Or, if she had plainly said, in so many words, “I am going to lect- ure on bosh, for the sake of that almighty half-dollar per head-take it as bosh,” people would have admired her candor, though forming the same con- clusions without her assistance. . . . Myra Bradwell, the able editor of the Chicago Legal News, paid the following tribute: “Miss Anthony is terribly in earnest on this suffrage question. We fully agree with her that the great battle-ground in the first instance should be in Congress.... She is now fifty, and the best years of her life have been devoted solely to the cause of woman. She has never turned aside from this object but has always been in the field, defending her principles against all assaults with an ability which has not only won the admiration of her friends but the respect of her enemies.” She made many new acquaintances on this tour, and one entry in the diary is: “Quite a novel feature this to have people quarrel as to who shall have the pleasure of entertain- ing me as their guest!”. She returned to New York on Satur- day, April 30, and on Sunday the diary says: “Spent the day at Mrs. Tilton's and heard Beecher preach a splendid sermon on “Visiting the Sins of the Parents on the Children.'" Various friends of the woman suffrage cause had decided that something must be done to unite the two national organ- izations. An editorial in the Independent to this effect was followed by a call for a conference to meet at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, April 6, signed by Theodore Tilton, Phoebe Cary, Rev. John Chadwick and a number of others. The meeting was duly held, and the venerable Lucretia Mott, who now rarely left home, came all the way from Philadelphia to use her in- fluence toward a reconciliation. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton were lecturing in the West and the former telegraphed: FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 347 “The entire West demands united national organization for the Sixteenth Amendment, this very congressional session, and so does Susan B. Anthony.” Mrs. Stanton wrote to the con- ference: “I will do all I can for union. If I am a stumbling-block I will gladly resign my office. Having fought the world twenty years, I do not now wish to turn and fight those who have so long stood together through evil and good report. I should be glad to have all united, with Mr. Beecher or Lucretia Mott for our general. . . . I am willing to work with any and all or to get out of the way entirely, that there may be an organization which shall be respectable at home and abroad." The representatives of the American Association insisted that they had offered the olive branch at the time of their organization and it had been refused. This olive branch had been a suggestion that the National Association should consider itself a local society and become auxiliary to the American. After a protracted but fruitless discussion of over four hours, they withdrew from the room, declining to accept or to suggest any overtures. The proposition made by the callers of the conference was that the two associations should merge into one, with a new constitution embodying the best features of both, and with a board of officers elected from the two existing organizations. Even the friendly offices of Lucretia Mott, which never before were disregarded, failed to effect a union, and the many letters from mutual friends were equally ineffec- tive. In her regular letter to The Revolution Miss Anthony said : There is but one feeling all through this glorious West, and that is that it is a sin to have a divided front at this auspicious moment. Since my last I have had splendid meetings in Quincy, Farmington, Elwood, Mendota, Peru, La- Salle, Batavia, Peoria and Champaign in Illinois, and in Sturgis and Jones- ville, Michigan. I can tell you with emphasis that the fields are white unto harvest-waiting, waiting only the reapers. And it is a shame—it is a crime --for any of the old or new public workers to halt by the way to pluck the motes out of their neighbors' eyes. Not one of us but has blundered; yet if only we are in earnest, each will forgive, in the faith that the others, like herself, mean right. How any one can stand in the way of a united national organization at an hour like this, is wholly inexplicable. 348 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Just before the May Anniversary Mrs. Stanton published the following card in The Revolution : "It is a great thing for those who have been prominent in any movement to know when their special work is done, and when the posts they hold can be more ably filled by others. Having, in my own judg- ment, reached that time, at the present anniversary of our asso- ciation I must forbid the use of my name for president or any other official position in any organization whatsoever.” The anniversary had been advertised for Irving Hall, but when it was found that colored people would not be admitted to that building, it was changed to Apollo Hall, and opened May 10 with Mrs. Stanton presiding. At the business meet- ing in the afternoon, with representatives present from nine- teen States, the proposition of the conference committee was considered. According to the report in The Revolution there was much feeling on the part of the younger women against any organization which did not have Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton at the head, but at their earnest request, made in the interest of harmony, it was finally voted to accept the name Union Woman Suffrage Society, and Mr. Tilton for president. On May 14, 1870, the Saturday after the suffrage conven- tion, a number of the old Equal Rights Association came together at a called meeting in New York, which is thus de- scribed in The Revolution of May 19: One of the most interesting as well as important events of the past week, was the transfer of the American Equal Rights Association to the new Union Woman Suffrage Society. This was done on Saturday in the spacious parlors of Mrs. Margaret E. Winchester in Gramercy Place, Mrs. Stanton occupying the chair in the absence of the president, Lucretia Mott. Henry B. Blackwell presented this resolution: "WHEREAS, The American Equal Rights Association was organized in 1866 in order to secure equal rights to all American citizens, especially the right of suffrage, irrespective of race, color, or sex; and, whereas, Political distinc- tions of race are now abolished by the ratification of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments; and whereas, Arrangements have been made by the formation of woman suffrage associations for the advocacy of the legal and political rights of women as a separate question; and, whereas, An unneces- sary multiplication of agencies for the accomplishment of a common object should always be avoided; therefore FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY-END OF EQUAL RIGHTS SOCIETY. 349 “Resolved, That we hereby declare the American Equal Rights Association dissolved and adjourned sine die.” Parker Pillsbury offered the following as a substitute: “WHEREAS, At a meeting of the executive committee held in Brooklyn, March 3, 1870, it was voted, on motion of Oliver Johnson, that 'it is inexpedient to hold any public anniversary of the American Equal Rights Association, and that in our judgment it is expedient to dissolve said body; but as we have no authority to effect such dissolution, an informal business meeting of the asso- ciation be held in New York, during the coming anniversary week, to con- sider and act upon this subject; and on motion of Lucy Stone, it was voted that this business meeting be held on Saturday, May 14, 1870, at 10 A. M., at the home of Mrs. Margaret E. Winchester;' therefore "Resolved, That instead of terminating our existence as an association, we do hereby transfer it, together with all its books, records, reports or whatso- ever appertains to it, and unite it with the Union Woman Suffrage Society, organized in New York, May 10, 1870." A long and earnest discussion succeeded.... At last, after two hours, the vote was reached by the previous question, with this result: For dissolution, Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell—2. For transfer, Eliza- beth Cady Stanton, Parker Pillsbury, Susan B. Anthony, Theodore Tilton, Paulina Wright Davis, Phoebe W. Couzins, Edwin A. Studwell, Mrs. Stud- well, Mrs. John J. Merritt, Mrs. Robert Dale Owen, Margaret E. Winchester, Dr. Clemence S. Lozier, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Eleanor Kirk, Jennie Collins, Elizabeth B. Phelps, Miss Chichester, Mrs. S. B. Morse--18. Thus ended the existence of the American Equal Rights Association, formed in May, 1866, for the purpose of securing to negroes and women the rights of citizenship. These having been obtained for the negro men, women were left the only class denied equality, and the question therefore became sim- ply one of woman's rights. At the first anniversary of the American Woman Suffrage Association, the next November, which also was held in Cleve- land, this letter was presented: FRIENDS AND CO-WORKERS: We, the undersigned, a committee appointed by the Union Woman Suffrage Society in New York, May, 1870, to confer with you on the subject of merging the two organizations into one, respect- fully announce: 1st. That in our judgment no difference exists between the objects and methods of the two societies, nor any good reason for keeping them apart. 2d. That the society we represent has invested us with full power to arrange with you a union of both under a single constitution and executive. 3d. That we ask you to appoint a committee of equal number and authority with our own, to consummate if possible this happy result. 350 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Yours, in the common cause of woman's enfranchisement, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Samuel J. May, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Josephine S. Griffing, Laura Curtis Bullard, Gerrit Smith, Sarah Pugh, Frederick Douglass, Mattie Griffith Brown, James W. Stillman-Theodore Tilton, ex officio. The acceptance of this proposition was strongly urged by Judge Bradwell, of Chicago, and the committee on resolutions recommended "the appointment of a committee of conference, of like number with the one appointed by the Union Suffrage Society with a view to the union of both organizations.” After a spirited discussion, this resolution was rejected. The National Association, having exhausted all efforts for reconciliation and union, never thereafter made further overtures. Two distinct organizations were maintained, and there were no more at- tempts at union for twenty years. CHAPTER XXI. END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 1870. MMEDIATELY after the Suffrage Anniversary in May, 1870, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton decided to call a mass meeting of women to dis- cuss the questions involved in the McFarland- Richardson trial, which had set the country ablaze with excitement. The case in brief was that McFarland was a drunken, improvident husband, and his wife, Abby Sage, was compelled to be the breadwinner for the family, first as an actress and later as a public reader. She was a woman of education, refinement and marked ability, and enjoyed an intimate friendship with some of the best families of New York. Boarding in the same house with her was Albert D. Richardson, a prominent newspaper man, a stockholder in the Tribune and a special favorite of Mr. Greeley. He befriended Mrs. McFarland, protected her against the brutality of her husband and learned to love her. It was understood among their mutual friends that when she was legally free they would be married. She secured her divorce; and a few days later McFarland walked into the Tribune office, shot and fatally wounded Richardson. Some hours before he died, Mrs. Mc- Farland was married to him, Revs. Henry Ward Beecher and 0. B. Frothingham officiating, in the presence of Mr. Greeley and several other distinguished persons. McFarland was tried, acquitted on the ground of insanity, given the custody of their little son and allowed to go free. Press and pulpit were rent with discussions and, although (351) 352 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the general verdict was that if McFarland were insane he should be placed under restraint and not permitted to retain the child, Mrs. Richardson was persecuted in the most cruel and unmerciful manner. The women of New York especially felt indignant at the result of the trial. Miss Anthony offered to take the responsibility of a public demonstration, with Mrs. Stanton to make the address. She sent out 3,000 handsome invitations to the leading women of the city. Before the meet- ing a number of cautionary letters were received, of which this from Miss Catharine Beecher will serve as a sample: I am anxious for your own sake and for the sake of our good cause,” that you should manage wisely your very difficult task. There is a wide- spread combination undermining the family state, and we need to protect all the customs as well as the laws that tend to sustain it. In doing this, we need to discriminate between what is in bad taste and evil in its tendencies, and what is in direct violation of a moral law. The custom that requires a man to wait a year after the death of one wife before he takes another, it is usually in bad taste and inexpedient to violate, but there are cases in which such violation is demanded and is lawful. But the law of marriage demanding that in no case a man shall seek an- other wife while his first one lives is always imperative. Then the question of divorce arises, and here the Lord of morality and religion, who sees the end from the beginning, has decided that only one crime can justify it. A woman may separate from her husband for abuse or drunkenness and not violate this law, but neither party can marry again without practically saying, "I do not recognize Jesus Christ as the true teacher of morals and religion." If Mrs. McFarland were sure she could prove adultery, she was morally free to marry again; but could she be justified on any other ground without deny- ing the authority of the Lord Jesus Christ? Is not here a point where you need to be very cautious and guarded ? I hope to have the pleasure of meeting you on Tuesday at Apollo Hall. Very truly and affectionately your friend. The following account is taken from The Revolution : On May 17, long before the hour appointed, Apollo Hall was filled. Min. isters had preached and editors written their ambiguous views on the justice of the McFarland verdict. Reporters had interviewed the murderer and described (probably from imagination, the conduct and statements of Mrs. Richardson. John Graham had informed a gaping public what should be and what was the opinion of every decent woman in New York in regard to the guilt of this heart-broken widow, thus making it extremely difficult to feel the actual state of the public pulse on this all-important subject. Mrs. Stan- ton's lecture clearly expressed the convictions of the intelligent and right- END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 353 minded. Never before in the annals of metropolitan history had there been such an assemblage of women, and it was an equally noticeable fact that they were the earnest, deep-thinking women of the times. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton were greeted with the heartiest applause, and as soon as silence was obtained, the former said it was the first time in her life that she had addressed a public audience composed exclusively of women, and it was natural that she should feel somewhat embarrassed under circumstances so peculiar. This quaint observation brought down the house. After a few more of her downright and invigorating remarks, she introduced Mrs. Stanton, who was robed in quiet black, with an elegant lace shawl over her shoulders and her beautiful white hair modestly ornamented with a ribbon. Her appearance was very motherly and winning. Great applause followed her address, and as she took her seat Celia Burleigh read the resolutions adopted on Monday by Sorosis, which were heartily reaffirmed by all pres- ent. After remarks by Miss Anthony, Jenny June Croly, Mrs. Robert Dale Owen, Eleanor Kirk and others, a petition to Governor Hoffman, asking that McFarland be placed in an insane asylum, was enthusiastically endorsed. So great was the desire that a similar meeting was held in Brooklyn. These assemblies threw the newspapers into convul- discuss such questions, advocate the same moral standard for both sexes, criticise judge, jury and laws, and demand a differ- ent kind of justice from that which men were in the habit of dealing out. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton came in for their usual lion's share of censure, but they had so long offered themselves as a vicarious sacrifice that they had learned to take criticism and abuse philosophically. For weeks afterwards, however, they received letters from unhappy wives in all parts of the country, thanking them for their attitude in this affair, and pouring out the story of their own wretchedness. Miss Anthony had little time to think about either the re- proof or the approval, for the next day after this meeting saw the beginning of one of the most sorrowful tragedies in her On the platform or in the audience were to be seen the beloved Quaker, Mrs. John J. Mer- rit, of Brooklyn, Margaret E. Winchester, Mrs. Theodore Tilton, Mrs. Edwin A. Studwell, Catharine Beecher-her plain face illuminated with the fire of indignation-Jenny June Croly, writing rapidly for the New York World, Cora Tappan, Hannah Tracy Cutler, presi- Mrs. James Parton, better known as Fanny Fern, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Elizabeth B. Phelps, two nieces of Mrs. U. S. Grant, Laura Curtis Bullard, Frances Dietz Hallock, Ella Dietz Clymer, Anne Lynch Botta, Mary F. Gilbert, Mrs. Moses Beach, Julia Ward Howe, and many other well-known women. ANT.-23 354 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. life--the giving up of The Revolution. The favorable finan- cial auspices under which it was launched have been described, and an imperfect idea given of the storm of opposition it en- countered because of the alliance with Mr. Train. He put into the paper about $3,000 and severed his connection with it after sixteen months. Mr. Melliss continued his assistance for nearly the same length of time, contributing altogether $7,000. He was its staunch supporter as long as his means would allow, but at length became apprehensive that it never would reach a paying basis and, as he was not a man of wealth, felt unable to advance more money. From a pecuniary point of view things looked very dark for The Revolution. Every newspaper, in its early days, swal- lows up money like a bottomless well. The Revolution had started on an expensive basis; its office rent was $1,300 per annum; it was printed on the best of paper, which at that time was very costly; typesetting commanded the highest prices. Partly as a matter of pride and partly for the interest of the paper, Miss Anthony was not willing to reduce expenses. At the end of the first year The Revolution had 2,000, and at the end of the second year 3,000 bona fide, paying subscribers, but these could not sustain it without plenty of advertising, and advertisers never lavish money on a reform paper. Mr. Pillsbury's valuable services were given at a minimum price, Mrs. Stanton received no salary and Miss Anthony drew out only what she was compelled to use for her actual expenses. She was exhausted in mind and body from the long and re- lentless persecution of those who once had been her co-work- ers, but to the world she showed still the old indomitable spirit. Her letters to friends and relatives at this time, ap- pealing for funds to carry on the paper, are heart-breaking. A dearly loved Quaker cousin, Anson Lapham, of Skaneateles, loaned her at different times $4,000. To him she wrote: My paper must not, shall not go down. I am sure you believe in me, in my honesty of purpose, and also in the grand work which The Revolution seeks to do, and therefore you will not allow me to ask you in vain to come to the rescue. Yesterday's mail brought forty-three subscribers from END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 355 Illinois and twenty from California. We only need time to win financial suc- cess. I know you will save me from giving the world a chance to say, “There is a woman's rights failure; even the best of women can't manage business.” If I could only die, and thereby fail honorably, I would say "amen,” but to live and fail-it would be too terrible to bear. To Francis G. Shaw, of Staten Island, who sent $100, she wrote: “I wonder why it is that I must forever feel compelled to take the rough things of the world. Why can't I excuse myself from the overpowering and disagreeable struggles? I can not tell, but after such a day as yesterday, my heart fails me—almost. Then I remember that the promise is to those only who hold out to the end—and nerve myself to go forward. I am grateful nowadays for every kind word and every dollar.” On the back is inscribed: "My pride would not let me send this, and I substituted merely a cordial note of thanks.” Her letters home during this dark period are too sacred to be given to the public. The mother and sisters were distressed beyond expression at the merciless criticism and censure with which she had been assailed, and begged her to withdraw from it all to the seclusion of her own pleasant home, but when she per- sisted in standing by her ship, they aided her with every means in their power. Her sister Mary loaned her the few thousands she had been able to save by many years' hard work in the schoolroom, and the mother contributed from her small estate. Her brother Daniel R., a practical newspaper man, assured her that he was ready at any time to be one of a stock company to support the paper, but that it was useless to sink any more money in the shape of individual subscriptions. He urged her to cut down expenses, make it a semi-monthly or monthly if necessary, but not to go any more deeply in debt, saying: “I know how earnest you are, but you stand alone. Very few think with you, and they are not willing to risk a dollar. You have put in your all and all you can borrow, and all is swallowed up. You are making no provision for the future, and you wrong yourself by so doing. No one will thank you hereafter. Although you are now fifty years old and have 356 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. worked like a slave all your life, you have not a dollar to show for it. This is not right. Do make a change.” Her sister Mary spent all her vacation in New York one hot summer looking after the business of the paper, while Miss Anthony went out lecturing and getting subscribers. After returning home she wrote: You can not begin to know how you have changed, and many times every day the tears would fill my eyes if I allowed myself a moment to reflect upon it. I beg of you for your own sake and for ours, do not persevere in this work unless people will aid you enough to do credit to yourself as you always have done. Make a plain statement to your friends, and if they will not come to your rescue, go down as gracefully as possible and with far less in- debtedness than you will have three months from now. It is very sad for all of us to feel that you are working so hard and being so misunderstood, and we constantly fear that, in some of your hurried business transactions, your enemies will delight to pick you up and make you still more trouble. At this time, in a letter to Martha C. Wright, Mr. Pillsbury said: “Susan works like a whole plantation of slaves, and her example is scourge enough to keep me tugging also.” With her rare optimism, Miss Anthony never gives up hoping, and on January 1, 1870, writes to Sarah Pugh: “The year opens splendidly. December brought the largest number of subscriptions of any month since we began, and yesterday the largest of any day. So the little 'rebel Revolution' doesn't feel anything but the happiest sort of a New Year.” A movement was begun for forming a stock company of sev- eral wealthy women, on a basis of $50,000, to relieve Miss An- thony of all financial responsibility, making her simply the business manager. Paulina Wright Davis already had given $500, and January 1, 1870, her name appeared as correspond- ing editor. Isabella Beecher Hooker took the liveliest interest in the paper and was very anxious that it should be continued. She devised various schemes for this purpose and finally de- cided that her sister, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and herself would give The Revolution their personal influence and that of their large circle of friends, by putting their names on the staff of editors. Early in December, 1869, she sent the following: END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 357 We will give our names as corresponding editors for your paper for one year and agree to furnish at least six articles apiece and also to secure an original article from some friend every other week during the year. We agree to do this without promised compensation, but on the condition that you will change the name of the paper to The True Republic, or something equally to your ability, you yourself being sole judge of that. H. B. STOWE, I. B. HOOKER. This was written while they were in New York City, and on her way home Mrs. Hooker wrote, while on board the train, an enthusiastic letter regarding details of the work, ending, after she arrived: “I give you my hand upon it. I have read the above to my two Mentors, and they approve in the main.” In a few days, she said in a long letter : I wish Mrs. Stanton's "editorial welcome” to us might be in the dignified style of her best essays or speeches, not in the least gossipy or familiar, but stately and full of womanly presence. She ought to have a copy of Mrs. Stowe's editorial the moment it is written, for approval and suggestion. If Mr. Pillsbury would stay for a month or two and initiate Phoebe Cary, and we all work well as we mean to, I think she might get on. . . . I shall go cured by all means-his wife, too. Our parlor needs her demure, motherly, angelic sweetness, as much as our platform needs him. These little, quiet, domestic women are trump cards, nowadays. I wish we had a whole pack of will write, I am sure. Mrs. Jewell met me in the street and said, “Is it true that you and Mrs. Stowe are going to help The Revolution?” I told her what we proposed and she was much delighted. In reply to a letter asking her opinion, Mrs. Stanton wrote: “As for changing the name of The Revolution, I should con- sider it a great mistake. We are thoroughly advertised under the present title. There is no other like it, never was, and never will be. The establishing of woman on her rightful throne is the greatest of revolutions. It is no child's play. You and I know the conflict of the last twenty years; the ridi- cule, persecution, denunciation, detraction, the unmixed bit- terness of our cup for the last two, when even friends have crucified us. We have so much hope and pluck that none but the Good Father knows how we have suffered. A journal 358 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. called The Rose-bud' might answer for those who come with kid gloves and perfumes to lay immortelle wreaths on the mon- uments which in sweat and tears we have hewn and built; but for us, and that great blacksmith of ours who forges such red- hot thunderbolts for Pharisees, hypocrites and sinners, there is no name but The Revolution.” Miss Anthony consulted many newspaper men and all ad- vised against the proposed change, saying that experience had shown this to be fatal to a paper. Acting upon this advice, and also upon her own strong convictions, she decided to retain the original title. Meanwhile, tremendous pressure had been brought to bear upon Mrs. Hooker and Mrs. Stowe not to identify themselves with The Revolution. After Mrs. Stowe's salutatory had been prepared, Mrs. Hooker wrote as follows: I think the name should not be changed. If you change it in deference to our wishes and against good advice, it would lay an obligation on us that we could ill endure. Already I was feeling uneasy under the thought, and Mrs. Stowe actually said to me that she should prefer greatly to write as contribu- tor and would do just as much work as if called editor. She settled down on consenting to be corresponding editor; and Mrs. Davis and I will be assist- ant editors. I will write for The Revolution and work for it just as hard as I can, sending out a circular through Connecticut asking contributions to it. LATER—Since reading Mrs. Stanton on the Richardson-McFarland case, I feel disinclined to be associated with her in editorial work. I want to say this very gently; but I have no time for circumlocution. ... The promised contributions did not materialize, and The Revolution received no aid of any description. The struggle was bravely continued throughout the first five months of 1870. The Cary sisters were devoted friends of Miss Anthony and deeply interested in the paper, and some of their sweetest poems had appeared in its columns. Their beautiful home was just three blocks below The Revolution office, and she spent many hours with them. These frequent calls, breakfasts and lunch- eons were much more delightful to her than their Sunday evening receptions, although at those were gathered the writers, artists, musicians, reformers and politi- cians of New York, besides eminent persons who happened to END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 359 be in the city. It was a literary center Thahe 2 which never has been equalled since those lovely and cultured sisters passed away. In her lecture on " Homes of Single Women,'' Miss Anthony thus describes one of her visits : I shall never forget the December Sunday morning when a note came from Phoebe asking, “Will you come round and sit with Alice while I go to church?” Of course I was only too glad to go; and it was there in the cheery sick-room, as I sat on a cushion at the feet of this lovely, large-souled, clear-brained woman, that she told me how ever and anon in the years gone by, as she was writing her stories for bread and shelter, her pen would run off into facts and philosophies of woman's servitude that she knew would ruin her book with the publishers, but which, for her own satisfaction, she had carefully treasured, chapter by chapter, as her heart had thus over- flowed. “I am now,” she said, “financially free, where I could write my deepest and best thought for woman, and now I must die. O, how much of my life I have been compelled to write what men would buy, not what my heart most longed to say, and what a clog to my spirit it has been.” As she sat there, reading from those chapters, her sweet face, her lustrous eyes, her musical voice all aglow as with a live coal from off the altar, I said: “Alice, I must have that story for The Revolution !” “But I may never be able to finish it,” she objected. "We'll trust to Providence for that,” I re- plied; and the last five months of The Revolution carried The Born Thrall to thousands of responsive hearts. But, alas, nature gave way and she was never well enough to put the finishing touches to those terribly true-to-life pictures of the pioneer wife and mother. The poetry for The Revolution was selected by Mrs. Tilton, who had rare literary taste and discrimination. The exquisite child articles, entitled "Dot and I” and signed Faith Roches- ter, were written by Francis E. Russell. It had a corps of pist, Rebecca Moore. The distinguished list of contributors and the broad scope of The Revolution may be judged from its prospectus for 1870. The chances of its paying expenses, 1 The demands for woman everywhere today are for a wider range of employment, higher wages, thorough mental and physical education, and an equal right before the law in all those relations which grow out of the marriage state. While we yield to none in the earn- estness of our advocacy of these claims, we make a broader demand for the enfranchisement of woman, as the only way in which all her just rights can be permanently secured. By dis- cussing, as we shall incidentally, leading questions of political and social importance, we hope to educate women for an intelligent judgment upon public affairs, and for a faithful expression of that judgment at the polls. As masculine ideas have ruled the race for six thousand years, we especially desire that The Revolution shall be the mouth-piece of women, to give the world the feminine thought 360 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. however, did not increase, and the hoped-for stock company never was formed. Mr. Pillsbury had been most anxious for the past year to be released from his editorial duties, and had remained only because he could not bear to desert the paper in its distress. Mrs. Stanton, engaged in the lecture field, had sent only an occasional article, and now declined to continue her services longer without a salary. One person who stood by Miss Anthony unflinchingly through all this trying period was the publisher, R. J. Johnston, who never once failed in prompt and efficient service, and gave the most conscientious care to the make-up of the paper. Although her indebtedness to him finally reached the thousands, he remained faithful up to the printing of the very last number, and his was the first debt she paid out of the proceeds of her lyceum lectures. When Mrs. Phelps had opened the Woman's Bureau and in- vited The Revolution to take an office therein, Miss Anthony had warned her that it might keep other organizations of women away; but she was willing to take the risk. It resulted as prophesied. Not even the strong-minded Sorosis would have its clubrooms there, nor would any other society of wo- men, and after a year's experiment, she gave up her project, rented the building to a private family and The Revolution moved to No. 27 Chatham street. The generous Anna Dick- inson, because of her friendship for Miss Anthony, presented Mrs. Phelps with $1,000, as a recompense for any loss she might have sustained through The Revolution. Mrs. Phelps being very ill that winter, added a codicil to her will giving in politics, religion and social life; so that ultimately in the union of both we may find the truth in all things. On the idea taught by the creeds, codes and customs of the world, that woman was made for man, we declare war to the death, and proclaim the higher truth that, like man, she was created by God for individual moral responsibility and progress here and forever. Our principal contributors this year are: Anna Dickinson, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Har- riet Beecher Stowe, Alice and Phoebe Cary, Olive Logan, Mary Clemmer, Mrs. Theodore Tilton, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Phoebe Couzins, Elizabeth Boynton and others; and foreign, Rebecca Moore, Lydia E. Becker and Madame Marie Goeg. The Revolution is an independent journal, bound to no party or sect, and those who write for our columns are responsible only for what appears under their own names. Hence, if old Abolitionists and Slaveholders, Republicans and Democrats, Presbyterians and Univer- salists, Catholics and Protestants find themselves side by side in writing on the question of woman suffrage, they must pardon each other's differences on all other points, trusting that by giving their own views strongly and grandly, they will overshadow the errors by their side. END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 361 Miss Anthony $1,000 to show that she had only the kindest feelings for her. At the beginning of 1870, a stock company was formed and the Woman's Journal established in Boston. Mrs. Livermore merged her Chicago paper, the Agitator, into this new enter- prise (as she had proposed to do into The Revolution the year previous) removed to Boston and became editor-in-chief; Lucy Stone was made assistant editor and H. B. Blackwell business manager. This paper secured the patronage of all those be- lievers in the rights of women who were not willing to accept the bold, fearless and radical utterances of The Revolution. The latter had exhausted the finances of its friends and had no further resources. The strain upon Miss Anthony, who alone was carrying the whole burden, was terrible beyond descrip- tion. Never was there a longer, harder, more persistent strug- gle against the malice of enemies, the urgent advice of friends, against all hope, than was made by this heroic woman. As the inevitable end approached she wrote of it to Mrs. Stanton, who answered: “Make any arrangement you can to roll that awful load off your shoulders. If Anna Dickinson will be sole editor, I say, glory to God! Leave me to my individual work, the quiet of my home for the summer and the lyceum for the winter. ... Tell our glorious little Anna if she only will nail her colors to that mast and make the dear old proprietor free once more, I will sing her praises to the end of time." Anna Dickinson very wisely concluded that she was not suited for an editor. Laura Curtis Bullard was much inter- ested in reform work, possessed of literary ability and very desirous of securing The Revolution. Theodore Tilton, who was editing the New York Independent and the Brooklyn Daily Union, promised to assist her in managing the paper. Miss Anthony at last agreed to let her have it, and on May 22, 1870, the formal transfer was made. She received the nominal sum of one dollar, and assumed personally the entire indebtedness. She had this dollar alone to show for two and a half years of as hard work as ever was performed by mortal, besides all the money she had earned and begged which had 362 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. gone directly into the paper. During that time $25,000 had been expended, and the present indebtedness amounted to $10,000 more. Miss Anthony could not view this giving up of The Revo- lution so philosophically as did Mrs. Stanton; she was of very different temperament. Into this paper she had put ber ambition, her hope, her reputation. The stronger the oppo- sition, the firmer was her determination not to yield, nor was it a relief to be rid of it. She would have counted no cost too great, no work too hard, no sacrifice too heavy, could she but have continued the publication. Not only was it a terri- ble blow to her pride, but it wrung her heart. She could bear the triumph of her enemies far better than she could the giv- ing up of the means by which she had expected to accomplish a great and permanent good for women and for all humanity. On the evening of the day when the paper passed out of her hands forever, she wrote in her diary, “It was like signing my own death-warrant; ” and in a letter to a friend she said, "I feel a great, calm sadness like that of a mother binding out a dear child that she could not support.” To the public she kept the same brave, unruffled exterior, but in a private letter, written a short time afterwards, is told in a few sentences a story which makes the heart ache : My financial recklessness has been much talked of. Let me tell you in what this recklessness consists: When there was need of greater outlay, I never thought of curtailing the amount of work to lessen the amount of cash de- manded, but always doubled and quadrupled the efforts to raise the necessary sum; rushing for contributions to every one who had professed love or inter- est for the cause. If it were 20,000 tracts for Kansas, the thought never entered my head to stint the number-only to tramp up and down Broadway for advertisements to pay for them. If to meet expenses of The Revolution, it was not to pinch clerks or printers, but to make a foray upon some money- king. None but the Good Father can ever begin to know the terrible strug- gle of those years. I am not complaining, for mine is but the fate of almost every originator or pioneer who ever has opened up a way. I have the joy of knowing that I showed it to be possible to publish an out-and-out woman's paper, and taught other women to enter in and reap where I had sown. Heavy debts are still due, every dollar of which I intend to pay, and I am tugging away, lecturing amid these burning suns, for no other reason than to keep pulling down, hundred by hundred, that tremendous pile. I sanguinely END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 363 hope to cancel this debt in two years of hard work, and cheerfully look for- ward to the turning of every possible dollar into that channel. If you today should ask me to choose between the possession of $25,000 and the immense work accomplished by my Revolution during the time in which I sank that amount, I should choose the work done-not the cash in hand. So, you see, I don't groan or murmur-not a bit of it; but for the good name of humanity, I would have liked to see the moneyed men and women rally around the seed-sowers. Parker Pillsbury wrote her after he returned home: “No one could do better than you have done. If any complain, ask them what they did to help you carry the paper. I am glad you are relieved of a load too heavy for you to bear. Worry yourself no more. Work of course you will, but let there be no further anxiety and nervousness. Suffrage is growing with the oaks. The whirling spheres will usher in the day of its triumph at just the right time, but your full meed of praise will have to be sung over your grave.” The motto of The Revolution, “ The True Republic-Men, their rights and nothing more; women, their rights, and nothing less,” was succeeded by " What God hath joined to- gether, let no man put asunder.” It was transformed into a literary and society journal, established in elegant headquar- ters at Brooklyn, inaugurated with a fashionable reception, and conducted by Mrs. Bullard for eighteen months, when she tired of it, or her father tired of advancing money, and it passed into other hands. When Miss Anthony had her accounts audited by an expert, he stated that The Revolution was in a better financial condi- tion than was the New York Independent at the end of its first five years. She had just begun to realize her power as a lyceum lecturer and was in constant demand at large prices. The last two months before giving up the paper, she sent in from her lectures, above all her expenses, $1,300. She always felt that, with this source of revenue, she could have sustained and in time put it on a paying basis, as her subscription list was rapidly increasing, she had learned the newspaper business, and The Revolution was gaining the confidence of the public. But the experience came too late and she was driven to the 364 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. wall—not a single friend would longer give her money, assist- ance or encouragement to continue the paper. To this day, she will take up the bound volumes with caressing fingers, touch them with pathetic tenderness, and pore over their pages with loving reverence, as one reads old letters when the hands which penned them are still forever. Miss Anthony did not waste a single day in mourning over her great disappointment. In fact, between May 18, when she agreed to give up The Revolution, and May 22, when the transfer actually was made, she went to Hornellsville and lect- ured, receiving $150 for that one evening. There are not many instances on record where a woman starts out alone to earn the money with which to pay a debt of $10,000. Very few of the advocates of woman suffrage contributed a dollar toward the payment of this debt, which had nothing in it of a personal nature but had been made entirely in the effort to ad- vance the cause. Miss Anthony worked unceasingly through winter's cold and summer's heat, lecturing sometimes under private auspices, sometimes under those of a bureau, and her- self arranging for unengaged nights. As she had all her ex- penses to pay and continued to contribute from her own pocket whenever funds were needed for suffrage work, it was six years before “ she could look the whole world in the face for she owed not any man.” She started at once on a western tour, lecturing through Ohio, Kansas and Illinois, speaking in the Methodist church at Evanston, June 3, 1870. Dr. E.O. Haven, president of the university, (afterwards Bishop) in presenting her endorsed woman suffrage. At Bloomington she held a debate with a young professor from the State Normal School. The manager asked if she would take $100 instead of half the receipts, as agreed on. She replied that if the prospects were so good as to warrant him in making this offer, she was just Yankee enough to take her chances. This was a shrewd decision, as her half amounted to $250. The professor opposed the enfranchise- ment of women because they could not fight. As is the case invariably with men who make this objection, he was a very END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 365 diminutive specimen, and Miss Anthony could not resist observing as she commenced her speech: "The professor talks about the physical disabilities of women; why, I could take him in my arms and lift him on and off this platform as easily as a mother would her baby!” Of course this put the audience in a fine humor. In every place she was entertained by representative people and received many social courtesies. She returned to Roches- ter July 27, spent just twelve hours at home, then hastened eastward, travelling by night in order to reach the Saratoga convention on the 28th. This was held under the auspices of the New York State Association, and managed by the secretary, Matilda Joslyn Gage. Miss Anthony was paid $100, for the first time in the history of conventions. Mrs. Gage wrote: “She is heavily burdened with debt, no one has made so great sacrifices all these years, and she deserves the money.” Dur- ing the summer she sent to a friend in England this summing up of the condition of the suffrage movement in the United States: The secret of the present inaction is that all our best suffrage men are in the Republican party and must keep in line with its interests, make no demands beyond its possibilities, its safety, its sure success. Hence, just now, while that party is trembling lest it should fall into the minority, and thus give place to the Democracy in 1872, it dares not espouse woman suf- frage. So our friends quietly drop our demand on Congress for a Sixteenth Amendment, since to press that body to a vote would compel the Republican members to show their hands; and if those who have in private spoken for woman suffrage should not make a false public record, the number in favor would commit the majority of their party to our question; and by so doing give its opponents fresh opportunity to appeal to the ignorant masses, which must inevitably throw it out of power. The extension of the ballot to woman is a question of intelligence and culture, and is sure to have enrolled against it every narrow, prejudiced, small-brained man in all classes. This being the state of things, our movement is at a dead-lock. Practical action, polit- ical action, therefore, is almost hopeless until after the presidential election of 1872; and after that for still another four years, unless the Republican party should be defeated and the Democracy come into power. Just as soon as the Republicans are out of power, they will betake them- selves to the study of principles and begin to preach and promise. Hence I devoutly pray without ceasing for the overthrow of that purse-proud, cor- rupt, cowardly party; not that I expect from the Democracy anything 366 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. better than their antecedents promise, but that I know such chastisement, such retirement, is the only means by which conscience and courage can be injected into the heads and hearts of the Republicans, the only way to make them see the political necessity of enfranchising the women of the country, and thereby securing their gratitude and through it their vote to place and hold that party in power. Then as to our woman suffrage organizations: There are first, the Cleve- land movement with all the strategy and manoeuvering of its semi-Republican managers, assented to and accepted by the women in their train; then the Fifth Avenue Union Committee affair, which seems not less likely to be under Republican man-power. With Mrs. Stanton's utter refusal to stand at the helm of the National, and our merging it into the Union Society, and with my transferring The Revolution to the new company-we, E. C. S. and S. B. A., have let slip from our hands all control of organizations and newspapers; thus leaving them, I fear, to drift together into the management of mere politicians. All are lulled into the strictest propriety of expression, accord- ing to the gospel of St. Republican. And unless that saint shall enact some new and more blasphemous law against woman, which shall wake our confid- ing sisterhood into a sense of their befoolment, you will neither see nor hear a word from suffrage society or paper which will be in the slightest out of line with the plan and policy of the dominant party. Nothing less atrocious to woman than was the Fugitive Slave Law to the negro, can possibly sting the women of this country into a knowledge of their real subserviency, and out of their sickening sycophancy to the Republican politicians associated with them. So while I do not pray for anybody or any party to commit outrages, still I do pray, and that earnestly and constantly, for some terrific shock to startle the women of this nation into a self-respect which will compel them to see the abject degradation of their present position; which will force them to break their yoke of bondage, and give them faith in themselves; which will make them proclaim their allegiance to woman first; which will enable them to see that man can no more feel, speak or act for woman than could the old slaveholder for his slave. The fact is, women are in chains, and their servi- tude is all the more debasing because they do not realize it. O, to compel them to see and feel, and to give them the courage and conscience to speak and act for their own freedom, though they face the scorn and contempt of all the world for doing it! Not another woman possessed this strong grasp of the whole situation, this deep comprehension of the abject condition of women, the more hopeless because of their own failure to feel or resent it. During the summer Miss Anthony attended the National Labor Congress in Philadelphia. A great strike of bookbinders had been in progress in New York and she had advised the women to take the vacant places. They were denied admission END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 367 to all labor unions and their only chance of securing work was when the men and their employers disagreed. This gave a pretext for those who were opposed to a representation of women in labor conventions, and a bitter fight was made upon accepting her as a delegate. Charges of every descrip- tion were preferred against her which she refuted in a spirited manner, but her credentials were finally rejected. The newspapers took up the fight on both sides, the opposition to Miss Anthony being led by the New York Star, always abusive where the question of woman's rights was concerned. During this controversy the Utica Herald contained a disgraceful edi- torial, saying: Who does not feel sympathy for Susan Anthony ? She has striven long and earnestly to become a man. She has met with some rebuffs, but has never succumbed. She has never done any good in the world, but then she doesn't think so. She is sweet in the eyes of her own mirror, but her ad- vanced age and maiden name deny that she has been so in the eyes of others. Boldly she marched, and well, into the presence of 200 horrid male delegates of the Labor Congress, and took somebody's seat. ... Susan felt very much like a grizzly bear unable to get at its tormentor. She had gone to the length of her chain and couldn't get her claws into any one's hair. She could only sit and glare. At length Susan's case came up for consideration, and the congress com- mitted the crowning act of rashness and, without a thought of the conse- quences, made an everlasting enemy of Susan Anthony by ruling her out of the convention as a delegate. This was the unkindest cut of all. “A lone, lorn old critter," with whom everything goes contrairie,” was denied the solace of being counted the one-two-hundreth part of a man by a labor con- vention ! We may well believe that Susan wept with sorrow at the blind- ness of man, and our sympathy if not our tears is freely offered. But so goes the world. This is not the first time that "man's inhumanity to woman” has made Miss Anthony mourn and, as it is not her first rebuff, we counsel her to seek admission again to the ranks of her sex, and cease to cast reproach upon it by struggling to be a man. When some of the women remonstrated, the editor replied that he had not supposed there was one woman in Utica who believed in equal rights. Paulina Wright Davis had been actively arranging for a great convention in New York to celebrate the twentieth anni- versary of the first woman's rights convention in Massachu- 368 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. setts, which was held at Worcester, in October, 1850. That one had been managed almost wholly by Mrs. Davis and she had presided over its deliberations, therefore it seemed proper for her to be the central figure in celebrating its second decade. The New England suffrage people declined to take part in this meeting and, for some reason, Mr. Tilton's Union Society was decidedly averse to it. Mrs. Davis finally became ill from anxiety and overwork and joined her entreaties to Mrs. Stan- ton's that Miss Anthony should drop her lectures and come to New York; so she started for that city September 30, deter- mined that Mrs. Davis' scheme should not be a failure. The entries in her journal give some idea of her energetic and un- wearied action : As soon as I reached New York I went to Dr. Lozier's for lunch, then to see Mrs. Phelps. All in despair about the decade meeting. Went at once to consult Alice and Phoebe Cary; from them to Mrs. Winchester, found her just home from Europe; then to Julia Brown Bemis, and thence to Murray street to see Mr. Studwell; then to Tenafly on the evening train. . . . . Back to New York the next morning, to Tilton's, to Curtis', to Mrs. Wilbour's, and then to Providence to see Mrs. Davis. Reached there late at night, woke her up and we talked till morning. She was terribly distressed at the thought of giving up the decade and in the morning I telegraphed to New York that it must go on. . . . . Went there by first train, had all the newspaper notices of its abandonment countermanded and new ones put in, and an item sent out by Associated Press. Too late for last train to Tenafly and had to hire a carriage to take me there. Her time was then divided between working on speeches with Mrs. Stanton and rushing over to New York to prepare for this meeting. On October 19 she writes: "Ground out the resolutions, and took the afternoon train for the city. Met Martha Wright and Mrs. Davis at the St. James Hotel.” There was a great reception the next afternoon in the hotel parlors, and the convention met at Apollo Hall, October 21, the whole of the arrangements having been made in three weeks. Mrs. Davis presided, everybody had been brought into line and it was a notable gathering. Cordial and approving letters to Mrs. Davis were read from Jacob Bright, Canon Kingsley, Frances Power Cobbe, Emily Faithfull, Mary Somerville, END OF REVOLUTION-STATUS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 369 Emelie J. Meriman (afterwards the wife of Père Hyacinthe), and other distinguished foreigners. Miss Anthony spoke strongly against their identifying themselves with either of the parties until it had declared for woman suffrage, urging them to accept every possible help from both but to form no alliance, as had been proposed. The feature of the occasion was “The History of the Woman's Rights Movement for Twenty Years,” carefully prepared by Mrs. Davis. In addition to this valuable work, she contributed $300 to the expenses of the meeting. It was an unqualified success and her letters were full of warmest gratitude to Miss Anthony. In November the latter resumed her lecturing tour which was arranged by Elizabeth Brown, who had been her head clerk in The Revolution office. The first of December she attended the Northwestern Woman Suffrage Convention at Detroit. Here she received a telegram to hasten home and arrived just in time to stand by the death-bed of a dear nephew, Thomas King McLean, twenty-one years old, brother of the beloved Ann Eliza who had died a few years before, and only son of her sister Guelma. He was a senior of brilliant promise in Rochester University. His death was a heavy blow to all the family and one from which his mother never recovered. With her debts pressing upon her and an array of lecture engagements ahead, Miss Anthony could neither pause to indulge her own grief nor to console and sympathize with the loved ones. The very night of the funeral she again set forth. By the New Year she had lessened her debt $1,600. This trip extended through New York and Pennsylvania, to i Frances Wright, from Scotland, in 1828 was the first woman to speak on a public plat- form in this country. Ernestine L. Rose, from Poland, gave political lectures in 1836; Mary S. Gove, of New York, lectured on woman's rights in 1837; Sarah and Angelina Grimké, from South Carolina, commenced their anti-slavery speeches in 1837, and Abby Kelly, of Massachusetts, in 1839; Eliza W. Farnham, of New York, lectured in 1843; between 1840 and 1845 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Paulina Wright (afterwards Davis) and Ernestine L. Rose circulated petitions for a bill to secure property rights for married women, and several times addressed committees of the New York Legislature; Margaret Fuller gave lectures in Massachusetts, in 1845; Lucy Stone spoke for the rights of women in 1847. The first woman's rights convention was called by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright and Mary Ann McClintock, at Seneca Falls, N. Y., in 1848; Susan B. Anthony made her first speech on temperance in 1849. From 1850 the number of women speakers rapidly increased. ANT.-24 370 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Washington and into Virginia. Of the last she writes: “A great work to be done here but the lectures can not possibly be made to pay expenses.” In Philadelphia she spoke in the Star course, was the guest of Anna Dickinson and was intro- duced to her audience by Lucretia Mott, then seventy-seven years old. The diary relates that Mrs. Mott came next morning before 8 o'clock to give her $20, saying it was very little but would show her confidence and affection. The lecture given on this tour was entitled “The False Theory” and was highly commended by the press. It never was written and probably never twice delivered in the same words, Miss Anthony always depending largely upon the inspiration of the occasion. The middle of December she slipped back to Rochester to see her bereaved sister, and speaks of their receiving a letter of sympathy from Rev. J. K. McLean, which, she says, "is the first philosophical word that has been spoken." While at home she was invited to the Hallowells' to see Wendell Phil- lips, their first meeting since their sad difference of opinion concerning the Fourteenth Amendment. They had a cordial interview and she went with him to his lecture in the evening. The entry in the journal that night closes with the underscored sentence, “Phillips is matchless,” CHAPTER XXII. MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION-THE LECTURE FIELD. 1871. LARGE correspondence was conducted in regard to the Third National Convention, which was to be held in Washington in January, 1871. Isa- bella Beecher Hooker, who had all the zeal of a new convert, created some amusement among the old workers by offering to relieve them of the entire manage- ment of the convention, intimating that she would avoid the mistakes they had made and put the suffrage work on a more aristocratic basis. To Mrs. Stanton she wrote: I have proposed taking the Washington convention into my own hands, expenses and all; arranging program, and presiding or securing help in that direction, if I should need it. I shall hope to get Robert Collyer, and a good many who might not care to speak for “the Union” but would speak for me. I should want from you a pure suffrage argument, much like that you made be- fore the committee at Washington last winter. I know you are tired of this branch, but you are fitted to do a great work still in that direction. ... Won't you promise to come to my convention, without charge save travelling ex- penses, provided I have one ? I am waiting to hear from Susan, Mrs. Pome- roy and you, and then shall get Tilton's approval and the withdrawal of the society from the work, if they have undertaken it, and go ahead. Mrs. Stanton consented gladly and wrote the other friends to do likewise, saying: “I should like to have Susan for president, as she has worked and toiled as no other woman has, but if we think best not to blow her horn, then let us exalt Mrs. Hooker, who thinks she could manage the cause more discreetly, more genteelly than we do. I am ready to rest and see the salvation of the Lord.” On their rounds the (371) 372 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. letters came to Martha Wright, the gentle Quaker, who com- mented with the fine irony of which she was master: "It strikes me favorably. It would be a fine thing for Mrs. Hooker to preside over the Washington convention, while her sister, Catharine Beecher, was inveighing against suffrage, for the benefit of Mrs. Dahlgren and others. Perhaps she is right in thinking that Robert Collyer and a good many others who would not care to speak for the Union,' would speak for her-I for one would be glad to have her try it! If Captain Susan’ would consent to be placed at the head of the associa- tion, there could not be a more suitable and just appointment.” Mrs. Stanton wrote that her lecture engagements would not permit her to go to Washington and she would send $100 in- stead. Mrs. Hooker replied: Your offer just suits me, and of myself I should accept $100 with thankful- ness, and excuse you, as you desire, but Susan looked disgusted and said, “She must appear before the Congressional committees, at any rate.” I had not thought of that, but of course, if you were in Washington, it would be absurd not to be on our platform; and so I don't know what to say. You will talk more forcibly than any one else, and in committee you are invalua- ble. Still, I want your money, and I could do without you on the platform. .... I fully expect to accomplish far more by a convention devoted to the purely political aspect of the woman question, than by a woman's rights convention, however well-managed; and this, because the time has come for this practical work--discussion has prepared the way, now we must have the thing, the vote itself. It just occurs to me that you might write an argument for the committee, which I would read, but of course your presence is most desirable, and I incline to have you on hand for this last, great effort; for it does seem to me that we need not have another convention in Washington, but only a select committee to work privately every winter, and send for speak- ers, etc., when the committees are ready to grant hearings. It is the part of wisdom to suppress Mrs. Stanton's reply to this, but she sent it to Martha Wright, who answered her: You can imagine what success Mrs. Hooker will have with those wily poli- ticians. She thinks they will come serenely from their seats to the lobby, when she tries “all the means known to an honest woman.” I fear the means known to the other sort would meet a readier response. I forget which of the senators it was, last winter, who said rudely to Mrs. Davis and Mrs. Griffing, “You just call us out because you like to." ... Mrs. Hooker will find it no easy matter to hook them on to her platform, but she will be wiser after trying. She is mistaken in considering the cause so nearly won, MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION—THE LECTURE FIELD. 373 but it would be as impossible for her to realize the situation as it was for Rev. Thomas Beecher to be convinced that Mr. Smith saw more clearly than he. “Do you mean," said this potentate, "to bring down the whole Beecher family on your head ?" "No," was the reply, “do you mean to bring the whole Smith family on to yours ?” The following circular letter was sent to Curtis, Phillips and other prominent men: A convention has been announced at Washington, for January 11 and 12, to push the Sixteenth Amendment. The management is solely in my hands, and I alone assume the financial responsibility. I go to Washington January 1 to spend some days enlisting members of Congress in this purely political question, and securing short speeches from them on our platform. I have neither State nor national society behind me, but am attempting to carry on a convention with this single aim-to awaken Congress and, through it, the country, to the fact that a Sixteenth Amendment is needed, in order to carry out the principles of the Declaration of Independence; and that we women are tired of petitioning, and would fain begin to vote without delay. Will you speak for me in the day or the evening, and much oblige your sincere friend, ISABELLA B. HOOKER. Evidently they would not speak, even "for me,” and Mrs. Hooker sends around this note of explanation to the “old guard:” "I know of no gentlemen outside of members of Congress, that can help us at all, who can come. Beecher, Collyer, Curtis and Phillips are all unable. If you think of any one else it would be worth while to invite, please write me at once. I have such a strong determination that members shall understand how much we are in earnest at this time, and how we won't wait any longer, that it does seem to me they will take up a burden of speech themselves, and work also. Mr. Sewall, of Boston, writes me that he will urge Mr. Sum- ner, as I requested, and other members, but thinks they can not need it.” Miss Anthony, however, declined to be snubbed, subdued or displaced, and wrote to Mrs. Stanton in the following vigor- ous style: Mrs. Hooker's attitude is not in the least surprising. She is precisely like every new convert in every reform. I have no doubt but each of the Apostles in turn, as he came into the ranks, believed he could improve upon Christ's methods. I know every new one thought so of Garrison's and Phillips'. The 374 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. only thing surprising in this case is that you, the pioneer, should drop, and say to each of these converts: "Yes, you may manage. I grant your knowl- edge, judgment, taste, culture, are all superior to mine. I resign the good old craft to you altogether.” To my mind there never was such suicidal letting go as has been yours these last two years. But I am now teetotally discouraged, and shall make no more attempts to hold you up to what I know is not only the best for our cause, but equally so for yourself, from the moral standpoint if not the financial. O, how I have agonized over my utter failure to make you feel and see the importance of standing fast and holding the helm of our good ship to the end of the storm. Mr. Greeley's “On to Richmond” backdown was not more sad to me, not half so sad. How you can excuse yourself, is more than I can understand. Mrs. Stanton commented to Mrs. Wright: "For your in- struction in the ways of the world, I send you Susan's letter. You see I am between two fires all the time. Some are deter- mined to throw me overboard, and she is equally determined that I shall stand at the masthead, no matter how pitiless the storm." Mrs. Hooker found hers was a greater task than she had anticipated and finally wrote Miss Anthony: “God knows, and you ought to know, that any one who undertakes a con- vention has put self-seeking one side and is nearer to being a martyr, stake, fagots and all, than any of us care to be unless called by duty with a loud and unmistakable call. I shirked the labor last year and pitied you because so much fell upon you, and out of pure love to you and to the cause determined this time to take all I could on my own shoulders, but you must come and help out.” Mrs. Stanton still persisted in her determination not to go to this convention but Miss Anthony cancelled eight or ten lecture engagements, at from $50 to $75 each, in order to be present in person and see that the affair was properly managed. Mrs. Hooker, however, was fully equal to the occasion, her conven- tion was a marked success and she proved to be one of the most valuable acquisitions to the ranks of workers for woman suffrage. She soon learned that the opposition to be overcome was far greater than she had imagined, and after nearly thirty years' effort, not even in her own State have women been able to secure their enfranchisement. It seems, however, a bit of Isabella Beecher Hooker MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION—THE LECTURE FIELD. 375 poetic justice that this convention, which was to lift the move- ment for woman suffrage to a higher plane than it ever before had occupied, should have been the first to invite to its plat- form Victoria C. Woodhull, whose advent precipitated a storm of criticism compared to which all those that had gone before were as a summer shower to a Missouri cyclone. On December 21, 1870, Mrs. Woodhull had gone to Wash- ington with a memorial praying Congress to enact such laws as were necessary for enabling women to exercise the right to vote vested in them by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States. This was presented in the Sen- ate by Harris, of Louisiana, and in the House by Julian, of Indiana, referred to the judiciary committees and ordered printed. She had taken this action without consulting any of the suffrage leaders and they were as much astonished to hear of it as were the rest of the world. When they arrived at the capital another surprise awaited them. On taking up the papers they learned that Mrs. Woodhull was to address the judiciary committee of the House of Representatives the very morning their convention was to open. Miss Anthony hast- ened to confer with Mrs. Hooker, who was a guest at the home of Senator Pomeroy, and to urge that they should be present at this hearing and learn what Mrs. Woodhull proposed to do. Mrs. Hooker emphatically declined, but the senator said: “This is not politics. Men never could work in a political party if they stopped to investigate each member's antecedents and associates. If you are going into a fight, you must accept every help that offers.” Finally they postponed the opening of their convention till afternoon and, on the morning of January 11, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Hooker, Paulina Wright Davis and Hon. A. G. Riddle appeared in the judiciary committee room. None of them had met Mrs. Woodhull, whom they found to be a beautiful woman, refined in appearance and plainly dressed. She read her argu- ment in a clear, musical voice with a modest and engaging manner, captivating not only the men but the ladies, who in- vited her to come to their convention and repeat it. Mrs. 376 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Hooker and Judge Riddle also addressed the committee and Miss Anthony closed the proceedings with a short speech, thus reported by the Philadelphia Press: She said few women had persecuted Congress as she had done, and she was glad that new, fresh voices were heard today. “But, gentlemen,” she continued, "I entreat you to bring this matter before the House. You let our petition, presented by Mr. Julian last winter, come to its death. I ask you to grant our appeal so that I can lay off my armor, for I am tired of fighting. The old Constitution did not disfranchise women, and we begged you not to put the word 'male' into the Fourteenth Amendment. I wish, General Butler, you would say contraband for us. But, gentlemen, bring in a report of some kind, either for or against; don't let the matter die in committee. Make it imperative that every man in the House shall show whether he is for or against it.” Mrs. Hooker caught the refrain as Miss Anthony sat down, and said: "Pledge yourselves that we shall have a hearing before Con- gress." The Daily Patriot, of Washington, gave this account of the opening of the convention : About 3 o'clock the principal actors came upon the stage in Lincoln Hall. In the center of the front row was Paulina Wright Davis, a stately, dignified lady with a full suit of frosted hair. On her right was Isabella Beecher Hooker, the ruling genius of the assembly, of commanding voice and look, and evidently at home on the rostrum. On the left was Josephine S. Griff- ing, of this city, wearing the calm, imperturbable expression which is so emi- nently her characteristic. Further on was Susan B. Anthony, “the hero of a hundred fights, but still as eager for the fray as when she first enlisted under the banner of woman's rights. . . . . Then came the two New York sensations, Woodhull and Claflin, both in dark dresses, with blue neck- ties, short, curly brown hair, and nobby Alpine hats, the very picture of the advanced ideas they are advocating. All were fresh from the scene of their contest in the Capitol, wreathed with smiles, flushed with victory, and evi- dently determined to let the world know that the goal of their ambition was nearly reached; that Congress had virtually surrendered at discretion, and hereafter they were to be considered part and parcel of that great body denominated American citizens. Mrs. Hooker introduced Victoria Woodhull, saying it was her first at- tempt at public speaking, but her heart was so in the movement that she was determined to try. She advanced to the front of the platform, but was so nervous that she required the assuring arm of the president and her kindly voice to give her courage to proceed. When she did, it was with a perceptible tremor in her tones. After an apology, she read her memorial, which had been presented to the judiciary committee, reported the result of her interview with them, and said she had the assurance that it would be favorably reported, and that the heart of every man in Congress was in the MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION-THE LECTURE FIELD. 377 movement. Thus ended the first effort of the great Wall street broker as a public speaker. She was followed by Josephine S. Griffing, Lillie Devereux Blake, Frederick Douglass and others. Judge Riddle made the address of the evening. Senator Nye, of Nevada, pre- sided over one evening session; Senator Warner, of Alabama, over one; and Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, over another. The correspondent of the Philadelphia Press wrote: “Mrs. Woodhull sat sphynx-like during the convention. General Grant himself might learn a lesson of silence from the pale, sad face of this unflinching woman. No chance to send an arrow through the opening seams of her mail. . . . She reminds one of the forces in nature behind the storm, or of a small splinter of the indestructible; and if her veins were opened they would be found to contain ice.” The National Republican thus describes one session : The attendance yesterday morning clearly demonstrated that the woman's movement has received an immense addition in numbers, quality and earn- estness. ... Miss Anthony, with her face all aglow, her eyes sparkling with indignation, said that a petition against suffrage had been presented in the Senate by Mr. Edmunds, signed by Mrs. General Sherman, Mrs. Admiral Dahlgren and others. She was glad the enemies of the movement at last had shown themselves. They were women who never knew a want, and had no feeling for those who were less fortunate. They had boasted that if neces- sary they could get one thousand more signatures of the best women in the land to their petition. What are a thousand names, and who are the best women in the land ? In answer to the one thousand the advocates of suffrage could bring tens, aye, hundreds of thousands of women who desire the ballot for self-protection. The fight had now commenced in earnest, and it would not be ended until every woman in this broad land was vested with the full rights of citizenship. The tenor of all the speeches was the right of women to vote under the recently adopted Fourteenth Amendment. There was an absence of the usual long series of resolutions, and all were concentrated in the following, presented by Miss Anthony: WHEREAS, The Fourteenth Article of the Constitution of the United States declares that all persons born or naturalized in the United States are citizens thereof, and of the State wherein they reside, and as such entitled to the una- 378 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. bridged exercise of the privileges and immunities of citizens, among which are the rights of the elective franchise; therefore Resolved, That the Congress of the United States be earnestly requested to pass an act declaratory of the true extent and meaning of the said Four- teenth Article. Resolved, That it is the duty of American women in the several States to apply for registration at the proper times and places, and in all cases when they fail to secure it to see that suits be instituted in the courts having jurisdic- tion, and that their right to the franchise shall secure general and judicial recognition. In presenting the resolutions she said that if Congress failed to do what was asked, and if the courts decided that “per- sons” are not citizens, then the women had another resource; they could go back to first principles and push the Sixteenth Amendment. A national woman suffrage and educational committee of six was formed, herself among the number; and a large book was opened containing a “ Declaration and Pledge of Women of the United States," written by Mrs. Hooker, asserting their belief in their right to the suffrage and their desire to use it. This was signed within a few months by 80,000 women and presented to Congress. The following spring large numbers attempted to vote in various parts of the country. The advent of Mrs. Woodhull on the woman suffrage plat- form created a wide-spread commotion. The old cry of “free love” was redoubled, the enemies exulted loud and long, the friends censured and protested. Regarding this matter, Mrs. Hooker wrote: My sister Catharine says she is convinced now that I am right and that Mrs. Woodhull is a pure woman, holding a wrong social theory, and ought to be treated with kindness if we wish to win her to the truth. Catharine wanted me to write her a letter of introduction, so that when she went to New York she could make her acquaintance and try to convince her that she is in error in regard to her views on marriage. I gave her the letter and she is in New York now. When she sees her she will be just as much in love with her as the rest of us. Imagine the Dahlgren coterie when they get Catharine to Washington to fight suffrage and find her visiting Victoria and proclaiming her sweetness and excellence. The rest of the story is told in a subsequent letter: “Sister MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION—THE LECTURE FIELD. 379 Catharine returned last night. She saw Victoria and, attack- ing her on the marriage question, got such a black eye as filled her with horror and amazement. I had to laugh inwardly at her relation of the interview and am now waiting for her to cool down !" The men especially were exercised over the new convert to suffrage and flooded the ladies with letters of protest. To one of these Mrs. Stanton replied : In regard to the gossip about Mrs. Woodhull I have one answer to give to all my gentlemen friends: When the men who make laws for us in Washing- ton can stand forth and declare themselves pure and unspotted from all the sins mentioned in the Decalogue, then we will demand that every woman who makes a constitutional argument on our platform shall be as chaste as Diana. If our good men will only trouble themselves as much about the vir- tue of their own sex as they do about ours, if they will make one moral code for both men and women, we shall have a nobler type of manhood and womanhood in the next generation than the world has yet seen. We have had women enough sacrificed to this sentimental, hypocritical prating about purity. This is one of man's most effective engines for our division and subjugation. He creates the public sentiment, builds the gal- lows, and then makes us hangmen for our sex. Women have crucified the Mary Wollstonecrafts, the Fanny Wrights, the George Sands, the Fanny Kembles, of all ages; and now men mock us with the fact, and say we are ever cruel to each other. Let us end this ignoble record and henceforth stand by womanhood. If Victoria Woodhull must be crucified, let men drive the spikes and plait the crown of thorns. Immediately after the Washington convention, Miss An- thony went to fill a lecture engagement at Kalamazoo, the arrangements made by her friend, the widely-known and revered Lucinda H. Stone. She spoke also at Grand Rapids Lucinda Binsdele None and other points in Michigan. At Chicago she was fortunate enough to have a day with Mrs. Stanton, also on a lecturing tour, and then took the train for Leavenworth. At Kansas City the papers said she made the success of the lecture sea- son.” She spoke in Leavenworth, Lawrence, Topeka, Paola, Olathe and other places throughout the State. Although it was very cold and the half-frozen mud knee deep, she usually 380 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. had good audiences. At Lincoln, Neb., she was entertained at the home of Governor Butler and introduced by him at her lecture. At Omaha her share of the receipts was $100. At Council Bluffs she was the guest of her old fellow-worker, Amelia Bloomer. Cedar Rapids and Des Moines gave packed houses. She lectured in a number of Illinois towns, taking trains at midnight and at daybreak; and, waiting four hours at one little station, the diary says she was so thoroughly worn-out she was compelled to lie down on the dirty floor. On the homeward route she spoke at Antioch College, and was the guest of President Hosmer's family. According to the infalli- ble little journal: “The president said he had listened to all the woman suffrage lecturers in the field, but tonight, for the first time, he had heard an argument; a compliment above all others, coming from an aged and conservative minister.” She spoke also at Wilberforce University, at Dayton, Spring- field, Crestline, and in Columbus before the two Houses of the Legislature. At Salem she ran across Parker Pillsbury, who was lecturing there. When she took the train at Columbus "there sat Mrs. Stanton, fast asleep, her gray curls sticking out." Then again into Michigan she went, speaking at Jack- son, Lansing, Ann Arbor and other cities. Mrs. Stanton had preceded her and it was many times said that her lecture needed Miss Anthony's to make it complete. Then to Chicago, where she spoke at a suffrage matinee in Farwell Hall and at the Cook county annual suffrage convention, and dined at Robert Collyer's; back to Iowa, speaking at Burlington, Daven- port, Mount Pleasant and Ottumwa; over into Nebraska once more, from there returning to Illinois; into Indiana, thence to Milwaukee and points in Wisconsin; and once more to Chi- cago, where, as was often the case, she was the guest of Mr. and Mrs. Fernando Jones; from here across to Painesville and other towns in northern Ohio; then on to numerous places in western New York, and finally home to Rochester, April 25, having slept scarcely two nights in the same bed for over three months. Such is the hard life of the public lecturer, the most exhaust- MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION—THE LECTURE FIELD. 381 ing and exacting which man or woman can experience. Dur- ing all this long trip Miss Anthony had met everywhere a cordial welcome and had been entertained in scores of delight- ful homes. Her speech on this tour was entitled “The New Situation,” and was a clear and comprehensive argument to prove that the Fourteenth Amendment gave women the right to vote. Although composed largely of legal and constitutional references, it was not written but drawn from the store- house of her wonderful memory, aided only by a few notes. At the close of the Washington convention the advocates of woman suffrage honestly believed that the battle was almost won. They felt sure Congress would pass the enabling act, permitting them to exercise the right that they claimed to be conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment, in which claim they were sustained by some of the best constitutional lawyers in the country. The agricultural committee room in the Capitol was placed at the disposal of the national woman suffrage com- mittee, who put Josephine S. Griffing in charge. The latter part of January she wrote: Our room is thronged. Yesterday and today no less than twelve wives of members of Congress were here and large numbers of the aristocratic women of Washington. Blanche Butler Ames assures me that all her sympathies are with us. President Grant's sister, Mrs. Cramer, has been here and given her name, saying that Mrs. Grant sent her regards and sympathized with our movement, and that she had refused from principle to sign Mrs. Sherman's protest. ... The daily press is on its knees and is publishing long editorials in our favor. You ask if this is a Republican dodge. I do not know. I feel as Douglass did, ready to welcome the bolt from heaven or hell that shivers the chains. If the Republicans hope to save their lives by our enfranchisement, let them live. Mrs. Hooker wrote from Washington: “Everything con- spires to bring about the early confirmation of our hopes. Republicans are discovering that without this new, live issue, they are dead, and once more party necessity is to be God's opportunity. Let us, who know so many good men and true who are in this party, be thankful that through it, rather than through the Democratic, deliverance is to come, for to owe 382 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. gratitude to a pro-slavery party would nearly choke my thanks- giving.” To this Mrs. Stanton replied: "That is not the point, but which party, as a party, has the best record on our question. For four years I have chafed under the Republican maneuver- ing to keep us still. Let me call your attention to my speech on the Fifteenth Amendment, in which I said this is a new stab at womanhood, to result in deeper degradation to her than she has ever known before.' . . . . Sometimes I ex- claim in agony, 'Can nothing raise the self-respect of women?' I despise the Republican party for the political serfdom we suffer today, under the heel of every foreign lord and lackey who treads our soil. If all of you have turned to such idols, I will go alone to Jerusalem.” When the judiciary committee made its adverse report which was merely that Congress had not the power to act, most of the friends were not discouraged but believed another committee would decide differently. Mrs. Hooker, however, was at the boiling point of indignation over the report and reversed her decision in regard to the Republican party, writ- ing: "Thank God! that party is dead; every one here knows it, feels it, and is waiting to see what will take its place. A great labor and woman suffrage party is ready to spring into life, and a hundred aristocratic Democrats are pledged to the work. You can have no conception of the new conditions unless you are here in the midst of things and read the tele- grams from all parts of the country. Early next winter we shall be declared voting citizens." She then quotes a number of prominent Democratic politicians whom she has interviewed and who have given her reason for having faith in that party. But many of the women were fooled then by both political parties, just as they have continued to be up to the present time. A letter from Phoebe Couzins expressed the sentiment of 1 The committee reported January 30, 1871, John A. Bingham, of Ohio, chairman. The mi- nority report, signed by Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, and William Loughridge, of Iowa, is perhaps the strongest and most exhaustive argument ever written on woman's right to vote under the Constitution. It is given in full in the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 464. MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION-THE LECTURE FIELD. 383 numbers which were received this spring: "We made a grand mistake in giving up the National. If you and Mrs. Stanton think best, as your fingers are on the pulse of the people, let us resolve the Union Society into the National Association. So say Mr. and Mrs. Minor, but whatever is done, the two grand women who have the qualifications for leadership must be at the head; the cause will languish until you are back in your old places.'' The suffrage anniversary was held in Apollo Hall, New York, May 11 and 12, 1871. Mrs. Griffing read an able report on the work at Washington the previous winter. There were strong objections by a number of ladies to sitting on the platform with Mrs. Woodhull, but Mrs. Stanton said she should be sandwiched between Lucretia Mott and herself and that surely would give her sufficient respectability. She made a fine constitutional argument, to which the most captious could not object. The excitement created by her appearance at the Washington meeting was mild compared to that in New York City where she was becoming so well-known. The great dailies headed all reports, "The Woodhull Convention.” The injustice and vindictiveness of the Tribune, that paper which once had been the champion of woman's cause, were especially hard to bear. It rang the changes upon the term “free love,” insisted that, because the women allowed Mrs. Woodhull to stand upon their platform and advocate suffrage, they thereby indorsed all her ideas on social questions, and by every possible means it cast odium on the convention. There is no doubt that the advocates of “free love,” in its usually accepted sense, did endeavor to insinuate themselves among the suffrage women and make this movement responsi- ble for their social doctrines, but every great reform has to suf- fer from similar parasites. The lives of Miss Anthony, Mrs. Mott, Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. Davis, and of all the old and tried leaders in this cause, form the strongest testi- mony of their utter repudiation of any such heresy. It was impossible, however, for the world in general to understand their broad ground that it was their business to accept valua- 384 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ble services without inquiring into the private life of the per- sons who offered them. If this were a mistake, these pioneers, who fought single-handed such a battle as the women of later days can not comprehend, had to learn the fact by experience. The notorious Stephen Pearl Andrews prepared a set of involved and intricate resolutions which were read by Paulina Wright Davis, the chairman, without any thought of their possessing a deeper meaning than appeared on the surface, but they fell flat on the convention, and were neither dis- cussed nor voted upon. The papers got possession of them, nevertheless, declared that they were adopted as part of the platform, read “ free love” between the lines, and used them as the basis of many ponderous and prophetic editorials. A national committee was formed of one woman from each State, with Mrs. Stanton as chairman, of which the New York Standard, edited by John Russell Young, said : “Miss Susan B. Anthony holds a modest position, but we can well believe that in any movement for the enfranchisement of women, like MacGregor, wherever she sits will be the head of the table.” The New York Democrat commented: “She deals with facts, not theories, but just gets hold of one nail after another and drives it home. . . . Her words were to the point, as they always are, and abounded in telling hits in every direction." Even the Tribune was generous enough to say: "The ranks of the agitators with whom Captain Anthony is identified con- tain no one more indiscreet, more reckless or more honest. We have no sort of sympathy with the object to which the fair captain is now devoting her life; but we know no person be- fore the country more single-minded, sincere and unselfish and, for these reasons, more honestly entitled to the regard of a public which will always appreciate upright intentions and disinterested devotion.” In the closing days of May, she wrote to her old paper, The Revolution : Your “Stand by the Cause,” this week, is the timely word to the friends of woman suffrage. The present howl is an old trick of the arch-fiend to divert public thought from the main question, viz: woman's equal freedom MRS. HOOKER'S CONVENTION—THE LECTURE FIELD. 385 and equal power to make and control her own conditions in the state, in the church and, most of all, in the home. Though the ballot is the open sesame to equal rights, there is a fundamental law which can not be violated with impunity between woman and man, any more than between man and man; a law stated a hundred years ago by Alex- ander Hamilton: “Give to a man a right over my subsistence, and he has power over my whole moral being.” Woman's subsistence is in the hands of man, and most arbitrarily and unjustly does he exercise his consequent power, making two moral codes: one for himself, with largest latitude-swear- ing, chewing, smoking, drinking, gambling, libertinism, all winked at-cash and brains giving him a free pass everywhere; another quite unlike this for woman-she must be immaculate. One hair's breadth deviation, even the touch of the hem of the garment of an accused sister, dooms her to the world's scorn. Man demands that his wife shall be above suspicion. Woman must accept her husband as he is, for she is powerless so long as she eats the bread of dependence. Were man today dependent upon woman for his sub- sistence, I have no doubt he would very soon find himself compelled to square his life to an entirely new code, not a whit less severe than that to which he now holds her. In moral rectitude, we would not have woman less but man more. It is to put an end to such heresies as the following, from the Rochester Democrat, that all women should most earnestly labor. That paper begs us not to forget, “ that what may be pardonable in a man, speaking of evils gener- ally, may and perhaps ought to be unpardonable in one of the presumably better sex; because there can not and must not be perfect equality between men and women when the disposition to do wrong is under discussion. Women are permitted to be as much better than men as they choose; but there ought to be no law, on or off the statute books, recognizing their social and political right to be worse or even as bad as men; and it is shameful that intelligent women should claim such a right, or even dare to mention it at all.” No human being or class of human beings would venture to talk thus to equals. It is only because women are dependent on men that such cowardly impudence can be dished out to them day after day by puny legis- lators and editors, themselves often reeking in social corruption which should banish them forever from the presence of womanhood. Yours for an even- handed scale in morals as well as politics, SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ANT.-25 CHAPTER XXIII. FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 1871. for A SRT the close of the New York convention Miss An- WAVE thony, Rev. Olympia Brown and Josephine S. Griffing went with Mrs. Hooker to Hartford for a short visit, which it may be imagined was one protracted "business session.” Then Miss An- thony hastened to her own home to prepare for a long journey, as she and Mrs. Stanton had decided to make a lecture tour through California. She left Rochester the last day of May, and met Mrs. Stanton in Chicago where a reception was given them by the suffrage club, in its elegant new headquarters. They spoke in a number of cities en route and attended numer- ous handsome receptions held in their honor. At Denver they were entertained by Governor and Mrs. McCook. Their audiences were large and enthusiastic, the press respectful and often cordial and appreciative.' At Laramie City they were 1 Miss Anthony's lecture was a decided success, judged either by the number and intelli- gence of those present or the able manner in which she discussed the salient points pertain- ing to woman suffrage. She displayed an ability, conciseness and force that must have car- ried conviction to every impartial listener... Her visit here has done more to advance the cause of woman suffrage than can now be fully appreciated. She has sown the germ of a movement which can not fail to inoculate our people with a belief in the justice of her cause and the injustice of longer depriving the more intelligent, purer and consequently better portion of our inhabitants of that greatest of boons, the ballot.-Sioux City Daily Times. Miss Anthony's lecture was full of good, sound common sense, and an opponent of woman suffrage said it was the best speech he ever heard on the subject. Wyoming was highly complimented as being the first Territory to recognize the equality of woman, and pro- nounced as much ahead of her eastern sisters in civilization as she is higher in altitude. The lecture abounded with gems of wit, humor and pathos, and the audience would willingly have listened another hour.-Cheyenne Tribune. The press sneers at Miss Anthony, men tell her she is out of her proper sphere, people call her a scold, good women call her masculine, a monstrosity in petticoats; but if one-half of (387) 388 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. accompanied to the station by a hundred women whom Mrs. Stanton addressed from the platform. A letter written by Miss Anthony during the journey contains these beautiful paragraphs: We have a drawing-room all to ourselves, and here we are just as cozy and happy as lovers. We look at the prairie schooners slowly moving along with ox-teams, or notice the one lone cabin-light on the endless plains, and Mrs. Stanton will say: "In all that there is real bliss, if only the two are perfect equals, two loving people, neither assuming to control the other.” Yes, after all, life is about one and the same thing, whether in the prairie schooner and sod cabin, or the Fifth Avenue palace. Love for and faith in each other alone can make either a heaven, and without these any home is a hell. It is not the outside things which make life, but the inner, the spirit of love which casteth out all devils and bringeth in all angels. Ever since 4 o'clock this morning we have been moving over the soil that is really the land of the free and the home of the brave-Wyoming, the Ter- ritory in which women are the recognized political equals of men. Women here can say: "What a magnificent country is ours, where every class and caste, color and sex, may find equal freedom, and every woman sit under her own vine and fig tree.” What a blessed attainment at last; and that it should be here among these everlasting mountains, midway between the Atlantic and Pacific, seems significant of the true growth of the individual- the center pure, the heart-beats free and equal. At Salt Lake City they were the guests of Mr. and Mrs. W. S. Godbe, and were presented to their audience by Mayor Wells, who afterward took them to call on his five wives. The second evening they were introduced by Bishop Orson Pratt. From here Miss Anthony writes to The Revolution : If I were a believer in special providences, I should say that our being in Salt Lake City at the dedication of the New Liberal Institute was one. On Sunday morning, July 2, this beautiful hall of the Liberal party-Apostate party, the Saints call it-was well filled. The services consisted of invoca- tions, hymns and brief addresses. Messrs. Godbe, Harrison, Lyman and Lawrence seem to be the advance-guard-the high priests of the new order-and as they sang their songs of freedom, poured out their rejoicings over their her sex possessed one-half of her acquirements, her intellectual culture, her self-reliance and independence of character, the world would be the better for it.-Denver News. A large and attentive audience filled the Denver theater last night to hear Miss Susan B. Anthony, champion of the "new departure in politics,” called the woman suffrage move- ment. The fact that there was not sitting room for all who came is evidence of deep inter- est in the subject, or great curiosity to hear the lady speak... It is impossible to give an outline of her speech. It was a string of strong arguments put in a straightforward, clear and vigorous way, eliciting favor and inviting the attention of the audience through- out. The lecture was suggestive, and of the kind that sets people to thinking.-Denver Tribune, FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 389 emancipation from the Theocracy of Brigham, and told of the beatitudes of soul-to-soul communion with the All-Father, my heart was steeped in deepest sympathy with the women around me and, rising at an opportune pause, I asked if a woman and a stranger might be permitted to say a word. At once the entire circle of men on the platform arose and beckoned me forward; and, with a Quaker inspiration not to be repeated, much less put on paper, I asked those men, bubbling over with the divine spirit of freedom for them- selves, if they had thought whether the women of their households were today rejoicing in like manner? I can not tell what I said-only this I know, that young and beautiful, old and wrinkled women alike wept, and men said, “I wanted to get out of doors where I could shout.” The transition of this people into the new life is complicated-is heart- rending. Remember that when these men began their rebellion against Brigham, it was simply a protest against his tyranny-his exorbitant tithing system-a mere refusal to render tribute unto him; not at all a disavowal of the Morman religion or of polygamy. But as bond after bond has burst, this last, strongest and tightest one of plurality of wives is beginning to snap asunder. To illustrate: One man, a noble, loving, beautiful spirit, nothing of the ty- rant, nothing of the sensualist-with four lovely wives, three of whom I have seen, and in the homes of two of whom I have broken bread, with thirteen loved and loving children—wakes up to the new idea. Four women's hearts breaking, three sets of children who must leave their father that the one- wife system may be realized ! I can assure you my heart aches for the man, the women and the children, and cries, "God help them, one and all.” Where the man is a brutal tyrant, the problem is comparatively easy. What we have tried to do is to show them that the principle of the subjection of woman to man is the point of attack; and that woman's work in monogamy and polygamy is one and the same—that of planting her feet on the ground of self-support. The saddest feature here is that there really is nothing by which these women can earn an independent livelihood for themselves and their children, no manufacturing establishments, no free schools to teach. Women here, as everywhere, must be able to live honestly and honorably without the aid of men, before it can be possible to save the masses of them from entering into polygamy or prostitution, legal or illegal. Whichever way I turn, whatever phase of social life presents itself, the same conclusion comes: “Independent bread alone can redeem woman from her curse of subjection to man.” I attended the Liberals' Fourth of July celebration. Their beautiful hall was packed; their souls were on fire with their new freedom. Never since the first reading of the Declaration of Independence in 1776, were its great truths responded to with such real and deep feeling as on this occasion. I did not intrude myself on them again-but my soul, too, was on fire for freedom for my sex, as was that of every wife and daughter in that assembly. But these men have yet to learn to loose the bonds of power over the women by their side, precisely as have the men in the States and the world over. Here is missionary work—not for any “thus saith the Lord” canting priests or echoing priestesses by divine right, but for great, Godlike, humani- tarian men and women, who “ feel for those in bonds as bound with them.” 390 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. No Phariseeism, no shudders of Puritanic horror, no standing afar off; but a simple, loving, fraternal clasp of hands with these struggling women, and an earnest work with them--not to ameliorate but to abolish the whole sys- tem of woman's subjection to man in both polygamy and monogamy. In a letter home she says: Our afternoon meeting of women alone was a sad spectacle. There was scarcely a sunny, joyous countenance in the whole 300, but a vast number of deep-lined, careworn, long-suffering faces—more so, even, than those of our own pioneer farmers' and settlers' wives, as I have many times looked into them. Their life of dependence on men is even more dreadful than that of monogamy, for here it is two, six, a dozen women and their great broods of children each and all dependent on the one man. Think of fifteen, twenty, thirty pairs of shoes at one strike, or as many hats and dresses! . . But when I look back into the States, what sorrow, what broken hearts are there because of husbands taking to themselves new friendships, just as really wives as are these, and the legal wife feeling even more wronged and neglected. I have not the least doubt but the suffering there equals that here -the difference is that here it is a religious duty for the man to commit the crime against the first wife, and for her to accept the new-comer into the fam- ily with a cheerful face; while there the wrong is done against law and pub- lic sentiment. But even the most devoted Mormon women say it takes a great deal of grace to accept the other wives, and be just as happy when the husband devotes himself to any of them as to herself, yet the faithful Saint attains to such angelic heights and finds her glory and the Lord's in so doing. The system of the subjection of woman here finds its limit, and she touches the lowest depths of her degradation. The empire totters and Brigham feels the ground sliding from under his feet. These men will be very likely to try the variety” plan of Stephen Pearl Andrews, but the women will hate that even worse than polygamy. One man came to me relating a new vision, direct from Christ himself, to that ef- fect, and I said: “Away with your man-visions! Women propose to reject then all, and begin to dream dreams for themselves.” While at Salt Lake they received complimentary passes to California and throughout that State, from Governor Leland Stanford, always a helpful friend to woman suffrage. They reached San Francisco July 9, and took rooms at the Grand Hotel, at that time the best in the city. Their coming had been heralded by the press and they experienced the royal California welcome, receiving flowers, fruit, calls and invita- tions in abundance. Mrs. Stanton made her first speech in Platt's Hall to an audience of 1,200; all seemed delighted and the papers were very complimentary. At that time the whole FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 391 by Laura D. Fair, and the entire weight of opinion was against her. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, always ready to defend their sex, determined to hear the story from her own lips, hoping for the sake of womanhood to learn some mitigating circumstances. The afternoon papers came out with an at- tack upon them for making this visit to the jail, and in the evening at Miss Anthony's first lecture there was an immense audience, including many friends of Crittenden, determined that there should be no justification of the woman who killed him. Miss Anthony made a strong speech on “ The Power of the Ballot,” which was well received until she came to the pero- ration. Her purpose had been to prove false the theory that all women are supported and protected by men. She had demonstrated clearly the fact that in the life of nearly every woman there came a time when she must rely on herself alone. She asserted that while she might grant, for the sake of the ar- gument, that every man protected his own wife and daughter, his own mother and sister, the columns of the daily papers gave ample evidence that man did not protect woman as woman. She gave sundry facts to illustrate this point, among them the experience of Sister Irene, who had established a foundling hospital in New York two years before, and at the close of the first year reported 1,300 little waifs laid in the basket at the door. These figures, she said, proved that there were at least 1,300 women in that city who had not been protected by men. She continued impressively: “If all men had protected all women as they would have their own wives and daughters pro- tected, you would have no Laura Fair in your jail tonight.” Then burst forth a tremendous hissing, seemingly from every part of the house! She had heard that sound in the old anti- slavery days and quietly stood until there came a lull, when she repeated the sentence. Again came a storm of hisses, but this time they were mingled with cheers. Again she waited for a pause, and then made the same assertion for the third time. Her courage challenged the admiration of the audience, which broke out into a roar of applause, and she closed by say- 392 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ing: “I declare to you that woman must not depend upon the protection of man, but must be taught to protect herself, and there I take my stand.” The next morning, however, she was denounced by the city papers as having vindicated the murder and justified the life which Mrs. Fair had led! Those who had not heard the lecture believed these reports, and other papers in the State took up the cry. Even the press of New York and other east- ern cities joined in the chorus, but the latter was much more severe on Mrs. Stanton, who in newspaper interviews did not hesitate to declare her sympathy for Mrs. Fair; and yet for some reason, perhaps because Miss Anthony had dared refer boldly to crime in high places in San Francisco, the batteries there were turned wholly upon her. In her diary she says: “Never in all my hard experience have I been under such fire.” So terrific was the onslaught that no one could come to her rescue with a public explanation or defense. Miss Anthony had cut San Francisco in a sore spot and it did not propose to give her another chance to use the scalpel. She at- tempted to speak in adjacent towns but her journal says: “The shadow of the newspapers hung over me.” At length she re- solved to cancel all her lecture engagements and wait quietly until the storm passed over and the public mind grew calm. She writes in her diary, a week later: "Some friends called but the clouds over me are so heavy I could not greet them as I would have liked. I never before was so cut down." She tells the story to her sister Mary, who replies : I am so sorry for you. It will spoil your pleasure, and then I think of that load of debt which you hoped to lighten, yet I should have felt ashamed of you if you had failed to say a word in behalf of that wretched woman. I am sick of one-sided justice; for the same crime, men glorified and women gib- beted. If your words for Mrs. Fair have made your trip a failure, so let it be--it is no disgrace to you. It is scandalous the way the papers talk of you, but stick to what you feel to be right and let the world wag. On July 22, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton started for the Yosemite Valley, a harder trip in those days even than now. It is best described in her own words: Mrs. Stanton, writing to The Revolution, and S. B. A., scribbling home, are FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 393 thirty miles out of the wonderful valley of the Yosemite.... We shall have compassed the Calaveras Big Trees and the Yosemite Valley in twelve days out from Stockton, where we expect to arrive August 2. Mrs. Stanton is to speak there Thursday night and I at San Jose, where I shall learn whether the press has forgiven me. We both lecture the rest of the week, and Sunday get into San Francisco, speak at different points the 7th and 8th, and on the 9th go to the Geysers and stay two nights; then out again and on with meetings almost every night till the end of the month. We shall visit lakes Donner and Tahoe and some other points of interest as they come in our reach. Mr. Hutchings would not take a penny for our three days' sojourn in the valley, horses and all, so our trip is much less expensive than we had anticipated. With our private carriage we drove three miles nearer the top of the mountain than the stage passengers go. Mrs. Stanton and I each had a pair of linen bloomers which we donned last Thursday morning at Crane's Flats, and we arrived at the brow of the mountain at 9 o'clock. Our horses were fitted out with men's saddles, and Mrs. Stanton, perfectly confident that she would have no trouble, while I was all doubts as to my success, insisted that I should put my foot over the saddle first, which I did by a terrible effort. Then came her turn, but she was so fat and her pony so broad that her leg wouldn't go over into the stirrup nor around the horn of a sidesaddle, so after trying several different saddles she commenced the walk down hill with her guide leading her horse, and commanded me to ride on with the other. By this time the sun was pouring down and my horse was slowly fastening one foot after another in the rocks and earth and thus carefully eas- ing me down the steeps, while my guide baited me on by saying, “You are doing nicely, that is the worst place on the trail," when the fact was it hardly began to match what was coming. At half-past two we reached Hutchings', and a more used-up mortal than I could not well exist, save poor Mrs. Stanton, four hours behind in the broil- ing sun, fairly sliding down the mountain. I had Mr. Hutchings fit out my guide with lunch and tea, and send him right back to her. About six she arrived, pretty nearly jelly. We both had a hot bath and she went supperless to bed, but I took my rations. Presently John K. McLean and party, of Oak- land, came in. They had scaled Glacier Point that day and were about as tired and fagged as we. The next day Mrs. Stanton kept her bed till nearly noon; but I was up and on my horse at eight and off with the McLean party for the Nevada and Vernal Falls.... Saturday morning, with Stephen M. Cunningham for my guide, I went up the Mariposa trail seven miles to Artist's Point, and there under a big pine tree, on a rock jutting out over the valley, sat and gazed at the wondrous walls with their peaks and spires and domes. I could take in not only the whole circuit of the mountain tops but the valley enshrined below, with the beautiful Merced river meandering over its pebbly bed among the grass and shrubs and towering pines. We reached the hotel at 7 P. M.-tired-tired. Not a muscle, not one inch of flesh from my heels to my hands that was not sore and lame, but I took a good rub-off with the powerful camphor from the 394 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. bottle mother so carefully filled for me, and went to bed with orders for my horse at 6 A. M. Sunday morning's devotion for Minister McLean and the Rochester strong- minded was to ride two and a half miles to Mirror lake, and there wait and watch the coming of the sun over the rocky spires, reflected in the placid water. Such a glory mortal never beheld elsewhere. The lake was smooth as finest glass; the lofty granite peaks with their trees and shrubs were reflected more perfectly than costliest mirror ever sent back the face of most beautiful woman, and as the sun slowly emerged from behind a point of rock, the thinnest, flakiest white clouds approached or hung round it, and the reflection shaded them with the most delicate, yet most perfect and richest hues of the rainbow. And while we watched and worshipped we trembled lest some rude fish or bubble should break our mirror and forever shatter the picture seemingly wrought for our special eyes that Sunday morning. Then and there, in that holy hour, I thought of you, dear mother, in the body, and of dear father in the beyond, with eyes unsealed, and of Ann Eliza and Thomas King. I talked to John of them and wondered if they too sat not with us in that holy of holies not made with hands. O, how nothing seemed man- made temples, creeds and codes ! At San Jose Miss Anthony was the guest of Rev. and Mrs. Charles G. Ames. Her audience was small but appreciative, and the Mercury, edited by J. J. Owen, said: “After all the mean notices by certain of the daily papers in San Francisco, her hearers were astonished at the masterly character of her address. She held her audience delighted for an hour and forty minutes." From here she went to the Geysers, riding on the front seat with driver Foss, and she says in her diary: "On the way out he explained to me the philosophy of fast driving down the steep mountain sides; and on the way back he unfolded to me the sad story of his life.” Miss Anthony spoke at a number of small towns but it did not seem advisable for her to try again in San Francisco, so she devoted herself to contributing in every possible way to the success of Mrs. Stanton's lectures. On August 22 the lat- ter completed her tour and left for the East, but Miss Anthony decided to accept the numerous calls to go up into Oregon and Washington Territory. She went to Oakland for a brief visit with Mrs. Randall, the Mary Perkins who used to teach in her childhood's home more than thirty years before, and her diary says: “They are glad to see me and we have enjoyed talking over old times. They are wholly oblivious to our re- FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 395 form agitation and I am glad to get out of it for a while.” But a few days later she called on the Curtis family, who were interested in reforms, and wrote: “I got back into my own world again and the springs of thought and conversation were quickly loosened. It is marvelous how far apart the two worlds are.” She started on the ship Idaho for Portland, August 25. The sea was very rough, they were seven days making the trip and, judging from the almost illegible entries in the diary, it was not a pleasant one: 1st day.-I feel forlorn enough thus left alone on the ocean but I am in for it and bound to go through. . . . Before 6 o'clock my time came and old ocean received my first contribution. 2d day.-Strong gale and rough sea. Tried to dress-no use-back to my berth and there I lay all day. Everybody groaning, babies crying, mothers scolding, the men making quite as much fuss as the women. 3d day.-Tried to get up but in vain. In the afternoon staggered up on deck-men stretched out on all sides looking as wretched as I felt-glad to get back to bed. Captain sent some frizzled ham and hard tack, with his compliments. Sea growing heavier all the time. 4th day.-Terribly rough all night. Could not sleep for the thought that every swell might end the ship's struggles. Felt much nearer to the dear ones who have crossed the great river than to those on this side. Out of sight of land all day and ship making only two and a half miles an hour. 5th day.The same pitching down into the ocean's depths, the same unbounded waste of surging waters, but a slight lessening of the sea-sickness. 6th day.-Quite steady this morning. Went on deck and met several pleas- ant people. Took my spirit-lamp and treated the captain's table to some delicious tea. 7th day.-First word this morning, “bar in sight.” The shores look beau- tiful. All faces are bright and cheery and many appear not seen before. I felt well enough to discuss the woman question with several of the passen- gers. Arrived at Portland at 10 P. M., glad indeed to touch foot on land again. In the first letter home she says: Abigail Scott Duniway, editor of the New Northwest, was my first caller this morning. I like her appearance and she will be business manager of my lectures. The second caller was Mr. Murphy, city editor of the Herald, and the third Rev. T. L. Eliot, of the Unitarian church, son of Rey. William Eliot, of St. Louis. I am to take tea at his house next Monday. I am not to speak until Wednesday, and thus give myself time to get my head straightened and, I hope, my line of argument. Mrs. Duniway thinks I will find two months of profitable work in Oregon and Washington Territory, but I hardly believe it possible. If meetings pay so as to give me hope of adding to my 396 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. $350 in the San Francisco Bank (my share of the profits on Mrs. Stanton's and my lectures, which we divided evenly), making it reach $2,000 or even $1,000 by December first, I shall plod away.. I miss Mrs. Stanton, still I can not but enjoy the feeling that the people call on me, and the fact that I have an opportunity to sharpen my wits a little by answering questions and doing the chatting, instead of merely sitting a lay figure and listening to the brilliant scintillations as they emanate from her never-exhausted magazine. There is no alternative-whoever goes into a parlor or before an audience with that woman does it at the cost of a fearful overshadowing, a price which I have paid for the last ten years, and that cheerfully, because I felt that our cause was most profited by her being seen and heard, and my best work was making the way clear for her. Miss Anthony could not entirely recover from the disappoint- ment of her reception in San Francisco, but a letter written to Mrs. Stanton, just before her first lecture in Oregon, shows no regrets but a wish that she had put the case even more strongly : I am awaiting my Wednesday night execution with fear and trembling such as I never before dreamed of, but to the rack I must go, though another San Francisco torture be in store for me. ... The real fact is we ought to be ashamed of ourselves that we failed to say the whole truth and illustrate it too by the one terrible example in their jail. That would have caused not me alone but both of us to be hissed out of the hall and hooted out of that Godless city--Godless in its treading of womanhood under its heel. I assure you, as I rolled on the ocean last week feeling that the very next strain might swamp the ship, and thinking over all my sins of omission and commission, there was nothing undone which haunted me like that failure to speak the word at San Francisco over again and more fully. I would rather today have the satisfaction of having said the true and needful thing on Laura Fair and the social evil, with the hisses and hoots of San Francisco and the entire nation around me, than all that you or I could possibly experience from their united eulogies with that one word unsaid. To my mind the failure to put our heads together and work up that lecture grows every day a greater blunder, if noth- ing more. It was like going down into South Carolina and failing to illus- trate human oppression by negro slavery. I hope you are not haunted with it as I am. God helping me, I will yet ease my spirit of the load. After this lecture she wrote again: The first fire is passed. I send you the Bulletin and Oregonian notices. I have not seen the Democratic paper--the Herald-but am told it says Miss Anthony failed to interest her audience. Not a person stirred save when I made them laugh. But tomorrow night's audience will tell the people's esti- mate. My speech then will be on the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 397 Last night I made the San Francisco speech, but was not nearly so free and easy in the brain-working; still I got my points clearly stated. The wet blanket is now somewhat off. I hope to present the fact of our right to vote under these amendments with a great deal more freedom. If I am able to do so, I shall talk to women alone Saturday afternoon on the social evil; then, if interest warrants, answer objections Monday evening, and close here. I have contracted for one-half the gross receipts of evening and the entire receipts of afternoon lectures. I want to tell you that with my gray silk I wore a pink bow at my throat and a narrow pink ribbon in my hair! Mrs. Duniway is delighted, so you see my tide is turning a little from that terrible, killing experience. You never received such wholesale praise-I never such wholesale censure. But enough; it is a comfort to get a little outside assurance again. Miss Anthony met with a friendly reception from the press of Oregon. She was extensively interviewed by the leading papers and reported in a complimentary manner. The Ore- gonian thus closed a column account: "The audience, which listened attentively and with evident deep interest to this ad- dress, was large and chiefly composed of the intelligent portion of our citizens. Miss Anthony talked clearly, more concisely than the average speaker, kept the thread of her logic well in hand and, it must be confessed, made a strong argument, though we can hardly admit that it was conclusive. She is a fluent speaker and well sustains the cause she advocates." The Herald said in a lengthy interview: “Her conversa- tion is fluent and concise, each word expressing its full com- plement of meaning. Her system of argument is logical and, in contradistinction to the sex in general, she does not depend on mere assertions but gives proofs to carry conviction.rl The Bulletin thus began a fine report: “As a speaker she has the happy faculty of presenting her subject in a clear *Notwithstanding this tribute, the Herald printed a long string of verses with this intro- duction: “We trust our leaders will not miss the perusal of this piece of rhythmical irony. It is certainly one of the happiest hits we have seen for many a day. No one can mistake the allusion to the Old Gal,' who has been so recently among us tooting her horn.'” "Along the city's thoroughfare, "A meek old man, in accents wild, A grim Old Gal with manly air Cried, 'Sal! turn back and nurse our child ! Strode amidst the noisy crowd, She bent on him a withering look, Tooting her horn both shrill and loud; Her bony fist at him she shook, Till e'en above the city's roar, And screeched, 'Ye brute! ye think I'm flat Above its din and discord, o'er To mend your clo'es and nurse your brat? All, was heard, 'Ye tyrants, fear! Nurse it yourself; I'll change the plan, The dawn of freedom's drawing near- When I am made a congressman- Woman's Rights and Suffrage.' Woman's Rights and Suffrage,'" etc. 398 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and convincing manner. Her style is forcible and argu- mentative. She contents herself with facts--presenting them in plain language, resting her case upon these, unaided by sophistry and the blinding influence of oratory.” This paper, however, was very severe upon her doctrines, declaring editorially that they were “mischievous, revolutionary and impracticable, and would result in anarchy in homes and chaos in society.” Mrs. Duniway's paper, the New Northwest, said: “Miss Anthony is a stirring and vigorous worker, a profound and logical speaker, has a truly wonderful influence over her audiences and produces conviction wherever she goes.... She has a peculiarly happy manner of using the right word in the right place, never hesitates in her language, and is evi- dently as brimful of argument at the close of her lectures as at their beginning. She has awakened the dormant feelings of duty and true womanhood in many a woman's heart in Port- land, and scores of ladies in our community who never before gave the question a moment's consideration are now eager for the ballot." From Portland Miss Anthony wrote to The Revolution: There is something lovely in this Oregon climate beyond any I have yet known on either side the Rocky mountains. It is neither too hot nor too cold, but a delightful medium which I enjoy as I sit this second September Sunday in my room at the St. Charles Hotel, with its windows opening upon the broad and beautiful Willamette. I am surprised at the size of this city, and the evidences of business and solid wealth all about.... John Chinaman too is here, cooking, washing and ironing, quiet and meek- looking as in San Francisco. The Republicans of this coast, like the Demo- crats, talk and resolve against him for political effect, merely to cater to the ignorant voters of their party. They say he can not be naturalized on account of some stipulation in the old treaty with China, when they know or ought to know that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments have as effectu- ally blotted the word "white" out of all United States treaties and naturaliza- tion laws, as out of all the State and Territorial constitutions and statutes. Their pretence that the Chinaman may not become a citizen of the United States, precisely the same as an African, German or Irishman, is matched only by their denial of citizenship to the women of the entire nation. Under the old regime it was the negro with whom we had to make common cause in our demand for the practical recognition of our right to representation. In snatching the black man from our side, the Republicans, out of pure sympa- thy doubtless, lest we should be without any 'male' compeer in our degrada- FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 399 tion, leave the innocent Chinaman to comfort and console us. Are we not most unreasonable in our dissatisfaction with the company our fathers and brothers constitutionally rank with us-idiots, lunatics, convicts, Chinamen? While sailing up the Columbia, Mrs. Duniway wrote Mrs. Stanton: “Miss Anthony has been holding large meetings in Portland, Salem and Oregon City, and has conquered the press and brought the whole fraternity to terms. She has also suc- ceeded in holding important and successful meetings at The Dalles, and is now returning with me from a series of lectures in Walla Walla. We find the people everywhere enthusiastic and delighted. Her fund of logic, fact and fun seems inex- haustible. She speaks three and four consecutive evenings in one place, and each time increases the interest. We are all justly proud of her.” At Walla Walla the church doors were closed to her but she spoke in the schoolhouse. At Salem all the judges of the supreme court were in her audience and afterward called on her. She had good houses everywhere but money was hard to get, and she speaks in her letters of being almost frantic lest she may not be able to meet her notes on January first, "the one cherished dream of this year's work.” In a letter from Olympia describing the journey she said: "Here I am, October 22, at the head of Puget Sound. This was my route-Portland, down the Willamette river twelve miles to the Columbia; then down that river one hundred miles to the mouth of the Cowlitz, Monticello; then ninety miles stage-ride, full sixty of it over the roughest kind of corduroy. Twenty-five miles to Pumphrey's Hotel, arriving at 6 P. M.; supper and bed; called up at 2 o'clock, and off again at 2:30— perfectly dark-lantern on each side of coach—fourteen miles to breakfast at 7, horses walked every step of the way; eighteen more, walk and corduroy, to dinner; then thirty miles of splendid road, and arrival here at 5:30 P. M.” At Seattle, No- vember 4, she wrote home: For the first time I have seen the glory of the sunrise upon the entire Coast Range. The whole western horizon was one fiery glow on mountain tops, all cragged and jagged from two miles in height down to the line of per- 400 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. petual snow. It has been very tantalizing to be on this wonderful Puget Sound these ten days, and never see the clouds and fogs lift themselves long enough to give a vision of the majestic mountains on either side. My one hope now is that they may rise on both sides at the same time; but the rainy season has fairly set in. It has rained part of every twenty-four hours since we reached Olympia ten days ago. The grass and shrubbery are as green and delightful as with us in June, and roses and other flowers are blooming all fragrant and fresh. The forests are evergreen-mainly firs and cedars- and on the streets here are maple and other deciduous trees. The feeling of the air is like that during the September equinoctial storm. The sound, from twenty to forty miles wide, with inlets and harbors extending full two or three miles into the land, is the most beautiful sheet of water I ever have seen. I go to Port Madison this afternoon, and on Monday to Port Gamble; back to Olympia for the Territorial Convention Wednesday; then down to Port- land and thence southward. I have traveled 1,800 miles in fifty-six days, spoken forty-two nights and many days, and I am tired, tired. Lots of good missionary work, but not a great deal of money. The last letter from Portland, November 16, said: The mortal agony of speaking again in Portland is over, but the hurt of it stings yet. I never was dragged before an audience so utterly without thought or word as last night and, had there been any way of escape, would have taken wings or, what I felt more like, have sunk through the floor. It was the strangest and most unaccountable condition, but nothing save bare, bald points stared me in the face. Must stop; here is card of Herald reporter. Before the reporter left, some ladies called, among them Mrs. Harriet W. Williams, at whose house we all used to stop in Buffalo, in the olden days of temperance work. She is like a mother to me. Mrs. Eliot, wife of the Unitarian minister, also came. They formed a suffrage society here Tuesday with some of the best women as officers. What is more and most of all I received a letter from a gentleman, enclosing testimonials from half a dozen of the prominent men of the city, asking an interview looking to marriage! I also received a serenade from a millionaire at Olympia. If any of the girls want a rich widower or an equally rich bachelor, here is decidedly the place to get an offer of one. But tell brother Aaron I expect to survive them all and reach home before the New Year, as single-handed and penniless as usual.1 Coming from The Dalles, the boat tied up for the night at Umatilla Landing. Miss An- thony and Mrs. Duniway walking on shore saw a man sitting in front of a little corner grocery and stopped to ask some questions. They found that when a boy he had run away from home in Miss Anthony's own neighborhood, had never written back and his family had long believed him dead. After some conversation he consented that she might write to his mother and then in his softened mood insisted that they should have a glass of wine. Miss Anthony was a total abstainer but not wishing to offend him, took one sip from a glass of Angelica and then the ladies hurried back to the boat. Some one who had seen the occurrence spread the story and the result was an Associated Press item sent broadcast, stating that, since coming to the coast, Miss Anthony was visiting saloons and associating with low characters. FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 401 Miss Anthony was invited to address the legislature while at Olympia. Notwithstanding her extreme need of money she do- nated the proceeds of one lecture to the sufferers by the Chicago fire. Usually she had good audiences but occasionally would fall into the hands of persons obnoxious to the community and the meeting would be a failure. She writes in her diary, “It seems impossible to escape being sacrificed by somebody.” The press of Washington was for the most part very favor- able. The Olympia Standard said: “We had formed a high opinion of the ability of the lady and her remarkable talent as a public speaker, and our expectations have been more than realized. She presents her arguments in graceful and elegant language, her illustrations are ample and well chosen, and the hearer is irresistibly drawn to her conclusions. . . There is no gainsaying the sound logic of her arguments. They appeal to a sense of right and justice which ought not longer be denied." There was sometimes, however, a discordant note, as may be shown by the following from the Territorial Despatch, of Seattle, edited by Beriah Brown: It is a mistake to call Miss Anthony a reformer, or the movement in which she is engaged a reform; she is a revolutionist, aiming at nothing less than the breaking up of the very foundations of society, and the overthrow of every social institution organized for the protection of the sanctity of the altar, the family circle and the legitimacy of our offspring, recognizing no religion but self-worship, no God but human reason, no motive to human action but lust. Many, undoubtedly, will object that we state the case too strongly; but if they will dispassionately examine the facts and compare them with the char- acter of the leaders and the inevitable tendency of their teachings, they must be convinced that the apparently innocent measure of woman suffrage as a remedy for woman's wrongs in over-crowded populations, is but a pretext or entering wedge by which to open Pandora's box and let loose upon society a pestilential brood to destroy all that is pure and beautiful in human nature, and all that has been achieved by organized associations in religion, morality and refinement; that the whole plan is coarse, sensual and agrarian, the worst phase of French infidelity and communism. ... She did not directly and positively broach the licentious social theories which she is known to entertain, because she well knew that they would shock the sensibilities of her audience, but confined her discourse to the one subject of woman suffrage as a means to attain equality of competitive labor. This portion of her lecture we have not time to discuss. Our sole purpose ANT.-26 402 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. now is to enter our protest against the inculcation of doctrines which we be- lieve are calculated to degrade and debauch society by demolishing the dividing lines between virtue and vice. It is true that Miss Anthony did not openly advocate "free love” and a disregard of the sanctity of the marriage relation, but she did worse—under the guise of defending women against manifest wrongs, she attempts to instil into their minds an utter disregard for all that is right and conservative in the present order of society. Apparently Mr. Brown did not approve of woman suffrage. According to his own statement Miss Anthony confined her entire discourse to the one point of competitive labor. The editorial was founded wholly upon his own depraved imagina- tion. Miss Anthony went into British Columbia and spoke several times at Victoria. The doctrine of equal rights was entirely new in that city and on the first evening there was not a woman in the hall. At no succeeding lecture were twenty women present, although there were fair audiences of men. The press was respectful in its treatment of speaker and speeches, but some of the cards” which were sent to the papers were amusing, to say the least. The journal depicts the hardships of a new country, the poor hotels, the long stage-rides, the inconvenient hours, etc. At one place, where there was an appalling prospect of spending 1 Two examples will suffice: "EDITOR COLONIST: I have read with a feeling of thankfulness the letter of 'A Male Biped,' in this day's Colonist. The writer deserves the thanks of every good woman in the land for the bold and able manner in which he has administered a shaking to a shrewish old mischief-maker who, having failed to secure a husband herself, is tramping the continent to make her more fortunate sisters miserable by creating dissensions in their households. 0, why do not some of our divines or lawyers upset this woman's sophistries, and convince even her that woman's true sphere is in 'submitting herself to her husband,' and religiously fulfilling the marriage vows the wise organizers of society have prescribed ? A WIFE AND A MOTHER.” “MR. EDITOR: America, the home of many humbugs, which produced Brigham Young, Barnum, Home, the medium, and many others, has, it appears, another human curiosity in Miss Anthony. This specimen from over the way comes amongst us, and because our ladies fail to recognize or encourage her in her vagaries, she gets very rabid and snarls and snaps at the women of Victoria who had so sunk their womanhood that they were happy even in their degradation. The degradation referred to is that of whipping, which this female fire- brand appears to believe is the rule here. Surely the complete immunity from castigation of such a noxious creature as Miss Anthony is sufficient answer to this libel. Men in British Columbia no more countenance bad husbands than do the women a quack apostle in petti- coats. They look upon such persons as sexual mistakes, like the two-headed lady or the four-legged baby, and as safe guides on social questions as George Francis Train is in politics. AN INSULTED HUSBAND." And yet during the few days she was in Victoria no less than half a dozen women came to her to protest against the law which allowed the husband to whip his wife. FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 403 Sunday in the wretched excuse for a hotel, a lady came and took her to a fine, new home and Miss Anthony was delighted; but when the husband appeared he announced that he did not keep a tavern,” and so, after her evening lecture, she re- turned to her former quarters, the wife not daring to remon- strate. After meeting one woman who had had six husbands, and at least a dozen whose husbands had deserted them and married other women without the formality of a divorce, she writes in her journal, “Marriage seems to be anything but an indissoluble contract out here on the coast.” Mean- while she had received urgent invitations from California once more to try her fortune in that State. After lecturing to crowded houses at Oregon City, Eugene and other points, she continued southward, her rough experience on shipboard de- ciding her to go by stage. From Roseburg she wrote her mother, November 24: I am now over one hundred miles on my stage-route south, and horrible indeed are the roads-miles and miles of corduroy and then twenty miles of “Joe Lane black mud," as they call it, because old Joseph Lane settled right here in the midst of it. It is heavy clay without a particle of loam and rolls up on the wheels until rim, spokes and hub are one solid circle. The wheels cease to turn and actually slide over the ground, and then driver and men pas- sengers jump out and with chisels and shingles cut the clay off the wheels. How my thought does turn homeward, mother. I wanted always to be at home every recurring birthday of yours so long as you remained this side with us. I can not this year, but in spirit I shall be with you all that day, as I am so very, very often on every other day. The courtesy of a seat outside with the driver was usually extended to her and she picked up much information in regard to the people and customs, some of it perhaps not wholly reli- able. On this journey she encountered a drenching rain and heavy snow, and finally was driven inside. When they stopped for the night she had a little, cold bedroom, sometimes next to the bar-room, where the carousing kept her awake all night. She wrote home from Yreka, November 28 : Last evening I lectured in the courthouse to a splendid audience, and speak again this afternoon at 2 o'clock to answer objections. Several lawyers 404 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. threaten to be on hand and force me to the wall on legal points, but we shall see. Then at four I am to drive with Mrs. Jerome Churchill, and at seven board the stage again for Red Bluff, 125 miles, riding steadily all tonight and the next day and night. It is snowing here and southward, which delays us more and more every day. I rode three miles yesterday for a full view of Mount Shasta, but the sum- mit was hidden by a dense fog, and I saw only one of its side-points called the crater; so all hope of seeing this lofty snow-peak is over, unless it should clear off and I see it by moonlight as I go out tonight. This long stage route is a new and interesting experience to me, and I am so glad I returned this way. The first day, in spite of the corduroy ruckabuck jouncing, I felt a sort of halo of joy hovering around me. It was indescribable; it was like a ben- ediction of “well done, decided right.” From the diary : Snow storm today but a fine moonlight view of Mount Shasta at night. Rode all night in the stage, splendid sunrise view of Castle Rock. Today through Sacramento canyon, fine day and grand scenery. Supped at 9 P. M. and then nine of us were packed into a short wagon and did not arrive at Red Bluff till 3 A. M. . . . No arrangements had been made for my lecture. Sheriff refused to let me have the courthouse. Secured the schoolhouse, but no fire and small audience after all my hard trip to get here. Called at 2: 30 A. M. to take the stage again. ... Reached Chico at last. Mr. Allen, agent of General Bidwell, met me, and such a good cup of coffee and cosy, comfortable time as his wife Emma gave me! Good audience, although heavy storm. .. . At Marysville spoke in the theater to a small but select audience. Expenses $20 over receipts. The fates are opposed to my financial success, and the interest is piling up on my debts. ... Mrs. Laura de Force Gordon and a dozen other ladies met me at Sacramento, and she and I went on to San Francisco where I found thirty letters awaiting me at the Grand Hotel. The flurry of prejudice against Miss Anthony had died out and she accepted an invitation for a public address signed by a number of influential citizens. She spoke several times to good audiences and was fairly treated by the press, but she was too frank and outspoken to be very popular, especially at that time. The people were greatly stirred up over what was known as the Holland Social Evil Bill, which was under con- sideration by the board of supervisors and had roused public opinion to white heat, both in favor and in opposition. Miss Anthony naturally made a fight against it, calling a meeting of women only and explaining to them, point by point, its vicious propositions. This provoked both favorable and ad- FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 405 verse criticism by the press. At Mayfield she was a guest at the handsome home of Judge and Mrs. Sarah. Wallis. Mrs. Knox, Mrs. Watson, Mrs. McKee and a big omnibus load drove up from San Jose, seventeen miles. She spoke at a number of neighboring towns and the sympathizers with the cause she represented were delighted with her masterly efforts, but she felt everywhere the need of a good manager to make her lectures a financial success. On December 15 her friends in San Francisco tendered her a reception and banquet at the Grand Hotel. All the newspapers in the city gave compli- mentary accounts, of which the following from the Chronicle will serve as a specimen : The friends of Miss Susan B. Anthony, to the number of about fifty, com- prising the more prominent leaders of the suffrage movement, assembled in the parlors of the Grand Hotel last evening. After an hour spent in social conversation and the interchange of congratulations upon the bright prospects of the cause they represent, the guests were ushered into the spacious dining- hall, where a bountiful collation had been spread. ... Miss Anthony said: ".... I go from you freighted with a burden of love and gratitude, and no greetings have been more precious than those of work- ing men and women. Tonight when the woman who earns her livelihood by selling flowers through the hotel came to the door of the parlor and, present- ing me with the beautiful bouquet which I hold in my hand, asked, 'Will you accept this because you have spoken so nobly for us poor working- women ?' it brought tears to my eyes, unused to weeping. I felt a thrill of gratitude that I had been permitted to prosecute this work. We who are seated around this board may have all the rights we need; we are not work- ing for ourselves, but for those now suffering around us. For them, our sisters, and for future generations must we labor. ..." She took her seat amid warm applause. A number of brief, pithy speeches were made and all dispersed with a hearty Godspeed to the talented lady in whose behalf they had assembled. Laura de Force Gordon had arranged a number of lectures for Miss Anthony on the route eastward. At Nevada City she was the guest of A. A. Sargent, the newly elected United States senator, and his wife, both earnest friends of woman suffrage.' During Mr. Sargent's candidacy for the Senate, a California newspaper objected that he was in favor of woman suffrage, and called for a denial of the truth of the damning charge. He took no notice of it until a week or two later, when a suffrage convention met in San Francisco; he then went before that body and delivered a radical speech in favor of woman's rights, taking the most advanced grounds. When he was through he remarked to a friend, “They have my views now, and can make the most of them. I would not conceal them to be senator.”-History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 483. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The rainy season had set in and the diary says: “These storms which bring new life and hope to farmers and miners, mean empty benches for me." The mud, snow and wind in Nevada were terrible. At Virginia City, where she lectured, she was snowed in for several days and finally left in a six- horse sleigh, in the midst of a blinding storm, on Christmas Day. I wish you a successful Enconsa meeting, for your & She arrived at Reno to find that the Sargents, whom she ex- pected to join on their way to Washington, had passed through a day or two before but, as they were delayed by snowdrifts, she overtook them at Ogden, and enjoyed the privileges of their luxurious staterooms until they reached Chicago. It happened most fortunately that the Sargents were supplied with inex- haustible hampers of provisions, for the trip from Ogden to Chicago occupied twelve days. Senator Mitchell and family, of Oregon, and several other friends were on the train, but with all the pleasant companionship and all the entertainment which could be devised, the journey was long and tedious. The ever-faithful diary contains a brief record of each day : December 28.-The western-bound train arrived at noon, eight days from Omaha, a happy set of people to be so far along on their journey. We left Ogden at 3 P. M., three packed sleeping-cars. All went smoothly to Bitter Creek, then we waited three or four hours for an extra engine to take us up the grade. December 29.-Starting and backing, then starting and backing again. Prospect very discouraging Mr. Sargent makes the tea, unpacks the hamp- ers and serves as general steward, but draws the line at washing the dishes. FIRST TRIP TO THE PACIFIC COAST. 407 We women-folks take that as our part. Delayed all night at Percy. Here overtook the passenger train which left Ogden last Monday. December 30.-Detained all day and all night at Medicine Bow. Four passenger trains packed into two, and long freight trains passed us in the night. December 31.-Left Medicine Bow at noon, went through deep snow cuts ten miles in length. One heavy passenger and two long freight trains in front of us. Reached Laramie at 10 P. M. Thus closes 1871, a year full of hard work, six months east, six months west of the Rocky mountains; 171 lectures, 13,000 miles of travel; gross receipts $4,318, paid on debts, $2,271. Nothing ahead but to plod on. A few blank pages in an old account-book tell the rest of the story : January 1, 1872.-Laramie City. On Pullman car “ America," Union Pacific R. R. Lay here all night and breakfasted at railway hotel. J. H. Hayford, editor Laramie Sentinel, told us of the bill to repeal the woman suffrage law in Wyoming. The law had been passed by a Democratic legis- lature as a jest, but five Democrats voted for repeal and four Republicans against it, in one house, and in the other, three Republicans voted against and every Democrat for the repeal. Governor Campbell, a Republican, vetoed this repeal bill and woman suffrage still stands, as a Territorial legis- lature can not pass a bill over the governor's veto. . . . Here we are at noon, stuck in a snowdrift five miles west of Sherman, on a steep grade, with one hundred men shovelling in front of us. Dined, Mr. Sargent offici- ating, on roast turkey, jelly, bread and butter, spice cake and excellent tea. At dark, wind and snow blowing terrifically, but a bright sky. January 2.-Still stationary. The railroad company has supplied the pas- sengers with dried fish and crackers. Mrs. Sargent and I have made tea and carried it throughout the train to the nursing mothers. It is the best we can do. Five days out from Ogden! This is indeed a fearful ordeal, fastened here in a snowbank, midway of the continent at the top of the Rocky mount- ains. They are melting snow for the boilers and for drinking water. A train loaded with coal is behind us, so there is no danger of our suffering from cold. Mr. Sargent, Mr. Mitchell and Major Elliott walked to Sherman and an old man drove them back at dusk with two ponies. The train had moved up to Dale creek bridge and drawn into a long snow-shed. Here we remained all night and, with the rarified air and the smoke from the engine, were almost suffocated, while the wind blew so furiously we could not venture to open the doors. January 3.-Bright sunshine and perfectly calm. Ernest and Norman Mel- liss, sons of David M. Melliss, of New York City, came into our car from the other train, which is twelve days from Ogden. How they do revive The Rev- olution experiences, Train and the Wall Street gossip! Stood still in the snow-shed till noon and reached Sherman about 6 P. M. Mr. Sargent had brought some potatoes which we roasted on top of the stove and they proved a delicious addition to our meal. In the car “ Sacramento” we had a mock 408 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. trial, Judge Mitchell presiding and the jury composed of women. He wrote out a verdict, which the women insisted on bringing in, not because they agreed with it but because they wanted to please him and the other men, but I rebelled and hung the jury! January 4.-Morning found us still at Sherman and we did not move till 1 P.M. There is another train ahead of us, and here we are, four passenger trains pushing on for Cheyenne. The people from the different ones visit among each other. Half-way to Granite Canyon the snowplow got off the track and one wheel broke, so a dead standstill for hours. Reached Granite Canyon at dark, a whole day getting there from Sherman, and remained over night. January 5.-Bright and beautiful. Reached Cheyenne at 11:30 A. M. Little George Sargent coaxed his papa to let him walk over the bridge to the town and fell through and broke his arm. Mrs. Sargent, after holding him till the bone was set, fainted. Afterwards I called on Mrs. Amalia Post. It was at her house the Cheyenne women met and went in a body to Governor Campbell's residence in 1869, and announced their intention of staying till he signed the woman suffrage bill, which he did without further delay. Met the governor and several other notables. At 1:30 P. M. our train was off at first- class speed, and oh, what joy in every face! January 6.- Arrived at Omaha at 3 P. M. Found letter from brother D. R., enclosing pass to Leavenworth and saying he had passes for me from there to Chicago and eastward. If I go to L. I shall miss the Washington con- vention, where I am so badly needed. If it had not been for this vexatious delay I could have had a day or two there and several more at Rochester. Now I must push straight on. It is my hard fate always to sacrifice affection and pleasure to duty and work. January 7.-All the baggage had to be rechecked at Omaha and when I insisted upon attending to my own, because I had found that the only safe way, Mr. Sargent looked so offended that I at once handed over my checks. January 8.- Arrived at Chicago at 3 A. M. Went at once to my aunt Ann Eliza Dickinson's and visited with her till 7 o'clock, had breakfast and went to Fort Wayne depot where, as I feared, I found one of my checks called for the wrong piece of baggage; so I took one trunk, left the baggage-master to hunt up the other, and started straight for Washington on a train without a sleeper. January 9.-Passed Pittsburg at 2 A. M. Breakfasted at Altoona on top of the Alleghanies; scenery most beautiful, but not on so grand a scale as among the Rockies. This is the last entry. It is hardly necessary to add that Miss Anthony reached Washington in time for the opening of the convention on the morning of January 10. To the ques- tion whether she were not very tired, she replied: “Why, what would make me tired? I haven't been doing anything for two weeks!” CHAPTER XXIV. REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 1872. HE leading women in the movement for suffrage, supported by some of the ablest constitutional lawyers in the country, continued to claim the right to vote under the following: FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT, JULY 28, 1868. SECTION 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal pro- tection of the laws. FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT, MARCH 30, 1870. SECTION 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Many of the Republican leaders admitted that these amend- ments might be construed to include women, but were silenced by the cry of "party expediency.” The fear of defeating the attempt to enfranchise the colored male citizen made them re- fuse to add the word “sex” to the Fifteenth Amendment, which would have placed this question beyond debate and put an end to the agitation that has continued for thirty years. The women insisted that the exigency which compelled the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment by the various State legislatures was strong enough to carry it, even with the word (409) 410 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. "sex" included. Having failed to gain this point, the Na- tional Association determined to maintain the position that women were already enfranchised, and embodied it in the call for the Washington convention of 1872: “All those interested in woman's enfranchisement are invited to consider the 'new departure'-women already citizens, and their rights as such secured by the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments of the Federal Constitution.” The same position was re-asserted in the resolutions adopted at that meeting, which declared that "while the Constitution of the United States leaves the qualifications of electors to the various States, it nowhere gives them the right to deprive any citizen of the elective franchise which is possessed by any other citizen; the right to regulate not including the right to prohibit the franchise;' that "those provisions of the several State constitutions which exclude women from the franchise on account of sex, are violative alike of the letter and spirit of the Federal Constitution;" and that "as the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution have established the right of women to the elective franchise, we demand of the present Congress a declaratory act which shall secure us at once in the exercise of this right.” Miss Anthony and other leaders officially asked the privi- lege of addressing the Senate and House upon this momentous question. This was refused, as contrary to precedent, but a hearing was granted before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Friday morning, January 12. Not only the committee room but the corridors were crowded. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Hooker spoke grandly, and as usual Miss Anthony was chosen to clinch the argument, which she did as follows: You already have had logic and Constitution; I shall refer, therefore, to existing facts. Prior to the war the plan of extending suffrage was by State action, and it was our boast that the National Constitution did not contain a word which could be construed into a barrier against woman's right to vote. But at the close of the war Congress lifted the question of suffrage for men above Present, Lyman Trumbull, Illinois, chairman; Roscoe Conkling, New York; F. F. Fre- linghuysen, New Jersey; Matthew H. Carpenter, Wisconsin. 2 See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, pp. 499 and 506. REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 411 State power, and by the amendments prohibited the deprivation of suffrage to any citizen by any State. When the Fourteenth Amendment was first proposed in Congress, we rushed to you with petitions praying you not to insert the word "male" in the second clause. Our best friends on the floor of Congress said to us: “The insertion of that word puts up no new barrier against woman; therefore do not embarrass us but wait until we get the negro question settled.” So the Fourteenth Amendment with the word "male” was adopted. Then, when the Fifteenth was presented without the word “sex,” we again petitioned and protested, and again our friends declared that the absence of that word was no hindrance to us, and again begged us to wait until they had finished the work of the war. “After we have enfranchised the negro we will take up your case.” Have they done as they promised ? When we come asking protection under the new guarantees of the Constitu- tion, the same men say to us that our only plan is to wait the action of Con- gress and State legislatures in the adoption of a Sixteenth Amendment which shall make null and void the word "male" in the Fourteenth, and sup- ply the want of the word “sex” in the Fifteenth. Such tantalizing treatment imposed upon yourselves or any class of men would have caused rebellion and in the end a bloody revolution. It is only the close relations existing between the sexes which have prevented any such result from this injustice to women. Gentlemen, I should be sure of your decision could you but realize the fact that we, who have been battling for our rights now more than twenty years, feel precisely as you would under such circumstances. One of the most ardent lovers of freedom (Senator Sumner) said to me two winters ago, after our hearing before the committee of the District : "I never realized be- fore that you or any woman could feel the disgrace, the degradation of dis- franchisement precisely as I should if my fellow-citizens had conspired to deprive me of my right to vote." Although I am a Quaker and take no oath, yet I have made a most solemn" affirmation" that I will never again beg my rights, but will come to Congress each year and demand the recognition of them under the guarantees of the National Constitution. What we ask of the Republican party is simply to take down its own bars. The facts in Wyoming show how it is that a Republican party can exist in that Territory. Before women voted, there was never a Republican elected to office; after their enfranchisement, the first election sent one Republican to Congress and seven to the Territorial Legislature. Thus the nucleus of a Republican party there was formed through the enfranchisement of women. The Democrats, seeing this, are now determined to disfranchise them. Can you Republicans so utterly stultify yourselves, can you so entirely work against yourselves, as to refuse us a declaratory law? We pray you to report immediately; as Mrs. Hooker has said, “favorably, if you can; adversely, if you must." We can wait no longer. The committee reported adversely on the question of woman's right to vote under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- ments. 412 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. At the close of the convention, Miss Anthony hastened to her home in Rochester, which she had not seen since her de- parture to California eight months before. Soon after her arrival she was invited to meet a number of her acquaintances at the home of her dear friend, Amy Post, and give them an ac- count of her experiences on the Pacific slope. At its conclu- sion she was surprised by the presentation of a purse containing My love and good wishes are always flowing toward thyself and pear to Santor $50, with a touching address by Mrs. Post asking her to accept it as a testimonial of the appreciation in which her friends and neighbors held her work for woman and humanity. At the same time she received a gift of money from Sarah Pugh, in an envelope marked, “For thine own dear self.” In her acknowledgment she says : The tears started when I read your sweet letter. Were it not for the loving sympathy and confidence of the little handful of ever-faithful such as you, my spirit, I fear, would have fainted long ago. There are yourself, dear Lucretia and her equally dear sister, Martha, who never fail to know just the moment when my purse is drained to the bottom and to drop the needed dollar into it. It is really wonderful how I have been carried through all these years financially. I often feel that Elijah's being fed by the ravens was no more miraculous than my being furnished with the means to do the great work which has been for the past twenty years continuously present- ing itself-yes, presenting itself, for it has always come to me. My thought has been to escape the hardships but they come ever and always, and so I try to accept the situation and work my way through as best I can. She was soon off again, lecturing in various cities and towns, going as far west as Nebraska. Early in April, while wait- ing at a little railroad station in Illinois, a gentleman came in REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 413 and handed her a copy of Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly con- taining this double-leaded announcement: The undersigned citizens of the United States, responding to the invitation of the National Woman Suffrage Association, propose to hold a convention at Steinway Hall, in the city of New York, the 9th and 10th of May. We believe the time has come for the formation of a new political party whose principles shall meet the issues of the hour and represent equal rights for all. As women of the country are to take part for the first time in political action, we pro- pose that the initiative steps in the convention shall be taken by them. This convention will declare the platform of the People's party, and consider the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States, who shall be the best possible exponents of political and industrial reform. . . ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, ISABELLA B. HOOKER, MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE. It was followed by the call of Mrs. Woodhull and others for a delegate convention to form a new party. Miss Anthony was thunderstruck. Not only had she no knowledge of this action, but she was thoroughly opposed both to the forming of a new party and to the National Association's having any share in such a proceeding. She immediately telegraphed an order to have her name removed from the call, and wrote back in- dignant letters of protest against involving the association in such an affair. A month prior to this, on March 13, she had written Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Hooker from Leavenworth: We have no element out of which to make a political party, because there is not a man who would vote a woman suffrage ticket if thereby he endan- gered his Republican, Democratic, Workingmen's or Temperance party, and all our time and words in that direction are simply thrown away. My name must not be used to call any such meeting. I will do all I can to support either of the leading parties which may adopt a woman suffrage plank or nominee; but no one of them wants to do anything for us, while each would like to use us. ... I tell you I feel utterly disheartened-not that our cause is going to die or be defeated, but as to my place and work. Mrs. Woodhull has the advan- tage of us because she has the newspaper, and she persistently means to run our craft into her port and none other. If she were influenced by women spirits, either in the body or out of it, in the direction she steers, I might consent to be a mere sail-hoister for her; but as it is, she is wholly owned and dominated by men spirits and I spurn the control of the whole lot of them, just precisely the same when reflected through her woman's tongue and pen as if they spoke directly for themselves. 414 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. After sending this letter she had supposed the question set- tled until she saw this notice, hence her anger and dismay can be imagined The regular anniversary meeting of the National Associa- tion was to begin in New York on May 9, and on the 6th Miss Anthony reached the city to prevent, if possible, the threat- ened coalition with the proposed new party. She engaged the parlors of the Westmoreland Hotel for headquarters and then hastened over to Tenafly to get Mrs. Stanton. As soon as the suffrage committee opened its business session, Mrs. Woodhull and her friends'appeared by previous arrangement made during Miss Anthony's absence in the West, and announced that they would hold joint sessions with the suffrage convention the next two days at Steinway Hall. It was only by Miss Anthony's firm stand and indomitable will that this was averted, and that the set of resolutions which they brought, cut and dried, was defeated in the committee. She positively refused to allow them the use of Steinway Hall, which had been rented in her name, and at length they were compelled to give up the game and engage Apollo Hall for their "new party” convention. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Hooker called her narrow, bigoted and headstrong, but the proceedings of the “people's convention” next day, which nominated Mrs. Woodhull for President, showed how suicidal it would have been to have had it under the auspices of the National Suffrage Association. The forces of the latter, however, were greatly demoralized, the attendance at the convention was small, and Mrs. Stanton refused to serve longer as president. Miss Anthony was elected in her stead and, just as she was about to adjourn the first evening session, to her amazement Mrs. Woodhull came glid- ing in from the side of the platform and moved that “this convention adjourn to meet tomorrow morning at Apollo Hall!” An ally in the audience seconded the motion, Miss Anthony refused to put it, an appeal was made from the de- cision of the chair, Mrs. Woodhull herself put the motion and it was carried overwhelmingly. Miss Anthony declared the whole proceeding out of order, as the one making the motion, REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 415 the second, and the vast majority of those voting were not members of the association. She adjourned the convention to meet in the same place the next morning and, as Mrs. Wood- hull persisted in talking, ordered the janitor to turn off the gas. The next day, almost without assistance and deserted by those who should have stood by her, she went through with the remaining three sessions and brought the convention to a close. In her diary that evening is written: "A sad day for me; all came near being lost. Our ship was so nearly stranded by leaving the helm to others, that we rescued it only by a hair's breadth.” She stopped at Lydia Mott’s and then at Martha Wright's for comfort and sympathy, finding them in abundant measure, and reached home strengthened and re- freshed, ready again to take up the work. At the request of many suffrage advocates, Miss Anthony and Laura De Force Gordon went to the National Liberal Con- vention, at Cincinnati, May 2, 1872, with a resolution asking that as liberal Republicans they should hold fast to the princi- ples of the Declaration of Independence and recognize the right of women to the franchise. The ladies were politely treated and invited to seats on the platform, but were not allowed to appear before the committee and no attention was paid to their resolution. They expected no favors from the presiding offi- cer, Carl Schurz, the foreign born, always a bitter opponent of woman suffrage, but they had hoped for assistance from B. Gratz Brown, George W. Julian, Theodore Tilton and other leading spirits of the meeting, who had been open and avowed friends; but it was the old, old story--political exigency re- quired that women must be sacrificed, and this so-called Lib- eral convention was no more liberal on this subject than all which had preceded it. Miss Anthony is quoted in an interview as saying: You see our cause is just where the anti-slavery cause was for a long time. It had plenty of friends and supporters three years out of four, but every fourth year, when a President was to be elected, it was lost sight of; then the nation was to be saved and the slave must be sacrificed. So it is with us 416 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. women. Politicians are willing to use us at their gatherings to fill empty seats, to wave our handkerchiefs and clap our hands when they say smart things; but when we ask to be allowed to help them in any substantial way, by assisting them to choose the best men for our law-makers and rulers, they push us aside and tell us not to bother them. On June 7 Miss Anthony and other prominent suffrage leaders attended the National Republican Convention, at Phil- adelphia, which adopted the following compromise: The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom; their admission to wider fields of usefulness is received with satisfaction; and the honest de- mands of any class of citizens for equal rights should be treated with respect- ful consideration. At the close of this meeting, the faithful Sarah Pugh slipped $20 into Miss Anthony's hand, telling her to go and confer with Mrs. Stanton. She did so and they prepared a strong letter for the New York World, calling upon the Democrats at Baltimore to adopt a woman suffrage plank if they did not wish to compel the women of the country to work for the suc- cess of the Republican ticket. Immediately after the Phila- delphia convention, Henry B. Blackwell, editor of the Woman's Journal, wrote Miss Anthony : I have given my views to Mrs. Stanton as to the wisdom of concentrating the woman suffragists in support of the Republican candidates and platform. I think if this is done earnestly, heartily and unselfishly, upon the ground of anti-slavery principle and of progressive tendencies, a strong and general re- action will set in and that, instead of “recognition," as in 1872, we shall have endorsement and victory in 1876. . . . I believe you love the cause better than yourself. I hope that you will see the wisdom of accepting the resolu- tion in the friendly, generous spirit of the convention and, by accepting it, making it mean what we desire it should, which we can do if we will. To this she replied on June 14: Your note is here. My view of our true position is to hold ourselves as a balance of power, "to give aid and comfort,” as the Springfield Republican says, to the party which shall inscribe on its banners “Freedom to Woman." If I am a Republican or Liberal or Democrat per se and work for the party right or wrong, then I make of myself and my co-workers no added power for or against the one which adopts or rejects our claim for recognition. I do not expect any man to see and act with me here, but I do not under- REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 417 stand how any woman can do otherwise than refuse to accept any party which ignores her sex. I will not work with a party today on the war issues or because it was true to them in the olden time; but I will work with the one which accepts the living, vital issue of today-freedom to woman-and I scarcely have a hope that Baltimore will step ahead of Philadelphia in her platform. Grant's recognition of citizens' rights evidently means to include women, and Wilson's letter openly and boldly declares the new mission of Republicanism. I, therefore, now expect to take the field-the stump, if you please to call it so—for the Republican party, but not because of any of its nineteen planks save the fourteenth, which makes mention of woman, although faintly. It is the promise of things not seen,” hence I shall clutch it as the drowning man the floating straw, and cling to it until something stronger and surer shall present itself. It is a great step to get this first recog- nition; it carries the discussion of our question legitimately into every school district and every ward meeting of the presidential canvass. It is what my soul has waited for these seven years. From this we shall go rapidly on- ward. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Hooker attended the National Dem- ocratic Convention at Baltimore, July 9. The latter some time before had repudiated her life-long allegiance to the Republi- can party, because of its treatment of woman's claims, and had declared her belief that their only chance was with the Democrats. The Baltimore Sun thus describes an interview in the corridor between the Hon. James R. Doolittle, presi- dent of the convention, and Miss Anthony and Mrs. Hooker: "Mr. Doolittle's erect and commanding figure was set off to great advantage by his elegantly-fitting dress-coat; Mrs. Hooker, tall and erect as the lord of creation she was bearding, with her abundant tresses of beautiful gray and her intellectual, sparkling eyes; Miss Anthony, the peer of both in height, with her gold spectacles set forward on a nose which would have delighted Napoleon; the two ladies attired in rich black silk- the attention of the few who lingered was at once attracted to the picture.” But Mr. Doolittle justified his name, as far as extending any assistance was concerned, and the ladies had not even seats on the platform. As an example of the way in which the politicians tried not to do it and yet seem to sufficiently to secure such small influ- ence as the women might possess, may be quoted a letter from ANT.—27 418 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Hon. John Cochran, of New York City, to Mrs. Stanton, his cousin: "I think Baltimore should speak on the subject. I am sorry Cincinnati did not. Any baby could say that four- teenth formula in the Philadelphia platform; but I would say something more if I said anything at all. Come, see if you can rig up this shaky plank and give something not quite suf- frage, but so like it that all the female Sampsons will vote that it is good.” The Baltimore convention, however, could not be induced to adopt even a rickety plank which might fool the women. Miss Anthony writes in her diary: "The Democrats have swallowed Cincinnati, hoofs, horns and all. No hope for women here." While the Republican plank was unsatisfactory, it was the first time Woman ever had been mentioned in a national plat- form and so many glittering hopes were held out by the Republican leaders that the officers of the National Association felt justified in giving their influence to this party. They were the more willing to do this as General Grant, the nomi- nee, had been the first President to appoint women postmasters and was known to be friendly to their claim for equal oppor- tunities, and as Henry Wilson, candidate for Vice-President, was an avowed advocate of woman suffrage. Therefore, Miss Anthony, president, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, chairman of the executive committee, on July 19 sent out a ringing address which began: Women of the United States, the hour for political action has come. For the first time in the history of our country, woman has been recognized in the platform of a large and dominant party. Philadelphia has spoken and woman is no longer ignored. She is now officially recognized as a part of the body politic. . . . We are told that the plank does not say much, that in fact it is only a "splinter;" and our Liberal friends warn us not to rely upon it as a promise of the ballot to women. What it is, we know even better than others. We recognize its meagerness; we see in it the timidity of politicians; but beyond and through all, we see a promise of the future. It is the thin side of the entering wedge which shall break woman's slavery in pieces and make us at last a nation truly free-a nation in which the caste of sex shall fall down by the caste of color, and humanity alone be the cri- terion of all human rights. The Republican has been the party of ideas, of progress. Under its leadership, the nation came safely through the fiery ordeal of the rebellion; under it slavery was destroyed; under it manhood REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 419 suffrage was established. The women of the country have long looked to it in hope, and not in vain; for today we are launched by it into the political arena, and the Republican party must hereafter fight our battles for us. This great, this progressive party, having taken the initiative step, will never go back on its record. In July Miss Anthony, continuing the correspondence with Mr. Blackwell, wrote: Letters are pouring in upon me because of my announcement that I shall work for the Republican party, second only in numbers and regret to those of 1868-because of my accepting Train's words, works and cash, given me to push on the cause of woman suffrage as best I knew. It is marvelous that the friends can not see what a gain it is to have the question of woman's claims introduced into politics. It is the hour I have longed and worked for with might and main because I have seen that so soon as we could get this, the editors and orators of both parties must of necessity discuss the subject pro and con, and of course the party which introduced it favorably into politics, must be the one to give the reasons for so doing. As I endured the growling when I was charged with giving too much "aid and comfort” to the Democracy, because I thanked them for what they did to agitate our demand in Congress and out, I think I shall be equal to the fire now for affiliating with the Republicans. You did me the grossest injus- tice in the Woman's Journal, when you called me a "woman suffrage Demo- crat,” just as gross as the Liberals will be likely to do, when they shall call me a "woman suffrage Republican.” I belong to neither party, and approve of one or the other only as it shall speak and work for the enfranchisement of woman. Had Cincinnati declared for woman, and Philadelphia not, I should have worked with might and main for the Liberals. All I know or care of parties now and until women are free, is “woman and her disfran- chised-crucified !” It is most touching to observe Miss Anthony's joy over this quasi-recognition on the part of Republicans, the more especially at the beginning of the campaign. In her journal of July 26 she says: “It is so strange that all can not see the immense gain to us to have the party in power commit itself to a respectful treatment of our claims. Already the tone of the entire Re- publican press is elevated. It is wonderful to see the change. None but the Liberals deride us now, and Theodore Tilton stands at their head in light and scurrilous treatment.” To her old friend Mrs. Bloomer, she sent this rallying cry: “Ho for the battle now! The lines are clearly drawn. ... Slight as is the Republicans' mention of our claim in their 420 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. plank, it surely is vastly more and better than the disrespect of no mention at all by the Democrats, coupled with the fact that their nominee, Mr. Greeley, is an out-and-out opponent of our movement, and does not now refrain from saying to earnest suffrage women that he' neither desires our help nor believes we are capable of giving any.?” To Mrs. Stanton she wrote: “ The Democrats have now abandoned their old dogmas and accepted those of the Repub- licans, while the latter have stepped up higher to labor reform and woman suffrage. Forney's editorial in the Philadelphia Press of July 11 states positively that the woman suffrage cause is espoused by the Republican party. I tell you the Fort Sumter gun of our war is fired, and we will go on to victory almost without a repulse from this date." But Mrs. Stanton could not share in her optimism, and replied: "I do not feel jubi- lant over the situation; in fact I never was so blue in my life. You and Mr. Blackwell write most enthusiastically, and I try to feel so and to see that the · Philadelphia splinter' is some- thing. Between nothing and that, there is no choice, and we must accept it. With my natural pride of character, it makes me feel intensely bitter to have my rights discussed by popin- jay priests and politicians, to have woman's work in church and State decided by striplings of twenty-one, and the press of the country in a broad grin because, forsooth, some American matrons choose to attend a political convention. Now do I know how Robert Purvis feels when these white mules ' turn round their long left ears at him. But let the Democrats and Liberals do what they may, the cat will mew, the dog will have his day. Dear friend, you ask me what I see. I am un- der a cloud and see nothing." Under date of August 19, Henry Wilson wrote Miss An- thony: “Your cheerful and cheering note came to me in Indiana. In great haste I can only say that I like its spirit, be- lieve in its doctrines, and will call the attention of the Repub- lican committees, both national and New York, to your sug- gestions, and trust and believe that much good may result from carrying into effect its suggestions.” REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 421 On July 16 Miss Anthony had received a telegram from more can committee. Her sister and mother were very ill and she would not leave them, even for such a summons. On the 24th another telegram came, but it was not until the 29th that she felt safe in leaving the invalids. When she reached Washing- ton, the chairman of the committee said: “At the time we sent our first tele- gram we were panic-stricken and had you come then, you might have had what you pleased to carry out your plan of work among the women; but now the crisis has passed and we feel con- fident of success; neverthe- less, we will be glad of your co-operation." He gave her a check of $500, to which the New York committee added $500 more, to hold meetings in that State. The same change of feeling was notice- able in the press. Immediately after the Baltimore convention, when it looked as if Greeley might be elected, the Repub- lican newspapers were filled with appeals to the women, and the plank was magni- fied to suit any interpretation they might choose, but as the campaign progressed and the danger passed, it was almost wholly ignored by both press and platform. The Republicans did, however, employ a num- on yong con float its sugg Raphuls sue rob yuno grohl 422 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ber of women speakers during the campaign, but Miss Anthony received no money except this $1,000, all of which she ex- pended in public meetings. The first was at Rochester, Sep- tember 20, and, the daily papers said, “far surpassed any rally held during the season.” Mayor Carter Wilder presided, and the speakers were Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Gage and Rev. Olympia Brown. The series closed with a tremendous meeting at Cooper Institute, Hon. Luther R. Marsh presiding, and Peter Cooper, Edmund Yates and a number of other prominent men on the stage. Henry Ward Beecher had agreed to preside and to speak at this meeting, but at the last moment was called away. Miss Anthony was considerably at variance with some of the Republican politicians, however, because she and her asso- ciates, through all the campaign, persisted in speaking on the woman's plank in the platform and advocating equal suffrage, instead of ignoring these points, as the men speakers did, and making the fight on the other issues of the party. Her posi- tion is best stated in one of her own letters to Mrs. Stanton early in the autumn: If you are ready to go forth into this canvass saying that you endorse the party on any other point or for any other cause than that of its recognition of woman's claim to vote, I am not and I shall not thus go. To the contrary, I shall work for the Republican party and call on all women to join me, precisely as we thanked the Democrats of Wyoming and Kansas, and Hon. James Brooks and Senator Cowan, viz: for what that party has done and promises to do for woman, nothing more, nothing less. Then again, I shall not join with the Republicans in hounding Greeley and the Liberals with all the old war anathemas of the Democracy. Greeley and all the Liberals are just as good and true Republicans as ever; and the fact that old pro-slavery men propose to vote for him no more makes him pro- slavery than the drunkards' or rum-sellers' vote for him makes him a friend and advocate of the liquor traffic. My sense of justice and truth is outraged by the Harpers' cartoons of Greeley and the general falsifying tone of the Republican press. It is not fair for us to join in the cry that everybody who is opposed to the present administration is either a Democrat or an apostate. I shall try to be “ careful and not captious," as you suggest, but more than all, I shall try not to run myself or my cause into the slough of political schemes or schemers. And I pray you, be prudent and conscientious, and do not surrender one iota of true principle or of our philosophy of reform to aid mere Republican partisanship. REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 423 Miss Anthony never has abandoned this position and the leading advocates of woman suffrage stand with her squarely upon the ground that no party, whatever its principles, shall have their sanction and advocacy until it shall make an un- equivocal declaration in favor of the enfranchisement of women and support this by means of the party press and platform. There was a desire on the part of many women to test the right to vote which they claimed was conferred on them by the Fourteenth Amendment, and in 1872 a number in different places attempted to cast their ballots at the November election. A few were accepted by the inspectors, but most of them were refused. On Friday morning, November 1, Miss Anthony read, at the head of the editorial columns of the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, the following strong plea: Now register! Today and tomorrow are the only remaining opportunities. If you were not permitted to vote, you would fight for the right, undergo all privations for it, face death for it. You have it now at the cost of five min- utes' time to be spent in seeking your place of registration and having your name entered. And yet, on election day, less than a week hence, hundreds of you are likely to lose your votes because you have not thought it worth while to give the five minutes. Today and tomorrow are your only oppor- tunities. Register now! There was nothing to indicate that this appeal was made to men only, it said plainly that suffrage was a right for which one would fight and face death, and that it could be had at the cost of five minutes' time. She was a loyal American citizen, had just conducted a political campaign, was thoroughly con- versant with the issues and vitally interested in the results of the election, and certainly competent to vote. She summoned her three faithful sisters and going to the registry office of the Eighth ward (in a barber's shop) they asked to be registered. There was some hesitation, but Miss Anthony read the Four- teenth Amendment and the article in the State constitution in regard to taking the oath, which made no sex-qualification, and at length their names were duly entered by the inspectors, Beverly W. Jones and Edwin F. Marsh, Republicans; William B. Hall, Democrat, objecting. Miss Anthony then called 424 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. upon several other women in her ward, urging them to follow her example, and in all fifteen registered. The evening papers noted this fact and the next day enough women in other wards followed their example to bring the number up to fifty. The Rochester Express and the Democrat and Chronicle (Republican) noted the circumstance, expressing no opinion, but the Union and Advertiser (Democratic) denounced the proceeding and declared that "if the votes of these women were received the inspectors should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law.” This attack was kept up till the day of election, November 5, with the result of so terrorizing the in- spectors that all refused to accept the votes of the women who had registered except those in the Eighth ward where the ballots of the fifteen' were received. In a letter to Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony says: “Well, I have been and gone and done it, positively voted this morning at 7 o'clock, and swore my vote in at that. Not a jeer, not a rude word, not a disrespectful look has met one woman. Now if all our suffrage women would work to this end of enforcing the constitutional supremacy of National over State law, what strides we might make from now on; but oh, I'm so tired! I've been on the go constantly for five days, but to good pur- pose, so all right. I hope you too voted.” The news of the acceptance of these votes was sent by the Associated Press to all parts of the country and created great interest and excitement. There was scarcely a newspaper in the United States which did not contain from one to a dozen editorial comments. Some of these were flippant or abusive, most of them non-committal but respectful, and many earnest, dignified and commendatory;' a few, notably the New York Graphic, contained outrageous cartoons. 1 Susan B. Anthony, Mary S. Anthony, Guelma Anthony McLean, Hannah Anthony Mosher, Rhoda De Garmo, Sarah Truesdale, Mary Pulver, Lottie B. Anthony, Nancy M. Chapman, Susan M. Hough, Hannah Chatfield, Margaret Leyden, Mary Culver, Ellen S. Baker, Mary L. Hebard (wife of the editor of the Express). 2 When a jurist as eminent as Judge Henry R. Selden testifies that he told Miss Anthony be- fore election that she had a right to vote, and this after a careful examination of the question, the whole subject assumes new importance. ... How grateful to Judge Selden must all the suffragists be! He has struck the strongest and most promising blow in their behalf that REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 425 Immediately after registering Miss Anthony had gone to a number of the leading lawyers in Rochester for advice as to her right to vote on the following Tuesday, but none of them would consider her case. Finally she entered the office of Henry R. Selden, a leading member of the bar and formerly judge of the court of appeals. He listened to her attentively, took the mass of documents which she had brought with her- Benjamin F. Butler's minority report, Francis Minor's resolu- tions, Judge Riddle's speech made in Washington in a similar case the year previous, various Supreme Court decisions, an give her an answer on Monday. She called then and he said: "My brother Samuel and I have spent an entire day in examin- ing these papers and we believe that your claim to a right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment is valid. I will pro- tect you in that right to the best of my ability.” Armed with this authority she cast her vote the next day, and advised the other women to do the same. As the inspectors has yet been given. Dred Scott was the pivot on which the Constitution turned before the war. Miss Anthony seems likely to occupy a similar position now.-New York Commercial Advertiser, The arrest of the fifteen women of Rochester, and the imprisonment of the renowned Miss Susan B. Anthony, for voting at the November election, afford a curious illustration of the ex- tent to which the United States government is stretching its hand in these matters. If these women violated any law at all by voting, it was clearly a statute of the State of New York, and that State might safely be left to vindicate the majesty of its own laws. It is only by an over- strained stretch of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments that the national government can force its long finger into the Rochester case at all.-New York Sun. mind of the country agitated upon the woman's rights question as few others, male or female, could have done. She has displayed very superior judgment and has seldom been led into acts of even seeming impropriety. She has won the respect of all classes by her ability, her con- sistency and her spotless character, and she today stands farin advance of all her co-workers in the estimation of the people. The fact that she voted at Rochester at the presidential elec- tion has created no little commotion on the part of the press, but if women are to become voters, who but the one who has taken the lead in the advocacy of that right should be among the first to cast the vote ?–Toledo Blade. We pause in the midst of our pressing duties to admire the zeal and courage which find in the course of these ladies a challenge to battle, while evils a thousandfold worse, such as bribery, etc., are permitted to pass unnoticed. ... The ladies who voted in this city on the 5th of this month did so from the conviction that they had a constitutional right to the bal- lot. In that they may or may not have been mistaken, but they certainly can not be justly classed with the ordinary illegal voter and repeater. The latter always vote for a pecuniary consideration, knowingly and intentionally violating our laws to get gain. The former voted for a principle and to assert what they esteem a right. The attempt by insinuation to class them among the ordinary illegal voters will react upon its movers.-Rochester Evening Express. 426 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. hesitated to receive the votes, Miss Anthony assured them that should they be prosecuted she herself would bear all the ex- penses of the suit. They had been advised not to register the women by Silas J. Wagner, Republican supervisor. All three of the inspectors and also a bystander declared under oath that Daniel J. Warner, the Democratic supervisor, had advised them to register the names of the women; but on election day this same man attempted to challenge their votes. This, how- ever, already had been done by one Sylvester Lewis, who testified later that he acted for the Democratic central com- mittee. The general belief that these ladies voted the Repub- lican ticket may have influenced this action. About two weeks after election, Monday, November 18, Miss Anthony received a call from Deputy United States Marshal E. J. Keeney who, amid many blushes and much hesitation and stammering, announced that it was his unpleasant duty to arrest her. “Is this your usual method of serving a warrant?'' she calmly inquired. The marshal, thus encouraged, pro- duced the necessary legal document.' As she wished to make some change in her dress, he told her she could come down alone to the commissioner's office, but she refused to take her- self to court, so he waited until she was ready and then de- clined her suggestion that he put handcuffs on her. She had intended to have suit brought against those inspectors who refused to register the women, but it never had occurred to her that those who voted would themselves be arrested. Under date of November 27, Judge Selden wrote her: “I suppose the commissioner will, as a matter of course, hold you for trial at the circuit court, whatever your rights may be in the matter. In my opinion, the idea that you can be charged with a crime on account of voting, or offering to vote, when you honestly believed yourself entitled to vote, is simply Complaint has this day been made by --- on oath before me, William C. Storrs, com- missioner, charging that Susan B. Anthony, on or about the fifth day of November, 1872, at the city of Rochester, N. Y., at an election held in the Eighth ward of the city of Rochester aforesaid, for a representative in the Congress of the United States, did then and there vote for a representative in the Congress of the United States, without having a lawful right to vote and in violation of Section 19 of an act of Congress approved May 31, 1870, entitled "An act to enforce the right of citizens of the United States to vote in the several States of this Union and for other purposes." REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 427 preposterous, whether your belief were right or wrong. How- ever, the learned gentlemen engaged in this movement seem to suppose they can make a crime out of your honest deposit of your ballot, and perhaps they can find a respectable court or jury that will be of their opinion. If they do so I shall be greatly disappointed.” Miss Anthony and the fourteen other ladies who voted, went before U. S. Commissioner Storrs, U. S. District-Attorney Crowley and Assistant U. S. District-Attorney Pond, and were ordered to appear for examination Friday, November 29. Following is a portion of the examination of Miss Anthony by the commissioner: Previous to voting at the 1st district poll in the Eighth ward, did you take the advice of counsel upon your voting ?-Yes, sir.--Who was it you talked with ?--Judge Henry R. Selden.-What did he advise you in reference to your legal right to vote ?-He said it was the only way to find out what the law was upon the subject-to bring it to a test case.—Did he advise you to offer your vote?-Yes, sir.-State whether or not, prior to such advice, you had retained Mr. Selden. --No, sir.-Have you anything further to say upon Judge Selden's advice ?-I think it was sound.—Did he give you an opinion upon the subject ?-He was like the rest of you lawyers-he had not studied the question.-What did he advise you ?-He left me with this opinion: That he was a conscientious man; that he would thoroughly study the sub- ject of woman's right to vote and decide according to the law.-Did you have any doubt yourself of your right to yote?-Not a particle. Cross-examination-Would you not have made the same efforts to vote that you did, if you had not consulted with Judge Selden ?-Yes, sir.—Were you influenced in the matter by his advice at all ?-No, sir.-You went into this matter for the purpose of testing the question ?-Yes, sir; I had been re- solved for three years to vote at the first election when I had been at home for thirty days before. It is an incident worthy of note that this examination took place and the commissioner's decision was rendered in the same dingy little room where, in the olden days, fugitive slaves were examined and returned to their masters. While the attor- neys were endeavoring to agree upon a date for the hearing of arguments, Miss Anthony remarked that she should be engaged lecturing in central Ohio until December 10. “But you are supposed to be in custody all this time,'' said the district- attorney. "Oh, is that so? I had forgotten all about that," 428 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. she replied. That night she wrote in her diary: “A hard day and a sad anniversary! Ten years ago our dear father was laid to rest. This evening at 7 o'clock my old friend Horace Greeley died. A giant intellect suddenly gone out!” The second hearing took place December 23 in the common council chamber, in the presence of a large audience which in- cluded many ladies, the newspapers stating that it had rather the appearance of a social gathering than an arraignment of criminals. Of those on trial one paper said: “The majority of these law-breakers were elderly, matronly-looking women with thoughtful faces, just the sort one would like to see in charge of one's sick-room, considerate, patient, kindly.” At Judge Selden's request, Hon. John Van Voorhis, one of the ablest lawyers in Rochester, had been associated with him- self for the defense. Both made strong, logical arguments, and Miss Anthony herself spoke most earnestly in behalf of the three inspectors, who also had been arrested. The commis- sioner held all of them guilty, fixed their bail at $500 each, and gave them until the following Monday to furnish it. All did so except Miss Anthony, who refused to give bail and applied for a writ of habeas corpus from U. S. District-Judge N. K. Hall. The Rochester Express, which stood nobly by her through this ordeal, said editorially : Miss Anthony had a loftier end in view than the making of a sensation when she registered her name and cast her vote. The act was in harmony with a life steadily consecrated to a high purpose from which she has never wavered, though she has met a storm of inyective, personal taunt and false accusation, more than enough to justify any person less courageous than she in giving up a warfare securing her only ingratitude and abuse. But Miss Anthony has no morbid sentiment in her nature. There is at least one wo- man in the land—and we believe there are a good many more-who does not whine others into helping her over a hard spot, or even plead for help, but bravely helps herself and puts her hand to the plough without turning back. Those who are now regarding her as practically condemned to State prison or the payment of a fine of $500, need not waste their sympathy, for she would suffer either penalty with heroic cheerfulness if thereby she might help bring about the day when the principle "no taxation without representation” meant something more than it does. In writing lately to a friend, she thus expressed herself: “Yes, I hope you will be present at the examination, to witness the grave REPUBLICAN SPLINTER-MISS ANTHONY VOTES. 429 spectacle of fifteen native born citizens, of sound mind and not convicted of any crime, arraigned in the United States criminal courts to answer for the offense of illegal voting, when the United States Constitution, the supreme law of this land, says, 'All persons born or naturalized in the United States ... are citizens; no State shall deny or abridge the privileges or immu- nities of citizens;' and 'The right of citizens to vote shall not be denied.' The one question to be settled is, are personal freedom and personal repre- sentation inherent rights and privileges under democratic-republican insti- tutions, or are they things of legislation, precisely as under old monarchical governments, to be given and taken at the option of a ruling class or of a ma- jority vote? If the former, then is our country free indeed; if the latter, then is our country a despotism, and we women its victims!” Under date of December 12, Benjamin F. Butler, then a member of Congress, wrote Miss Anthony regarding her case: I do not believe anybody in Congress doubts that the Constitution author- izes the right of women to vote, precisely as it authorizes trial by jury and many other like rights guaranteed to citizens. But the difficulty is, the courts long since decided that the constitutional provisions do not act upon the citizens, except as guarantees, ex proprio vigore, and in order to give practical force to them there must be legislation. As, for example, in trial by jury, a man can invoke the Constitution to prevent his being tried, in a proper case, by any other tribunal than a jury; but if there is no legislation, congressional or other, to give him a trial by jury, I think, under the de- cisions, it would be very difficult to see how it might be done. Therefore, the point is for the friends of woman suffrage to get congressional legislation. .. Mine Bretla The results of the trial showed that General Butler was right in thinking that further legislation would be required to en- able women to vote under the Constitution of the United States. It proved also that a judge could set aside the right of a citizen to a trial by jury, supposed to be guaranteed by every safeguard which could be thrown around it by this same Con- stitution. CHAPTER XXV. TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 1873. N the midst of these harassing circumstances Miss Anthony made the usual preparations for holding the annual woman suffrage convention in Washington, January 16 and 17, 1873, and presided over its deliberations. In her opening speech she said : There are three methods of extending suffrage to new classes. The first is for the legislatures of the several States to submit the question to those already voters. Before the war this was the only way thought of, and during all those years we petitioned the legislatures to submit an amendment striking the word “male” from the suffrage clause of the State constitutions. The second method is for Congress to submit to the several legislatures a proposition for a Sixteenth Amendment which shall prohibit the States from depriving women citizens of their right to vote. The third plan is for women to take their right under the Fourteenth Amendment of the National Constitution, which declares that all persons are citizens, and no State shall deny or abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens. Again, there are two ways of securing the right of suffrage under the Con- stitution as it is. one by a declaratory act of Congress instructing the officers of election to receive the votes of women; the other by bringing suits before the courts, as women already have done, in order to secure a judicial decision on the broad interpretation of the Constitution that all persons are citizens, and all citizens voters. The vaults in yonder Capitol hold the petitions of 100,000 women for a declaratory act, and the calendars of our courts show that many are already testing their right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. I stand here under indictment for having exercised my right as a citizen to vote at the last election; and by a fiction of the law, I am now in custody and not a free person on this platform. Among the forcible resolutions adopted were one asserting “that States may regulate all local questions of property, tax- (431) 432 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ation, etc., but the inalienable personal rights of citizenship must be declared by the Constitution, interpreted by the Su- preme Court, protected by Congress, and enforced by the arm of the Executive;" and another declaring "that the criminal prosecution of Susan B. Anthony by the United States, for the alleged crime of exercising the citizen's right of suffrage, is an act of arbitrary and unconstitutional authority and a blow at the liberties of every citizen of this nation.” Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood, Rev. Olympia Brown and others made ringing speeches on the right of women to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment, defended the course of Miss Anthony and denounced her arrest. This was the tenor of all the addresses. She was unanimously elected president for the ensuing year, notwithstanding prison walls loomed up before her; and then she hastened back to prepare for her legal battle. Miss Anthony met her counsel at Albany, and on January 21 Judge Selden made a masterly argument before U. S. Dis- trict-Judge N. K. Hall, in support of her demand for a writ of habeas corpus, and asked the discharge of the prisoner on the grounds: 1st, That in the act complained of she discharged a duty or, at all events, exercised a right, instead of commit- ting a crime; that she had a constitutional and lawful right to offer her ballot and to have it received and counted; that she, as well as her brothers, was entitled to express her choice as to the persons who should make, and those who should execute the laws, inasmuch as she, as well as they, would be bound to observe them. 2d, That, if she had not that right, she in good faith believed that she had it and, therefore, her act lacked the indispensable ingredient of all crime, a corrupt in- tention. The judge denied the writ and increased her bail to $1,000. From the first Miss Anthony had been determined not to recog- nize the right of the courts to interfere with her exercise of the franchise, and again she refused to give bail, insisting that rather than do this she preferred to go to jail. Judge Selden, however, in kindness of heart, said there were times when a TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 433 client must be guided by advice of her counsel, and himself went on her bond. As she came out of the courtroom she met her other lawyer, Mr. Van Voorhis, and told him what had been done. He exclaimed, "You have lost your chance to get your case before the Supreme Court by writ of habeas corpus!” In her ignorance of legal forms she had not under- stood this, and at once she rushed back and tried to have the bond cancelled, but, to her bitter disappointment, this was im- possible. When she demanded of Judge Selden, "Did you not know that you had estopped me from carrying my case to the Supreme Court?” he replied with his old-time courtesy, “Yes, but I could not see a lady I respected put in jail.” The following day, January 22, the commission then in ses- sion at Albany for the purpose of revising the State Constitu- tion was addressed by Miss Anthony on woman's right to vote under the Constitution of the United States. Her attorneys, Selden and Van Voorhis, were present and, when she finished, the former said to her, "If I had heard this address first I could have made a far better argument before Judge Hall.” Imme- diately following the judge's decision, Miss Anthony was indicted by the grand jury.! During this winter she attended the Ohio and Illinois Suf- frage conventions, and in a number of cities in these States and in Indiana made her great constitutional argument on the right of women to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. Every newspaper in the country took up the points involved and the interest and agitation were wide-spread. She spoke at Ft. Wayne on February 25, an intensely cold night. Above her was an open scuttle, from which a stream of air poured i... Good and lawful men of the said District, then and there sworn and charged to inquire for the said United States of America, and for the body of said District, do, upon their oaths, present, that Susan B. Anthony now or late of Rochester, in the county of Mon- roe, with force and arms, ... did knowingly, wrongfully and unlawfully vote for a Representative in the Congress of the United States for the State of New York at large, and for a Representative in the Congress of the United States for said twenty-ninth Congressional District, without having a lawful right to vote in said election district (the said Susan B. Anthony being then and there a person of the female sex), as she, the said Susan B. Anthony then and there well knew, contrary to the form of the statute of the United States of America in such case made and provided, and against the peace of the United States of America and their dignity, etc. ANT.-28 434 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. down upon her head, and when half through her lecture she suddenly became unconscious. She was the guest of Mrs. Mary Hamilton Williams, and was taken at once to her home where she received every possible kindness and attention. As soon as she recovered consciousness she begged that steps be taken immediately to keep the occurrence from the Associated Press, as she feared that, on account of her mother's extremely delicate health, the shock and anxiety would prove fatal. Three nights later, although not wholly recovered, she spoke to a large audience at Marion, Ind.; the diary says, “ going on the platform with fear and trembling.” She returned home, and on March 4 cast her ballot at the city election without any protest. Only two other ladies could be induced to vote, Mrs. Mary Pulver and Mrs. Mary S. Hebard. All of the others who had voted in the fall were thoroughly frightened, and their husbands and other male rel- atives were even more panic-stricken. In the midst of her own perplexities Miss Anthony did not forget to issue the call for the May Anniversary in New York, where she made an address, detailing the incidents of her ar- rest and defending her rights as a citizen. All the speeches and letters of the convention were deeply sympathetic, and among the resolutions bearing on this question was one stating that since the underlying principle of our government is equality of political rights, therefore " the trial of Susan B. The Twenty-fifth Woman Suffrage Anniversary will be held in Apollo Hall, New York, Tuesday, May 6, 1873. Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who called the first woman's rights convention at Seneca Falls in 1848, will be present to give their reminis- cences. That convention was scarcely mentioned by the local press; now, over the whole world, equality for woman is demanded. In the United States, woman suffrage is the chief political question of the hour. Great Britain is deeply agitated upon the same topic. Germany has a princess at the head of its national woman's rights organization. Portugal, Spain and Russia have been roused. In Rome an immense meeting, composed of the repre- sentatives of Italian democracy, was recently called in the Coliseum; one of its resolutions demanded a reform in the laws relating to woman and a re-establishment of her natural rights. Turkey, France, England, Switzerland, Italy, sustain papers devoted to woman's enfranchisement. A Grand International Woman's Rights Congress is to be held in Paris, in September of this year, to which the whole world is invited to send delegates, and this congress is to be under the management of the most renowned liberals of Europe. Come up, then, friends, and celebrate the silver wedding of the woman suffrage movement. Let our twenty-fifth anniversary be one of power; our reform is everywhere advancing, let us redouble our energies and our courage. SUSAN B. ANTHONY, President; MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE, Chairman E.cecutive Committee. TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 435 Anthony, though ostensibly involving only the political status of woman, in reality questions the right of every man to share in the government; that it is not Susan B. Anthony or the women of the republic who alone are on trial today, but it is the government of the United States, and that as the decision is rendered for or against the political rights of citizenship, so will the men of America find themselves free or enslaved." A reception was given by Dr. Clemence Lozier, founder of the Woman's Homeopathic College of New York, who was always Miss Anthony's faithful and devoted friend, never shaken in her trust by any storm that raged. During the darkest days of her paper, The Revolution, when the generosity of all others had been exhausted, Dr. Lozier gave her $50 every Saturday for many weeks and helped her by so much to bear the weight of the financial burden. For more than a quarter of a century her hospitable doors were always ajar for her, and it was to be expected that, at this crucial moment, she would again ex- press her loyalty. Miss Anthony's trial was set for the term of court beginning May 13, and she decided to make a canvass of Monroe county, not to argue her own case but in order that the people might be educated upon the constitutional points involved. Com- mencing March 11, she spoke in twenty-nine of the post-office districts. Being informed that District-Attorney Crowley threatened to move her trial into another county because she would prejudice the jury, she notified him she would see that that county also was thoroughly canvassed, and asked him if she were prejudicing a jury by reading and explaining the Constitution of the United States. The speech delivered by Miss Anthony during these weeks was a masterpiece of clear, strong, logical argument in defense of woman's right to the ballot which never has been equalled.! Her audiences were large and attentive and public sentiment was thoroughly aroused. One of the papers gives this descrip- tion: “Miss Anthony was fashionably dressed in black silk with demi-train, basque with flowing sleeves, heavily trimmed See Appendix for speech in full. 436 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in black lace ; ruffled white lace undersleeves and a broad, graceful lace collar; with a gold neck chain and pendant. Her abundant hair was brushed back and bound in a knot after the fashion of our grandmothers." When the time for trial came, true to his promise, District- Attorney Crowley obtained an order removing the cause to the U. S. Circuit Court which was held at Canandaigua. This left just twenty-two days and, calling to her aid Matilda Joslyn Gage, Miss Anthony spoke in twenty-one places on the ques- tion, “Is it a crime for a United States citizen to vote?” and Mrs. Gage in sixteen on "The United States on trial, not Susan B. Anthony." Their last meeting was held in Canan- daigua the evening before the trial, and resolutions against this injustice toward woman were heartily endorsed by the audience. The Rochester Union and Advertiser condemned her in unmeasured terms, having editorials similar to this : SUSAN B. ANTHONY AS A CORRUPTIONIST.- We give in another column today, from a legal friend, a communication which shows very clearly that Miss An- thony is engaged in a work that will be likely to bring her to grief. It is nothing more nor less than an attempt to corrupt the source of that justice under law which flows from trial by jury. Miss Anthony's case has passed from its gayest to its gravest character. United States courts are not stages for the enactment of comedy or farce, and the promptness and decision of their judges in sentencing to prison culprits convicted before them show that they are no respecters of persons. Many influential newspapers, however, spoke in the highest terms of her courage and ability and the justice of her cause." The trial? opened the afternoon of June 17, at the lovely village of Canandaigua, Associate-Justice Ward Hunt on the bench, U. S. District-Attorney Richard Crowley prosecuting, Hon. Henry R. Selden and John Van Voorhis, Esq., defend- ing. Miss Anthony, most of the ladies who had voted with her, and also Mrs. Gage, were seated within the bar. On the right sat the jury. The courtroom was crowded, many promi- nent men being present, among them ex-President Fillmore. 1 See Appendix for newspaper comment. 2A full report of this trial, testimony, arguments of counsel, etc., may be found in the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, beginning page 647. no one loves you and thanks God more sincerely for your grond work for women than I do Loungly yourse CS Lozan TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 437 Judge Hall, of Buffalo, was an interested spectator and Miss Anthony's counsel endeavored to have him try the case with Judge Hunt in order that, if necessary, it might go to the Supreme Court, which was not possible with only one judge, but he refused. It was conceded that Miss Anthony was a woman and that she voted on November 5, 1872. Judge Selden, for the second time in all his practice, offered himself as a witness, and testi- fied that he advised her to vote, believing that the laws and Constitution of the United States gave her full authority. He then proposed to call Miss Anthony to testify as to the in- tention or belief under which she voted, but the Court held she was not competent as a witness in her own behalf. After making this decision, the Court then admitted all the testi- mony, as reported, which she gave on the preliminary exami- nation before the commissioner, in spite of her counsel's protest against accepting the version which that officer took of her evidence. The prosecution simply alleged the fact of her having voted. Mr. Selden then addressed the judge and jury in a masterly argument of over three hours' duration, begin- ning: The defendant is indicted under the 19th Section of the Act of Congress of May 31, 1870 (16th St. at L., 144), for "voting without having a lawful right to vote.” The words of the statute, so far as they are material in this case, are as follows: "If at any election for representative or delegate in the Congress of the United States, any person shall knowingly ... vote without having a lawful right to vote ... every such person shall be deemed guilty of a crime ... and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine not exceeding $500, or by imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years, or by both, in the discretion of the Court, and shall pay the costs of prosecu- tion.” The only alleged ground of illegality of the defendant's vote is that she is a woman. If the same act had been done by her brother under the same cir- cumstances, the act would have been not only innocent but honorable and laudable; but having been done by a woman it is said to be a crime. The crime therefore consists not in the act done but in the simple fact that the person doing it was a woman and not a man. I believe this is the first instance in which a woman has been arraigned in a criminal court merely on account of her sex. . . Women have the same interest that men have in the establishment and 438 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. maintenance of good government; they are to the same extent as men bound to obey the laws; they suffer to the same extent by bad laws, and profit to the same extent by good laws; and upon principles of equal justice, as it would seem, should be allowed, equally with men, to express their prefer- ence in the choice of law-makers and rulers. But however that may be, no greater absurdity, to use no harsher term, could be presented, than that of rewarding men and punishing women for the same act, without giving to women any voice in the question which should be rewarded and which punished. I am aware, however, that we are here to be governed by the Constitution and laws as they are, and that if the defendant has been guilty of violating the law, she must submit to the penalty, however unjust or absurd the law may be. But courts are not required to so interpret laws or constitutions as to produce either absurdity or injustice, so long as they are open to a more reasonable interpretation. This must be my excuse for what I design to say in regard to the propriety of female suffrage, because with that pro- priety established there is very little difficulty in finding sufficient warrant in the Constitution for its exercise. This case, in its legal aspects, presents three questions which I propose to discuss. 1. Was the defendant legally entitled to vote at the election in question ? 2. If she was not entitled to vote but believed that she was, and voted in good faith in that belief, did such voting constitute a crime under the statute before referred to ? 3. Did the defendant vote in good faith in that belief? He argued the case from a legal, constitutional and moral standpoint and concluded: One other matter will close what I have to say. Miss Anthony believed, and was advised, that she had a right to vote. She may also have been advised, as was clearly the fact, that the question as to her right could not be brought before the courts for trial without her voting or offering to yote, and if either was criminal, the one was as much so as the other. Therefore she stands now arraigned as a criminal, for taking the only step by which it was possible to bring the great constitutional question as to her right before the tribunals of the country for adjudication. If for thus acting, in the most per- fect good faith, with motives as pure and impulses as noble as any which can find place in your honor's breast in the administration of justice, she is by the laws of her country to be condemned as a criminal, she must abide the consequences. Her condemnation, however, under such circumstances, would only add another most weighty reason to those which I have already advanced, to show that women need the aid of the ballot for their protection. The district-attorney followed with a two hours' speech. Then Judge Hunt, without leaving the bench, delivered a written opinion' to the effect that the Fourteenth Amendment, Can a judge with propriety prepare a written opinion before he has heard all the argu- ments in a case ? TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 439 under which Miss Anthony claimed the authority to vote, “was a protection, not to all our rights, but to our rights as citizens of the United States only; that is, the rights existing or belonging to that condition or capacity.” At its conclusion he directed the jury to bring in a verdict of guilty. Miss Anthony's counsel insisted that the Court had no power to make such a direction in a criminal case and demanded that the jury be permitted to bring in its own ver- dict. The judge made no reply except to order the clerk to take the verdict. Mr. Selden demanded that the jury be polled. Judge Hunt refused, and at once discharged the jury without allowing them any consultation or asking if they agreed upon a verdict. Not one of them had spoken a word. After being discharged, the jurymen talked freely and several declared they should have brought in a verdict of "not guilty." The next day Judge Selden argued the motion for a new trial on seven exceptions, but this was denied by Judge Hunt. The following scene then took place in the courtroom: Judge Hunt.—(Ordering the defendant to stand up). Has the prisoner anything to say why sentence shall not be pronounced ? Miss Anthony.--Yes, your honor, I have many things to say; for in your ordered verdict of guilty you have trampled under foot every vital principle of our government. My natural rights, my civil rights, my political rights, my judicial rights, are all alike ignored. Robbed of the fundamental privi- lege of citizenship, I am degraded from the status of a citizen to that of a subject; and not only myself individually but all of my sex are, by your honor's verdict, doomed to political subjection under this so-called republican form of government. Judge Hunt.--The Court can not listen to a rehearsal of argument which the prisoner's counsel has already consumed three hours in presenting. Miss Anthony.—May it please your honor, I am not arguing the question, but simply stating the reasons why sentence can not, in justice, be pronounced against me. Your denial of my citizen's right to vote, is the denial of my right of consent as one of the governed, the denial of my right of representa- tion as one of the taxed, the denial of my right to a trial by a jury of my peers as an offender against law; therefore, the denial of my sacred right to life, liberty, property and -- Judge Hunt.--The Court can not allow the prisoner to go on. Miss Anthony.-But your honor will not deny me this one and only poor privilege of protest against this high-handed outrage upon my citizen's rights. May it please the Court to remember that, since the day of my arrest last 440 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. November, this is the first time that either myself or any person of my dis- franchised class has been allowed a word of defense before judge or jury- Judge Hunt.—The prisoner must sit down-the Court can not allow it. Miss Anthony.-Of all my prosecutors, from the corner grocery politician who entered the complaint, to the United States marshal, commissioner, dis- trict-attorney, district-judge, your honor on the bench-not one is my peer, but each and all are my political sovereigns; and had your honor submitted my case to the jury, as was clearly your duty, even then I should have had just cause of protest, for not one of those men was my peer; but, native or foreign born, white or black, rich or poor, educated or ignorant, sober or drunk, each and every man of them was my political superior; hence, in no sense, my peer. Under such circumstances a commoner of England, tried before a jury of lords, would have far less cause to complain than have I, a woman, tried before a jury of men. Even my counsel, Hon. Henry R. Sel- den, who has argued my cause so ably, so earnestly, so unanswerably before your honor, is my political sovereign. Precisely as no disfranchised person is entitled to sit upon a jury, and no woman is entitled to the franchise, so none but a regularly admitted lawyer is allowed to practice in the courts, and no woman can gain admission to the bar-hence, jury, judge, counsel, all must be of the superior class. Judge Hunt.—The Court must insist--the prisoner has been tried according to the established forms of law. Miss Anthony.-Yes, your honor, but by forms of law all made by men, interpreted by men, administered by men, in favor of men and against women; and hence your honor's ordered verdict of guilty, against a United States citizen for the exercise of the “citizen's right to yote,” simply because that citizen was a woman and not a man. But yesterday, the same man- made forms of law declared it a crime punishable with $1,000 fine and six months' imprisonment to give a cup of cold water, a crust of bread or a night's shelter to a panting fugitive tracking his way to Canada; and every man or woman in whose veins coursed a drop of human sympathy violated that wicked law, reckless of consequences, and was justified in so doing. As then the slaves who got their freedom had to take it over or under or through the unjust forms of law, precisely so now must women take it to get their right to a voice in this government; and I have taken mine, and mean to take it at every opportunity. Judge Hunt.-The Court orders the prisoner to sit down. It will not allow another word. Miss Anthony.—When I was brought before your honor for trial, I hoped for a broad and liberal interpretation of the Constitution and its recent amendments, which should declare all United States citizens under its pro- tecting ægis—which should declare equality of rights the national guarantee to all persons born or naturalized in the United States. But failing to get this justice--failing, even, to get a trial by a jury not of my peers—I ask not leniency at your hands but rather the full rigor of the law. Judge Hunt--The Court must insist—[Here the prisoner sat down.] The prisoner will stand up. [Here Miss Anthony rose again.] The sentence of the Court is that you pay a fine of $100 and the costs of the prosecution. TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 441 Miss Anthony.-May it please your honor, I will never pay a dollar of your unjust penalty. All the stock in trade I possess is a debt of $10,000, in- curred by publishing my paper-The Revolution-the sole object of which was to educate all women to do precisely as I have done, rebel against your man-made, unjust, unconstitutional forms of law, which tax, fine, imprison and hang women, while denying them the right of representation in the gov- ernment; and I will work on with might and main to pay every dollar of that honest debt, but not a penny shall go to this unjust claim. And I shall earnestly and persistently continue to urge all women to the practical recog- nition of the old Revolutionary maxim, “Resistance to tyranny is obedience to God." Judge Hunt.—Madam, the Court will not order you to stand committed until the fine is paid. Thus ended the great trial, “ The United States of Amer- ica vs. Susan B. Anthony.” From this date the question of woman suffrage was lifted from one of grievances into one of Constitutional Law. This was Judge Hunt's first criminal case after his elevation to the Supreme Bench of the United States. He was appointed at the solicitation of his intimate friend and townsman, Ros- coe Conkling, and had an interview with him immediately pre- ceding this trial. Mr. Conkling was an avowed enemy of woman suffrage. Miss Anthony always has believed that he inspired the course of Judge Hunt and that his decision was written before the trial, a belief shared by most of those asso- ciated in the case. Miss Anthony says in her journal: “ The greatest judicial outrage history ever recorded ! No law, logic or demand of justice could change Judge Hunt's will. We were convicted before we had a hearing and the trial was a mere farce.'' Some time afterwards Judge Selden wrote her: “I regard the ruling of the judge, and also his refusal to submit the case to the jury, as utterly indefensible.” Scarcely a newspaper in the country sustained Judge Hunt's action. The Canandaigua Times thus expressed the general sentiment in an editorial, soon after the trial : The decisions of Judge Hunt in the Anthony case have been widely criti- cised, and it seems to us not without reason. Even among those who accept the conclusion that women have not a legal right to vote and who do not hesi- 442 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY, tate to express the opinion that Miss Anthony deserved a greater punish- ment than she received, we find many seriously questioning the propriety of a proceeding whereby the proper functions of the jury are dispensed with, and the Court arrogates to itself the right to determine as to the guilt or innocence of the accused party. If this may be done in one instance, why may it not in all ? And if our courts may thus arbitrarily direct what ver- dicts shall be rendered, what becomes of the right to trial “by an impartial jury," which the Constitution guarantees to all persons alike, whether male or female? These are questions of grave importance, to which the American people now have their attention forcibly directed through the extraordinary action of a judge of the Supreme Court. It is for them to say whether the right of trial by jury shall exist only in form, or be perpetuated according to the letter and spirit of the Constitution. The New York Sun scored the judge as follows: Judge Hunt allowed the jury to be impanelled and sworn, and to hear the evi- dence; but when the case had reached the point of the rendering of the verdict, he directed a verdict of guilty. He thus denied a trial by jury to an accused party in his court; and either through malice, which we do not believe, or through ignorance, which in such a flagrant degree is equally culpable in a judge, he violated one of the most important provisions of the Constitution of the United States. It is hardly worth while to argue that the right of trial by jury includes the right to a verdict by the jury, and to a free and impartial verdict, not one ordered, compelled and forced from them by an adverse and predetermined court. The language of the Constitution of the United States is that "in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury.” Do the words an “impartial jury” mean a jury directed and controlled by the court, and who might just as well, for all practical purposes, be twelve wooden automatons, moved by a string pulled by the hand of the judge ? The Rochester Democrat and Chronicle commented : In the action of Judge Hunt there was a grand, over-reaching assumption of authority, unsupported by any point in the case itself, but adopted as an established legal principle. If there is such a principle, Judge Hunt did his duty beyond question, and he is scarcely lower than the angels so far as per- sonal power goes. The New York Sun assumes that there is no such princi- ple; that if there were, “Judge Hunt might on his own ipse dixit, and without the intervention of a jury, fine, imprison or hang any man, woman or child in the United States.” And the Sun proceeds to say that Judge Hunt “must be impeached and removed. Such punishment for the commission of a crime like his against civil liberty is a necessity. The American people will not tolerate a judge like this on the bench of their highest court. To do it would be to submit their necks to as detestable a tyranny as ever existed on the face of the earth. They will not sit quietly by to see their liberties, red and radi- ant with the blood of a million of their sons, silently melted away in the ju- TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 443 dicial crucible of a stolid and tyrannical judge of their Federal Court.” This is forcible, certainly; but it ought to be speedily decided, at least, whether there is such a legal principle as we have mentioned. The Utica Observer gave this opinion: We have sought the advice of the best legal and judicial minds in our State in regard to the ruling of Justice Ward Hunt in the case of Susan B. Anthony. While the written opinion of the judge is very generally commended, his ac- tion in ordering a verdict of guilty to be entered, without giving the jury an opportunity of saying whether it was their verdict or not, is almost univer- sally condemned. Such a case never before occurred in the history of our courts, and the hope is very general that it never will again. Between the indictment and the judgment stands the jury, and there is no way known to the law by which the jury's power in criminal cases can be abrogated. The judge may charge the jury that the defense is invalid ; that it is their clear duty to find the prisoner guilty. But beyond this he can not properly go. He has no right to order the clerk to enter a verdict which is not the verdict of the jury. In doing this thing Justice Hunt outraged the rights of Susan B. Anthony. It would probably puzzle him to tell why he submitted the case of the inspectors to the jury after taking the case of Miss Anthony out of their hands. It would also puzzle his newspaper champions. The Legal News, of Chicago, edited by Myra Bradwell, made this pertinent comment: “Judge Ward Hunt, of the Federal Bench, violated the Constitution of the United States more in convicting Miss Anthony of illegal voting, than she did in voting; for he had sworn to support it, and she had not.” The Albany Law Journal, however, after indulging in a few vulgar platitudes on the fact of Miss Anthony's having admit- ted that she was a woman, declared that Judge Hunt tran- scended his rights but that “if Miss Anthony does not like our laws she'd better emigrate!” This legal authority failed to advise where she could emigrate to find laws which were equally just to men and to women. It might also have answered the question, “Should a woman be compelled to leave the land of her nativity because of the injustice of its laws ?” Miss Anthony's trial closed on Wednesday and she remained in Canandaigua to attend that of the three inspectors, which followed at once. She was called as a witness and inquired of Judge Hunt: “I should like to know if the testimony of a person convicted of a crime can be taken?” “They call you 444 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. as a witness, madam,” was his brusque reply. Later, think- ing to trap her, he asked, “You presented yourself as a female, claiming that you had a right to vote?” Quick as a flash came her answer: “I presented myself not as a female, sir, but as a citizen of the United States. I was called to the ballot-box by the Fourteenth Amendment, not as a female but as a citi- zen.” The inspectors were defended by Mr. Van Voorhis but, after the testimony was introduced, the judge refused to allow him to address the jury. He practically directed them to bring in a verdict of guilty, saying, “You can decide it here or go out." The jury returned a verdict of guilty. The motion for a new trial was denied. One of the inspectors (Hall) had been tried and convicted without being brought into court. They were fined $25 each and the costs of the prosecution but, although neither was paid, they were not imprisoned at that time. When asked for his opinion on the case, after a lapse of twenty-four years, Mr. Van Voorhis gave the following: There never before was a trial in the country of one-half the importance of this of Miss Anthony's. That of Andrew Johnson had no issue which could compare in value with the one here at stake. If Miss Anthony had won her case on the merits, it would have revolutionized the suffrage of the country and enfranchised every woman in the United States. There was a pre-ar- ranged determination to convict her. A jury trial was dangerous, and so the Constitution was openly and deliberately violated. The Constitution makes the jury, in a criminal case, the judges of the law and of the facts. No matter how clear or how strong the case may appear to the judge, it must be submitted to the jury. That is the mandate of the Con- stitution. As no one can be convicted of crime except upon trial by jury, it follows that the jury are entitled to pass upon the law as well as the facts. The judge can advise the jury on questions of law. He can legally do no more. If he control the jury and direct a verdict of guilty, he himself is guilty of a crime for which impeachment is the remedy. The jury in Miss Anthony's case was composed of excellent men. None better could have been drawn anywhere. Justice Hunt knew that. He had the jury impanelled only as a matter of form. He said so in the inspectors' case. He came to Canandaigua to hold the Circuit Court, for the purpose of convicting Miss Anthony. He had unquestionably prepared his opinion be- forehand. The job had to be done, so he took the bull by the horns and di- rected the jury to find a verdict of guilty. In the case of the inspectors he re- fused to defendants' counsel the right of addressing the jury. TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 445 Judge Hunt very adroitly, in passing sentence on Miss Anthony imposing a fine of $100, refused to add, what is usual in such cases, that she be imprisoned until the fine be paid. Had he done so, Miss Anthony would have gone to prison, and then taken her case directly to the Supreme Court of the United States by writ of habeas corpus. There she would have been discharged, because trial by jury had been denied her. But as Miss Anthony was not even held in custody after judgment had been pronounced, she could not resort to habeas corpus proceedings and had no appeal. But the outrage of ordering a verdict of guilty against the defendant was not the only outrage committed by this judge on these trials: It was an outrage to refuse the right of a defendant to poll the jury. It was an outrage for the judge to refuse to hold that if the defendant be- lieved she had a right to vote, and voted in good faith in that belief, she was not guilty of the charge. It was an outrage to hold that the jury, in considering the question whether she did or did not believe she had a right to vote, might not consider that she took the advice of Judge elden before she voted, and acted on that advice. It was an outrage to hold that the jury might not take into consideration, as bearing upon the same question, the fact that the inspectors and supervisor of election looked into the question, and came to the conclusion that she had the right to be registered and vote, and told her so, and so decided. It was an outrage for the judge to hold that the jury had not the right to consider the defendant's motive, and to find her innocent if she acted with- out any intent to violate the law. In the case of the inspectors, it was an outrage to refuse defendants' coun- sel the right to address the jury. It was an outrage to refuse to instruct the jury that if the defendants, being administrative officers, acted without any criminal motive but in accordance with their best judgment, and in perfect good faith, they were not guilty. Judge Selden has passed to his eternal rest and lies beneath a massive monument of granite in beautiful Mount Hope ceme- tery. Mr. Van Voorhis thus paid tribute to his associate in this noted case: “His argument on the constitutional points involved is one of the ablest and most complete to be found in history. As a lawyer he had no superior; he was a master in his profession. He had a most discriminating mind and a marvellous memory. He was familiar with the books, and possessed a power of statement equal to that of Daniel Webster. I predict that the verdict of history will be that Judge Selden was right and the Court wrong upon the constitutional ques- tion involved in this case." To the heavy debts of The Revolution which, with all her efforts, Miss Anthony had been able to reduce but a fraction, 446 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. were now added the costs of this suit. She did not propose to pay the fines, but she did intend to see that the inspectors were relieved of all expense in connection with the trial. Her indomitable courage did not fail her even in this emergency, and as usual she was sustained by the substantial appreciation of her friends. Letters of sympathy and financial help poured in from acquaintances and strangers in all parts of the coun- try. Indignation meetings were held and contributions sent also by various reform clubs and societies. All were swal- lowed up in the heavy and unavoidable expenses of the suits of herself and the inspectors. Neither of her lawyers ever presented a bill. She had 5,000 copies made of Judge Selden's argument on the habeas corpus at Albany, which she scattered broadcast. She also had printed 3,000 pamphlets, at a cost of $700, containing a full report of the trial, and sent them to all the law journals in the United States and Canada, to the news- papers, etc. The Democrat and Chronicle said of this book, "We believe it is the most important contribution yet made to the discussion of woman suffrage from a legal standpoint." None of the other cases ever were brought to trial. Miss Anthony had no fears of not being able to raise money to pay her debts if she could be free to give her time to the lecture platform, but an entire year had been occupied with her trial, and the money received during this period had been i The Buffalo suffrage club sent $100; the Chicago club, through Mrs. Fernando Jones, $75; the Milwaukee club, through Madame Anneke, $50; the Milwaukee "radicals," $20; the New York club, through Lillie Devereux Blake, $50; the patients at the Dansville Sanitarium, $30. Dr. Lozier se nt $30. ia Mott, $30; Dr. E. B. Foote, of New York, $25; Phebe Jones, of Albany, $25; Dr. Sarah Dolley, of Rochester, $20; the Hallowells, $25; the Glastonbury Smith sisters, $20; and from men and women in all parts of the country came sums from fifty cents upwards, all amounting to over $1,100. Gerrit Smith sent at first $30 to help de- fray the expenses of the trial, and after it was over a draft for $100, saying: "I send you herewith the money to pay your fine. If you shall still decline doing so, then use it at your own discretion to promote the cause of woman suffrage.” Mrs. Lewia C. Smith raised a purse of $100 among Rochester friends and presented it as a testimonial to Judge Selden, in the name of the Women Tax-Payers' Society Miss Anthony gave a lecture in Corinthian Hall for the benefit of the inspectors, which netted about $180. 2 The first Woman's Congress, afterwards called the Association for the Advancement of Women, was organized during the autumn of this year. To the call were appended the names of most of the noted women of the day, but Miss Anthony's was conspicuously absent. Her most intimate friends being among the signers, and supposing she was to be also, made inquiry as to the reason and received this answer: 1st, Her name beginning with A would have had to head the list; 2d, Her title as president of the National Woman Suffrage Asso- ciation would have had to be given; 3d, She could not be managed. Miss Anthony was so these reasons that she quite forgave the omission of her name. grea TRIAL FOR VOTING UNDER FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. 447 required to meet its expenses. She had a vital reason, how- ever, for feeling that she could not leave home--the rapidly- failing health of her beloved sister Guelma, her senior by only twenty months, for more than half a century her close com- panion, and for the past eight years living under the same roof. Her heart had been broken by the death, a few years before, of her two beautiful children just at the dawn of man- hood and womanhood, and the fatal malady consumption met with no resistance. Day by day she faded away, the physician holding out no hope from the first. Her mother, now eighty years of age, was completely crushed; the sister Mary was principal of one of the city schools and busy all day, and Miss Anthony felt it her imperative duty to remain beside the invalid, even could she have overcome her grief sufficiently to appear in public. Invitations to lecture came to her from many points but she refused them and remained by the gentle sufferer day and night. At daybreak on November 9 the loved one passed away, and the tender hands of sisters and of the only daughter performed the last ministrations.? With Miss Anthony the love of family was especially intense as she had formed no outside ties, and the parents, the broth- ers and sisters filled her world of affection. The sundering of these bonds wrenched her very heartstrings and upon every recurring anniversary the anguish broke forth afresh, scarcely assuaged by the lapse of years. A short time after this last sorrow she writes : MY DEAR MOTHER: How continually, except the one hour when I am on the platform, is the thought of you and your loss and my own with me! How little we realize the constant presence in our minds of our loved and loving ones until they are forever gone. We would not call them back to endure again their suffering, but we can not help wishing they might have been spared to us in health and vigor. Our Guelma, does she look down upon us, does she still live, and shall we all live again and know each other, and work to- gether and love and enjoy one another? In spite of instinct, in spite of faith, these questions will come up again and again. ... She said you * And yet on November 4 she stole away long enough to go to the polling-place and again offer her vote. It was refused, she found her name had been struck from the register, and thus ended that battle. 2 Three of the brave Rochester women who went to the polls at the election of 1872, died within one year: Guelma Anthony McLean, Mary B. F. Curtis and Rhoda De Garmo. 448 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. would soon follow her, and we know that in the nature of things it must be so. When that time comes, dear mother, may you fall asleep as sweetly and softly as did your eldest born; and as the sands of life ebb out into the great eternal, may all of us be with you to make the way easy. It does seem too cruel that every one of us must be so overwhelmingly immersed in work, but may the Good Father help us so to do that there may be no vain regrets for things done or left undone when the last hour comes. A beautiful incident cast a flood of light through the heavy shadows of this trying year, and made November 27 in truth a day of Thanksgiving for one brave woman. At his urgent in- vitation, Miss Anthony had spent it in the home of her cousin, Anson Lapham, at Skaneateles. After a pleasant day, as she sat quietly and sadly by the window, watching the deepening twilight, the noble-hearted cousin took from his desk her notes for $4,000, which he had so generously loaned her during the stormy days of The Revolution, cancelled all and presented them to her. She was overwhelmed with surprise and when she attempted to express her gratitude, he stopped her with words of respect, confidence and encouragement which seemed to roll away a stone from her heart and in its place put new hope, ambition and strength. CHAPTER XXVI. NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 1874. TISS ANTHONY'S case continued to attract wide- spread attention, Judge Hunt's arbitrary action finding few apologists even among opponents of woman suffrage. It was finally decided by her counsel and herself to make an appeal to Congress for the remission of the fine, which, if granted, would be in effect a declaration of the illegality of Judge Hunt's act and a precedent for the future. Judge Selden based his authority for such an appeal on a case in the United States Statutes at Large, chap. 45, p. 802, where a fine of $1,000 and costs, ille- gally imposed upon Matthew Lyon under the Alien and Sedition Laws, 1799, were refunded with interest to his heirs. Mr. Van Voorhis found an authority also in an act passed by the British Parliament in 1792, correcting the departure from the common law, in respect to the rights of juries, by Lord Mansfield and his associates in the cases of Woodfall and Shipley. This act was passed through the exertions of Lord Camden and Mr. Fox in order to prevent the erroneous de- cisions of the judges from becoming the law of England. Both of the attorneys keenly resented the action of Judge Hunt, Mr. Selden pronouncing it “the greatest judicial outrage ever perpetrated in the United States ;” and Mr. Van Voorhis assert- ing that “trial by jury was completely annihilated in this case, and there is no remedy except to appeal to the justice of Con- gress to remit the fine and declare that trial by jury does and shall exist in this country.” The appeal, or petition, was ANT.-29 (449) 450 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. prepared and Miss Anthony carried it to Washington when she went to the National Convention, January 15, 1874. It was an able document, reciting the facts in the case and the ac- tion of the judge, and concluding: Your petitioner respectfully submits that, in these proceedings, she has been denied the rights guaranteed by the Constitution to all persons accused of crime, the right of trial by jury and the right to have the assistance of counsel for their defense. It is a mockery to call hers a trial by jury; and, unless the assistance of counsel may be limited to the argument of legal questions, without the privilege of saying a word to the jury upon the ques. tion of the guilt or innocence in fact of a party charged, or the privilege of ascertaining from the jury whether they do or do not agree to the verdict pronounced by the Court in their name, she has been denied the assistance of counsel for her defense. Of the decision of the judge upon the question of the right of your petitioner to vote, she makes no complaint. It was a question properly belonging to the Court to decide, was fully and fairly submitted to the judge, and of his de- cision, whether right or wrong, your petitioner is well aware she can not here complain. But in regard to her conviction of crime, which she insists, for the reasons above given, was in violation of the principles of the common law, of common morality, of the statute under which she was charged, and of the Constitution-a crime of which she was as innocent as the judge by whom she was convicted--she respectfully asks, inasmuch as the law has provided no means of reviewing the decisions of the judge, or of correcting his errors, that the fine imposed upon your petitioner be remitted, as an expression of the sense of this high tribunal that her conviction was unjust. This was presented in the Senate by A. A. Sargent, of Cali- fornia, and in the House by William Loughridge, of Iowa, and was referred to the judiciary committees. In May, Lyman Tremaine, from the House Judiciary Committee, reported ad- versely on the petition in a lengthy document, which incorpo- rated a letter from District Attorney Crowley, urging the com- mittee “not to degrade a just judge and applaud a criminal ;'' and declaring that “Miss Anthony's trial was fair and consti- tutional and by an impartial jury.” (!) Mr. Tremaine's re- port said: “ Congress can not be converted into a national court of review for any and all criminal convictions where it shall be alleged the judge has committed an error.” Thus did he deliberately ignore the point at issue, the refusal of a trial by jury. It concluded by saying: “ Since the discussion of NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 451 this question has arisen in the committee, the President has pardoned Miss Anthony for the offense of which she was con- victed and this seems to furnish a conclusive reason why no further action should be taken by the judiciary committee.” (!) The learned gentleman probably referred to the pardon of the inspectors by the President. Miss Anthony had not asked ex- ecutive clemency for herself. Benjamin F. Butler presented an able and exhaustive minority report which closed with the following declaration : "Therefore, because the fine has been imposed by a court of the United States for an offense triable by jury, without the same being submitted to the jury, and because the court assumed to itself the right to enter a verdict without submit- ting the case to the jury, and in order that the judgment of the House of Representatives, if it concur with the judgment of the committee, may, in the most signal and impressive form, mark its determination to sustain in its integrity the common law right of trial by jury, your committee recommend that the prayer of the petitioner be granted.” In June George F. Edmunds made an adverse report from the Senate Judiciary Committee in this remarkable language : “ That they are not satisfied that the ruling of the judge was precisely as represented in the petition, and that if it were so, the Senate could not legally take any action in the premises, and they move that the committee be discharged from the further consideration of the petition, and that the bill be post- poned indefinitely.” Senator Matthew H. Carpenter presented a long and care- fully prepared minority report which concluded: Unfortunately the United States has no “ well-ordered system of jurispru- dence.” A citizen may be tried, condemned and put to death by the erro- neous judgment of a single inferior judge, and no court can grant him relief or a new trial. If a citizen have a cause involving the title to his farm, if it exceed $2,000 in value, he may bring his cause to the Supreme Court; but if it involve his liberty or his life, he can not. While we permit this blemish to exist on our judicial system, it behooves us to watch carefully the judg- ments inferior courts may render; and it is doubly important that we should see to it that twelve jurors shall concur with the judge before a citizen shall be hanged, incarcerated or otherwise punished. 452 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. I concur with the majority of the committee that Congress can not grant the precise relief prayed for in the memorial; but I deem it to be the duty of Congress to declare its disapproval of the doctrine asserted and the course pursued in the trial of Miss Anthony; and all the more for the reason that no judicial court has jurisdiction to review the proceedings therein. I need not disclaim all purpose to question the motives of the learned judge before whom this trial was conducted. The best of judges may commit the gravest of errors amid the hurry and confusion of a nisi prius term; and the wrong Miss Anthony has suffered ought to be charged to the vicious sys- tem which denies to those convicted of offenses against the laws of the United States a hearing before the court of last resort-a defect it is equally within the power and the duty of Congress speedily to remedy. When Miss Anthony returned to Rochester in February, she found the inspectors were about to be put into jail because, acting under advice, they still refused to pay their fines. She wrote Benjamin F. Butler, who replied under date of February 22: "I would not, if I were they, pay, but allow process to be served; and I have no doubt the President will remit the fine if they are pressed too far." They were imprisoned Feb- ruary 26. Miss Anthony went at once to the jail and urged them not to pay the fine, for the sake of principle, promising to see that they were soon released. She waded through a heavy snow to consult her attorneys and then to the newspaper offices to talk with the editors in regard to the prisoners, reaching home at dark, and in her diary that night she writes, "I could not bear to come away and leave them one night in that dolorous place.” She went out for a few lectures in neighboring towns, and at the Dansville Sanitarium was presented by the patients with a purse of $62. Arriving in Rochester at 7 A. M., March 2, she went straight to the jail and breakfasted with the inspec- tors; then to see the marshal and succeeded in having them released on bail. She did not reach home till 1 P. M., and here she found this telegram from Senator Sargent: "I laid the case of the inspectors before the President today. He kindly orders their pardon. Papers are being prepared.” Benjamin F. Butler also had interceded with the President and sent Miss Anthony a telegram of congratulation on the result. In a few days the inspectors were pardoned and their NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 453 fines remitted by President Grant. They were in jail just one week and during that time received hundreds of calls, while each day bountiful meals were sent them by the women whose votes they had accepted. After their pardon a reception was given them at the home of Miss Anthony's sister, Mrs. Mosher, by the ladies of the Eighth ward, and in the spring they were re-elected by a handsome majority. Miss Anthony's fine stands against her to the present day. This case was the dominating feature of the National Con- vention at Washington in the winter of 1874; the key-note of all the speeches and the arguments before the judiciary com- mittees was woman's right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. The women did not relinquish this claim until all ground for it was destroyed by a decision of the United States Supreme Court in 1875, in the case of Virginia L. Minor, of St. Louis. Francis Minor, a lawyer of that city, was the first to assert that women were enfranchised by both the letter and the spirit of the Fourteenth Amendment, and, acting under his advice, his wife attempted to register for the presidential election of 1872. Her name was refused and she brought suit against the inspector for the purpose of making a test case. After an adverse decision by the lower courts, the case was carried to the Supreme Court of the United States and argued before that tribunal by Mr. Minor, at the October term, 1874. It is not too much to say that no constitutional lawyer in the country could have improved upon this argu- ment in its array of authorities, its keen logic and its impres- sive plea for justice. The decision was adverse, the opinion of the court being de- livered March 29, 1875, by Chief-Justice Waite, himself a strong advocate of the enfranchisement of women. The court admitted that “women are persons and citizens,” but found that the “National Constitution does not define the privileges and immunities of citizens. The United States has no voters of its own creation. The National Constitution does not con- fer the right of suffrage upon any one, but the franchise must 1 For full report see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 715. 454 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. be regulated by the States. The Fourteenth Amendment does not add to the privileges and immunities of a citizen; it simply furnishes an additional guarantee to protect those he already has. Before the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, the States had the power to disfranchise on ac- count of race or color. These amendments, ratified by the States, simply forbade that discrimination, but did not forbid that against sex.” This is in direct contradiction to the decision of Chief-Jus- tice Taney in the Dred Scott case: “The words 'people of the United States' and 'citizens' are synonymous terms and mean the same thing; they describe the political body who, ac- cording to our republican institutions, form the sovereignty and hold the power, and conduct the government through their repre- sentatives. They are what we familiarly call the sovereign people, and every citizen is one of this people, and a con- stituent member of this sovereignty." Although Miss Anthony and her co-workers still believed that, with a true interpretation, women were voters under these amendments, they were obliged to accept the decision of the highest court of appeal. They then returned to the work of petitioning Congress for a Sixteenth Amendment to the National Constitution which should prohibit disfranchisement on account of sex. They continued also the original plan of endeavoring to secure amendments to the constitutions of the different States abolishing the word "male" as a qualification for voting.' Bitterly disappointed at the decision of the Supreme Court, it was nevertheless a source of pride to the women that they had made their claim for representation in the government, carried it to the highest tribunal and gone down in honorable defeat. Miss Anthony never hesitated to ask the most distinguished men to speak on the woman suffrage platform, and Henry Wilson writes from the chamber of the Vice-President his regrets that he can not accept her invitation. Benjamin F. Butler replies: “As a rule I have refused to take part in any ? This has been accomplished (1897) in four States, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho. Yours truly Purginia rzec f., Mpinor. NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 455 convention in the District of Columbia about any matter which might come before Congress. I have gone farther out of my way in that regard in the matter of woman suffrage than in any other. Having given evidence that I am most strongly committed to the legality, propriety and justice of granting the ballot to woman, I do not see how I can add anything to it. Hoping that your cause may succeed, I have the honor to be, very truly yours.” Her cousin, Elbridge G. Lapham, M. C., of New York, says in a letter: "I am persuaded the time is fast hastening when woman will be accorded the exercise of the right your associa- tion demands. With that secured, many other advantages, now denied, will surely and speedily follow. I can see no valid objection to the right of suffrage being conferred, while there are many and very cogent reasons in favor of it. As has been said, you may go on election day to the most degraded elector you can att denen regard find at the polls, who would sell his vote for a dollar or a dram, and ask him what he would take for his right to vote and you couldn't pleam purchase it with a kingdom.” She found it possible even to interview the President of the United States on this question. During a conversation with General Grant one day on Pennsylvania Avenue, she said, “Well, Mr. President, what are you going to do for woman suffrage?” In a hearty, pleasant way he answered, “I have already done more for women than any other President, I have recognized the right of 5,000 of them to be postmasters.” There were always distinguished men to champion this cause, but the chief drawback was expressed in a letter from that staunch supporter, Hon. A. G. Riddle, in 1874: There is not, I think, the slightest hope from the courts; and just as little from politicians. They never will take up this cause, never! Individuals will, parties never-till the thing is done. The Republicans want no new issues or disturbing elements. The Democrats are certain that the Republi- 456 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. cans are about to dissolve; and they want to hold on as they are. Both think this thing may, perhaps will come, but now is not the time, and with both, there never will be a “now.” The trouble is that below all this lies the fact that man can govern alone and that, though woman has the right, man wants to do it; and if she wait for him to ask her, she will never vote. There never was a cause with so much unembodied strength, and with so little working power; and the problem is how to vitalize and organize it. One of two things, I think, must occur; either man must be made to see and feel, as he never has done yet, the need of woman's help in the great field of human government, and so demand it; or woman must arise and come for- ward as she never has, and take her place. I still think that one of the main hindrances is with women. The fact is, that the worst bugbear is the never- seen, ever-felt law of caste which has always walled woman around, and which few have the courage to step over. yran Cedrichelle At the close of the convention Miss Anthony accepted the invitation of Mrs. Hooker, the State president, to join her in a month's tour through Connecticut. They spoke in nineteen different cities and towns, Mrs. Hooker assuming all financial responsibility and paying Miss Anthony $25 for each lecture. They had excellent audiences and were entertained in many beautiful homes. In Miss Anthony's diary, March 11, she says: “ Senator Sumner died today, the noblest Roman of them all; true to the negro, but never a public word for woman. How I have pleaded with him for years, and he always admitted that his principles logically carried out gave woman an equal guarantee with man." In the spring of 1874 the women's temperance crusade be- gan in Rochester and, although their methods were very dif- ferent from those Miss Anthony would have employed, she met with them at their request to help them organize. After this was effected they called on her for a speech and she said in brief : NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 457 I am always glad to welcome every association of women for any good purpose, because I know that they will quickly learn the impossibility of accomplishing any substantial end. Women never realize their inability to effect a reform until they attempt it, and then they find how closely inter- woven with politics are all such matters, and how entirely without political power are they themselves. ,. Now my good women, the best thing this organization will do for you will be to show you how utterly powerless you are to put down the liquor traffic. You never can talk down or sing down or pray down an institution which is voted into existence. You never will be able to lessen this evil until you have votes. Frederick Douglass used to tell how, when he was a Maryland slave and a good Methodist, he would go into the farthest corner of the tobacco field and pray God to bring him liberty; but God never answered his prayers until he prayed with his heels. And so, dear friends, He never will answer yours for the suppression of the liquor traffic until you are able to pray with your ballots. Miss Anthony's sentiments on this question are further ex- pressed in a letter to her brother Daniel R., editor Leaven- worth Times : I like the Times' article on the women's whiskey war. Emerson says, “God answers only such prayers as men themselves answer.” After igno- rant and helpless mothers have transmitted to their children the drunkard's appetite, God can not answer their prayers to prevent them from gratifying it. But this crusade will educate the women who engage in it to use the one and only means of regulating or prohibiting the traffic in liquor—that of the ballot. As soon as they find this crusade experiment a failure, which they certainly will, because all spasmodic, sensational religious efforts are transient and fleeting, they will realize the enduring strength and usefulness of the franchise. However little that is permanent may come of this movement, it is good in itself because anything is better for women than tame submission to the evils around them; and when they find kind words, entreaties and tears avail nothing, they will surely try the virtue of stones (votes) to bring down the great demon that desolates their homes. An entry in the journal made soon afterward says: “I dropped into the Industrial Congress today and was invited to speak. I told the men that the degraded labor of women made them quite as heavy a millstone round the necks of working- men as is the Heathen Chinee.” And a few days later: “ Dr. Dio Lewis called today, and I went to hear him speak this evening. Same old story-men make and break the laws, and women by love and persuasion must soften their hearts to The W.C.T. U. did not recognize this fact at the time of their organization but in 1881 they established a franchise department and many of them now advocate suffrage. 458 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. abandon their wickedness. Never a hint that women should have anything to do with the making and enforcing of the laws. They must only coax." The diary shows over one hundred letters written by Miss Anthony's own hand in arranging for the May Anniver- sary in New York, while she sat at the bedside of her mother, who was very ill. Many cordial answers were received, among them one from Josephine E. Butler, of England. Mary L. Booth thus closed her reply: "Pray believe that I always hold you in affectionate remembrance as one of the most sin- cere, earnest and disinterested women whom it has ever been my fortune to meet, and whom I shall always be glad to hear from or to see.” Mrs. Stanton sent an extract from a letter of Martha C. Wright, saying: “Our only hope is in the gradual accession of thinking men and women, and in our indomita- ble Susan.” At Miss Anthony's earnest desire, Mrs. Wright was elected president of the association and this proved to be her last ap- pearance on that platform which she had graced for many years. An interesting feature of the meeting was the pres- ence of the veteran worker, Ernestine L. Rose, who was back from England on a visit. During this May meeting a telegram was sent over the country stating: “Miss Anthony stalked down the aisle with faded alpaca dress to the top of her boots, blue cotton umbrella and white cotton gloves, perched herself on the platform, crossed her legs, pulled out her snuff-box and passed it around. On the platform were Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Wright, Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Rose and other noted women, all dressed in unmentionables cut bias, and smoking penny drab cigars. Susan was quite drunk.” The New York Her- ald, which rarely had a good word for the suffrage conven- tions, in a long and respectful account of this same meeting, said: There was a perfume of Fifth Avenue about the audience. Carriages in livery rolled up to the door. The striking contrast of this audience with that of other years, in the almost perfect conformity of the manner and dress of the women to those of other women who rule in the fashionable world and NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 459 are supposed to look down upon these knights-errant of the sex, was not greater than that between the treatment of Miss Anthony now and in other times. In former years they came to scoff at this wiry and resolute cham- pion of her sex. Now every word she utters is received with almost reverent rapture. Yesterday brought together as intelligent and perhaps as refined an audience of ladies as might be gathered in the city. Miss Anthony was dressed with her usual simplicity in black silk. She read the call for the con- vention and made thereon one of her characteristic addresses, full of fire and prophecy. During the summer of 1874 Miss Anthony lectured in many places in Massachusetts and New York, striving to pay the in- terest and reduce by a little her pressing debts, and slipping home occasionally to see her mother who was carefully tended by the devoted sister Mary. At one of these times she writes in her diary: “ It is always so good to get into my own hum- ble bed.” August 22 she sent a letter of congratulation on his fiftieth birthday to her brother Daniel R. After referring to the $50 he sent to her at the close of her half century, she says: Though I can not return my love and wishes in the same kind, they are none the less for your joy and peace in the future, neither is my rejoicing less over the success of your first half of life. From your many experiences, whether they have been such as you would have chosen or not, strength, growth, discipline have resulted, and sometimes I think all the adverse winds of life are needed to check our ever-rising vain-glory in our own power and success. . . . Whatever comes to those closely united by marriage or by blood, the one lesson from recent developments in Brooklyn is that none of the parties ever should take in an outside person as confidant. If the twain can not themselves restore their oneness, none other can. If parents and chil- dren, brothers and sisters, can not adjust their own differences among them- selves, it is in vain they look to friends outside. What lessons we are having that not only is honesty the best policy, but that there is nothing but most dreadful disaster in any policy which is not based on absolute honesty. The fact is, nothing is worth the getting, if that has to be done by cunning, falsehood, deception. Whether it be wealth, po- sition, office or the society of one we love, if we have to steal it, though it may be sweet and seemingly real and lasting, the exposure of the illicit means of gaining it is sure to come, and then the thing itself turns to dross. When will the children of men learn this fact, that nothing pays but that which is ob- tained fairly, openly and honestly ? This year the Michigan Legislature submitted a woman suf- frage amendment to the voters, and Miss Anthony decided to 460 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. canvass the State. To do this would ruin her own lecture sea- son for the autumn, and those in charge of the suffrage cam- paign could offer her no salary. She did not hesitate, how- ever, but without any financial guarantee, began her work there September 24. On the eye of going she wrote to a friend : "I leave home without having had one single week of rest this summer-not this year, indeed, nor for twenty-five years.'' She made a forty days' canvass, taking out three days for the Illinois convention at Chicago, and during that time spoke in thirty-five different places. Everywhere she addressed im- mense and enthusiastic crowds. She was frequently preceded by Senator Zach. Chandler, speaking for the Republican party, and often her audiences were much larger than the senator's. Toward the close of the campaign she wrote home: If these meetings of mine were only by and in favor of an enfranchised class, they would carry almost the solid vote of every town for the measure advocated; but alas, they are for a class powerless to help or hinder any party for good or for evil. It is wonderful to see how quickly the prejudices yield to a little common sense talk. If only we had speakers and time, we could carry the vote of this State, but we have neither, and so all we can hope for is a respectable minority. I enclose $200 left above travelling expenses, hall rent, etc., from collections and the sale of my trial pamphlets. If I could 1 Not far from three times as many were at Miss Anthony's lecture as gathered to hear Sen- ator Chandler.-Jackson Patriot. One of the largest audiences ever in the opera house gathered last evening on the occasion of the lecture of Miss Susan B. Anthony.-Adrian Times and Expositor. Probably the largest audience ever assembled in Clinton Hall convened to hear Miss Susan B. Anthony, the celebrated expounder of the rights of women.-Pontiac Gazette. Since the great Children's Jubilee there has not been so large an audience in the Academy of Music as that assembled to hear Miss Anthony's lecture.-East Saginaw Daily Republi- can. Miss Anthony spoke at Hillsdale to a densely crowded opera house, while full 1,000 peo- ple were unable to gain admission.-Grand Rapids Post. Miss Susan B. Anthony spoke last evening to the largest audience that ever greeted a lecturer in Marshall, and we have had Mrs. Stanton, Theodore Tilton, Mark Twain and Olive Logan. She had at least 1,200 hearers.- Telegram to Detroit Evening News. Last evening the aisles were double-seated, and the anterooms, staircases and vestibules densely packed with standing hearers. No such house ever was had at this place. She spoke with wonderful power. At Pigeon, between trains, she spoke to a great throng who would not consider her strength and take "no" for an answer.-Three Rivers Reporter. A woman with whose public sayings and doings we have been familiar since the fall of 1867, and for whom our respect and admiration has never wavered during that period, spoke to the largest indoor audience ever assembled in this village. The courthouse was literally packed, and the speaker had to stand on a table in front of the judge's desk.--Cass- opolis National Democrat. NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 461 have had even a twenty-five cents admission, I should have cleared over $1,000, but I could not have it said that I went to Michigan, at such a crisis, to make money for myself; it would have ruined the moral effect of my work. Now they are calling on me from Washington to stay in that city all next winter to get our measure considered by Congress, but I ought to go to work to earn money, for I need it if ever anybody did. If I have to get it, how- ever, at the cost of losing our golden opportunity there, it will be too dear a price to pay Miss Anthony was correct in her forecast, the suffrage amendment was defeated in Michigan by more than three to one, but there is no doubt her able canvass contributed largely to secure "a respectable minority.” In the summer of 1874 the so-called Beecher-Tilton scandal, which had been smouldering a long time, burst into full blaze. Miss Anthony had been for many years on intimate terms with all the parties in this unfortunate affair, and there was a persistent rumor that she had at one time received a confession from Mrs. Tilton which, if given by her to the public, would settle the vexed question beyond a doubt. It is scarcely possi- ble to describe the pressure brought to bear to force her to dis- close what she knew. During her lecture tours of that sum- mer and fall, while the trial was in progress before the church committee, she never entered a railroad car, an omnibus or a hotel but there was somebody ready to question her. In every town and city she was called upon for an interview before she had time to brush off the dust of travel. One of the New York papers detailed a reporter to follow her from point to point, catch every word she uttered, ferret out all she said to her friends and in some way extort what was wanted. She often remarked that “in this case men proved themselves the champion gossips of the world." Papers which had befriended her and her cause reminded her of this fact and urged her to return the favor by telling them what she knew. Telegrams and letters poured in upon her from strangers and friends, some commending and begging her to continue silent; others censuring and urging her to tell the whole story. Lawyers connected with the case wrote her the shrewdest of pleas, telling her how the other side were try- 462 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ing to defame her character and urging her to speak in self- defense; but it is a significant fact that she received no official summons either during the church committee investigation or the trial in court. The Chicago Tribune, having failed to secure an interview, said: “Miss Anthony keeps her own counsel in this matter with a resolution which would do credit to General Grant." Several papers manufactured interviews with her out of whole cloth. Everybody else, man or woman, who had the slightest knowledge of the affair, rushed into print, but under all the pressure she remained as immovable and silent as the granite mountains amid which she was born. The universal desire to have her speak was because of the value placed upon her integrity and veracity. John Hooker, the eminent lawyer of Hartford, Conn., brother-in-law of Mr. Beecher, voiced the opinion of her friends when he wrote under date of November 9, 1874: “A more truthful person does not live. The whole world could not get her to go into a conspiracy against one whom she believed to be innocent. I have perfect confidence in her truthfulness and always stoutly assert it." The New York Sun expressed the general sentiment of the press when it said in this connection: "Miss Anthony is a lady whose word will everywhere be believed by those who know anything of her character.” Her home paper, the Dem- ocrat and Chronicle, paid this tribute: “Whether she will make any definite revelations remains to be seen, but whatever she does say will be received by the public with that credit which attaches to the evidence of a truthful witness. Her own character, known and honored by the country, will give importance to any utterances she may make.” Most of the charges made against her during this ordeal were so manifestly absurd they did not need refuting, but the oft-re- peated assertions that she believed in what was popularly termed "free love” were a source of great annoyance. In a letter written at this time to Elizabeth Smith Miller she thus definitely expressed herself: "I have always believed the ‘variety'system vile, and still do so believe. I am convinced NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 463 that no one has yet wrought out the true social system. I am sure no theory can be correct which a mother is not willing for her daughter to practice. Decent women should not live with licentious husbands in the relation of wife. As society is now, good, pure women, by so living, cover up and palliate immor- ality and help to violate the law of monogamy. Women must take the social helm into their own hands and not permit the men of their own circle, any more than the women, to be transgressors." To Mr. Hooker, on this same subject, she wrote: "In my heart of hearts I hate the whole doctrine of ‘variety' or 'pro- miscuity.' I am not even a believer in second marriages after one of the parties is dead, so sacred and binding do I consider the marriage relation." A few extracts from her diary during these days will show the trend of her thoughts: Silence alone is all there is for me at present. I appreciate as never before the value of having lived an open life. ... The parlor, the street corner, the newspapers, the very air seem full of social miasma.... Sad, sad revelations! There is nothing more demoralizing than lying. The act itself is scarcely so base as the lie which denies it. . . . It is almost an impos- sibility for a man and a woman to have a close, sympathetic friendship with- out the tendrils of one soul becoming fastened around the other, with the result of infinite pain and anguish. ... The great financial rings, Christ- ian Union, Life of Christ and Plymouth church, the three in one, most powerful trinity, seem to have subsidized the entire New York press. In her positive refusal to speak the word which would crimi- nate a woman, Miss Anthony was actuated by the highest sense of honor. She loved Mr. and Mrs. Tilton as her own family. She had enjoyed the hospitality of their beautiful home and seen their children grow up from babyhood. Mrs. Tilton was one of the loveliest characters she ever had known, an exquisite housekeeper, an ideal mother; a woman of wide reading and fine literary taste, of sunny temperament and affectionate disposition. To violate the confidence of such a woman, given in an hour of supreme anguish, would have been treachery unparalleled. In answer to the charge that Mrs. Tilton was a very weak or a very wicked woman, Miss Anthony always maintained that none ever was called upon to 464 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. suffer such temptation. On the one hand was her husband, one of the most brilliant writers and speakers of the day, a man of marvellously attractiye powers in the home as well as in the outside world. At his table often sat Phillips, Garrison, Sumner, Wilson and many other prominent men, who all alike admired and loved him. On the other hand was her pastor, the most powerful and magnetic preacher and orator not only in Brooklyn but in the nation. When he spoke on Sunday to his congregation of 3,000 people, there was not a man present but felt that he could get strength by touching even the hem of his garment. If his power were such over men, by the law of nature it must have been infinitely greater over women. Since it was thus irresistible in public, how transcendent must it have been in the close and intimate companionship of private life! The house of the Tiltons was the second home of Mr. Beecher, and scarcely a day passed that he did not visit it. He found here the brightness, congeniality, sympathy and loving trust which every human being longs for. The choicest new litera- ture was sent hither for the delicate appreciation it was sure to receive. When he came in from his Peekskill country place with great baskets of flowers, the most beautiful always found their way to this household. Miss Anthony recalls one occasion when Mrs. Tilton, slipping her hand through her arm, drew her to the mantelpiece over which hung a lovely water color of the trailing arbutus, and said, "My pastor brought that to me this morning." At another time, when she went on Saturday evening to stay over Sunday, Mrs. Til- ton said, as she dropped into a low chair: “Mr. Beecher sat here all the morning writing his sermon. He says there is no place in the world where he can get such inspiration as at Theodore's desk, while I sit beside him in this little chair darning the children's stockings." In all of these and many similar occurrences Miss Anthony saw nothing but a warm and sincere friendship. To Mr. Tilton Mr. Beecher was as a father or an elder brother. He had placed the ambitious and talented youth where he could achieve NO CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO JURY OR FRANCHISE. 465 both fame and fortune, had introduced him into the highest social circles and shown to the world that he regarded him as his dearest confidential friend, and for years the two men had enjoyed the closest and strongest intimacy. Mrs. Tilton had been born into Plymouth church, baptized by Mr. Beecher, had taught in his Sunday school, visited at his home. He loved her as his own, and she adored him as a very Christ. To these two great intellectual and spiritual magnets, first to one, then to the other, she was irresistibly and uncontrollably drawn. When troubles arose and the two became bitterly hostile, her situation was most pitiable. After matters had culminated and the battle was on, Beecher still spoke of her as "the beloved Christian woman,” and Tilton, as “the whitest- souled woman who ever lived.” Weak she may have been through her emotions, never wilfully wicked, and far less sin- ning than sinned against. She was wholly dominated by two powerful influences. Between the upper and the nether mill- stone her life was crushed ANT.-30 CHAPTER XXVII. REVOLUTION DEBT PAID---WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 1875—1876. BA T the close of 1874, December 28, the cause of woman suffrage lost a strong supporter by the death of Gerrit Smith. Miss Anthony felt the loss deeply, as he had been her warm personal friend for twenty-five years and always ready with financial aid for her projects; but she suffered a keener shock one week later when the news came of the sudden death of Martha C. Wright, January 4, 1875. She says in her diary: “It struck me dumb, I could not believe it; clear-sighted, true and steadfast almost beyond all other women! Her home was my home, always so restful and refreshing, her friendship never failed; the darker the hour, the brighter were her words of encouragement, the stronger and closer her support. I can not be reconciled.” But for this earnest advocate there could be no cessation of work and the 14th of January found her again in Washing- ton at the National Convention. These annual meetings, with their advertising, hall rent, expenses of speakers, etc., were costly affairs. Before every one Miss Anthony always received scores of letters from the other workers begging that it might be given up for that year, insisting that for various reasons it would be a failure, and declaring that they could not and would not attend. Mrs. Stanton usually headed the list of the objectors, for she hated everything connected with a con- vention. On the back of one of these vehement protests, care- fully filed away, is written in Miss Anthony's penmanship, “Mrs. Stanton's chronic letter before each annual meeting.” (467) 468 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. She never paid the slightest heed to any of these appeals, but went straight ahead, wheeled all of them into line, engaged the speakers, raised the money and carried the convention to a finish. When the funds were lacking she advanced them from her own, usually ending one or two hundred dollars out of pocket. Then she went about among the friends and se- cured enough to replace the loan or, failing in this, worked so much the harder to make it up out of her earnings. On her way home from Washington, Miss Anthony stopped for a visit with her loved cousin Anson Lapham and on leav- ing he handed her a check for $1,000, saying, “Susan, this is not for suffrage but for thee personally.” Nevertheless she at once applied it on the debt still hanging over her from The Revolution. Francis & Loutrel, of New York, who had fur- nished her with paper, letter-heads, etc., also presented her at this time with their receipted bill for $200. In the winter of 1875, Miss Anthony prepared her speech on “Social Purity” and gave it first at the Grand Opera House, Chicago, March 14, in the Sunday afternoon Dime lecture course. When she reached the opera house the crowd was so dense she could not get inside and was obliged to go through the engine room and up the back way to the stage. The gentleman who was to introduce her could not make his way through the throng and so this service was gracefully per- formed by "Long John” Wentworth, who was seated on the stage. At the close of the address, to her surprise, A. Bronson Alcott, Parker Pillsbury and A. J. Grover came up to con- gratulate her. She had not known they were in the city. Mr. Alcott said: "You have stated here this afternoon, in a fearless manner, truths that I have hardly dared to think, much less to utter." No other speaker, man or woman, ever had handled this question with such boldness and severity and the lecture produced a great sensation. Even the radical Mrs. Stanton wrote her she would never again be asked to speak in Chicago, and Mr. Slayton said that she had ruined See Appendix for full speech. REVOLUTION DEBT PAID--WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 469 her future chances there; nevertheless she was invited by the same committee the following winter. It was given at several places in Wisconsin, Illinois,' Iowa, Kansas and Missouri to crowded houses and the newspaper comments were varied. On the occasion of its delivery in Mercantile Library Hall, St. Louis, in the Star lecture course, the Democrat said: “The audience was large and composed of the most respectable and intelligent of our citizens, a ma- jority being ladies. Miss Anthony is one of the most remark- able women of the nineteenth century-remarkable for the purity of her life, the earnestness with which she promulgates her peculiar views, and the indomitable courage and persever- ance with which she bears defeat and misfortune. No longer in the bloom of youth-if she ever had any bloom-hard-feat- ured, guileless, cold as an icicle, fluent and philosophical, she wields today tenfold more influence than all the beautiful and brilliant female lecturers that ever flaunted upon the platform as preachers of social impossibilities.” The metropolitan press generally acknowledged the neces- sity for such a lecture and complimented Miss Anthony's courage in undertaking it, but the country papers were greatly distressed, as a specimen extract will show : There is very little satisfaction in observing that Miss Anthony is following in the wake of Anna Dickinson, in publicly lecturing upon subjects that no modest woman ought, in respect for her sex, to acknowledge that she is so famil- iar with Miss D. expatiates upon the “ Social Evil," and Miss A. enlarges upon “Social Purity”--topics that maidenly delicacy, we repeat, should re- fuse to discuss. It would be suggestively coarse for a married woman to deliberately select such questionable themes for a public discourse; but these two ladies are spinsters yet, and spinsters are presumed to be wholly inno- cent of the necessary information-are supposed, in truth, to be too pure- minded to contemplate vice in its most repulsive shape, not to say analyze it, and dwell oratorically before the world upon its nauseous details. The women's crusade against liquor effected nothing, for the simple reason that women were out of their proper sphere in attempting it; but if so, how much At Carbondale she addressed the students of the Normal School, the day after her lecture, emphasizing the necessity of woman's being able to care for herself, urging them to marry only for love and not for support, and to look upon marriage as a luxury and not a neces- sity. She was a little doubtful as to the effect of this talk upon both faculty and students, but one of the professors called to tell her how fitting was every word and how he had longed to have just those things said. The girl students sent her a handsome bouquet as she was taking her train. 470 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. more do they degrade their sex when they go out of the way to ask us to be- lieve that they are intimate with a corruption infinitely more debasing and more destructive ? The best lecture a woman can give the community on "moral purity” is the eloquent one of a spotless life. The best discourse she can furnish us on the sad “ eyil” alluded to is the sincerity of her profound ignorance of the subject. A woman suffrage bill was under consideration by the leg- islature of Iowa and Miss Anthony felt that missionary work ought to be done in that State, so she wrote to the friends in one hundred different towns, offering to speak for $25 or one- half the gross receipts. Sixty of them accepted and during the spring and autumn of 1875 she filled these engagements, the sixty lectures averaging $30 apiece. In order to reach the different places she had to take trains at all hours of the night, occasionally to ride in a freight car, sometimes to drive twenty- five or thirty miles across country in mud and snow and prairie winds, and frequently to go on the platform without having eaten a mouthful or changed her dress. Even these ills were not so hard to bear as the cold, dirty rooms, hard beds, and poorly cooked food sometimes found in small hotels. Fre- quently she had to sit by the kitchen stove all day as not a bed- room would have a fire and the only sitting-room contained the bar and was black with tobacco smoke. The path of the lecturer is uphill, over stony roads, with briar hedges on both sides. While Miss Anthony was in attendance at the May Suffrage Anniversary in New York, a telegram came announcing that her brother Daniel R., of Leavenworth, had been shot and fatally wounded. Her friends feeling that they could not go through with the meeting without her, retained the telegram until after her speech in the evening, and then she could get no train before the next day. She did not go to bed that night but, in the midst of her grief, she examined every bill for the convention and put each in an envelope with the money to pay it. In the early morning she took a local train for Albany and stopped off to bid a last farewell to her old friend Lydia Mott, who was dying of consumption. Her sisters met her at the Rochester station with wrapper, slippers and comfortable things REVOLUTION DEBT PAID--WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 471 for the sickroom, and she learned that her brother was still alive. Telegrams came to her at intervals during the journey, and, after a most distressing delay at Kansas City, she finally reached Leavenworth at midnight, May 14, and was gladly re- ceived by her brother who had watched the clock and counted her progress every hour. The shooting had grown out of some criticisms in his paper. The ball had fractured the clavicle and severed the subclavian artery. His devoted wife and brother Merritt were in constant attendance. Then began the long struggle for life. For nine weeks Miss Anthony sat by his bedside giving the service of a born nurse, added to the gentleness of a loving sister. At the end of the first month the physicians decided on a continued pressure upon the artery above the wound to prevent the constant rush of blood into the aneurism which had formed. Owing to its peculiar position this could be done only by pressing the finger upon it, and so the family and friends took turns day and night, sitting by the patient and pressing upon this vital spot. After five weeks, to the surprise of the whole medical fraternity, the experiment proved a success and recovery was no longer doubt- ful. The papers were filled with glowing accounts of Miss Anthony's devotion, seeming to think it wonderful that a woman whose whole life had been spent in public work should possess in so large a degree not only sisterly affection but the accomplishments of a trained nurse. Miss Anthony took back to Rochester her little four-year-old niece and namesake, Susie B., and many touching entries in her journal show how closely the child entwined itself about her heart. She found that Lydia Mott still lived, and, allow- ing herself only two days' rest after all the hard weeks of physical and mental strain, she went to Albany to stay with her friend till the end came, a month later. The diary of Au- gust 20 says: “There passed out of my life today the one who, next to my own family, has been the nearest and dearest to me for thirty years.” 1 President M. B. Anderson, of Rochester University, wrote a friend in this connection: “I always remember Miss Anthony as an angel of mercy in the house of å sister who was crushed by the loss of a son," 472 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. On October 2, 1875, she heard Frances E. Willard lecture for the first time, and comments, “A lovely, spirited and spiritual woman, characterized by genuine Christian simplic- ity.” Miss Anthony was a guest with Miss Willard at the home of Professor and Mrs. Lattimore. When they reached the hall Miss Willard asked her to sit on the platform, but Miss Anthony declined, saying, "No, you have a heavy enough load to carry without taking me.” November 4 Miss Anthony gave her lecture on “Social Purity” in Roches- ter, introduced by Judge Henry R. Selden, and writes, “I had a most attentive and solemn listening.” The rest of the year was spent in finishing the interrupted lectures in Iowa, and the beginning of 1876 found her in the far West with so many engagements that she decided, for the first time in all the years, not to go to Washington to the National Convention. This was in the capable hands of Mrs. Gage, who was then president; so she sent an encouraging letter and a liberal con- tribution. Miss Anthony still continued on her weary round through the inclement winter and spring, sometimes lecturing to mea- ger and sometimes to crowded houses but netting an average of $100 a week, which was religiously applied to the payment of the debt. She returned to Chicago to lecture again in the Dime course, Sunday, March 26, and says in her diary: “An immense audience, hall packed, my speech was free, easy and happy, my audience quick to see and appreciate." The ad- dress on this occasion was “Bread and the Ballot.”] She returned at once to Iowa, Kansas and Missouri, and by May 1, 1876, was able to write, "The day of Jubilee for me has come. I have paid the last dollar of The Revolution debt!” It was just six years to the very month since she had given up her cher- ished paper and undertaken to pay off its heavy indebtedness, and all her friends rejoiced with her that it was finally rolled from her shoulders and she was free. Even the newspapers I See Appendix for full speech. REVOLUTION DEBT PAID-WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 473 In offered congratulations in pleasant editorial paragraphs. a long notice, the Chicago Daily News said: Her paper lived a few years and then went down. In the heart of the woman whose hopes went down with it, the little paper that cost so much and died so prematurely occupies, perhaps, the place which in other women's hearts is occupied by the remembrance of a baby's face, now shrouded in folds of white satin and hushed in death. But The Revolution left behind a debt of several thousand dollars. Susan B. Anthony was poor, yet she stepped forward and assumed, individually, the entire indebtedness. By working six years and devoting to the purpose all the money she could earn she has paid the debt and interest. And now, when the creditors of that paper and others who really know her, whatever they may think of her political opinions, hear the name of Susan B. Anthony, they feel inclined to raise their hats in reverence. The Rochester Post-Express thus voiced the opinion of her own townspeople: The thousands of friends of the plucky and noble woman of whom we. speak will rejoice with her over this success. There are a good many men who have hidden behind their wives' petticoats for a much smaller sum than $10,000. It should be remembered, furthermore, that Miss Anthony has I From a large number of clippings, the following are selected as specimens: Miss Anthony has now earned the money and discharged the last obligation of her paper. This is the work of a brave and good woman. ... She is a woman who pays her debts and sets a watch upon her lips.--Cincinnati Enquirer. It is the fashion among fools of both sexes to sneer at Susan B. Anthony and use her name to point witless jokes. But it seems to us,and we differ from her most emphatically on the question of woman suffrage—that her brave, unselfish life reflects a credit on womanhood which the follies of a thousand others can not remove.-Utica Observer. “She has paid her debts like a man,” says an exchange. Like a man? Not so. Not one man in a thousand but would have “squealed," "laid down” and settled at ten or twenty cents on the dollar. As people go in this wicked world, it is no more than fair to say in good faith that Miss Anthony is a very admirable person. She is in business, as in other matters, one of the few--the select few-who steer by their own compass and not by the shifting winds.--Buffalo Express. Miss Susan B. Anthony has done a noble thing, which deserves to be widely known. She has lectured 120 times during this season and has paid off the last debt of The Revolution. That she has felt obliged to work thus for years when thousands of men avail themselves of the privileges of the bankrupt act, is a phenomenal exhibition of personal honor. A woman is thoroughly qualified to plead for the claims of her own sex when she respects the rights of human nature so keenly.-New York Graphic. We are thankful to see the recognition accorded to the worth of our townswoman. She has been often misjudged and sometimes abused; but unfalteringly and unselfishly she has devoted herself to her life-work, and despite cavilling and sneers, has deeply impressed her thought upon the age in which she has been placed. Her executive talent has unceas- ingly declared itself and her character has been without reproach. She is today a power in the land, respected even by those who oppose her. She may not witness the full triumph of her cause; but her fame as a brave, truthful and consistent advocate of a conquering cause is secure. Even in her lifetime she is receiving something of the reward to which her fidelity to principle entitles her.-Rochester Democrat and Chronicle. 474 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. labored indefatigably in the cause of woman suffrage, paying her own ex- penses most of the time; has undergone a contemptible and outrageous per- secution at the hands of the United States court for violating the election laws; has bent for months over the bed of a brother wounded almost to death by an assassin's bullet; has watched tenderly over the steps of an aged mother; and has always, everywhere, been the soul of helpfulness and benev- olence. Here is an example, in a woman, who our laws say is not fit to exercise the active and defensive privilege of citizenship, that puts to shame the lives of ninety-nine in every hundred men. It is not surprising that the letters of her friends during these past months should speak of "the pale, sad face, so worn by lines of care and toil,” but now all was over and she returned home. To rest? Far from it. The third day found her en route for New York to attend the Suffrage Anniversary, May 10 and 11. The thinking women of the country were justly indignant, in this great centennial year of the Republic, at the high- handed manner in which they had been ignored in the vast preparations for its celebration, in spite of their protests and in face of the fact that women had purchased $100,000 of the centennial stock issued to pay expenses. It had been decided at the Washington convention that the National Association should open headquarters in Philadelphia, and at this May meeting Miss Anthony was made chairman of the 1876 cam- paign committee. The resolutions adopted show the spirit of the convention: WHEREAS, The right of self-government inheres in the individual before governments are founded, constitutions framed or courts created; and whereas, Governments exist to protect the people in the enjoyment of their natural rights, and when one becomes destructive of this end, it is the right of the people to resist and abolish it; and whereas, The women of the United States for one hundred years have been denied the exercise of their natural right of self-government; therefore Resolved, That it is their natural right and most sacred duty to rebel against the injustice, usurpation and tyranny of our present government. WHEREAS, The men of 1776 rebelled against a government which did not claim to be of the people, but on the contrary upheld the "divine right of kings;" and whereas, The women of this nation today, under a government which claims to be based upon individual rights, in an infinitely greater degree are suffering all the wrongs which led to the war of the Revolution; and whereas, the oppression is all the more keenly felt because our masters, REVOLUTION DEBT PAID--WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 475 instead of dwelling in a foreign land, are our husbands, fathers, brothers and sons; therefore Resolved, that the women of this nation, in 1876, have greater cause for discontent, rebellion and revolution, than had the men of 1776. Resolved, That with Abigail Adams we believe "the passion for liberty can not be strong in the breasts of those who are accustomed to deprive their fellow-creatures of liberty ;' that, as she predicted in 1776, “we are deter- mined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by laws in which we have no voice or representation." WHEREAS, We believe in the principles of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution of the United States, and that a true republic is the best form of government in the world; and whereas, This government is false to its underlying principles in denying to women the only means of self- government, the ballot; and one-half of the citizens of this nation, after a century of boasted liberty, are still political slaves; therefore Resolved, That we protest against calling the present centennial a celebration of the independence of the people of the United States. Resolved, That we meet in our respective towns and districts on the Fourth of July, 1876, and declare ourselves no longer bound to obey laws in whose making we have had no voice and, in presence of the assembled nations of the world gathered on this soil to celebrate our nation's centennial, demand justice for the women of this land. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage had long had in view the preparation of a history of the woman's rights movement, which they expected to be a pamphlet of several hundred pages, and they offered this as a premium to every one who should send $5 toward the contemplated headquart- ers.' Fifty-two women responded at once, and with this $260 they ventured to rent fine, large parlors in a desirable part of Philadelphia and fit them up in an attractive manner. By the laws of Pennsylvania a married woman could not make a con- tract and Miss Anthony, being the only femme sole, was obliged to assume the financial responsibility. She and Mrs. Gage took charge of the headquarters May 25, and issued the following announcement: The National Woman Suffrage Association has established its Centennial headquarters in Philadelphia at No. 1431 Chestnut street. The parlors, in charge of the officers of the association, are devoted to the special work of the year, pertaining to the centennial celebration and the political party conven- tions; also to calls, receptions, etc. On the table a Centennial autograph book receives the names of visitors.... 1. When this work finally was issued at $15 per set, every one of these pledges was care- fully fulfilled, necessarily at a great pecuniary loss, 476 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. On July 4th, while the men of this nation and the world are rejoicing that “all men are free and equal” in the United States, a declaration of rights for women will be issued from these headquarters, and a protest against call- ing this Centennial a celebration of the independence of the people, while one- half are still political slaves. Let the women of the whole land, on that day, in meetings, in parlors, in kitchens, wherever they may be, unite with us in this declaration and protest; and immediately thereafter send full reports for record in our centennial book, that the world may see that the women of 1876 know and feel their political degradation no less than did the men of 1776. In commemoration of the twenty-eighth anniversary of the first woman's rights convention, the National Suffrage Association will hold in Philadelphia, July 19 and 20, of the present year, a grand mass convention, in which emi- nent reformers from the new and the old world will take part. From these headquarters eloquent letters were written to the national political conventions and sent by delegations of prom- inent women, asking for a woman suffrage plank. The Dem- ocrats ignored the question in their platform; the Republicans adopted the following: "The Republican party recognizes with approval the substantial advance recently made toward the establishment of equal rights for women by the many im- portant amendments effected by the Republican legislatures, in the laws which concern the personal and property relations of wives, mothers and widows, and by the election and appointment of women to the superintendence of education, charities and other public trusts. The honest demands of this class of citizens for additional rights, privileges and immuni- ties should be treated with respectful consideration.” In a letter from Mrs. Duniway, of Oregon, she says, “Well, the Republicans have thickened the old sop and re-served it." The women were determined to obtain a recognition at the centennial celebration to be held July 4, in Independence Square. “It is the hour, the golden hour, for woman to speak her word which shall roll down our second century as has man's Fourth of July manifesto through the last one hundred years," wrote Miss Anthony. Then she and Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage put their heads together and framed a docu- ment which had all the holy fire of the immortal Declaration of Independence, and this they proposed to have made a part REVOLUTION DEBT PAIDWOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 477 of the great day's proceedings. Their efforts to this end, their repulse and their subsequent action are so delightfully de- scribed in the History of Woman Suffrage that it would be pre- sumptuous to attempt to improve upon it. Their utmost efforts could obtain but four seats on the platform. Miss Anthony had a ticket as reporter for her brother's paper. The earnest request of Mrs. Stanton, president of the National Suffrage Association, to General Joseph R. Hawley, president of the Centennial Commission, not that the women might read but simply might present their declaration, was refused on the ground that the program could not be changed. The report thus continues : As President Grant was not to attend the celebration, the acting Vice-Presi- dent, Thomas W. Ferry, representing the government, was to officiate in his place and he, too, was addressed by note, and courteously requested to make time for the reception of this declaration. As Mr. Ferry was a well-known sympathizer with the demands of woman for political rights, it was presum- able that he would render his aid. Yet he was forgetful that in his position that day he represented, not the exposition, but the government of a hundred years, and he too refused; thus the simple request of woman for a half mo- ment's recognition on the nation's centennial birthday was denied by all in authority. While the women of the nation were thus absolutely forbidden the right of public protest, lavish preparations were made for the reception and entertain- ment of foreign potentates and the myrmidons of monarchial institutions. Dom Pedro, emperor of Brazil, a representative of that form of government against which the United States is a perpetual defiance and protest, was wel- comed with fulsome adulation, and given a seat of honor near the officers of the day; Prince Oscar of Sweden, a stripling of sixteen, on whose shoulders rests the promise of a future kingship, was seated near. Count Rochambeau of France, the Japanese commissioners, high officials from Russia and Prus- sia, from Austria, Spain, England, Turkey, representing the barbarism and semi-civilization of the day, found no difficulty in securing recognition and places of honor upon that platform, where representative womanhood was denied. Though refused by their own countrymen a place and part in the centen- nial celebration, the women who had taken this presentation in hand were not to be conquered. They had respectfully asked for recognition; now that it had been denied, they determined to seize upon the moment when the read- ing of the Declaration of Independence closed, to proclaim to the world the tyranny and injustice of the nation toward one-half its people. Five officers of the National Suffrage Association, with that heroic spirit which has ever For full text of this magnificent document see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 31. 478 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. animated lovers of liberty in resistance to tyranny, determined, whatever the result, to present the Woman's Declaration of Rights at the chosen hour. They would not, they dared not sacrifice the golden opportunity to which they had so long looked forward; their work was not for themselves alone, nor for the present generation, but for all women of all time. The hopes of posterity were in their hands and they determined to place on record for the daughters of 1976 the fact that their mothers of 1876 had asserted their equal- ity of rights, and impeached the government of that day for its injustice toward woman. Thus, in taking a grander step toward freedom than ever before, they would leave one bright remembrance for the women of the next Centennial. That historic Fourth of July dawned at last, one of the most oppressive days of that terribly heated season. Susan B. Anthony, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Sara Andrews Spencer, Lillie Devereux Blake and Phoebe Couzins made their way through the crowds under the broiling sun to Independence Square, carrying the Woman's Declaration of Rights. This declaration had been handsomely engrossed by Mrs. Spencer and signed by the oldest and most prominent ad- vocates of woman's enfranchisement. Their tickets of admission proved an open sesame through the military and all other barriers, and a few moments before the opening of the ceremonies, these women found themselves within the precincts from which most of their sex were excluded. The declaration of 1776 was read by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, about whose family clusters so much of historic fame. The close of his reading was deemed the appropriate moment for the presentation of the Woman's Decla- ration. Not quite sure how their approach might be met--not quite certain if at this final moment they would be permitted to reach the presiding officer- these ladies arose from their seats at the back of the stage and walked down the aisle. The bustle of preparation for the Brazilian hymn covered their ad- vance. The foreign guests, the military and civil officers who filled the space directly around the speaker's stand, courteously made way, while Miss Anthony in fitting words presented the Declaration. Mr. Ferry's face paled, as bowing low, with no word, he received it, and it thus became a part of the day's proceedings; the ladies turned, scattering printed copies as they delib- erately passed up the aisle and off the platform. On every side eager hands were stretched; men stood on seats and asked for them, while General Haw- ley, thus defied and beaten in his audacious denial to women of the right to present their Declaration, shouted, “ Order, order !" Going out through the crowd, they made their way to a platform erected for the musicians in front of Independence Hall. Here on this historic ground, under the shadow of Washington's statue, back of them the old bell which pro- claimed “liberty to all the land and all the inhabitants thereof," they took their places, and to a listening, applauding crowd, Miss Anthony read a copy of the Declaration just presented to Mr. Ferry. It was warmly applauded at many points, and after again scattering a number of printed copies, the delegation descended from the platform and hastened to the convention of the National Association. A meeting had been appointed at 12 o'clock, in the First Unitarian church, where Rev. William H. Furness preached for fifty years, but whose pulpit was then filled by Joseph May, a son of Rey. REVOLUTION DEBT PAID-WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 479 Samuel J. May. They found the church crowded with an expectant audience, which greeted them with thanks for what they had just done; the first act of this memorable day taking place on the old centennial platform in Indepen- dence Square, the last in a church so long devoted to equality and justice. The venerable Lucretia Mott, then in her eighty-fourth year, presided. Belva A. Lockwood took up the judiciary, showing the way that body lends itself to party politics. Matilda Joslyn Gage spoke upon the writ of habeas corpus, pointing out what a mockery to married women was that constitu- tional guarantee. Lucretia Mott reviewed the progress of the reform from the first convention. Sara Andrews Spencer illustrated the evils arising from two codes of morality. Lillie Devereux Blake spoke upon trial by jury; Susan B. Anthony upon taxation without representation, illustrating her re- marks by incidents of unjust taxation of women during the present year. Elizabeth Cady Stanton pictured the aristocracy of sex and the evils arising from manhood suffrage. Judge Esther Morris, of Wyoming, said a few words in regard to suffrage in that territory. Phoebe Couzins, with great pathos, told of woman's work in the war. Margaret Parker, president of the women's suffrage club of Dundee, Scotland, and of the newly formed International W. C. T. U., declared this was worth the journey across the Atlantic. Mr. J. H. Raper, of Manchester, England, characterized it as the grandest meeting of the day, and said the patriot of a hundred years hence would seek for every incident connected with it, and the next Centennial would be adorned by the portraits of the women who sat upon that platform. The Hutchinsons were present and in their best vein interspersed the speeches with appropriate and felicitous songs. Lucretia Mott did not con- fine herself to a single speech but, in Quaker style, whenever the spirit moved made many happy points. As her sweet and placid countenance appeared above the pulpit, the Hutchinsons burst into, “Nearer, My God, to Thee.” The effect was marvellous; the audience at once arose, and spontaneously joined in the hymn. For five long hours of that hot midsummer day, that crowded audience listened earnestly to woman's demand for equality of rights before the law. When the meeting at last adjourned, the Hutchinsons singing, “A Hundred Years Hence,” it was slowly and reluctantly that the great audience left the house. The headquarters were kept open for two months, the weekly receptions were largely attended and the rooms each day crowded with visitors. The immense autograph book was signed by hundreds, most of whom also affixed their names to the Woman's Declaration of Rights. Lucretia Mott always came in after attending the mid-week meeting of the Friends, and the ladies had a pot of tea ready for her coming. When she left she never failed to hand them $5 “to pay for the trouble she had made,” her contributions in this way amounting to The little teapot and the cup and saucer which she used now stand upon Miss Anthony's sideboard. 480 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. $50. George W. Childs gave $100, Dr. Clemence Lozier, $100, Ellen C. Sargent, $50, Elizabeth B. Phelps, $50, Miss Anthony herself contributed $175, and altogether about two hundred people donated nearly $1,700, all of which was ex- pended in keeping up the headquarters and printing and cir- culating thousands of documents. When the accounts were audited they showed a balance of just $4.64. At this time Mrs. Mott sent Miss Anthony this little note, accompanied by a large package of fine tea: “I forgot to take the tea I promised thee, so please accept it now. Thank thee for so oft remembering me with the delicious drinks of it. After leaving thee so hurriedly yesterday, I feared that thou wast still short of an even balance, and now enclose another $10 for thy own personal use. It is too hard for our widely extended national society to suffer thee to labor so unceasingly without a consideration.” But Miss Anthony did not work for personal reward and said in a letter to her old friend Clar- ina Howard Nichols: "The Kansas women say, 'All we have of freedom we owe to Mrs. Nichols and yet we never have given her a testimonial.' Well, you and I and all who labor to make the conditions of the world better for coming genera- tions, must find our testimonials in the good accomplished through our work." As soon as the Centennial headquarters were closed Miss Anthony proceeded to carry out her cherished plan of writing the history of the woman's rights movement. She had sent the most peremptory orders to Mrs. Stanton not to make a lecture engagement before December 1, so that in August, September, October and November they might prepare this history. She then shipped to Mrs. Stanton's home several large trunks and boxes full of letters, reports and various doc- uments which she had carefully preserved during the past quarter of a century, and the first day of August they set to work. The entries in the diary for the next two months give some idea of her state of mind: “I am immersed to my ears and feel almost discouraged.... The work before me is simply appalling. ... The prospect of ever getting out a REVOLUTION DEBT PAID-WOMEN'S FOURTH OF JULY. 481 satisfactory history grows less each day. ... Would that the good spirits in my own brain would come to the rescue! ... O, these old letters! It makes me sad and tired to read them over, to see the terrible strain I was under every minute then, have been ever since, am now and shall be, I think, the rest of my life."' 1 On August 24 occurred the death of Paulina Wright Davis and, at the husband's request, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stan- ton spoke at the funeral. The former felt that again she had lost a friend who never could be replaced. Mrs. Davis was a woman of beauty, culture, wealth and social position and a With-truest and Co-workert, tenderest friendskap for mig Iam at ever, Paulina Haight Jacid life-long advocate of woman suffrage. In October the dear cousin Anson Lapham passed away, and in the diary that night was written: “No man except my father ever gave me such love and confidence, and his acts were equal to his faith." Work was pressing upon her from every side. In the spring of this year she had been engaged by the editors of Johnson's Universal Cyclopedia to write the chapter on suf- frage and prepare the biographies of a number of eminent women. Amidst all the other cares of the summer and fall, she had been endeavoring to collect the materials for these sketches, having the usual experience. Some failed to an- swer; others wrote asking a score of questions; many sent four i To this work, which these women expected to accomplish in four months, they gave every day that could be spared from other duties for the next ten years! ANT.-31 482 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. times as many words as were requested, with the statement that not one single line could be cut out; while a number for- warded a mass of unintelligible matter and requested her to make a good sketch out of it. The history also was occupying her waking and sleeping thoughts, and the depleted condition of her pocket-book foreshadowed the necessity of another lect- ure tour. Meanwhile, the mother at home was growing very feeble, and on Thanksgiving Day Miss Anthony wrote to her: "I feel as if I were robbing myself of the last moments which I may ever have to be with you, but I can not see the way clear to stay at home this coming winter. It is ever thus with me, so hard to know which is the strongest duty, the one that ought to be done first, and so I grope on in the dark. That I am always away from home may look to the world as if I care less for it than other people, whereas my longing for it almost makes me weak; but you, dear mother, understand my love." CHAPTER XXVIII. COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 1877–1878. HE decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Virginia L. Minor rendered useless any further efforts to obtain suffrage under the National Constitution until it should be amended for this special purpose. The agita- tion of the last eight years, however, had not been without its value. The student of history will observe that the ablest constitutional arguments ever made in favor of the practical application of the great underlying principles of our govern- ment, were those of Benjamin F. Butler, A. G. Riddle, Henry R. Selden, William Loughridge, Francis Minor, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Matilda Joslyn Gage on the right of women to vote under the Fourteenth Amend- ment. These were reviewed by the newspapers and law jour- nals and widely discussed by the people, while the congressional debates, published in the Record, became a part of history. Although from the standpoint of justice these arguments were unanswerable, they did not succeed in establishing the political rights of women, and the advocates therefore were compelled to return to their former policy of demanding a Six- teenth Amendment to the Constitution, which should protect them as the Fifteenth protected the negroes. To this end, in November, 1876, an earnest appeal was sent out by Mrs. Stan- ton, president; Miss Anthony, secretary; and Mrs. Gage, chairman of the executive committee of the National Associa- tion, asking the women to secure petitions for the amendment (483) 484 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and send them to the annual meeting. Two letters received by Miss Anthony in January, 1877, illustrate the wide differ- ence of opinion which prevailed. Wm. Lloyd Garrison wrote: You desire me to send you a letter, to be read at the Washington conven- tion, in favor of a petition to Congress, asking that body to submit to the several States a Sixteenth Amendment securing suffrage for all, irrespective of sex. On fully considering the subject, I must decline doing so, because such a petition I deem to be quite premature. If its request were complied with by the present Congress--a supposition simply preposterous-the pro- posed amendment would be rejected by every State in the Union, and in nearly every instance by such an overwhelming majority as to bring the movement into needless contempt. Even as a matter of “agitation,” I do not think it would pay. Look over the whole country and see in the present state of public sentiment on the question of woman suffrage what a mighty primary work remains to be done in enlightening the masses, who know nothing and care nothing about it and, consequently, are not at all prepared to cast their vote for any such thing. I think it is a mistake to look for a favorable consideration of the question on the part of legislators under such circumstances. More light is needed for the popular mind. In the early days of the anti-slavery agitation, Mr. Garrison never waited for the popular mind to become prepared but, by the ploughshare of bold, aggressive action, he turned up the soil and made it ready for the seed. When "more light” was needed, by vigorous effort he stirred up a blaze which illumi- nated the world. From Wendell Phillips came the old-time clarion note: “I think you are on the right track—the best method to agitate the question—and I am with you, though, between you and me, I still think the individual States must lead off and that this reform must advance piecemeal, State by State. But I mean always to help everywhere and every one.” The convention met in Lincoln Hall, January 16 and 17. Although there had been but a few weeks for the work, petitions asking a Sixteenth Amendment were received from twenty-six different States, aggregating over 10,000 names. The History says: “To Sara Andrews Spencer we are indebted for the great labor of receiving, assorting, counting, rolling-up and planning the presentation of the petitions. It was by a well- considered coup d'état that, with her brave coadjutors, she COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 485 appeared on the floor of the House and gave each member a petition from his own State. Even Miss Anthony, always calm in the hour of danger, on finding herself suddenly whisked into those sacred enclosures, amid a crowd of stalwart men, spittoons and scrap-baskets, when brought vis-a-vis with our champion, Mr. Hoar, hastily apologized for the intrusion, to which the honorable gentleman promptly replied, 'I hope, madam, yet to see you on this floor in your own right and in business hours too.'” The spectacle is variously described. The trustworthy cor- respondent of the Independent, Mary Clemmer, looked at the proceedings with a woman's eyes and, in her weekly letter, thus vented her indignation: A few read the petitions as they would any other, with dignity and without comment; but the majority seemed intensely conscious of holding something unutterably funny in their hands. They appeared to consider it a huge joke. The entire Senate presented the appearance of a laughing-school practising side-splitting and ear-extended grins. Mr. Wadleigh leaned back in his chair and shook with laughter, after portraying to his next neighbor, Pinkney Whyte, of Maryland, the apparition of Pinkney's landlady descending upon the polls like a wolf on the fold, to annihilate his election. Oglesby, erst warrior of Illinois, spake with such endearing gallantry of his “dear constit- uents," whom he did all his wit could do to make ridiculous, that the Senate laughed, and even Roscoe Conkling, who never condescends to sneer at a woman in public, turned and listened and smiled his most sardonic smile. Then Thurman blew his loudest regulation blast-sure portent of approaching bat- 1 That women will, by voting, lose nothing of man's courteous, chivalric attention and respect is admirably proven by the manner in which Congress, in the midst of the most ans ious and perplexing presidential conflict in our history, received their appeals for a Six- teenth Amendment protecting the rights of women. In both Houses, by unanimous consent, the petitions were presented and read in open session, and the most prominent senators im- pressed upon the Senate the importance of the question. . . The ladies naturally feel greatly encouraged by the evident interest of both parties in the proposed amendment.- Washington Star. The time has evidently arrived when demands for a recognition of the personal, civil and political rights of one-half-unquestionably the better half-of the people can not be laughed down or sneered down, and recent indications are that they can not much longer be voted down. The speaker of the House set a commendable example by proposing that the petitions be delivered in open session, to which there was no objection. The early advocates of equal rights for women-Hoar, Kelley, Banks, Kasson, Lawrence and Lapham-were, if possible, surpassed in courtesy by those who are not committed, but are beginning to see that a finer element in the body politic would clear the vision, purify the atmosphere and help to settle many vexed questions on the basis of exact and equal justice. In the Senate the unprece- dented courtesy was extended to women of half an hour's time on the floor and while this kind of business has usually been transacted with an attendance of from seven to ten sena- tors, it was observed that only two out of the twenty-six who had Sixteenth Amendment petitions to present were out of their seats.--National Republican. 486 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tle-and rose and moved that the petition be referred to the committee on public lands, of which Oglesby is chairman. At this proposition-intended to be equally humorous and contemptuous—the whole Senate laughed aloud. There was one senator man enough and gentleman enough to lift the peti- tion from this insulting proposition. It was Senator Sargent, of California, the husband of the woman who, though a senator's wife, is brave enough to be the treasurer of the National Suffrage Association. He turned to Mr. Thurman and demanded for the petition of more than 10,000 women at least the courtesy which would be given to any other. . . . Then the craven Senate declared Thurman's motion, which was only an insult, carried. Let it be recorded of the Senate of the Forty-fifth Congress that the one peti- tion which it received as a preposterous joke and treated with utter contempt and outrage was that of tens of thousands of the mothers, wives and daugh- ters of the land. The Capital of Sunday was perfectly correct when it said: “The ladies managed the business badly. If they had employed the female lobby, the venerable Solons would have softened and thrown open their doors as read- ily as their hearts.” It seems an ungracious thing to say; but it is the truth. The woman who wins her way with the majority of these men is the siren of the gallery and the anteroom, who sends in her card and her invitation to the senator at his desk. She never talks of“ rights." She cares for no “cause” but her own cause of ease and pelf. She shakes her tresses," banged” and usually blonde; she lifts her alluring eyes, and nine times out of ten makes him do as she listeth. No wonder when the earnest appeal of honest women reaches his hands, he has neither response, honor nor justice to give it. Miss Anthony had been speaking in all parts of the country for a quarter of a century and generally had been her own manager. The preceding year she had given the Slayton Lyceum Bureau a partial trial and at the beginning of 1877 made a contract with it, commencing the last of January. The entire first page of the circular for the season was devoted to this new en- gagement and began: The manager takes pride in announcing the name of Susan B. Anthony, the most earnest, fearless advocate of the ballot for woman. She has hitherto con- fined herself entirely to this one question, which to her is most sacred and right- eous, but this season we are to have something different, as will be seen from the titles of her new lectures. Her great speeches, “Woman and the Six- teenth Amendment,” and “Woman wants Bread, not the Ballot,” will still be called for, and committees will have their choice in all cases. . . . A certain gentleman frequently wrote us last year to avoid "all night rides" after his lectures; Miss Anthony never makes such a request. She can lecture every night in the season. . . . When a list of fifty or one hun- dred engagements has been mapped out and fixed, nothing but an act of COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 487 God will prevent her filling them. ... Of nearly fifty consecutive lect- ures, delivered by Miss Anthony last spring in the State of Illinois alone, only two failed to realize a profit. . . . She is always making converts among the men as well as the women. Among the notices quoted is one from Col. John W. Forney, of the Philadelphia Press, saying: “I must accept woman suffrage as I did negro emancipation; as a necessity made urgent and imperative by the times in which we live. Put me down then, if you please, as being an ardent woman's rights man, fighting under the banner of Susan B. Anthony, and proud of following such a leader.” Very tiny Mous. Warney Miss Anthony found both advantages and disadvantages in this new arrangement; for while it relieved her of much responsibility, it took away the control of her own time and movements, a situation which she soon found very trying. She lectured through February and March, but by this time her sister, Mrs. Hannah Mosher, whose failing health had sent her to Kansas in the hope of benefit, was declared by the phy- sicians beyond recovery. Miss Anthony's first impulse was to hasten to her side, but she was confronted with her lecture en- gagements and told that it would be impossible to release her until May. She was almost desperate to be with the loved one and at last could bear it no longer, so telegraphing Mr. Slayton to cancel everything after April 5, regardless of consequences, she took the train at Chicago and reached Leavenworth on the 7th. She found her sister rapidly declining with the same inex- orable disease which had claimed another four years before, and at once installed herself beside the invalid, who was rejoiced indeed to have her companionship and ministrations. All that loving hands could do she had had from husband, chil- dren and brothers, but she had longed for the presence of her sister and it filled her with joy and peace. In just a week, though her heart was breaking, Miss An- 488 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. thony was obliged to return to Illinois to fill four or five en- gagements in places which threatened claims for damages if this were not done. She hastened back to Leavenworth, reach- ing the bedside of her sister at midnight, April 20, and scarcely leaving it a moment until the end came, May 12. Between herself and this sister, just nineteen months younger, beauti- ful in character and strong in affection, there ever had existed the closest sympathy. For the last decade they had been sep- arated only by a dooryard, they had shared each other's every joy and sorrow, and the severing of these ties of over a half- century seemed more than she could endure. She remained at Leavenworth,' trying to renew her strength and courage, until the last of June, when she returned to Rochester, taking with her the orphaned daughter Louise. Many comforting letters and tokens of affection came to her during these months, among them a gift of $100 from Helen Potter, the famous impersonator. Her imitations of Gough, Ristori, Charlotte Cushman, Anna Dickinson, Mrs. Stanton and even Miss Anthony herself were most remarkable. Dur- ing the Centennial they had become warm personal friends, and in giving the money she said: “Now, this is not for any society or committee or cause, but for your very self.” Mrs. Stanton wrote her: “Do be careful, dear Susan, you can not stand what you once did. I should feel desolate indeed with you gone.” When the lecturing had commenced she again wrote: “As I go dragging around in these despica- ble hotels, I think of you and often wish we had at least the little comfort of enduring it together. When is your agony over ?” Referring to a young woman speaker who was being spoiled by flattery, she said: “We should be thankful, Susan, for the ridicule and abuse on which we have fed." To one who tried to make trouble between Miss Anthony and herself she sent this reply: “Our friendship is of too long standing and has too deep roots to be easily shattered. I think we have said worse things to each other, face to face, than we For the first time in twenty years Miss Anthony missed the May Suffrage Anniversary in New York City. COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 489 have ever said about each other. Nothing that Susan could say or do could break my friendship with her; and I know nothing could uproot her affection for me.” And to Miss Anthony she wrote: “I send you letters from our children. As the environments of the mother influence the child in pre- natal life, and you were with me so much, there is no doubt you have had a part in making them what they are. There are a depth and earnestness in these younger ones and a love for you that delight my heart.” Such letters as these are scattered thickly through the correspondence of nearly fifty years, and while Miss Anthony seldom put her own feel. ings into words, her absolute loyalty and devotion to Mrs. Stanton during all the half-century bear their own testimony. The talented contributor to the Philadelphia Sunday Repub- lic, Annie McDowell, paid a beautiful tribute to Miss Anthony at this time, illustrating how much she was loved by women: Some one wishes to know which of the advocates of woman's rights we think the ablest. Why, Susan B., of course. Without her, the organization would have been utterly broken to pieces and scattered. She is the guiding spirit, the executive power that leads the forlorn hope and brings order out of chaos. Others seek to promote their own interests, but Susan, earnest, honest, self-sacrificing, much-enduring, thinks only of the work she has in hand, and speculates solely on the chances of living long enough to accom- plish it. She has given up home, friends, her profession of teacher and the modest competence acquired by her labor; has been caricatured, ridiculed, maligned and persecuted, but has never turned aside or faltered in the work .to which she has given her life. Whatever may be the opinion of the con- servative or fogy world with regard to Susan B. Anthony, those who know her well and have watched her career most attentively, know her to be rich in all the best and most tender of womanly virtues, and possessed of as brave and noble a spirit and as great integrity of character as ever fell to the lot of mortal woman.' The legislature of Colorado had submitted the question of woman suffrage to be voted on October 2, 1877, and notwith- standing the lucrative business under the lyceum bureau, Miss Anthony could not resist offering her services to the women of Colorado with their little money and few speakers. From Dr. Alida C. Avery, president of the State Suffrage Association, came the quick response: "Your generous proposal was duly 490 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. received, and laid before the executive committee, who re- solved that the thanks of the association be tendered you for your friendly offer, which we gratefully accept." Although inured to hardship, Miss Anthony found this Colorado campaign the most trying she ever had experienced, not excepting that of Kansas ten years before. The country was new, many of the towns were off the railroad among the mountains and in most of them woman suffrage never had been heard of; there was no one to advertise the meetings, no- body to meet her when she reached her destination, hotels were of the most primitive nature and there were few public halls. There were, of course, some oases in this desert, and occasionally she found a good hotel or was hospitably enter- tained in a comfortable home. At one place she spoke in the railroad station to about twenty-five men who could not under- stand what it was she wanted them to do, though all were voters. Sometimes a landlord would clear out the hotel dining-room and she would gather her audience there, but they would have to stand and soon would grow tired. The mining towns were filled with a densely ignorant class of foreigners, and some of the southern counties were almost wholly populated by Mexicans. It was to these men that an American woman, her grandfather a soldier of the Revolution, appealed for the right of women to representation in this gov- ernment. To reach Del Norte Miss Anthony rode sixty-five miles by stage over a vast, arid tract evidently once the bed of an inland sea, but the terrible discomforts of the journey were almost overlooked in the enjoyment of the magnificent scenery. She travelled all the next night; at Wagon Wheel Gap the stage stopped for a while and, taking a cup, she went alone down to the river, drank of its icy waters and stood a long time ab- sorbed in the glory of the moonlight on the mountain peaks. In all this weary journey of two days, she was the only woman in a stage filled with men. When she reached Lake City she was delightfully entertained, finding her hostess to be a col- lege graduate, and spoke in the evening from a dry-goods box COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 491 on the courthouse steps to an enthusiastic audience of a thou- sand persons. Ouray was the next place marked on the route sent her, but to reach it would require a ride of fifty miles over a dangerous mountain trail or a three days' journey of 150 miles around, for which she must hire a private convey- ance, so she gave it up. She rested one whole day and night and started at 6 A. M. on a buckboard for the next place, wound around the mountain- sides by the picturesque Gunnison river, and reached her des- tination at 5 o'clock. She found a disbeliever of equal rights in her landlady, whom she describes as “ a weak, silly woman and a wretched cook and housekeeper.” To be an opponent of suffrage and a poor housekeeper Miss Anthony always re- garded as two unpardonable sins. The husband, however, in- tended to vote for it. At the next stopping-place her hostess was a cultured woman, her house neatly kept and meals well- cooked, and she wanted to vote. The husband in this case was violently opposed and expected to cast his ballot against the amendment. Thus it is that wives are “represented by their husbands." On she went, over mountain and through canyon, across the "great divide,” sometimes having large audiences, more often only a handful, and enduring every possible hardship in the way of travel, sleep and food. At Oro City she lectured in a saloon, as she had done at a number of places, and Governor Routt, happening to be in town, stood by her and spoke also in favor of woman suffrage. At many places she slept on a straw- filled tick laid on planks, with sometimes a "corded” bed for a luxury. A door with a lock scarcely ever was found. Once she had a room with a board partition which extended only half-way up, separating it from one adjoining where half a dozen men slept. It is hardly necessary to say that this was a wakeful night and the dawn was hailed with rejoicing. At Leadville the gold fever was at its height and she spoke in a big saloon to the roughest crowd she had encountered. They were good-natured, however, and when they saw she was coughing from the tobacco smoke, put out their pipes and 492 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. made up for the sacrifice by more frequent drinks. At Fair Play she found the Democratic editor had placarded the town with bills announcing in big letters: “A New Version! Suf- frage! Free Love in the Ascendency. Anthony! On the Gale Tonight.” The citizens were indignant, there was a large and respectful audience, Miss Anthony was introduced by Judge Henry and resolutions were unanimously passed de- nouncing the posters. On election day, her work finished, she started on a stage ride of eighty-five miles to Denver. The collections at her twenty-four meetings amounted to $165. Her fare to Colorado and return, exclusive of some passes furnished by her brother and including sleeper and meals, was $100, and her expenses during the tour more than used up the other $65, so it hardly could be called a good financial speculation. Soon afterwards she received from Mr. and Mrs. Israel Hall, of Ann Arbor, Mich., a deed for 320 acres of well-timbered land in St. Fran- cis county, Ark., "as a tribute to her life-work for woman suffrage and especially her hard campaign in Colorado.” There came also a letter from the ever-generous and faithful Mrs. Knox Goodrich, of San Jose, Cal., with a draft for $50 " to be used for your campaign expenses ; ” and in her diary Miss Anthony writes: “It is a great comfort, after all these years of financially unrequited work, to receive such marks of appreciation." At Denver she met Margaret Campbell, of Iowa, and Matilda Hindman, of Pennsylvania, who also had been campaigning in Colorado. They had an amusing time comparing notes, but as Mrs. Campbell had travelled in her own carriage with her husband, and Miss Hindman had spoken mostly in towns along the railroad, their experiences had been less picturesque and less harrowing. She also met here Abby Sage Richard- son, who was giving a course of readings in Denver. It was in this locality that her sister Hannah had spent many weary weeks the year before, seeking for health, and Miss Anthony hunted up every person who had known her, hoping each would recall some incident of her stay; visited every spot COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 493 her sister had loved, and felt the whole place haunted with her hallowed memory. Dr. Alida C. Avery was going East for some time, but was to leave two young women medical students in her house and she invited Miss Anthony to stay there while she remained in Denver. She was soon installed in the large, airy front cham- ber of this lovely home, looking down on a grassy and well- irrigated lawn and outward towards the rugged and massive Rocky mountains. It was an inspiring spot and, as she had promised a new lecture for the Slayton Bureau, she decided to remain and write it here. Her surroundings recalled the many charming homes made and maintained by unmar- ried women whom she had visited, and so in the three weeks that she enjoyed Dr. Avery's hospitality, she wrote her lecture, “Homes of Single Women.” During this time she spoke at Boulder; and also in the opera house at Denver under the auspices of a committee, receiving $100. She started, October 23, on a long lecture tour arranged for her through Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, Iowa and Wiscon- sin, which lasted the remainder of the year. She almost perished with cold and fatigue before it was finished but found some compensation in the $30 a night which the lectures yielded. At this time she received an urgent request from a San Francisco lecture committee to come to that State, but was unable to accept. “If I only could have sister Mary with me over Sunday in these dull and lonely little towns, I could stand it the rest of the week,” she wrote; and to a friend who sent her an account of a visit to her mother: “I am very glad you do go occasionally to see dear mother, sitting there in her rocking- chair by the window as life ebbs out and out. O, how I fear the final ebb will come when I am away, but still I hope and trust it may not, and work and work on." As Miss Anthony was still under contract with the lecture bureau, she was once more compelled to forego the satisfaction At Beatrice, Neb., Miss Anthony met for the first time Mrs. Clara B. Colby, who said in a bright letter received soon afterwards: “Everybody was delighted with your lecture, except one man who sat there with a child on each arm, and he said you never looked at him or gave him a bit of credit for it." 494 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of attending the annual convention in Washington, January 8 and 9, 1878, but as in 1876 she sent $100 of the money she had worked so hard to earn. “It is not quite just to myself to do it,” she wrote a friend, “but if the women of wealth and leisure will not help us, we must give both the labor and the money." While this convention was a success as to numbers and enthusiasm, several things occurred which the ladies thought might have been avoided if Miss Anthony had been in command with her cool head and firm hand. Espe- cially was this true in regard to a prayer meeting which some of the religious zealots, in spite of the most urgent appeals from the other members, persisted in holding in the reception room of the Capitol directly after a morning session of the convention. The affair itself was most inopportune but, to make it still worse, the cranks and bores who always are watch- ing for an opportunity, gained control and turned it into a farce. In her disgust and wrath Mrs. Stanton wrote Miss Anthony: “Mrs. Sargent and I did not attend the prayer meeting. As God has never taken a very active part in the suffrage move- ment, I thought I would stay at home and get ready to implore the committee, having more faith in their power to render us the desired aid.” Mrs. Sargent, with her usual calm and beautiful philosophy, wrote: “Do not let yourself be troubled. We can not take down and rebuild without a great deal of dirt and rubbish, and we must endure it all for the sake of the grand edifice that is to appear in due time. Work and let work, each in her own way. We can not all work alike any more than we can look alike. We must not require impossi- bilities. All action helps us, it shows life; inaction, we know, means death. I hope you can be with us next conven- tion. The women of this country and of the world owe you a debt they never can repay. I know, however, that you will get your reward." Virginia L. Minor sent this earnest plea: “Can not you and Mrs. Stanton, before another convention, manage in some way to civilize our platform and keep off that element which is COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 495 doing us so much harm? I think the ship never floated that had so many barnacles attached as has ours. ... I have a compliment for you, my dear. Wendell Phillips has just told a reporter of the St. Louis Post that, of all the advocates of the woman's movement, Miss Anthony stands at the head.'” In her usual racy style Phoebe Couzins concluded her de- scription by saying: “It seems very strange that when you are not about, things generally break loose and no woman can be found who unites the moderation, brains and common sense necessary to carry matters to a respectable conclusion. That meeting was like those they used to have in the District of Columbia. Not until the National Association, in the per- sons of Mrs. Stanton and yourself, came to the rescue and raised them to a dignified standard did they attain any degree of hearing from the thoughtful people of the capital.” And so Miss Anthony determined that no lecture bureau should keep her away from another National convention. The entire year of 1878, with the exception of the three summer months, was spent in the lecture field. On July 19 Miss Anthony and other workers arranged a celebration at Rochester of the thirtieth anniversary of the first woman's rights convention. This was held in place of the usual May Anniversary in New York and was attended by a distinguished body of women. The Unitarian church, in spite of the in- tense heat, was filled with a representative audience. The noble Quaker, Amy Post, now seventy-seven years old, who had been the leading spirit in the convention of thirty years before, assisted in the arrangements. The usual brilliant and logical speeches were made by Mrs. Mott, Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, Mrs, Gage, Dr. Lozier, Mrs. Spencer, Mrs. Sargent, Frederick Douglass, Miss Couzins and others. This was the first appearance on the National platform of Mrs. May Wright Sewall, of Indianapolis, from that time one of the leaders of the movement. Almost one hundred interesting and encour- aging letters were received from Phillips, Garrison, Senator 496 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Sargent, Frances E. Willard, Clara Barton and many others in this country and in England. This was the last convention Lucretia Mott ever attended, and she had made the journey hither under protest from her family, for she was nearly eighty-six years old, but her de- voted friend Sarah Pugh accompanied her. She spoke several times in her old, gentle, half-humorous but convincing man- ner and was heard with rapt attention. As she walked down the aisle to leave the church, the whole audience arose and Frederick Douglass called out with emotion, “Good-by, Lucre- tia." The convention received a telegram of congratulation from the International Congress at Paris, presided over by Victor Hugo. Mrs. Stanton was re-elected president and Miss Anthony chairman of the executive committee. The Roches- ter Democrat and Chronicle said: The assemblage was composed of as fine a body of American women as ever met in convention or anywhere else. Among them were many noted for their culture and refinement, and for their attainments in the departments of liter- ature, medicine, divinity and law. As Douglass said, to which the president bowed her acquiescence, any cause which could stand the test of thirty years' agitation, was bound to succeed. The foremost ladies engaged in the move- ment today are those who initiated it in this country and have bravely and grandly upheld their cause from that day to this. Among them we must first speak of Susan B. Anthony, one of the most sensible and worthy citizens of this republic, a lady of warm and tender heart but indomitable purpose and energy, and a resident of whom Rochester may well be proud. Miss Anthony was very tired after the labors of this conven- tion and was glad to remain with the invalid mother while sister Mary went to the White mountains for rest and change. She received an invitation from the board of directors to ad- dress the Kansas State Fair in September, and also one from Col. John P. St. John, Republican candidate for governor, to speak at a Grand National Temperance Camp Meeting near Lawrence, but was obliged to decline both. During the summer of 1878 reports were so constantly circu- lated declaring woman suffrage a failure in Wyoming that Miss Anthony wrote to J. H. Hayford, postmaster and editor of the Sentinel at Laramie City, in regard to one of these in the New COLORADO CAMPAIGN-POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 497 York World, which paper declared it would vouch for the in- tegrity of the writer. She received the following answer: The enclosed slander upon Wyoming women I had seen before, but did not deem it worthy reply. Some of my Cheyenne friends took pains to ascertain the writer and they assure me (and the Cheyenne papers have published the fact) that he is a worthless, drunken dead-beat, who worked out a ten days' sentence on the streets of that city with a ball and chain to his leg. I have not time to go into a detailed history of the practical working of woman suffrage in Wyoming, but I can add my testimony to the fact that its effect has been most salutary and beneficial. Not one of the imaginary evils which its opponents predicted has ever been realized here. On this frontier, where the roughest element is supposed to exist, and where women are so largely in the minority-even here, under these adverse circumstances, woman's influence has redeemed our politics. Our elections are conducted as quietly and civilly as any other public gatherings. Republicans are not always elected, the most desirable men are not always elected, perhaps; but the in- fluence of our women is almost universally given for the best men and the best laws, and we would as soon be without woman's assistance in the govern- ment of the family as in that of the Territory. After having tried the experiment for nine years, it is safe to say there is not one citizen of the Territory-man or woman-who desires good order, good laws and good government, who would be willing to see it abolished. Woman's influence in the government of our Territory is a terror only to evil-doers, and they, and they only, are the ones who desire its repeal. Such base slanders as the specimen you sent me excite in the minds of Wyoming citizens only feelings of disgust and contempt for the author, and wonder at the ignorance of any one who is gullible enough to believe them. In August she received a letter from Lucy Stone, asking if she had been correctly reported by the papers as saying that “the suffragists would advocate any party which would declare for woman suffrage,” to which she replied : I answer “yes,” save that I used the pronoun “I” instead of the word “suffragists." I spoke for myself alone, because I know many of our women are so much more intensely Republican or Democratic, Hard-Money or Green- back, Prohibition or License, than they are “Equal Rights for All,” that now, as in the past, they will hold the question of woman's enfranchisement in abeyance, while they give their money and their energies to secure the success of one or another of the contending parties, even though it wholly ignore their just claim to a voice in the government. It is not that I have no opinions or preferences on the many grave questions which distract and divide the parties; but it is that, in my judgment, the right of self-government for one-half the people is of far more vital consequence to the nation than any or all other questions. ANT.--32 498 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. This has been my position ever since the abolition of slavery, by which the black race were raised from chattels to citizens, and invested also with civil rights equally with the cultured, tax-paying, white women of the country. Have you forgotten the cry “This is the negro's hour,” which came back to us in 1866, when we urged the Abolitionists to make common cause with us and demand suffrage as a right for all United States citizens, instead of asking it simply as an expediency for only another class of men? Do you not remem- ber, too, how the taunt “false to the negro" was flung into the face of every one of us who insisted that it was “humanity's hour,” and that to talk of “freedom without the ballot” was no less “mockery” to woman than to the negro? If, in those most trying reconstruction years, I could not subordinate the fundamental principle of “Equal Rights for All” to Republican party neces- sity for negro suffrage--if, in that fearful national emergency, I would not sacrifice the greater to the less-I surely can not and will not today hold any of the far less important party questions paramount to that most sacred prin- ciple of our republic. So long as you and I and all women are political slaves, it ill becomes us to meddle with the weightier discussions of our sovereign masters. It will be quite time enough for us, with self-respect, to declare ourselves for or against any party upon the intrinsic merit of its policy, when men shall recognize us as their political equals, duly register our names and respectfully count our opinions at the ballot-box, as a consti- tutional right-not as a high crime, punishable with “$500 fine or six months' imprisonment, or both, at the discretion of the court.” If all the "suffragists” of all the States could see eye to eye on this point, and stand shoulder to shoulder against every party and politician not fully and unequivocally committed to “Equal Rights for Women,” we should become at once a moral balance of power which could not fail to compel the party of highest intelligence to proclaim woman suffrage the chief plank of its platform. “In union alone there is strength.” Until that good day comes, I shall continue to invoke the party in power, and each party strug- gling to get into power, to pledge itself to the emancipation of our enslaved half of the people, and in turn, I shall promise to do all a “subject" can do, for the success of the party which thus declares its purpose “to undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free." CHAPTER XXIX. SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT. 1879-1880. AMISET THE beginning of 1879 Miss Anthony put all lecture work aside until after the Washington convention, January 9 and 10. The thunderbolts forged by the resolution committee were a little more fiery even than those of former years, and the combined workmanship of the two Vulcans, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, is quite apparent, with vivid sparks from the chairman, Mrs. Spencer: Resolved, That the Forty-fifth Congress, in ignoring the individual petitions of more than 300 women of high social standing and culture, asking for the removal of their political disabilities, while promptly enacting special legisla- tion for the removal of those of every man who petitioned, illustrates the in- difference of Congress to the rights of a sex deprived of political power. WHEREAS, Senator Blaine says it is the very essence of tyranny to count any citizens in the basis of representation who are denied a voice in the laws and a choice in their rulers; therefore Resolved, That counting women in the basis of representation, while deny- ing them the right of suffrage, is compelling them to swell the number of their tyrants and is an unwarrantable usurpation of power over one-half the citi- zens of this republic. WHEREAS, In President Hayes' last message, he makes a truly paternal re- view of the interests of this republic, both great and small, from the army, the navy and our foreign relations, to the ten little Indians in Hampton, Va., our timber on the western mountains, and the switches of the Washington rail- roads; from the Paris Exposition, the postal service, the abundant harvests, and the possible bulldozing of some colored men in various southern districts, to cruelty to live animals and the crowded condition of the mummies, dead ducks and fishes in the Smithsonian Institute-yet forgets to mention 20,000,- 000 women robbed of their social, civil and political rights; therefore Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to wait upon the Presi- dent and remind him of the existence of one-half the American people.... (499) 500 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. WHEREAS, All the vital principles involved in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments have been denied in their application to women by courts, legislatures and political parties; therefore Resolved, That it is logical that these amendments should fail to protect even the male African for whom said courts, legislatures and parties declare they were expressly designed and enacted. WHEREAS, The general government has refused to exercise federal power to protect women in their right to vote in the various States and Territories; therefore Resolved, That it should forbear to exercise federal power to disfranchise the women of Utah, who have had a more just and liberal spirit shown them by Mormon men than Gentile women in the States have yet received from their rulers. WHEREAS, The proposed legislation for Chinese women on the Pacific slope and for outcast women in our cities, and the opinion of the press that no re- spectable woman should be seen in the streets after dark, are all based upon the presumption that woman's freedom must be forever sacrificed to man's license; therefore Resolved, That the ballot in woman's hand is the only power by which she can restrain the liberty of those men who make our streets and highways dan- gerous to her, and secure the freedom which belongs to her by day and by night. An address to President Hayes, asking that in his next mes- sage he recommend that women should be protected in their civil and political rights, was signed by Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Gage. Several ladies, by appointment, had a private audience in the President's library and a courteous and friendly hearing. The petition for a Sixteenth Amend- ment was sent in printed form to every member of Congress, presented in the Senate by Vice-President Wheeler and, at the request of Senator Ferry, was read at length and referred to the committee on privileges and elections. This was done by the special desire of its chairman, Senator Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, who stated that he wished to bring in a report in favor of the amend- ment. 1 In 1874, when a bill was pending to establish the Territory of Pembina, Senator Sargent wished to so amend it as to incorporate woman suffrage. After he had finished a matchless argument, in which he was supported by Senators Stewart, of Nevada, and Carpenter, of Wis- consin, Senator Morton made one of those grand speeches for which he was famous. He based his demands for woman suffrage on the Declaration of Independence, whose principles, he SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT. 501 Before the committee could act upon this question Senator Morton passed away. An adverse report was presented by his successor, Senator Bainbridge Wadleigh, of New Hampshire, June 14, 1878. Among many severe scorings received by this honorable gentleman, the following from Mary Clemmer will serve as an example : .. You can not be unconscious of the fact that a new race of women is born into the world who, while they lack no womanly attribute, are the peers of any man in intellect and aspiration. It will be impossible long to deny to such women that equality before the law granted to the lowest crea- ture that crawls, if he happen to be a man; denied to the highest creature that asks it, if she happen to be a woman. On what authority, save that of the gross regality of physical strength, do you deny to a thoughtful, educated, tax-paying person the common rights of citizenship because she is a woman ? I am a property-owner, the head of a household. By what right do you assume to define and curtail for me my prerogatives as a citizen, while as a tax-payer you make not the slightest dis- tinction between me and a man ? Leave to my own perception what is proper for me as a lady, to my own discretion what is wise for me as a woman, to my own conscience what is my duty to my race and to my God. Leave to unerring nature to protect the subtle boundaries which define the distinctive life and action of the sexes, while you as a legislator do everything in your power to secure to every creature of God an equal chance to make the best and most of himself. If American men could say, as Huxley says, “I scorn to lay a single obstacle in the way of those whom nature from the beginning has so heav- ily burdened,” the sexes would cease to war, men and women would reign together, the equal companions, friends, helpers and lovers that nature in- tended they should be. But what is love, tenderness, protection, even, unless rooted in justice ? Tyranny and servitude, that is all, brute supremacy, spiritual slavery. By what authority do you say that the country is not pre- pared for a more enlightened franchise, for political equality, if even six women citizens, earnest, eloquent, long-suffering, come to you and demand both ? All the women's papers expressed indignation, and there was general rejoicing when, at the next election, Mr. Wadleigh was superseded by Hon. Henry W. Blair. The first favorable consideration this question ever received from the Senate was the minority report of this committee, declared, did not apply to man alone but to the human family; and he demonstrated that no man or woman could “consent" to a government except through a vote. For Sargent's and Morton's speeches see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, pp. 546 and 549. 502 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Joly signed by Senators George F. Hoar, John H. Mitchell and Angus Cameron, an unanswerable argument for the enfran- chisement of women. It declared that “the people of the United States are committed to the doctrine of universal suf- frage by their constitution, their history and their opinions, and by it they must stand or fall.” One week later the bill admitting women to practice before a the Supreme Court passed the Senate, grandly advocated by Sen- ? Geo ators McDonald, Sargent and Hoar. After the convention Miss Anthony went to Tenafly with Mrs. Stanton for a few days, to aid in disentangling the mass of material which was being prepared for the History; then started again into the lecture field, commencing at Skowhegan, Me. She lectured through New Hampshire and Vermont, tak- ing long sleigh-rides from point to point, through wind and sleet, but comforted by the thought that many of her audience had done likewise to receive the gospel she preached. On her way westward she stopped at home for one short day, the first for four months, and then started on the old route through the States of the Middle West, this year adding Kentucky to the list. It is not essential to a full appreciation of her work to follow in detail these tours, which extended through a number of years and were full of pleasant as well as disagreeable fea- tures; nor is it possible to quote extensively the comments of the press. Miss Anthony undoubtedly has been as widely written up as any lecturer, and she seldom received less than a column in each paper of every town visited. Large numbers of these notices have been carefully preserved in those won. derful scrap-books which cover a period of fifty years. At first her demands seemed so radical and the idea of a woman on the platform was so contrary to the precedent of all the ages, that the tone of the press, almost without excep- tion, 'was contemptuous or denunciatory. As the justice of her For full text see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 138. SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT. 503 claims began to dawn upon the minds of enlightened people, as many other prominent women joined in advocating the same reforms, and as these were adopted, one after another, without serious consequences, the public mind awakened to the remarkable change which was being wrought, and in a large measure gave its approval. When the masses of people throughout the country came to see and hear and know Miss Anthony, they resented the way in which she had been mis- represented. There was in her manner and words so much of dignity, earnestness and sincerity that “ those who came to scoff remained to pray,” and this change of sentiment was no- where so marked as in the newspapers. Even those who dif- fered radically from her views paid tribute to the persistence with which she had urged them and the sacrifices she had made for them during the past thirty years. Not only had there been developed a recognition of her high purposes and noble life, but also of her great intellectual ability and clear comprehension of all the issues of the day. An extract from the Terre Haute Express, February 12, 1879, illustrates this : Miss Anthony's lecture was full of fine passages and strong appeals, and re- plete with well-stated facts in support of her arguments. She has wonderful command of language, and her speech at times flows with such rapidity that no reporter could do her justice or catch a tithe of the brilliance of her say- ings. Moreover, there are not half of our public men who are nearly so well posted in the political affairs of our country as she, or who, knowing them, could frame them so solidly in argument. If the women of the nation were half so high-minded or even half so earnest, their title to the franchise might soon be granted. Another Indiana paper thus yoiced the changing sentiment: “The fact is, that like the advance agent of any great reform -especially if a woman-Susan B. Anthony has been so belied and maligned by the press in years gone by that many who do not stop to think had come to believe her a perfect ogre, a cross-grained, incongruous old maid whom nobody could like, when the truth of the matter is, one has but to look at and Miss Anthony lectured in Terre Haute under the auspices of the young men's Occi- dental Literary Club, Eugene V. Debs, president and one of its founders. 504 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. listen to her, either in public or private, to realize that she is a pure, generous, deep-thinking, womanly woman. Simply because she has lived her own life, spoken her own thoughts and stood upon her own platform, the masses have condemned her; but history has already recorded her as one of the most earnest, hard-working reformers of the day. If the women of this country only knew how many changes and ameliorations have been made in the laws regarding themselves through her unselfish, persistent efforts, at her approach they would all rise up and call her blessed.” But that there still existed edi- tors of the old-time caliber, this extract from the Richmond, Ky., Herald, October 29, 1879, shows : Miss Anthony is above the medium height for women, dresses plainly, is uncomely in person, has rather coarse, rugged features and masculine man- ners. Her piece, which doubtless she has been studying for thirty or forty years, was very well delivered for a woman, containing no original thought, but full of old hackneyed ideas, which every female suffrage shrieker has hurled from the stump against “ignorant men and small boys,” for time out of mind all over this country and every other country where they could com- mand an audience of curious people willing to throw away an hour or two on a vain, futile and foolish harangue, proposing to transform men into women and women into men. Such dissatisfied females should not hurl anathemas at men, forsooth, because they happened to be born into the world women in- stead of men. God alone is responsible for the difference between the sexes, and he is able to bear it. Men are not to blame that women are women, for there is not a man in this whole land who wouldn't rather have a boy baby than a gal baby any time. There never was a newly-married man when he learned that his first born was a girl, that didn't try to tear out his hair by the roots because it wasn't a boy... If this tirade against men is to be persisted in, we see no escape for man except to quit his foolishness and have no more chil- dren, unless he can have some sort of guarantee that they will all be boys. It will have come to a strange pass indeed when the good women of this land, who, as mothers, have the nurture, training and admonition of every boy from his cradle to mature manhood, are unwilling to trust in the hands of their own offspring the destinies of the nation. That such an attack can not be attributed to sectional preju- dice may be proved by this extract from a column of vitupera- tion in the Grand Rapids, Mich., Times, during this same trip, headed “Spinster Susan's Suffrage Show :" A “miss” of an uncertain number of years, more or less brains, a slimsy SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT- PRESS COMMENT. 505 figure, nut-cracker face and store teeth, goes raiding about the country attempting to teach mothers and wives their duty.... As is the yellow fever to the South, the grasshopper to the plains, and diphtheria to our north- ern cities, so is Susan B. Anthony and her class to all true, pure, lovely women. The sirocco of the desert blows no hotter or more tainting breath in the face of the traveller, than does this woman against all men who do not believe as she does, and no pestilence makes sadder havoc among them than would Susan B. Anthony if she had the power. The women who make homes, who are sources of comfort to husbands, fathers, brothers, sisters or themselves, who wish to keep sacred all that goes to make their lives noble, refined and worth the living, will be as diametrically opposed to the lecturer of last evening as are most intelligent men. Susan B. Anthony may find her remedy in suffrage, but alas ! there is no remedy for us against Susan and her ilk. Each lecture usually was followed by letters not only from friends but from entire strangers, asking her forgiveness for having misjudged her so many years, and closing something like this from a lady in St. Paul, Minn.: “For the last ten years your name has been familiar to me through the news- papers, or rather through newspaper ridicule, and has always been associated with what was pretentious and wholly unamia- ble. Your lecture tonight has been a revelation to me. I wanted to come and touch your hand, but I felt too guilty. Henceforth I am the avowed defender of woman suffrage. Never again shall a word of mine be heard derogatory to the noble women who are working with heart and hand for the best welfare of humanity.” A two-column interview in the Chicago Tribune during this tour gives Miss Anthony's views on many public matters, con- cluding thus : "If men would only think of the question without paying attention to preju- dice or precedent, simply as one of political economy, they would soon begin to regard woman, and woman's rights, just as they regard themselves and their own rights,” said she. “The W. C. T. U. are doing good work, are they not?” “Yes, Miss Willard is doing noble work, but I can not coincide with her views, and my new lecture, 'Will Home Protection Protect,' will combat them. The officer who holds his position by the votes of men who want free whiskey, can not prosecute the whiskey-sellers. The district-attorney and the judge can not enforce the law when they know that to do so will defeat them at the next election. If women had votes the officials would no longer 506 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. fear to enforce the law, as they would know that though they lost the votes of 5,000 whiskey-sellers and drinkers, they would gain those of 20,000 women. Miss Willard has a lever, but she has no fulcrum on which to place it.” “Where do you find the strongest antipathy to woman suffrage ?” “In the fears of various parties that it might be disastrous to their inter- ests. The Protestants fear it lest there should be a majority of Catholic women to increase the power of that church ; the free-thinkers are afraid that, as the majority of church-members are women, they would put God in the Constitution; the free-whiskey men are opposed because they think women would vote down their interests; the Republicans would put a suffrage plank in their platform if they knew they could secure the majority vote of the women, and so would the Democrats, but each party fears the result might help the other. Thus, you see, we can not appeal to the self-interest of anybody and this is our great source of weakness." It was decided to hold this year's May Anniversary in St. Louis instead of New York, and all arrangements having been made by Virginia L. Minor and Phoebe Couzins, the con- vention opened formally on the evening of May 7, to quote the newspapers, “in the presence of a magnificent audience which packed every part of St. George's Hall, crowding gallery and stairs and leaving hardly standing room in the aisles.” They also paid many compliments to the intellectual character of the audience, its evident sympathy with the cause for which the convention was assembled, and the elegant costumes worn by the ladies both in the body of the house and on the plat- form. Mrs. Minor presided and a beautiful address of welcome was delivered by Miss Couzins. The ladies were invited to the Merchants' Exchange by its president, and also visited the Fair grounds by invitation of the board. Miss Couzins gave a reception at her home, and the evening before the convention opened, Mrs. Minor entertained the delegates informally. Of this latter occasion the Globe-Democrat said: Miss Susan B. Anthony, perhaps the only lady present of national reputa- tion, commanded attention at a glance. Her face is one which would attract notice anywhere; full of energy, character and intellect, the strong lines soften on a closer inspection. There is a good deal that is " pure womanly” in the face which has been held up to the country so often as a gaunt and hungry specter's crying for universal war upon mankind. The spectacles sit upon a nose strong enough to be masculine, but hide eyes which can beam with kindliness as well as flash with wit, irony and satire. Angular she may SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT. 507 be—"angular as a Lebanon Shakeress” she said the New York Herald once termed her-but if so, the irregularities of outline were completely hidden under the folds of the modest and dignified black silk which covered her most becomingly. At this convention occurred that touching scene which has been so often described, when May Wright Sewall presented Miss Anthony, to her complete surprise, with a beautiful floral offering from the delegates. The Globe-Democrat thus re- ports : Miss Anthony, visibly affected, responded : “Mrs. President and Friends : I am not accustomed to demonstrations of gratitude or of praise. I don't know how to behave tonight. Had you thrown stones at me, had you called me hard names, had you said I should not speak, had you declared I had done women more harm than good and deserved to be burned at the stake; had you done anything, or said anything, against the cause which I have tried to serve for the last thirty years, I should have known how to answer, but now I do not. I have been as a hewer of wood and a drawer of water to this movement. I know nothing and have known nothing of oratory or rhetoric. Whatever I have done has been done because I wanted to see better condi- tions, better surroundings, better circumstances for women. Now, friends, don't expect me to make any proper acknowledgments for such a demonstra- tion as has been made here tonight. I can not; I am overwhelmed.” As the association wished to continue Mrs. Stanton at the head, they created the office of vice-president-at-large and elected Miss Anthony to fill it. Senator Sargent's term hav- ing expired, he returned with his family to San Francisco, and Mrs. Jane H. Spofford was elected national treasurer in place of Mrs. Sargent, who had served so acceptably for six years. Her return to California was deeply regretted by Miss Anthony. From the time of their first acquaintance, on that long snow-bound journey in 1871, they had been devoted friends, and on all her annual trips to Washington she was a guest at the spacious and comfortable home of the Sargents. The senator always was a true and consistent friend of suffrage, and frequently said to Miss Anthony: “Tell my wife what you want done and, if she indorses it, I will try to bring it about.” Mrs. Sargent was of a serene, philosophical nature, with an unwavering faith in the evolution of humanity into a broader and better life. She was thoroughly without personal 508 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ends to serve, ready to receive new ideas and those who brought them, weigh them carefully in her well-balanced mind and pronounce the judgment which was usually correct. The closing of their Washington house was a severe loss to the many who had enjoyed their free and gracious hospitality. On May 24, 1879, Miss Anthony received notice of the death of her old and revered fellow-laborer, Wm. Lloyd Garrison. She could not attend the funeral but wrote at once, saying in part: The telegrams of the last few days had prepared us for this morning's tidings that your dear father and humanity's devoted friend had passed on to the beyond, where so many of his brave co-workers had gone before; and where his devoted life-companion, your precious mother, awaited his coming. . . It is impossible for me to express my feelings of love and respect, of honor and gratitude, for the life, the words, the works, of your father; but you all know, I trust, that few mortals had greater veneration for him than I. His approbation was my delight; his disapproval, my regret. ... That each and all of you may strive to be to the injustice of your day and generation what he was to that of his, is the best wish—the best aspiration- I can offer. Blessed are you indeed, that you mourn so true, so noble, so grand a man as your loved and loving father. In her diary that night she wrote: “I sent a letter, but how paltry it seemed compared to what was in my heart. Why can I not put my thought into words ?” The last of May she went home, having lectured and worked every day since the previous October. She records with much delight that she has now snugly tucked away in bank $4,500, the result of her last two lecture seasons. Dur- ing the one just closed she spoke 140 nights, besides attending various conventions. This bank account did not represent all she had earned, for she always gave with a lavish hand. How much she has given never can be known, but in the year 1879, for instance, one friend acknowledges the receipt of $50 to enable her to buy a dress and other articles so that she can attend the Washington convention. Another writes: “I have just learned that the $25 you handed me to pay my way home from the meeting had been given you to pay your own.” To an old and faithful fellow-worker, now in California, she SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT. 509 sends by express a warm flannel wrapper. There is scarcely a month which does not record some gift varying from $100 in value down to a trinket for remembrance. Each year she contributed $100 to the suffrage work, besides many smaller sums at intervals, and the account-books show that her bene- factions were many. She never spared money if an end were to be accomplished, and never failed to keep an engagement, no matter at what risk or expense. On several occasions she chartered an engine, even though the cost was more than she would receive for the lecture. As she was now approaching her sixtieth birthday, relatives and friends were most anxious that she should lay aside part of her earnings for a time when even her indomitable spirit might have to succumb to physical weakness, but she herself never seemed to feel any anxiety as to the future. Notwithstanding her own disastrous experiment, Miss An- thony never ceased to desire a woman's paper, one which not only should present the questions relating directly to women but should be edited and controlled entirely by women, and discuss all the issues of the day. Scattered through the cor- respondence of years are letters on this subject, either wanting to resurrect The Revolution or to start a new paper. At inter- vals some wealthy woman would seem half-inclined to advance money for the purpose and then hope would be revived, only to be again destroyed. During the summer of 1872 a clever journalist, Mrs. Helen Barnard, had edited a paper called the Woman's Campaign, supported by Republican funds. Miss Anthony had hoped to convert this into her ideal paper after the election, and spent considerable time in trying to form a stock company. A large amount was subscribed but not enough, and all was returned by Mrs. Sargent, then national treasurer. Sarah L. Williams, editor of the woman's depart- ment of the Toledo Blade, started a bright suffrage paper called the Ballot-Box and edited it for several years. Miss Anthony assisted her in every possible way, and spoiled the effect of many a fine speech by asking at its close for subscribers to this paper. In 1878, ’79 and '80 she secured 2,500 names. In 510 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. 1878 Mrs. Williams turned her paper over to Matilda Joslyn Gage, who added National Citizen to the title. Miss Anthony's and Mrs. Stanton's names were placed at the head as corres- ponding editors, and the paper was ably conducted by Mrs. Gage, but it had not the financial backing necessary to suc- cess; when Miss Anthony ceased lecturing, new subscribers no longer came and, after much tribulation, it finally suspended in 1881. While Miss Anthony continued for many years to cherish this idea of a distinctively woman's paper, the daily press grew more and more liberal, devoting larger space to the interests of women every year, and she became of the opinion that possi- bly the most effective work might be accomplished through this medium. She held, however, that there should be one woman upon each paper whose special business it should be to look after this department, and who should be permitted to dis- cuss not only the “woman question” but all others from a wo- man's standpoint. As newspapers are now managed, the readers have only man's views of all the vital issues attracting public attention. Woman occupies a subordinate position and must write on all subjects in a spirit which will be acceptable to the masculine head of the paper; so the public gets in re- ality his thought and not hers. She had come to see, also, that the newspaper work should be a leading and distinctive feature of the National Association to a far greater extent than hitherto had been attempted, and which, until of late years, had not been possible. No man or woman ever had a higher opinion of the influence of the press, which she considered the most powerful agency in the world for good or for evil. In the summer of 1879, Miss Anthony received from her friend, A. Bronson Alcott, a complimentary ticket for three seasons of lectures at the Concord School of Philosophy; but the living questions of the day were too pressing for her to withdraw to this classic and sequestered retreat, outside de profon Moott: the busy and practical world. During the decade from 1870 to 1880, there was a large SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT, 511 accession of valuable workers to the cause of woman suffrage and many new friends came into Miss Anthony's life. Among these were May Wright Sewall; the sisters, Julia and Rachel Foster; Clara B. Colby; Zerelda G. Wallace; Frances E. Willard ; J. Ellen Foster; the wife and three talented daugh- ters of Cassius M. Clay, Mary B., Laura and Sallie Clay Ben- nett; M. Louise Thomas; Elizabeth Boynton Harbert and others, who became her devoted adherents and fellow-workers, and whose homes and hospitality she enjoyed during all the years which followed. At the close of her lecture season in 1879 she was able to spend Christmas and New Year's at her own home for the first time in many years; but she left on January 2 to fill en- gagements, reaching Washington on the eve of the National Convention, which assembled at Lincoln Hall, January 21, 1880. As Mrs. Stanton was absent, Miss Anthony presided over the sessions. During this meeting, 250 new petitions for a Sixteenth Amendment, signed by over 12,000 women, were sent to Congress, besides over 300 petitions from individ- ual women praying for a removal of their political disabilities. These were presented by sixty-five different representatives. Hon. T. W. Ferry, of Michigan, in the Senate, and Hon. George B. Loring, of Massachusetts, in the House, introduced a resolution for a Sixteenth Amendment. This with all the petitions was referred to the judiciary committees, each of which granted a hearing of two hours to the ladies. Among the delegates who addressed them was Julia Smith Parker, of Glastonbury, Conn., at that time over eighty years old, who with her sister Abby annually resisted the payment of taxes because they were denied representation, and whose property was in consequence annually seized and sold. Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace, the mother so beautifully pictured in Ben Hur, addressed a congressional committee for the first time, and among the other speakers were Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Blake, Miss Couzins, Mrs. Emma Mont McRae, of Indiana, and Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, of Louisiana. It was at this hearing that Senator Edmunds complimented Miss Anthony by saying, 512 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. “Most speeches on this question are platform oratory ; yours is argument." Through the influence of Hon. E. G. Lap- ham, all these addresses were printed in pamphlet form. During this convention Miss Anthony was the guest of Mrs. Spofford, whose husband was proprietor of the Riggs House. The place of hostess, which had been so beautifully filled by Mrs. Sargent, was assumed at once by Mrs. Spofford, a lady of culture and position. For twelve years a suite of rooms was set apart for Miss Anthony in this commodious hotel when- ever she was at the capital, whether for days or for months, and she received every possible courtesy and attention, with- out price. Miss Anthony wrote her many times : "You can not begin to know what a blessing your home is to me, or how grateful I am to you for its comfort and luxury. You are indeed Mrs. Sargent's successor in love and hospitality, and my hope is always to deserve them." After a brilliant reception at the Riggs House to the dele- gates, Miss Anthony left for Philadelphia, in company with the venerable Julia Smith Parker, and went to Roadside, the suburban home of Lucretia Mott, "where," she writes, “it was a wonderful sight to see the two octogenarians talking to- gether, so bright and wide awake to the questions of the present.” She never again saw Lucretia Mott or heard her sweet voice. The health of Miss Anthony's mother was now so precarious that she did not dare go far from home and a course of lectures was arranged for her through Pennsylvania by Rachel Foster, a young girl of wealth and distinction, who was growing much interested in the cause of woman and very devoted to Miss Anthony personally. Frequent trips were made to the home in Rochester through the inclement weather, and toward the last of March she saw that the end was near and did not go away. The beloved mother fell asleep on the morning of April 3, 1880, the two remaining daughters by her side. She was in her eighty-seventh year, her long life had been passed entirely within the immediate circle of home, but her interest in outside matters was strong. The husband and children, in سے مار مار کر اس سے ہو اور اس ک ے SENATE COMMITTEE REPORT-PRESS COMMENT. 513 whatever work they were engaged, felt always the encourage- ment of her sanction and sympathy. Her ambition was cen- tered in them, their happiness and success were her own; she was content to be the home-keeper, to have the house swept and garnished and the bountiful table ready for their return, finding a rich reward in their unceasing love and apprecia- tion. She was extremely fond of reading, had read the Bible from cover to cover many times, and could give the exact loca- tion and wording of many texts of Scripture. She enjoyed history, was familiar with the works of Dickens and Scott and knew by heart The Lady of the Lake. In old age, when mem- ory failed, she lived among historical personages and charac- ters in books and would speak of them as persons she had known in her youth. As the four children gathered about the still form and looked lovingly upon the placid face, they could not remember that she ever had spoken an unkind word. And so, with tenderness and affection, they laid her to rest by the side of the husband whose memory she had so faithfully cherished for eighteen years. A month later Miss Anthony again set forth on the weary round, leaving her sister Mary in the lonely house with two young nieces, Lucy and Louise, whose education she was superintending. Just before going she wrote to Rachel Fos- ter: "Yes, the past three weeks are all a dream—such con- stant watching and care and anxiety for so many years all taken away from us! But my mother, like my father, if she could speak would bid us 'go forward' to greater and better work. She never asked me to stop at home when she was living, not even after she became feeble, but always said, 'Go and do all the good you can;' and I know my highest regard for her and for my father and sisters gone before will be shown by my best and noblest doing.' pauper, Talented Harper, Ida Husted (2 1899 Ha V.1 39430 [N. S. Townshend] more The WILLIAM L. CLEMENTS LIBRARY University of Michigan Gift of Norton Strange Townshend Fund RE B OROSO tests TODAS SOS BOLSO NOSSO BIBLIOZOLOLU LOBODGE COTTON SOLO DESCRIBE SELG OED OOO OSLOBODU L URRRRRELSE Noce D 8 . 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A dole STOI RE 30 SOOOOOOOOOOOOOO UIDORES de SEG Red BLOODBOR D ER COULD PRISONS C DO DITO la cialo obolellareal Dololola coala 101 OIDO TOURER 0 RUBBED Bola O HRA ADRIATICUS GIO COROLO RED DIDEER U Dallas ORDO OUTDOOR USUUDISED HRTEN Rollos sobie w BORHOLD MEDAN WS BANNED FORELDOO OOTDOOCOO DOGODT oe les DODIODO L ROSHEGODES DIRECTOR THROOMSTOLE MOULTON COTOBAGO O C BOGDUTO sodele od Soo By masters M DIT this is no doors it is a little windom Tooketk upon a greate Chat 19 S VOORT WA le 0 OLUN ULT 141! CASO MAR DIURGIU CAGICZNA War ON 16 LIBRIS Clara D. Han Arsdale for 2 vols. SUSAN B. ANTHONY, IN THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN, 1896. SUSAN INCLUDING ILLUSTRA US OLIS AND KANSAS TEENMERRILL CORNY 1898 THE LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY INCLUDING PUBLIC ADDRESSES, HER OWN LETTERS AND MANY FROM HER CONTEMPORARIES DURING FIFTY YEARS BY IDA HUSTED HARPER TI Story of the Evolution of the Status of Woman IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS, PICTURES OF HOMES, ETC. INDIANAPOLIS AND KANSAS CITY THE BOWEN-MERRILL COMPANY 1898 COPYRIGHT 1898 BY THE BOWEN-MERRILL COMPANY TO WOMAN, FOR WHOSE FREEDOM SUSAN B. ANTHONY HAS GIVEN FIFTY YEARS OF NOBLE ENDEAVOR THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vol. II. CHAPTER XXX. POLITICAL CANDIDATES—WRITING THE HISTORY. (1880-1881.)............ 515-532 Miss Anthony's rallying cry; letter on death of sister; Conven- tion at Indianapolis; Mass Meeting in Farwell Hall, Chicago; suffrage advocates neither unmarried nor childless; Republican National Convention refuses even recognition” plank of former years; Greenback-Labor Convention passes Woman Suffrage res- olution in spite of Dennis Kearney; Democratic Convention at Cincinnati receives ladies with great courtesy but ignores their claims; tribute of Commercial; Prohibition Convention adopts Suffrage plank; interviews with Garfield and Hancock; cor- respondence of General Garfield and Miss Anthony on Woman Suffrage; martyrdom to writing the History; Thirteenth Wash- ington Convention and memorial service to Lucretia Mott; ridic- ulous press items on Skye terrier; letter on sparing parents for children's sake; first volume of History issued. CHAPTER XXXI. THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. (1881-1892- 1883.) ....... .......... 533-550 National Association in Boston; badge presented Miss Anthony by Philadelphia Citizens' Suffrage Association; comments of Traveller and Globe; sweep of New England; tribute of Zerelda G. Wallace; no welcome for Miss Anthony in Albany; letter on death of Garfield; attends National W. C. T. U. Convention in Washington; Phillips' seventieth birthday; Mrs. Eddy's hand- some legacy; Fourteenth Washington Convention; amusing suf- frage debate in Senate; meeting in Philadelphia; tributes from Elmira Free Press and Washington Republic; favorable Senate and House Committee reports; campaign in Nebraska; ad- (iii) TABLE OF CONTENTS. dresses Lincoln Club, Rochester; decides to go abroad; Philadel- phia Times account of Birthday reception; Mrs. Sewall's de- scription in Indianapolis Times of farewell honors; fine tributes from Chicago Tribune and Kansas City Journal; N. Y. Times de- scribes departure for Europe. CHAPTER XXXII. Miss ANTHONY's EUROPEAN LETTERS. (1883.). 551-579 On shipboard; in Liverpool and London; in Milan and Rome; in Naples; in Zurich, Berlin, Cologne, Heidelberg; in Paris; back to London; Mrs. Jacob Bright, Moncure D. Conway, Wm. Hen- ry Channing, Mrs. Rose, Stopford Brooke; speech at Prince's Hall; Helen Taylor, Jane Cobden and others; speech at St. James Hall; Mrs. Mellen's Fourth of July reception; Canon Wilberforce, Sarah Bernhardt; Edinburgh; Elizabeth Pease Nichol, Priscilla Bright McLaren, Professor Blackie, Dr. Jex- Blake; home of Harriet Martineau; Dublin; Isabella M. S. Tod and others; trip through Ireland; characteristic descriptions; John Bright, Hannah Ford, home of the Brontës; Henrietta Müller, Margaret Bright Lucas, Frances Power Cobbe, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Mrs. Peter Taylor; home again. CHAPTER XXXIII. CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. (1884–1885.)...... 581-603 Welcome Home from Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, N. Y. Evening Telegram, Cleveland Leader; unkind comment Cincin- nati Times-Star; dislike of interviewing Congressmen shown by letter to Wm. D. Kelley; Warren Keifer in favor of Woman Suffrage; opposition of Reagan, of Texas; members for and against Special Committee; Douglass marriage; letters to young workers; death of Wendell Phillips; Bishop Simpson on Woman Suffrage; fine speech before Congressional Committee; Thomas B. Reed's report; letter from Senator Palmer; Miss Anthony on Suf- frage Bill in Parliament; attitude of Presidential candidates; opposes resolution denouncing dogmas and creeds; attack of Rev. W. W. Patton; Senator Palmer's speech; trip to New Orleans; tribute of Picayune; Eddy legacy received; working on History; Miss Anthony's dislike of literary labor; Mrs. Stanton's seven- tieth birthday; letter from Harriet Stanton Blatch. CHAPTER XXXIV. MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. (1886-1887.)....605-626 Miss Anthony's persistence with members of Congress; Eigh- teenth Washington Convention; committee reports; canvass of TABLE OF CONTENTS. the State of Kansas; Municipal Suffrage Bill passed by Legisla- ture; speaking throughout Wisconsin; advice as to Church for holding convention; History of Woman Suffrage and valuable work accomplished by it; opinions of Mary L. Booth, Sarah B. Cooper and others; Nineteenth Annual Convention; Senator Blair's bill for Woman Suffrage; Senators Brown and Vest in op- position; Senators Dolph and Blair in favor; remonstrance from Boston; the Vote; women incensed at Ingalls; letter to Frances Willard on Prohibition Party ; letter to Olympia Brown against bringing suit under school suffrage law; scores Senator Ingalls in Kansas; canvass of Indiana. CHAPTER XXXV. UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS—INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. (1888.)....... 627-645 American Association proposes Union; negotiations to that end; plea for Mrs. Stanton's election as president; Union completed; International Council of Women; magnitude of preparations; Miss Anthony's idea of a sermon; letter of Douglass on First Woman's Rights Convention; letter of Maria Mitchell; efforts to secure Mrs. Stanton's presence; comment of Baltimore Sun and N. Y. World; Frances Willard's speech and letter to Union Sig- nal; National and International Councils formed; at Central Music Hall, Chicago; letter urging women to go to National Polit- ical conventions; open letter to General Harrison; Republican “free ballot” plank does not include Women; dislike of “red tape;" speech at Columbus W. C. T. U. celebration not well received. CHAPTER XXXVI. CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. (1889.) ........... 647-661 Twenty-first Washington Convention; address before Unity Club, Cincinnati; death of niece Susie B.; letters on Death; newspaper comment on Dress; at Seidl Club on Coney Island and “Broadbrim's” account; a round of lectures and conventions; letter of Harriet Hosmer; canvass of South Dakota; Miss An- thony outlines plan of campaign; nephew D. R. describes speech at Ann Arbor; “Andrew Jackson-like responsibility"; work for South Dakota; description in Washington Star. CHAPTER XXXVII. AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. (1890.)..... 663-678 Consternation at idea of selling tickets for Birthday banquet; description of banquet by Washington Star and N. Y. Sun; speeches of Rev. F. W. Hinckley, Hon. J. A. Pickler, Mrs. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Stanton and Miss Anthony; congratulatory letters from distin- guished people; eloquent tributes from Boston Traveller and Rochester Democrat and Chronicle; first Convention of United Associations; money for South Dakota; in Washington society; letter on pre-natal influence. CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. (1890.) ..................... ...... 679-696 Appeals from South Dakota; Miss Anthony lays down the law regarding National funds; pledges of Farmers' Alliance leaders; contributions to campaign; goes to South Dakota; Farmers' Al- liance and Knights of Labor form new party and repudiate pledges for Woman Suffrage; insults at Democratic Convention; Republican Convention has room for Indian men but none for white women; Miss Anthony's cheerful letters: hardships of campaign; Mrs. Howell's description of meetings at Madison; Rev. Anna Shaw's account of crying babies and drunken man; Mrs. Chapman Catt's summing-up of situation; statistics of De- feat; Miss Anthony endorsed by State W. C. T. U. and Suffrage Associations. CHAPTER XXXIX. WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. (1890-1891.)..... 697-716 Debate in Congress on admission of Wyoming; first majority re- port from House Committee in favor of Sixteenth Amendment; Wimodaughsis; in Boston; letter of sympathy from Lucy Stone; first triennial meeting of National Woman's Council; Miss An- thony's joy; Twenty-third Washington Convention; breakfast at Sorosis; letter from ex-Secretary Hugh McCulloch; leaving Riggs House; letter describing visits in New England; goes to housekeeping; kindness of press and people; letter from Adi- rondacks and John Brown's home; stirs up Rochester W.C.T. U.; at Chautauqua; describes meeting at Lily Dale; happiness in keeping house; speaks at N. Y. State Fair; invites Mrs. Stan- ton to share her home; calls meeting to admit girls to Rochester University; speaks at Thanksgiving services in Unitarian church; appeals from Kansas. CHAPTER XL. IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. (1892.). 717-735 Mrs. Stanton's last appearance at National Convention; Miss Anthony made president; home life; attends biennial meeting Federation of Woman's Clubs; bust made by Lorado Taft; letter approving Southern Woman's Council; ignored by Republican National Convention at Minneapolis; “every citizen” does not TABLE OF CONTENTS. vii include Women; bowed out of Democratic National Conven- tion at Chicago; Frances Willard's beautiful tribute; at People's National Convention in Omaha; Woman Suffrage at Chautauqua; campaign of Kansas on Republican platform; illustrates differ- ence in treatment of same women now and forty years ago; ap- pointed on Board of Managers State Industrial School; press comment; addresses mass meeting on including Women in pro- visions of New Charter for Rochester; face sculptured on theater in Dowagiac, Mich.; John Boyd Thacher asks his father's record; Philip Schuyler objects to his stepmother's statue in company with Miss Anthony's; Justice Rufus W. Peckham's tribute. CHAPTER XLI. WORLD's FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. (1893.) ....... 737-754 Miss Anthony. opposes holding National Conventions outside Washington; extended range of letters and invitations; urges those who can not work to contribute money; opening of World's Fair; Bertha Honoré Palmer's words for women; Miss Anthony behind movement to have women on Board of Managers; Presi- dent and Board of Lady Managers; Woman's Congress; Miss Anthony center of attraction; compliments from Frances Wil- lard and Lady Somerset; letter of Florence Fenwick Miller; Suffrage leads at Congress; letters from Mrs. Palmer, Mrs. James P. Eagle; speech on Religious Press; pleasant visits in Chicago; tribute from Inter-Ocean; Woman Suffrage granted in Colorado; preparing for New York and Kansas amendment campaigns. CHAPTER XLII. THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. (1894.)......... 755-776 Speeches in Ann Arbor, Toledo, Baltimore and Washington; no creeds, no politics in National-American Association; congratu- lations of Chicago Journal; great New York campaign inaugu- rated to secure Amendment from Constitutional Convention; headquarters in Anthony home; Corresponding Secretary Mary S. Anthony reports amount of work done; opening rally in Rochester; women of wealth and fashion in New York and Brooklyn take part; N. Y. World describes the movement; "Re- monstrants” organize; Miss Anthony's opinion of them; 600,000 signatures secured; Joseph H. Choate, President of Constitu- tional Convention, uses his influence against Woman Suffrage Amendment; Miss Anthony and many other women address delegates; representatives of the “Antis” speak in opposition; Edward Lauterbach and other members support Amendment; Elihu Root, Wm. P. Goodelle and others oppose; Amendment Defeated; tribute by State president, Mrs. Greenleaf; apprecia- viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. tive letters; incorrect report of speech at Spiritualist camp meet- ing; Miss Anthony, Frances Willard, Lady Somerset and others at Republican State Convention in Saratoga; starting for Kansas. CHAPTER XLIII. THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. (1894.).. 777-798 Miss Anthony insists that political State conventions must put Woman Suffrage planks in their platforms; politicians try to per- suade Kansas women not to ask for them; dilemma of State presi- dent, Mrs. Johns; letters of Mrs. Chapman Catt, Henry B. Black- well, Rev. Anna Shaw, showing uselessness of campaign with- out Political endorsement; Miss Anthony's rousing letters to Woman's State Committee, Republican leaders and Mrs. Johns; great speech at Kansas City; action taken by Republican Woman's Convention; Suffrage plank refused by Republican State Conven- tion; fight for it in Populist Convention; wild scene when secured; “not a test of party fealty;" Prohibitionists adopt plank; Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw censured by Republicans; Miss Anthony states their reasons and takes a cheerful view ; friendly words from Wm. Lloyd Garrison; her brave declaration; scores Kansas Republicans in letter to Mr. Blackwell; cordial support of Annie L. Diggs; Mrs. Johns and Mr. Breidenthal hopeful; Amendment Defeated; possession of Limited Suffrage a hindrance to securing Full Suffrage. CHAPTER XLIV. THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. (1895.) ................. 799-817 Not cast down by Kansas defeat, Miss Anthony speaks at Nebraska Convention; goes to New York State Convention at Ithaca; visits Cornell University and speaks to girls of Sage College; addresses National W. C. T. U. on Sunday at Cleveland, showing weakness of all attempts at Reform unsupported by the Ballot; pleasant month in New York City; letter on Y. M. C. A. for “woman's edition ;'' invitation from Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones and Rey. H. W. Thomas to take part in Liberal Religious Con- gress; addresses at Lexington, Louisville, Memphis and New Orleans; complimentary reports of Picayune, Shreveport Times, Birmingham News, Huntsville Tribune; National-American Con- vention in Atlanta; courtesy of press, pulpit and people; Seventy- fifth Birthday celebration and presentation of Annuity of $800; second triennial of Woman's Council; speaks at Douglass' fu- neral; stirs up the audience in Rochester at Ida B. Wells' lecture on Lynching; resigns position on State Industrial School Board. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XLV. THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. (1895.)...... 819-838 Invitation from California Woman's Congress; Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw have royal welcome at St. Louis, Denver, Chey- enne, Salt Lake City, Reno; cordial reception at Oakland; beau- tiful scene at Woman's Congress; eulogies of press; visit Stanford University; entertained by many clubs and societies; go to Yosem- ite Valley; joyfully received at San Jose, Los Angeles, River- side, Pasadena, Pomona, San Diego, Santa Monica; address Ministers' Meeting in San Francisco; Mrs. Cooper's victory over Fourth of July Committee; speak at the celebration; miss audi- ence at Oakland; affectionate farewell. CHAPTER XLVI. MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY-THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. (1895-1896.)..... 839-862 Miss Anthony stirs up papers with resolution on Kansas men; description by Chicago Herald; seized with nervous prostration at Lakeside, O.; sympathy of people and press; secret of vital- ity; letter on maternity hospitals; on "hard times;'' on woman's dress; Mrs. Stanton's birthday celebration; Miss Anthony mag- nanimously refuses to take the lead; tribute from Tilton; appre- ciative letters from Mary Lowe Dickinson, Mrs. Leland Stanford; Twenty-eighth Annual Convention; Utah admitted with Woman Suffrage; women of South Australia enfranchised; resolution against Woman's Bible; speech on Religious Liberty; grief over action of convention; view of the Bible; Suffrage will emanci- pate from Superstition; Nelly Bly's racy interview; loud call from California; can not refuse but goes to the Golden State. CHAPTER XLVII. THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. (1896.)......... ............ 863–893 Effort to secure Woman Suffrage Bill from California Legislature; State committees formed; county conventions; Mrs. Sargent's hospitality; work of women throughout the State; attitude of press; the Call declares for Woman Suffrage; Republican Con- vention; Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw before platform commit- tee; tributes to Mrs. Duniway and Mrs. McCann; Populist Conven- tion; Prohibition Convention; Democratic Convention; women's ratification; headquarters opened; principal speakers; great work of Miss Anthony; social courtesies extended; goes to Portland and Seattle; can not go to Idaho; Suffrage plank in National Republi- can convention repudiated; tour of Southern California ; letters to Miss Willard and Mrs. Peet on holding National W.C.T. U. Con- vention in California; action of Chairman Republican State Com- TABLE OF CONTENTS. mittee; attempts of Women to speak at Political conventions; the Call coerced; the orators “flunk;” Liquor Dealers fight Woman Suffrage; efforts to register new voters; amount of money raised; Women outwitted by State officials; Defeat; summing-up of vote; a touching sight; pleasant campaign; State Suffrage Convention; Mrs. Sargent's tribute; homeward bound. CHAPTER XLVIII. HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. (1896-1897.)............ 895-911 Reception in Rochester; never denies charges; urges women not to "scramble” for office; Book of Proverbs; constancy of pur- pose; women have nothing to do with Reform parties; objects to calling God the author of Civil Government; men trying to lift themselves by their bootstraps; no time for Speculation; opposes Educated and Property Suffrage; eloquent tribute of Dr. H. W. Thomas; pleasant letters from Mrs. Henrotin, John Hutchinson, Mrs. Dickinson; National-American Convention in Des Moines; letter urging that all National conventions be held at Washington; reception at Indianapolis; addresses Indiana Legislature; kind- ness to reporters; birthday of Frederick Douglass; Miss Anthony's great Birthday reception in Rochester; compliments of Post- Express and Herald ; the day at Anthony home; Mrs. Chapman Catt's tribute; speech at Cuban League; remarks at funeral of Mrs. Humphrey; beginning the Biography; immense amount of material; description of attic workroom. CHAPTER XLIX. CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. (1897.)... 913-930 Monday evenings at home; Miss Anthony dislikes rôle of Literary or Society woman; declares she never again will speak before Legislative Committee at Albany; Miss Mary Anthony's birth- day; Herald's interview ; description by Democrat and Chronicle; remarks of Rey. W. C. Gannett and others; assists at golden wedding; visits Eliza Wright Osborne with Mrs. Stanton; her greatest compliment; opinion on Women rising in Rebellion; on Mrs. Besant and Theosophy; letter to Supreme Court of Idaho; on commemorating deeds of Revolutionary Mothers; Sentiment no guarantee for Justice; Subjection of Woman the cause of pub- lic Immorality; opposed to asking Partial Suffrage for women; opinion on Poetry; God not responsible for human ills; Sunday observance; objects to asking for Educated and Property Suf- frage; voters not influenced by Religious arguments; refuses to join Miss Willard in attack on " yellow journalism” and prize fighting; wide scope of invitations, etc.; amusing letter of inquiry; never received salary from National Association, visit to Thou- TABLE OF CONTENTS. sand Islands; centennial of Rev. Samuel J. May; at Nashville Exposition; criticises Women for going into Partisan Politics and defends “rings;' Woman Suffrage movement of the Present contrasted with that of the Past. CHAPTER L. HOME LIFE—THE REUNION—THE WOMAN. (1897.)... 931-953 Daily habits of life; dress; harmonious relations of the two sis- ters; description of Anthony home; outline of Miss Anthony's vast private correspondence; her patience and conscientiousness; objects to which close of life is being given; invited to Berkshire; Suffrage Committee meeting in the “Old Hive” at Adams; guest of Berkshire Historical Society; addresses of Mrs. Chapman Catt, Mrs. Foster Avery, Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Colby, Rey. Anna Shaw and others; Anthony Reunion; picturesque old homestead; visit to birthplace and loved spots of childhood; contrast in position of Woman now and fifty years ago; Miss An- thony's part in securing reforms; face carved in Capitol at Albany; tributes of Mrs. Sewall, Miss Willard and Mrs. Stanton; Miss Anthony's characteristics; compared to Napoleon, Glad- stone, Lincoln, Garrison; finis. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Vol. II. ..... 578 SUSAN B. ANTHONY in California Campaign, 1896.... Frontispiece HARRIET PURVIS..... faces page 526 MENTIA TAYLOR......... 66 " 554 6666 564 PRISCILLA BRIGHT MCLAREN..... ELIZABETH PEASE NICHOL............ 568 MARGARET BRIGHT LUCAS.......... MISS ANTHONY AND MRS. STANTON writing the History of Woman Suffrage.... 600 CAROLINE E. MERRICK..... 608 ZERELDA G. WALLACE.... 632 REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW....... 688 HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON.......... 700 MAY WRIGHT SEWALL ............ MARY S. ANTHONY ... 760 CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT..... 780 RACHEL FOSTER AVERY......... 814 SARAH B. COOPER 828 ELLEN CLARK SARGENT.. ........... 864 SARAH L. Knox GOODRICH............ ANTHONY RESIDENCE IN ROCHESTER.... 06 904 ATTIC WORK-ROOMS... 910 MARY S. AND SUSAN B. ANTHONY......... 916 ANTHONY FAMILY AT REUNION ....... AT THE OLD HOMESTEAD............ 942 QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE, ADAMS, Mass..... 66 66 946 746 888 938 CHAPTER XXX. POLITICAL CANDIDATES-WRITING THE HISTORY. 1880-1881. URING her May lecture trip Miss Anthony was formulating a scheme for a series of conventions, opening and closing with a great mass meeting, which should influence the national political conventions to recognize in their platforms the rights of woman. As usual most of the women opposed this plan and as usual Miss Anthony carried the day. The following letters to Mrs. Spencer, national secretary, will serve as speci- mens of hundreds which she wrote with her own hand, before every similar occasion : I want the rousingest rallying cry ever put on paper--first, to call women by the thousand to Chicago; and second, to get every one who can not go there to send a postal card to the mass convention, saying she wants the Republicans to put a Sixteenth Amendment pledge in their platform. Don't you see that if we could have a mass meeting of 2,000 or 3,000 earnest women, June 2, and then receive 10,000 postals from women all over the country, what a tremendous influence we could bring to bear on the Republi- can convention, June 3? We can get Farwell Hall for $40 a day, and I think wouid do well to engage it for the 2d and 3d, then we could make it our headquarters—sleep in it even, if we couldn't get any other places. Besides this, I want to make the best possible use of all our speakers between June 3 and 21, when we shall have a mass meeting in Cincinnati, the day be- fore the Democratic convention. My proposition is that I, as vice-president- at-large, call conventions of two days each at a number of cities. We could divide our speakers and thus fill in the entire two weeks between Chicago and Cincinnati with capital good work. How does the plan strike you? Can we summon the women from the vasty deeps—or distances ? Can we get 5,000 or 10,000 to send on their postals ? Do the petitions still come in? How many thousands of appeals and documents have you had printed and how many have you sent out ? (515) 516 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. After the ball was set rolling she wrote: A letter from Mrs. Stanton tells of her being on the verge of pneumonia, and rushing home to rest and recruit. She is better and, since she has been to the dinner-table, I infer she is well enough to begin to work up the thun- der and lightning for Indianapolis and Chicago. Now won't you at once scratch down the points with which you want to fire her soul and brain, and get her at work on the resolutions, platform and address ? She won't go out to lecture any more this spring, and if you will only put her en rapport with your thought she will do splendid work in the herculean task await- ing us. It is simply impossible for me to go to her at present, and we must all give her our ideas in the rough, from time to time, and let her weld them together as best she can; and then, as she says, when we meet in Indianapolis we all will put in our happiest ideas, metaphysical, political, logical and all other “cals," and make these the strongest and grandest documents ever issued from any organization of women. It does seem to me that if we can succeed in grinding out just the right appeal, demand, or whatever it may be called, the Republican convention must heed us. At any rate, we will do our level best at a strong pull, a long pull and a pull all together to compel them to surrender. I enclose my list of May lecture engagements. I shall be able to help in money from them soon, and better than I could in any other way. I watch both Congress and our State legislatures, but the “scamps” are vastly better at promising than fulfilling. The politicians, of course, expect all this flut- ter and buncombe about doing something for women in New York-in Cali- fornia-in Iowa-is going to spike our guns and make us help the Republican party to carry all before it; but we must not be thus fooled by them. After a lecture at Waynesburg, Penn., when she had gone to her train at 4 A. M. to find it an hour late, she wrote on the ticket-office shelf, by the light of a smoky lamp, this letter to her sister : Just three years ago this day was our dear Hannah's last on earth, and I can see her now sitting by the window and can hear her say, "Talk, Susan.” I knew she wanted me to talk of the future meetings in the great beyond, all of them, as she often said, so certain and so beautiful to her ; but they were not to me, and I could not dash her faith with my doubts, nor could I pretend a faith I had not; so I was silent in the dread presence of death. Three years-and yet what a living presence has she been in my thoughts all the days! There has been scarcely one waking hour that I have not felt the loss of her. We can not help trying to peer through the veil to find the certainty of things over there, but nothing comes to our eyes unless we accept the Spiritualistic testimony, which we can not wholly do. Well, only you and I are left of mother's four girls, and when and how we also shall pass on is among the unknown problems of the future. Of course POLITICAL CANDIDATES-WRITING THE HISTORY. 517 I feel and know that your loss is far beyond mine ; for never was there a child who so faithfully devoted herself to a mother, and made all other inter- ests subserve that mother's happiness as did you, and I feel, too, that but for you I never could have done my public work. The great series of conventions began with the May Anni- versary, which was held at Indianapolis, the 25th and 26th, in the Park Theater, Miss Anthony presiding. All arrange- ments had been made and all expenses assumed by the local suffrage society under the leadership of Mrs. Sewall. The Sentinel, edited at that time by Colonel J. B. Maynard, wel- comed the convention in a strong editorial declaring for woman suffrage in unmistakable terms. The very successful meetings closed with a handsome reception tendered by Mrs. John C. New. The mass meeting opened in Farwell Hall, Chicago, June 1, the day before the Republican convention, with delegates from twenty-six States, and continued in session three days. The welcoming address was made by Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, the speakers comprised the most prominent women of the nation, the audience numbered 3,000 and the enthusiasm was unprecedented in all the records of this movement. The History of Woman Suffrage says: The mass convention had been called for June 2, but the crowds in the city gave promise of such extended interest that Farwell Hall was engaged for June 1, and before the second day's proceedings closed, funds were voluntarily raised by the audience to continue the meeting the third day. So vast was the number of letters and postals from women who desired to vote, that the whole time of each session could have been spent in reading them-- one day's mail alone bringing them from twenty-three States and three Terri- tories. Some contained hundreds of names, others represented town, county and State societies. Many were addressed to the different nominating con- ventions, Republican, Greenback, Democratic, while the reasons given for desiring to vote ranged from the simple demand, through all the scale of The Chicago press gave very satisfactory reports of this meeting, but the Springfield Republic was vulgar and abusive, called the ladies withered beldames," "cats on the back roof," and advised them to “go home and attend to their children, if they had any, and if not, to engage in that same occupation as soon as they could regularly do so." The charge being so often made that the leaders of the suffrage movement were a lot of old maids and childless wives, Miss Anthony prepared a list showing that sixteen of the most prominent were the mothers of sixty-six children. Of the pioneers she herself was the only one who never married. Of the younger speakers Phoebe Couzins was the only one who remained single. 518 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. those connected with good government and morality. So highly important a contribution to history did the Chicago Historical Society deem these expres- sions that it made a formal request to be put in possession of all letters and postals, with a promise that they should be carefully guarded in a fire-proof safe. A large parlor in the Palmer House was tendered to the ladies by the proprietor for business meetings and for a recep- tion room. They were visited by a number of Republican delegates, many of whom were thoroughly in favor of a suf- frage plank in the platform and of giving the ladies seats in the convention. A letter was sent to the chairman of the Re- publican national committee, Don Cameron, signed by one hundred and eighteen United States senators and representa- tives, asking that seventy-six seats on the floor of the conven- tion be given to as many accredited delegates from the National Suffrage Association. Although the veteran soldiers and sail- ors were liberally provided for, Mr. Cameron granted only ten seats to the women, and those not to the association in its of- ficial capacity but as " guest” tickets for seats on the plat- form. Miss Anthony was allowed ten minutes before a sub- committee to present the argument for a suffrage plank. It was favorably regarded by scattered members of various dele- gations, but the platform was silent on the subject. The Republican convention of 1880 did not even adopt the "recognition ” planks of 1872 and 1876, and all the demon- strations of this great mass meeting of women had not the slightest influence, because made by a disfranchised class. Be- fore closing they adopted a resolution that they would support no party which did not endorse the political equality of woman; but all the “support” which they could give or withhold was not likely to be considered of much value by political leaders. Miss Anthony and four others attended the Greenback-Labor Convention, a few days later, in the same city. They were well received. Mrs. Gage read the suffrage memorial in open session and Miss Anthony was permitted to address the con- vention. This privilege was violently opposed by Dennis Kearney, who said that “his wife instructed him before he POLITICAL CANDIDATES—WRITING THE HISTORY. 519 left California not to mix up with woman suffragists, and if he did she would meet him at the door with a flat-iron when he came home.” Failing to frighten the convention with Mrs. Kear- ney's flat-iron, he declined to hear Miss Anthony's speech and left the hall in disgust. The committee refused to incorporate a suffrage plank in its platform, but the next day in convention, after the nominations were concluded, a delegate introduced an equal suffrage resolution which passed by a large majority. The delegates and speakers of the National Association then held meetings at Milwaukee, Wis., Bloomington, Ill., Grand Rapids, Mich., Lafayette and Terre Haute, Ind., and reached Cincinnati in time for the Democratic National Convention, June 22. They were received here with unexpected courtesy. Mayor Prince, of Boston, and Mr. Eaton, of Kansas, presented their request for seats, and sixteen were granted them on the floor of the house, just behind the delegates. A committee room was placed at their disposal and their notices and placards were printed by the convention. A hearing was given before the platform committee, with no limit as to time, and after sev- eral had spoken the others were invited to do so. The chair- man, Henry Watterson, declared himself in favor of the plank desired. The delegations from Maine, New York and Kansas also were favorable. Miss Anthony was escorted to the plat- form upon the arm of Carter Harrison, amid wild applause, given a seat beside the presiding officer, Wade Hampton, and the clerk was ordered to read the address which she presented. After all this parade, however, the platform contained not the slightest reference to the claims of women or, in fact, to their existence. The results of the appeal to the Republican and Democratic conventions were precisely the same, except that the latter administered the dose with chivalry. 1 The Cincinnati Commercial said at this time: “Miss Anthony is the same clear, calm reasoner-a woman of the same firm convictions and with the same forcible, dignified and essentially womanly manner of expressing them-that she has always been. While in Cin- cinnati she is the guest of her cousin, Mrs. A. B. Merriam, of Walnut Hills, where many call upon her and find a talk with a woman so earnest and fine in intellectual power to be a gen- uine satisfaction. On the 'woman question,' she is hopeful but not a hopeless enthusiast. She is too clear-headed for that, and has overcome too many obstacles not to appreciate the requisite momentum and the force necessary to produce it. Her life is great in that it has made a larger life and higher work possible to other women, who share her aspirations with. out her invincible strength to carve their way," 520 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The National Prohibition Convention at Bloomington, Ill., officially invited the suffrage advocates to meet with them and participate in their proceedings. Phoebe Couzins was sent as a delegate, and the convention adopted the following plank: “ We also demand that women having privileges as citizens in other respects, shall be clothed with the ballot for their own protection, and as a rightful means for the proper settlement of the liquor question." This body, it will be noticed, not only demanded the ballot for woman but told her what she would be expected to do with it. While not at all surprised, Miss Anthony was greatly dis- gusted with the action of the Republican and Democratic con- ventions, but, determined to leave nothing undone, she soon afterwards called upon General Garfield at Mentor. He was cordial and expressed himself in favor of equality for woman in matters of education, work, wages and civil rights, but was not ready to declare himself in favor of the suffrage and, as was always the case, urged that the issue be not pressed during that campaign. Mrs. Blake and others visited General Han- cock, the Democratic candidate, and the New York Sun re- ports the interview in part: Mrs. Blake said the delegation had come to ask the general what hope the woman suffrage party might entertain in case any measure came before him, as President, which bore upon granting women the ballot. The general re- plied that the movement was a growing one, and that everything which tended toward the amelioration of woman's condition had his sympathy. In the course of conversation he said that women should be paid equally with men for the same work equally well performed. Mrs. Slocum said that the delegation desired a decided expression from him as to whether he would or would not veto any measure favorable to woman suffrage that might come before him as President. The general replied that if such a measure were voted upon by Congress as a constitutional amendment, it would not come before the President. If, however, Congress accorded women the right to vote in the District of Columbia, he certainly would offer no obstruction. Mrs. Blake asked if he considered women as “people.” "Undoubtedly,” replied the general. “He would be a bold man who would undertake to say they were not.” “Then, general," said Mrs. Blake, “we ask nothing more than what you POLITICAL CANDIDATES—WRITING THE HISTORY. 521 say in your letter of acceptance: 'It is only by a full vote, a free ballot and a fair count that the people can rule in fact, as required by the theory of our government.'" “I am perfectly willing," said General Hancock, " that you should say I take my stand on that paragraph in my letter of acceptance.” In order to exhaust every resource, Miss Anthony, on Au- gust 17, addressed this letter to each of the presidential candi- dates : As vice-president-at-large of the National Woman Suffrage Association, I am instructed to ask you if, in the event of your election, you, as President of the United States, would recommend to Congress the submission to the several legislatures of a Sixteenth Amendment to the National Constitution, prohibiting the disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex. What we wish to ascertain is whether you, as President, would use your official influence to secure to the women of the several States a national guaran- tee of their right to a voice in the government on the same terms with men. Neither platform makes any pledge to secure political equality to women- hence we are waiting and hoping that one candidate or the other, or both, will declare favorably, and thereby make it possible for women, with self- respect, to work for the success of one or the other or both nominees. Hop- ing for a prompt and explicit statement, I am, sir, very respectfully yours. General Hancock did not so much as acknowledge the receipt of this, but General Garfield answered promptly, writing with his own hand : Your letter of the 17th inst. was duly received. I take the liberty of asking your personal advice before I answer your official letter. I assume that all the traditions and impulses of your life lead you to believe that the Republi- can party has been and is more nearly in the line of liberty than its antagon- ist, the Democratic party; and I know you desire to advance the cause of woman. Now, in view of the fact that the Republican convention has not discussed your question, do you not think it would be a violation of the trust they have reposed in me, to speak “ as their nominee”—and add to the pres- ent contest an issue which they have not authorized ? Again, if I answer your question on the ground of my own private opinion, I shall be compelled to say that, while I am open to the freest discussion and fairest consideration of your question, I have not yet reached the conclusion that it would be best for woman and for the country that she should have the suffrage. I may reach it; but whatever time may do to me, that fruit is not yet ripe on my tree. I ask you, therefore, for the sake of your own question, do you think it wise to pick my apples now? Please answer me in the frank- ness of personal friendship. 522 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. With kind regards, I am, very truly yours. - Please answer me a The braukners al frentalis Wat Kud reg Dann in Tully reful Under date of September 9 Miss Anthony sent a spirited reply : Yours of the 25th ult. has waited all these days that I might carefully con- sider it. First.—The Republican party did run well for a season in the “line of lib- erty,” but since 1870, its congressional enactments, majority reports, Supreme Court decisions, and now its presidential platform, show a retrograde move- ment-not only for women but for colored men-limiting the power of the national government in the protection of United States citizens against the injustice of the States, until what we gained by the sword is lost by polit- ical surrenders. We need nothing but a Democratic administration to demonstrate to all Israel and the sun the fact, the sad fact, that all is lost by the Republican party. I mean, of course, the one vital point of national su- premacy in the protection of United States citizens in the enjoyment of their right to vote, and the punishment of States or individuals thereof, for depriv- ing citizens of the exercise of that right. The first and fatal mistake was in ceding to Rhode Island the right to "abridge” the suffrage to foreign born men; and to all the States to “deny" it to women, in direct violation of the principle of national supremacy. From that time, inch by inch, point by point has been surrendered, until it is only in name that the Republican party is the party of national supremacy. Grant did not protect the negro's ballot in the presidential election of 1876—Hayes can not in 1880—nor will Garfield be able to do so in 1884—for the "scepter has departed from Judah.” Second.–For the candidate of a party to add to the discussions of the con- test an issue unauthorized or unnoted in its platform, when that issue is one vital to its very life, it seems to me would be the grandest act imaginable. For doing that very thing, with regard to the protection of the negroes of the South, you are today receiving more praise from the best men of the party than for any and all of your utterances inside the line of the platform. I know, if you had in your letter of acceptance, or in your New York speech, declared your- self in favor of “perfect equality of rights for women, civil and political," you would have touched an electric spark which would have fired the hearts POLITICAL CANDIDATES-WRITING THE HISTORY. 523 of the women of the entire nation, and made the triumph of the Republican party more grand and glorious than any it ever has seen. Third.— As to picking fruit before it is ripe! Allow me to remind you that very much fruit is never picked; some is nipped in the bud; some is worm- eaten and falls to the ground; some rots on the trees before it ripens; some, too slow in ripening, is bitten by the early frosts of autumn; while some rare, ripe apples hang until frozen and worthless on the leafless boughs! Really, Mr. Garfield, if after passing through the war of the rebellion and sixteen years in Congress; if after seeing and hearing and repeating that no class ever got justice and equality of chances from any government except it had the power—the ballot-to clutch them for itself; if after all your opportunities for growth and development, you can not yet see the truth of the great principle of individual self-government; if you have reached only the idea of class-gov- ernment, and that, too, of the most hateful and cruel form-bounded by sex —there must be some radical defect in the ethics of the party of which you are the chosen leader. No matter which party administers the government, women will continue to get only subordinate positions and half pay, not because of the party's or the President's lack of chivalric regard, but because, in the nature of things, it is impossible for any government to protect a disfranchised class in equality of chances. Women, to get justice, must have political freedom. But par- don this long trespass upon your time and patience, and please bear in mind that it is not for the many good things the Republican party and its nominee have done in extending the area of liberty that I criticise them, but because they have failed to place the women of the nation on the plane of political equality with men. I do not ask you to go beyond your convictions, but I do most earnestly beg you to look at this question from the standpoint of the wo- man-alone, without father, brother, husband, son-battling for bread. It is to help the millions of these unfortunate ones that I plead for the ballot in the hands of all women. With great respect for your frank and candid talk with one of the disfran- chised, I am, very sincerely yours. On the strength of Hancock's perfectly non-committal inter- view and Garfield's frank letter, several of the prominent Democratic women rushed into a campaign for that party, whereupon Miss Anthony called them down in vigorous lan- guage. After expressing her indignation at the many false newspaper reports of her correspondence and interview with General Garfield, she said : He has always stood ready to aid us in getting our demand before Congress, and was one of the three who reported in favor of a special woman suffrage committee in the House the last session. He has actually done a thousand things a thousand times more friendly to woman suffrage than Hancock now talks of doing. Then, again, Hancock has given us no public statement that, if elected, he will recommend a Sixteenth Amendment in his inaugural; 524 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and in his letter of acceptance he said nothing more that can be twisted into suffrage for women than Garfield did in his, and there is no more in the Dem- ocratic platform that can be thus construed than there is in the Republican. I never intended that the National Association should accept any sort of " under the ink or between the lines” as favorable pledges; and before I shall consent to put my name to any document favoring either candidate, I must see in black and white, in the candidate's own pen tracks, something to warrant such favoring. Mere gallantry will not do. During the campaign which followed, neither she nor the other leading women of the country did any public work, and both parties lost the splendid services which would have been gladly rendered had they recognized the simple principle of justice. When the success of Garfield was practically assured, Miss Anthony wrote to a friend on the evening of election day: “I am fairly holding my breath tonight, waiting for the morning reports, as I feel it will be an overwhelming tri- umph for the Republican party. If their majority should be immense, perhaps it will give them courage and strength to speak for woman—and so let us hope and hope on." As Mrs. Stanton's health forbade her going on the lecture platform in the autumn of 1880, and as Miss Anthony had now enough money ahead to dare claim a little leisure from public work, they decided to settle down to the serious business of writing the History of Woman Suffrage. For this purpose Miss Anthony went to Tenafly in October and ensconced her- self in Mrs. Stanton's cosy home among the “ blue hills of Jersey.” The work already was advanced far enough to show that it could not possibly be restricted to the one volume into which it had enlarged from the 500-page pamphlet at first intended, and the task loomed up in an appalling manner. Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, the generous patron of so many pro- gressive movements, gave Miss Anthony $1,000 for immediate expenses and so they went on with the work, delving among old papers and letters, compiling, cutting, pasting, writing and re-writing, sending over and over to the women of differ- ent States for local history, going into New York again and again to see the publishers, and performing all the drudgery demanded by such an undertaking, which can be appreciated only by the few who have experienced it. POLITICAL CANDIDATES—WRITING THE HISTORY. 525 Miss Anthony hated this kind of work and it was torture for her to give up her active life and sit poring over the musty records of the past. Her diary contains the usual impatient expressions of this feeling, and in her letters to friends she says: “0, how tired and sick I am of boning down to facts and figures perpetually, and how I long to be set free from what to me has been a perfect prison for the last six months !” She stuck to it with Spartan heroism, however, knowing that otherwise it never would be done, but she was not unwilling occasionally to sally forth and fill a lecture engagement or attend a convention. At the Rhode Island annual meeting she made the principal address, and the next day went, with Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, to Danbury, Mass., to call on John G. Whittier. Almost his first words were, “And so our dear Lucretia Mott is gone!” She had died the evening before, November 11, aged nearly eighty-eight. Miss Anthony had expected her death, but was inexpressibly grieved to lose from out her life that sweet presence which had been an inspiration for thirty years, whose staunch sup- port had never failed, even when friends were fewest and fortune at its lowest ebb. In times of greatest perplexity she could slip down to the Philadelphia home for sympathy and encouragement, and there was always a corner in the pocket- book from which a contribution came when it was most needed. If ever any human character was without a flaw it was that of Lucretia Mott. Her motto was “Truth for authority, not authority for truth." She faded away like a spirit and her dying words, whispered many times during the last day or two, were, “0, let me go, let this little standard bearer go!” For freedom, for peace, for temperance, for equality, she was indeed the standard bearer through all her long and beautiful life. On election day, prompted no doubt by the unconquered and unconquerable Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton made an effort to vote. This act created much excitement and called forth columns of comment in the newspapers, to the great amuse- ment of the two conspirators in their quiet retreat. 526 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Toward the end of 1880, Miss Anthony wrote to the treasurer, Mrs. Spofford, asking if she did not think it would be best to omit the National Convention of 1881, giving as reasons that there had been such a surfeit of conventions during the past year and that she was very busy with the History. Mrs. Spofford was much surprised, for Miss Anthony never had been known to yield in the matter of holding this annual meet- ing, even when all others were opposed, but she advised against postponement and by the next mail received this reply : I feel exactly as you do about having the convention. I have never for a moment felt ready not to hold it. I wrote you under Mrs. Stanton's orders not to tell you how I felt, as that would be sure to influence you. Now I have read her your letter and told her my determination was to go ahead. She won't promise to attend, she never does, but I never fail to take her with me when I am on the spot, as I shall be when the time comes next January. So you may save us each a bedroom away up, no matter how lofty-you know I love the fresh air of the high heavens. Don't give yourself one moment's uneasiness in regard to the convention. I am going to set about it and am bound to make it one of the best, if not the best ever held in Washington, and you shall have Mrs. Stanton too, unless I miss my guess. At the same time came the following from Mrs. Stanton : "Your kind invitation I fully appreciate, and feel that the pleasure of seeing you is one of the compensations of these conventions, which I dread more than I can tell. But Susan says truly that when she is at hand, she always dragoons me into what she considers my duty, so I never venture to say what I will or will not do. Although I have solemnly vowed I will go nowhere this winter, I should not be surprised if I found myself in Lincoln Hall the middle of January." The Thirteenth Annual Convention of the National Asso- ciation opened January 18, 1881, Elizabeth Cady Stanton in the chair. The first session was devoted to a memorial sery- ice for Lucretia Mott. The stage was decorated with draperies and flowers and a large portrait of Mrs. Mott stood on an easel. An exquisite floral harp was presented by the colored citizens of the District. In the audience were many distinguished people, including Mrs. Hayes and her guests from the White House, members of the Supreme Court and of Congress, and other noted personages. The music was rendered by the Haniel- Paruril. POLITICAL CANDIDATES-WRITING THE HISTORY. 527 colored choir of St. Augustine's Church. Miss Anthony said in part : “ The highest tribute she could pay was that during the past thirty years she had always felt sure she was right when she had the sanction of Lucretia Mott. Next to that of her own conscience she most valued the approval of her sainted friend ; and it was now a great satisfaction that in all the differences of opinion as to principles and methods in their movement, Mrs. Mott had stood firmly with the National Association, of which she was, to the day of her death, the honored and revered vice-president.” Short and touching addresses were made by Mrs. Sewall, Miss Couzins, Frederick Douglass and Robert Purvis, and the eulogy was delivered by Mrs. Stanton. There was an effort during this convention to secure in Con- gress a “standing committee on the rights of women." It was ably advocated by Senator McDonald and defeated largely through the smooth manipulation of Roscoe Conkling. The convention closed with a reception and supper for the delegates, given by Mrs. Spofford at the Riggs House. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton went from Washington to the home of Mrs. Mott, where they were welcomed by her daughters, who sent for Sarah Pugh, and the old friends had a lovely day, made sacred by reminiscences of the dear one gone forever. For more than a quarter of a century this had been Miss Anthony's stopping-place when in Philadelphia,' but she was welcomed at once into another beautiful home, that of the wife and daughters of J. Heron Foster, founder of the Pittsburg Dispatch. All were deeply interested in the great question, and Julia and Rachel henceforth were ranked among the most earnest and valued workers. It was soon afterwards that a reporter of the Chicago News started the following paragraph : Susan B. Anthony has never condescended to love a man but she lavishes a heap of affection on a little gray Skye terrier which she takes around with her wherever she goes. This dog was given her by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and having recently lost a favorite Newfoundland pet, she accepted the frolic- This and the hospitable homes of Robert and Harriet Purvis, Sarah Pugh, and Adeline and Annie Thomson, sisters of J. Edgar Thomson. 528 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. some Skye with hearty gratitude. She has taught the apt brute every variety of trick and its intelligence seems to be unlimited. The little creature sleeps on her bed, eats from her hand, has blankets, gold and silver collars and every kind of ornament and comfort. Miss Anthony is accompanied by this accomplished canine everywhere, and during the recent convention in Wash- ington “Birdie," as the dog is called, occupied a prominent place on the plat- form, either cuddled up in her voluminous lap or coiled in a frowsy heap at her feet. This was copied into many newspapers throughout the coun- try, often accompanied by editorial comment, facetious, dis- approving, and sometimes deducing from this text the solemn fact that every woman's nature must have something to love, or that while women were so frivolous they had no right to ask for the ballot. This extract from a half-column editorial in the New York Graphic will serve as an example : There is something wrong here. If Miss Anthony were to carry around with her a Newfoundland or a good bloodhound the spectacle would have nothing incongruous in it. If she would make a pet of a six-barrelled revolver and another of a large club that would be appropriate. But a Skye terrier, a miserable, little, whining pup, a coached, coddled and coaxed dog making re- peated journeys in a basket and fed on crackers and milk-what sort of a thing is this for a person of reformative powers to be associated with? It is an argument in favor of woman's rights that women are capable of all the masculinity necessary to voting and the making of laws; but who ever heard of a President, a senator, a member of the House of Representatives, a legis- lator of any kind, going about with a sick dog in his arms, soothing the little wretch into its proper sleep, providing it with its regular nourishment and superintending its morning awakenings and the accompanying ablutions ? Women can never come to the head of the government, can never assist to a large extent in its management, until they reform these weaknesses. It isn't necessary that they should chew tobacco and swear, and perhaps they needn't smoke cigars and drive fast horses; but their leaders must abandon the pet dog, the favorite kitten, the especial hen and the abominable bird. They may still sew and still wear the petticoat; but if they enter politics they must submit to the hard raps that men expect, without putting their hands to their eyes and sobbing that their feelings have been hurt. There must be reform, and Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton must set about it in earnest and at once. A Skye terrier for Miss Anthony! Merciful heavens! after all these years has it come to this? Catnip for Julius Cæsar! Boneset tea and black stock- ings with garters for Alexander the Great! A locket with hair in it on the bosom of the first Napoleon! A Skye terrier! We have fallen upon evil days. Under this in her scrap-book Miss Anthony wrote, “Doesn't POLITICAL CANDIDATES-WRITING THE HISTORY. 529 this cap the climax ?” Of course, there was not the slightest foundation for the paragraph. Miss Anthony never owned a dog or any pet animal, not from dislike but because she felt that humanity needed all her time and affection. Work on the History was at once resumed, as its editors were now convinced that it never could be finished except by the hardest kind of labor without cessation. Of the able as- sistance rendered by many women throughout the country, perhaps that of Clarina Howard Nichols was the most valua- ble. She possessed not only great literary ability but also the true editorial instinct and was one of the few left of the “old guard.” Out of her fine memory she wove a number of delightful chapters, all written while lying on her back an almost helpless invalid and over seventy years old. She had long ago gone to California to be with her children, and Miss An- thony's weekly letters to her were of the most loving character and answered in the same affectionate strain. Mrs. Nichols hesitated to use the names of those who had been most violent in their opposition to the rights of women, because she disliked to make their children blush for them, but Miss Anthony wrote: History ought to be true, and the men and women who at the time enjoyed the glory of opposing us ought to be known to posterity even if it is to their children's sorrow; just as those who suffered the torments of ridicule and hatred then, now enjoy the rewards, and their children and grandchildren glory in their ancestors. Robert Dale Owen's daughter, in writing up the In- diana Constitutional Convention and her father's opponents, withheld their names from sympathy for their children. I have told her, that as she now rejoices in what was then considered her father's reproach, so she should let the children of those men hang their heads now for what then was their father's pride. Isn't that fair? Garrison used to say, " Where there is a sin, there must be a sinner. When people understand that their descendants and all Israel will know of their deeds, a hundred years hence, maybe they will learn to be and do better. I am a genuine believer in the doctrine of letting the seed bear its fruit on the sower's own ground. For us not to give the names of our opponents, but only of those who were wise and good, not only would not be true history, but would rob the book of one-half its interest. If all persons felt that their children must suffer for their wrong-doings, they would be more cautious, but the belief that all their ill record is to be hidden out of sight helps them to go ANT.-34 530 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. on reckless of truth and justice. It is not in malice or with a desire to make any one suffer, but to be true to history that every name should stand and be judged as the facts merit. Miss Anthony in reality seldom carried out this theory, but usually desired that personal failings should not be recorded and handed down to posterity. She scarcely could be per- suaded to allow the bare facts in many instances to be stated lest surviving relatives should be hurt thereby. Without knowing where the money was to be obtained for publishing the History but determined that it should be done, Miss Anthony pushed on the work. The steel engravings cost $126 apiece and where women were unable or unwilling to pay for their own, she herself assumed the responsibility. To Mrs. Nichols she wrote: “I shall have your picture and that of Ernestine L. Rose if it takes the last drop in the bucket.'ri Because of the unpopularity of the subject the large firms would not consider the publication of this work, which it was now found would fill two huge volumes, but arrangements were concluded finally with Fowler & Wells. In their great anxiety to get their work before the public while they yet lived to see it properly done, each chapter was hurried to the publishers the moment it was completed and immediately stereotyped and printed, which made revising, condensing and re-arranging impossible. The first volume was issued in May, 1881, a royal octavo of 900 pages, bringing the record down to the beginning of the Civil War. It is not an exaggeration to say that no history during the century had been more favorably received by the press. The New York dailies contained from one to two or more columns of most complimentary reviews. The National Citizen and Ballot-Box gave up almost an entire edition to notices of the History taken from New York, Boston, Philadel- phia, Chicago and other papers, with not a disparaging criti- cism. Most of them echoed the sentiment of the New York Sun: “We have long needed an authentic and exhaustive The women of Kansas contributed $75 toward Mrs. Nichols' picture as a testimonial to her suffrage work in that State. POLITICAL CANDIDATES—WRITING THE HISTORY. 531 account of the movement for the enfranchisement of women ;” and of the Chicago News: "The appearance of this book, long expected by the friends, is not only an important literary occurrence, but it is a remarkable event in the history of civil- ization.” The personal commendations from such men as President Andrew D. White, of Cornell University, Hon. C. B. Waite, of Chicago, Rev. William Henry Channing, and from scores of eminent women, would in themselves require several chapters. Nobody realized so well as the authors the imperfections of the work, but when one considered that it had to be gathered piecemeal from old letters, personal recollections, imperfect newspaper reports, mere scraps of material which never had been put into shape as to time and place, the result was re- markable. They were indeed correct in their assertion that no one but the actual participants ever could have described the early history of this movement to secure equal rights for women. “We have furnished the bricks and mortar,” they said, “for some future architect to rear a beautiful edifice.” These “bricks and mortar” were supplied almost wholly by Miss Anthony, who, from the beginning, had carefully pre- served every letter, newspaper clipping and report, and whose persistent and endless labor in collecting facts, dates, etc., never can be estimated or sufficiently appreciated ; and it is not probable that any more forcible or graceful pens than those of Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage ever will be found to enhance their splendid work. inly youus as eve Salitta Joslyn lege 532 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. So unanimous and hearty was the reception of this book, to which they had devoted every moment of spare time for five years, that they felt encouraged to spend the next five, if necessary, upon the other volume, which the mass of material now demanded; but if all the criticism had been unfavorable and everybody had declared the work not needed, they still would have gone straight on to the finish, because they realized so strongly the value of putting into permanent form the story of the struggle for the emancipation of woman. Many letters were received urging that it was too soon to write this history, to which Mrs. Stanton invariably responded in her humorous way: “Well, we old workers might perhaps have remin- isced' after death, but I doubt if the writing mediums could do as well as we have done with our pens. You say the his- tory of woman suffrage can not be written until it is accom- plished. Why not describe its initiative steps? The United States has not completed its grand experiment of equality, universal suffrage, etc., and yet Bancroft has been writing our history for forty years. If no one writes up his own times, where are the materials for the history of the future?” Before the task should be resumed, however, there must be a little rest and a great deal of work of another kind. The diary says: “Had a man today and toted all my documents out to the barn, storing them in big boxes, then packed my winter clothes away in the attic, so that my room might be renovated for Theodore Stanton and his bride from Paris.” Miss An- thony then returned home, filled several lecture engagements and in May started for Massachusetts, stopping at Tenafly to take Mrs. Stanton with her in order that she might not escape. CHAPTER XXXI. THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE, 1881–1882—1883. h T had been decided this year of 1881 to take the anniversary meeting into the very heart of New England, and for the first time the National Asso- ciation went to Boston, opening in Tremont Tem- ple, May 26. The address of welcome was made by Harriet H. Robinson, wife of “Warrington,” the well- known newspaper correspondent, and there were several new speakers in the convention, including A. Bronson Alcott, Mary F. Eastman, Anna Garlin Spencer, Frank Sanborn, ex- Governor Lee, of Wyoming, the noted politician, Francis W. Bird, Harriette Robinson Shattuck and Rev. Ada C. Bowles. The ladies had no cause to complain of the hospitality of this conservative New England center. The Boston Traveller ex- pressed the general sentiment in saying: The National Suffrage Association has reason to congratulate itself on one of the most notable and successful conventions ever held. Boston's attitude to her distinguished guests has been uniformly hospitable, the audiences have been large and enthusiastic, the press co-operative in every sense. The emi- nent women who are its leaders are ladies whose acquaintance is an unmixed pleasure, and not least in importance have been the friendships formed and renewed at this meeting. The business management of the convention has been superb; the sympathy between audience and speakers reciprocal. The guests received an invitation from Governor John D. Long to visit the State House and were received by him in person. In his remarks he said he believed women should vote, not because they are women but because they are a part of the people and government should be of the people (533) 534 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. regardless of sex; he thought the extension of suffrage to women could not fail to give stability to the govern- ment. Mrs. Hooker thanked him for coming to their sup- port and in her letter describing the occurrence she says: "Miss Anthony standing close to the governor said in low, pathetic tones, 'Yes, we are tired, we are weary with our work. For thirty years some of us have carried this burden, and now if we might put it in the hands of honorable men, such as you, how happy we would be.'” The ladies also ac- cepted an invitation from Mayor Prince to visit the city hall and were cordially received by him. They were invited to inspect the great dry goods store of Jordan, Marsh & Co. and see the arrangements for the comfort and pleasure of the employes, many of whom were women. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Robinson were entertained at the Parker House by the famous Bird Club. Miss Anthony received several beautiful floral offerings dur- ing the convention, and also a handsome pin in the shape of a Greek cross. The golden bar from which it was suspended bore the letters S. B. A., on the points were the initials N. W. S. A., and on the reverse was engraved, “Presented by the Citizens' Suffrage Association of Philadelphia as a token of gratitude for her life-long devotion to the interests of woman.” The little presentation speech was made in a most tender and graceful manner by May Wright Sewall. The Boston Globe in describing the scene pays this compliment: Miss Anthony was as deeply touched as she was surprised. Recovering herself, she responded eloquently and in her usual interesting and magnetic manner. Of all the eminent women who are here, no one is such a favorite with a Boston audience as Susan B. Anthony. Her courage and strength and the patient devotion of a life consecrated to the advancement and the eleva- tion of womanhood, her invincible honor, her logic and her power to touch and sway all hearts, are felt and reverently recognized. The young women of the day may well feel that it is she who has made life possible to them; who has trodden the thorny paths and, by her unwearied devotion, has opened to them the professions and higher applied industries; nor is this detracting from those who now share with her the labor and the glory. Each and all recognize the individual devotion, the purity and singleness of purpose that so eminently distinguish Miss Anthony. THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 535 The convention closed with a reception at the elegant home of Mrs. Fenno Tudor, on Beacon Hill. After leaving Boston, this distinguished body of women made the sweep of New England, holding conventions in Providence, R. I.; Portland, Me.; Dover, Concord and Keene, N. H.; Hartford and New Haven, Conn. The national board of officers received an infusion of new blood this year through the election of May Wright Sewall, chairman executive com- mittee, and Rachel Foster, corresponding secretary. Miss Anthony writes, “It is such a relief to roll off part of the burden on stronger, younger shoulders.” This entire round of conventions was arranged by Miss Foster, a remarkable work for an inexperienced girl. At Concord Miss Anthony was entertained in the family of her old friend and co-laborer, Parker Pillsbury, and after her departure Mrs. Pillsbury wrote: “I am so very happy to know you personally, and I thank you for the compliment you bestow in asking me to enroll my name among the most grand and noble women of our land. I shall enjoy being counted worthy to place it in company with dear Miss Anthony. Mr. Cogswell says many men (some members of the Legisla- ture among them) in talking with him have expressed unex- pected satisfaction in the speeches of the convention just holden-especially in yours, and he says, 'She is a host in herself, I like her practical common sense.' ? There was comfort in a letter received at this time from Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, president of the Illinois Suffrage Association and one of the Inter-Ocean staff : Before entering upon our usual business talk, I want to wish you all beau- tiful and peaceful things this summer morning, and tell you of a rare and genuine tribute to yourself which brought tears of gladness to my own eyes when I heard it. In talking to some of the old workers, I referred to your life-long sacrifice and wondered how we could develop a similar spirit in our younger women, when Mrs. Zerelda Wallace said with great impressiveness : “My dear sisters, I want to say this, and to say it with a profound realiza- tion of all that it means, that to me, the person who, next to Jesus Christ himself, has shown to the world a life of perfect unselfishness, is Susan B. Anthony." I tell you this, my dear friend, because I believe such a tribute from such a woman will lighten some of the burdens. 536 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Many similar letters were now received every year, and were as sweet and fragrant flowers in a pathway which had contained more thorns than roses. In the hot summer of 1881 Miss Anthony went again to Al- bany to spend the last weeks with another friend, Phebe Hoag Jones, who passed away July 27. She was the intimate asso- ciate of Lydia Mott and the last of that little band of Abolition- ists so conspicuous in the Democratic stronghold of Albany for many years preceding the war. At her death Miss Anthony felt that she had no longer an abiding place in the State capi- tal, and expressed this feeling in a letter to Mrs. Spofford, who replied: “You speak of no longer having a home in Albany. Why, the best homes in that city should be gladly opened to you, and some day those people will wake up and wonder why they did not take you in their arms and hearts and help you in your work."1 All the letters during this summer are filled with sorrow over the assassination, long suffering and death of President Garfield. After all was ended Miss Anthony wrote to a friend : In the reported death-bed utterances of our President, the only one which has grated on my ears was that in answer to the query whether he had made a will: "No, and he did not wish one, as he could trust the courts to do justice to his wife and children.” How little even the best of men see and feel the dire humiliation and suffering to the wife, the widow, who is left to the justice of the courts! My heart aches because of man's insensibility to the cruelty of thus leaving woman. How can we teach them the lesson that the wife suf- fers all the torment under the law's assuming her rights to her property and her children, which the husband would, should it assume similar ownership and control over him, his property and children after his wife's death. What a twelve weeks these have been, and what a funeral pall has rested upon us the past week. Every nook and corner, every mountaintop and val- ley is shrouded in sorrow for this crime against the nation. Today the min- isters are preaching their sermons on the life and character of Garfield. Our Unitarian, Mr. Mann, made his special point on the fact that all the people of every sect had united in endorsement of Garfield's religion, which was most emphatically one of life and action, natural, without cant or observance of the outward rites and ceremonies. There is no report of even a minister's being asked to pray with him. When the bells told of the people's day of spe- 1 This comment applies with equal force to Albany today. It is the only city in the United States where Miss Anthony has not a standing invitation to a number of hospitable homes. THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 537 cial prayer for his life, he exclaimed, “God bless the people,” but covered his face, as much as to say, “Nothing but science can determine this case.” In the late summer and fall Mrs. Stanton had a tedious and alarming attack of malarial fever, and Miss Anthony was greatly distressed because some of her family insisted that it was produced by the long, hard strain of the work on the His- tory. She writes: “It is so easy to charge every ill to her labors for suffrage, while she knows and I know that it is her work for woman which has kept her young and fresh and happy all these years. Mrs. Stanton has written me that dur- ing her illness she suffered more from her fear that she never should finish the History than from the thought of parting with all her friends.'”. The National Prohibition Alliance, which met in New York, October 18, invited her to take an official part in its proceed- ings. She declined to do so but attended the meeting and, af- ter a visit to Mrs. Stanton, went to Washington to the national convention of the W.C.T. U. She had three reasons for this : 1st, she understood there was to be an attempt to supersede Miss Willard, to whom she had become very much attached; 2d, an effort was to be made to commit the association to wo- man suffrage ; and 3d, she had made up her mind to see Pres- ident Arthur on business connected with her own organization. She sat in the convention through all the three days' sessions and, on motion of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, was invited to address it and was introduced by Miss Willard in words of strong ap- proval. A prominent woman who was opposed to Miss Wil- lard's re-election went among the delegates, assuring them in the most solemn manner that Miss Willard had insulted every one of them by introducing Miss Anthony on the platform, as she did not recognize God. "Well,” replied one of them, an Indianapolis woman, “I don't know about that, but I do know that God has recognized her and her work for the last thirty years.” She had the pleasure of seeing Miss Willard triumphantly re-elected, an equal suffrage resolution adopted and a depart- ment of franchise established. “So the Christian craft of that 538 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. great organization has set sail on the wide sea of woman's en- franchisement," she comments. At the close of the conven- tion this amusing card was sent to the press : “All presidents of State delegations represented in the National W. C. T. U. desire to explain, in refutation of a statement in the Post of October 31, that, so far from 'capturing the convention,' Miss Susan B. Anthony made no effort to influence their delegations in public or in private, and is not, nor ever has been, a mem- ber of the W. C. T. U., either local, State or national, hence has had no part in its deliberations.” The President, who was an old schoolmate of her brother Daniel R., granted her a pleasant interview, arranged by Sen- ator Jones, of Nevada, in which she urged him to recommend in his message to Congress a standing committee on the rights of women and also a Sixteenth Amendment which should en- franchise them. The reporters learned of this interview and, as a result, newspapers throughout the country used a portion of their valuable space in describing “how President Arthur squeezed Susan B. Anthony's hand !” On the way home she stopped in Philadelphia and, with Rachel Foster and Adeline Thomson, called on George W. Childs, who gave to her $50 for "the cause,” and to each of them one of his rare china cups and saucers. On November 7 work on the History was again resumed. The 29th was Wen- dell Phillips' seventieth birthday and Miss Anthony wrote him a letter of congratulation, telling him that she always had found comfort in the thought that, when there were differences between them, she had had his respect if not his approval. He replied with the following affectionate note: “Hearty thanks for your congratulations. The band grows smaller month by month. We ought to stand closer together. You and I have differed as all earnest souls must. I trust each always believed the other to be true in spirit. I know I always did, touching yourself. You are good to assure me you have had the same faith in me, and I hope when you reach threescore and ten, some kind friend will cheer you with equally gener- ous and welcome words." THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 539 The last entry in the diary for 1881 says: "The year closes down on a wilderness of work, a swamp of letters and papers almost hopeless.” She attacked it, however, with that sublime courage which was ever her strongest characteristic, and at the end of the first week of the new year the heaviest part of the burden was lifted from her shoulders by the receipt of this let- ter from Mr. Phillips : DEAR SUSAN: Our friend Mrs. Eliza Eddy, Francis Jackson's daughter, died a week ago Thursday. At her request, I made her will some weeks be- fore. Her man of business, devoted to her for twenty-five years, Mr. C. R. Ransom (ex-president of one of our banks) is the executor. He and I were present and consulted, and we know all her intentions and wishes from long talks with her in years gone by. After making various bequests, she ordered the remainder divided equally between you and Lucy Stone. There is no question whatever that your portion will be $25,000 or $28,000. I advised her, in order to avoid all lawyers, to give this sum to you outright, with no re- sponsibility to any one or any court, only “requesting you to use it for the ad- vancement of the woman's cause." After all the years of toil without financial recompense, of struggling to accomplish her work with wholly insufficient means, of depending from month to month on the few dollars which could be gathered in, Miss Anthony's joy and gratitude scarcely could find expression in words. She answered at once: Your most surprising letter reached me last evening. How worthy the daughter of Francis Jackson! How it carries me back to his generous gift of $5,000; to that noble, fatherly man and that quiet, lovely daughter in his home. Never going to Boston during the past fifteen years, I had lost sight of her, though I had not forgotten her by any means. How little thought have I had all these years that she cherished this marvellous trust in me, and now I rec- ognize in her munificent legacy your own faith in me, for such was her confi- dence in you that I feel sure she would not have thus willed, if you had not fully endorsed her wish. So to you, my dear friend, as to her, my unspeak- able gratitude goes out. May I prove worthy the care and disposal of what- ever shall come into my hands. Will you, as my friend and Mrs. Eddy's, ever feel free to suggest and advise me as to a wise use thereof? I am very glad it was your privilege to be with her through these years of her loneliness. I am pleased that you and Mr. Ransom propose to appropriate something to her faithful brother James, and most cheerfully do I put my name to the paper you enclose, with the fullest confidence that you would ask of me nothing but right and justice to all parties. 540 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. A few days afterwards she received another letter from Mr. Phillips : You remember Mrs. Bacon (Mrs. Eddy's daughter) died about a week after she did. Her husband (who Mrs. Eddy knew would disturb her will if he could) is trying ostensibly to break it, really to force you and Lucy Stone to buy him off. The grounds on which he objects to the will are that she was of unsound mind; that I and her executor exercised over her an undue influ- ence in urging her to leave her money as she did; and that she did not know how much she was willing away.” The truth is, we never said one word to her. It was her own plan entirely to leave it to woman's rights. Mr. Bacon knows there is not a ghost of a chance of his succeeding. The executor and I have retained Benjamin F. Butler and mean to fight to have Mrs. Eddy's will executed as she wished. The Misses Eddy sustain the will and wish it carried out to the letter, and say if it is broken they shall give their portion to the woman's rights cause, to you and Lucy. I'll tell you when any news is to be had.. We are doing our best to protect your interests. This was the beginning of litigation which continued for three years, and was a source of annoyance to Miss Anthony in other respects besides being deprived of the money. The fact of the bequest naturally being heralded far and wide by the newspapers, appeals and demands for a share of it poured in from all quarters, and she had much difficulty in persuad- ing people that she had not the money already in her hands to be divided. In company with Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony arrived in Washington January 16, 1882, to attend the Fourteenth An- nual Convention. The effort to secure a special committee on woman suffrage which had failed in the Forty-sixth Congress was successful in the Forty-seventh, through the champion- ship of Senators Hoar and John A. Logan, Representatives John D. White, of Kentucky, Thomas B. Reed and others. There was bitter opposition by Senator Vest, of Missouri, who declared it to be “a step toward the recognition of woman suf- frage, which has nothing in it but mischief to the institutions and to the society of the whole country.” In his zeal he dropped into poetry, saying, “A woman's noblest station is retreat, Her fairest virtues fly from public sight,” THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 541 and so, of course, she had no need of a special committee. It was vigorously opposed also by Senator Beck, of Kentucky, who said “the colored women's votes could be bought for fifty cents apiece;' and by Senator Morgan, of Alabama, who made a stump speech on "dissevered homes, disbanded families, pot-house politicians seated at the fireside with another man's wife, women fighting their way to the polls through crowds of negroes and ruffians,” etc. It was carried in the Senate by a vote of 35 to 23; in the House, a month later, by a vote of 115 to 84. Miss Anthony says of this in her diary: "If the best of worldly good had come to me personally, I could not feel more joyous and blest.” In addition to the usual distinguished array of speakers were Rev. Frederick Hinckley, Representative G. S. Orth, of Indiana, Senator Saunders, of Nebraska, Clara B. Colby, Har- riette R. Shattuck and Helen M. Gougar, all new on the National platform. The Senate committee on woman suffrage just ap- pointed, granted a hearing January 20, and at its close expressed a desire to hear other speakers among the ladies on the follow- ing day. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton presented each of the members of the committee with the first volume of the History of Woman Suffrage. The convention closed with the usual handsome reception at the Riggs House and immediately afterwards most of the speakers went to Philadelphia, where Rachel Foster had arranged for another convention. This was held at St. George's Hall, January 23, 24, 25, welcomed by Rev. Charles G. Ames, and was highly successful. A pleasant feature of this occasion was a luncheon given by that revered Quaker and temperance worker, Mrs. Hannah Whitall Smith, of Germantown, to twelve of the prominent speakers. The two historians hastened back to their work, which was interrupted only by Miss Anthony's going to the New York State Suffrage Convention held in Chickering Hall, February 1. 1 For full report of debate see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 198. 2 Miss Anthony, Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Jane Graham Jones remained over one day to ap pear before the House committee, presenting arguments in favor of abolishing the word "male" from the Constitution of Dakota before admitting it as a State. 542 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Calls for her presence and help came from many parts of the country. “0, how I long to be in the midst of the fray,” she writes, “and here I am bound hand and foot. I shall feel like an uncaged lion when this book is off my hands.” On February 15, her birthday was celebrated by suffrage clubs in many places,' but she refused to be drawn out of her retreat, where she was remembered with telegrams, newspaper notices and gifts. In quoting a complimentary reference from the Rochester Herald, the Elmira Free Press commented : The Herald says too little. Miss Anthony has labored for the most part without money, and from pure love of the principle to which she has devoted her life. She is as good a knight as has enlisted in any crusade, and has sacrificed as much and been as faithful and true. She has been thrice true, indeed, because of the ridicule showered on her as a woman trying to do a man's work. No man ever had the courage of his convictions as much as she. It takes a bold spirit to stand up against the dangers of gunpowder in the old- time, legitimate way; but it is a braver one that withstands ridicule and that mean cunning which makes wit of every act looking toward the advancement of women. The Free Press has perhaps had as many of the frowns of this “good gray poet” of the woman's cause as anybody. It has seen enough of them to know, however, that behind that somewhat frigid exterior is a sensi- tiveness which would well become a girl of sixteen rather than a lady of sixty-two and which shows that the woman is always the woman; and it wants to present its compliments to the bravest and grandest old lady within the circle of its acquaintance. The Washington Republic furnished another example of the pleasant things said: Miss Anthony, whom we know well and of whom we can speak from per- sonal experience, is so broad in her charity, so cosmopolitan in her sympa- thies, that she will stand, without fearing speck or soil, beside any publican or sinner whose eyes have been opened to see the good in woman's rights, and who is willing to help on the work in his own way. For herself she never deviates from the principles she espoused when, stepping upon the rostrum to plead for disfranchised women, she determined that her life work should be endeavoring to procure for her sex all the rights and privileges of which exclusively male legislation had for ages defrauded them. With eyes steadily fixed upon the goal she has in view, neither the jeers nor ridicule of the crowds without, nor the jealous asides of those claiming to be workers in the same cause, have had power to distract her attention or make her turn from her labor to answer or rebuke. 1 This national celebration of Miss Anthony's birthday by suffrage clubs was first suggested by Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, in her department, “Woman's Kingdom," in the Chicago Inter-Ocean. THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 543 The last of April the second volume of the History was com- pleted and its editors found to their dismay that they still had enough material on hand for a third huge volume. Mrs. Stanton sailed for Europe with her daughter Harriot, and after Miss Anthony had read the last bit of proof and seen all safe at the publishers, she obeyed an urgent call from the women at Washington and hastened thither to look after the congres- sional committees on woman suffrage. She was fortunate in her friends at court at this time, hav- ing two cousins, Elbridge G. Lapham and Henry B. Anthony, in the United States Senate, and her lawyer, John Van Voor- his, of Rochester, in the House of Representatives, all in favor of woman suffrage, and the two cousins on the "select com- mittee” of the Senate. On June 5, 1882, this committee made a report in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States, signed by the Republican sena- tors, E. G. Lapham, T. W. Ferry, H. W. Blair and H. B. Anthony. The minority report took the ground that suffrage was a matter which should be regulated solely by the States, not by Congress, and was signed by J. Z. George and Howell E. Jackson (Dems.), and James G. Fair (Rep.). The following year, March 1, 1883, the House committee, John D. White, chairman, presented a favorable report. This was the first time woman suffrage had received a majority report from a Senate or House committee.' Pery ticarlly. When Miss Anthony returued home she found this bright note from Harriot Stanton, dated Paris : "... Dear Susan, 1 For full text of reports see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III., p. 263. 544 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. you often seem to me like a superb warhorse. You are com- pletely swallowed up in an idea, and it's a glorious thing to be. Carlyle says, 'The end of man is an Action, not a Thought,' and what a realization of that truth has your life been. You have never stopped for idle culture or happy recreations. You are possessed by a moral force, and you act. You are a Deed, not a Thinking.... I should love to be your biogra- pher. You are to other women of your time just what Greek architecture is to Gothic. I long to carve your literary image, and know I could.” If Miss Anthony had any hope of rest it was soon dispelled. The legislature of Nebraska had submitted a woman suffrage amendment, and the women of that State called upon the 'National Association for assistance. After a vast amount of preliminary correspondence she left Rochester September 2, and travelled westward, leaving a trail of newspaper interviews in her wake, as she was intercepted by reporters at every city. En route she wrote to her friend Mrs. Nichols : “ Only think, I shall not have a white-haired woman on the platform with me, and shall be alone there of all the pioneer workers. Always with the old guard 'I had perfect confidence that the wise and right thing would be said. What a platform ours then was of self-reliant, strong women! I felt sure of you all, and since you earliest ones have not been with us, Mrs. Stan- ton's presence has ever made me feel that we should get the true and brave word spoken. Now that she is not to be there, I can not quite feel certain that our younger sisters will be equal to the emergency, yet they are each and all valiant, earnest and talented, and will soon be left to manage the ship without even me.” The opening convention was held in Boyd's Opera House, Omaha, September 26, 27, 28. The Bee was ironical and con- temptuous in its treatment, heading its report “Mad Anthony's Raid.” The Herald, under control of a young son of U.S. Senator Hitchcock, was vulgar and abusive, referring to the question as a “dead issue.” The Republican, edited by D. C. Brooks, replied : THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 545 PRETTY LIVELY “DEAD ISSUE.”—During the three days' sessions of the woman suffrage convention, we estimate that 7,000 people were in attendance. The Republican, in its three daily issues, and its coming weekly issue, will have laid the proceedings in full before about 75,000 readers, and the Bee and Herald will have given them nearly as many more. For a “dead issue" we submit this is a pretty respectable showing. Considered as a series of political meetings, the suffrage convention had more hearers than all the Democratic meetings and conventions held in Omaha during the last five years. The audiences were truly representative, embracing the business, professional and working interests of our city, and composed very largely of voters and citi- zens influential in politics. The next convention was held in Lincoln with the same crowded houses. The newspapers were fair in their reports. The National Association raised $5,000 by contributions, mostly from outside the State. Miss Anthony gave her time and services and over $1,000 in money besides all she collected. Mrs. Foster and daughters contributed $500. Eleven speakers were kept in the field,' and all the complicated series of meet- ings was arranged and managed by Rachel Foster, assisted by Mrs. Colby. Miss Anthony herself spoke in forty counties, free transportation being given her by all the railroads in the State. On October 13, she held the famous debate at Omaha with Edward Rosewater, editor of the Bee, in the presence of an immense audience. Everywhere her meetings were perfect ovations, people coming in from a radius of twenty-five miles ; and outside of Lincoln and Omaha, there was no audience- room large enough to hold the crowds. A splendid force of Nebraska women conducted the campaign in behalf of the State. Every effort possible was made in the brief space of six weeks, but the masses of voters were not pre- pared for the question, most of the leading newspapers opposed it, and the women had no help from either of the political par- ties. In spite of these fatal drawbacks, the suffrage amend- ment received about one-third of the total vote.? 1 Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Gougar, Miss Couzins, Mrs. Minor, Mrs. Saxon, Miss Hindman, Mrs. Shattuck, Mrs. Mason, Madame Neymann, Mrs. Blake and Miss Anthony. 2 After the election some of the students of the State University placed an effigy of Miss Anthony in a coffin and with torches and pallbearers started in a funeral procession. They were met by another crowd of students who, to preserve the honor of the university, over- powered them and took the effigy away. ANT.-35 546 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Miss Anthony returned home by way of St. Louis, where Mrs. Minor gave a large reception in her honor. When she reached Rochester she was invited by the Lincoln Club, one of the leading political organizations of the city, to give her ad- dress, “ Woman Wants Bread, not the Ballot.” The Demo- crat and Chronicle said in its report: “The large audience- room of the city hall was completely filled, and many extra seats were brought in. A number of prominent ladies and gentlemen occupied seats upon the platform. W. E. Werner, president of the club, in introducing the speaker, said it was fitting the hall should be full to overflowing with an audience anxious to hear the greatest advocate of one of the greatest questions of the day.” Miss Anthony had made a short trip to Washington imme- diately upon her return from Nebraska, to confer with the select committees on woman suffrage and also to make final arrangements for the approaching National Convention. It met in Lincoln Hall, January 23, 24 and 25, 1883, and she pre- sided over its deliberations. In response to many urgent letters written by Mrs. Stanton from England, and encouraged by friends at home who felt that she needed a long rest after more than thirty years of un- interrupted public work, Miss Anthony decided to make a trip abroad. As Rachel Foster contemplated a few years' study in Europe, the pleasant arrangement was made that she should undertake the financial management of the journey, act as in- terpreter and give Miss Anthony the care and attention her loving heart would suggest. Miss Anthony's sixty-third birthday being near at hand, the friends in Philadelphia, led by the Citizens' Suffrage Association, Edward M. Davis, presi- dent, tendered her a reception, which circumstances rendered it necessary to hold on the 19th instead of the 15th of Feb- ruary. The Philadelphia Times gave this account: 1 It was on this trip that, as "Miss Anthony" seemed too formal and "Susan” too familiar, Miss Foster adopted the endearing title “Aunt Susan.” After they returned and a few of the younger workers most closely associated with her began to use this name, Miss Anthony did not object; but when it came into general use and not only older women and comparative strangers, but men also, and the newspapers, fell into the habit of calling her “Aunt Susan," she was very much annoyed and never heard or saw the name without an in- ward protest. THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 547 The parlor of the Unitarian church was filled to overflowing on the occa- sion of the farewell reception to Miss Susan B. Anthony. After prayer by Rev. Charles G. Ames, Robert Purvis, who presided, said in a brief and earnest address: “I have the honor, on behalf of the National Suffrage Association, to present to you these resolutions testifyiug to their high regard, confidence, and affection.” After the applause which the resolutions evoked, Mr. Purvis continued: “I present these with feelings which I can not ex- press in words, for my thoughts take me back in vivid recollection to those stormy periods of persecution and outrage when you, Miss Anthony, with the foremost in the ranks of the Abolitionists, battled for the freedom and rights of the enslaved race. You have lived, with many compeers, to see the glorious result of your labors in redeeming from the infamy and degradation of chattelism 4,000,000 slaves. That done, your attention was turned to the greater question-in view of numbers of woman's emancipation from civil and political debasement." Upon rising to reply Miss Anthony received an ovation. She said: “I feel that I must speak, because if I should hear all these words of praise and remain silent, I should seem to assent to tributes which I do not wholly deserve. My kind friends have spoken almost as if I had done the work, or the greater part of it, alone, whereas I have been only one of many men and women who have labored side by side in this cause. Philadelphia has had the honor of giving to the world a woman who led the way in this noble effort. Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were active in the good work ere my attention had been called to it. It was through their influence that I was led to consider and accept the then new doctrine. Alone I should have been as a mere straw in the wind. ... I have known nothing the last thirty years save the struggle for human rights on this continent. If it had been a class of men who were disfranchised and denied their legal rights, I believe I should have devoted my life precisely as I have done in behalf of my own sex. I hope while abroad that I shall do something to recommend our work here, so as to make them respect American women and their de- mand for political equality. ... ' Letters, telegrams, flowers and gifts were received in great numbers." May Wright Sewall had this graphic description in the In- dianapolis Times, owned and edited by Col. Wm. R. Holloway, an earnest advocate of woman suffrage : The few days spent in Philadelphia by Miss Anthony prior to sailing were a series of fêtes. She spoke to over one thousand girls of the Normal School on the public duties of women; was officially invited to visit the Woman's 1 Among the letters was the following from Senator John J. Ingalls: "I see by the papers that you are about to depart for Europe. Though I do not sympathize with the opinions whose advocacy has made you famous, yet I am not insensible to the great value of the example of your courageous and self-denying labors to the cause of American womanhood. I hope that none but prosperous gales may follow your ship, that your visit may be happy, and that your life may be spared till your aspirations are realized.” 548 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Medical College; was given a reception by the New Century Club; was ten- dered a complimentary dinner by Mrs. Emma J. Bartol, in her own elegant home, where ten courses were served and toasts were drunk to the guest of honor. ... Letters of introduction, quite unsolicited, poured in from friends and countrymen personally unknown to her, who thus showed their desire to facilitate her meeting with the stars of various desirable circles abroad. At the public reception, Robert Purvis presented the following testi- monial, beautifully engrossed on vellum, and encased in garnet velvet with gold borders: "Resolved, That the National Woman Suffrage Association of the United States does hereby testify its appreciation of the life-long devotion of Susan B. Anthony to the cause of woman; that it acknowledges her as the chief in- spirer of women in their struggle for personal liberty, for civil equity, and for political equality; that as one of the foremost of American women it com- mends her to the women of foreign lands. " Resolved, That the members of the association rejoice in the approaching holiday of their beloved leader; that they will follow her wanderings with affection and sympathy; that during her absence they will steadfastly uphold the principles to which her life has been devoted; that on her return they will welcome her to a resumption of her labors and hold themselves ready to work under her able and devoted leadership.” Among the numerous letters and telegrams were messages from Wendell Phillips, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Frederick Douglass, Mary Clemmer, Helen Potter, Emma C. Bascom and Dr. Alida C. Avery. . . . Probably no testi- mony was more enjoyed than the following: “ROCHESTER, N. Y., THE HOME OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY: In this open letter old friends and neighbors unite with all who honor the birthday of its true citizen, and express the sincere wish that Miss Anthony in her sojourn in strange lands may find what she has in full measure here at home-a genuine appreciation of her true womanliness, her sturdy adherence to honest convic- tion and her heroic stand, against all opposition, for the higher education and enfranchisement of women. Wishing her Godspeed and a safe return, we, the undersigned, do not need to assure her that neither the triumphs nor the defeats of her future public life will change our estimation of her, for to us she will ever remain what her life among us has proved her to be-a good, true woman, self-consecrated to the cause of woman in every land.” The signatures include the names of eighty of the leading men and women of Rochester; among them editors of the papers of both parties, pastors of the prominent churches, university professors, bankers, politicians, etc. Honor, if tardy, surely comes at last to the prophet in her own country. A song writ- ten for the occasion and inscribed to Miss Anthony, by Annie E. McDowell, one of the first editors of a woman's paper, was splendidly sung by Mr. Ford, the composer, who had set it to music. Among the telegrams was this from her brother, D. R. Anthony: “Sixty-three years have crowned you with the honor and respect of the people of America, and with the love THE LEGACY-NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN-OFF FOR EUROPE. 549 of your brothers and sisters.” From the friends in Washing- ton, D. C., came a plush case, on whose satin lining rested an exquisite point lace fichu and sleeve rufiles. A New York gen- tleman sent $100 to be used toward the purchase of an India shawl, writing: “I don't believe in woman suffrage, but I do believe in Susan B. Anthony." The Cheney Brothers sent a handsome black silk dress pattern; Helen Potter, a steamer rug; the Fosters, a travelling bag; Adeline and Annie Thom- son, a silver cup; Robert Purvis, a gold-handled umbrella, and there were various other tokens of remembrance. Many of the leading papers contained an editorial farewell, with a hearty compliment and Godspeed. The Chicago Tribune, edited by Joseph Medill, offered this tribute: The best known and most popular woman in the United States, engaged in public work, is Susan B. Anthony, the co-worker of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Lydia Maria Child, Wendell Phillips, Lucretia Mott and others in the anti- slavery movement, and the fellow-laborer of Elizabeth Cady Stanton in the woman's rights movement. She ranks first among the warriors in this latter contest, because she has lived her life in its service and there has been no side issue to it. Neither father nor mother, husband nor children, have diverted her mind from her hobby, or led her to cease for a day from the prosecution of the task she set out to accomplish. ... Miss Anthony is an American woman whom the better class of English people particularly, and of foreigners generally, will delight to honor, and one that her country- women are pleased to have represent them. She is, in point of character and ability, one of the few of her sex who have made themselves a name and a place in the history of her time. .. She has had occasion to speak sharply, to lecture women severely, when in her heart she would have preferred to praise; but women love her dearly all the same, and trust her implicitly. In integrity, stainless honor and gener- osity of sentiment and of deed she has no peer. She has stood the storm of raillery and abuse she aroused, as the leader of the shrieking sisterhood," with perfect equanimity, and while others were cowed by the ridicule which was hardest of all to bear, Miss Anthony busied herself using this opportunity to show to women the real opinion of them entertained by the stronger sex. Only those who are aware of the great and beneficent changes made in the laws relating to the rights of property, for instance, can at all estimate the good accomplished by these brave women. Almost all the leaders in the movement are gone. Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, both elderly women, now remain in the work, and Miss Anthony alone still labors with the old- time zeal and freedom. She is at her best mentally and physically, and is likely to live many years to follow up the work she is now doing. The best lesson that women can learn from her life is that success in any one thing is 550 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. secured only by the sacrifice of many others, and that for a woman to reach the highest place in her chosen pursuit is for her to work with an eye single to it, counting it a privilege to forego pleasures and affections which tend to distract and divide attention. Miss Anthony knew this secret of success, as she has proven. When the history of the reform work done in this country in this century is written, no individual laborer will have higher praise than that which belongs to Miss Anthony Honest, sincere, tolerant and kind, she has won the homage of her adversaries; for while there is but a small minority of men and women who believe in woman suffrage, there are none who fail to pay tribute to the sterling qualities of this representative woman. The Kansas City Journal said good-by in these graceful words: “Susan B. Anthony will celebrate her sixty-third birthday tomorrow, and in a few days will sail for England. ... She goes abroad a republican queen—uncrowned to be sure, but none the less of the blood royal, and we have faith that the noblest men and women of Europe will at once recognize and welcome her as their equal. Fair winds waft her over the sea and home again!” The two ladies sailed from Philadelphia on the morning of February 23, and a special dispatch to the New York Times thus announced their departure : Miss Susan B. Anthony, accompanied by Miss Rachel Foster, embarked on the British Prince, of the American Steamship Line, at 9 o'clock this morn- ing, for Liverpool. Notwithstanding the cold and cheerless weather, quite a number of persons stood patiently on the wharf, facing the raw and snow- laden air which blew from the river, waiting to see the steamer get under way and to catch a glimpse of the celebrated champion of woman's rights. A little before 10 o'clock Miss Anthony came out of her stateroom with several friends and, bidding them a final farewell, watched with sober counte- nance as they passed down the gang-plank. Among those present were Miss Mary Anthony, of Rochester, Miss Julia Foster, Miss Thomson, a sister of the first president of the Pennsylvania R. R.; Rev. Dr. Soule, formerly of Scotland; Mrs. M. Louise Thomas and Edward M. Davis. . . . . Miss Anthony was attired in a black silk dress and wore a black velvet bonnet. A beaver-lined satin circular was drawn tightly about her form. She retired immediately to her stateroom, where a pleasant surprise awaited her in the shape of a handsome silk flag, the gift of a friend, which was sus- pended in a corner of the room. Her eyes rested upon the tasty and com- fortable apartment, bearing numerous evidences of the kindly feeling and good wishes of her friends, with visible enjoyment and emotion. CHAPTER XXXII. MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 1883. Open so well as Miss Anthony's own, can de- scribe her delightful tour abroad, and although her letters were dashed off while travelling from point to point, or at the close of a hard day's sight- seeing, and the entries in the diary are a mere word, they tell in a unique way her personal impressions. Be. cause of limited space descriptions of scenery will be omitted in order to leave room for opinions of people and events. ON BOARD THE BRITISH PRINCE, February 24. MY DEAR MRS. SPOFFORD: Here we are at noon, Friday, steaming down Del- aware Bay. We got along nicely until 3 P. M. yesterday, when we came to a standstill. “Stuck in the mud," was the report. There we lay until eight, when with the incoming tide we made a fruitless attempt to get over the bar; then had to steam back up the river to anchor, and lie there until nine this morning-twenty-four hours almost in sight of the loved ones! It is a break from all fastenings to friends to be thus cut loose from the wharf and wafted out into the waters. These long hours of delay have given me time to think of those left behind, and how very far short I have come of doing and saying all I should have done and said.... From the diary : Feb. 24.-The weather lovely; saloon cozy and pleasant with piano, flow- ers and canaries. There are only seven passengers, among them a Catholic priest, a dear little three-year-old child and a baby. We sent twenty letters on shore, written during the day we have been detained. Feb. 25.–Today dawns with no possibility of communicating with a soul outside the ship, a lonely feeling indeed; but I am determined to get all the good I can to mind and body out of this trip, and as little harm as possible. Feb. 26.-I sit at the captain's right hand at table. The sea is perfectly smooth; I wonder if this broad expanse can be rolled up into mountains. (551) 552 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. 4 P. M.--The wind and waves are beginning to roar. The priest shows signs of surrender. Mar. 2.-Sea calm and dishes no longer have to be fastened to table. It seems like freedom again. I can think of nothing beyond shipboard, can see no moves to be made when we reach Livernool. Mar. 4.--Winds fair, sea smooth, whole company at breakfast. Captaiu Burton read the church service. Rachel played the piano and led the sing- ing. ON BOARD THE BRITISH PRINCE, March 5. MY DEAR SISTER MARY: At lunch the captain said, “I'll soon show you land! It will be Mizzenhead, the farthest southwest point of Ireland.” This is the first pen put to paper since I wrote you at the Delaware breakwater, eleven days ago. Think of it, oh, ye scribbling fairies, almost two weeks and not a letter written by S. B. A.! Well, we are thus far and have had no more than what the sailors call a "stiff breeze” and only two whiffs of that sort. Since Thursday the weather has been lovely--bright sun and crisp air. Rachel succumbed one night when the stiff breeze” first opened upon us, and I felt a little squalmy. The next morning a sudden lurch of the ship took both feet from under me and I was flat on my back. The following day while I was lying on a seat, reading and half-dozing, the first I knew I was in a heap on the floor. Then I learned it wasn't safe to lie down without a board fence in front. Again, in the even- ing I had taken the one loose chair in the saloon, drawn it under a lamp and seated myself very complacently to read, when lo, I was pitched over as if propelled from a ten-pounder! Three times and out--all in rapid suc- cession-taught me to trust not to myself at all, but always to something fast to the ship. I haven't lost a meal during the whole trip. Another time I should take a larger stock of oranges, lemons and other fruit. 3 P. M.-We have just been up on the bridge for a first sight of the Emerald Isle. So long as there was no immediate prospect of setting foot on land, I could get up no spirit to write or think. I have worn the old velvet-trimmed black silk dress right through, and it is pretty well salted. I should love to have Lucy and Louise and Maud along on this trip, with sister Mary, too. What a jolly lot of tramps we would make! Well, their one ray of hope is to "pull through” the free academy and get on their own feet. There is plenty of good in store for all who can bring themselves in line to get it. Holding a dish right side up to catch the shower is the work for each one of us. How much I do think and hope for the three nieces now entering womanhood. For Susie B. Jr., and little Anna O. and Gula, I shall think and hope by and by. As for the nephews, I do not forget them, but they'll fight their way through somehow, as have all boys before them. ... Dinner is over and an hour's talk at table after it. The Englishman, Mr. Mullinor, summed up: “Your country will come to ruin from such doctrines as you woman's rights folks advocate;” and I have put the case to him to the best of my sea-brain's ability. This is the very first time I have let my tongue loose. We expect to be in Liverpool tomorrow early, and then I will write you. Just take it for granted all is well with me, and I will try to do the same with you. MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 553 Miss Anthony found at Liverpool a cordial letter from Mrs. A. A. Sargent, whose husband was now United States Minis- ter to Germany. She welcomed her to Europe, saying: “You always have the entree to our home and hearts. Come and stay as long as you will." A note from Mrs. Stanton to her “beloved Susan” said: “I came up to London the moment I heard of the arrival of the British Prince. To think of your choosing a 'Prince' when a 'Queen' was coming! I am on the tiptoe of expectation to meet you.... I write in the suffrage rooms surrounded with ladies.” A week later the diary records: “Left London at 10 A. M. for Rome, Rachel and self, also Hattie Daniels, Alice Blatch and Mrs. Fanny Keartland, five in all, three of the Eagle and two of the Lion, each glorying in her own nationality!” ROME, No. 75 VIA NAZIONALE, March 22. MY DEAR SISTER : Here it is a whole month tomorrow since we took a last glimpse of each other and scarce a decent letter have I written you; but it is fearfully hard work to find the minutes. There is so much to tell, and the spelling and pronunciation of the names are so perfectly awful. . . . At Liverpool we drove two hours in the Princess and Sefton parks and then went to the city museum, where the most interesting things to us were the portraits of all the Bonapartes— men and women, old and young-Josephine's very lovely, and to the city library, which is free. There is also an immense free lecture hall, which was built for an aquarium but found impracticable, so it is an enormous circle, seated from the circumference down to the center, with a large platform at one side and every step and seat cut out of solid stone. Here the most learned men of the English colleges give free lectures, the city fund being ample to meet all expenses. The librarian, on hearing we were Americans, took great pains to show us everything. Of course when he said, “We have over 80,000 volumes,” I asked, “Have you among them the History of Woman Suffrage, by Mesdames Stanton, etc., of America ?” And lo, he had never heard of it! Thursday morning we took train-second-class carriage—for London. Mrs. Stanton was at the station, her face beaming and her white curls as lovely as ever, and we were soon landed at our boarding-house. Lydia Becker came to dinner by Mrs. Stanton's invitation, so she was the first of England's suffrage women for us to meet. Friday afternoon we glanced into the House of Commons and happened to see Gladstone presenting some motion. Spent the evening chatting with Mrs. Stanton-a world of things to talk over... Saturday we went again to Bayswater to see Mrs. Rose-found her very lonely because of the death of her devoted husband a year ago. She threw her arms around my neck and her first words were: “O, that my heart 554 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. would break now and you might close my eyes, dear Susan !” She is vastly more isolated in England because of her non-Christian views than she ever was in America. Sectarianism sways everything here more now than fifty years ago with us. That afternoon I left for Basingstoke, the new home of darling Harriot Stanton, now with Blatch suffixed. Her husband is a fine specimen of a young Englishman of thirty. Sunday morning he took me in a dog-cart through two gentlemen's parks, a pleasant drive through pasture and wood- land, thousands of acres enclosed by a stone wall. When I said, “What a shame that all these acres should thus lie waste, while myriads of poor peo- ple are without an inch of ground whereon to set foot,” he replied: “They would be no better off if all should be cut up into forty-acre farms and divided among the poor, for no man could possibly support a family upon one. The owners of these parks are actually reduced to poverty trying to keep them up.” So you see it is of no use to talk of giving every Englishman a farm, when the land is so poor no one can make a living off of it. Of course this is not true of all England, but evidently its inhabitants must be fed from other countries. On our return I was conducted through the garden and green- house of Mr. Blatch's father, where I saw peach trees in blossom and grape vines budding. The tree-trunks were not larger than my arm and I ex- claimed, “How many peaches can you get off these little trees ?” “Why, last year, we had 250,” said he. How is that by the side of our old farm harvest of 1,000 trees? And yet these English people talk as if they raised fruit! . . . . The next day I returned to London and Mrs. Stanton and I called on Rev. William Henry Channing at the West End, and had a two hours' chat with him. . . . He was very cordial and on our leaving said, “I can't tell you how grateful I am for this interview. You have my blessing and bene- diction;" so we were glad at heart. Mr. Channing loves America above all other countries and feels it was a mistake for him to have left it. His elder daughter is the wife of Edwin Arnold. March 12 we dined with the son-in- law of William Ashurst, the friend of Wm. Lloyd Garrison-Mr. Biggs, and his four daughters. Caroline Ashurst Biggs, the second, is the editor of the English woman's Review and one of the leading suffrage women of England. и сли ecrolun After dinner some twenty ladies and gentle- men came in and we had a delightful evening, but such a continual serving of refreshments! Tuesday morning I went again to Mrs. Rose's and finding her bonneted and cloaked for a chair ride, I walked beside her, holding her hand, through Kensington Park. I hope and almost believe she will go back to America with me. I feel sure that we, who have not forgotten her early and won- Jours bey nincus Mentia Jaylor MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 555 derful work for woman and for freedom of thought, will do all in our power to smooth her last days. . . . That evening Rachel and I went to see Irving and Ellen Terry in Much Ado About Nothing. The painting and the lights and shadows of the scenery were lovely, and I suppose the acting was good, but I can not enjoy love and flirtation exhibited on the stage any more than off. All passional demonstrations seem to belong to the two concerned, not to other persons. The lovemaking, however, was cooler, more distant and more piquant than usual. Wednesday afternoon Mrs. Rebecca Moore, our old Revolution correspond- ent, took me to a meeting at Mrs. Müller's, about the Contagious Diseases Acts - fifty or sixty ladies present-was introduced, and several invited me to speak for them when I returned to London. Miss Rye, who has made between thirty and forty trips across the Atlantic with little girls, taking over more than 10,000 and placing them in good homes in Canada, was there and spoke. She said all her efforts could accomplish nothing in thinning out the more than 1,000,000 surplus women of the island. Not one seemed to dare speak out the whole of the facts and philosophy. Each premised, “I will not shock you by calling the names,” etc. Mrs. Peter Taylor's reception that evening was an unusually brilliant affair. She is looked upon as the mother of the Eng- lish movement, as Mrs. Stanton is of the American. She is a magnificent woman and acted the part of hostess most gracefully. Her husband is a member of Parliament. At eleven we went home and packed our trunks to be off for Rome on the morrow, half-regretting that we had planned to leave Lon- don. . . . ROME, March 23. MY DEAR SISTER: It is noon-Good Friday--and just set in for a steady rain, so I will give you the goings, seeings and sayings of our company since leaving London. ... We started from Victoria Station-second-class carriage, no sleeper-for a three days' and two nights' journey to Rome. It looked appalling, even to so old a traveller as myself, but I inwardly said, "I can stand it if the younger ones can.” The crossing of the straits of Dover was rough, the sea dashing over the sides of the boat, but Rachel and I went through the two hours without a quaver. At Calais we had the same good luck as at Lon- don-a compartment of the car all to ourselves. Here we were to be settled without change for that night and the next day, so with bags and shawl- straps, bundles, lunch-baskets and a peck of oranges, we adjusted ourselves. We breakfasted at Basle, after having pillowed on each other for the night as best we could. Now we were in the midst of the Jura mountains, and all day long we wound up and down their snowy sides and around the beautiful lakes nestling at their feet-through innumerable tunnels, one of them, the St. Gothard, taking twenty-three minutes-over splendid bridges and along lovely brooks and rivers. We arrived at Milan at 7:50 P. M., when even the bravest of our party voted to stop over twenty-four hours and try the virtues of a Christian bed. Rachel and I shared a large old-fashioned room with a soap-stone stove, where we had a wood-fire built at once. (Remember that all the houses have marble floors and stairs, and are plastered on the stone walls, so they seem like per- fect cellars.) We had two single bedsteads (I haven't seen any other sort on 556 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the continent) with the same bedclothes covering both. Our big room was lighted with just two candles ! We "slept solid” till 8 A. M., when Rachel got out her Italian phrase-book, rang the bell and ordered a fire and hot water. After fairly good steak and coffee, we five began a day of steady sight- seeing...In the evening we went to the station, and here found a wood-fire in a fireplace and monstrous paintings of Christ and the saints on the walls. All who had trunks had now to pay for every pound's weight. I had brought only my big satchel and shawl-strap. We were not so fortunate as to find a compartment to ourselves but had two ladies added to our num- ber, while four or five men in the next one smoked perpetually and the fumes came over into ours. We growled but that availed nothing, as men here have the right of way. At Genoa the ladies left us-midnight-and two men took their places. These proved to be seafarers and could talk English, so we learned quite a bit from them. At ten we were halted and rushed in to breakfast. Sunday afternoon we reached the Eternal City and came direct to the Pension Chapman, tired and hungry, but later went to St. John's Cathedral to vespers. ... After dinner we were glad to lay ourselves away. We have a pleasant room, with windows opening upon a broad court and lovely garden and fountain. Monday we drove around the city for bird's- eye views from famous points. Such wonders of ruins upon ruins ! Sunday Evening. It is of no avail that I try and try to write—when the sight-seeing is done for the day I am too tired.... Last evening the Coliseum was illuminated—a weird, wonderful sight. Today, Easter Sunday, I have seen crowds of people reverently kissing St. Peter's big toe. To- morrow we go to Naples for a week and then return and finish Rome. NAPLES, March 27. Here we are, Rachel and I, at the Pension Brittanique, far up a high hill, in a room overlooking the beautiful bay of Naples. It is lovely, lovely! The little island of Capri, the city, the bold shores and mountain setting-a perfect gem. ... We have a little bit of wood-fire with the smallest sticks—twigs we should call them-two sperm candles to light our bedroom and no matches except what we furnish. But 8 o'clock is here and we are all to meet for breakfast. ... Yesterday was a lovely May day, and our party drove to the village of Re- sina, which is built forty feet above the ruins of Herculaneum. There, with a guide, we descended a hundred steps and walked through the old theater, over the same stone stairs and seats which two thousand years ago were occu- pied by the gayest of mortals. Then we went to the ruins of Pompeii and ate our lunch under large old trees growing upon the debris left by the great eruption. We passed through the narrow streets, over stone pavements worn by the tread of long-buried feet, through palaces, public gardens and baths, temples, the merchants' exchange, customhouse and magnificent theater. ... I have just received John Bright's splendid address before the 2,000 students of Glasgow University on being made Lord Rector. It fired my soul beyond all the ruins and all the arts in Rome or Naples. It is grand indeed, and re- MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 557 minds one of our own Wendell Phillips' address to the Harvard students two years ago. 1 ROME, March 29. To Madam Susan B. Anthony, of New York, U. S. A.: MADAM: We had the honor to announce your coming to Rome some three weeks ago in the Italian Times. While we ourselves have an impressive ap- preciation of your distinguished mental acquirements, yet we would wish to carry to our numerous English-speaking subscribers on this continent some testimony of your presence in our midst. Therefore we place our columns at your disposal, and will esteem the privilege of presenting to the public any topic your facile pen may write. To this end we will wait upon you or be pleased to see you at our sanctum. With much respect, we are, Madam, your obedient servants, THE PROPRIETORS OF THE ITALIAN TIMES. [Only English newspaper published in Italy.] ROME, April 1. DEAR BROTHER D. R.: We have climbed Vesuvius. One feels richly paid when the puffing and exploding and ascending of the red-hot lava meet the ears and eyes. The mountains, the Bay of Naples, the sail to Capri and the Blue Grotto are fully equal to my expectations...The squalid-looking people, however, and their hopeless fate make one's stay at any of these Italian resorts most depressing. Troops of beggars beset one all along the streets and roads, and with tradesmen there is no honesty. For instance, a man charged some twenty francs for a shell comb, then came down to seven, six, five, and finally asked, “What will you give ?” I, never dreaming he would take it, said, “two francs,” and he threw the comb into the carriage. ... Saturday we took the cars from Naples to Palermo. Every mountain- side having a few seven-by-nine patches of soil in a place, is terraced and covered with grape vines and lemon trees, the latter now yellow with fruit. On many I counted twenty and thirty terraces, each with a solid stone wall to hold the earth in place. It is wonderful what an amount of labor it costs to earn even the little the natives seem to care for. Our hotel here is an old monastery, and on one side of the court is the cathedral with its grotesque paintings. One becomes fairly sickened with the ghastly spectacle of the dead Christ. It is amazing how little they make of the living Christ. On Monday morning we drove back over that magnificent road, and took the train to Naples. In the afternoon we went to Lake Avernus and into the grotto of the sibyls, the entrance to Dante's Inferno. It was a dark, cavern- ous passage and with the flaring candles making the darkness only more visi- ble, we could not but feel there was reason for the old superstition. The narrowness of the streets of Naples--and they are without the pretense of a sidewalk-leave the men, women and children, horses and carriages, funny little donkeys with their big loads, the cows and goats (which are each night and morning driven along and halted at the doors while the pint cupful, more The many inquiries and directions in regard to the suffrage work, and the loving mes- sages to friends and relatives at home, are omitted in the extracts made from Miss Anthony's letters; but they are of constant occurrence, and show that these were never absent from her thoughts. 558 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. or less, is milked to supply the people within all marching along together in the filthy road, jostling each other at every step. But we are back in Rome now and this forenoon we spent in the gal- leries of the Vatican. One is simply dazed with the wealth of marble- not only statuary, but stairs, pillars and massive buildings. We stop here till the 9th, then go to Florence. It is good for our young civilization to see and study that of the old world, and observe the hopelessness of lifting the masses into freedom and freedom's industry, honesty and integrity. How any American, any lover of our free institutions based on equality of rights for all, can settle down and live here is more than I can comprehend. It will be only by overturning the powers that education and equal chances ever can come to the rank and file. The hope of the world is indeed in our republic; so let us work to make it a genu- ine democracy, where every citizen-woman as well as man-shall be crowned with the one symbol of equality—the ballot. ... ROME, April 5. MY DEAR SISTER: How these anniversary days of our dear mother's illness and death bring back to me everything, even at this distance and amid these strange surroundings. How she would have enjoyed these sights because of her knowledge and love of history. She could have told the Bible story of every one of these great frescoes. What a woman she would have been, could she have had the opportunities of education and culture which her granddaughters are having. . . . Tell Mrs. Lewia Smith her lovely piece of lace has been honored with the wearing in London and Rome several times and has been pronounced beauti- ful; but I prize it most of all for the giver's sake. No one but she would have trudged through the slush and rain to get those splendid names to that testimonial. Nothing which came to me gave so much pleasure as those sig- natures of my own townsmen and women, from President Anderson all the way to the end of the list. . . . This evening Rachel has gone to a friend's to study German so as to make our way with that nationality. What a jumble, that by just crossing an imaginary line one finds people who can't understand a word one says! Last evening we heard the grand Ristori render a part of Dante's Inferno and a selection from Joan of Arc. Of course I couldn't understand a word she said, but her voice, her gestures, her expression told the whole story. Then the music, vocal and instrumental, was the softest and sweetest. ... ZURICH, April 23. MY DEAR SISTER: We spent Friday night at Milan-- there took our last look at Italian cathedrals, as we did our first, and its own still holds highest place as to beauty. We left early next morning and very soon were among the Alps. . . . The eleven hours' stretch was tiresome and disgusting inside our compartment, with from three to five stalwart men puffing away at their pipes all day long, and at every station rushing out for a drink of wine or 1 While in Florence, Miss Anthony was entertained by the Countess de Resse, daughter of Elizabeth B. Phelps, of New York, and by the Princess Koltzoff-Massalsky, the distinguished author and artist, known through Europe by her pen-name of Dora d'Istria. MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 559 beer. Our only chance of a free breath was to open the window, and then all the natives were in consternation! We reached Zurich at six and, after a splendid dinner of roast chicken, green peas and lettuce, took a cab and called on Elizabeth Sargent, who is studying medicine at the university, and found her very happy and glad to see us. In the afternoon we took a delightful drive, as it was too cold and misty for the lake excursion we had intended. The highest Alps are still lost to us by fog and clouds. After supper we called at the American consulate. Think of our government supporting a consul in most of the twenty-two cantons of Switzerland! Tuesday.–At Munich. We saw princes and princesses galore out driving this afternoon, but not the king. We leave tomorrow morning for Nurem- berg, and reach Berlin Saturday, and there I hope to rest at least a week- but then the Emperor William must be seen, and lots of other curiosities. .. If I could command the money, as soon as each of our girls gradu- ated, I would take her first on a tour of her own continent and then through the old world, before she settled down to the hard work of life either in a profession or in marriage. Thus she would have much to think of and live over, no matter how heavy might be the burdens and sorrows of her after life. . . . COLOGNE, May 8. MY DEAR SISTER: We left Berlin yesterday morning after a delightful week with the Sargents. I do not believe our nation ever has been represented at any foreign court by such genuine republican women, in the truest and broad- est sense, as are Mrs. Sargent and her daughters. Mr. Sargent, too, touches the very height of democratic principle. Their association with monarchial governments and subjects but makes them love our free institutions the more.1 Our last evening was spent with the Frau Dr. Liburtius-formerly Henriette Hirschfeldt-a practicing dentist in Berlin since 1869, who studied at the Philadelphia Dental College. No college in Germany will admit women. Frau Libertius is dentist for various members of the royal family as well as for the Sisters of Charity. She says there are no dental colleges in the world equal to those of America... May 10.-- At Worms—where Martin Luther made his glorious declaration for the right of private judgment. There is a magnificent monument in a beautiful square; Luther's is the central statue—a standing one; below, at the corners, are sitting Huss, Savonarola, Wycliffe and Peter Waldo, and on a still lower pedestal are four more worthies—one of them Melancthon. ... We spent Tuesday at Cologne-visited the splendid cathedral and the church of St. Ursula. The latter contains the bones of 11,000 virgins martyred at Cologne in the fifth century. Whole broadsides of chapels are lined with 1 Miss Anthony occupied some rainy days, while here, in wrapping up papers and writ- ing letters which she put in her official envelopes, bearing the revolutionary mottoes, “No just government can be formed without the consent of the governed," "Taxation without representation is tyranny.” After a few days a dignified official appeared at the American legation with a large package of mail bearing the proscribed mottoes, and said, “Such sentiments can not pass through the post-office in Germany.” So in modest, un- complaining wraps the letters and papers started again for the land of the free.-E. C. S. 560 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. shelves of skulls, which the noble ladies of the twelfth century partly covered with embroidery. Wednesday we took steamer up the Rhine at six in the morn- ing and landed at Mayence at eight. It was a beautiful panorama, but not sur- passing all others I have seen. The vine-clad hillsides, the ruins of the old castles (nothing like as many of them as I had thought) and the winding of the river were all very lovely. We visited the cathedral, the monuments of Gutenberg and Schiller, and then the fortress and the remains of a Roman monument erected nine years before Christ. ... HEIDELBERG, May 11. DEAR BROTHER D. R.: As I clambered among the ruins of Heidel- berg Castle today, I wished for each of my loved ones to come across old ocean and look upon the remains of ancient civilization of art and archi- tecture, bigotry and barbarism. I am enjoying my “flying,” though I would not again make such a rush, but I am getting a good relish for a more deliberate tour at some later day. All of life should not be given to one's work at home, whether that be woman suffrage, journalism or government affairs. After being perpetually among people whose language I could not un- derstand, it was doubly grateful to be in the midst of not only my country- men but my dearest friends, and I enjoyed their society so much that I almost forgot there were any wonders to be seen in Berlin. But we did make an excursion to Potsdam-a jolly company of us, Mr. and Mrs. Sargent and their gifted daughter Ella, also the professor of Greek in your Kansas State University, Miss Kate Stephens. She interpreted the utterances of the ever-present guides, whose jabber was worse than Greek. At Potsdam we were shown the very rooms in which Frederick the Great lived and moved and had his being, plotted and planned to conquer his neighbors. In the little church are myriads of tattered flags, taken in their many wars, and two great stone caskets in which repose the bodies of Freder- ick the Great and his father, Frederick William, peaceful in death, however warlike in life. We also visited the new palace where the present Emperor spends the summer. We saw parlors, dining-rooms, bedrooms, the plain, narrow bedstead the Emperor sleeps upon, the great workshop, in which are maps and all sorts of material for studying and planning how to hold and gain empires. I even peered into the kitchen and saw the pitchers, plates, coffee-pots and stew-pans. It was my first chance of a real mortal living look of things, so I enjoyed it hugely. There are rooms enough in these palaces for an army of people. All of these magnificent displays of wealth in churches, palaces and castles, citadels, fortifications and glittering military shows of monarchial governments, only make more conspicuous the poverty, ignorance and degradation of the masses; and all pleasure in seeing them is tinged with sadness. From the diary for May : 12.—Showering, but I walked up the mountain to pay a last visit to Heidel- berg Castle, the most magnificent ruin in Germany. Its ivy-covered towers always will be pictured in my memory. 13.-At Strasburg. We have driven over the city, looked at the wonderful MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 561 fortifications and explored the great cathedral with its famous clock. We heard the grand organ and saw 250 priests conduct the services before an audience of 2,000 people, nine-tenths women. Then to St. Thomas' church. and the monument to Marshal Saxe. 14.-Left for Paris and had a beautiful ride through Alsace and Lorraine, the lost kingdoms of France. It made me sad all day; I wanted them re- turned to their own mother country. Theodore Stanton and his wife Margue- rite met us at the station. 15.- Madam de Barron has invited me to be her guest while here. Such a delightful home and intelligent hostess! I have a charming room, and this morning the sun is shining bright and warm and the robins are singing in the trees. My continental breakfast-rolls, butter and coffee-was sent to my room and, for the first time in my life, I ate it in bed. What would my mother have said ? 16.-Went to grand opera last night; magnificent house, scenery, toilets, equipages; but with my three “lacks," a musical ear, a knowledge of French and good eyesight, I could not properly appreciate the performance. 17.-Theodore took me to the Chamber of Deputies to see how Frenchmen look in legislative assembly-very like Americans. Then we called on friends at the American Exchange and the Hotel Normandie, and I was too tired to go to U.S. Minister Morton's reception at night. 22.-Called and had a good chat with Charlotte B. Wilbour, of New York ; called also on Grace Greenwood; visited the Hotel des Invalides and walked in the gardens. 23.-Theodore and Marguerite took me to St. Cloud by boat and back on top of tram-car. Delightful ! 27.—Today, Sunday, we went to Père la Chaise and saw great crowds of Communists hanging wreaths on the wall where hundreds of their friends were shot down in 1871—a sorrowful sight. 28.- At noon we went to the College of France to witness the last honors to Laboulaye, the scholar and Liberal. Saw his little study and sadly watched the priests perform the services over his coffin. 29.-Left Paris at 9 A. M., Theodore and his little Elizabeth Cady going with me to the station. The parks and forests are green and lovely, the homes cozy and pretty, France is a beautiful country. I have enjoyed the last three months exceedingly, but I am very, very tired; and yet it is a new set of faculties which are weary, and the old ones, so long harped upon, are really resting. To Miss Susan B. Anthony, PARIS. MADAM: Having been informed of your arrival in Paris, I take the liberty of writing to ask from your courtesy the favor of a short interview. I have since several years heard of all the work you have done in behalf of woman- kind, and I need not say how happy I would be to meet a person who has so often been praised in my presence. Hoping you will forgive my intrusion, and have the great kindness to let me know when I may have the honor to call, I am, madam, very respectfully, your obedient servant, [Of Le Soir.] A. SALVADOR. ANT.—36 562 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. PARIS, May 20. MY DEAR MRS. SPOFFORD: I have just come from a call on Mademoiselle Hubertine Auclert, editor of La Citoyenne. I can not tell you how I con- stantly long to be able to speak and understand French. I lose nearly all the pleasure of meeting distinguished people, because they are as powerless with my language as I with theirs. We called also on Leon Richer, editor of La Femme. He thinks it inopportune to demand suffrage for women in France now, when they are yet without their civil rights. I wanted so much to tell him that political power was the greater right which included the less. ... Miss Foster has gone to London for presentation at Court. She had the "regulation" dress made in Berlin-cream-white satin, low neck, no sleeves at all, and a four-yard train! :.. I have not decided when I shall go home, but before many months, for I long to be about the work that remains undone. The fact is, I am weary of mere sight-seeing. Amidst it all my head and heart turn to our battle for women at home. Here in the old world, with its despotic governments, its utter blotting out of woman as an equal, there is no hope, no possibility of changing her condition, so I look to our own land of equality for men, and partial equality for women, as the only one for hope or work. PARIS, May 24. MY DEAR RACHEL: I am glad to hear that you were not cheated out of teetering through the palace halls in front of the princess, and that you are not utterly prostrated by it. . . . I attended the suffrage meeting last evening, and heard and saw several men speak-well, I inferred from the cheering and shouting of "bravo!” This afternoon I visited the tomb of Napoleon. It surpasses every mauso- leum I have ever seen, not excepting that of Frederick the Third and Queen Louise in Berlin. It is well that his memory should be thus honored, for had he been born a hundred years later, when the march of civilization had pointed to some other goal to gratify his great nature than that of bloody con- quest of empire, I believe he would have stood at the head of those who strive to make free and independent sovereigns of all men and all women. Everywhere here are reminders of the ravages of war, the madness of igno- rance and unreason. I want to get away from them and their saddening asso- ciations. You will think I am blue. So I am, from having lived a purpose- less life these three months. I don't know but the women of America, myself in particular, will be the greater and grander for it, but I can not yet see how this is to be. . . . LONDON, June 7. MY DEAR SISTER: For the hundredth time I am going to beg you to shut up the house and come over here. It does seem as if now we two sisters, left so alone, ought to be able to travel and enjoy together. You can not know how I long to have you with me; it hurts every minute to think of you treading round and round, with never a moment of leisure or enjoyment. Surely you have given a mother's love and care to our nieces for eight years, and now you can let them go out from under your eye. ... Rachel and I came up from Basingstoke on Sunday to attend a small recep- MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 563 tion at Mrs. Jacob Bright's. Her husband has championed woman suffrage in Parliament for years, and she has led the few who have dared say, “ And married women, too, should have the franchise.” When the powers that be forbade her to include married women in the Parliamentary Suffrage Bill now pending, Mrs. Bright withdrew and started a bill for their property rights, which was passed last session and is now in force. Wilt kendent repard from M. Bright to myself hours reary truly Emula M. Bright Monday morning we went to Bedford Park and spent two hours at Moncure D. Conway's. His charming wife read us what a delegate here from the American Unitarians says of Emerson, Alcott, Frothingham and George Rip- ley--that all are wearying of their early theories and theologies and returning to the old faith. Today I had an hour with William Henry Channing, and he virtually told me this was true of himself! I exclaimed: “Do you mean to say that you have returned to the belief in the immaculate conception of Jesus and in the miracles--that you no longer explain all these things as you used to do in your Bible readings at Rochester ?” He replied: "I never disbelieved in miracles. Man's levelling and tunnelling the mountains is a miracle.” Well, I was stunned and left. Even if all these grand men, in old age, or when broken in body, decide that the conclusions of their early and vigorous manhood were false, which shall we accept as most likely to be true —the strong or the weakened thought? It is very disheartening if we are so constituted that with our deepest, sincerest study we grope and dwell in error through our threescore and ten, and after those allotted years find all we be- lieved fact to be mere hallucination. It is--it must be-simply the waning intellect returning to childish teachings. That evening we visited the House of Commons and heard several members speak as we peeped through the wire latticework of the ladies' cage. The next afternoon we attended a large reception at Mrs. J. P. Thomasson's, daughter of Margaret Bright Lucas and wife of a member of Parliament. There we met the leading suffrage women. Wednesday morning I went to Tunbridge Wells—thirty miles—to see Mrs. Rose, who is trying the waters 564 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. there in hope of relief.... I should have told you that I dined on Sun- day with Margaret Lucas-John Bright's sister--and lunched today with Mrs. Mellen, mother-in-law of General Palmer, of Colorado, president of the Rio Grande R. R.-an elegant and wealthy woman. LONDON, June 22. MY DEAR SISTER: ... Sunday morning we went to hear Stopford Brooke, a seceder from the established church. I could see no diminution in the poppings up and down, nor in the intonings and singsongs, but when, af- ter a full hour of the incantations, he came to his sermon on the Christian duty of total abstinence, he gave us a splendid one. Before commencing he said that, from his request the previous Sunday, twenty members out of his congregation of 600 came to the meeting to form a Church Total Abstinence Society, and ten of those made special and earnest protest against the forma- tion of such a society! Can you imagine the chilliness of the spiritual air in that church as he laid down the Christian's duty of denying himself that he might save his fellow who had not the power to drink moderately? Afterwards, we called on Hon. William D. Kelley, wife and daughter Flor- ence, of Philadelphia. We also attended a reception at Emily Faithfull's and met a number of nice people; then took underground railway for Bedford Park and had tea with Eliza Orme, England's first and only woman lawyer- or as nearly one as she can be and not have passed the Queen's Bench. Her mother was lovely and so proud of her daughter and glad to see me. Miss Orme has a partner, Miss Richardson, who is a member of the London school board and has visited our schools in America. She says London has none, public or private, to compare with those of the United States. The next morning we went to hear Laura Curtis Bullard read her sketch of Mrs. Stanton, which is to go into Famous Women, the same book for which Mrs. Stanton is writing me up. In the afternoon we called on Miss Müller, who purchased a house and lives in it that she may be a householder, as is necessary to hold office. She too is a member of the school board. Miss Müller insisted that I should talk to the ladies there, about thirty of them, and so I did, sitting under the trees in her garden, where we had our tea. Thence we went to the women's suffrage parlors and met some fifty or sixty, and then to the Albemarle Club of both ladies and gentlemen, the only one of the kind in London. Then came a meeting at the Somerville Club--all ladies. A paper was read on the topic, “Sentiment is not founded on reason and is a hindrance to progress," and followed by a bright discussion, in which both Rachel and I were invited to take part. A pretty full afternoon and evening! Wednesday morning I studied on my speech for the 25th under the auspices of the National Women's Suffrage Society. Harriot has so divided the sub- ject, that Mrs. Stanton is to take the educational, social and religious depart- ments, and S. B. A. the industrial, legal and political. That evening we went to the Court Theater with Mrs. Florence Fenwick Miller, another mem- ber of the London school board. The nights are all days here now--daylight till after 9 o'clock and again at 3. Rachel and I lunched with Mr. and Mrs. Jacob Bright, and had a splendid visit; then went to the school board meet- your loving seiend Pricilla Brighs shore MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 565 Cordiallssous Halerastos ing. Saw there five of the seven women members, among them Miss Helen Taylor, stepdaughter of John Stuart Mill, and the senior wom- an member of the board. Today I spent an hour with Mrs. Lucas, sister of John and Jacob Bright, and this afternoon Rachel and I are going to a Women's Poor Law Guardian meeting, at which Mrs. Lucas is to preside and other ladies to speak. ... Just back from the meeting. In all England there are thirty-one women poor law guardians. There are 19,000 of the guardians elected and 1,000, mainly clergymen, are honorary. They have over 1,000,000 paupers to look after. The secretary, Mrs. Chamberlain, stated that in her section of London there were 16,000. The guardians overlook everything about the workhouses and asylums, get no pay, and yet the public hesitates to put women on the board. One man stirred up the handful present by saying, “suffrage not only for widows and spinsters, but for married women.” June 26.-Well, the ordeal is over and everybody is delighted. Moncure D. Conway said: “I have learned more of American history from your speech than I ever dreamed had been made during the past thirty years.” Even the timid ones expressed great satisfaction. Mrs. Stanton gave them the rankest radical sentiments, but all so cushioned they didn't hurt. Mrs. Duncan Mc- Laren came down from Edinburgh and Mrs. Margaret Parker from Dundee. Rachel said I made a good statement of the industrial, legal and political status of women in America. We went to tea with Mrs. Jacob Bright; then I took dinner with Mrs. Stanton at Mrs. Mellen's, getting up from table at 9:15 P. M. Saturday Rachel and I drove four hours in Miss Müller's carriage and called on Lady Wilde, a bright, quaint woman. Sunday morning I went to Friends' meeting and had a look at John Bright, though I was not sure it was he until after the meeting was over; then he was gone, and I not introduced to him! In the afternoon I called on Miss Jane Cobden, daughter of Richard Cobden, a charming woman. Yesterday I presented her with a set of our History in memory of her noble father, and for her own sake also. I will not foreshadow the coming days but they are busy indeed. You will see that the Central Com- mittee have put both my name and Mrs. Stanton's on the card for the meeting of July 5. .... LONDON, June 28. MY DEAR SISTER: It is now just after luncheon and at 4 o'clock we are to be at Mrs. Jacob Bright's reception, tomorrow evening at one at Mrs. Thomas- son's, which she gives to friends for the special purpose of meeting Stanton least sincerely has are Caden 566 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and Anthony, and Saturday at Frances Power Cobbe's—and so we go. Yes- terday morning Miss Frances Lord—a poor law guardian-escorted us through Lambeth workhouse. It has 1,000 inmates and 700 more in the infirmary, and gives out-door relief to 2,000 besides. [Jacob Bright presided over the Prince's Hall meeting, and William Woodall over that at St. James' Hall. All of the prominent newspapers in Great Britain contained editorials on the meetings, and noted especially the addresses of Miss An- thony and Mrs. Stanton, speaking of them in a dignified and respectful manner.] LONDON, July 13. MY DEAR SISTER: My last letter was mailed the 3d. That afternoon I was at Rebecca Moore's reception. We dined at Miss Müller's and after- wards went to Horn's assembly rooms to a suffrage meeting. Her sister Eva, wife of Walter McLaren, M. P., was one of the speakers. ... At 9 P. M., we went to a Fourth of July reception at Mrs. Mellen's, given in honor of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, and a brilliant affair it was. About 150 were there; she had elegant refreshments; and the young American girls gave songs, recitations, violin music, etc. Grace Greenwood recited her “Mistress O'Rafferty”—a woman's rights poem in Irish brogue--very rich and racy; her daughter Annie sang, also Mrs. Carpenter, of Chicago; Kate Hillard, of Brooklyn, Adelaide Detchon, the actress, and Mildred Conway recited; Frank Lincoln impersonated; Nathaniel Mellen sang a negro jubilee melody; Maude Powell played the violin. She is not fifteen yet and is a charming player. The company did not disperse until after one. July 5, drove to Mrs. Mellen's to a 10 o'clock breakfast, and worked on Rachel's report of my Prince's Hall speech-you'll find it in full in the 1 WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE. A Public Meeting will be held in ST. JAMES' HALL, PICCADILLY, Thursday, July 5th, 1883, In Support of the Resolution to be moved by Mr. Mason in the House of Commons, on July 6th, for extending the Parliamentary Franchise to Women who possess the qualifications which entitle men to Vote. Doors open at 7. Organ Recital 7 to 8. The Chair will be taken at 8 o'clock by WILLIAM WOODALL, ESQ., M. P. Mrs. Fawcett. W. S. Caine, Esq., M. P. Mrs. Oliver Scatcherd. Dr. Cameron, M. P. Mrs. Fenwick Miller. R.P.Blennerhassett, Esq.,M.P. Miss Tod. Arthur Arnold, Esq., M.P. Miss Eliza Sturge. J. P. Thomasson, Esq., M. P. Miss Becker. Thos. Roe, Esq., M. P. Mrs. Beddoe. A. Illingworth, Esq., M. P... J. A. Blake, Esq., M. P. Mrs. E. Cady Stanton. Miss Müller. W. Summers, Esq., M. P. Miss Susan B. Anthony. C. H. Hopwood, Esq., M. P. Thos. Burt, Esq., M. P. Mrs. Ashford, Miss Bewicke, Miss C. A. Biggs, Miss Cobden, Mrs. Cowen, Mrs. Ormiston Chant, Mrs. J. R. Ford, Mrs. Hoggan, M. D., Mrs. Lucas, Miss Frances Lord, Miss Lupton, Mrs. McLaren, Mrs. Paterson, Miss E. Smith, Miss Stacpoole, Mrs. J. P. Thomasson, Miss Laura Waittle, and other Ladies and Gentlemen are expected to be present. Numbered Sofa Stalls, 2s. 6d. Balcony and Reserved Seats, 1s. Body of the Hall and Gallery Free. MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 567 English woman's Review. In the evening Mrs. Thomasson gave a splendid dinner-party, and afterwards took us all in carriages to the St. James' Hall suffrage demonstration, where there was a fine audience of about 2,000. .. Next morning I went to a meeting of the suffrage friends from various towns who had come up for the demonstration. At 8 P. M. Mrs. McLaren took me to the House of Commons, to witness Mr. Hugh Mason present the Women's Suffrage Bill; so I heard all the speeches pro and con, up to 1:30 A, M., and how tired I was! Mr. Jacob Bright's was the strongest and most earnest. The morning of July 7, at the suffrage rooms, I heard strong protests against the way Mr. Mason disclaimed all intention of enfranchising married women. He carried the matter too far even for the most timid. In the after- noon, we went to the Somerville Club, and Rachel spoke beautifully on the need of union and co-operation among women. I followed her, and Mrs. McLaren moved a vote of thanks. ..Rachel left for Antwerp this evening, to meet her mother and sister, and I returned to my room, lonesome enough. Sunday I lunched with Mrs. Lucas and Mrs. McLaren, I had calls from three factory-women, who told a sad story of the impossibility of get- ting even a dollar ahead by the most frugal and temperate habits. Have I told you that I have a new dark garnet velvet? I wore it with my point lace at Mrs. Mellen's reception on the Fourth, and the India shawl I have worn today for the first time. ... Tuesday I went with Mrs. Lucas to the Crystal Palace at Sydenham to a great national temperance demonstra- tion. More than 50,000 people passed the gates at a shilling apiece, and we saw a solid mass of 5,000 boys and girls from all parts of the kingdom seated in a huge amphitheater, singing temperance songs—a beautiful sight. Then in another part of the palace was an audience of 2,000 listening to speeches. Among the speakers was Canon Wilberforce, a grandson of the great Aboli- tionist but a degenerate one. He said the reason the temperance movement was now progressing so rapidly was because the persons who led it were praying people, and that the Lord had willed it, and all depended on whether it was kept in the Lord's hands—if not, then it would fall back like the old Washingtonian movement in America. Mrs. Lucas was very wroth, and so was I. He never spoke of woman except as “maiden aunt” or “old grand- mother," and advised the boys to take a little wine for the stomach's sake. At 6 o'clock we went to Miss Müller's where I remained until today. She took me to the Gaiety Theater to see Sarah Bernhardt. What a magnificent actor! I never saw any man or woman who so absolutely buried self out of sight and became the very being personated. Though I couldn't under- stand a single word, I enjoyed it all until the curtain fell at half-past eleven. I was tired beyond telling, but felt richly repaid by the seeing. She must be master of her divine art thus to impress one by action alone. Today Mrs. McLaren invites me to dine at her son's, Charles McLaren, M.P. All this is written in a hurry but is perhaps better than nothing. It is so difficult to clutch a moment to write. LONDON, July 19. MY DEAR RACHEL: .. I am to attend a suffrage meeting at the West- minster Palace Hotel Hall this afternoon, and tomorrow at 10:25 A. M. I start for Edinburgh with Mrs. Moore. I am bound to suck all the honey 568 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. possible out of everybody and everything as they come to me or I go to them. It is such unwisdom, such unhappiness, not to look for and think and talk of the best in all things and all people; so you see at threescore and three I am still trying always to keep the bright and right side up. I am expecting a great ferment at the meeting today, for those who agree with Mrs. Jacob Bright have asked Mrs. Stanton to confer with them about what they shall do now. She advises them to demand suffrage for all women, married and single; but I contend that it is not in good taste for either of us to counsel public opposition to the bill before Parliament. . I wrote you about Miss — She is settled in the conviction that she never will marry any man-not even the one with whom she has had so close a friendship for the past ten years. She feels that to do the work for the world which she has mapped out she must eschew marriage, accepting platonic friendship but no more. I tell her she is giving her nature a severe trial by allowing herself this one particular friend, that if he does not in the end succeed in getting her to marry him, it will be the first escape I ever have heard of. She is a charming, earnest, conscientious woman, and I feel deeply interested in her experiment. [After being royally entertained in London and making many little trips into the beautiful country around, Miss Anthony left for Edinburgh July 20, carrying with her many pleasant remembrances of friends.] EDINBURGH, July 22. MY DEAR SISTER: Here I am in Huntley Lodge, the delightful home of Liberator and the Anti-Slavery Standard, and of whom we used to hear from Mr. Phillips and others who had visited England. We had a most cordial and lives in this handsome house, two miles from the center of the city, with only her servants.... Mrs. Nichol has gone to her room to rest and Mrs. Moore and I are writing in the little, sunny southeast parlor. I have an elegant suite of three rooms, the same Mr. Garrison occupied when he visited here in 1867 and in 1877. Mrs. Nichol is one of the few left of that historic World's Anti-Slavery Con- vention of 1840. We are going to a “substantial tea?' with Dr. Agnes McLaren, daughter of Duncan McLaren. She is very bright-spent four years in France studying her profession-has a good practice, takes a house by herself, and invites to it her friends. So many young English women are doing this, and indeed it is a good thing for single women to do. The suffrage society-Eliza Wigham, president, Jessie M. Wellstood, secre- tary-has invited a hundred or more of the friends to an afternoon tea on Tuesday next in honor of my visit, and I am to make a brief speech, so what to say and how to say it come uppermost with me again.... Elizabeth Pease Nichol MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 569 THE RAVEN HOTEL, DROITWICH, August 5. MY DEAR FRIEND SUSAN B. ANTHONY: I have often wished to write thee since we parted in London, my heart has been so full of loving thought. It has been a greater trial than I can describe that I have been denied the pleasure of receiving thee in my home in Edinburgh. If it had been only for an hour, I should have looked back on that hour as one of great privilege. But even if we should not meet again, I have had a pleasure which seems almost like a dream to me, in having made the personal acquaintance of thy- self and dear Mrs. Stanton. . . That thou shouldst have been on the 1st of August with the Elizabeth Pease of those grand anti-slavery times, revived in me the thought I expressed in moving a vote of thanks to thee and Mrs. Cady Stanton for the noble ad- dresses you gave at the Prince's Hall Meeting in London; ... that you had been brought here to give us the hand of rejoicing fellowship; and that it gave me great faith to believe the God of Justice was leading us on, and had brought England and America together by your presence amongst us at this most critical and hopeful time of our agitation. . . . I have addressed thee in the dear singular person, because it seemed to me in harmony with the noble simplicity of thy character, and also more affec- tionate-just as I feel toward thee. Believe me, dear friend—I love so to call thee—thine very affectionately, PRISCILLA BRIGHT MCLAREN. [The diary notes many teas and luncheons in Edinburgh, drives to Melrose Abbey, Holyrood Palace, Roslyn Castle, to the celebrated monuments, the old cathedrals and the university; calls from distinguished professors and those interested in philanthropic movements, visits to public institutions, and lovely gifts from the new friends. Every day of the month was filled with pleasant incidents. The scenery through the lake and mountain regions Miss Anthony found so beautiful that, although there was a steady downpour of rain for days, she sat on the outside of boat or stage in order not to miss a moment of it. She hunted up the old home of Thomas Clark- son but could not find there a person who ever had heard of him. She went also to the Friends' meeting house at Ulvers- ton, presented to the Society by George Fox and completed in 1688. To her such spots as these were more interesting and hallowed than towering castles and vine-clad abbeys.] BALLACHULISH HOTEL, August 13. MY DEAR SISTER: Miss Julia Osgood and I are here, waiting for sunshine. .... While in Edinburgh Mrs. Nichol drove us out to Craigmillar Castle, where I saw the very rooms in which Queen Mary lived. We bought for a shilling a basket of strawberries plucked-no, "pulled ”--the old man who 570 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. sold them said, from the very garden in which berries and vegetables were "pulled” for Queen Mary three hundred years ago. One evening Professor into the muddy pool of politics," and I asked him if he had ever thought that, since the only places which were too filthy for women were those where men alone went, perhaps they might be so from lack of women. At dinner Mrs. Nichol rallied him on the report that he had been converted, and he admitted that it was true; so as he was leaving I said, " Then I am to reckon an Edin- boro' professor among my converts ?” He seized my hand and kissed it, saying, "I'll seal it with a kiss.” Don't be alarmed-he is fully eighty years of age but blithe and frolicsome--sang and acted out a Scotch war-song in the real Gaelic. On August 1 we saw 200 medical students capped-and not a woman among them, because the powers ruled that none should be admitted. That after- noon we called on Professor Masson, a great champion of co-education. We took tea with Mrs. Jane and Miss Eliza Wigham. The stepmother, now eighty-two, was Jane Smeale in 1840. In their house have visited Henry C. with us to Melrose by rail, from which we drove to Abbotsford, ... Tuesday at 2 o'clock Miss Osgood and I landed at Stirling. At 4:30 we reached Callander, where I found no trunk, and not a man of them could give a guess as to its whereabouts. They give you no check here, but just stick a patch on your trunk. I had expected not to find it at every stop, and now it was gone for sure; but the station-master was certain he could find it and for- ward it to me, so he wrote out its description and telegraphed in every direc- tion. Meanwhile we went to a hotel for luncheon and there in the hall was my trunk! Nobody knew why or how it got there and all acknowledged our American check system superior. I was raging at their stupidity, and no sys- tem at all, but laughingly said, “You ought to send this trunk free a thous- and miles to pay for my big scold at you.” The man good-naturedly replied, " Where will you have it sent?” I answered “ Oban,” and he booked it. At 6 o'clock we took the front seat with the driver on a great high stage which we mounted by a ladder-they call the stage the "machine"--and drove a few miles to the Trossachs Hotel, past Loch Achray and Loch Ven- nachar. ... While the rain rested this noon I took a walk up the ravine and it seemed very like going up the mountain at Grandfather An- thony's. Indeed, there is nothing here more beautiful than we have in America, only everything has some historic or poetic association. ... BRUNTSFIELD LODGE, WHITEHOUSE LOAN, EDINBURGH, August 23. MY DEAR SISTER: Here am I, back in Edinboro' again, at Dr. Jex-Blake's delightful home--at least one hundred and fifty years old, with an acre or more of garden all enclosed with a six-foot wall. Lodge means a walled-in house; loan means lane, and the street took its name from a white house which two hundred and fifty years ago stood in this road. Every day the doctor has taken me a long and beautiful ride in her basket-carriage, driving her own little pony, White Angel, or her bay horse, while her boy-groom rides in his perch behind. Today she drove me through Lord Rosebery's MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 571 park of thousands of acres. It is lovely as a native forest--the roads macad- amized all through--and a palace-like residence set deep within. . . . AMBLESIDE, August 27. MY DEAR SISTER: Last Thursday I left Edinburgh for Penrith, which has a fine view of the lake and the hills beyond. Next morning I took steamer at Pooley Bridge. The trip the whole length of the lake was beautiful, but can not compare with Lake George--indeed, nothing I have seen equals that--but the hills (mountains, they call them here), the water and the sky all were lovely. At Patterdale I had a cup of tea, with bread and butter and the veri- table orange marmalade manufactured at Dundee. Thence I took a stage over Kirkstone Pass, and walked two miles up the hills to a small hotel with a signboard saying it is the highest inhabited house in England, 1,114 feet above the sea-not very much beside Denver's 6,000 and others in Colorado 10,000 or 12,000. Arrived at Ambleside to find the hotel overflowing, so they sent me to a farmer's house where I had a good bed, splendid milk and sweet butter. Saturday morning I went by coach to Coniston, then railway to Fur- ness Abbey, a seven-hundred-year-old ruin of magnificent proportions. After four hours there, I took a train to Lakeside and then steamer up Lake Win- dermere back to Ambleside. The hotel still being full, the Boots," as they call the porter or runner, found me lodgings at a private house, where I am now. It is the tiniest little stone cottage, but they have a cow, so I am in clover. My breakfasts consist of a bit of ham, cured by the hostess, a boiled egg, white and graham bread with butter and currant jam, and a cup of tea. Saturday evening I strolled out and entered the gate of Harriet Martineau's home. On the terrace I met the present occupants, Mr. and Mrs. William Henry Hills. They invited me to call in the morning, when they would be happy to show me over the house. In naming the hour they said: “We never go to church-we are Liberal Friends-real Friends." At that I immediately felt at home with them. I called and spent two hours sitting and chatting in the drawing-room where Harriet Martineau received her many distinguished guests, and in the kitchen saw the very same table, chairs and range which were there when she died, and sitting on the doorsill was the same black-and-yellow cat, said to be fourteen years old now. The Hills invited me to 5 o'clock tea, which we took in the library, where Miss Martineau used to sit and study as well as entertain her guests at dinner. It seemed impossible to realize that I was actually in her house. It is not large and is covered with ivy, which grows most luxuriantly everywhere. It fronts on a large field, much lower than the knoll on which it stands, and fine hills stretch off beyond. The old gardener, who has been here more than thirty years, still lives in a little stone cottage just under the terrace. het oppe chonchlich de masinkan. Mr. Hills is a great lover of America and its institutions. He is one of the very few I have met here who really love republicanism. Nearly every one 572 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. clings to the caste and class principle, thinks the world can not exist if a portion of the people are not doomed to be servants, and that for the poor to have an ambition to rise and become something more than their parents makes them discontented. “Yes," I answer, “and that is just what I want them to be, because it is only through a wholesome discontent with things as they are, that we ever try to make them any better.” ... DUBLIN, September 10. MY DEAR SISTER: ... I stayed in Belfast some days, and visited the Giant's Causeway with Miss Isabella Tod, amidst sunshine and drenching showers; still it was a splendid sight, fully equal to Fingal's Cave. The day before, we went nearly one hundred miles into the country to a village where she spoke at a temperance meeting. Here we were guests of the Presbyterian minister-a cousin of Joseph Medill, of the Chicago Tribune—and a cordial greeting he and his bright wife gave me. They have three Presbyterian churches in that one little village. All welcomed the woman speaker most kindly, but not a person could be urged to vote down the whiskey shops, as these are licensed by a justice of the peace, appointed by the Lord Chancel- lor of Ireland, who receives his appointment from the Queen of England ! A mouse So all she could ask was that every one should become a total ab- stainer. I do not see how they can submit to be thus voiceless as to their own home regulations. Saturday I took tea with Mrs. Haslam, a bright, lovely “come-outer” from the Friends. She had invited some twenty or thirty to be present at eight, and I spoke, they asking questions and I answering. Among them were a son of the Abolitionist Richard D. Webb, and ever so many nephews and nieces. Eliza Wigham's brother Henry and his wife had come ten miles to be there. . . This afternoon I am going to the common council meet- ing with Alfred Webb, who is a member and a strong Home Ruler. The question of electing their own tax collector is to be discussed. CORK, September 16. MY DEAR SISTER: ... Your heart would break if you were here to see the poverty and rags, and yet the people seem cheerful under it all. Some- thing surely must be wrong at the root to bear such fruit. I have had an awfully “hard side of a board time” of ten hours in a third-class car, paying therefor just as much as I would on the N. Y. Central for a first-class ticket. I not only saved $4.25 by going third-class, but I saw the natives. Men, women, boys and girls who had been to the market towns with their produce were on the train, and to see them as they tumbled in toward evening, at town MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 573 after town, one would think that whiskey and tobacco were the main articles they bought. Any number of men and boys, and at least four women, were drunk enough, and they brought bottles with them and added to their puling idiocy as they went on. Nothing short of a pig-sty could match the filth, but it is only in that class of cars that you see anything of the vast number of poor farmers and laborers. If they can not pay exorbitant rates, refined, educated men and women are thrust into pens and seated face to face with the smoking, drinking, carousing rabble. I have everywhere protested against this outrage and urged the women to demand that the railway companies should give them separate cars, with no smoking allowed. . . . LEAMINGTON, October 1. MY DEAR RACHEL: ... I must have told you of my good times at Bel- fast with Miss Tod, who gave a reception for me and I had a welcome all round. Miss Osgood met me at Cork, and we went by rail to Macroom. Tuesday morning we visited the convent, nuns' schools, and the poorhouse with 400 helpless mortals, old and young; then took an Irish jaunting-car, and were driven some forty miles through “the Gap” to Glengariff. It rained almost all the way, much to our disgust. Next morning we packed into two great stages with thirty or more others, and started for the lakes of Killarney; but soon the rain poured again, and as we were losing so much of the scenery we stopped half-way at Kenmare. We visited the convent and the Mother Ab- bess showed us every cranny. Thirty girls were at work on beautiful Irish point and Limerick lace. These nuns have 400 pupils, and give 200 of the poorest their breakfast and lunch-porridge and a bit of bread. At two we took stage again, the sky looked promising, but alas! for half an hour it fairly poured. Then it grew lighter, and we got very fine views of hills and dales. Killarney is lovely. . . . Saturday I sauntered along the streets of Killarney, passed the market, and saw all sorts of poor humanity coming in with their cattle to sell or to buy. Many rode in two-wheeled carts without seat or spring, drawn by little donkeys, and nearly all the women and girls were bareheaded and bare- footed. On the bridge I saw some boys looking down. I looked too and there was a spectacle--a ragged, bareheaded, barefooted woman tossing a wee baby over her shoulders and trying to get her apron switched around to hold it fast on her back. I heard her say to herself, “I'll niver do it," so I said, “ Boys, one of you run down there and help her.” At that instant she succeeded in getting the baby adjusted, and to my horror took up a bundle from the grass and disclosed a second baby! Then I went down. I learned that she had just come from the poorhouse, where she had spent six weeks, and be- fore going further had laid her two three-weeks-old boys on the cold, wet grass, while she washed out their clothes in the stream. The clothing was the merest rags, all scrambled up in a damp bundle. She had heard her old mother was ill in Milltown and had “ fretted” about her till she could bear it no longer, so had started to walk ten miles to her. I hailed a boy with a jaunting-car--told her to wait and I would take her home--got my luncheon--fed the boy's horse, bought lunch for boy and woman--and off we went, she sitting on one side of 574 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the car with her two babies, wet bundle, two milk bottles and rubber ap- pendages, bare feet and flying hair, and I on the other, with the boy in front. For a long way both babies cried; they were blue as pigeons, and had on nothing but little calico slips, no socks even. She had four children older than these--a husband who went to fairs selling papers and anything he could to support them all--and an aged father and mother who lived with them. She said if God had given her only one child, she could still help earn something to live on, but now He had given her two, she couldn't. When we reached Milltown I followed her home. It was in a long row of one-room things with a door--but no window. Some peat was smouldering under a hole in the roof called a chimney, and the place was thick with smoke. On the floor in one corner was some straw with a blanket on it, which she said was her bed; in another were some boards fastened into bed-shape, with straw packed in, and this belonged to her father and mother. Where the four other children, with the chickens and the pig, found their places to sleep, I couldn't see. I went to the home of another tenant, and there again was one room, and sitting around a pile of smoking-hot potatoes on the cold, wet ground--not a board or even a flag-stone for a floor--were six ragged, dirty children. Not a knife, fork, spoon or platter was to be seen. The man was out working for a farmer, his wife said, and the evidences were that “God” was about to add a No. 7 to her flock. What a dreadful creature their God must be to keep sending hungry mouths while he withholds the bread to fill them!... I went back to Killarney heart-sick; wrote letters Sunday, and Monday took train for Limerick, where I rushed round for an hour or two... Then went on to Galway Tuesday morning took the mail-car to Connemara, and had company all the way—a judge, an Irish M.P., and two Dublin drum- mers--with whom I talked over the Irish problem. I had meant to make the tour of the western coast up to Londonderry, but my courage failed. It was to be the same soul-sickening sight all the way-only, I was assured, worse than anything yet seen. I took the stage back to Galway, every one saying it was sure to be a fine day, but it proved to be terrific wind and rain, and be- fore I had gone ten miles my seat was a pool of water and it took all my skill to keep my umbrella right side out. . . . Once while the driver changed horses I stood in front of a big fire on the hearth of the best farmer's house I have seen here. Everything was clean and cheerful-two rooms-a bed made up with a spotless white spread-the old father smoking and the wife cooking dinner. She lifted a wooden cover from a jar and proudly showed me her butter-patted down with her hands, I could see-and near by was another jar with milk. Think of butter being made in a room full of tobacco-smoke! Then I went my last ten out of the fifty miles, having been soaking wet for eight hours. At my hotel I had room and fire on a “double- quick," bath-tub and hot water, and put myself through a regular grooming. In the morning I rode around Galway, saw Queen's College and the bay, and then took train for Belfast. MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 575 From the diary : Sept. 11.-In Dublin. The Professor of Arabic took me through Trinity College, with its library of 200,000 volumes. Thence to the old Parliament House, now the Bank of Ireland. In the afternoon Alfred Webb went with me to the National League rooms and from there to Thomas Webb's for tea, where I saw the names of Garrison and N. P. Rogers written in 1840. We called on Michael Davitt, the leader of the Irish Land League, who impressed me as an earnest, honest man, deeply-rooted in the principles of freedom and equality, and claiming all for woman that he does for man. Sept. 16.-At Youghal. Visited the home of Sir Walter Raleigh, Lady Hennessy, eighty years old, showing me around. Found in a library Child- ren of the Abbey, and read again the story of Lord Mortimer and Amanda. Once it thrilled my young soul, but now it seems inexpressibly thin. Sept. 20.-While I was talking in the car today with an Irishwoman about the poverty here, another behind me shouted: “It is very ill manners for an American to come over here and abuse the English government.” Sept. 29.-In Belfast. O, how I would like to purchase all the linen I want for myself and my friends! Have bought as much as I dared and after all perhaps I'm cheated—but it's done, so I won't worry. Sept. 30.-Landed at Fleetwood and went direct to Rugby. Walked all around the famous school, but had not courage to go in and introduce myself to Doctor Jex-Blake, whose sister's guest I had so recently been. Oct. 1.–At Leamington. Went direct to Kenilworth Castle, a grand old ruin; the home of Leicester, where Queen Elizabeth visited him in the olden days. Oct. 2.-Mrs. Mullinor called at our hotel and accompanied us to Warwick Castle, a splendid pile. We lunched with her, and when Mr. M. put fork into the roast he remarked: “ Wife asked me what she should order for dinner and I said, 'a leg of mutton, for Americans never see such a thing at home.” We smiled and ate it with a relish. Oct. 3.-At Stratford on Avon, and we have visited every spot sacred to the memory of Shakespeare, and walked through the meadows and down by the riverside. ... Oct. 4.-In Oxford. I have visited many of the colleges, and as I saw where all the millions of dollars had been expended for the education of boys alone, I groaned in spirit and betook me to Somerville and St. Margaret's Halls, where at least there is a shelter for girls, and a beginning. Oct. 5.-In London; and how almost like getting home it seems to come back here. LONDON, October 7. MY DEAR SISTER: Mrs. Stanton feels that she must stay with Hattie till the baby is a month old, and then have a week for farewell visits in London. Cousins Fannie and Charles Dickinson are here. Today I learned that I should have a chance to see and hear John Bright at a convention of the Lib- eral Party at Leeds, October 17; all these together have made me put off leav- ing a little longer. Since yesterday we have been in the midst of a genuine London fog. It is now 10 A. M. and even darker than it was two hours ago, 576 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. when we dressed and breakfasted by gaslight. I saw smoky, foggy days here last March but they could not compare with this, and yet the people say, “O, this is nothing to what November will bring.” ... LONDON, October 27. MY DEAR SISTER: Since I last wrote you I have visited Leeds where I was the guest of Mrs. Hannah Ford, who has an elegant home--Adel Grange. There were several other guests who had come to attend the great Liberal dem- onstration, among them Mrs. Margaret Priestman Tanner, a sister-in-law of John Bright, and his son Albert. Mrs. Alice Scatcherd, of Leeds, was the per- son who had the sagacity to get women sent as delegates and secure them ad- mission on terms of perfect equality. The amendment was a great triumph. She invited the friends to meet next day at her house, where I saw John Bright's daughter, Mrs. Helen Clark, and Richard Cobden's, Miss Jane Cob- den. Both made speeches at the convention, and most fitting it was they should—the daughters of the two leading Radicals of a half century ago. On Saturday, Mrs. Ford took me to Haworth, the home of the Brontë sisters. It is a bleak enough place now, and must have been even more so forty or fifty years ago when those sensitive plants lived there. A most sad day it was to me, as I looked into the little parlor where the sisters walked up and down with their arms around each other and planned their novels, or sat before the fireplace and built air-castles. Then there were the mouldering tombstones of the graveyard which lies in front and at one side of the house, and the old church-pew, directly over the vault where lay their loved mother and two sis- ters. And later, when Emily and Anne and the erring brother Branwell had joined the others, poor Charlotte sat there alone. The pew had to be removed every time the vault was opened to receive another occupant. Think of those delicate women sitting in that fireless, mouldy church, listening to their old father's dry, hard theology, with their feet on the cold, carpetless stones which covered their loved dead. It was too horrible ! Then I walked over the single stone pathway through the fields toward the moor, opened the same wooden gates, and was, and still continue to be, dipped into the depths of their utter loneliness and sadness, born so out of time and place. How much the world of literature has lost because of their short and ill-environed lives, we can guess only from its increased wealth in spite of all their adverse con- ditions. From Leeds I went to Birmingham to attend an Anti-Contagious Diseases Acts conference, and there heard the serene, lovely Josephine E. Butler. replica Miss Müller has invited Mrs. Stanton and me to spend the rest of our time with her. Mrs. Lucas and some others are going to Liverpool to say good-by to us. The cordiality, instead of decreasing, grows greater and greater as the day of departure draws near. . . . I dread stepping on shipboard, but long to set foot upon my native soil again. Only think, I shall have been gone over nine months when I land in New York! MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 577 From the diary: Oct. 13.—Last evening at Mrs. Rose's I met the daughter of Charles Brad- laugh, a talented young woman, whom the college refused to admit to botany lectures because of her father's atheism. Oct. 18.–At Leeds. Liberal party convention; went this evening to hear John Bright remember to forget to mention the extension of suffrage to women in 1869 and 1870, and the property law for married women in 1882. He did not meet my expectations as a speaker, but far surpasses any other Englishman I have heard. None of them can touch Wendell Phillips. Oct. 28.-Had a four hours' row on the Thames today with some friends. This evening went to hear Mrs. Annie Besant. Nov. 2.-Have been out to Basingstoke to see the new baby. Mrs. Mona Caird lunched with us. Have heard Michael Davitt, Mr. Fawcett and Helen Taylor, all masterly speakers. Lueins pours MASNO rau LONDON, November 6. MY DEAR SISTER: . . . . As soon as I finish this scribble I am to have 5 o'clock tea with Frances Power Cobbe. Tomorrow I go shopping, Thursday Millicent Garrett Fawcett is to dine with us, and Mrs. Peter Taylor is to call here, and all are to take “substantial tea” with dear, noble Mrs. Lucas, and then go to hear Henry Fawcett on the political issues. Friday afternoon we receive at Miss Müller's. Saturday morning I leave for Bristol to visit Miss Mary Estlin, Mrs. Tanner and the Misses Priestman, three sisters-in-law of John Bright, who give a reception in my honor. The 12th I visit Margaret E. Parker, at Warrington, and the next afternoon Mrs. Stanton and I both go to Alderley Edge, near Manchester, to the home of Mr. and Mrs. Jacob Bright. On the 14th we attend the annual meeting of the Manchester 1A pleasant letter was received afterwards from Mrs. Bright, in which she made this playful reference to Miss Anthony's always depreciating herself in favor of Mrs. Stanton : “We have thought of you often and hoped that the wind, which has been rough here, has been tempered on the Atlantic for your sakes. Apropos of the very beautiful allusion you made to Mrs. Cady Stanton's popularity and the effect produced by her personal appearance, I must tell you of a remark made by my little son John immediately after your departure. I found him sitting on the sofa in my bedroom, thinking deeply. “Mamma,' he said, 'I wish you could get me a photograph of Miss Anthony. I think she has such a fine face. There is something about it so firm and yet so kind.' I said, 'Do you like her better than Mrs. Stanton?''Oh dear, yos, much better,' replied Johnnie. So you see she does not monopolize all the admiration!” ANT.-37 578 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Women's Suffrage Association, and on the 16th go to Liverpool where a recep- tion will be given us in the afternoon. That evening we shall spend at our Believe me, rentuck, hotel with the friends who go to see us off, and on the 17th we give ourselves to old ocean's care in the Cunarder Servia. Don't worry now if you do not hear from me again until I touch Yankee soil; and don't worry if the wind blows or if you learn the vessel is late or lost. If the Servia fail to land me safe and sound, don't repine or stop because I am not, but buckle on a new and stronger harness and do double work for the good cause of woman. 'You have the best of judgment in our work and are capable of doing much if only you had confidence in yourself, so whatever comes to me, do you be all the more for the less that I am. Half of Miss Anthony's nine-months' trip abroad had been spent in Great Britain. To her all the other attractions of the old world were as nothing compared with its living, breathing humanity. On the continent she was deprived of any ex- change of thought with its people because she spoke no lan- guage but her own, and this made her prefer England; but there was another and a stronger interest—the great progres- sive movement which was going forward in regard to woman. Here she found women of fine intellect and high social posi- tion engaged in the same work to which she had given more than thirty years of her own life; and here she met sympathy and recognition which would have been impossible in any other country in Europe. Her central thought in going to Great Britain had been to secure the co-operation of English- women in holding an international suffrage convention. At first her proposition met with no response. The most radical of English women were conservative compared to those of Ius peetindet's Magnet Papelaria MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. 579 America, but after they had become thoroughly acquainted with Mrs. Stanton and herself and prejudice had been sup- planted by confidence, the idea began to be more favorably regarded. One serious difficulty in the way of the proposed convention lay in the fact that the suffrage women of England and Scotland were not themselves in thorough unison as to plans and purposes. No definite action was taken until the their honor by Dr. Ewing Whittle, in Liverpool, with the hearty concurrence of Mrs. McLaren, Mrs. Lucas, Mrs. Scatch- erd and Mrs. Parker, who had accompanied Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton to see them safely on board their vessel, a strong committee was formed to promote international organi- zation. They sailed from Liverpool on the Servia, November 17, 1883. Among their fellow voyagers were Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey, of Orange, N.J., to whom the cause of woman suf- frage and Miss Anthony personally are deeply indebted ; and Mrs. Margaret B. Sullivan, of Chicago, the distinguished edi- torial writer. There was some lovely weather, which was greatly enjoyed, but heavy fogs impeded the ship and it was they steamed into New York harbor and stepped again on the shores of loved America. CHAPTER XXXIII. CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 1884–1885. TOST of the newspapers had a welcome for Miss Anthony. In a two-column report in the Roches- ter Democrat and Chronicle she is quoted as saying: "I can scarcely tell you of the hospitality extended, the din- ners, teas and receptions given in our honor. I had no idea we were so well-known in Great Britain or that there was such cordial feeling toward us. Of course, I met chiefly those known as Liberals and the sympa- thizers with our cause. Public sentiment there is rapidly growing in our favor. In the discussion I heard in Parliament not a Conservative uttered a word against the suffrage already possessed by women but relied upon the hackneyed argument that when married women were included there would be trouble.” “You saw the Queen, I suppose ?” “No; I thought more of seeing the Bright family than the Queen and I never happened to be near where she was. I really had very little leisure to look around. I am ashamed to say I did not visit Westminster until the morning before I came away, but it was simply for lack of time. The social idea was of more importance to me.” The New York Evening Telegram said editorially: “The statement of Miss Susan B. Anthony, in another column, illus- trates the superb determination of that champion of woman's political rights. In the struggle which has constituted her life-work she has the rare advantage of not being able to com- prehend defeat. Battling under the inspiration of an enthusi- ast—of a fanatic, some may be disposed to say—she knows no such word as fail. The most disheartening reverses appear to her inspired imagination but steps in an undeviating march of progress. It was enthusiasm such as this that made the career (581) 582 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of Joan of Arc. Without it, not even the broad intellect and strong soul of Miss Anthony could sustain the burden of the struggle which she is called upon to lead.” The Washington correspondent of the Cleveland Leader thus began a long in- terview : Susan B. Anthony is back from Europe, and is here for the winter's fight in behalf of woman suffrage. She seems remarkably well, and has gained fifteen pounds since she left last spring. She is sixty-three, but looks just the same as twenty years ago. There is perhaps an extra wrinkle in her face, a little more silver in her hair, but her blue eyes are just as bright, her mouth as serious and her step as active as when she was forty. She would attract attention in any crowd. She is of medium height and medium form but her face is wonderfully intellectual, and she moves about like the woman of a purpose that she is. She says she experiences far different treatment by public men now from what she did years ago. The statesman of the past always came to her with a smirk on his face as though he considered woman's rights nonsensical and thought himself wonderfully condescending to take notice of her at all. “Now," says she, “public men look upon our mission as a matter of business, and we are considered from that standpoint.” The interview closed : “One question more, Miss Anthony. Will you please tell me what is your highest ideal of the woman of the future ?” “It is hard to say," was the reply. “The woman of the future will far sur- pass the one of the present, even as the man of the future will surpass the one of today. The ages are progressive, and I look for a far higher manhood and womanhood than we now have. I think this will come through making the sexes co-equal. When women associate with men in serious matters, as they do now in frivolous, both will grow stronger and the world's work will be better done. I look for the day when the woman who has a political or judicial brain will have as much right to sit in the Senate or on the Su- preme Bench as men have; when women will have equal property, business and political rights with men; when the only criterion of excellence or po- sition shall be the ability and character of the individual; and this time will come. All of the Western colleges are now open to women, and send forth more than 2,000 women graduates every year. Think of the effect upon the race to come! The woman of the future will be a better wife, mother and citizen than the woman of today.” There were, however, some discordant notes in the sym- phony of pleasant things which by 1883 had become customary in the newspapers. For instance, the Cincinnati Times-Star headed its interview: “Susan Speaks—Miss Anthony Cor- CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 583 ralled by a Times-Star Correspondent-The Old Lady Wears Good Clothes and Stops at First-class Hotels–Bubbling about the Ballot.” The smart reporter described the size of her foot, devoted a paragraph to the question whether her teeth were natural or artificial, and said: “There must be money in being a reformer, for Miss Anthony lives at the Riggs House in good style, and expects to be there all winter, and this, after a sum- mer in Europe, would be a pretty severe drain on any but a long purse." When one thinks of Miss Anthony's uniform kindness and courtesy to reporters, always granting an inter- view no matter how tired or how busy she might be, and assist- ing them in every possible way with information and sugges- tions, it is astonishing that any one of them could indulge in petty, personal criticism and innuendoes. Miss Anthony had now another friend at court, Col. Halbert S. Greenleaf, of Rochester, having been elected to Congress. Both he and his wife were strong and influential advocates of suffrage, and her warm personal friends. The diary shows that every day of December she was conferring with officials and their wives who were friendly to the cause, making con- verts wherever possible and co-operating actively with the District committee in all the drudgery of detail necessary to a successful convention. It is only by reading her diary that one can understand what a mental agony it was for Miss Anthony to press this matter upon congressmen, year after year, to be repulsed by those who were opposed and only toler- ated by those in favor, who had many other matters on hand which to them seemed of much greater importance. "Oh, if men only could know how hard it is for women to be forever snubbed when they attempt to plead for their rights ! It is perfectly disheartening that no member feels any especial in- terest or earnest determination in pushing this question of woman suffrage, to all men only a side issue,” she writes in this little confidant; but not even in her letters is there ever a note of discouragement. To the world at large and to those who were associated with her, she was always brave, bright and hopeful. It causes a keen heartache to reflect upon how 584 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. she crucified herself for fifty years, unfaltering and uncom- plaining, in order to make conditions better for womankind. To Hon. William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, who believed in woman suffrage and voted for it, but did not feel enough interest to push the matter in Congress, she wrote, January 6, 1884: No one shrinks more from making herself obnoxious than I do, and but for the sake of all women, your darling Florence included, I should never again say a word to you on the subject of using your influence to secure the passage of a Sixteenth Amendment proposition. Last winter you put off my appeal for help with, “This is the short session and the tariff question is of moment- ous importance.” Now, since this is the “long session,” will you not take hold of this work, and with the same earnestness that you do other questions ? It is cruel for you to leave your daughter, so full of hope and resolve, to suffer the humiliations of disfranchisement she already feels so keenly, and which she will find more and more galling as she grows into the stronger and grander woman she is sure to be. If it were your son who for any cause was denied his right to have his opinion counted, you would compass sea and land to lift the ban from him. And yet the crime of denial in his case would be no greater than in that of your daughter. It is only because men are so accustomed to the ignoring of woman's opinions, that they do not believe women suffer from the injustice as would men; precisely as people used to scout the idea that negroes, whose parents before them always had been enslaved, suffered from that cruel bondage as white men would. Now, will you not set about in good earnest to secure the enfranchisement of woman? Why do not the Republicans push this question? The vote on Keifer's resolution showed almost a party line. Of the 124 nays, only 4 were Republicans; while of the 85 yeas, only 13 were Democrats. Even should you fail to get another committee, the discussion and the vote would array the members and set each man and party in their true places to be seen of all men, and all women too. The term of the select committee on woman suffrage having expired with the close of the Forty-seventh Congress, a new one was appointed by the Senate of the Forty-eighth. The House committee on rules refused to report such a committee but placed the question in the hands of Representative Warren Keifer, of Ohio, who made a gallant fight for it on the floor, dur- ing which he said: "Is not the right of petition a constitutional right? Has not woman, in this country at least, risen above the rim and horizon of servitude, discredit and disgrace, and has she not a right, representing as she does in many instances CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 585 great questions of property, to present her appeals to this na- tional council and have them wisely and judiciously consid- ered ? I think it is due to our wives, daughters, mothers and sisters to afford them an avenue through which they can legit- imately and judicially reach the ear of this great nation.” He was ably assisted by Mr. Belford, of Colorado. The measure to appoint this committee was bitterly opposed by Mr. Reagan, of Texas, who said in a long speech : “When woman so far misunderstands her duty as to want to go to working on the roads and making rails and serving in the militia and go- ing into the army, I want to protect her against it.” The vote resulted—-yeas, 85, nays, 124; absent or not voting, 112. Immediately after the return of members from the holiday recess, Miss Anthony wrote to each of the 112 asking how he would vote if the question came up again. To these letters 52 replies were received, 26 from Republicans, all of whom would vote yes; 26 from Democrats, 10 of whom would yote yes, 10, no; while 6 did not know how they would vote. As these 36 affirmative votes added to the 85 yeas would so nearly have overcome the adverse majority, John D. White, of Kentucky, at the solicitation of Miss Anthony, made another earnest effort in February to secure the desired committee, but the Democrats refused to allow the question to come to a vote. She was greatly disappointed at the failure to get the select committee, but afterwards became of the opinion that it was more advan- tageous to return to the old plan of working through the judi- ciary committee. Miss Anthony had to be continually on the alert to head off zealous but injudicious women who were determined to com- mit the suffrage movement to the various ologies and isms of the day, and especially to personal matters. Even a woman so intellectually great as Mrs. Stanton could not be relied upon always to make her individual opinions subserve what was demanded of her position as president of the National Asso- ciation. In January Miss Anthony received a document which Mrs. Stanton had prepared as an “open letter,” to be signed 586 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. by both of them officially and given to the press, congratulat- ing Frederick Douglass upon his marriage to a white woman and sympathizing with him because of the adverse criticism it had called out! She especially urged that he be given a prominent place on the program at the approaching conven- tion. Miss Anthony replied at once : I do hope you won't put your foot into the question of intermarriage of the races. It has no place on our platform, any more than the question of no marriage at all, or of polygamy, and, so far as I can prevent it, shall not be brought there. I beg you therefore not to congratulate him publicly. Were there a proposition to punish the woman and leave the man to go scot free, then we should have a protest to make against the invidious discrimina- tion. The question of the amalgamation of the different races is a scientific one, affecting women and men alike. I do not propose to have it discussed on our platform. Our intention at this convention is to make every one who hears or reads believe in the grand principle of equality of rights and chances for women, and if they see on our program the name of Douglass every thought will be turned toward the subject of amalgamation and away from that of woman and her disfranchised. Neither you nor I have the right thus to complicate or compromise our question, and if we take the bits in our teeth in one direction we must expect our compeers to do the same in others. You very well know that if you plunge in, as your letter proposes, your en- dorsement will be charged upon me and the whole association. Do not throw around that marriage the halo of a pure and lofty duty to break down race lines. Your sympathy has run away with your judgment. Lovingly and fearfully yours. It is hardly necessary to say that the “open letter” was not published. Everybody's burdens were laid upon Miss Anthony's shoul- ders. In looking over the mass of correspondence it seems as if each writer wanted something and looked to her to sup- ply it. All expected her to take the lead, to do the planning, to bear the responsibility, and usually she was equal to the demand, but even her brave spirit could not resist an occasional groan on the pages of the diary. When a new accession to the ranks, from whom she expected great assistance, wrote, “I do not know how to plan but tell me what to do and I will obey,” she says, “My heart sinks within me; so few seem to use their brain-power on ways and means." And again : CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 587 IGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. " This drain of helpless women, able and willing to work but utterly ignorant of how to do it, wears me out body and soul.” She was greatly distressed because so many of the younger women were frequently incapacitated by illness, and writes : “0, the weak-bodied girls of the present generation, they make me heart-sick!” But never did the women themselves know of these feelings. To the younger ones she wrote : “Don't give up 'beat' at any of those places till I have dropped my plummet into them. ... Your young shoulders will have to learn to bear the crotchets of all sorts of people and not bend or break under them. ... Put all the blame on me; they may abuse me but not you. .... It makes my heart ache every minute to see you so tired.... Vent all your ill-feelings on me but keep sweet as June roses to everybody else. It does not pay to lose your temper. . . . You will have to learn to let people pile injustice on you and then trust to time to right it all.” If on rare occa- sions she spoke a word of censure, it was followed by a letter in the next mail, full of sorrow and repentance. She always signed herself, even in the darkest hours, “ Yours with love and hope.” Beautiful optimism, sublime courage ! Sunday, February 3, 1884, Miss Anthony read in the morn- ing papers of the sudden death of Wendell Phillips. He had been to her always the one being without a peer, the purest, sweetest, best of men. The news overwhelmed her with grief and she wrote at once to Robert Purvis : How cut down I am at the telegram, “Wendell Phillips is dead," and I know you are equally so. I hope you can go on to Boston to the funeral, and help tenderly to lay away that most precious human clay. Who shall say the fitting word for Wendell Phillips at this last hour as lovingly and beautifully as he has done so many, many times for the grand men and women who have gone before him? There seem none left but you and Parker Pillsbury to pour out your souls' dearest love in his memory. Would that I had the tongue of an angel and could go and bear my testimony to the grandeur of that noblest of God's works! I can think of no one who can rightly and fully estimate that glorious character. What a sad hour for his beloved wife! He said to me on my last visit: “My one wish has come to be that I may live to bury Ann." He doubtless knew of his impending disease of the heart. On whose shoulders will fall the mantle of Wendell Phillips ? When will the children 588 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of men ever listen to such a matchless voice? How poor the world seems! In sorrow I am with you. She could not stay away and, inclement as was the weather, went to Boston three days later to look for the last time upon the loved face. At the request of many ladies in Washington the National Convention was held in March, instead of earlier in the win- ter, to avoid the social distractions which always precede the Lenten season. The ladies were pleasantly received by Presi- dent Arthur. This was an exceptionally brilliant convention, a noteworthy feature being the large number of letters contain- ing the greetings of the distinguished men and women of Great Britain, whom Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had met and interested during their trip abroad. The following was read from Matthew Simpson, senior bishop in the Methodist church, among his last public utterances, as he died a few months later : For more than thirty years I have been in favor of suffrage for woman. I was led to this position, not by the consideration of the question of natural rights or of alleged injustice or of inequality before the law, but by what I be- lieved would be her influence on the great moral questions of the day. Were the ballot in the hands of women, I am satisfied that the evils of intemperance would be greatly lessened; and I fear, without that ballot, we shall not suc- ceed against the saloons and kindred evils in large cities. You will doubtless have many obstacles placed in your way; there will be many conflicts to sus- tain; but I have no doubt that the coming years will see the triumph of your cause, and that our higher civilization and morality will rejoice in the work which enlightened women will ac- complish.? Both Senate and House committees granted hearings, and eloquent addresses were made by delegates from many States. Miss Anthony said in part: This is the fifteenth year we have appeared before Congress in person, and the nineteenth by petitions, asking national protection for women in the ex- 1 An official request was sent to the heads of the departments to permit the women em- ployes to attend one session of this convention but it was refused. A few days later per- mission was given them to go to Mrs. McElroy's reception at the White House, and the male employes were given a half-holiday to attend the exercises on St. Patrick's Day. The Methodist bishops Bowman, Warren, Newman, Haven, Turner and Walters have favored woman suffrage. CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS--VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 589 ercise of their right to vote. In the winter of 1865 and 1866 we sent your honorable body a ten-thousand prayer, asking you not to put "male" in the second section of the proposed Fourteenth Amendment; and again we ap- pealed to you by thousands of petitions that you would add “sex” after "race or color” in the Fifteenth, but all to no avail. Then by an eighty-thou- sand petition in 1871 we demanded the enactment of a declaratory law that women had the right to vote under the first section of the Fourteenth Amend- ment. This, too, was denied us, not only by Congress but by the Supreme Court, which held that the framers of the amendment had only “colored men” in their thought, therefore none others could come within its purview. From 1876 to the present we have from year to year poured into Congress hundreds of thousands of petitions asking you to take the initiative step for another amendment which shall specifically prohibit the disfranchisement of women. But, you say, why do you not go to your several States to secure this right? I answer, because we have neither the women nor the money to make the canvasses of the thirty-eight States, school district by school district, to edu- cate each individual man out of the old belief that woman was created to be his subject. Four State legislatures submitted the question of striking “male” from their constitutions - Kansas, Michigan, Colorado and Nebraska-and we made the best canvass of each which was possible for a disfranchised class outside of all political help. Negro suffrage was again and again overwhelm- ingly voted down in various States; and you know, gentlemen, that if the negro had never had the ballot until the majority of white men, particularly the foreign born, had voted “yes,” he would have gone without it until the crack of doom. It was because of this prejudice of the unthinking majority that Congress submitted the question of the negro's enfranchisement to the legislatures of the several States, to be adjudicated by the educated, broadened representatives of the people. We now appeal to you to lift the decision of our question from the vote of the populace to that of the legislatures, that thereby you may be as considerate and just to the women of this nation as you were to the freedmen. Every new privilege granted to woman has been by the legislatures. The liberal laws for married women, the right of the wife to own and control her inherited property and separate earnings, the right of women to vote at school elections in a dozen States, full suffrage in two Territories, all have been gained through the legislatures. Had any one of these beneficent prop- ositions been submitted to the vote of the rank and file do you believe a majority would have placed their sanction upon it? I do not; and I beg you, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, that you will at once recom- mend to the House the submission of the proposition now before you, and thus place the decision of this great constitutional question of the right of one-half the people of this republic to a voice in the government, with the legislatures of the several States. You need not fear that our enfranchise- ment will come too suddenly or too soon by this method. After the proposi- tion shall have passed Congress by the requisite two-thirds vote, it may require five, ten or twenty years to secure its ratification by the necessary 590 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. three-fourths of the State legislatures; but, once submitted by Congress, it al- ways will stand until ratified by the States. It takes all too many of us women from our homes and from the works of charity and education in our respective localities, even to come to Washing- ton, session after session, until Congress shall have submitted the proposition, and then to go from legislature to legislature, urging its adoption. But when you insist that we shall beg at the feet of each individual voter of every one of the States, native and foreign, black and white, learned and ignorant, you doom us to incalculable hardships and sacrifices, and to most exasperating insults and humiliations. I pray you to save us from the fate of waiting and working for our freedom until we shall have educated the ignorant masses of men to consent to give their wives and sisters equality of rights with them- selves. You surely will not compel us to await the enlightenment of all the freedmen of this nation and the newly-made voters from the monarchial gov- ernments of the old world! Liberty for one's self is a natural instinct possessed alike by all men, but to be willing to accord liberty to another is the result of education, of self-disci- pline, of the practice of the golden rule. Therefore we ask that the question of equality of rights to women shall be decided by the picked men of the nation in Congress, and the picked men of the several States in their respec- tive legislatures. The Senate committee again submitted a majority report in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment enfranchising women, signed by T. W. Palmer, Blair, Lapham and Anthony. The minor- ity report, by Joseph E. Brown, Cockrell and Fair, began : "The undersigned believe that the Creator intended that the sphere of the males and females of our race should be differ- ent,” etc. The House Judiciary Committee gave a majority report in the negative. The minority report in favor was signed by Thomas B. Reed, Maine ; Ezra B. Taylor, Ohio; Thomas M. Browne, Indiana ; Moses A. McCoid, Iowa. It is one of the keenest, clearest expositions of the absurdity of the objections against woman suffrage that ever has been made, and ends with this trenchant paragraph: It is sometimes asserted that women now have a great influence in politics through their husbands and brothers. That is undoubtedly true. But this is just the kind of influence which is not wholesome for the community, for it is influence unaccompanied by responsibility. People are always ready to Signed by Maybury, Michigan; Poland, Vermont; Tucker, Virginia; Hammond, Geor- gia; Culbertson, Texas; Moulton, Illinois; Broadhead, Missouri; Dorsheimer, New York; Collins, Massachusetts; Seney, Ohio; Bisbee, Florida. CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 591 recommend to others what they would not do themselves. If it be true that women can not be prevented from exercising political influence, is not that only another reason why they should be steadied in their political action by that proper sense of responsibility which comes from acting themselves? We conclude then, that every reason which in this country bestows the ballot upon man is equally applicable to the proposition to bestow the ballot upon woman, and in our judgment there is no foundation for the fear that woman will thereby become unfitted for all the duties she has hitherto performed. Miss Anthony mailed 500 packages of copies of this report to different points for distribution. Upon the urgent invita- tion of the suffrage association of Connecticut she went there for a few days to assist at their State convention, but in a let- ter to Mrs. Spofford she said: "I shall return tomorrow night, if possible. I keep thinking of those men at the Capi- tol not doing what I want them to." She afterwards wrote to May Wright Sewall : My plan is to get away from here the minute I can do so without letting our work suffer in Congress. A week ago the House Judiciary Committee voted down a motion to print our “hearing” speeches. Yesterday I went up and called out a Democrat who I knew had voted “no,” and hence could move to reconsider, and he promised to go back and thus move, and did so, and Mr. Browne, of Indiana, asked leave of the House to print them. I wish you would write to Mr. Browne that he is splendid and our main help now in the committee. Cockrell has been trying to prevent printing the Senate "hearing,” but Blair, Lapham, Palmer and Anthony are bound it shall be printed. Still, all would fall flat and dead if some one were not here to keep them in mind of their duty to us. ms de MH horixe VIMA Miss Anthony remained in Washington till April 14, man- aging her forces like an experienced general until the last gun had been fired. When she returned home ready to begin work on the History, she found to her amazement that the 592 S LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. officer who had been charged with preparing the report of the Sixteenth National Suffrage Convention, a woman of great literary ability, had given it up in despair, declaring that it would be utterly impossible to make anything creditable out of such a mass of unsatisfactory material, most of which would have to be entirely re-written. Miss Anthony did not stop to sit down and weep, but wrote her at once to send to Rochester every document she had in her possession. Then, taking all of them to Mrs. Stanton, who had gone to her old paternal home at Johnstown, they arranged, edited, re-wrote and put into shape the conglomerate of letters, speeches, etc., and in less than two weeks prepared and sent to the printer the most complete report ever made of a National convention.' The middle of May, after two years' interruption, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton set themselves diligently to finish the third volume of the History of Woman Suffrage, all the boxes and trunks of material having been shipped from Tena- fly. Although submerged in the avalanche of old documents, Miss Anthony's mind was full of current events. She writes in her journal June 2: “I wait with bated breath the news from Oregon, where today the men are voting on the question of woman's enfranchisement. My heart almost stands stills. I hope against hope, but still I hope.” When the news of the defeat comes, she says: “Dear Mrs. Duni- way, with all that debt left on her shoulders, which she assumed to carry on the campaign! I felt so agonized for her that on the very day of election I rushed to the bank and sent her $100. We must not leave her to carry it alone, after all her brave work. I have written a dozen letters to friends asking them to give her assistance. I feel like a lion champ- ing the bars of his cage, shut up here digging and delving among the records of the past when I long to be out doing the 1 Miss Anthony's letters show how desirous she was that everybody who assisted at these conventions should have full measure of credit: “They are earnest and anxious to do for woman's cause and I want them treated fairly and leniently as to all mistakes.” Again she writes: “Since Oregon was never before represented in our conventions, her speakers must have more room in the report than we old stagers." CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 593 Senator work of the present.” In a letter received from Palmer at this time he says : I fully sympathize with your regret and chagrin over the reverse in Oregon but hardly with your conclusion, viz., that “the women should stop asking legislatures to submit this question to the elect- ors, to have it killed by the majority, made up of ignorance and whiskey, native and foreign, and all go to Congress for success,” etc. It seems to me that nothing is to be lost and much to be gained by local discussions and temporary defeats. You know in 1850 Webster, in his unfortunate Revere House speech, stigmatized the anti-slavery movement as “a rub-a-dub agitation,” and Wen- dell Phillips closed his masterly philippic thereon with what was accepted as a motto: Agitate! Agitate!! Agitate!!! Another decade of that rub-a-dub agitation sufficed to divide the continent in a political earthquake and from out the chasm the negro emerged to citizenship. It may still require years to educate a majority of our women to demand the franchise and a majority of our men or their representatives in Congress and the legislatures, to proclaim it, but that the way leads through constant agitation I make no doubt. The still pool casts nothing to shore. She watches events across the water and writes on July 7: “Well, the House of Lords is today discussing whether 2,000,000 farm laborers shall have the ballot placed in their hands, while the half-million, more or less, women who employ them are left without it. What an outrage that Mr. Gladstone refused to allow Mr. Woodall's amendment to his bill to be at least voted upon! He applied the party whip and made voting for the woman suffrage amendment dis- loyalty to the government, and over one hundred Liberals, who had previ- ously declared themselves in favor of women's sharing in this new extension ANT.-38 mitt hiih berenal celice beus hour the & have 594 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of the franchise, voted against allowing them to do so. I do not believe a more humiliating abnegation of principle at the behest of a party leader ever was witnessed in our Congress.” The national political conventions in the summer of 1884 received the usual appeal to recognize the claims of women. The Republican, Democratic, Anti-Monopoly and Greenback parties equivocated, although the last two nominated Benjamin F. Butler, an avowed advocate of woman suffrage; the Prohi- bition convention relegated the question to the States. The American party put in a plank and nominated S. C. Pomeroy, a champion of woman suffrage, but it had too small a follow- ing to offer any hope of success. Blaine was not a friend, Lo- gan was an earnest one; Cleveland was not acceptable to many women, Hendricks had never shown himself favorable. In the midst of such a conglomeration the wise thing for all women would have been to remain non-partisan and take no share in the campaign. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stan- ton, however, watching events from their secluded nook, issued a manifesto urging women to stand by the Repub- lican party. They were led to take this action by the ten- dency of large numbers to rush to the support of the Prohi- bitionists, because of their suffrage plank; and they believed that if women were determined to work for some political party, the Republican at that time held out most hope. This aroused the antagonism of the Prohibitionists and Democrats, both men and women, and afforded the strongest possible object les- son to Miss Anthony of the wisdom of henceforth adhering to her policy of non-partisanship until one of the dominant parties should declare unmistakably for woman suffrage and advocate it by means of press and platform. When Miss Anthony learned that this action had been taken with the sanction of Frances E. Willard, she pointed out to her in vigorous language how the Prohibition-Republicans had left that party this year because a temperance resolution had failed in the platform committee and had gone over to the Prohibition party, charging that the Republicans were cowardly. Yet the very first act of this Prohibition convention, to which Miss Willard was a delegate, was to abandon the idea of National Supremacy and accept that of State Rights in order to conciliate the southern members. She further said: “When the time comes in which it will be political expediency for the Prohibition party to throw woman suffrage overboard altogether, over it will go.” Miss Willard lived to see this prophecy fulfilled at the National Prohibition Convention of 1896. CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 595 In August occurred the death of Sarah Pugh, the gentle Quaker and staunch Abolitionist, her old and faithful friend. It was followed by that of Frances D. Gage a few months later; and in December passed away the true and helpful ally, Wil- liam Henry Channing. Each left a void in her heart, and yet the memory of these great souls impelled to renewed effort. There was no cessation of the work on the History, which was slowly evolved through the heat of summer and the beautiful days of early autumn, but by the end of October the funds were exhausted, the money left by Mrs. Eddy was still in litigation, and Miss Anthony again went on the lecture platform, speak- ing almost every night through November and December. She did not fail, however, to look carefully after the inter- ests of the Seventeenth National Convention which met as usual in Washington, January 20, 1885. A letter from Clarina Howard Nichols was sent to be read at this meeting, but the hand which penned it was stilled in death before it was received. Of all the pioneer workers with whom Miss Anthony had been associated in the early days so full of scorn, ridicule and abuse, Mrs. Nichols was among the nearest and dearest, a forceful speaker and writer, a tender, loving woman. It was in this convention that the resolution denouncing dogmas and creeds was introduced by Mrs. Stanton, and caused much com- motion and heated argument. Miss Anthony opposed it, say- ing: I object to the words “derived from Judaism.” It does not matter where the dogma came from. I was on the old Garrison platform, and found long ago that the settling of any question of human rights by people's interpreta- tion of the Bible is utterly impossible. I hope we shall not go back to that war. We all know what we want, and that is the recognition of woman's perfect equality. We all admit that such recognition never has been granted in the centuries of the past; but for us to begin a discussion here as to who established this injustice would be anything but profitable. Let those who wish go back into their history, but I beg it shall not be done on our plat- form. 1 | 1 Apropos of this discussion, an amusing anecdote is related of Miss Anthony. When con- fronted, in an argument, with the passage of scripture, “Wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands," etc., she replied: "Gentlemen, no one objects to the husband being the head of the wife as Christ was the head of the church-to crucify himself; what we object to is his crucifying his wife.” 596 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The public, which always longed for a sensation at these suffrage conventions and was disappointed if it did not come, seized upon this resolution, and press and pulpit made it a text. The following Sunday W. W. Patton, D. D., president of Howard University, preached in the Congregational church of Washington a sermon entitled, “Woman and Skepticism." He took the ground that as soon as women depart from their natural sphere they become skeptical if not immoral. He gave as examples Hypatia, Madame Roland, Harriet Martineau, Frances Power Cobbe and George Eliot! Then turning his attention to America he said that “the recent convention of woman suffragists gave evidence of atheism and immorality,” and that " Victoria Woodhull was the representative of the movement in this country.” And this when Mrs. Woodhull had not been on the suffrage platform for thirteen years! Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton occupied front seats and at the close of the sermon went forward, shook hands with the preacher and Miss Anthony remarked earnestly: “Doctor, your mother, if you have one, should lay you across her knee and give you a good spanking for that sermon.” “O, no,” said Mrs. Stanton quickly," allow me to congratulate you. I have been trying for years to make women understand that the worst enemy they have is in the pulpit, and you have illus- trated the truth of it.” Then, while the great divine was try- ing to recover his breath, they walked out of the church. The nine days' commotion which this produced can be imagined better than described. After some reflection Miss Anthony regretted that she should have been provoked into her remark, but Mrs. Stanton wrote: “Don't worry a moment. The more I think about it, the better I like it, because it was the most contemptuous thing which could have been said. Like that shot at Lexington, it will go round the world.” On February 6, Thomas W. Palmer called up in the Senate the resolution for a Sixteenth Amendment and supported it by that masterly speech which ever since has been one of the 1 This account of the sermon is taken from the reports of half a dozen reputable news- papers, CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 597 strongest suffrage campaign documents. At the request of Miss Anthony thousands of copies were sent out under his frank. She went from Washington to Boston to attend a meet- ing of the National branch of the Massachusetts association, and soon afterwards, on March 2, started for the New Orleans Exposition. She was warmly welcomed by Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, wife of Judge E. T. Merrick, at whose lovely home she was entertained during part of her stay. It was her first visit to the Crescent.City and she was soon deluged with invi- tations to speak and received many charming tokens of the justly-famed southern hospitality. She spoke before the Woman's Club in the hall of the Con- tinental Guards, with May Wright Sewall, representative from Indiana; gave seven addresses, in as many days, before schools and colleges and, by invitation of the Press Association, spoke in Agricultural Hall at the exposition and visited the headquarters of the different papers. The next day, by request of Commissioner Truman, she gave an address and held a re- ception at the New York headquarters. Her last appearance was at Tulane Hall under the auspices of the teachers of the city schools. She was everywhere beautifully received, al- though her doctrines were new and unpopular, and at the close of each meeting her audience crowded about her with words of appreciation and cordiality. Miss Anthony here met for the first time “Catherine Cole,” of the editorial staff, and Mrs. Eliza J. Nicholson, owner and manager of the Picayune. The latter presented her with an Indian basket filled to overflowing with orange blossoms, and this tribute was paid in her paper: THE APOSTLE OF WOMAN'S RIGHTS.--Miss Susan B. Anthony has made a most favorable impression upon the New Orleans public, and has by her gentleness and courtesy won many friends for herself and her cause. She came here a total stranger, and recognized the fact that there were many who did not ap- prove of her or her doctrines. She has been sincere, truly polite and simply womanly in all her dealings with the southern people, and by these very quali- ties has commanded the respectful esteem of all. Miss Anthony has not striven to make herself" solid” with the people who give the best dinners. ... The workingwoman, the unfashionable woman, have been made as heartily welcome as the leader of society; and for their appreciation they have 598 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. been repaid by the friendship and esteem of one of the grandest old maids that ever lived. The Times-Democrat and Daily States also gave full and favorable reports of her visit and lectures. The two weeks allowed for this holiday sped quickly away and Miss Anthony left for the North on March 20, laden with luncheon, flowers and many tokens of affection from the women of New Orleans. At Marshall, Tex., she dined with President and Mrs. Culver, of Bishops' University, and reached St. Louis Sunday even- ing, where she was the guest of her nephew, Arthur A. Mosher, and his wife. The next four or five weeks were spent in the lecture field at hard work, under the management of the Slayton Bureau. In answer to her letter of regret at not meeting Mrs. J. Ellen Foster at an Iowa convention, as she had requested, Mrs. Foster wrote: “I was sorry enough not to see you but I gave the people your message in the evening. Dear soul, how long you have stood for the truth delivered unto you! God bless your words and works. I do not see creeds and dogmas just as you see them, I do not believe in all that you do, but I believe in you!” The last of April came the long-expected summons to Boston to receive the legacy of Mrs. Eddy, the courts having sustained the will. While eastward bound, crossing the State of Illi- nois, newspapers were brought on the train announcing the death of Grant, and she writes : « The weather is lovely and springlike today, but how still and solemn it seems out here on these broad prairies with that great general gone forever!” The case had been in litigation three years, Benjamin F. Butler appearing for Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone. His fees were very reasonable but several thousand dollars were swallowed up in the suit. The legacy, in first-class securities, stocks, bonds, etc., was paid April 27, each receiving $24,125.1 Miss Anthony gives an amusing account, in one of her let- ters, of the awful nightmare she had on board the sleeper 1 This is the only instance where a woman has bequeathed a large amount of money to the cause of equal rights, although a number of small bequests have been made. Women have given millions of dollars to churches, charities, and colleges for men but comparatively noth- ing to secure freedom for those of their own sex, CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 599 going home, when she dreamed that a woman was at the head of her berth stifling her while a man knelt in front, his hand cautiously creeping toward the inside pocket where she had sewed the money and bonds. She awoke with a scream and did not go to sleep again. If this bequest had been left to Miss Anthony for her own per- sonal use, she could not have felt one-half the joy she now ex- perienced in having the means to carry on the work which always had been so seriously impeded for lack of funds. Of course its re- ceipt was heralded far and wide by the papers, and appeals be- gan to pour in from all sides, nor were they always appeals, but often demands. Scores of women considered themselves entitled to a share because the money had been left to further the cause of woman. One wanted it to help lift a mortgage on her home, others to educate their children, to pay a debt, to reward them for the valuable services they had given to woman suffrage, to start a paper, to carry one already started, and so on without end. The men also were willing to relieve her of a portion. “I am terribly oppressed by it all,! Miss Anthony writes, “and nothing would make me happier than to respond to every one, but my money would melt away in a month.” It was ludicrous and yet pitiful to see certain persons who had repudiated her in days gone by because she was too radical and too aggressive, discovering all at once how much they always had valued her and how anxious they had been for a long time to renew the old friendship—the common story, ancient as the world. The one thing she was determined to do first of all was to complete the History of Woman Suffrage, upon which she and Mrs. Stanton had spent all the days that could be spared for nearly ten years. The work had been delayed by the many other demands upon their time, by their trips abroad, but more than all else by lack of money. The authors were to pay for composition, stereotyping, the making of the plates for the engravings and the printing of the same; Fowler & Wells for the paper, press-work, binding and advertising. Miss Anthony and her co-workers were to receive only 1242 per cent. com- 600 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. mission on the sales. It readily may be seen that she did not go into this as a money-making scheme. Her only thought, her only desire, was to collect the facts in connection with the movement to secure the rights of women, before they should be scattered and lost, and to preserve and put them into shape for reference. In preparing the first two volumes she had used every dollar she had been able to earn and all she could obtain from gener- ous friends, and there were still large unpaid bills. Now, with plenty of money at her command, she bought out the rights of Fowler & Wells, and engaged Charles Mann, of Rochester, to print the third volume. Mrs. Stanton had returned to Ten- afly, and there Miss Anthony again sent all the trunks and boxes of precious documents. She completed her lecture en- gagements and the first of June, 1885, found the two women once more hard at work. "I really think of you with pity these hot midsummer days," wrote Mrs. Sewall to Mrs. Stanton, "under the lash of blessed Susan's relentless energy; but the reflection that she applies it with the most vigor to her own back enables one to regard that instrument, after all, with more admiration than terror.” It was indeed true that Mrs. Stanton's luxury and ease-loving nature required much urging, and while Miss Anthony took upon herself all the drudgery possible and all the financial anxiety and burden, she was compelled to keep Mrs. Stanton keyed up to do a great portion of the literary work. “It is the one drawback at every turn,” she writes, “that I have not the faculty to frame easy, polished sentences. If I could but do this, I would finish up the History without asking aid of any one." And again: “It has been the bane of my life that I am powerless to put on paper the glimpses of thoughts which come and go like flashes of lightning.” As has been said before in these pages, she is a perfect critic and delightful letter-writer, but finds difficulty in doing what is called “liter- ary work.” Practice undoubtedly would have enabled her to In one of Miss Anthony's letters she relates with amusement that Mr. Stanton had just come in and, seeing his wife lying on the couch, remarked, “Ah, resting, I see.” “No," she replied, “I am exercising by lying down." 189 cause o care we 2 MARS s conoce 20 ORCHATS 09 CSICO MISS ANTHONY AND MRS. STANTON. WRITING THE HISTORY OF Woman Suffrage. CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 601 overcome this, but she felt always that her chief strength lay in executive ability. Early in June Miss Anthony slipped away from the work long enough to go to the Progressive Friends' meeting at Ken- nett Square, Penn., where she was the guest of Deborah Pen- nock and met, for the first time, Sarah J. Eddy. In her diary she says: “Last evening as I sat on the sofa Miss Eddy put her arms around me and said, 'I am so glad I love you; I should have felt very sorry if I had not.' And so should I, for the sake of her dear mother and grandfather, who had so much confidence in me.” The two went on to New York to- gether and then over to Mrs. Stanton's for a little visit, and the friendship formed at that time has been maintained ever since. Later when Miss Eddy was going to Rochester to a convention, Miss Anthony wrote Mrs. Hallowell: "I am sure you would be glad to entertain her; she is a sweet, lovely little woman; thoroughly sympathizing with everything and every- body that suffers injustice. I am very sorry that sister Mary and I must be 'away and can not have the dear girl with us.” Miss Anthony experienced a great disadvantage in being so far away from her publisher, the more especially as she had to send a chapter at a time, read proofs of each as soon as it was set up, send back corrected proof, get the revises, etc., and she soon found it necessary to spend about half her time in Rochester. The women who were preparing the chapters for their respective States delayed the work, neglecting to send them when promised; many occupied twice as much space as had been assigned them and were highly indignant when Mrs. Stanton used the blue pencil unsparingly on their productions. They vented their feelings on Miss Anthony, knowing that nothing they could say would ruffle Mrs. Stanton's equipoise, and she writes in her diary: “To decide between the two has almost torn me in twain. People who can write are so tena- cious, each thinking her own style better than any other, while poor I don't know which is the best.” Every few weeks she was obliged to rush over to Fayette- ville to confer with Mrs. Gage, who was industriously pre- 602 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. paring her part of the work. Urgent appeals came from women in Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Kansas and Indi- ana that they could not possibly make a success of their State conventions unless she came to their assistance, but she steeled her heart against them and stuck closely to her task. From the lecture bureau came a list of ten engagments at $50 a night, but she refused them. Some of the expressions in her letters of those busy days show the state of her mind better than could volumes of description : All the work of today put aside to grope into the old past. I feel like rushing to you this very minute, but here Mrs. Stanton and I are, scratching, scratching every hour, not each other's eyes but the History papers. I am a fish out of water. ... It makes me feel growly all the time. ... I can not get away from my ball and chain. ... I think we'll make things snap and crackle a little.... This is the biggest swamp I ever tried to wriggle through. ... We'll both put on our thinking caps and I guess get quite a lot of funnies in the reminiscences. . . . Now here is the pub- lisher's screech for money. ... O, to get out of this History prison ! ... · I am too tired to write-I mean too lazy... No warhorse ever panted for the rush of battle more than I for outside work. I love to make history but hate to write it. On November 12 Mrs. Stanton's seventieth birthday was celebrated by a large reception held in the parlors of Dr. Lozier in New York, where Mrs. Stanton read a charming paper on “ The Pleasures of Old Age." Her daughter, Har- riot Stanton Blatch, sent the following bright and breezy mes- sage : ... How I wish I could give my congratulations in the flesh! Distance is the foe of love. Kiss dear Susan and let her kiss you for me. On Novem- ber 12 I shall think of you both, for you two are not easily separated in my mind, and there will be a tenderness in my thoughts and a thankfulness that you both have lived. In your worries over the History, remember that at least one woman appreciates the fact that her life has been made easier be- cause of your combined public work. You ought to be overflowing with grat- itude for each other's existence, for neither without the other would have achieved the work you have accomplished. Every day of your lives let your hearts praise the good fortune that brought you together. Friendship is the grandest relation in the world, and I feel infinitely blessed in having two such women as friends. You and dear Susan are not yet to be sainted; you have no end of work in you still, and must labor on for many a long year, and gain many a triumphant victory. I throw up my cap and cry hurrah for CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS-VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. 603 you two grand old warriors! The curl is from Nora's little head. She shall be taught to reverence her Queen Mother and Maid of Honor Susan. Now farewell, dear ladies; I am wishing you on birthdays and every day a long and happy life. The next morning came the cablegram announcing the sudden death in Switzerland of the mother of Julia and Rachel Foster. Miss Anthony dropped all work when the sisters arrived at New York, went with them to Philadelphia and rendered every possible consolation and assistance. But not even to go to Washington to push the work in Congress and arrange for the National Convention would she delay the task she was so anxious to finish. She wrote scores of letters, how- ever, in regard to both, and the congressmen particularly had reason to feel that she had not forgotten their promises. Her long and persistent labors were rewarded, for the close of 1885 found the whole third volume of the History in the hands of the printers, CHAPTER XXXIV. MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 1886–1887. SEAN ISS ANTHONY started for Washington toward the last of January, 1886, with a lighter heart than she had possessed for many years. The dreadful burden of the labor on the History was lifted, all the bills were paid, she had given a helping hand to several of the old workers, which made her very happy, and she had one or two good dresses in her trunk. There was nothing which the paragrapher who hated what Miss Anthony represented, liked so well as to make disagreeable flings at her clothes, and yet it is an indisputable fact of history that she was one of the most perfectly dressed women on the platform, although her tastes were very plain and simple. A lady once wrote her asking if it would not be possible to make the suf- frage conventions a little more æsthetic, they were so painfully practical. She sent the letter to Mrs. Stanton, who com- mented: “Well now, perhaps if we could paint injustice in delicate tints set in a framework of poetical argument, we might more easily entrap the Senator Edmunds and Oscar Wilde types of Adam's sons. Suppose at our next convention all of us dress in pale green, have a faint and subdued gaslight with pink shades, write our speeches in verse and chant them to a guitar accompaniment. Ah me! alas ! how can we reform the world æsthetically ?” The members of Congress always knew when Miss Anthony had arrived in Washington. Other women accepted their word that they were going to do something, and waited patiently at home. Miss Anthony followed them up and saw that they (605) 606 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. did it. If she could not find them at the Capitol, she went to their homes. If they promised to introduce a certain measure on a certain day, she was in the gallery looking them squarely in the face. If they failed to do it, they found her waiting for them at the close of the session. Senator Blair wrote this humorous note January 15: "I thought just as likely as not you would come fussing round before I got your amendment re- ported to the Senate. I wish you would go home. Cockrell has agreed to let me know soon whether he won't allow the report to be made right off without any bother, and I have been to him several times before. I don't see what you want to med- dle for, anyway. Go off and get married !” «ФАл еш always in the world, Hearn has got more than elishare of good people aheady, Sunecely, Mecapealfalle Henny Blacs Miss Anthony has been directly connected with every action taken by Congress or by any congressional committee on the question of woman suffrage. There are on file among her papers hundreds of letters from members during the past thirty years, showing her energy and persistence in compelling attention to this subject, in learning who were its friends, in attempting to MANY TRIPS—FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 607 convert the doubters and in spurring the believers to effort. This is something for the women of the future to remember. The Eighteenth Annual Convention opened February 17. Prominent features were a fine address by Rey. Rush R. Ship- pen, of All Souls church, and the first appearance on the plate form of Mary F. Eastman, Ada C. Sweet, the pension agent, the eloquent southern speakers, Mrs. Elizabeth A. Meriwether and Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett, and the talented German, Madame Clara Neymann. Among many letters was one from George W. Childs to Miss Anthony, saying: “I am always glad to hear from you and I keep track of your continued good work. Do not be discouraged. I take pleasure in sending the enclosed check ( $100) with my sincere regards and very best wishes." The crowds were so great that policemen had to be stationed at the door to prevent late comers from trying to enter during the evening sessions. The resolutions scored the bill before Congress proposing to disfranchise all Utah women, both Gen- tile and Mormon, to punish the crime of polygamy. The usual hearing was granted before the congressional commit- tees. The fight for woman suffrage in the Forty-ninth Con- gress was conducted by Ezra B. Taylor, of Ohio, who prepared the favorable minority report of the House Judiciary Commit- tee. The adverse majority report was signed by John Ran- dolph Tucker, of Virginia. On March 25 “ the general ” slipped up to New York City, to assist her forces at the State convention, and then hastened back to Washington to direct the main line of attack. The diary says : March 30.-Went to House of Representatives, saw Messrs. Tucker and Taylor of judiciary committee; both promised to report soon. Then went to Senate, saw Messrs. Blair, Stanford and Bowen; all agreed to work to bring up our bill by May 1. In the evening took a cab and went in a pouring rain to Senator Stanford's, where I spent an hour. How keen and true are his perceptions in regard to public questions ! March 31.-Pouring rain, dark and muggy. I went to the Senate; sat with : Mrs. Dolph and Mrs. Stanford; heard Senator Dolph's fine speech on the admission of Washington Territory as a State and his splendid word for woman suffrage. Mrs. Dolph took me home in her carriage. 608 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. April 1.-Went to the Senate again to secure pledges for votes and speeches for the Sixteenth Amendment Bill. Got Senator Dolph's strongest para- graphs, and at 8 P. M. went to the top floor of the Associated Press rooms and gave them to Mr. Boynton, who sent them over the wires. April 9.-The United States Senate today voted down Eustis' motion to refuse to admit Washington Territory unless the woman suffrage clause were eliminated from its constitution, 25 to 12. Senator Ingalls was the only Republican who voted with the enemy. A few days later Miss Anthony received the following from Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, of New Orleans: "... I feel defrauded that I never knew you until last year. Judge Mer- rick says you are the most sensible person he ever met (with- out any sex qualifications, of course). Like you, I was indig- nant at Mr. Eustis in regard to his course toward Washington Territory. I was ashamed and blushed for my Louisiana sen- ator that time. Thanks for your sympathy in my illness. When my head lies low I pray that you may find another and even better friend in my State, who will come to the front in the cause of equal rights for women.” An extract from a let- ter of Rey. Olympia Brown to Mrs. Stanton shows how much the old workers as well as the young depended upon Miss An- thony: “I wish to inquire what has become of Susan? You know she is my North Star. I take all my bearings from her, and when I lose sight of her I wander helplessly, uncertain of my course." The diary of April 30 says: "Heard Phoebe Couzins had been taken to Hot Springs, terribly crippled with rheumatism. Wrote her at once and enclosed $100, telling her I wanted it used to provide delicacies and make her comfortable. I have thought it would be Phoebe whom I should take with me on my southern tour next year, but I fear her work is done." By the middle of May, 1886, the last bit of History proof was read, and unlimited leave of absence was granted Miss Anthony by her publisher, while the indexer and binder com- pleted the work which was begun in 1876. On the 19th she started for Kansas, stopping for the usual visit in Chicago with her cousins. In Kansas she visited her brothers at Leaven- worth and Fort Scott for nearly two months, making an oc- quer I am Thune faithfully and affectionate Berline & Merrick MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 609 casional speech. On the morning of July 4, under the aus- pices of the W. C. T. U., she addressed a large audience at Salina on, "The powerlessness of woman so long as she is de- pendent on man for bread.” In the hot afternoon, as she was about to enjoy a nap, word came that a hundred people had united in a request that she should speak again, as they had come from ten to twenty miles on purpose to hear her; so she re- turned to the grove, and Mrs. Griffith, State evangelist, kindly yielded her hour. On July 11 Miss Anthony went again to Chicago, and on the 14th spoke at Lake Bluff Camp Meeting, which was under the management of Frances E. Willard. She then visited the summer homes of her cousins and of Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, at Lake Geneva. On this trip she was ac- companied by her dearly-loved niece, Susie B., who went with her to Rochester and spent the summer. The diary briefly re- cords : September 28.-Left Chicago at noon and lunched with Miss Willard at Rest Cottage, Evanston. Her mother bright and charming at eighty-two, and Anna Gordon sweet as ever. It was very good to see Miss Willard un- der her own roof. Reached Racine in time for the State convention, was met by a delegation of ladies and taken to the home of Martha Parker Din- gee, niece of the great Theodore Parker, a lovely woman. Fine audiences. October 2.-Reached St. Louis at 8 A. M. As I was looking for my trunk I heard some one cry out, “Is that you, Susan ?” and there were Phæbe Couzins and her father. I had made my trip that way for the special purpose of seeing her, expecting to find her confined to the house; so I went home and breakfasted with them. October 4.-Reached Leavenworth and found Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Saxon ready to begin the campaign for arousing public sentiment to demand a bill from the next legislature to secure Municipal suffrage for women. Dr. Ruth M. Wood is the mainspring of the movement here. This series of conventions was held in the congressional dis- tricts from October 5 to November 3, Mrs. Laura M. Johns, manager, assisted by Mrs. Anna C. Wait, president of the State Association, and by a number of capable and energetic Kansas women at each place visited. Under date of October 11, Miss Anthony wrote to eastern friends: “We are having the loveliest weather you ever dreamed of and the most mag- ANT.—39 610 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. nificent audiences—no church or hall holding them. If our legislators, State or national, could only see these gatherings and look into the earnest faces of these people, coming so many miles in wagons to see and hear and get fresh courage, they would surely answer our demands by something else than silence.” The press corroborated this description and the fol- lowing special dispatch may be taken as a fair specimen : The seventh district convention, the third of the series, has just closed in Lincoln, and was a beautiful ovation to Miss Anthony. Crowded houses greeted her-every available foot of space filled with chairs, window-sills utilized for seats, and conveyances drawn up outside of windows and filled with listeners. People came thirty, forty and fifty miles in buggies and wagons to shake hands with the pioneer suffragist. Grizzly-headed opposers succumbed to Miss Anthony's logic and came up to grasp her hand and say God bless her, and proved the depth of their fervor by generous financial aid to the cause she so ably represents. It is seldom that the beginner of a great reform lives to see such fruitage of her labors as does she. People often descant upon the indifference of women to the question of their own enfran- chisement and to political matters generally; but there is serious doubt of greater interest ever having been shown by men in political meetings than women exhibit in these conventions. . . . On the evening of the second day the house was so densely packed that a messenger for a glass of water had to go out through a window. But in spite of all discomfort and the many standing, the audience maintained perfect order and gave the utmost attention throughout Miss Anthony's speech of two hours. Learning that she would remain in Lincoln over Sunday the people importuned her to speak that afternoon in the Presbyterian church, which she did to a large audience. The diary relates: “A mother brought her four-weeks-old girl baby twenty-five miles in a carriage, so she might tell it, when grown, that Susan B. Anthony had taken it in her arms. “And the trip has not hurt baby a particle,' she said brightly.” And again it tells, with a good deal of gusto, that one Baptist minister was determined the suffrage speakers should not have his church and only yielded after several of the richest pew-holders declared they never would pay another dollar towards his salary if he did not. He then made his ap- pearance at the meeting, opened it with his blessing and closed it with his benediction! Miss Anthony was not always able to speak to her own satisfaction. At Salina she lectured for MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 611 the Y. M. C. A. and writes: "I went to the opera house and found a fine audience. Tried to give 'Moral Influence vs. Political Power,' but the spirit wouldn't soar; its wings flapped on the earth perpetually for the whole hour. I took my $25 from the treasurer and went home with a heavy heart. It is beyond my knowledge why, after speaking every day for a whole week, freely and decently, my wits should desert me and my tongue be tied just at the time when I am most anx- ious to do my best.”. Two days' meetings were held at Abilene, Florence, Hutch- inson, Wichita, Anthony, Winfield, Independence, Lawrence and Fort Scott. The speakers were entertained by prominent families, suffrage societies were formed at each place, the vast majority of public sentiment seemed favorable, and the collec- tions paid all the expenses of the conventions. In November and December a number of other speakers made a canvass of the State, and the following winter the legislature passed a bill conferring Municipal suffrage upon the women of Kansas. The bill was introduced in the Senate by R. W. Blue (Rep.) of Linn county ; and in the House by T. T. Taylor (Rep.) of Reno county. It passed the Senate, 25 ayes, all Republicans; 13 noes, 10 Republicans and 3 Demo- crats ; in the House 90 ayes, 84 Republicans and 6 Democrats; 21 noes, 5 Republicans and 16 Democrats. The bill was signed by Governor John A. Martin, February 15, 1887; and under its provisions women in that State have voted ever since at Municipal elections. Without a day's rest, Miss Anthony went direct from Kan- sas to Sandwich, Ill., to attend the State convention. After 8, found her at Racine, Wis., ready to begin a tour of conven- tions in every congressional district. That evening a reception was given her by Hon. and Mrs. M. B. Erskine, and the hos- pitality of their handsome home was offered for every day which she could spend in the city. Miss Anthony notes in her diary that she made her first Kansas campaign in '67 and the suffrage bill was signed on her sixty-seventh birthday. She received a letter of congratula- tion on the signing of the bill from Chief-Justice Horton, of Kansas. 612 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. With Mrs. Colby and Rev. Olympia Brown, assisted by local speakers, meetings were held at Waukesha, Ripon, Oshkosh, Green Bay, Grand Rapids, Eau Claire, LaCrosse, Evansville, Milwaukee and Madison. At the last place the ladies spoke in the Senate chamber of the State House to an audience contain- ing a number of dignitaries, among them President Bascom, of the State University, and his wife, who from this time were Miss Anthony's steadfast friends. Mrs. Colby gives a graphic description of Miss Anthony's sudden outburst here, when several members had exasperated her by their remarks, which closes: "I was writing at the secretary's desk and as I looked up I realized the full grandeur of the scene. It was woman standing at the bar of the nation, pleading for the recognition of her citizenship. Miss Anthony seemed positively Titanic as she leaned far over from the speaker's desk. Her tone and manner were superb, and the vast and sympathetic audience caught the electric thrill. . . .” In this city she was the guest of an old schoolmate, Elizabeth Ford Proudfit. The meetings closed December 3, and Miss Anthony wrote Mrs. Spofford : I intend now to make straight for Washington without a stop. I shall come both ragged and dirty. Think of two solid months of conventions, speaking every night! Don't worry about me. I was never better or more full of hope and good work. Though the apparel will be tattered and torn, the mind, the essence of me, is sound to the core. Please tell the little milli- ner to have a bonnet picked out for me, and get a dressmaker who will patch me together so I shall be presentable. Now for the Washington convention: Before settling upon the Universalist church, you would better pocket the insults and refusals of the Congregational church powers that be and send your most lovely and winning girls to ask for that. If you can't get it or the Metropolitan or the Foundry or the New York Avenue or any large and popular church, why take the Universalist, and then tell the saints of the fashionable churches that we dwell there because they refused us admission to their holy sanctuaries. Don't let us go into the heterodox houses, much as I love them, except because we are driven away from the orthodox. In December the third volume of the History of Woman Suffrage at last was ready for the public, another book of nearly 1,000 pages. It completed the story up to 1884, and like its predecessors was cordially received by the press. The money MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 613 swallowed up by this work hardly will be credited. Mrs. Stanton not being able or willing to revise the last volume un- til it was put into proof slips, and then making extensive changes, the cost for re-setting type was over $900. The fifty fine steel engravings and the prints made from them cost over $6,000. For proof reading $500 was paid, and for indexing, $250. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage, seeing that there never would be any profits from the books and that Miss Anthony proposed to give most of them away, sold out their rights to her, the former for $2,000 and the latter for $1,000. She also, as has been stated, bought out the interest of Fowler & Wells. When the first edition of the three mammoth volumes finally came into her sole possession, they represented an outlay on her part of $20,000. While there were many criticisms from certain quarters as to various errors and so-called misstatements, and many threats to write a history which should be free from all imperfections, the fact remains that, although fifty years have passed since the inception of the great movement to secure equal rights for women, there never has been another attempt to preserve the story. But for Miss Anthony's careful collecting and saving of newspaper accounts, manuscripts of speeches, published re- ports and the correspondence of half a century, her persistent and determined effort for ten years to have them put into read- able shape, and Mrs. Stanton's fine ability to do it, the student never would have been able to trace the evolution of woman from a chattel in the eye of the law to a citizen with legal and social rights very nearly equal to those of man. While there is necessarily some repetition, so long a time elapsing between the writing of the different volumes, and perhaps a little pro- lixity, there is not a dull page in the whole work and the reader will find it difficult to reach a place where she is will- ing to stop. It contains a resumé of early conditions ; the perse- cutions endured by the pioneers in the struggle for freedom; the progress in each separate State, and in foreign countries; the action taken by different legislatures and congresses; the grand arguments made for equal rights; the position of woman 614 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in church and State. Into whatever library the student may go seeking information upon this question, it is to these vol- umes he must look to find it in collected and connected form. If Miss Anthony had done no other work but to produce this History, she would deserve a prominent place on the list of im- mortal names. It was necessary to put so high a price upon it, $15 a set in cloth and $19.50 in leather binding, as to make a large sale impos- sible. Miss Anthony did not undertake it as a money-making scheme, and when the receipt of Mrs. Eddy's bequest enabled her to discharge all indebtedness connected with it, she felt her- self at liberty to use it as a most valuable means of educating the people into an understanding of the broad principle of equality of rights. At her own expense she placed the History in over 1,000 of the libraries of Europe and America, including the British Museum, the university libraries of Oxford, Edin- burgh, Dublin, Paris, Berlin, Finland, Melbourne, Toronto, and many of the university and public libraries of the United States. The members of the Senate and House Judiciary Com- mittees in several Congresses were presented with sets, and there are hundreds of letters on file from prominent per- sons in England and this country acknowledging the receipt of the books. Chapters might be made of commendatory letters received from officials, writers, public workers and friends in private life. A few spec- imens must suf- fice. A letter U from Senator H. B. Anthony to his “ dear cousin,' closed by saying: “The three volumes form a valuable history of the important en- terprise in which you have borne so conspicuous and honor- able a part, and you have added to the reputation of the name that we both bear." fruttifully you Astutions MANY TRIPS—-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 615 Mary L. Booth, the gifted editor of Harper's Bazar, thus expressed her opinion of the work : You and your colleagues have industriously placed on record a copious mass of documentary evidence which will be of the utmost value when the time arrives to sum up the final results. When this era comes, you will be fore- most among the band of heroic pioneers who have endured discomfort, obloquy and privation of much that is dear to women for the sake of those who will profit by your labors while failing to recognize them. Posterity will do you this justice, whether your contemporaries do or not; but indeed, it is universally known to those with any knowledge of the facts, that among all the champions of women, none has been more distinguished for utter self- abnegation, single-heartedness and devotion to her life-work than Susan B. Anthony As you know, I have always felt the deepest interest in the elevation of women, which is synonymous with that of humanity, for man must be always on the plane of his wife, sister and mother..The antagonism to political equality is rapidly disappearing, as it is beginning to be recognized that in politics, as in everything else, woman's help is needed, and the repub- lic can not afford to have her stand aloof. But this phase of the subject has been so much misunderstood, both by men and women, that time is needed to clear away the mists of misconception which envelop it; and to prove that the co-operation of women in political life is not only just and expedient, but absolutely indispensable to the public weal. I am now and always Virus fasitifully Mary L. Booth No family in Rochester stood more steadfastly by Miss An- thony during all her long and eventful life than the Wilders-- Carter, Samuel, Mrs. Maria Wilder Depuy and D. Webster. The last, in acknowledging the receipt of the books, wrote: “How much you have contributed to history in this grand 616 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. publication ! With woman as a part of humanity, what a revolution will be wrought! Changes everywhere-in social life, in morals, politics, business—and all for the better. In this world-revolution you have done a great work. My chil- dren are proud of the fact that you are my personal friend. I fully appreciate your gift. It will be a Bible in my home.” From the philanthropist, Sarah B. Cooper, revered for her work in the kindergartens on the Pacific coast, came this tri- bute : This book is the fruitage of all the years of your faith and work. It tells of the long preparation—the opening up of the forest; the blazing of the trail; the clearing of the underbrush; the deep sub-soiling; the lying fallow; the ploughing, sowing, harrowing, the patient tillage—and now comes the harvest. What courage, endurance, fidelity and faith! The pioneers of new thoughts and principles are the loneliest of mortals. Those who liye ahead of their time must wait for the honors and plaudits of posterity to get their full meed of appreciation and reward. But after all, dear, honored friend, the richest reward of such a life as yours is to have lived it. The History also was given to the libraries of those towns whose women would raise a certain amount towards various State suffrage campaigns, and in every possible way it always has been used for missionary work. The first week in 1887, in most inclement weather and against the protest of friends, Miss Anthony went all the way to Nebraska, to keep a promise to Mrs. Colby and other women of that State to attend their annual convention, Janu- ary 7. She found a pleasant letter awaiting her at Lincoln, from her old friend, Mary Rogers Kimball, daughter of the noted Abolitionist, Nathaniel P. Rogers, and wife of the General Passenger Agent of the Union Pacific R. R., now living at Omaha, which closed: "How I wish you could come to us and rest a few days. Mr. Kimball would welcome you, as would every one of this household. You ought to make our home happy by coming once in a while. ... Mother, who is able to walk a little and is interested in all you do and say, 1 The total amount received from sales has been only $7,000. Now, however, in order to give the History the widest possible circulation, the price has been so reduced as to enable it to be placed in the hands of the reading public. It is the hope of Miss Anthony to publish the fourth volume in the year 1900, bringing the History up to that date. MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 617 sends her love and hopes to see you.” She spoke at Chicago, January 13, in the First Methodist church, where she was in- troduced by the well-known Rev. H. W. Thomas.' She went from there to the Michigan convention at Lansing, January 14, and here was presented to the audience by Governor Cyrus G. Luce. She reached Washington January 17, 1887, and rushed the preparations for the Nineteenth National Convention, which opened on the 25th at the Metropolitan M. E. church. Zerelda G. Wallace gave a noteworthy address; Senator Carey, of Wyoming, made an able speech and Mrs. Carey sat by Miss Anthony during the proceedings. The second day of the con- vention, January 26, marked a great epoch, the first vote ever taken in Congress on a Sixteenth Amendment. The previous month, December 8, 1886, Henry W. Blair had asked the Senate to consider the following joint resolution : "The rights of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” He supported this in a long and compre- hensive speech covering the whole ground on which the de- mand is based, quoting from the favorable reports of the judiciary committees, exposing the weakness and fallacy of the objections, and making an unanswerable argument on the justice of granting political liberty to women. At the urgent request of opposing senators the matter had been postponed until January 25, when it was again called up by Mr. Blair. The opposition was led by Joseph A. Brown, of Georgia, who described in detail the intentions of the Creator when he made woman, and declared that females had not the physical strength to perform military duty, build railroads, raise crops, sit on juries or attend night caucuses, but that 1 At this meeting a yellow dog came on the platform and Miss Anthony is quoted as after- wards making this apt comment: “She says that, at least where women are concerned, the reporters are sure to seize upon some triviality and ring its changes to the exclusion of serious matters. She mentioned that when she spoke in Chicago last a dog ran across the stage and, springing up, laid his nose on her shoulder. 'I prophesied to the audience then,' she continued, 'that the dog would figure in the press reports more conspicuously than anything that was said or done, and so he did. He occupied half of the space in nearly every paper.'” 618 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. God had endowed men with strength and faculties for all these things. He stated that it was a grave mistake to say that woman is taxed without being represented, and added, “It is very doubtful whether the male or the female sex has more in- fluence in the administration of the affairs of government and the enactment of laws!” He asserted that “the baser class of females would rush to the polls, and this would compel the intelligent, virtuous and refined females, including wives and mothers, to relinquish for a time their God-given trust and go, contrary to their wishes, to the polls and vote to counteract the other class ;” and followed this by saying that "the ignorant female voters would be at the polls en masse, while the refined and educated, shrinking from public contact, would remain at home." He continued: “The ballot will not protect females against the tyranny of bad husbands, as the latter will compel them to vote as they dictate; " then in the next breath he de- clared : “ Wives will form political alliances antagonistic to the husbands, and the result will be discord and divorce.” In his entire speech Senator Brown ignored the existence of un- married women and widows. He closed with copious extracts from “ Letters from a Chimney Corner," written by some Chi- cago woman. Senator Dolph, of Oregon, followed in a clear, concise argu- ment, brushing away these sophistries by showing that such evils did not exist where women were enfranchised and voted at every election. He was interrupted by Senator Eustis, of Louisiana, who inquired whether he thought “it would be a decent spectacle to take a mother away from her nursing in- fant and lock her up all night with a jury?” Senator Dolph replied that there was not a judge in the world who would not excuse a woman under such circumstances, just as there were many causes which exempted men. He continued : Government is but organized society. ... It can only derive its just powers from the consent of the governed, and can be established only under a fundamental law which is self-imposed. Every citizen of suitable age and discretion has, in my judgment, a natural right to participate in its formation. The fathers of the republic enunciated the doctrine "that all men are created lic enni, a natural rightery citizen of MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 619 equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.” It is strange that any one in this enlightened age should be found to contend that this is true only of men, and that a man is endowed by his Creator with inalienable rights not possessed by a woman. The lamented Lincoln immor- talized the expression that ours is a government“ of the people, by the peo- ple, and for the people," and yet in reality it is far from that. There can be no government by the people where half of them are allowed no voice in its organization and control. ... God speed the day when not only in all the States of the Union and in all the Territories, but everywhere, woman shall stand before the law freed from the last shackle which has been riveted upon her by tyranny, and the last disability which has been imposed upon her by ignorance; not only in respect to the right of suffrage, but in every other respect the peer and equal of her brother, man. Senator Vest, of Missouri, came to the rescue of Senator Brown and in the course of his speech said : I pity the man who can consider any question affecting the influence of woman, with the cold, dry logic of business. What man can, without aver- sion, turn from the blessed memory of that dear old grandmother, or the gentle words and caressing hand of that blessed mother gone to the unknown world, to face in its stead the idea of a female justice of the peace or town- ship constable ? For my part, I want when I go to my home—when I turn from the arena where man contends with man for what we call the prizes of this paltry world—I want to go back, not to be received in the masculine em- brace of some female ward politician, but to the earnest, loving look and touch of a true woman. I want to go back to the jurisdiction of the wife, the mother; and instead of a lecture upon finance or the tariff, or upon the con- struction of the Constitution, I want those blessed, loving details of domestic life and domestic love, I have said I would not speak of the inconveniences to arise from woman suffrage. I care not whether the mother is called upon to decide as a jury- man, or a jury woman, rights of property or rights of life, whilst her baby is “mewling and puking” in solitary confinement at home. There are other considerations more important, and one of them to my mind is insuperable. I speak now respecting women as a sex. I believe that they are better than men, but I do not believe they are adapted to the political work of this world. I do not believe that the Great Intelligence ever intended them to invade the sphere of work given to men, tearing down and destroying all the best influ- ences for which God has intended them. The great evil in this country today is emotional suffrage. Women are essentially emotional. What we want in 620 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. this country is to avoid emotional suffrage, and what we need is to put more logic into public affairs and less feeling.1 He presented a remonstrance against giving the ballot to women, signed by nearly 200 New England men, headed by President Eliot, of Harvard University, and including nearly fifty names prefixed by “Rev.” He next drew from his budget a letter from Clara T. Leonard, of Boston, praying that the suf- frage should not be granted to women, and Mr. Hoar remarked that the lady herself had been holding public office for a num- ber of years. Continuing Senator Vest said: “If we are to tear down all the blessed traditions, if we are to desolate our homes and firesides, if we are to unsex our mothers, wives and sisters, and turn our blessed temples of domestic peace into ward political assembly rooms, pass this joint resolution !" He now produced a document, entitled “The Law of Woman Life," and said: “This is signed Adeline D. T. Whitney- I can not say whether she be wife or mother. It contains not one impure or unintellectual aspiration. Would to God that I knew her so I could thank her in behalf of the society and politics of the United States. I shall ask that it be printed, as my strength does not suffice for me to read it."?? It proved to be a long and involved essay begging that the ballot should not be given to women, and saying: “Are the daughters and granddaughters about to leap the fence, leave their own realm little cared for, undertake the whole scheme of outside creation, or contest it with the men ? Then God help the men ! God save the commonwealth !” Mr. Vest concluded with a blood-curdling picture of the French Revolution which would be repeated in this country if women were enfranchised. Senator Blair then offered the appeal of the W. C. T. U. for the ballot, representing over 200,000 women, presented by Ze- relda G. Wallace, who had reared thirteen children and grand- ? Both Senator Vest and Senator Brown had appealed wholly to the emotions in their speeches upon this question, which were overflowing with sentiment and "gush." 2 This hardly corresponds with Senator Brown's glowing description of the physical strength conferred by the Creator on man so that he could do the voting for the family. MANY TRIPS—FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 621 children, among them the author of Ben Hur. He submitted also the matchless arguments which had been made by the most intellectual women of the nation before the congressional com- mittees from year to year, including that of Miss Anthony in 1880, and urged that the question should be submitted to the legislatures of the various States for settlement. The vote was taken on the question of submitting a Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution to the State legislatures for ratification, and resulted in 16 yeas and 34 nays, 26 absent. Of the affirmative votes, all were Republican ; of the negative, 24 Democratic and 10 Republican. Senator Farwell, of Illi- nois, was roundly denounced by the Chicago Tribune for his affirmative yote. Senators Chace, Dawes and Stanford, who were paired, and Plumb, who was absent, announced publicly that they would have voted “aye.” Over fifty of the distinguished women in attendance at the convention were in the Senate gallery during this debate. The most sanguine of them had not expected the necessary two- thirds, but had worked to obtain a vote simply for the prestige of a discussion in the Senate, the printing of the speeches in the Congressional Record and the wide agitation of the ques- tion through the medium of press and platform which was sure to follow. They felt especially incensed at Senator In- galls, as the sentiment of his State had just shown itself to be overwhelmingly in favor of woman suffrage, and they did not hesitate to score him in public and in private. As soon as the news of the vote reached the convention Miss Anthony roundly denounced him from the platform. In the evening she re- ceived a note from him saying: “Will you do me the favor to designate an hour at which it would be convenient for you to give me a brief interview ?” She did not answer, and on the 1 Yeas: Blair, Bowen, Cheney, Conger, Cullom, Dolph, Farwell, Hoar, Manderson, Mitch- ell of Oregon, Mitchell of Pennsylvania, Palmer, Platt, Sherman, Teller, Wilson of Iowa. Nays: Beck, Berry, Blackburn, Brown, Call, Cockrell, Coke,Colquitt, Eustis, Evarts, George, Gray, Hampton, Harris, Hawley, Ingalls, Jones of Nevada, McMillan, McPherson, Mahone, Morgan, Morrill, Payne, Pugh, Saulsbury, Sawyer, Sewell, Spooner, Vance, Vest, Walthall, Whitthorne, Williams, Wilson of Maryland. Absent: Aldrich, Allison, Butler, Frye, Gibson, Gorman, Miller, Plumb, Ransom, Camden, Cameron, Chace, Dawes, Edmunds, Fair, Hale, Harrison, Jones of Arkansas, Jones of Florida, Kenna, Maxey, Riddleberger, Sabin, Stan- ford, Van Wyck, Voorhees. 622 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. 31st she received another: "I called Thursday and Friday mornings, but was not able to reach you with my card. My errand was personal and I hope I may be more fortunate when you are again in the city.” When she did see him she found his purpose was to declare a truce, which she declined, as he already had done the cause all the harm possible for him. From Washington Miss Anthony went to assist at a conven- tion in Philadelphia, and “ felt guilty for days,” she says in her diary, because she refused to go on to Connecticut. She enjoyed a brief visit with Professor Maria Mitchell at Vassar College ; and hastened to Albany to address the legislature in regard to the Constitutional Convention, “just as I did twenty years ago in the old Capitol,” she writes. Then back to Wash- ington to look after matters there, and thus on and on, never allowing herself to be delayed by weather, fatigue or social de- mands, month after month, year after year, with but one object in view, never losing sight of it for a moment, and making all else subservient to this single purpose. In April she was terribly distressed at the malicious false- hoods which were sent out from Leavenworth in regard to the first voting of the women in Kansas, and says, “It will take oceans of breath and ink to counteract the baneful effects.” On May 11, 1887, Frances E. Willard wrote her: “Will you please send me the form of resolution which would be the least that would satisfy you as a plank in the platform of the Prohi- bition party, or as a resolution to be adopted by the W. C. T. U.? I write this without authorization from any quarter, simply because I would like to find out what is the angle of vision along which you are looking.” To this Miss Anthony replied : What is the full significance of “would satisfy you ?” Do you mean so sat- isfy me that I would work, and recommend all women to work, for the suc- cess of the Third party ticket? Or do you mean the least that I think it should say for its own sake? If the first, I am not sure that the fullest en- dorsement would cause me to throw all my sympathies and efforts into line with the Prohibition party, any more than if the same full suffrage plank should be put into the platform of the great Labor or Fourth party, which is pretty sure to take part in the presidential contest of 1888. MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 623 I can not answer for others, but I shall not pray or speak or work for the de- feat of the nominees of the party of which every United States Senator who voted for us last winter is a leading member, and to which belongs every man but six in the Kansas Legislature who made the overwhelming vote giving munic- ipal suffrage to the women of that State. Not until a third party gets into power or is likely to do so, which promises a larger per cent. of representa- tives on the floor of Congress and in the several State legislatures who will speak and vote for woman's enfranchisement, than does the Republican, shall I work for it. You see, as yet there is not a single Prohibitionist in Con- gress, while there are at least twenty Republicans on the floor of the United States Senate, besides fully one-half of the members of the House of Repre- sentatives, who are in favor of woman suffrage. For the women of Kansas or Iowa to work for any third party would be ungrateful and suicidal. Since I hope to live to see a Sixteenth Amendment Bill through Congress and three-fourths of the State legislatures, I do not propose to work for the defeat of the party which thus far has furnished nearly every vote in that direction. If you will pardon me, I think it will be quite as suicidal a policy for the temperance women of the nation to work to defeat the party which contains so nearly all of their best friends and helpers. What it seems to me should be done by all women who want reforms in legislation, is to appoint committees to confer with leading Republicans asking them to make pledges in the direction of suffrage and temperance, with the assurance of our sup- port in case of the insertion of the planks we ask in their platform. I fear, however, you are already pledged to the Third party, come what may, and if so it is of no use for me to advise. 1 In May Miss Anthony again journeyed westward, though she says in her diary: “It never was harder for me to start. A heavy nothingness is upon head and heart.” She went first to the State Suffrage Convention at Indianapolis, where as usual she was a guest in the beautiful home of Mr. and Mrs. Sewall. A reception was given her at the Bates House and she was cor- dially greeted by several hundred ladies. She went to meet- ings at Evansville, Richmond and Lafayette, and then to the Ohio convention at Cleveland; here, as always, the guest of her loved friend, Louisa Southworth. She writes May 26 : “ Arrived home at 8 P. M. and found all well—the all consisting of sister Mary, the only one left." She was invited to meet with a large and conservative society of women who did not believe in equal suffrage. All made nice little addresses and when Miss Anthony was called on she said: "Ladies, you have been doing here today what I and a 1 The skeptical can not but wonder whether the Republican party ever will have the grace and wisdom to justify the confidence which Miss Anthony has steadfastly placed in it, as regards this question, from the day of its birth, 624 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. few other women were denounced as ‘unsexed' for doing thirty years ago—speaking in public ;” and then proceeded to point the moral. She attended the commencement exercises of a young ladies' seminary, whose principal would not ac- knowledge a handsome gift from her pupils by a few remarks because she "considered it would look too strong-minded." Miss Anthony comments on the graduates' essays: “They had as much originality as Baedecker's Guide-book.” In July she went as the guest of her friend Adeline Thom- son, of Philadelphia, for two weeks at Cape May and here had her first experience in sea-bathing, although she always had lived within a short distance of the ocean. She says: “ This is my first seaside dissipation. It seems very odd to be one of the giddy summer resort people !” She took Miss Thomson with her up into the Berkshire hills of northwestern Massa- chusetts to Adams, her birthplace, and visited the home of her grandfather. In the early days of her peregrinations she used to come often to this picturesque spot, but it now had been twenty years since her last visit. Time does not bring many changes to the New England nooks or the people who live in them, and she greatly enjoyed the nine days spent with uncles, aunts and cousins, exploring the well-remembered spots. They went from here to Magnolia for a two weeks' visit at the seaside cottage of Mr. and Mrs. James Purinton, of Lynn, Mass. At this time, in answer to a request for advice, Miss Anthony wrote to Olympia Brown and Mrs. Almedia Gray, of Wisconsin : I have your letters relative to bringing suits under the school suffrage law, and hasten to say to you that Mrs. Minor's and my own experience in both beseech you not to make a test case unless you know you will get the broadest decision upon it. If you get the narrow one restricting the present law sim- ply to school-district voting, there it will rest and no judge or inspector will transcend the limit of the decision. My judgment would be to say and do nothing about the law, but through the year keep up the educational work, showing that such and such cities allowed women to vote for mayor, common council, etc., and by the next election many others will let women vote; and so in a few years all will follow suit. Let what you have alone and try for more; for all your legislature has power to give. It will be vastly more likely to grant municipal suffrage than your supreme court will be to give a decision MANY TRIPS-FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. 625 that the school law already allows women to vote for mayor, council, gover- nor, etc. They thought best, however, to bring the suits ; the exact results which were predicted followed, and the school suffrage even was restricted until it was practically worthless. During this summer Miss Anthony undertook to arrange her many years' accumulation of letters, clippings, etc., and knowing her reluctance ever to destroy a single scrap, Mrs. Stanton wrote from Paris: “I am glad to hear that you have at last settled down to look over those awful papers. It is well I am not with you. I fear we should fight every blessed minute over the destruction of Tom, Dick and Harry's epistles. Unless Mary, on the sly, sticks them in the stove when your back is turned, you will never diminish the pile during your mortal life. (Make the most of my hint, dear Mary.)”. It is safe to say it was just as large at the end of the examination as at the beginning. In September, 1887, Miss Anthony again made a circuit of conventions in every congressional district in Wisconsin and then turned her attention to Kansas. The officers of the State association had arranged a series of conventions for the pur- pose of demanding a constitutional amendment conferring full suffrage on women. Miss Anthony, with Mrs. Johns, Mrs. Letitia V. Watkins, State organizer, Rev. Anna Shaw and Rachel Foster, gave the month of October to this canvass. Sen- ator Ingalls, in a speech at Abilene, had attempted to defend his vote in the Senate against the Sixteenth Amendment, and Miss Anthony took this as a text for the campaign. She had ample material for the excoriating which she gave him in every district in Kansas, as the Senator had declared : 1st, that suffrage was neither a natural nor a constitutional right, but a privilege conferred by the State; 2d, that no citizens should be allowed to participate in the formation of legisla- tures or the enactment of laws, who could not enforce their action at the point of a bayonet; 3d, that no immigrants should be allowed to enter the United States from any country on earth for the next twenty-five years ; 4th, that negro suf- ANT.-40 626 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. frage had been an absolute and unqualified failure; 5th, that while there were thousands of women vastly more competent than men to vote upon questions of morality, they never should be allowed to do so-simply because they were women. It hardly need be said that Miss Anthony found little diffi- culty in reducing to tatters these so-called arguments, and that her audiences were in hearty sympathy. To borrow her own expression, she tried to use him up so there was not an inch of ground under his feet.” When the convention was held at Atchison Mrs. Ingalls invited sixteen of the ladies to a hand- some luncheon, where the senator placed Miss Anthony at his right hand and made her the guest of honor. She proposed that he debate the question of woman suffrage with her but he refused on the ground that he could not attack a woman, so she served up this objection in her speech that evening. To a reporter he is said to have given the reason that he would not stoop to the intellectual level of a woman." The month of November was given to holding a two days' convention in each of the thirteen congressional districts of Indiana. These meetings were arranged by the State secretary, Mrs. Ida H. Harper, and the strong force of speakers, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Wallace, Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Gougar, aroused great enthusiasm and made many converts. This ended three months of constant travelling and speaking almost every day and evening. On the first of December Miss Anthony writes : “I have laid me down to sleep in a new bed nearly every night of this entire time.” But the 10th found her in Washington fresh and vigorous for the work of the coming winter. She was anxious to know whether the reports of the Senate debate had been franked and sent out as promised and, to her inquiry, Senator Blair answered with his usual little joke: “I have had the speeches, etc., attended to and trust that the mails will do you justice if the males do not. But remember that men naturally fight for their lives, and on the same principle, you shall for yours !” Conventions were held at Evansville, Vincennes, Bloomington, Kokomo, Logansport, Wabash, Lafayette, South Bend, Fort Wayne, Muncie, Anderson, Madison and New Albany. The largest of the series was at Terre Haute, where the opera house, donated by the citizens, was crowded both evenings with an audience representing the culture and intelligence of the city, and the convention was welcomed by the mayor, Jacob C. Kolsom. CHAPTER XXXV. UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS-INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 1888. en A PRECEDING chapter described the forming in 1869 of the American Woman Suffrage Associa- tion at Cleveland, O., the overtures for union by the National Association the next year, and their rejection. No further efforts were made and each body continued to work in its own way. At the annual meeting of the American Association in Philadelphia, October 31, 1887, the following resolution from the business committee was unanimously adopted : WHEREAS, The woman suffragists of the United States were all united until 1868 in the American Equal Rights Association; and whereas, The causes of the subsequent separation into the National and American Woman Suffrage Societies have since been largely removed by the adoption of common princi- ples and methods; therefore Resolved, That Mrs. Lucy Stone be appointed a committee of one from the American Woman Suffrage Association to confer with Miss Susan B. Anthony of the National and, if on conference it seems desirable, that she be author- ized and empowered to appoint a committee of this association to meet a simi- lar committee appointed by the National to consider a satisfactory basis of union, and refer it back to the executive committee of both associations for final action. HENRY B. BLACKWELL, Corresponding Secretary, A. W. S. A. After conferring with the officers of the National Associa- tion, Miss Anthony informed Mrs. Stone that she would meet her in Philadelphia any time until December 9, and after that in Washington. She replied that she was not able to travel even so far as Philadelphia and, after some correspondence, Miss Anthony agreed to go to Boston. On the afternoon of (627) 628 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. December 21, 1887, accompanied by Rachel Foster, corre- sponding secretary of the National, she met Mrs. Stone and Alice Stone Blackwell, at No. 3 Park street, Boston, and held an extended conference in regard to the proposed union. Two days later Mrs. Stone sent to Miss Anthony, who was still in that city, the following: In thinking over the points raised at our informal conference, it seems to me that the substantial outcome is this: The committees appointed by us respectively, if we conclude to appoint them, must each agree upon a common name, a common constitution and a common list of officers for the first year. A subsequent acceptance of these by each association will thereafter consti- tute the two societies one society. If you think there is a fair probability of coming to an agreement I will proceed to appoint my committee. As the formal overtures for union have come from the American Associa- tion, it will be appropriate that our committee should draw up the plan for union which appears to them the most feasible, and forward it to Miss Foster, to be submitted to yours. Then your committee will suggest such modifica- tions as they may think needful; and, if a mutually satisfactory result can be reached, the name, constitution and list of officers will go to the executive committee of each association for final action. Christmas Day Miss Blackwell sent to Miss Foster a compre- hensive plan for a union of the two societies, closing as fol- lows: “Since many members of the National society regard Mrs. Stone as the cause of the division, and many members of the American regard Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony as the cause of it, Mrs. Stone suggested that it would greatly promote a harmonious union, for those three ladies to agree in advance that none of them would take the presidency of the united as- sociation.” Early in January this formal announcement and letter were sent to Miss Foster : The committee of the National to sit in counsel with that of the seven ap- pointed by Lucy Stone, of the American, shall be: May Wright Sewall, Chairman, Harriette R. Shattuck, Olympia Brown, Helen M. Gougar, Laura M. Johns, Clara B. Colby, Rachel G. Foster, Secretary.1 I hope all will sink personalities and exalt principles, seeking only the best good for woman's enfranchisement, and that surely will come through the union of all the friends of woman suffrage into one great and grand national 1 To these afterwards were added from the executive committee, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Chairman, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Mary B. Clay, Sarah M. Perkins, Lillie Devereux Blake, Mary F. Eastman, Clara Neymann, Elizabeth Boynton Harbert. UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS-INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 629 association which shall enable them to present a solid front to the enemy. This must be based on the principle of a genuine democracy, which shall give to each of its members a voice in all its deliberations, either in person or through representatives chosen by them, and to a constitution thus based I am sure each of my seven chosen ones will contribute her aid. Hoping that a consolidation of all our forces will be the result of this overture from Lucy Stone and her society, I am, very sincerely, SUSAN B. ANTHONY. On January 18, Miss Foster received from Miss Blackwell the list of the conference committee appointed by Mrs. Stone: Julia Ward Howe, Chairman, Wm. Dudley Foulke, Margaret W. Campbell, Anna H. Shaw, Mary F. Thomas, H. M. Tracy Cutler, Henry B. Blackwell, Secretary. Miss Anthony again wrote Miss Foster: "I can not think of any stipulation I wish to make the basis of union save that we unite, and after that discuss all measures and ways and means, officers and newspapers, and cheerfully accept and abide by the rule of the majority. I do not wish to exact any pledges from Lucy Stone and her adherents, nor can I give any for Mrs. Stanton and her followers. When united we must trust to the good sense of each, just as we have trusted during the existence of the division. As Greeley said about resuming specie payment, 'the way to unite is to unite' and trust the consequences.” It is not essential for the completeness of this work to re- produce in detail the official proceedings, which extended through two years and caused Miss Anthony often to write, “I shall be glad when this frittering away of time on mere forms is past." A basis of agreement finally was reached, and the union was practically completed at the National Conven- tion which met in Washington, January 21, 1889. A commit- tee of thirteen was selected to confer with the committee from the American. This consisted of Miss Anthony and Mesdames Hooker, Minor, Duniway, Johns, Sewall, Perkins, Colby, Spofford, Brown, Blake, Gougar and Foster Avery. The Wo- man's Tribune thus described the result: At the business session, January 24, 1889, they reported in substance as fol- lows: 630 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Name, etc.—The association to be called the National-American W. S. A. The annual convention to be held at Washington. Chronology.--The next annual meeting of the joint society to be--as it would be for the National--the twenty-second annual Washington conven- tion. Work.---To be for National and State legislation protecting women in the exercise of their right to vote. Representation.--As provided in the new National constitution. Where two associations exist in one State and will not unite, both are to be accepted as auxiliary societies. An earnest debate followed. Miss Anthony threw her influence strongly in favor of union and carried many with her, even those who openly expressed themselves that their judgment would be to continue the two societies. The vote was then taken on union, thirty voting for, eleven against. Miss Alice Stone Blackwell and Rev. Anna H. Shaw were present on be- half of the American Association, accepted the deviations from the proposi- tions as presented by that association, and felt reasonably certain that it would endorse their action. Yours for equal rights, Alice Stone Blackwell. No one person contributed so much toward effecting the union of these two societies as Alice Stone Blackwell. On February 17, 1890, both bodies met in Washington and it was decided that the official boards of the two should form the vot- ing force until the joint temporary organization was completed. Councils were held in the great parlor and dining-room of the Riggs House. Both Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had been willing, from the beginning of negotiations, to accept the prop- osition of the Americans that neither one of them, nor Lucy Stone, should take the presidency of the united association, but from the Nationals in every part of the country came a cry of dissent. Letters poured in declaring that Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had borne the brunt of the battle for forty years, that they had not once lowered the flag or made the question of woman suffrage subservient to any other, that they were the head and heart of the movement, and that for them UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS--INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 631 to be deposed was out of the question. It soon became evi- dent that unless this point were conceded all hope of union would have to be banished. While most of the delegates agreed that, in respect to seniority in years and work and also in consideration of her commanding ability, Mrs. Stanton should be president, there were many who thought that, because of her advanced age and the fact that she spent most of her time abroad, it would be better to elect Miss Anthony. The latter was distracted by such a thought and at the final meeting of National delegates preliminary to the joint conven- tion, with all the earnestness of her strong nature and in a voice vibrating with emotion, she said : I appeal to every woman who has any affection for the old National or for me not to vote for Susan B. Anthony for president. I stand in a delicate position. I have letters which accuse me of having favored the union solely for personal and selfish considerations, and of trying to put Mrs. Stanton out. Now what I have to say is, don't vote for any human being but Mrs. Stanton. There are other reasons why I wish her elected, but I have these personal ones: When the division was made twenty years ago, it was because our platform was too broad, because Mrs. Stanton was too radical; a more con- servative organization was wanted. If we Nationals divide now and Mrs. Stanton is deposed from the presidency, we virtually degrade her. If you have any love for our old association, which, from the beginning, has stood like a rock in regard to creeds and politics, demanding that every woman should be allowed to come upon our platform to plead for her freedom-if you have any faith in that grand principle-vote for Mrs. Stanton. . . . The National always has allowed the utmost liberty. Anything and every- thing which stood in the way of progress was likely to get knocked off our platform. I want every one who claims to be a National to continue to stand for this principle. We have come now to another turning-point and, if it is necessary, I will fight forty years more to make our platform free for the Christian to stand upon whether she be a Catholic and counts her beads, or a Protestant of the straitest orthodox creed, just as I have fought for the rights of the infidels the last forty years. These are the principles I want you to maintain, that our platform may be kept as broad as the universe, that upon it may stand the representatives of all creeds and no creeds—Jew or Christian, Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Mormon, pagan or atheist. 1 Many letters are on file making these declarations. It is not practicable to quote them here, but a place may be made for an extract from that of Zerelda G. Wallace to Miss An- thony: "While they do not under-estimate the work of any of the pioneers, the hearts of the women all over the country are turning to you. They feel that they are yours, and you are theirs. The suffrage women look to you with as much loyalty and affection as the temper- ance women to Miss Willard. There are thousands of them who would rally around you with an enthusiasm which no one else can inspire. You will do me the credit to believe that I speak solely for the good of the work to which you have given your life.” 632 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. At the joint executive session after the union was formally declared to be consummated, the vote was: For president, Mrs. Stanton, 131 ; Miss Anthony, 90; for vice-president-at- large, Miss Anthony, 213. Lucy Stone was unanimously elected chairman of the executive committee; Rachel Foster Avery, corresponding secretary ; Alice Stone Blackwell, re- cording secretary ;' Jane H. Spofford, treasurer; Eliza T. Ward and Rev. Frederick W. Hinckley, auditors. This uniting of the two associations was begun in 1887 and finished in 1890, in the most thoroughly official manner, according to the most highly approved parliamentary methods, and the final result was satisfactory to a large majority of the members of both societies, who since that time have worked together in un- broken harmony. The action of the American Association was almost unani- mous, but the members of the National were widely divided. Letters of protest were received from many States, and several of its members attempted to form new organizations. The ex- ecutive sessions in Washington were the most stormy in the history of the association, and only the unsurpassed parlia- mentary knowledge of the chairman, May Wright Sewall, aided by the firm co-operation of Miss Anthony, could have harmonized the opposing elements and secured a majority vote in favor of the union. There had been no time during the twenty years' division when Miss Anthony was not ready to sink all personal feeling and unite the two societies for the sake of promoting the cause which she placed before all else in the world; and from the first prospect of combining the forces, she used every effort toward its accomplishment. It was a source of especial gratification that this was practically assured by the winter of 1888, when the International Council of Women met in Washington, as it enabled the American Association to ac- cept the invitation and send representatives to this great con- vocation-which will now be considered. It had long been the dream of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Mrs. Avery and Miss Blackwell have continued ever since to fill these positions most ac- ceptably to the association. To my i Dear friend Auzan B Anthony with love's reverence Jerelda G. Millace UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 633 Stanton to form an International Suffrage Association for pur- poses of mutual helpfulness and the strength of co-operation. During 1883, when in Great Britain, they discussed this sub- ject with the women there and, as a result, a large committee of correspondence had been established to promote the forming of such an association. After a time it was judged expedient to enlarge its scope and make it an International Council, which should represent every department of woman's work. This was called to meet at Washington in 1888, the fortieth anniversary of the first organized demand for the rights of women, the convention at Seneca Falls, and active prepara- tions had been in progress for more than a year. It was de- cided at the suffrage convention held the previous winter that the National Association should assume the entire responsi- bility for this International Council and should invite the par- ticipation of all organizations of women in the trades, profes- sions, reforms, etc. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Spofford were in Europe and this herculean task was borne principally by Miss Anthony, May Wright Sewall and Rachel Foster. Miss Anthony stayed in Washington for two months preceding the council, perfecting the last arrangements. The amount of labor, time, thought and anxiety involved in this year of preparation can not be estimated. Nothing to compare with it ever had been at- tempted by women. Not the least part of the undertaking was the raising of the $13,000 which were needed to defray ex- penses, all secured by personal letters of appeal and admission fees, and disbursed with careful economy and judgment. The 1 The magnitude of the work of the council may be better appreciated by the mention of a few figures in this connection. There were printed and distributed by mail 10,000 calls and 10,- 000 appeals; sketches were prepared of the lives and work of speakers and delegates and circulated by a press committee of over ninety persons in many States; March 10, the first edition (5,000) of the sixteen-page program was issued; this was followed by five other editions of 5,000 each and a final seventh edition of 7,000. About 4,000 letters were written. Including those concerning railroad rates, not less than 10,000 more circulars of various kinds were printed and distributed. A low estimate of the number of pages thus issued gives 672,- 000. During the week of the council and the week of the convention of the National W. S. A. the Woman's Tribune was published by Mrs. Colby eight times (four days sixteen pages, four days twelve pages), the daily edition averaging 12,500. An international convention of men, held in Washington the same year, cost in round num. bers $50,000.- Official Report. 634 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. intention was to give the suffrage association the same prominence as other organizations and no more. An entry in Miss Anthony's diary says: “I have just received proof of the “call' for the council and struck out the paragraph saying, 'no one would be committed to suffrage who should attend.' I can't allow any such apologetic invitation as that! There is no need to say anything about it.” To her old friend Antoi- nette Brown Blackwell, who asked if only those women minis- ters who had been regularly ordained were to be heard, Miss Anthony wrote: I have felt all along that we ought to give a chance for the expression of the highest and deepest religious thought of those not ordained of men. Your wish to give the result of your research opens the way for us to make the last day-Easter Sunday-voice the new, the purer, the better worship of the live ing God. We'll have a real symposium of woman's gospel. It is not fair to give only the church-ordained women an opportunity to present their religious thoughts, and now it shall be fixed so that the laity may have the same. I don't want a controversy or a lot of negations, but shall tell each one to give her strongest affirmation. This forever saying a thing is false and failing to present the truth, is to me a foolish waste of time, when almost everybody feels the old forms, creeds and rituals to be only the mint, anise and cumin. So, my dear, I am very, very glad that you and Lucy are both to be on our platform, and we are to stand together again after these twenty years. But none of the past! Let us rejoice in the good of the present, and hope for more and more in the future. In response to her letter asking him to take part on Pioneer Day, Frederick Douglass wrote: I certainly shall, if I live and am well. The cause of woman suffrage has under it a truth as eternal as the universe of thought, and must triumph if this planet endares. I have been calling up to my mind's eye that first con- vention in the small Wesleyan Methodist church at Seneca Falls, where Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Mott and those other brave souls began a systematic and de- termined agitation for a larger measure of liberty for woman, and how great that little meeting now appears! It seems only yesterday since it took place, and yet forty years have passed away and what a revolution on this sub- ject have we seen in the sentiment of the American people and, in fact, of the civilized world! Who could have thought that humble, modest, maiden con- vention, holding its little white apron up to its face and wiping away the tear of sympathy with woman in her hardships and the sigh of her soul for a larger measure of freedom, would have become the mother of an Interna- tional Council of Women, right here in the capital of this nation ? UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 635 Maria Mitchell, who was in feeble health (and died the next year) in expressing her regrets said: "I am taking a rest. I have worked more than a half-century and, like stronger people, have become tired. I am meaning to build my small observatory and keep up a sort of apology for study-because I am too old to dare do nothing. I wish I felt able to take the journey and hear what others have to say and are ready to do. The world moves, and I have full faith it will continue to move and to move, for better and better, even when we have put aside the armor.” The voild morez ances house full faith it will cona tinue to move and to move for bester and better, even when ne have feet asiele the armor financly you Maria Mitchele During the winter, Mrs. Stanton had written Miss Anthony: “We have jogged along pretty well for forty years or more. Perhaps mid the wreck of thrones and the undoing of so many friendships, sects, parties and families, you and I deserve some credit for sticking together through all adverse winds, with so few ripples on the surface. When I get back to America I in- tend to cling to you closer than ever. I am thoroughly rested now and full of fight and fire, ready to travel and speak from Maine to Florida. Tell our suffrage daughters to brace up and get ready for a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together when I come back." What then were her amazement, anger and grief to receive an- other letter from Mrs. Stanton a short time before the council, saying that a voyage across the Atlantic so filled her with dread 636 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. that she had about decided not to undertake it! A fortieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls convention without the woman who called it! And this when she had counted on Mrs. Stanton to make the greatest speech of the whole meet- ing and cover the National Association with immortal glory! She says in her journal: "I am ablaze and dare not write tonight." The next entry: I wrote the most terrific letter to Mrs. Stanton ; it will start every white hair on her head." And then the following day the little book records : "Well, I made my own heart ache all night, awake or asleep, by my terrible arraignment, whether it touches her feelings or not.” Ten days later she writes: "Received a cablegram from Mrs. Stanton, 'I am coming,' so she has my letter. My mind is so relieved, I feel as if I were treading on air.” On Mrs. Stanton's arrival a few days before the convention, Miss Anthony learned, to her consternation, that she had pre- pared no speech for the occasion! She shut her up in a room at the Riggs House with pen and paper, kept a guard at the door, permitted no one to see her, and when the time arrived she was ready with her usual magnificent address. The council opened Sunday, March 25, in Albaugh's new opera house, with religious services conducted entirely by women, Revs. Phebe A. Hanaford, Ada C. Bowles, Antoinette Blackwell, Amanda Deyo, and a matchless sermon by Rev. Anna H. Shaw, " The Heavenly Vision.” It would be wholly impossible to enter into a detailed account of this council, the greatest woman's convention ever held. Although twenty- five cents admission was charged, and fifty cents for reserved seats, the opera house was crowded during the eight days and evenings, and seats were at a premium. Miss Anthony pre- sided over eight of the sixteen sessions. While every speaker was allowed the widest latitude, there was not at any time the slightest friction. Letters were read from celebrated people in 1 One session each was given to Education, Philanthropy, Temperance, Industries, Profes- sions, Organizations, Legal Conditions, Social Purity, Political Conditions, etc., which were discussed by the women most prominent in the several departments. Fifty-three different national organizations of women were represented by eighty speakers and forty-nine dele- gates from England, France, Norway, Denmark, Finland, India, Canada and the United States. UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS—INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 637 most of the countries of Europe and all parts of America. At the pioneer's meeting were eight men and thirty-six women who had been connected with the movement for woman suf- frage forty years." Among the social courtesies extended to this distinguished body of women, were a reception at the White House by Presi- dent and Mrs. Cleveland; handsome entertainments by Sena- tor and Mrs. Leland Stanford, and Senator and Mrs. T. W. Palmer; a reception at the Riggs House ; many smaller part- ies, dinners and luncheons; and numerous social gatherings of women doctors, lawyers, etc. At all of the large functions Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone stood at the left hand of the hostess, while the other officials and the foreign delegates were also in the “receiving line.” At the White House Miss Anthony made the presentations to the President. As every newspaper in the country had complimentary notices of this council and the prominent ladies connected with it, it is scarcely possible to discriminate. The Baltimore Sun said : The council began its deliberations in the finest humor with everybody, particularly with that prime favorite, Susan B. Anthony. This lady daily grows upon all present; the woman suffragists love her for her good works, the audience for her brightness and wit, and the multitude of press represen- tatives for her frank, plain, open, business-like way of doing everything con- nected with the council. Miss Anthony when in repose looks worn with the conflict she has waged, though when she goes into action her angular face loses its tired look and becomes all animation. Her word is the parliamentary law of the meeting. Whatever she says is done without murmur or dissent. The women of the council are saved any parliamentary discussions such as arise in the meetings of men; they acknowledge that she is an autocrat. All are agreed that no better system than the absolute control of Susan B. An- thony can be devised. The New York World commented : If ever there was a gay-hearted, good-natured woman it is certainly Miss Anthony. From the beginning of this council it is she who has kept the fun barometer away up. The gray-headed friends of her youth are all “girls” to her, and she is a girl among them. Parliamentary rules have been by no 1 The fine stenographic reports of this council were made by Mary F. Seymour and a corps of women assistants. The official proceedings, with speeches in full, may be obtained of the corresponding secretary of the National-American W. S. A. 638 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. means so severe as to keep even the regular proceedings free from her lively interpolation and comment. When Miss Anthony has felt the public pulse or looked at her watch and seen that a speech has gone far enough, she says under her breath, “Your time's about up, my dear.” If the speaker con- tinues, the next thing is, “I guess you'll have to stop now; it's more than ten minutes.” When this fails, she usually begins to hang gently on the orator's skirt, and if pluckings and pullings fail, she then subsides with a quizzical smile, or stands erect and uncompromising by the speaker's side. There is none of the rude beating of the gavel, nor any paraphrase of “The gentleman's time is up,” which marks the stiff proceedings of men “in congress assem- bled.” To an unprejudiced eye this free-and-easy method of procedure might lack symmetry and dignity, but there is not the slightest doubt that Miss An- thony has been as wise as a serpent while being as gentle as a dove. When Frances E. Willard rose to address the council, she laid her hand tenderly on Miss Anthony's shoulder and said : “I remember when I was dreadfully afraid of Susan, and Lucy too; but now I love and honor them, and I can not put into words my sense of what it means to me to have the blessing of these women who have made it possible for more timid ones like myself to come forward and take our part in the world's work. If they had not blazed the trees and pioneered the way, we should not have dared to come. If there is one single drop of chivalric blood in woman's veins, it ought to bring a tinge of pride to the face that Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Julia Ward Howe and these other grand women, our leaders and our foremothers, are here for us to greet; that they, who heard so much that was not agreeable, may hear an occasional pleasant word while they are alive.” Very few of the speakers failed to express their deep feeling of personal obligation and the indebtedness of all women to the early labors of Miss Anthony and the other pioneers. In her letter to the Union Signal, Miss Willard gave this bit of description : « The central figure of the council was Susan B. Anthony, in her black dress and pretty red silk shawl, with her gray-brown hair smoothly combed over a regal head, worthy of any statesman. Her mingled good-nature and firm- ness, her unselfish purpose and keen perception of the right UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS—INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 639 thing to do, endeared her alike to those whom she admonished and those whom she praised. In her sixty-ninth year, dear 'Susan B.' seems not over fifty-five. She has a wonderful constitution, and the prodigies of work she has accomplished have forever put to rout the ignorant notion that women lack physical endurance.” In the year of preliminary work for this great council, the thought came many times to May Wright Sewall that it ought to result in something more than one brief convention, and she conceived the idea of a permanent International and also a permanent National Council of Women. During the week in Washington she presented her plan to a large number of the leaders who regarded it with approval.. Miss Anthony, chairman of the meeting, by request, appointed a committee of fifteen who reported in favor of permanent councils, and Miss Willard presented an outline of constitutions. After a num- ber of meetings of the delegates the councils were officially formed, March 31, 1888, “to include the organized working forces of the world's womanhood,” in the belief that "such a federation will increase the world's sum total of womanly courage, efficiency and esprit de corps, widen the horizon, cor- rect the tendency of an exaggerated impression of one's own work as compared with that of others, and put the wisdom and experience of each at the service of all.” A simple form of constitution was adopted, and it was decided that the National Council should meet once in three years and the International once in five. Immediately upon the close of the council, the National Suffrage Association held its twentieth annual convention and, as many of the delegates remained, the meetings were nearly as crowded as those of the council had been. A local paper remarked that it seemed as if the Washington people could never hear enough about woman suffrage.” A fine address by Caroline E. Merrick was an especial feature, as it presented National Council: President, Frances E. Willard; vice-president-at-large, Susan B. Anthony; corresponding secretary, May Wright Sewall; recording secretary, Mary F. Eastman; treasurer, M. Louise Thomas. 640 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the question from the standpoint of a southern woman. The Senate committee granted a hearing, the speakers being pre- sented by Miss Anthony. Mrs. Stanton made the principal address, a grand plea for human equality, and the grave and dignified committee gave her a round of applause. She was followed by Frances E. Willard and Julia Ward Howe; Laura Ormiston Chant and Alice Scatcherd, England; Isabelle Boge- lot, France ; Sophia Magelsson Groth, Norway; Alli Trygg, Finland ; Bessie Starr Keefer, Canada. Miss Anthony received many pleasant letters after the coun- cil; among them one from her friend Mrs. Samuel E. Sewall, of Boston, in which she said: “We want to congratulate you upon the very satisfactory and gratifying result of the council. I hear from the delegates on all sides most enthusiastic accounts of the whole affair, and of your wonderful powers and energy. Mr. Blackwell is loud in your praise. All this might be expected from the delegates, but what pleases me still more is the respectful tone of nearly all the newspapers. Even the sneering Nation has admitted an article in praise of the coun- cil.” In all Miss Anthony's own letters there was not the slightest reference to any feeling of fatigue or desire for rest, but she seemed only to be stimulated to greater energy. It was impossible for her to respond to half the invitations which came from all parts of the country, but usually she selected the places where she felt herself most needed, without any regard to her own pleasure or comfort. She did, however, accept a cordial invitation to attend the annual Boston Suffrage Festival, and was royally entertained for several days. On the afternoon of June 9, Central Music Hall, Chicago, was packed with an audience of representative men and women. Frances E. Willard presided," prayer was offered by Rev. Florence Kollock, and Mrs. Ormiston Chant gave a won- derfully electric address on the “Moral Relations of Men and Women to Each Other.” She was followed by Dr. Kate Bush- nell in a thrilling talk on “Legislation as it Deals with Social This meeting was arranged by Dr. Frances Dickinson, who had persuaded Miss Anthony to make the journey to Chicago in order to preside over it. On the way to the hall she was detained at a drawbridge and Miss Willard kindly took her place. UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS-INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 641 ng Purity.” Miss Anthony closed the program with a ringing speech showing the need of the ballot in the hands of women to remedy such evils as had been depicted by the other speak- ers. No abstract can give an idea of her magnetic force when profoundly stirred by such recitals as had been made at this meeting. A few days afterwards a largely-attended reception was given by the Woman's Club of Chicago to Miss Anthony, Isa- bella Beecher Hooker and Baroness Gripenberg, of Finland. In the summer of 1888, the National Association as usual sent delegates to each of the presidential conventions, asking for a suffrage plank, and as usual they were ignored by Re- publicans and Democrats. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Hooker had headquarters in the parlors of Mrs. Celia Whipple Wal- lace, at the Sherman House, Chicago, during the Republican convention in June. They issued an open letter citing the record of the party in regard to women, and asking for recog- nition, but received no consideration. In the Woman's Trib- une, Miss Anthony made this forcible statement: Had the best representative suffrage women of every State in the Union been in Chicago, established in national headquarters, working with the men of their State delegations, as well as with the resolution committee, I have not a doubt that the Republican platform would have contained a splendid plank, pledging the party to this broad and true interpretation of the Constitu- tion. Every other reform had its scores and hundreds of representatives here, pleading for the incorporation of its principles in the platform and working for the nomination of the men who would best voice their plans. Women never will be heard and heeded until they make themselves a power, irresistible in numbers and strength, moral, intellectual and financial, in all the formative gatherings of the parties they would influence. Therefore, I now beg of our women not to lose another opportunity to be present at every political convention during this summer, to urge the adoption of woman suf- frage resolutions and the nomination of men pledged to support them. “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty” for women as well as for men. From Chicago Miss Anthony went directly to Indianapolis and, with Mrs. Sewall, called at the Harrison residence. She says: “We met a most cordial reception and while the gen- eral did not declare himself in favor of woman's enfranchise- ANT.—41 642 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ment, he expressed great respect for those who are seeking it." The two ladies then addressed an open letter to General Harri- son, urging that in accepting the nomination he would inter- pret as including women that plank in the Republican platform which declared: “We recognize the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen to cast one free ballot in all pub- lic elections and to have that ballot duly counted ;” but this reasonable request was politely ignored. Sarah Knox Goodrich and Ellen Clark Sargent, of Califor- nia, sent the following telegram to their fellow-citizen, Morris M. Estee, chairman of the National Republican Convention : “Please ascertain, for many interested women, if the clause in the platform concerning the sovereign right of every law- ful citizen to a free ballot, includes the women of the United States.” To this Mr. Estee telegraphed reply, “I do not think the platform is so construed here." This ended the battle of 1888, as far as women were concerned, and those who might have been the ablest advocates which any political party could put upon its platform were relegated to silence dur- ing the campaign. On August 7, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton spoke at Byron Center, and were entertained by Mrs. Newton Green. Miss Anthony addressed a large audience at Jamestown on the 10th and was the guest of Mrs. Reuben E. Fenton. During part of the summer, for a little recreation, she took hold of the great heterogeneous mass of bills and receipts of the National W. S. A. for the past four years and compiled them into a neat, accurate financial report of seventeen pages, in which every dollar received and disbursed during that time was acknowl- edged and accounted for, without any “sundries” or other makeshifts for the sake of accuracy. As the total amount reached nearly $18,000, a large part of which had been re- ceived in sums of one or two dollars, the labor involved may be appreciated. Miss Anthony did this, as she did many other disagreeable things, not because they were officially her duty, but because they ought to be done and there was no one else 1 See Appendix for full text of letter. UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS-INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 643 ready to undertake them. She always was restive under red tape regulations. For many years she was forced to take the lead in all departments of the suffrage work and when they finally became systematized, with a head at each, she some- times grew impatient at delay and usurped the functions of others without intending any breach of official etiquette. And so when this financial statement was completed, she published it without waiting for money or authority, and wrote to the national treasurer, Mrs. Spofford, who had recently returned from Europe : Andrew Jackson-like, I decided to assume the responsibility of sending to each member of the association a copy of the Council Report with one of the National's financial statement. I am writing a personal letter to all, explain- ing our double keeping of our pledge and asking them to return contributions, if they are able, for this permanent and nice report. I do not know what results in cash will come of it to the National, but I do know that the poor- est and hardest-working women who pinched out their dollars to send, think that we promised them therefor this book-report of the council. So all in all I decided, against Miss Foster, Mrs. Stanton and your own dear self, to give each the report, leaving her to do as she feels most comfortable about send- ing to the treasurer payment in return. A few days later she writes: “I mailed 800 letters yester- day, and we have sent over 1,500 'Reports, with 800 more promised.” Could any pen give an adequate idea of the amount of work accomplished by that tireless brain and those never-resting hands ? Miss Anthony spoke on Woman's Day, October 12, at the Centennial Celebration in Columbus, O. A newspaper corre- spondent drew this contrast between her address and those of the women of the W. C. T. U.: Each prayer started heavenward was weighted with politics-political pro- hibition. When the eloquent speakers of the afternoon dealt a stinging blow under the belt to one of the leading political parties, the applause was tre- mendous, cheers and "amens” mingling in a sacrilegious chorus of approval. On the other hand, when Miss Anthony made her calm, strong and really logical argument in favor of woman suffrage, giving each party, so far as related to action of States, just praise or censure, she was received coldly. It did not seem to count for anything that she had been a pioneer in the cause 644 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of temperance. That white record was stained because she cast their idol down-she showed that prohibition had failed in Kansas in the large cities, whether under a Democratic or a Republican governor, or under St. John, the Prohibition governor; in every administration it was a failure, because even there women had only a restricted vote, and public sentiment without the ballot counted for naught. There were no little graves in her speech, no weeping willows by winding streams where lay broken hearts in tombs un- marked. It was a simple statement of the cause a brave woman had at heart. She attended the State conventions at Ames, Ia., and at Em- poria, Kan., where she was the guest of Senator and Mrs. Kellogg. From there she went to Leavenworth, and later to Omaha for the Nebraska convention. She then engaged for the fall and winter with the Slayton Lecture Bureau at $60 a night, and began again the tiresome round throughout the Western States. In this autumn of 1888, Miss Anthony received a severe shock in the announcement of the approaching marriage of Rachel Foster to Cyrus Miller Avery, of Chicago. He had at- tended the International Council the preceding spring with his mother, Rosa Miller Avery, known prominently in suffrage and other public work in Illinois. Here he had seen Miss Foster in her youth and beauty, carrying a large part of the responsibility connected with that important gathering, and had fallen in love with her at first sight. During her long life Miss Anthony had seen one young girl after another take up the work of woman's regeneration, fit herself for it, grow into a power, then marry, give it all up and drop out of sight. "I would not object to marriage,” she wrote, “if it were not that women throw away every plan and purpose of their own life, to conform to the plans and purposes of the man's life. I wonder if it is woman's real, true nature always to abnegate self.” Miss Foster had developed unusual ability and for a number of years had been Miss Anthony's mainstay in the suffrage work, and had grown very close into her heart; it is not surprising, therefore, that she learned of the coming mar- riage with dismay. She accepted the situation as gracefully as possible, however, and, although too far away to attend the UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS—INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. 645 wedding, sent most cordial wishes for the happiness of the newly-married." The year 1888 brought to Miss Anthony many honors, but it brought also the usual quota of the bereavements which come with every passing year when one nears threescore and ten. Her cherished friend, Dr. Clemence Lozier, had passed away; Edward M. Davis, whose faithful friendship never had failed, was no more ; A. Bronson Alcott and his daughter Louisa had gone to test the truth of the new philosophy; and other dear ones had dropped out of the narrowing circle. But as a partial compensation, there had come into her life some new friends who were destined, if not to fill the place of those who were gone, to make another for themselves in her affections and her labors quite as helpful and important. Chief among these was Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, who, from the time of the International Council, gave her deepest love and truest allegi- ance. Until then she had not been near enough Miss An- thony to realize the nobility and grandeur of her character, but thenceforth she accorded to her all the devotion and rever- ence of her own strong and beautiful nature. In a letter writ- ten after she had returned to her home in Boston, she said : “From my heart I pray that I may always be worthy your love and confidence. To know you is a blessing; to be trusted by you is worth far more than my efforts for our work have cost me." Mrs. Foster Avery has proved an exception to the rule and, during the ten years since her marriage, has performed as much work, to say the least, as any of the younger gener ation of women, besides contributing thousands of dollars. CHAPTER XXXVI. CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 1889. Rev. Alex. buy mly HE eleventh of January, 1889, found Miss Anthony in her usual pleasant suite of rooms at the Riggs House. She plunged at once into preparations for the approaching convention, interviewing con- gressmen, calling at the newspaper offices and conferring with local committees. The Twenty-first Na- tional Convention opened January 21, in the Congregational church, with the speakers as bright and full of hope as they had been through all the score of years. The opening address was given by Hon. A. G. Riddle and, during the sessions, ex- cellent speeches were made by Hon. William D. Kelley, Sena- ator Blair, Rev. Alex- ander Kent and State Senator Blue, of Kan- sas. Rev. Anna H. Shaw made her first appearance on the National platform and delivered her splen- did oration, “The Fate of Republics." Laura M. Johns gave a practical and pleasing talk on "Municipal Suffrage in Kan- sas ;” and there was the usual array of talent. Miss Anthony presided, putting every speaker to the front and making a sub- stantial background of her own felicitous little speeches, each containing an argument in a nutshell. While in Washington she was entertained at dinner by the “Six O'clock Club," and seated at the right hand of its presi- gray sas. Rev. Anna H. thu Scler (647) 648 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. dent, Dr. Wm. A. Hammond. The subject for the evening was “Robert Elsmere ” and, in giving her opinion, she said she had found nothing new in the book; all those theological questions had been discussed and settled by the Quakers long ago. What distressed her most was the marriage of Robert and Catherine, who, any outsider could have seen, were utterly unfitted for one another, and she wondered if there could be any way by which young people might be able to know each other better before marrying. On February 11, Miss Anthony spoke in Cincinnati to an audience of 2,000, under the management of A. W. Whelpley, city librarian.' The Commercial Gazette commented: “Miss Susan B. Anthony had every reason for congratulation on the audience, both as to quality and quantity, which greeted her Sun- day afternoon at the Grand Opera House. Her discourse proved to be one of the most entertaining of the Unity Club lectures this season, and if she did not succeed in gaining many proselytes to her well-known views regarding woman's emancipation, she cer- tainly reaped the reward of presenting the arguments in an inter- esting and logical manner. Every neatly turned point was re- ceived with applause and that good-natured laughter that car- ries with it not a little of the element of conviction. As of old, this pioneer of the woman's cause is abundantly able to return sarcasm for sarcasm, as well as to present an array of facts in a manner which would do credit to the most astute of our poli- ticians.” Miss Anthony was much gratified at the cordial reception given her in Cincinnati and the evident success of her speech, and Tuesday morning, with a happy heart, took the train for her western lecture tour. She settled herself comfortably, glanced over her paper and was about to lay it aside when her eye caught the word “Leavenworth.” A hasty glance told her of the drowning the day before of Susie B. Anthony, while out skating with a party of schoolmates ! Susie B., her name- *** In response to a letter of introduction from Mr. Spofford, of the Riggs, Miss Anthony was the guest of the Burnet House with a fine suite of apartments. In a letter home she writes: “The chambermaid said, 'Why, you have had more calls than Mrs. Hayes had when she oc. cupied these rooms.'” CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 649 sake, her beloved niece, as dear as a daughter, and with many of her own strong characteristics—she was almost stunned. Telegraphing at once to cancel her engagements, she hastened to Leavenworth. Just six months before, Colonel and Mrs. Anthony had lost a little daughter, five years old, and now the sudden taking away of this beautiful girl in her seventeenth year was a blow of crushing force. She found a stricken household to whom she could offer but small consolation out of her own sorrowing heart. After the last services she attempted to fill her engagements in Arkansas, speaking in Helena, Fort Smith and Little Rock; at the last place being introduced to the audience by Governor James B. Eagle. She was so filled with sympathy for her brother and his wife that she gave up her other lectures and returned to Leavenworth, where she remained for two months, going away only for two or three meetings. She lectured in Memorial Hall, St. Louis, March 5,' and a bril- liant reception was given her at the Lindell Hotel. On March 9, she spoke at Jefferson City, where the Daily Tribune contained a full synopsis of her address, beginning as follows: "The hall of the House of Representatives was crowded last night as never before, with ladies and gentlemen—State officials, members of the general assembly, clerks of the departments and of the legislature, and all the students from Lincoln Insti- tute. ... Miss Anthony was received with applause, and plunged at once into the subject which for many years has made her name a household word in every English-speaking country on the globe.” Leavenworth was in the midst of an exciting municipal cam- paign and Colonel Anthony had been nominated for mayor by the Republicans. Miss Anthony made a number of speeches, at Chickering Hall, the Conservatory of Music, the different churches, meetings of colored people, etc. The night of the last great rally she writes in her diary: “It does seem as if the cause of law and order and temperance ought to win, but 1 Mrs. Minor managed this meeting and also tried to arrange for Miss Anthony to address a large Catholic gathering but was unsuccessful. She writes: “The vicar-general was on the side of your lecture and spoke in complimentary terms of you and your work.” 650 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the saloon element resorts to such tricks that honest people can not match them.” So it seemed in this case, and Colonel Anthony was defeated. The Republicans, both men and women, were divided amongst themselves with the usual results. Her grief over the untimely death of Susie B. was still fresh, and in a letter to a friend who had just suffered a great bereavement, she said: “It is a part of the inevitable and the living can not do otherwise than submit, however rebellious they may feel ; but we will clutch after the loved ones in spite of all faith and all philosophy. By and by, when one gets far enough away from the hurt of breaking the branch from its tree, there does, there must, come a sweet presence of the spirit of the loved and gone that soothes the ache of the earlier days. That every one has to suffer from the loss of loving and loved ones, does not make our anguish any the less.” To the sorrowing father she wrote after she returned home : “Can you not feel when you look at those lonely mounds, that the spirits, the part of them that made life, are not there but in your own home, in your own heart, ever present ? It surely is more blessed to have loved and lost than never to have loved. ... Which of us shall follow them first we can not tell, but if it should be I, lay my body away without the heartbreak, the agony that must come when the young go. Try to believe that all is well, that however misunderstood or misunderstand- ing, all there is clear to the enlarged vision. Whenever I have suffered from the memory of hasty or unkind words to those who have gone, my one comfort always has been in the feeling that their spirits still live and are so much finer that they un- derstand and forgive.” Miss Anthony went from Leavenworth to Indianapolis for a few days' conference with Mrs. Sewall on matters connected with the National Suffrage Association and National Council of Women. She writes in her diary: "Mrs. Sewall intro- duced me to the girls of her Classical School as one who had dared live up to her highest dream. I did not say a word for fear it might not be the right one.” From here she jour- neyed to Philadelphia, stopping, she says, “ with dear Adeline CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 651 Thomson, whose door is always open to those who are work- ing for women ;''I thence to New York for the State convention April 26. The preceding evening a reception was tendered Miss An- thony at the Park Hotel, where she notes, “I wore my gar- net velvet and point lace.” This did not suit the correspond- ent of the Chicago Herald, who said: “Her futile efforts to adjust her train with the toe of her number seven boot, instead of the approved backward sweep of heel, demonstrated that she certainly was not to the manner born.'” He then continued to sneer at the suffrage women for "adopting the social ele- gancies of life inaugurated by Mrs. Ashton Dilke, at the coun- cil last winter;" evidently unaware that Miss Anthony had been wearing her velvet gown since 1883. But the same day the New York Sun had a long and serious editorial to the effect that “equal suffrage never would be successful until it was made fashionable.” This illustrates how hard it is to please everybody, and also how prone men are to make a woman's work inseparable from her garments, always giving more prominence to what she wears than to what she says and does, and then censuring her because she gives so much time and thought to her clothes.” Even from far-off Memphis the Avalanche tumbled down on Miss Anthony for wearing point lace “when the women who wore their lives out making it were no better than slaves." Doubtless the editor abjured linen shirt-bosoms because the poor Irish women who bleach the flax are paid starvation wages. The Brooklyn Times also jumped into the breach and, in a column editorial, attempted to prove that “the ballot for woman is as superfluous as a corset for a man.” Thus does the male mind illustrate its superiority! On May 17, Miss Anthony addressed the Woman's Political Equality Club of Rochester, in the Unitarian church, which was crowded to its capacity. She spoke in Warren, O., May 21, the guest of Hon. Ezra B. Taylor and his daughter, Mrs. In a letter Miss Thomson wrote: “I want you to know that my heart is warmer for you than for any other mortal, my thoughts follow you wheresoever you go, and I am always glad when your footsteps turn toward me." 652 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Upton. The next day the two ladies went to the Ohio State Convention at Akron and were entertained at the palatial home of Mr. and Mrs. Lewis Miller. A dinner was given to Miss Anthony, Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace and Rev. Anna Shaw by Mr. and Mrs. Adolph Schumacher. A report went the rounds of the newspapers at this time saying that “Miss Anthony had renounced woman suffrage.” It was started doubtless by some one who supposed her to be so narrow as to abandon a great principle because her brother had been defeated in a city where women had the suffrage. The Portland Oregonian having used this alleged renunciation as the basis for a leading editorial, the ladies of Tacoma, Wash., where women had been arbitrarily disfranchised by the supreme court, sent a telegram to Miss Anthony asking if the rumor were true. She telegraphed in reply: "Report false; am stronger than ever and bid Washington restore woman suffrage.” She went to Philadelphia to attend the wedding, June 21, of one of her family of nieces, who filled the place in her great heart which would have been given to her daughters, had she chosen marriage instead of the world's work for all woman- kind. When her sister Hannah had died years before, Miss Anthony had brought the little orphan, Helen Louise Mosher, to her own home, where she had remained until grown. For some time she had been a successful supervisor of kinder- garten work in Philadelphia and today she was the happy bride of Alvan James, a prominent business man of that city.! Miss Anthony was pleased with the marriage and the young couple started on their wedding tour with her blessing. In July a charming letter was received from Madame Maria Deraismes, president of the French Woman's Congress, convey- ing "the greetings of the women of France to the leader of women in America.” On the Fourth Miss Anthony addressed a Grangers' picnic, at Lyons, held under the great trees in the dooryard of Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin Bradley, who were 1 A little incident showed the family spirit. When her lover was about to present her with a handsome diamond engagement ring, she requested that instead the money should be given to the National Suffrage Association, which was done. CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 653 her hosts. One hot week this month was spent with Dr. Sarah A. Dolley, a prominent physician of Rochester, in her sum- mer home at Long Pond. Early in August, with her niece Maud, she took a very delightful trip through the lake and mountain regions of New York. After a visit at Saratoga they went up Mount McGregor, and Miss Anthony writes in her diary: “Here we saw the room where General Grant died, the invalid chair, the clothes he wore, medicine bottles, etc.- very repulsive. If the grand mementoes of his life's work were on exhibition it would be inspiring, but these ghastly re- minders of his disease and death are too horrible.” They spent a few days at the Fort William Henry Hotel on beautiful Lake George, and she says : “ Several of the colored waiters formerly at the Riggs House recognized me the moment I entered the dining-room, and one of them brought me a lovely bouquet.” They sailed through Lake Champlain to Montreal, stopping at the Windsor, visiting the grand cathe- drals and enjoying the glorious view from the summit of the Royal mountain. Then they journeyed to the Berkshire hills and enjoyed many visits with the numerous relatives scattered throughout that region. At Brooklyn they were the guests of the cousins Lucien and Ellen Hoxie Squier. Early in July Miss Anthony had accepted an invitation to address the Seidl Club, who were to give a luncheon at Brighton Beach, the fashionable resort on Coney Island. The invitation had been extended through Mrs. Laura C. Hollo- way, one of the editorial staff of the Brooklyn Eagle and a valued friend of many years' standing, who wrote: “Not nearly all our members are suffragists, but all of them honor you as a great and noble representative of the sex. You can do more good by meeting this body of musical and literary women than by addressing a dozen out-and-out suffrage meet- ings. You will find many old friends to greet you, and a lov- ing and proud welcome from yours devotedly.” She addressed the club August 30, after an elegant luncheon served to 300 members and guests. She selected for her subject, “ Woman's Need of Pecuniary Independence,'' and her remarks were re- 654 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ceived with much enthusiasm. “Broadbrim's" New York letter thus describes the occasion : The Seidl Club had an elegant time down at Coney Island this week, and dear old Susan B. Anthony addressed the members, many of whom are among the representative women of the land. It was the custom in years gone by for a lot of paper-headed ninnies, who write cheap jokes about mothers-in- law, to fire their paper bullets at Susan B. She has lived to see about one- half of them go down to drunkard's graves, and the other half are either dead or forgotten, while she today stands as one of the brightest, cheeriest women, young or old, to be found in our own or any other land. What a tre- mendous battle she has fought, what a blameless life she has led, rejoicing in the strength which enabled her to mingle with the weak and erring of her sex when necessary without even the smell of smoke on her garments. She made an address, and what an address it was, with more good, sound, hard sense in it than you would find in fifty congressional speeches, and how the women applauded her till they made the roof ring! Susan B. Anthony was by all odds the lioness of the day. A few days were given to Mrs. Stanton, who was spending the summer with her son Gerrit and his wife at Hempstead, L. I., and they prepared the call for the next national conven- tion. She reached home in time to speak on September 9 at . Wyoming, where she was a guest at the delightful summer home of Mrs. Susan Look Avery for several days, as long as she could be persuaded to stay. She then hastened back to New York to visit Mrs. M. Louise Thomas, president of Soro- sis, for a day or two, and arrange National Council affairs, and down to Philadelphia to plan suffrage work with Rachel Foster Avery. Just as she was leaving she received a letter from Margaret V. Hamilton, of Ft. Wayne, announcing that her mother, Emerine J. Hamilton, had bequeathed to. Miss An- thony for her personal use $500 in bank stock, a testimonial of her twenty years of unwavering friendship. While grieved at the loss of one whose love and hospitality she had so long en- joyed, she rejoiced in the thought that from the daughters she still would receive both in the same unstinted degree. September 27 saw her en route for the West once more and 'In a letter to Mrs. Avery relative to some pressing work, Miss Anthony wrote: “I would not for anything have you drudge on this during your husband's vacation. No, no, there is none too much of life and happiness for any of us, so plan to go and be and do whatever seemeth best unto the twain made so beautifully one." CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 655 by October 1 she was at Wichita, ready for the Kansas State Convention. The Woman's Tribune had said: “It is the greatest boon to the president of a State convention to have the presence and counsel of Miss Anthony.” At this meeting the committee reported a set of resolutions beginning, “We be- lieve in God," etc., when she at once protested on the ground that “the woman suffrage platform must be kept free from all theological bias, so that unbelievers as well as evangelical Christians can stand upon it.”' The 10th of October Miss Anthony, fresh, bright and cheery, reported for duty at the Indiana State Convention held at Rushville. On October 14, strong and vigorous as ever, she announced herself at Milwaukee, ready for the Wisconsin State Convention, where she spoke at each of the three days' sessions. In one of her addresses here she said that she did not ask suffrage for women in order that they might vote against the liquor traffic—she did not know how they would vote on this question—she simply demanded that they should have the same right as men to express their opinions at the ballot-box. Immediately the report was sent broadcast that Miss Anthony had said “as many women would vote for beer as against it.” Then down to Chicago she journeyed to talk over the “Isa- bella Memorial” with her cousin, Dr. Frances Dickinson, who was a prime factor of this movement. While there she had a charming visit with Harriet Hosmer, the great sculptor, who afterwards wrote her : It was a real treat to see you once more.... How well do I remember our first meeting in the office of The Revolution. I do not know of anything that would give me so much pleasure as being present at the Washington con- vention, and if I am in America next January you may rest assured I shall be there. . . . Yes, you are quite right; there ought to be a National Art Association of women who are real artists, and it would be a good thing all round. There is nothing which has impressed me so much and so favorably since my return here as the number of helpful clubs and associations which are of modern growth, and one of the best fruits of the work that has been done among women. Not only are they full of pleasantness but where unity is there is strength. 656 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Now that we have come together, don't let us permit a vacuum of twenty years to intervene again; we have a great deal to say to each other. in your You in heart mine Trup as anci me key dolah Pre emir og se Miss Anthony went from Milwaukee to the Minnesota State Convention at Minneapolis, and addressed the students of the university. She also visited the Bethany Home for the Friend- less and writes in her journal: “I saw there over forty fatherless babes, and twenty or thirty girls who must hence- forth wear the scarlet letter over their hearts, while the men who caused their ruin go forth to seek new recruits for the Bethany homes !” At Duluth she was the guest of her faith- ful friends, Judge J. B. and Sarah Burger Stearns, speaking here in the Masonic Temple. The judge introduced Miss An- thony in these words: “The first quality we look for in men is courage; the next, ability ; the third, benevolence. It is my pleasure to present to you tonight a woman who has ex- hibited, in a marked degree, all three.” On November 11, 1889, at the beginning of the northern winter, she went from here to South Dakota. A woman suf- frage amendment had been submitted to be voted on in 1890, and Miss Anthony had been receiving urgent letters from the members of the State Suffrage Association to assist them in a preliminary canvass and advise as to methods of organization, etc. “Every true woman will welcome you to South Dakota,” wrote Philena Johnson, one of the district presidents. “My wife looks upon you as a dependent child upon an indulgent CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 657 parent; your words will inspire her," wrote the husband of Emma Smith DeVoe, the State lecturer. "We are very grate- ful that you will come to us,” wrote Alonzo Wardall, the vice- president. Miss Anthony began the canvass at Redfield, November 12, introduced by Judge Isaac Howe. The Supreme Court decis- ion allowing "original packages ” of liquor to come into the State had just been announced, and the old minister who opened this meeting devoted all of his prayer to explaining to the Almighty the evils which would follow in the wake of these " original packages !” She held meetings throughout the State, had fine audiences and found strong friends at each place. There was much public interest and the comments of the press were favorable in the highest degree.' She addressed the Farmers' Alliance at their State conven- tion in Aberdeen ; they were very cordial and officially en- dorsed the suffrage amendment. In a letter at this time she said: “I have learned just what I feared—the Prohibition- ists in their late campaign studiously held woman suffrage in the background. The W. C. T. U. woman who introduced me last night publicly proclaimed she had not yet reached woman suffrage. Isn't it discouraging? When I get to Washington, I shall see all of the South Dakota congressmen and senators and learn what they intend to do. The Republican party here stood for prohibition, and if it will stand for woman suffrage we can carry it, and not otherwise." Her fine optimism did not desert her, however, and to the Woman's Tribune she wrote: I want to help our friends throughout this State to hold the canvass for woman suffrage entirely outside all political, religious or reform questions- that is, keep it absolutely by itself. I advise every man and woman who wishes this amendment carried at the ballot-box next November to wear only the badge of yellow ribbon---that and none other. This morning I cut and tied a whole bolt of ribbon, and every woman went out of the court-house adorned with a little sunflower-colored knot. 1 She spoke at Huron, Mitchell, Yankton, Sioux Falls, Madison, Brookings, DeSmet, Water- town, Parker, Pierre, St. Lawrence and Aberdeen, and presented a full set of the History of Woman Suffrage to libraries in each of these towns. ANT. -42 658 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The one work for the winter before our good friends in South Dakota, should be that of visiting every farmhouse of every school district of every county in the State; talking and reading over the question at every fireside these long evenings; enrolling the names of all who believe in woman suf- frage; leaving papers and tracts to be read and circulated, and organizing equal suffrage committees in every district and village. With this done, the entire State will be in splendid trim for the opening of the regular campaign in the spring of 1890. She started eastward the very day her canvass ended, reach- ing Chicago on Thanksgiving evening, and went directly to Detroit where she spoke November 29, and was the guest of her old friends of anti-slavery days, Giles and Catharine F. Stebbins. Her nephew, Daniel R. Jr., came over from Michi- gan University to hear her and accompanied her back to Ann Arbor, where she was entertained by Mrs. Olivia B. Hall. He thus gives his impressions to his parents : Aunt Susan spoke here for the benefit of the Ladies, Library Association, and had an excellent audience; and Sunday night she spoke at the Unitarian church. It was jammed full and people were in line for half a block around, trying to get inside. At the beginning of her lecture Aunt Susan does not do so well; but when she is in the midst of her argument and all her energies brought into play, I think she is a very powerful speaker. Dr. Sunderland, the Unitarian minister, invited her to dinner and, as I was her nephew, of course I had to be included. The Halls are very fine people and as I took nearly every meal at their house while she was here, I can also testify that they have good things to eat. I brought Aunt Susan down to see where I lived. It being vacation time of course the house was closed and hadn't been aired for a week, and some of the boys having smoked a good deal she thought the odor was dreadful, but that otherwise we were very comfortably fixed. Miss Anthony spoke at Toronto December 2, introduced by the mayor and entertained by Dr. Augusta S. Gullen, daugh- ter of Dr. Emily H. Stowe. She addressed the Political Equality Club of Rochester in the Universalist church, Decem- ber 5. During the past three months she had travelled several thousand miles and spoken every night when not on board the cars. Three days later she started for Washington to arrange for the National convention, and from there wrote Rachel Foster Avery : CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 659 I have done it, and to my dismay Mrs. Colby has announced my high- handedness in this week's Tribune, when I intended to keep my assumption of Andrew Jackson-like responsibility a secret. One night last week the new Lincoln Hall was opened and when I saw what a splendid audience- room it is, I just rushed the next day to the agent and found our convention days not positively engaged; then rushed to Mr. Kent and from him to Mr. Jordan and got released from the little church, and then back I went and had the convention booked for Lincoln Hall. I did not mean to have any notice of the change of place go out over the country, because it makes no differ- ence to friends outside of Washington. Well, no matter. I couldn't think of taking our convention into any church when we had a chance to go back to our old home, and that in a new and elegant house reared upon the ashes of the old. So if killed I am for this high-handed piece of work, why killed I shall be! A letter will illustrate her efforts for South Dakota : “I have 50,000 copies of Senator Palmer's speech ready to go to the Senate folding-room, and thence to the South Dakota sen- ators and representatives to be franked, and then back to me to be addressed to the 25,000 men of the Farmers' Alliance, etc. If suffrage literature does not penetrate into every single family in every town of every county of South Dakota before another month rolls round, it will be because I can not get the names of every one. I am securing also the subscription lists of every county newspaper. If reading matter in every home and lectures in every school house of the State will convert the men, we shall carry South Dakota next November with a whoop! I do hope we can galvanize our friends in every State to concentrate all their money and forces upon South Dakota the coming year. We must have no scattering fire now, but all directed to one point, and get everybody to think- ing, reading and talking on the subject.” And again she writes: "With my $400 which I have con- tributed to the National this year, I have made life members of myself, nieces Lucy E. and Louise, and Mrs. Stanton. Now I intend to make Mrs. Minor, Olympia Brown, Phoebe Couzins and Matilda Joslyn Gage life members. I had thought of others, but these last four are of longer standing, were identi- fied with the old National and have suffered odium and perse- cution because of adherence to it.”. 660 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. In the diary's mention of busy days is one item: “Went to the Capitol to the celebration of the centennial of the First Congress. Justice Fuller made a beautiful oration on the progress of the century but failed to have discovered a woman all the way down ;” and another: "This morning called on Mrs. Harrison, Mrs. Stanford and Mrs. Manderson to talk about having women represented in the Columbian Exposition of 1892. All are in favor of it." Every hour was filled with business, and with social duties undertaken solely because of the influence they might have on the great and only question. The last day of 1889 she went to pay the final honors to the wife of her faithful ally, Hon. A. G. Riddle. Death had robbed her of many friends during the past year. On February 1 her old co-worker Amy Post, of Rochester, was laid to rest, one of the veteran Abolitionists who commenced the work in 1833 with Garrison, and who had stood by the cause of woman as faithfully as by that of the slave. In March passed away in the prime of womanhood, Mary L. Booth, editor of Harper's Bazar from its beginning in 1867. In June died Maria Mitchell, the great astronomer, in the fullness of years, having completed threescore and ten. In November was finished the work of Dinah Mendenhall, the venerable Quaker and philanthropist, wife of Isaac Menden- hall, whose home near Philadelphia had been for sixty years the refuge of the poor and oppressed, without regard to sex, color or creed. At the close of the old year, the Washington Star in a long interview, headed “A Leader of Women,” said. Miss Anthony is now at the capital, ready for the regular annual agitation before Congress of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution. She is one of the remarkable women of the world. In appearance she has not grown a day older in the past ten years. Her manner has none of the ex- citement of an enthusiast; never discouraged by disappointment, she keeps calmly at work, and she could give points in political organization and man- The year previous Mrs. Mendenhall had given Miss Anthony and Frances Willard each her note for $1,000 payable after her death, to be used for the cause of woman suffrage and temperance, but the heirs refused to honor the notes. CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. 661 agement to some of the best male politicians in the land. Her face is strong and intellectual, but full of womanly gentleness. Her gold spectacles give her a motherly rather than a severe expression, and a stranger would see nothing incongruous in her doing knitting or fancy-work. In no sense does she correspond with the distorted idea of a woman's rights agitator. In con- versation her manner is that of perfect repose. She is always entertaining, and the most romantic idealizer of women would not expect frivolity in one of her age and would not charge it to strong-mindedness that she is sedate. ... Speaking of the Columbus celebration, she said she understood it was probable that the board of promotion at the capital would decide to permit women a part in the organization and management of the enterprise. CHAPTER XXXVII. AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 1890. ISS ANTHONY received New Year's calls in the Red Parlor of the Riggs House, January 1, 1890, entertained a party of friends at dinner in the even- ing, and had the usual number of pleasant gifts and loving letters. While busy with preparations for the national convention, she learned of the project to cele- brate her seventieth birthday on February 15. Supposing it to be simply a tribute from her friends, like the observance of her fiftieth anniversary twenty years before in New York, she was pleased at the compliment, but after the arrangements were commenced she learned that it was to take the form of an ele- gant banquet at the Riggs and tickets were to be sold at $4 each. Her feelings were expressed in a letter to May Wright Sewall and Rachel Foster Avery, who had the matter in charge : I write in utter consternation, hoping it is not too late to recall every notice sent for publication. I never dreamed of your doing other than issuing pretty little private invitations signed by Mrs. Stanton and yourselves as officers of the National Association. If its official board is too far dissolved for this, please let the whole matter drop, and I will invite a few special friends to sup with me on my birthday. I know Mr. and Mrs. Spofford would love to unite with you in a personal entertainment of this kind. I may be wrong as to the bad taste of issuing a notice, just like a public meeting, and letting those pur- chase tickets who wish; but it seems to me the very persons least desired by us may be the first to buy them. I should be proud of a banquet with invited guests who would make it an honor, but with such persons as will pay $5, more or less, it resolves itself into a mere matter of cash. I would vastly prefer to ask those we wanted and foot the entire bill myself. (663) 664 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Mrs. Sewall wrote at once to Mrs. Avery, “This letter strikes dismay to my soul. I will share with you the expense of the banquet." In a day or two Miss Anthony's heart smote her and she wrote again: "I have blown my bugle blast and I know I have wounded your dear souls, but I can not see the plan a bit prettier than I did at first. I may be very stupid or supersensitive. If it were to honor Mrs. Stanton, I would be willing to charge for tickets.” And then a few days later: “Have I killed you outright? I can not tell you how much I have suffered because I can not see this as you do, but I would rather never have a mention of my birthday than to have it in that way. I know you meant it all lovely for me, but you did not look at it outside your own dear hearts. Do tell me that I have not alienated the two best-beloved of all my girls." They finally effected a compromise on the money feature by sending out handsomely engraved invitations to those whom they wished as guests and letting them pay $4 a plate if they came. Although they proved to Miss Anthony that this always was done in such cases, she assented very unwillingly, and begged that they would ask the friends to contribute $4 apiece to the fund for South Dakota instead of the birthday banquet. Finally, when all her scruples had been overcome, she made out so long a list of people whom she wished to have complimentary invitations that they would have filled every seat in the dining hall. She also was so anxious that no one should be slighted in a chance to speak that Mrs. Avery wrote: " The banquet would have to last through eternity to hear all those Miss Anthony thinks ought to be heard.” On the evening of the birthday over 200 of her distinguished friends were seated in the great dining-room of the Riggs House, including a delegation from Rochester and a number of relatives from Leavenworth, Chicago, New York and Philadel- phia. Miss Anthony occupied the place of honor, on her right hand were Senator Blair and Mrs. Stanton; on her left, Rob- ert Purvis, Isabella Beecher Hooker and May Wright Sewall. (Mrs. Foster Avery was detained at home.) The room was AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 665 beautifully decorated and the repast elaborate, but with such an array of intellect, the after-dinner speeches were the dis- tinguishing feature of the occasion. The Washington Star, in a long account, said: A company of the most remarkable women in the world were assembled. As she sat there, surrounded by the skirted knights of her long crusade, Miss Anthony looked no older than fifty, but she had got a good start into her seventy-first year before the dinner ended. May Wright Sewall presided. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, that venerable and beautiful old stateswoman, sat at the right of Senator Blair, looking as if she should be the Lord Chief-Justice, with her white hair puffed all over her head, and her amiable and intellectual face marked with the lines of wisdom. Isabella Beecher Hooker, who reminds one of her great brother, with the stamp of genius on her brow and an energy of intellect expressed upon her face, sat at the left of Miss Anthony. Old John Hutchinson, the last of the famous singing family, his white hair and beard forming a fringe about his shoulders; Clara Barton, her breast sparkling with Red Cross medals; and many other women of wide fame were present. Before the banquet the guests assembled in the Red Parlor of the Riggs, where a levee was held and congratulations were offered. It was after 10 o'clock when the line was formed and the guests marched down to the dining-room, Miss Anthony, on the arm of Senator Blair, leading the way. The correspondent of the New York Sun said in a brilliant description : "The dining-room was a splendid scene, long to be remembered. The American flag was everywhere and, with tropical flowers and foliage, made bright decorations. ... It was a notable gathering of women world-wide in fame, and of distinguished men. The lady with a birthday-seventy of them indeed—was of course the star on which all others gazed. She never looked better, never happier, and never so much like breaking down before her feelings. No wonder, with such a birthday party! Friends of her youth calling her. Susan,' affectionate deference from everybody, and all saying she de- served a thousand just such birthdays---young in heart, beauti- ful in spirit.” Phoebe Couzins replied to the toast“ St. Susan," making a witty contrast between the austere St. Anthony of old and the St. Anthony of today, representing self-abnegation for the good, the beautiful, the true. Rev. Anna Shaw made a delightfully humorous response to “ The Modern Peripatetic,” 666 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. referring to the ancient philospher who had founded the school of men, and Miss Anthony who had founded the modern school of women peripatetics, ready to grab their grips and start around the world at a moment's notice. Matilda Joslyn Gage responded to “Miss Anthony as a Fellow-worker;" Clara Bewick Colby to“ Miss Anthony as a Journalist ;” Laura Ormiston Chant, of England, to “ American Woman- hood ; ” Mrs. Jane Marsh Parker, sent by the Ignorance Club of Rochester, to “Miss Anthony at Home,” beginning: "To have brought to Miss Anthony all the testimonials which Rochester would have laid at her feet tonight would have made me appear at the banquet like the modern Santa Claus—the postman at Christmastide.” Rev. Frederick W. Hinckley, of Providence, began his graceful address by saying: King Arthur, sword in hand, is not at the head of the table, but Queen Susan is, the silver crown of seventy honorable years upon her brow; and we gather here from every quarter of the Union, little knights and great knights, without distinction of sex, to take anew at her hands the oath of loyal sery- ice to the cause of universal liberty. Those of us who have followed her through all these years know that she has been a knight without reproach, sex, she has been broad enough to grasp great general principles. She has been not only an advocate of equal rights, but the prophet of humanity; and a better advocate of equal rights because a prophet of humanity. There have been applicable to her: “Wherever wrong doth right deny, Or suffering spirits urge their plea, Here is a voice to smite the lie, Nineteenth century chivalry renders all honor to that type of womanhood of which she is an illustrious example. Robert Purvis eloquently referred to Miss Anthony's grand work for the abolition of slavery, which, he said, was still continued in the vaster and more complicated work for the freedom of women. Mrs. Stanton's two daughters, Mrs. Law- rence and Mrs. Blatch, made sparkling responses. Represen- tative J. A. Pickler said in part: Five years since, when a member of the Dakota legislature and in charge AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 667 of the bill giving full suffrage to women, I was characterized in the public press as “Susan B. Pickler." I look upon this as one of the greatest honors ever bestowed upon me. I have never learned how Miss Anthony regarded it. . . . Unswerved by the shafts of ridicule, without love of gain, she has sub- limely borne through all these years ridicule and reproach for principle, for humanity, for womanhood. The soldier battles amid the plaudits of his countrymen, the statesman supported by his party, the clergyman sanctioned by his church, but alone, this great woman has stood for half a century, con- tending for the rights of women. Says Professor Swing: “Mark any life peryaded by a worthy plan, and how beautiful it is ! Webster, Gladstone, Sumner, Disraeli; fifty years were these temples in the building!” How aptly these words describe our great advocate of woman. Gratifying it must be to Susan B. Anthony; gratifying, we bear witness, it is to her friends, that in her maturer years we see this cause, long hated by others but by her always loved, now respected by all; and herself, its representative and expo- nent, revered, loved and honored by a whole nation. The main address was made by Mrs. Stanton, who responded to the sentiment " The Friendships of Women,” in an oration full of humor, and closed : If there is one part of my life which gives me more intense satisfaction than another, it is my friendship of more than forty years' standing with Susan B. Anthony. Ours has been a friendship of hard work and self-denial. . . . Emerson says, “It is better to be a thorn in the side of your friend than his echo.” If this add weight and stability to friendship, then ours will endure forever, for we have indeed been thorns in the side of each other. Sub rosa, dear friends, I have had no peace for forty years, since the day we started together on the suffrage expedition in search of woman's place in the National Constitution. She has kept me on the war-path at the point of the bayonet so long that I have often wished my untiring coadjutor might, like Elijah, be translated a few years before I was summoned, that I might spend the sunset of my life in some quiet chimney-corner and lag superfluous on the stage no longer. After giving up all hope of her sweet repose in Abraham's bosom, I sailed some years ago for Europe. With an ocean between us I said, now I shall enjoy a course of light reading, I shall visit all the wonders of the old world, and write no more calls, resolutions or speeches for conventions—when lo! one day I met Susan face to face in the streets of London with a new light in her eyes. Behold there were more worlds to conquer. She had decided on an international council in Washington, so I had to return with her to the scenes of our conflict. ..Well, I prefer a tyrant of my own sex, so I shall not deny the patent fact of my subjection; for I do believe that I have developed into much more of a woman under her jurisdiction, fed on statute laws and constitutional amendments, than if left to myself reading novels in an easy- chair, lost in sweet reveries of the golden age to come without any effort of my own. 668 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. As Mrs. Stanton concluded, “The Guest of the Evening” was announced and, amidst long continued applause and way- ing of handkerchiefs, Miss Anthony arose and made one of those little speeches that never can be reported, in which she said : I have been half inclined while listening here to believe that I had passed on to the beyond. If there is one thing I hope for more than another, it is that, should I stay on this planet thirty years longer, I still may be worthy of the wonderful respect you have manifested for me tonight. The one thought I wish to express is how little my friend or I could have accomplished alone. What she said is true; I have been a thorn in her side and in that of her family too, I fear. I never expect to know any joy in this world equal to that of going up and down the land, getting good editorials written, engaging halls, and circulating Mrs. Stanton's speeches. If I ever have had any inspiration she has given it to me, for I never could have done my work if I had not had this woman at my right hand. If I had had a husband and children, or op- position in my own home, I never could have done it. My father and mother, my brothers and sisters, those who are gone and those who are left, all have been a help to me. How much depends on the sympathy and co-operation of those about us! It is not necessary for all to go to the front. Every woman presiding over her table in the homes where I have been, has helped sustain me, I wish they could know how much. Poems were read or sent by Harriet Hosmer, Elizabeth Boyn- ton Harbert, Alice Williams Brotherton and a number of others. At the close of Mrs. Hooker's verses entitled “ Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot ?'' the entire company arose and sang two stanzas of "Auld Lang Syne,” led by the venerable John Hutchinson. From the many letters received only a few ex- tracts can be given : Allow me to congratulate you on your safe arrival at the age of threescore and ten. How much we may congratulate ourselves on the great gains that have come to woman during these years; gains for which you have worked so hard and so long! Hoping that you may still be on this planet when the ballot is the sure possession of our sex, I am very truly your co-worker, LUCY STONE. None can more heartily congratulate thee on thy threescore and ten years nobly devoted to the welfare of humanity, to unremitting labor for temper- ance, for the abolition of slavery and for equal rights of citizenship, irrespect- AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 669 bebetler ive of sex or color. We have lived to see the end of slavery, and I hope thou wilt live to see prohibition enforced in every State in the Union, and sex no longer the condition of citizenship. God bless thee and give thee many more years made happy by works of love and duty. I am truly thy friend, John G. WHITTIER. My heart honors, loves and blesses you. Every woman's would if she only knew you. You'll have a statue some day in the Capitol at Washington, but your best monument is built already in your countrywomen's hearts. God bless you, brave and steadfast elder sister! Accept this as the only valentine I ever wrote. May you live a hundred years and vote the last twenty-five, is the wish and prediction of your loyal sister, FRANCES E. WILLARD. Miss Anthony's sole and effective fidelity to the cause of the equal rights of her sex is worthy of the highest honor, and I know that it will be eloquently and fitly acknowledged at the dinner, which I trust will be in every way suc- cessful. Very respectfully yours, GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS. It is a grief to me that I can not be present to honor the birthday of our dear Susan B. Anthony; long life to her! I should have been delighted to respond to the toast proposed, and to bear my heartfelt tribute of respect and love for the true and unselfish reformer, to whom women are no more in- debted than are men. "Time shall embalm and magnify her name." Very sincerely yours, Wm. LLOYD GARRISON. I know her great earnestness in every righteous cause, especially that most righteous of all, woman suffrage, which I hope may receive a new impulse from your gathering. As I grow older I feel assured, year by year, that the granting of suffrage to women will remedy many evils which now are attend- ant on popular government; and if we are to despair of that cause we must despair of the final establishment of justice as the controlling power in the political affairs of mankind. I am faithfully yours, GEORGE F. HOAR. I can not venture to promise to be present at the dinner to be given to Miss Anthony, but I should be sorry to lose an opportunity to express my admira- tion of her life and character. In themselves they are ample refutation of the charges made by the unthinking that participation in public affairs would make women unwomanly. If any system of subjection has enabled any Moms Amcery BReed woman to preserve more thoroughly the respect and affectionate regard of all her friends than has Miss Anthony amid the struggles of an active and stren- 670 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ED. uous life I have yet to learn of it. With sincere hope that she may have many years still left to her, I am yours sincerely, I think I express the feeling of most if not all the workers in our cause when I say that the women of America owe more to Susan B. Anthony than to any other woman living. While Mrs. Stanton has been the standard bearer of liberty, announcing great principles, Miss Anthony has been the power which has carried those principles on toward victory and impressed them upon the hearts of the people. Yours truly, OLYMPIA BROWN. May you live many years longer to enjoy the results of your herculean work, and score as many triumphs in the future as you have in the past. On the morning of the 15th some flowers will be sent you with my love. I wish they were as imperishable as your name and fame. Affectionately, MRS. JOHN A. LOGAN. How good to have lived through the laugh of the world into its smiles of welcome and honor-how much better to have reached these with a heart gentle and humble like hers—how best of all to care, as she must, scarce a rush for the personal honor and accept it only as an honor to the cause for which she has given so many of the seventy years. Truly yours, W. C. AND MARY LEWIS GANNETT. With the hope that you may live to one hundred or until, like ancient Simeon, you behold what you hope for, I am yours very truly, T. W. PALMER. My wife and I send you our hearty congratulations on your birthday. May you have many happy returns of the day, with increasing honor and affection from your numerous friends, amongst whom we hope you will let us count ourselves. Yours very truly, CHARLES NORDHOFF. I congratulate you with all my heart upon your health and happiness on this your seventieth birthday, and wish to say that I believe no woman lives in the United States who has done more for her sex, and for ours as well, than yourself. The great advancement of women, not alone in the direction of suffrage, but in every field of labor and every department of the better and nobler life of manhood and womanhood, during the past generation, has sprung from the work which you inaugurated years ago. Mrs. Carpenter joins me in congratulations and good wishes. Very truly yours, FRANK G. CARPENTER. Cordial greetings were received from Neal Dow and Senator AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 671 Dawes, and letters and telegrams came from distinguished individuals and societies in every State and from many foreign countries. Over 200 of these are preserved among other mementoes of this occasion. Among the telegrams were these, representing the great labor organization of the country: We congratulate you on the seventieth anniversary of a useful and success- ful life. May you enjoy many years of health and happiness. HANNAH POWDERLY, T. V. POWDERLY. May your noble, self-sacrificing life be spared to participate in your heart's dearest wish-woman's full emancipation. LEONORA M. BARRY, Grand Organizer K. of L. Mrs. Colby issued a birthday edition of the Woman's Tribune containing a history of Miss Anthony's trial, a fine biographical sketch written by herself and many O arroan beautiful tributes from other friends, Clara Beurck Colby. among them this from Laura M. Johns: "Always to efface herself and her own interests and to put the cause to the fore; to be striving to place a crown upon some other brow; to be receiving and giving, but never retaining; ever enriching the work but never herself; to be busy through weariness and difficulty and resting only in a change of labor; to bear the stinging hail of ridicule which fell on this movement, and to receive with surprised tears the flowers that bloomed in her thorny path ; to be in the heat of the noonday harvest field at seventy, with years of activity and usefulness still remaining to add to her glorious life and crown it with such dignity as belongs to few—this is the story of Susan B. Anthony." Miss Anthony carried in her arms seventy pink carnations with the card, “For she's the pink o'womankind and blooms without a peer,” from Miss Cummings, of Washington. Flowers were sent in profusion, and there was no end of lovely little remembrances of jewelry, water colors, books, portfolios, card cases, handkerchiefs, fans, satin souvenirs, fancy-work, 672 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the gifts of loving women in all parts of the country. The evening was one of the proudest and happiest of a life which, although filled with toil and hardship, had been brightened, as had that of few other women, with the bountiful tributes and testimonials not only of personal friends but of people in all parts of the world who knew of her only through her work for humanity. The next day she sat down to Sunday dinner at a table which, thanks to Mrs. Spofford's thoughtfulness, had been arranged especially for the occasion, surrounded by twenty-five of her own relatives who had come to Washington to celebrate her birthday. Among many newspaper editorials upon this celebration, an extract from the Boston Traveller, which bears the impress of the gifted Lilian Whiting, may be taken as an example of the general sentiment: Without any special relay of theories on the subject, Miss Susan B. An- thony discovered early in life the secret of imperishable youth and constantly increasing happiness—a secret that may be translated as personal devotion to a noble purpose. To devote one's self to something higher than self-this is the answer of the ages to those who would find the source of immortal energy and enjoyment. It is a statement very simply and easily made but involying all the philosophy of life. Miss Anthony recognized it intuitively. She translated it into action with little consciousness of its value as a theory; but it is the one deepest truth in existence, and one which every human soul must sometime or somewhere learn. On February 15, 1820, when Susan B. Anthony was born, Emerson was a youth of seventeen; Henry Ward Beecher was a child of seven and Harriet Beecher Stowe a year his junior; Wendell Phillips was nine, Whittier thir- teen, and Wm. Lloyd Garrison fifteen years of age. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was four years old, and Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe and James Russell Lowell were Miss Anthony's predecessors in this world only by one or two years. Margaret Fuller was ten, Abraham Lincoln was eleven, and thus, be- tween 1803–20, inclusive, were born a remarkable group of people-a galaxy whose influence on their century has been unequalled in any age or in any country, since that of Pericles and his associates in the golden age of Greece. It is only now, as the work of these immortals begins to 1 There were also more substantial tokens, an Irish wool shawl from Mrs. Chant; a Web- ster's Unabridged Dictionary from Mrs. Colby, with the inscription, “The words in this volume can not express what women owe you;" a silk dress pattern from brother Daniel R.; a $50 check from sister Mary; $200 from Sarah Willis of Rochester, and $100 from the Woman's Political Equality Club of that city; seventy golden dollars from the Toledo Suffrage Club; $50 from Mrs. Arthur A. Mosher of St. Louis, and enough $5 bills in friendly letters to bring the amount to over $500. The very next day Miss Anthony gave a part of this to friends who were ill or needy, including $50 to Phoebe Couzins. AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 673 assume something of the definite outline of completeness; as some results of the determining forces for which this great galaxy has stood, begin to be discerned, that we can adequately recognize how important to the century their lives have been. There are undoubtedly high spirits sent to earth with a definite service to render to their age and generation; a service that prepares the way for the next ascending round on the great cycle of progress, and it is no exaggeration to say that Susan B. Anthony is one of these. ... Dana Always faulfully ours Lilian Whiting. Even brief quotations must be omitted for want of space, but this from the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, Charles E. Fitch, editor, is entitled to a place as the sentiment in the city where Miss Anthony had made her home for nearly half a century: The occasion is a notable one. It is in honor of one of the noblest women of her time. The day is past when Susan B. Anthony is met with ridicule. She is honored everywhere. Consistent earnestness will, at the last if not at the first, command respect. Slowly but surely, Miss Anthony has won that respect from her countrymen. The cause of the emancipation of women, for which she has labored so long and so zealously, is not yet triumphant, nor is it probable that she will live to see woman suffrage the rule of the land; but at threescore years and ten, she may freely cherish the faith that it is a con- quering cause, destined some day to be vindicated in the organic law of the separate American commonwealths and the Federal union. But it is not alone for the service which Miss Anthony has rendered to the cause of woman suffrage that she is highly honored. She is honored because of her womanhood, because she has ever been brave without conceit and earnest without pretense, because she has the heart to sympathize with suf- fering humanity in its various phases, and the will to redress human wrongs. She has revealed a true nobility of soul, and has ever been patient under abuse and misrepresentation. She has allied herself with all good causes, and has been the friend of those struggling against the dominion of appetite as well as of those who have sought to free themselves from political thralldom. She has earned the esteem even of those who were diametrically opposed to her views. Within the movements which she has urged, she has been an ad- ministrator rather than an orator, although on occasions her speech has been ANT.–43 674 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. informed with the eloquence of conviction. In private life she has con- strained affection by a gentleness with which the world would hardly credit her, but those who best know her, best know also the gracious womanhood which illustrates itself in acts of unselfishness and beneficence. The birthday was celebrated by individuals and clubs in many states with luncheons, teas, receptions and literary entertainments. After all these pleasant happenings, Miss Anthony felt new courage and hope to enter upon the Twenty- second National Suffrage Convention, February 18, at Lincoln Music Hall. This was to be an important meeting, as it was to consummate the union of the National and American organizations, and she was anxious for a large attendance. “Do come,” she wrote to the most influential friends, "if you stay away forever afterwards. This will be the crucial test whether our platform shall continue broad and free as it has been for forty years. Some now propose secession because it is to be narrow and bigoted; others left us twenty years ago because it was too liberal. Some of the prominent women are writing me that the union means we shall be no more than an annex to the W. C. T. U. hereafter; others declare we are go- ing to sink our identity and become sectarian and conserva- tive. There is not the slightest ground for any of these fears, but come and be our stay and support." She also had the annual struggle to secure the presence of Mrs. Stanton, who was about to sail with her daughter for England, but, after the usual stormy correspondence, the day of departure was postponed and she wrote: "You will have me under your thumb the first of February.”? As her time was limited, Miss Anthony arranged for the hearing before the Senate committee on February 8, which was held in the new room assigned to the committee on woman suffrage. A few days later the ladies spoke before the House Judiciary Com- mittee. The union of the two organizations was effected before the opening of the convention and Mrs. Stanton elected presi- dent. She faced a brilliant assemblage at the opening of the Na- tional-American Convention and made one of the ablest speeches 1 Described in detail in Chapter XXXV. AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 675 11 St At ure prelke of her life, stating in the first sentence that she considered it a greater honor to go to England as the president of this association than to be sent as minister plenipotentiary to any court in Europe. She closed by introducing her daughter, Mrs. Stanton Blatch, who captivated the audience. Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, ex- president of the American Association, then delivered an elo- quent and schol- arly address. At its close Mrs. Stan- ton was obliged to leave, as she sailed for Europe the next morning. When she arose to say farewell the entire audience joined in the waving of handkerchiefs, the clapping of hands, and the men in three rousing cheers.. The usual corps of National speakers received a notable ad- dition in Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Julia Ward Howe, Henry B. Blackwell, Carrie Chapman Catt, Hon. J. A. Pickler and Alice Stone Blackwell. Lucy Stone, being detained at home by illness, sent a letter of greeting. When Miss Anthony, as vice-president-at-large, took the chair after Mrs. Stanton's de- parture, a great bouquet of white lilies was presented to her. A woman suffrage amendment was pending in South Dakota, and the claims of the new State were presented by Representa- tive and Mrs. Pickler and Alonzo Wardall, secretary of the Farmer's Alliance and vice-president of the suffrage associa- tion, all of whom felt confident that with financial help the amendment could be carried but, as the State was poor, most of this would have to come from outside. The convention be- came very enthusiastic and a South Dakota campaign commit- tee was formed ; Susan B. Anthony, chairman, Clara B. Colby, Alice Stone Blackwell. Rev. Anna H. Shaw made a stirring appeal for money. Miss Anthony pledged all that she could raise between then and the November election. Mrs. Clara L. McAdow, of Montana, headed the list with $250. A number of ladies followed with pledges for their respective States. In Miss Anthony wrote in her journal that night:"Harriot said but a few words, yet showed herself worthy her mother and her mother's life-long friend and co-worker. It was a proud moment for me." 676 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. a short time it seemed evident that a large sum could be raised and, at Miss Anthony's request, the association directed all contributions to be sent to its treasurer, Mrs. Spofford, at Washington, and she herself agreed to devote a year's work to Dakota.' Miss Anthony remained in Washington several weeks, looking after various matters: first of all, a representation of women in the management of the Columbian Exposition; then there were the reports of the Senate and the House committees, upon which she always brought to bear as much as possible of that o indirect influence” which women are said to possess. Just now the admission of Wyoming as a State with woman suffrage in its constitution was hanging in the balance, but on March 26 she had the inexpressible pleasure of witnessing, from her seat in the gallery of the House, the final discussion and pas- sage of the bill. She also was arranging for the incorporation of the National-American Association, the old National, which had been a corporate body for a number of years, having added American to its name. The bills of the convention were to be settled, and there were still other subjects claiming her attention before she started for the far West to inaugurate the South Dakota campaign. Miss Anthony was a welcome guest at dinners and receptions 1 Among those who contributed largely to this fund were Senator Stanford, $300; Rachel Foster Avery, $300; George C. Lemon, Washington City; Hon. Ezra V. Meeker, Puyallup; Rev. Anna H. Shaw; Isabella Hedenberg, Chicago; Alice Stone Blackwell; Emily How- land, Sherwood, N. Y.; 0. G. and Alice Peters, Columbus, O.; John L. Whiting, Boston; Senator R.F. Pettigrew, Sioux Falls; Albert O. Willcox, New York, $100 each; Mary H. John- son, Louisville, $115, which she earned by knitting wool shawls and fascinators; May Wright Sewall sent nearly $200, collected from Indiana friends; James and Martha Callanan, Des Moines, $150; Mary Grew, $143 for the Pennsylvania society. Other women sent their jewelry to be sold, and one offered a gift of western land. The rest of the $5,500 was sent in smaller amounts, and all receipts and expenditures were carefully entered on the national treasurer's 890. When later some carping individuals complained at so much money passing through Miss Anthony's hands, Mrs. Livermore silenced them by saying: “Susan would use every dollar for suffrage if millions were given to her.” 2 Mary Grew wrote her immediately: "All hail and congratulations! I read in this morning's paper that you were in the House yesterday; and I have no doubt that today you are doing something to promote the passage of the bill through the Senate.... One object of this letter is to urge you to take more care of your health. Emily Howland reports that you are very much overworked and exhausted. Pray stop awhile and rest yourself, for the sake of the cause as well as for your own and your friends'.” 3I will authorize you to add my signature to yours in approving any bills relating to the expenses of the National-American convention just past. It will save time and trouble. You are on the spot and know all about the bills. Yours sincerely, LUCY STONE. AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. 677 in the homes of many of the dignitaries in Washington, but accepted these invitations only when she saw an opportunity thereby to further the cause of woman suffrage. She realized fully that one important step in the work was to interest women of influence, socially and financially, and the high plane of re- spectability which this question had now attained was at least partly due to her winters in Washington, where, at the Riggs House and in society, she met and made friends with promi- nent men and women from all parts of the country and con- verted them to her doctrines, which they disseminated in their various localities upon returning home. She writes her sister, in describing social events, of a dinner at the handsome home of John R. McLean, owner of the Cin- cinnati Enquirer, who in person brought the invitation, while his wife, the daughter of General Beale, looked after her "as if she had been the Queen of Sheba.” Here she met Senator and Mrs. Payne of Ohio, Senator and Mrs. Cockrell of Mis- souri, Senator and Mrs. Butler of South Carolina, Speaker and Mrs. Reed of Maine, Justice and Mrs. Field and other nota- bles. Then she speaks of a meeting of the Cobweb Club, com- posed of women in official life, where, at the close of her informal talk, they crowded around her and exclaimed: “Why, Miss Anthony, we never understood this question before; of course we believe in it.” Mrs. Hearst, wife of the Senator, said: "Had any one ever presented this subject to me as you have done today, you should have had my help long ago." “And so you see,” she writes, “ that at this juncture of our movement much could be accomplished by accepting such in- vitations, but it costs me more courage than to face an audience of a thousand people.” While Miss Anthony was still in Washington she sat for her bust by a young sculptor, Adelaide Johnson. “So marble and canvas both are to tell the story,” she wrote, “for I have sat also for a painting. The time draws near when I must start out campaigning and 0, how I dread it !” During this winter she received an invitation from a State W. C. T. U. to bring a suffrage convention to their city and they would bear the 678 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. expenses, stipulating only that she herself should be present, and that “no speaker should say anything which would seem like an attack on Christianity.” She wrote Miss Shaw : "Won't that prevent your going, Rev. Anna? I wonder if they'll be as particular to warn all other speakers not to say anything which shall sound like an attack on liberal religion. They never seem to think we have any feelings to be hurt when we have to sit under their reiteration of orthodox cant and dogma. The boot is all on one foot with the dear religious bigots—but if they will all pull together with us for suffrage we'll continue to bear and forbear, as we have done for the past forty years.” In this winter of 1890 many loving letters passed between Miss Anthony and Rachel Foster Avery, almost too sacred to be quoted, and yet a few sentences may be used to show the maternal tenderness in the nature of the great reformer: Of course I miss you from my side, but do not feel for a moment that any doubt of your love and loyalty ever crosses my mind. No, my dear, you and all of us must consider only the best interests of the loved though not yet seen. Banish anxiety and let the rest of us take all the work and care. Be happy in the new life you are molding; avoid all but lovely thoughts; let your first and nearest and dearest feelings be for the precious little one whose temperament and nature you are now stamping. Your every heartbeat, not only of love and peace and beauty, but of the reverse as well, is making its mark on the unborn. . . , I feel much better satisfied to know Sister Mary is with you for a few days. If her presence is comforting, why don't you ask her to stay with you till the wee one arrives ? And so the serene and helpful sister Mary remains until a telegram is sent to the anxious one, by that time in far-off Dakota, announcing the birth of a daughter. “My heart bounded with joy," wrote Miss Anthony, “to hear the ordeal was passed and the little, sassie Rose Foster Avery safely launched upon the big ocean of time." And in a little while the mother replied: " Darling Aunt Susan, when I lie with baby Rose in my arms, I think so often of what she and I and all women, born and to be born, owe to you, and my heart overflows with love and gratitude." CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 1890. TISS ANTHONY left Washington to attend the wed- ding of her nephew, Wendell Phillips Mosher, and Carolyn Louise Mixer, at Cleveland, O., April 17; stopped in Chicago for a day, and reached Huron, S. Dak., April 23, 1890. During the early win- ter she had had the most urgent letters from this State, begging her to hasten her coming, that all depended upon her. "If you will come we will throw off our coats and go to work,” wrote the men. “Woe to the man or woman who is not loyal to you! If ever you were needed anywhere, you are needed here now," wrote the women. When she had been in South Dakota the previous autumn, all had united in urging her to take charge of the campaign, and for months she had been receiving appeals for help. “We have not enough money to organize one county,” came from a member of the executive committee. In January, from Alonzo Wardall, vice-president of the State Association, “ We are very grateful for your earn- est efforts in our behalf and trust you will be able to spend the coming summer with us." His wife, the superintendent of press, wrote in February: “We shall give you the credit, dear Miss Anthony, if we succeed next November.” On March 5, the president of the association, S. A. Ramsey, said in the course of a long letter: "I had begun to feel mis- givings relative to our success, because we were so poorly pre- 1“I am homesick already,” she wrote Mrs. Spofford, “and have been every minute since I left Washington. My choice would be to live there most of the year, but no! Duty first, ease and comfort afterwards, even if they never come." (679) 680 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. pared for the great conflict which is pending; but the appoint- ment by the national convention of a special committee to aid us in our work has inspired me with great hope, especially as you were placed at the head of that committee.” Mrs. H. M. Barker, State organizer, wrote March 10: “Organizing must have stopped in the third district, had it not been for the money you sent. It is utterly impossible for us to pay even $10 a week to organizers. I have been disappointed in my home workers, so many incapacitated for various reasons. We shall make suffrage a specialty in all our W. C. T. U. county and district conventions." And April 11, the State secretary, Rev. M. Barker, supplemented this with: “It is absolutely impossible to raise money in the State to pay speakers and furnish literature. This you understand. The election must go by default if it is expected.” At the Washington convention it had been ordered that all contributions should be forwarded to the national treasurer and disbursed by order of the committee. Notwithstanding this, a large proportion was sent directly to Miss Anthony with the express stipulation that it should be expended under her personal supervision. There never was a woman connected with the suffrage movement who could collect as much money as she; people would give to her who refused all others, with the injunction that she should use according to her own judg- ment. That which was sent her for Dakota she turned over at once to the treasurer, Mrs. Spofford, and paid all the cam- paign bills by checks. The Dakota people had made the mistake of electing a suf- frage board entirely of men, except the treasurer and State organizer, and, although they had not a dollar in their treas- ury and no prospects, they agreed to pay the secretary $100 a month for his services ! When money from all parts of the country had been sent to the national treasurer, until the Dakota fund reached $5,500, the executive committee of that State suddenly discovered that they could manage their own campaign, and made a demand upon the national committee to turn the funds over to them. Miss Anthony, as chairman, THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 681 already had sent them $300 for preliminary work; had written and telegraphed that the services of Miss Shaw could be had for only one month, at that time, and asked if they would arrange her routes; and had twice written them to send her their“ plan of campaign,'' but had received no answer to any of these communications. At the last moment she was obliged herself to make out Miss Shaw's route and send her into the field with practically no advertisement. On March 29 she wrote to the State president: Immediately on the receipt of your answer to my first letter to your execu- tive committee, instead of sending you a personal reply I wrote again to the entire committee, answering the various points presented by you, Mr. and Mrs. Barker and others. This I did to save writing the same thing to half a dozen different people, as well as to make sure that I should get your official action upon what seemed to me most important matters; but to this date I have received not only no official answer, but no information which shows my letter to have been acted upon. Nor have I heard from any member of the committee that you have mapped out any plan of campaign, or have accepted and proposed to work on the one which I outlined last November at the Aberdeen meeting, and twice over have stated in my letters. You, personally, say to me that you must have the national funds put into your treasury before you can plan work. Now, my dear sir, as a business man you never would give your money to any person or committee until they had presented to you a plan for using it which met your approval. Then I have had no indication of any intention on the part of your executive com- mittee or State organizer to hold any series of suffrage meetings or conven- tions. The only ones written of are W. C. T. U. county and district conven- tions. California's suffrage lecturer, I am informed, is to be introduced to the State at the First District W. C. T. U. Convention. Now, I want to say to you individually, and to the executive committee gen- erally, that the National-American South Dakota committee will pay the money entrusted to them only to sufrage lecturers and suffrage conventions. We shall not pay it to any individual or association for any other purpose, or in any other name, than suffrage for women, pure and simple. We talked this over fully in your executive committee meeting at Aberdeen last fall, and all agreed that, while the temperance societies worked for suffrage in their way, the suffrage campaign should be carried forward on the basis of the one princi- ple. Our national money will not go to aid Prohibition leagues, Grand Army encampments, Woman's Relief Corps, W. C. T. U. societies or any others, though all, we hope, will declare and work for the suffrage amendment. We can not ally ourselves with the Prohibition or Anti-Prohibition party—the Democrats or the Republicans. Each may do splendid work for suffrage within its own organization, and we shall rejoice in all that do so; but the South Dakota and the National-American Associations must stand on their own ground. 682 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Co-operation is what our committee desire, and we stand ready to aid in holding three series of county conventions with three sets of speakers, at least one of each set a national speaker, beginning on May 1 and continuing until the school election, June 24. I am feeling sadly disappointed that every voting precinct of every county has not been visited, and will not have been by the 1st of May, as was agreed upon at Aberdeen. Still, I want to begin now and henceforth push the work; but the entire fund would not pay every single man and woman in the State who helps, hence every one who can must work without cost either to the State or national committee. On the 7th of April Miss Anthony wrote to the State secre- tary: Yours mailed April 3 is received. The National-American committee have only about $1,300 yet in hand, and we have arranged a trip through your State for Rev. Anna Shaw. When your committee did not answer my telegram, I could not wait longer for fear of losing Miss Shaw's good work before the stu- dents of your various educational institutions, and having had urgent impor- tunities from Mrs. D. W. Mayer to send some of our very best speakers to Vermillion so that the 600 students there might be roused to thought before separating for the summer, I felt the cause could not afford to lose Miss Shaw's effective services and so mapped out her route, and telegraphed and wrote asking that she be advertised. Now, my dear friends, once for all, I want to say on behalf of our South Dakota committee, the National-American Association, and the friends who have placed money in our hands—that we shall no more turn it over to you to appropriate as your executive committee please, without our voice or vote, than you would turn over the money entrusted to your care to our com- mittee to spend as we choose, without your voice or vote. But while we shall retain our right to expend the national fund in accordance with our best judg- ment, we shall in future, as I have several times written your committee, hold ourselves ready to help defray the cost of whatever work you present to us. I have once verbally, and twice or oftener by letter, presented a plan of campaign asking your adoption of it, or of one which suited you better, tell- ing you that we would co-operate with you in executing the plan and paying therefor; and to all of my propositions to help, the one reply has been: “The wheels are blocked until you turn the money over to us. You in Washington can not run the South Dakota campaign.” Now nearly five months have elapsed, and, so far as reported, the resident committee have adopted no plan and had no organizers at work in the different counties. Rev. Anna Shaw made her lecture tour throughout the State, and wrote Miss Anthony that the people everywhere were most anxious for her to come and there was not the slightest disaffec- tion except on the part of two or three persons who wished to handle the funds. To these Miss Shaw said : THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 683 What our committee object to, and what they have no right to do by the vote of our convention, is to put a dollar of our money into your treasury to be spent without our consent or for any purpose of which we do not approve. For example, not one of us, myself least of all, will consent to take out of the contributions from friends of suffrage one dollar to pay towards a salary of $100 a month to any man as secretary. We do not pay our national secretary a cent, and we have no doubt there are plenty of women in the State of Da- kota who would be glad to do the secretary's work for love of the cause. I understand it has been planned, and the statement has gone out, that your committee propose to cut loose from Miss Anthony. Now if you do, you cut loose from the goose that lays the golden egg for the South Dakota work; you cut loose from all the national speakers and workers and all the money given. Miss Anthony wrote Alice Stone Blackwell : I fully agree with you and dear Mrs. Wallace about not antagonizing the prohibition and W. C. T. U. people who made the 6,000 majority last fall in South Dakota; but I also feel that we must not antagonize the license people, for they are one-half of the voters, lacking only 6,000, and fully 6,000 of the Pro- hibition men are anti-suffragists and can not be converted. Hence it is that our national suffrage lecturers are W. C. T. U. agents. That is my one point-that we shall not at the outset repel every man who is not a Prohi- bitionist. But we shall see. I surely am as earnest a prohibitionist and total ab- stainer as any woman or man in South Dakota or anywhere else. But they have prohibition, and now are after suffrage; therefore it should not be the old prohibition and W. C. T. U. yardstick in this campaign, but instead it must be the woman suffrage yardstick alone by which every man and every voter, of whatever persuasion, for it is votes we are after now. I hope to make such a good showing of work done in this spring campaign, that our friends will feel like giving another and larger contribution to help on the fall can- vass. The editors of the two suffrage papers, the officers of the National-American Association, the largest contributors to the fund and the other members of the committee, all sustained Miss Anthony in her position. Zerelda G. Wallace published the following notice: “Having pledged to the committee on work in South Dakota one month's services in the projected suffrage campaign in that State, I wish to announce publicly South Dakota committee of which Susan B. Anthony is chair- man." 684 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Finally, on April 15, the executive committee of South "every dollar expended should pass through the State treasury, and that the State executive committee should have control of all plans of work and decide what lecturers should be engaged ;" but by the time it reached Washington Miss Anthony was well on her way to South Dakota. When she arrived she found that it was just as she had been informed, the disaffection was confined to a few persons, but the body of workers made her welcome and she was cordially received throughout the State. Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe, State lecturer and one of the ablest women, at once placed her services at Miss Anthony's disposal, and in a short time nearly all were working in harmony with the national plan. The autumn previous, when Miss Anthony was attending a convention in Minneapolis, H. L. Loucks and Alonzo Wardall, president and secretary of the South Dakota Farmers' Alliance, had made a journey expressly to ask her to come into the State to conduct this canvass. She had replied that she never again would go into an amendment campaign unless it was endorsed and advocated by at least one of the two great political parties. They assured her that the Farmers' Alliance dominated politics in South Dakota, that it held the balance of power, and the year previous had compelled the Republicans to put a prohibi- tion plank in their platform and, through the influence of the Alliance, that amendment had been carried by 6,000 majority. They were ready now to do the same for woman suffrage. It was wholly because of the assurance of this support that Miss Anthony took the responsibility of raising the funds and con- ducting the campaign in South Dakota. When she arrived in the State, April 23, none of the political executive board, she at once planned the suffrage mass meet- ings, arranged work for the corps of speakers, pushed the dis- trict organization and made speeches herself almost every night. The National-American Association sent into the State and paid the expenses of Rev. Anna Shaw, Rev. Olympia Brown, Laura THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 685 M. Johns, Mary Seymour Howell, Carrie Chapman Catt, Julia B. Nelson and Clara B. Colby.' It also contributed over $1,000 to the office expenses of the State committee, paid $400 to the Woman's Journal and Woman's Tribune for thousands of copies to be sent to residents of South Dakota during the campaign, and flooded the State with suffrage literature. The speakers collected altogether $1,400 in South Dakota, which went toward their expenses. California, as her contribution to the national fund, raised $1,000 through a committee con- sisting of Hon. George C. Perkins, Mrs. Ellen Clark Sargent, Mrs. Knox Goodrich, Hon. W. H. Mills, Miss Sarah C. Sev- erance and Dr. Alida C. Avery. This was used to pay the ex- penses of Matilda Hindman for eight months, as one of the campaign organizers and speakers. As Miss Anthony was on her way to a meeting June 3, she received a telegram which sent her at once to Huron, where the annual convention of the Farmers' Alliance was in session. Upon arriving she found her information had been correct, that the Alliance and the Knights of Labor had combined forces and were about to form an independent party. She was permitted to address the convention and in the most impas- sioned language she begged them not to take this step, as it would be death to the woman suffrage amendment. She appealed to them in the name of their wives and daughters at home, doing double duty in order that the men might attend this conven- tion ; she reminded them of their pledges to herself and the other women to stand by the amendment, and showed them that, of themselves, they would not be strong enough to carry it, and that the Republican party, unless sustained by the Al- liance, would not and could not support it. Her appeals fell upon deaf ears, and the old story was repeated—the women sacrificed to party expediency. The Alliance of 478 delegates, at its State convention the previous year, November, 1889, after Miss Anthony's speech 1 Mrs. Wallace was kept at home by serious illness in her family. In a letter to Miss Anthony, August 18, expressing her deep regret, she said: “Money would be no object with me if I could overcome the other difficulties in the way, but as I can not, I fear I shall have to let you think I am unreliable. I regret this, as there is no woman (except Miss Willard) whose good opinion I value so highly as yours." 686 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and after she had met with its business committee, had passed this resolution : Resolved, That we will do all in our power to aid in woman's enfranchise- ment in South Dakota at the next general election, by bringing it before the local Alliances for agitation and discussion, thereby educating the masses upon the subject. The Knights of Labor, at their annual convention in Aber- deen, January, 1890, had adopted the following: Resolved, That the Knights of Labor, in asserably convened, do hereby declare that we will support with all our strength the amendment to the State Constitution of South Dakota, to be voted on at the next general election, giving to our wives, mothers and sisters the ballot. ... We believe that giving to the women of our country the ballot is the first step towards secur- ing those reforms for which all true Knights of Labor are striving. This action was taken by both conventions after the amend- ment had been submitted, and it was intended as a pledge of support. And yet the following June these two bodies formed a new political party and refused to put a woman suffrage plank in their platform! H. L. Loucks was himself a candi- date for governor on this Independent ticket, and in his annual address at this time never mentioned woman suffrage. Before adjourning, the convention passed a long resolution making seven or eight declarations, among them one that "no citizen should be disfranchised on account of sex,” but, during the entire campaign, as far as their party advocacy was con- cerned, this question was a dead issue.? The State Democratic Convention met at Aberdeen the fol- lowing week, and a committee of representative Dakota women was sent to present the claims of the amendment. They were invited to seats on the platform and there listened to an address by Hon. E. W. Miller, of Parker county, land receiver of the Huron district, in which, according to the press reports, “he declared that no decent, respectable woman asked for the ballot; that the women who did so were a disgrace to their homes; 1 In order to keep her next engagement, Miss Anthony was obliged to leave Huron at 7:30 A. M., drive sixteen miles in the face of a heavy northwest wind and rain, travel all day and speak that evening. “I did the best I could,” she wrote in her journal. THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 687 that when women voted men would have to suckle the babies,” and used other expressions of an indecent nature, which were received with prolonged and vigorous cheers.” (Argus- Leader, June 16, 1890.)' Judge Bangs, of Rapid City, who had brought in a minority report in favor of a suffrage plank, supported it in an able and dignified speech, but it was over- whelmingly voted down amidst great disorder. A large dele- gation of Russians came to this convention wearing great yellow badges (the brewers' color in South Dakota) lettered " Against woman suffrage and Susan B. Anthony." The Republican State Convention met in Mitchell, August 27. A suffrage mass meeting was held the two days preceding, and every possible effort made to secure a plank in the plat- form. Most of the national speakers and a large body of earnest and influential South Dakota men and women were present. Rev. Anna Shaw graphically relates an incident which deserves a place in history : When the Republicans had their State convention some of the leading men promised that we should have a plank in the platform, so we went down to see it through. We requested seats in the body of the house for our delega- tion, which was composed of most of the national speakers and the brainiest women in South Dakota, but we were informed there was absolutely no room for us. Finally a friend secured admission for ten on the very back of the platform, where we could neither see nor hear unless we stood on our chairs. We begged a good seat for Miss Anthony but no place could be made for her. Soon after the convention opened, an announcement was made that a delega- tion was waiting outside and that back of this delegation would probably be 5,000 votes. It was at once moved and seconded that they be invited in, and a committee was sent to escort them to seats on the floor of the house. In a moment it returned, followed by three big, dirty Indians in blankets and moccasins. Plenty of room for Indian men, but not a seat for American women! We asked for a chance to address the delegates, but the chairman adjourned the convention, and then announced that we might speak during the recess. That night we went back again to the ball, and the resolution committee not being ready to report, the audience called for leading speakers, but none of them dared say a word because they did not yet know what would be in the platform. Finally when no man would respond they called for me, and I i Then E. W. Miller took the floor, and in a disgusting manner and vile language be- rated the women present and all woman suffragists. ..Miller disgraced the name of Democracy, disgraced his constituents, disgraced South Dakota, disgraced the name of man by his brutal and low remarks in the presence of ladies and gentlemen.--Aberdeen Pioneer. 688 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. went forward and said: “Gentlemen, I am not afraid to speak, for I know what is in our platform and I know also what I want you to introduce into yours.” She then made her plea. It was cordially received, but the platform entirely ignored the question of woman suffrage. This was true also of the press and party speakers during the campaign, with one exception. Hon. J. A. Pickler was re- nominated for Congress, and in his speech of acceptance declared his belief in woman suffrage and his regret that the Republicans did not adopt it in their platform. He was warned by the party leaders, but replied that he would advocate it even if he imperilled his chances for election. He spoke in favor of the amendment throughout his campaign and was elected without difficulty. His wife, Alice M. Pickler, was one of the most effective speakers and workers among the Da- kota women and, although Mr. Pickler was a candidate, she did not once speak upon Republican issues but confined her- self wholly to the question of woman suffrage. She was as true and courageous as her husband. Although fair reports of the suffrage meetings were published, scarcely a newspaper in the State gave editorial endorsement to the amendment. The adverse action of the party conventions virtually de- stroyed all chance for success, but the suffrage speakers usually found enthusiastic audiences, and the friends still hoped against hope that they might secure a popular vote. Miss Anthony never lost courage, and her letters were full of good cheer. “Tell everybody,” she wrote, “ that I am perfectly well in body and mind, never better, and never doing more work. ... Anna Shaw and I are on our way to the Black Hills, and shall rush into Sioux City for a pay lecture and turn the proceeds over to the Dakota fund.... 0, the lack of the modern comforts and conveniences! But I can put up with it better than any of the young folks. . . . All of us must strain every nerve to move the hearts of men as they never before were moved. I shall push ahead and do my level best to carry this State, come weal or woe to me personally. ... I never felt so buoyed up with the love and sympathy and confi- With affectionate revereuer You maneca lueet Yrceiid, Anna Herrard Sleanet THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 689 dence of the good people everywhere. ... The friends here are very sanguine and if I had not had my hopes dashed to the earth in seven State campaigns before this, I, too, would dare believe. But I shall not be cast down, even if voted down.” The eastern friends sent appreciative letters. The thought of you and your fellow-workers in South Dakota in this hot weather and with insufficient funds, has lain like lead upon my heart," wrote John Hooker. “How I wish I could accept your invitation to come to you and talk to the old soldiers,” said Clara Barton ; “but alas, I have not the strength. My heart, my hopes, are with you and if there is a spoke I can get hold of, I will help turn that wheel before the campaign is over. My love is always with you and your glorious cause, my dear, dear Susan Anthony.” | Hopeng.cnes more to see you Lam my clear peened Caithpelly Clara Barton Anna Shaw wrote from Ohio in August: “I am trying to follow your magnificent example, in quietly passing over every personal matter for the sake of the greatest good for the work. Whenever I find myself giving way, I think of you and all you have borne and get fresh courage to try once more. Dear Aunt Susan, my heart is reaching out with such a great long- ing for my mother, now eighty years old, that I must go to her for a few days before I enter upon that long canvass, but I will come to you soon.” It was a hard campaign, the summer the hottest ever known, the distances long, the entertainment the best which could be offered, good in the towns but in the rural districts sometimes very poor, and the speakers slept more than once in sod houses where the only fuel for preparing the meals consisted of "buf- ANT.—44 690 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. falo chips.” The people were in severe financial straits. A two years' drouth had destroyed the crops, and prairie fires had swept away the little which was left. “Starvation stares them in the face,” Miss Anthony wrote. “Why could not Congress have appropriated the money for artesian wells and helped these earnest, honest people, instead of voting $40,000 for a commission to come out here and investigate ?”. Frequently the speakers had to drive twenty miles between the afternoon and evening meetings, in the heat of sum- mer and the chill of late autumn; at one time forty miles on a wagon seat without a back. On the Fourth of July, a roasting day, Miss Anthony spoke in the morning, drove fifteen miles to speak again in the afternoon, and then left at night in a pouring rain for a long ride in a freight-car. At one town the school house was the only place for speaking purposes, but the Russian trustees announced that “they did not want to hear any women preach,” so after the long trip, the meeting had to be given up. Several times in the midst of their speeches, the audience was stampeded by cyclones, not a soul left in the house. The people came twenty and thirty miles to these meetings, bringing their dinners. Miss Anthony speaks always in the highest terms of the fine character of the Dakota men and women, and of their large families of bright, healthy children. The speakers never tire of telling their experiences during that campaign. Mary Seymour Howell relates in her own interesting way that once she and Miss Anthony had been rid- ing for hours in a stage which creaked and groaned at every turn of the wheels, the poor, dilapidated horses not able to travel out of a walk, the driver a prematurely-old little boy whose feet did not touch the floor, and a cold Dakota wind blowing straight into their faces. After an unbroken, home- sick silence of an hour, Miss Anthony said in a subdued and ? At one place where this happened, the Russian sheriff had locked the court house doors, but the women compelled him to open them. He was entirely converted by the addresses of the afternoon, and in the evening when the storm was approaching, he rushed to Miss An- thony and exclaimed, “Come, quick, and let me take you to the cellar, where you will be perfectly safe.” “O, no, thank you," she replied, " a little thing like a cyclone does not frighten me.” THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 691 solemn voice, “Mrs. Howell, humanity is at a very low ebb!” The tone, the look, the words, so in harmony with the surroundings, produced a reaction which sent her off into a fit of laughter, in which Miss Anthony soon joined. They had been warned to keep away from a certain hotel, at one place, as it was the very worst in the whole State. At the close of the afternoon meeting there, a man came up and said he would be pleased to entertain the speakers and could make them very comfortable. This seemed to be a sure escape, so they thankfully accepted his invitation, but when they reached his home, they discovered that he was the landlord of the poor hotel! Miss Anthony charged Mrs. Howell to make the best of it without a word of complaint. They went to supper, amidst heat and flies, and found sour bread, muddy coffee and stewed green grapes. Miss Anthony ate and drank and talked and smiled, and every little while touched Mrs. Howell's foot with her own in a reassuring manner. After supper Mrs. Howell went to her little, bare room, which she soon learned by the clatter of the dishes was next to the kitchen, and through the thin partition she heard the landlady say: "Well, I never supposed I could entertain big-bugs, and I thought I couldn't live through having Susan B. Anthony here, but I'm getting along all right. You ought to hear her laugh ; why, she laughs just like other people !” Mrs. Howell gives this graphic description of the meetings at Madison, July 10: In the afternoon we drove some distance to a beautiful lake where Miss Anthony spoke to 1,000 men, a Farmers' Alliance picnic. When she asked how many would vote for the suffrage amendment, all was one mighty “aye,” like the deep voice of the sea. That evening we spoke in the opera house in the city. While Miss Anthony was speaking a telegram for her was handed to me, and as I arose to make the closing address I gave it to her. I had just begun when she came quickly forward, put her hand on my arm and said, “Stop a moment, I want to read this telegram.” It was from Wash- ington, saying that President Harrison had signed the bill admitting Wyom- ing into the Union with woman suffrage in its constitution. Before she could finish reading the great audience was on its feet, cheering and waving handkerchiefs and fans. After the enthusiasm had subsided Miss Anthony made a short but wonderful speech. The very tones of her voice changed; there were ringing notes of gladness and tender ones of thankfulness. It was 692 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the first great victory of her forty years of work. She spoke as one inspired, while the audience listened for every word, some cheering, others weeping. When Miss Anthony was starting for South Dakota she was urged not to go, through fear of the effect of such a campaign on her health. Her reply was, “Better lose me than lose a State.” A grand answer from a grander woman. And this night in South Dakota we had won a State and still had Miss Anthony with us, the central figure of the suffrage movement as she was the central figure in that never-to-be-forgotten night of great rejoicing. ose meight in central-to-be- Cnackmail and Faithfully yours Many hemorowe As very few women were able to hire help, many were obliged to bring their babies to the meetings and, before the speaking was over, the heat and confusion generally set them all to crying. Miss Anthony was very patient and always ex- pressed much sympathy for the overworked and tired mothers. One occasion, however, was too much for her, and Anna Shaw thus describes it : One intensely hot Sunday afternoon, a meeting was held by the side of a sod church, which had been extended by canvas coverings from the wagons. The audience crowded up as close as they could be packed to where Miss An- thony stood on a barn door laid across some boxes. A woman with a baby sat very near the edge of this improvised platform. The child grew tired and uneasy and finally began to pinch Miss Anthony's ankles. She stepped back and he immediately commenced to scream, so she stepped forward again and he resumed his pinching. She endured it as long as she could, but at last stooped down and whispered to the mother, “I think your baby is too warm in here; take him out and give him a drink and he will feel better.” The woman jerked it up and started out, exclaiming, “Well, this is the first time I have ever been insulted on account of my motherhood!” A number of men gathered around her, saying, “That is just what to expect from these old maid suffragists.” Some one told Miss Anthony she had lost twenty votes by this. “Well,” she replied, “if they could see the welts on my ankles where they were pinched to keep that child still, they would bring their twenty votes back.” She said to me the next day: “Now, Anna, no matter how many babies THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 693 cry you must not say one word or it will be taken as an insult to mother- hood.” That afternoon I gave a little talk. The church was crowded and there were so many children it seemed as if every family had twins. There were at least six of them crying at the top of their lungs. The louder they cried, the louder I yelled; and the louder I yelled, the louder they cried, for they were scared. Finally a gentleman asked, “Don't you want those chil- dren taken out ?” “O, no,” said I," there is nothing that inspires me so much as the music of children's voices,” and although a number of men pro- tested, I would not allow one of them taken from the room. I was bound I wouldn't lose any votes. Among the racy anecdotes which Miss Shaw relates of that memorable campaign, is one which shows Miss Anthony's ready retort: Many of the halls were merely rough boards and most of them had no seats. I never saw so many intemperate men as at — , in front of the stores, on the street corners, and in the saloons, and yet they had a prohi- bition law! We could not get any hall to speak in-they were all in use for variety shows—and there was no church finished, but the Presbyterian was the furthest along and they let us have that, putting boards across nail kegs for seats. It was filled to overflowing and people crowded up close to the platform. One man came in so drunk he could not stand, so he sat down on the edge and leaned against the table. Miss Anthony gave her argument to prove what the ballot had done for laboring men in England and was work- ing up to show what it would do for women in the United States, when sud- denly the man roused and said: “Now look 'ere, old gal, we've heard ’nuf about Victoria; can't you tell's somethin' 'bout George Washington ?” The people tried to hush him, but soon he broke out again with, “We've had ’nuf of England; can't you tell's somethin' 'bout our grand republic ?” The men cried, "Put him out, put him out!” but Miss Anthony said: “No, gentle- men, he is a product of man's government, and I want you to see what sort you make.” In September Carrie Chapman Catt, one of the coolest, most logical and level-headed women who ever went into a cam- paign, at the request of the State executive committee gave her opinion of the situation as follows: We have not a ghost of a show for success. Our cause can be compared with the work of prohibition, always remembering ours is the more unpopular. Last year the Methodist church led off in State conference and declared for prohibition. It was followed by every other church, except the German Lutheran and Catholic, even the Scandinavian Lutherans voting largely for it. Next the Republican, the strongest party, stood for it, because if they did not it meant a party break. The Farmers' Alliance were solid for it. The 694 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. leaders were put to work, a large amount of money was collected and rep- resentative men went out in local campaigns. It was debated on the street, and men of influence converted those of weaker minds. Now what have we? 1st.—The Lutherans, both German and Scandinavian, and the Catholics are bitterly opposed. The Methodists, our strongest friends everywhere else, are not so here. 2d.-We have one party openly and two others secretly against us. 3d.—While this county, for instance, gave $700 to prohibition, it gives $2.50 to suffrage and claims that for hall rent, the amount then not being sufficient. 4th.-When I suggested to the committee to start a vigorous county campaign and get men of influence to go out and speak, they did not know of one man willing to face the political animosities it would engender. With the exception of the work of a few women, nothing is being done. We have opposed to us the most powerful elements in the politics of the State. Continuing as we are, we can't poll 20,000 votes. We are converting women to “want to vote" by the hundreds, but we are not having any appre- ciable effect upon the men. This is because men have been accustomed to take new ideas only when accompanied by party leadership with brass bands and huzzahs. We have a total lack of all. Ours is a cold, lonesome little movement, which will make our hearts ache about November 5. We must get Dakota men in the work. They are not talking woman suffrage on the street. There is an absolute indifference concerning it. We need some kind of a political mustard plaster to make things lively. We are appealing to justice for success, when it is selfishness that governs mankind. . . The campaign was continued, however, with all the zeal and ability which both State and national workers could command. There were between fifteen and twenty thousand Scandinavians in the State and a woman was sent to address them in their own language--one woman! A German woman was sent among the men of that nationality. The last night before election, mass meetings were held in all the large towns, Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw being at Deadwood. In her excellent summing- up of the campaign, Elizabeth M. Wardall, State superintend- ent of press, gives: “Number of addresses by the national speakers, 789; by the State speakers, 707 ; under the auspices of the W. C. T. U., 104; total, 1,600; local and county clubs of women organized, 400. Literature sent to every voter in the State.” What was the result of all this expenditure of time, labor and money? There were 68,604 ballots cast; 22,972 for wo- man suffrage; 45,632 opposed ; majority against, 22,660. Eight months of hard work by a large corps of the ablest THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 695 women in the United States, 1,600 speeches, $8,000 in money, for less than 23,000 votes! There were 30,000 foreigners in South Dakota, Russians, Scandinavians, Poles and other na- tionalities. It is claimed they voted almost solidly against woman suffrage, but even if this were true they must have had the assistance of 15,000 American men. If only those men who believed in prohibition had voted for woman suffrage it would have carried, as had that measure, by 6,000 majority. The opponents of prohibition, of course, massed themselves against putting the ballot in the hands of women. The main interest of this election was centered in the fight between Huron and Pierre for the location of the capital. There never in any State was a more shameless and corrupt buy- ing and selling of votes, and the woman suffrage amendment was one of the chief articles of barter. The bribers, the liquor dealers and gamblers, were reinforced here, as had been the case in other State campaigns, by their faithful allies, “the Remonstrants of Boston,” who circulated their anonymous sheet through every nook and corner of the State. All of the speakers who took any prominent part in the cam- paign were paid except Miss Anthony. She contributed her services for over six months and refused during that time an offer of $500 from the State of Washington for ten lectures and a contract from one of the largest lecture bureaus in the coun- try at $60 per night. At the close of the canvass she gave from the national fund $100 each to Mrs. Wardall and Philena E. Johnson, who had worked so faithfully without pay. Then, lacking $300 of enough to settle all the bills, she drew that amount from her own small bank account and put it in as a contribution to the campaign. At the annual meeting of the State W. C. T. U., September 26, a strong resolution was adopted endorsing Miss Anthony's Henry B. Blackwell made a speaking tour of six weeks through the State at his own expense. 2A letter from Mrs. Catt said: “I think you are the most unselfish woman in all the world. You are determined to see that all the rest of us are paid and comfortable, but think it entirely proper to work yourself for nothing. If some of your self-sacrificing spirit could be injected into the great body of suffragists, we would win a hundred years sooner.” 696 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. work in South Dakota and she was made an honorary member. After the election the State suffrage committee unanimously passed the following resolution: "The earnest and heartfelt gratitude of all the suffragists of South Dakota is hereby ex- tended to Susan B. Anthony, who has devoted her entire time, energy and experience for six months to the cause of liberty and justice.” Anna Shaw said that in all her years of preaching and lect- uring she had never been so exhausted as at the close of that canvass. Mrs. Catt was prostrated with typhoid fever im- mediately upon reaching home, and hovered between life and death for many months, in her delirium constantly making speeches and talking of the campaign. Mary Anthony said, “When my sister returned from South Dakota I realized for the first time that she was indeed threescore and ten." CHAPTER XXXIX. WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 1890–1891. DISS ANTHONY accepted the defeat in South Da- kota as philosophically as she had those of the past forty years, bidding the women of the State be of good cheer and continue the work of educa- tion until at last the men should be ready to grant them freedom. With Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Julia B. Nelson she went directly to the Nebraska convention at Fre- mont, November 12. The 18th found her in Atchison with Mrs. Catt and Mrs. Colby, at the Kansas convention," where,” the Tribune says, “she took part in all the deliberations and methods of work as critically and earnestly as if she herself would have to carry them out.” Two weeks were pleasantly spent visiting at Leavenworth and Fort Scott. Thanksgiving was passed at the latter place and the next day the suffrage friends, under the leadership of Dr. Sarah C. Hall, whom Miss Anthony called “the backbone of Bourbon county,” gave her a very pretty reception at the home of Mrs. H. B. Brown. Saturday she spoke, morning, afternoon and evening, at the county suffrage convention. Her time for rest and recreation was very brief, and by December 4 she and Mrs. Catt were in the midst of the Iowa convention at i While here Miss Anthony received a letter from Rev. N. M. Mann, formerly pastor of the Unitarian church in Rochester but now residing in Omaha, which said: "Are you not com- ing to the metropolis of the State, when some of us here are just perishing for the sight of your face? I speak for myself and Mrs. Mann firstly, though judging from the number of parlors I go into where your picture is the first thing one sees, I fancy there are a good many others who would be hardly less glad than we to greet you. Come and spend a Sunday, and hear a good old sermon, and lecture in my church." (697) 698 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Des Moines. As usual when flying from one side of the con- tinent to the other, she stopped at Indianapolis for a few days' work with Mrs. Sewall, and they sat up into the wee, sma' hours, planning and arranging for the Washington conven- tion, the National Council and the World's Fair Congress of Women. She arrived in Rochester Saturday morning; that evening Anna Shaw came in from her tour of lectures all along the way from South Dakota, and it would not be surprising to know that a business meeting of two was held the next day after church'services. Monday evening the Political Equality Club tendered them a reception at the Chamber of Commerce, which was largely attended. On December 16 and 17 they addressed the State Suffrage Convention in this city, and soon afterwards Miss Anthony started for Washington by way of New York and Philadelphia. The year 1890 had been eventful for the cause of woman suffrage, in spite of the defeat in Dakota. The bill for the admission of Wyoming as a State had been presented in the House of Representatives December 18, 1889. Its constitu- tion, which had been adopted by more than a two-thirds vote of the people, provided that “the right of its citizens to vote and hold office should not be denied or abridged on account of sex.” The House Committee on Territories, through Charles S. Baker, of Rochester, reported in favor of admission. The minority report presented by William M. Springer, of Illinois, covered twenty-three pages; two devoted to various other reasons for non-admission and twenty-one to objections because of the woman suffrage clause, which provides that not only males may vote but their wives also." In- corporated in this report were the overworked articles of Mrs. Leonard and Mrs. Whitney, supplemented by a ponder- ous manifesto of Goldwin Smith, and it ended with the same list of “distinguished citizens of Boston opposed to female suffrage,” which had several times before been brought out from its pigeonhole and dusted off to terrify those citizens of the United States who did not reside in Boston. WYOMING--MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 699 As it was supposed Wyoming would be Republican its admission was bitterly fought by the Democrats, who used its suffrage clause as a club to frighten the Republicans, but even those of the latter who were opposed were willing to swallow woman suffrage for the sake of bringing in another State for their party. The changes were rung on the old objections with the usual interspersing of those equivocal innuendoes and in- sinuations which always make a self-respecting woman's blood boil. The debate continued many days and it looked for a time as if the woman suffrage clause would have to be abandoned if the State were to be admitted. When this was announced to the Wyoming Legislature, then in session, the answer came back over the wire: "We will remain out of the Union a hundred years rather than come in without woman suffrage.”'l After every possible effort had been made to strike out the objectionable clause, the final vote was taken March 26, 1890; for admission 139; against, 127. The bill was presented in the Senate by Orville H. Platt, of Connecticut, from the Committee on Territories, and discussed for three days. After a repetition of the contest in the House, the vote was taken June 27; in favor of admission 29 ; opposed 18. Woman suffrage clubs in all parts of the country, in response to an official request by Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone, celebrated the Fourth of July with great rejoicing over the admission of Wyoming, the first State to enfranchise women. Another event of importance during 1890, was the first majority report from the judiciary committee of the House of Representatives in favor of the Sixteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which should confer suffrage upon women. Hon. Ezra B. Taylor, of Warren, O., was chairman of the committee and had exerted all his influence to secure this report, which was presented May 29 by L. B. Caswell, of 1 As women had been voting in the Territory over twenty years and this answer was sent by a legislature composed entirely of men, it would seem to show that the evils predicted of woman suffrage were wholly disproved by actual experience. 700 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Wisconsin. On August 12, the Senate committee on woman suffrage again presented a majority report for a Sixteenth Amendment. om Courtin murda Ara wito ff_hus Gal- citrzeszo - Women E. B. Taylor It had long been Miss Anthony's earnest desire to have suf- frage headquarters in Washington, pleasant parlors where local meetings could be held and friends gather in a social way. In the midst of her great work and responsibility she exchanged many letters during 1890 with ladies in that city regarding this project, but it was finally decided that it would not be judicious to incur the expense. Out of this agitation, how- ever, was evolved a stock company, incorporated under the name of Wimodaughsis, organized for the education of women in art, science, literature and political and domestic economy by means of classes and lectures. As Miss Anthony never gave herself to any work except that which tended directly to secure suffrage for women, she took no part in the new enterprise ex- cept to bestow upon it her blessing and $100. Rev. Anna Shaw was elected its first president. The National-American Association took two large rooms in the new club house for headquarters. Two deaths in 1890 affected Miss Anthony most deeply. Ellen H. Sheldon, of Washington, for a number of years had served as national recording secretary and had endeared her- self to all. She was a clerk in the War Department and her entire time outside business hours was devoted to gratuitous work for the association. Her reports were accurate and dis- 1 Mr. Taylor wrote Miss Anthony: “The delay, which seemed long to you, was absolutely necessary and I am sure you will understand that I have been faithful to the cause. My daughter Harriet, the most wonderful of all women to me, is largely influential in the result....! Jaithfully your Harriet Taylor Upton WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 701 criminating and Miss Anthony felt in her death the loss of a valued friend and helper. Julia T. Foster, of Philadelphia, who passed away November 16, was as dear to her as one of her own nieces. A sweet and beautiful woman, wealthy and accomplished, she was so modest and retiring that her work for suffrage and the large sums of money she contributed were known only to her most intimate friends. In remembrance Rachel Foster Avery sent Miss Anthony all the handsome furnishings of her sister's room. Miss Anthony arrived in Washington January 3, 1891, and received the usual welcome by Mr. and Mrs. Spofford. On the 24th she went to Boston in response to an invitation to attend the Massachusetts Suffrage Convention. She reached the Parker House Sunday morning, but Wm. Lloyd Garrison came at once and took her to his hospitable home in Brookline, and a most fortunate thing it was. Since leaving South Da- kota she had been fighting off what seemed to be a persistent form of la grippe and the next morning she collapsed utterly, pneumonia threatened and she was obliged to keep her room for a week. She received the most loving attention from her hostess, Ellen Wright Garrison, and had many calls and num- erous pleasant letters, among them the following: What a mercy it was that you fell into the shelter and care of the Garrisons when so serious an illness came upon you. Of course everybody was disap- pointed that you could not be at the meeting so that they might at least see you. Now that you are convalescing and we trust on the high road to recov- ery we want to arrange an informal reception at our office, so that those or some of those who were sorry not to see you at the meeting, may have a chance to do so. I was too tired today to go with my two, and maybe you would have been too tired to see us if we had gone. It is not quite the same when we are seventy-two as when we are twenty-seven; still I am glad of what is left, and wish we might both hold out till the victory we have sought is won, but all the same the victory is coming. In the aftertime the world will be the better for it. Trusting you may soon be well again, I am your fellow-worker, LUCY STONE. DEAR SUSAN ANTHONY: We are to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the First National Woman's Rights Convention in this State and want to make the meeting as useful to the cause as we can. You ought to be here. Will you come? The sheaves gathered in these forty years are to be presented, and of course there will be some reminiscences of pioneer times. We shall be glad to announce you as one of the speakers. I hope you are a little rested since the hard campaign in Dakota. Yours truly, LUCY STONE. 702 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Her old comrade, Parker Pillsbury, urged her to come for a while to his home in Concord, N. H., saying: “Should you come you may be sure of a most cordial greeting in this household, and by others; but by none more heartily and cordially than by your old friend and coadjutor in the temper- ance, anti-slavery and suffrage enterprises.” Mrs. Pillsbury supplemented this with a pressing invitation; and another came from the loved and faithful friend, Armenia S. White. Miss Anthony appreciated the kindness but there was too much work awaiting her in Washington to allow of visiting, and thither she hastened even before she was fully able to travel. The first triennial meeting of the National Woman's Council, Frances E. Willard, president, Susan B. Anthony, vice-presi- dent, began in Albaugh's Opera House, February 22, 1891, and continued four days. It was as notable a gathering as the great International Council of 1888. Forty organizations of women were represented; "one,” said Miss Willard in her opening address, “ for every year during which this noble woman at my right and her colleagues have been at work.” The meeting was preceded by a reception tendered by Mrs. Spofford at the Riggs to 500 guests. The services for two Sundays were conducted entirely by women, Revs. Anna Shaw, Anna Garlin Spencer, Ida C. Hultin, Caroline J. Bart- lett, Amanda Deyo, Olympia Brown, Mila Tupper and, among the laity, Margaret Bottome, president of the King's Daugh- ters, and Miss Willard. The most famous women of the United States took part in this council. Especial interest was centered in the beautiful Mrs. Bertha Honoré Palmer, presi- dent of the Board of Lady Managers of the Columbian Expo- sition, who occupied a seat on the stage. This board was rep- resented also by its vice-president, Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin and by Mrs. Virginia C. Meredith. Each great national organ- ization sent its most representative women to present its objects and its work. As Mrs. Stanton was still in Europe, her paper, « The Ma- triarchate,” was read by Miss Anthony. Miss Willard intro- duced the reader in her own graceful way, saying: “I will WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 703 not call her Mrs. Stanton's faithful Achates, for that would fail to express it, but will say that the paper written by one of the double stars of first magnitude will be read by the other star." Miss Anthony was so happy over this great assemblage, the direct result of all her long years' work for the evolution of woman into a larger life and a catholicity of spirit which would enable those of all creeds, all political beliefs and all lines of work to come together in fraternal council, that she herself scarcely could be persuaded to make even the briefest address. Her one anxiety was that all the noted speakers present should be seen and heard. The council was received by Mrs. Harrison at the White House. The Twenty-third Annual Convention of the National-Amer- ican W. S. A. commenced the morning after the council closed, and the vast audiences which filled the opera house at every session hardly knew when one ended and the other be- gan. The interest was sufficient to sell the boxes for the latter at $10, and single seats at 50 cents. Miss Anthony presided and read Mrs. Stanton's fine address, “ The Degradation of Disfranchisement,” saying as she commenced that “they might imagine how every moment she was wishing they could see, instead of her own, the sunny face and grand white head of the writer.” At its close she introduced Lucy Stone, who came forward amid great applause, and said that " while this was the first time she had stood beside Miss Anthony at a suf- frage convention in Washington, she had stood beside her on many a hard-fought battlefield before most of those present were born.” She then gave a graphic picture of the work accomplished by the suffrage advocates from 1850 to 1890. All sections of the United States were represented at this convention; delegates were present from Canada, and Miss ? In her letter describing the council Mrs. Margaret Bottome wrote of Miss Anthony: “I have met, since I have been in Washington, a woman whom I have heard of since I can remember anything. We are not of the same faith-she has devoted her life to what during the past I have shrunk from-and I met her here for the first time; but I shall carry with me always the impression of her spirit upon my own, of the Christ-life, the Christ-spirit. I got it before she had said five words to me, and I could have sat down at her feet and drank in the spirit of Jesus Christ that is in her, though she does not see him just as I do." 704 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Florence Balgarnie, of London, spoke for the women of Eng- land. Mrs. Henrotin presented an official invitation from the Board of Lady Managers for the association to take part in the Woman's Congress to be held during the World's Fair. The newspapers of Washington, and those of other cities through their correspondents, gave columns of reports, indisputable evidence of the important and stable position now secured by the question of woman suffrage. The board of officers was re- elected, Mrs. Stanton receiving for president 144 of the 175 votes; Miss Anthony's election unanimous. The Women's Suffrage Society of England had sent official congratulations on the admission of Wyoming with enfran- chisement for women, and Miss Anthony was determined they should be read in the United States Senate. This letter from Senator Blair will show how it was accomplished: "The me- morial of congratulation which you sent me is not one which I could press for presentation as a matter of right, but fortunately, by a pious fraud, I succeeded in reading it without interrup- tion, so that it will appear word for word in the Record, and it is referred to the noble army of martyrs known as the com- mittee on woman suffrage.” At a delightful breakfast given by Sorosis at Delmonico's on its twenty-third birthday, Miss Anthony was the guest of honor, seated at the right of the president, Mrs. Ella Dietz Clymer, and in her short address recalled the fact that she had known Mrs. Clymer and their incoming president, Dr. Jennie de la M. Lozier, when they were no taller than the table. She gave a Sunday afternoon reception at the Riggs to Mrs. Annie Besant, of London, and in his letter regretting that ab- sence from the city would prevent his attendance, ex-Secretary of the Treasury Hugh McCulloch said: "I am sorry I can not see you often. I have been for many years a 'looker on' and I appreciate the work which you have done for the benefit of the race. You have not labored in vain and you have the 1 After the convention Miss Balgarnie wrote: “It has been one of the most genuine pleas- ures of my life to meet you, my dear Miss Anthony. I felt strength go out of you,' as it were, directly you took my hand.” WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 705 ome Sugh In Caloop satisfaction of knowing that your good work will follow you.” She accepted a cordial invitation to dine at his home a and received assurance of his thorough belief in suffrage for women. Easter Sunday she went to Philadelphia to witness the christening, or consecration, of the Foster-Avery baby, by Rev. Anna Shaw, who had married the father and mother. On Monday Mrs. Avery gave a reception for her in the parlors of the New Century Club, and on the following day she addressed the 1,600 girls of the Normal School. She made this entry in her diary May 1: “Left Washing- ton and the dear old Riggs House today. For twelve winters this has been my home, where I have had every comfort it was possible for Mr. and Mrs. Spofford to give. For as many win- ters it has been the National Association's headquarters, but now both will have to find a new place, for the hotel is to pass under another management.” Miss Anthony reached home the next day, and by the 12th was on hand for the State conven- tion at Warren, O., the guest as usual of Mr. and Mrs. Upton at the home of Hon. Ezra B. Taylor. From here she went to Painesville, where she was entertained at the handsome resi- dence of General J. S. and Mrs. Frances M. Casement, whose hospitality she had enjoyed for many years whenever her jour- neyings took her to that city. After a few days at home Miss Anthony started for Meriden, to attend the Connecticut convention on May 22, and when this was over went home with Mrs. Hooker. A letter to the Woman's Tribune said : I wish I could tell you of my journeyings. I had a pleasant visit with Mrs. Hooker at her charming home in Hartford. En route from Boston I spent a few days with Hon. and Mrs. William Whiting in their beautiful home at Holyoke. One day was devoted to a luncheon party of a hundred or more in their picturesque log cabin three miles down the river, through the lovely Connecticut yalley. This cabin, with fireplace worthy the grandest old back- log and fore-stick, polished floors, and lunch served by a Springfield caterer, is ANT.—45 706 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. not like those of our dear old grandmothers. After the tables were cleared, Mrs. Whiting called on me for a talk. Another day we visited Mount Holy- oke Seminary, going through the various buildings and, in the great old kitchen, looking upon neat plateaus of light, sweet-smelling bread, biscuits and cake, all made by the girls during the morning. Each must do a certain amount of work, and all is done in memory of the sainted Mary Lyon, whose monument stands under the grand old trees which surround the buildings. Then on Sunday I went to Cheshire, to dine with my mother's dear cousin, ninety-five years of age, bright and cheerful in her on-look. Next I hied me to the house of my Grandfather Anthony, who lived in it from the day of his marriage in 1792, to his death at the age of ninety-six. ... From here I went to Saratoga and took a drink from the old Congress Spring, and Wednes- day reached home. The paper tells you what happened on Thursday even- ing, and now I am enjoying to the fullest all the good-will of my dear friends. - What happened ” was that Miss Anthony went to house- keeping! After the mother's death, Miss Mary rented the lower part of the house, which now belonged to her, reserved the upper rooms for herself and sister, and took her meals with her tenants. This plan was followed for a number of years. Now, however, Miss Anthony had passed one year beyond the threescore and ten which are supposed to mark the limit of activity if not of life, and her friends urged that she should give up her long journeys from one end of the continent to the other, her hard State campaigns, her constant lectures and conventions. She felt as vigorous as ever but had long wished for the comforts and conveniences of her own home, and she concluded that perhaps her friends were right and she should settle down in one place and direct the work, rather than try to do so much of it herself. She thought this might be safely done now, as so many new and efficient workers had been de- veloped and the cause had acquired a standing which made its advocacy an easy task compared to what it had been in the past, when only a few women had the courage and strength to take the blows and bear the contumely. So Miss Mary took possession of the house; masons, carpenters, painters and paper-hangers were put to work, and by June all was in in beautiful readiness. The friends in various parts of the country were deeply in- terested in the new move. Letters of approval came from all directions, among them this from Mrs. Stanton in England : WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 707 “I rejoice that you are going to housekeeping. The mistake of my life was selling Tenafly. My advice to you, Susan, is to keep some spot you can call your own; where you can live and die in peace and be cremated in your own oven if you de- sire." When Miss Anthony returned from her eastern trip on June 11, a pleasant surprise awaited her. The Political Equality Club had taken part in the housekeeping program. Hand- some rugs had been laid on the floor, lace curtains hung at the windows, easy chairs placed in the rooms, a large desk in Miss Mary's study, a fine oak table in the dining-room, all the gift of the club. Mrs. Avery had sent a big, roomy desk and Mrs. Sewall an office chair for Miss Anthony's study ; Miss Shaw and Lucy Anthony, a set of china ; Mr. Avery, the needed cutlery; the brother Daniel R., a great box of sheeting, spreads, bolts of muslin, table linen and towels, enough to last a lifetime. From other friends came pictures, silver and bric- a-brac without limit. The events of the evening after Miss Anthony arrived at home are thus described by the Rochester Herald : The truth of the matter is that for a long time the Woman's Political Club has been in love with Miss Anthony, a feeling which she has not been slow to reciprocate. The affair culminated last evening, the nuptial ceremony be- ing a housewarming tendered by the club. The reception was a complete suc- cess, and the rooms were crowded for several hours, the number of visitors being estimated at no less than 300. The house was brilliantly lighted and everywhere was a profusion of cut flowers and potted ferns. At the entrance the visitors were greeted by Mrs. Greenleaf, president of the club, who pre- sented them to Miss Anthony. In greeting each new-comer the hostess dis- played her remarkable power of memory and brilliance as a conversationalist, having a reminiscent word for every one. In the parlor before the fireplace stood the old spinning-wheel which in 1817 had been a wedding gift to her mother. It was decked with marguerites and received no small degree of attention. . . . A short time after the housewarming, her cousin, Charles Dickinson, of Chicago, stopped over night and, after he had gone, Miss Anthony found this note: “It makes me blush for the wealthy people of the country, that they forget their duty to others. Here art thou, with thy moderate income, spend- 708 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ing all of it for humanity's cause, thinking, speaking, doing a work that will last forever. Please take rest enough for good health to be with thee, and to make this easier I enclose a check for $300. Call it a loan without interest, already repaid by the good done to our fellow-beings.” In June she made a long-promised visit to her friend Henri- etta M. Banker at her home in the Adirondacks, which she thus describes : Rev. Anna Shaw and I have had a lovely week. Almost every day we drove out among the mountains; one day to the Ausable lakes, through beautiful woods, up ravines a thousand feet; another to Professor David- son's summer school, high up on the mountainside. But the day of days was when we drove to the farm-home of old Captain John Brown at North Elba. We found a broad plateau, surrounded with mountain peaks on every side. We ate our dinner in the same dining-room in which the old hero and his family partook of their scanty fare in the days when he devoted his energies to teaching the colored men, who accepted Gerrit Smith's generous offer of a bit of real estate, which should entitle the possessor to a right to vote. Of all who settled on those lands, called the “John Brown opening," only one grayheaded negro still lives, though many of their old houses and barns yet stand, crumbling away on their deserted farms. In front of the house is a small yard and occupying one-half of it is a grand old boulder with steps leading to the top, where one sees chiseled in large letters, “ John Brown, December 2, 1859.” At the foot is the grave of the martyr, marked by an old granite headstone which once stood at his grand- father's grave, and on it are inscribed the names of three generations of John Browns. The vandals visiting that sacred spot chipped off bits of the granite until it became necessary to make a cover and padlock it down, so that the farmer unlocks the cap and lifts it off for visitors now. Thus is commemorated that fatal day which marks the only hanging for treason against the United States Government. John Brown was crucified for doing what he believed God commanded him to do, “to break the yoke and let the oppressed go free,” precisely as were the saints of old for following what they believed to be God's commands. The barbarism of our government was by so much the greater as our light and knowledge are greater than those of two thousand years ago. . . . July 25 is to be Suffrage Day at Chautauqua, and dear Mrs. Wallace and Anna Shaw are to preach the gospel of equal rights. I do hope Bishop Vin- cent will be present and there learn from those two, who are surely “ God's women,” the law of love to thy neighbor-woman, as to thyself-man. I am hoping the gate receipts on that day will be greater than those of any other during the summer. Wouldn't that tell the story of the interest in this question ? WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 709 In June she accepted the urgent invitation of the Ignorance Club to honor them by being their guest at their annual frolic on Manitou beach and respond to a toast which should allow her to say anything she liked. Three most enjoyable weeks were spent at home and during this time Miss Anthony addressed the W. C. T. U. She expressed herself in no un- certain tones as to the futility of third parties, declaring that the Prohibition party already had taken some of the best temperance men out of Congress, and made a speech so forci- ble that it lifted the bonnets of some of the timid sisters. The evening paper reported : ... Rev. C. B. Gardner said Miss Anthony had given the company some excellent political advice, but he inclined to the belief that the temper- ance reform could be brought about without woman suffrage. “The women would bring the men around in time; they could accomplish much by their moral influence; in this they resembled ministers." Miss Anthony wished to know if it would not be a good thing then, to disfranchise the ministers and let them depend entirely on their moral influence. She ex- plained that in what she had said about prayer she meant prayer by action. She would not have it understood that she did not believe in prayer; she thought, however, that an emotion never could be equal to an action. She went to Chautauqua July 25, when, for the first time in its history, woman suffrage was presented. Zerelda G. Wal- lace delivered a grand address and Rev. Anna Shaw gave “ The Fate of Republics." Miss Anthony followed in a short speech, and the Jamestown Sunday News said: "Woman's Day was fully justified by the reception given to that intrepid Arnold Winkelreid of women.” Frances Willard wrote a few days later from the assembly grounds: "Dearest Susan, I could sing hallelujah over you and our Anna Shaw and * Deborah' Wallace! It was the best and biggest day Chau- tauqua ever saw. Do urge your suffragists to go in for this on next year's program.” Miss Anthony attended the golden wedding of John and Isabella Beecher Hooker, in Hartford, August 5; "a most beautiful occasion,” she writes in her diary, “but to the sur- prise of all there was no speaking." An affair without speeches was to her what a feast without wine would have been to the 710 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ancients. On the 15th suffrage had a great day at Lily Dale, the famous Spiritualist camp meeting grounds, Miss Shaw and herself making the principal addresses. Miss Anthony thus speaks of the meeting in a letter: ... To Brother Buckley's assertion, made a short time before, that women should not be allowed to vote because the majority of Spiritualists, Christian Scientists and all false religions were women, Miss Shaw replied that there was a larger ratio of men in the audience before her than she had seen in any Methodist or temperance camp meeting or Chautauqua assembly this summer. When Mr. Buckley charged that women were too numerous in the false religions to vote, she would remind him that there were three women to one man in the Methodist church also; and she was quite willing to match the vast majorities of women in the various religions, false and true, with the vast majorities of men at the horse races, variety theaters, police stations, jails and penitentiaries throughout the country. She brought the house down with, “Too much religion unfits women to vote! Too much yice and crime qualifies men to vote!” People came from far and near. Fully 3,000 were assembled in that beauti- ful amphitheater decorated with the yellow and the red, white and blue... There hanging by itself was our national suffrage flag, ten by fourteen feet, with its regulation red and white stripes, and in the center of its blue corner just one great golden star, Wyoming, blazing out all alone. Every cottage in the camp was festooned with yellow, and when at night the Chinese lanterns on the piazzas were lighted, Lily Dale was as gorgeous as any Fourth of July, all in honor of Woman's Day and her coming freedom and equality. Our hosts, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Skidmore, are the center of things at Lily Dale, and right royal are they in their hospitality as well as their love of liberty for all. This camp has been in existence twelve summers, there has been no police force, and no disturbance ever has occurred. Every one is left to his own sense of propriety of behavior and every one behaves prop- erly. Miss Anthony still intended, however, to remain at home and in the intervals when she was not coaxed away no bride ever enjoyed more fully her first experiment at housekeeping. All the forty years of travelling up and down the face of the earth had not eradicated from her nature the domestic tastes, and she loved every nook and corner of the old home made new, go- ing from room to room, putting the finishing touches here and there, and fairly revelling in the sense of possession. Hospital- ity was her strongest instinct, and during all these years she had accepted so much from her friends in Rochester and elsewhere without being able to return it, that now she wanted to entertain WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 711 everybody and all at once. The diary speaks often of ten and twelve at the table for dinner or tea, and Miss Mary, who con- stituted the committee of ways and means, was quite over- whelmed with the new regime. The story in the journal runs like this: Our dear old friends, Sarah Willis and Mary Hallowell, shared our first Sunday dinner with us. .. Our old Abolition friends, Giles B. and Catharine F. Stebbins and three or four others took tea with us tonight... My old friend Adeline Thomson has come to stay several weeks with us. How nice to have my own home to entertain my friends. ... Anna Shaw and niece Lucy came today and we had five others to dinner. A very pleasant thing to be able to ask people to stop and dine.... Brother D. R., sister Anna and niece Maud came today for a week. It is so good to receive them in our own home. D. R. enjoys the fire on the hearth. ... Had Maria Porter, Mr. and Mrs. Greenleaf and eleven altogether to tea this evening. How I do enjoy it! ... Who came this day? O, yes, Mrs. Lydia Avery Coonley, of Chicago, her son and her mother, Mrs. Susan Look Avery, of Louisville, Ky. It makes me so happy to return some of the courtesies I have had in their beautiful home. . . . Just before noon Mrs. Greenleaf popped into the woodshed with a great sixteen-quart pail full of pound balls of the most delicious butter, and we made her stay to dinner. The girl was washing and I got the dinner alone: broiled steak, potatoes, sweet corn, tomatoes and peach pudding, with a cup of tea. All said it was good and I enjoyed it hugely. How I love to receive in my own home and at my own table! She went to Warsaw September 17 to help the Wyoming county women hold their convention. The 23d had been set apart as Woman's Day at the Western New York Fair, held at the Rochester driving park. Mrs. Greenleaf presided ; Miss Anthony and Rev. Anna Shaw were the speakers. The former spoke briefly, insisting with her usual generosity that the honors of the occasion should belong to Miss Shaw. In the course of her few remarks she said: “We who represent the suffrage movement ask not that women be like men, but that they may be greater women by having their opinions re- spected at the ballot-box. Only men's opinions have prevailed in this government since it was founded. Enfranchisement 1 Miss Anthony was equally generous in regard to speakers of less renown. She wrote to Mrs. Blake during this year: “I felt so happy to give half of my hour at Syracuse to Mrs. C., so that splendid audience might see and hear her. And I am always glad to surrender my time to any unknown speakers whom we find promising; but first they ought to have tried their powers at their home meetings and in rural districts.” 712 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. says to every man outside of the State prisons, the insane and idiot asylums: 'Your judgment is sound; your opinions are worthy of being crystallized in the laws of the land.' Disfran- chisement says to all women: Your judgment is not sound; your opinions are not worthy of being counted.' Man is the superior, woman the subject, under the present condition of political affairs, and until this great wrong is righted, igno- rant men and small boys will continue to look with disdain on the opinion of women.” From the time that Mrs. Stanton had decided to return to America for the remainder of her days, Miss Anthony had hoped they might have a home together and finish their life- work of history and reminiscence. When she learned that her friend, with a widowed daughter and a bachelor son, contemplated taking a house in New York, she was greatly distressed, as she felt that this would be the end of all her plans. She wrote her immediately : We have just returned from the Unitarian church where we listened to Mr. Gannett's rare dissertation on the religion of Lowell; but all the time there was an inner wail in my soul, that by your fastening yourself in New York City I couldn't help you carry out the dream of my life—which is that you should take all of your speeches and articles, carefully dissect them, and put your best utterances on each point into one essay or lecture; first deliver them in the Unitarian church on Sunday afternoon, and then publish in a nice volume, just as Phillips culled out his best. Your Reminiscences give only light and incidental bits of your life--all good but not the greatest of yourself. This is the first time since 1850 that I have anchored myself to any particular spot, and in doing it my constant thought was that you would come here, where are the documents necessary to our work, and stay for as long, at least, as we must be together to put your writings into systematic shape to go down to posterity. I have no writings to go down, so my ambi- tion is not for myself, but it is for one by the side of whom I have wrought these forty years, and to get whose speeches before audiences and committees has been the delight of my life. Well, I hope you will do and be as seemeth best unto yourself, still I can not help sending you this inner groan of my soul, lest you are not going to make it possible that the thing shall be done first which seems most important to me. Then, too, I have never ceased to hope that we would finish the His- tory of Woman Suffrage, at least to the end of the life of the dear old Na- tional. WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 713 Mrs. Stanton's children would not consent to this plan, but she came to Rochester for a month's visit in September. It was desired by many friends that to the very satisfactory busts of Miss Anthony and Lucretia Mott, which had been made by Adelaide Johnson, should be added one of Mrs. Stanton, and all be placed in the Woman's Building at the World's Fair. To accomplish this Miss Anthony rented a large room in the adjoining house for a studio and invited the sculptor to her home for a number of weeks, until the sittings were finished. During Mrs. Stanton's visit Miss Anthony entertained the Political Equality Club and a large company of guests, the evening being devoted to the subject of the admission of women to Rochester University. A number of the faculty, Congress- men Greenleaf and Baker, several ministers, the principal of the free academy-about 200 altogether were present and the discussion was very animated. Practically all of them be- lieved in opening the doors and a letter of approval was read from David J. Hill, president of the university. The trustees were represented by Dr. E. M. Moore, who was in favor of ad- mitting women but declared that it would be impossible unless an additional fund of $200,000 was provided beforehand. Miss Anthony insisted that the girls should first be admitted and then, when a necessity for more money was apparent, it would be much easier to raise it. In the course of his remarks Dr. Moore said it was more important to educate boys than girls because they were the breadwinners. The Utica Sunday paper came out a few days later with a half-page cartoon representing the university campus; on the outside of the fence were Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton head- ing a long procession of girls, books in hand; standing guard over the fence, labeled “ prejudice and old fogyism,” was Dr. Moore pointing proudly to the “breadwinners,” who con- sisted of two confused and struggling masses, one engaged in a “cane rush" and the other in a fight over a football. This little incident merely proved the oft-repeated assertion that these two women never were three days together without stir- ring up a controversy, in which the opposing forces invariably 714 LIFE AND WORK OF S TSAN B. ANTHONY. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. were worsted and public sentiment was moved up a notch in the direction of larger liberty for woman. Together they visited the palatial home, at Auburn, of Eliza Wright Osborne, daughter of Martha C. Wright, where they were joined by Elizabeth Smith Miller, daughter of Gerrit Smith; and there were delightful hours of reminiscence and chat of mutual friends, past and present. The diary shows that Miss Anthony purchased a full set of books to join the Emerson and Browning classes this year, but there is no record of attendance save at one meeting. One entry says: " Dancing to the dentist's these days.” Another tells of for- getting to go to a luncheon after the invitation had been ac- cepted ; and still another of inviting a number of friends to tea and forgetting all about it. In November she went again to Auburn to the State con- vention, remaining four days. The Daily Advertiser said: "Miss Susan B. Anthony, the grand old woman of the equal rights cause, was then introduced and spoke at length upon the objects for which she had labored so faithfully all her life. Except for her gray hair and a few wrinkles, no one would suppose the speaker to be in her seventy-second year. The full, firm voice, the active manner and clear logic, all belonged to a young woman.” At the close of the convention Mrs. Osborne gave a reception in her honor, attended by nearly one hundred ladies. By invitation of the Unitarian minister, Rev. W. C. Gan- nett, Miss Anthony participated with himself and Rabbi Max Lansberg in Thanksgiving services at the Unitarian church. The topic was “The Unrest of the Times a Cause for Thank- fulness," as indicated by “ The Woman, the Social and the Religious Movements.” Miss Anthony responded to the first in a concise address, considered under twelve heads and not occupying more than that number of minutes in delivery, be- ginning with Ralph Waldo Emerson's declaration, “A whole- some discontent is the first step toward progress," and giving a resume of women's advancement during the past forty years, due chiefly to dissatisfaction with their lot. WYOMING-MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. 715 It had not been an easy matter for Miss Anthony to have even this fragment of a year at home. From many places she had received letters begging her to come to the assist- ance of societies and conventions, and she was just as anxious to go as they were to have her. The most urgent of these appeals came from Mrs. Johns, of Kansas, where a constitu- tional convention was threatened and the women wanted a suffrage amendment. When Miss Anthony did not go to the spring convention, Mrs. Johns wrote, April 18: “I can never tell you how I missed you, and the people—they seemed to think they must have you. Letter after letter came asking, 'Is there no way by which we can get Miss Anthony?'" When she declined to go to the fall convention, Mrs. Johns wrote, November 26: “I declare it seemed as if I did not know how to go on without you, and our women felt just as I did. We have had you with us so often that we depended on your presence more than we knew.” In another long letter she said : I hope the national association will not leave Kansas to work out her own salvation. Surely you, to whom we owe municipal suffrage, are not going to fail to come to us at this awful juncture! Dear Aunt Susan, you won't get any wounds here. I will take charge of the office and make the routes, which I am able to do well; I will speak; I will organize; I will do anything you think best, and there will be nobody inquiring what you do with funds, and there will be no disgraceful charges and counter-charges, unless I am greatly mistaken in Kansas women and in myself. We all love you here and we want the cause to succeed more than we want personal aggrandize- ment. Mrs. Johns persuaded Mrs. Avery to join in her plea and finally Miss Anthony could hold out no longer, but December 11 wrote to the latter : “ I have been fully resolved all along not to go to Kansas during this first campaign, because I felt that my threescore and ten and two years added ought to excuse me from the fearful exposure ; still, since you and dear Laura are solve, I will say yes, tuck on my coat and mittens and start. But alas ! how soon must that be? I am thoroughly in the 716 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. anhng dark as to when and where I shall be wanted to begin, but I will do my level best.” The closing days of 1891 were devoted to the voluminous correspondence which preceded every national convention. The large number of letters on file from prom- inent senators and representatives show that Miss Anthony was keeping an eye on the committees and pulling the wires to have known friends placed on those which would report on woman suffrage. “I am in full sympathy with you upon the question of woman's enfranchisement,” wrote Senator Dolph, of Oregon, "and also with your effort to secure a chairman of the committee who favors the movement and is able to present it with intelligence and ability.” Speaker Reed closed his letter by saying, “When the eleventh hour comes, we all shall flock in, clam- orous for pennies.” Words of encour- agement were received from many others, and Senator and ex-Governor Francis E. Warren, of Wyoming, wrote: “I am always in harness for woman suffrage wherever I may be. My spoken and written testimony for a score of years has been in its praise and of its perfect work- ing and results in Wyoming.” hun CHAPTER XL. IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 1892. N her way to the convention of 1892, Miss Anthony stopped in New York in response to an urgent letter from Mrs. Stanton, now comfort- ably ensconced in a pleasant flat overlooking w Central Park, saying that unless she came and took her bodily to Washington she should not be able to go. • All the influences about me urge to rest rather than action," she wrote-exactly what Miss Anthony had feared. She was now in her seventy-seventh year and naturally her children desired that she should give up public work; but Miss Anthony knew that inaction meant rust and decay and, as her fellow-worker was in the prime of mental vigor, she was determined that the world should continue to profit by it. Her address this year was entitled “The Solitude of Self," considered by many one of her finest papers. Mrs. Stanton received a great ovation at the opening ses- sion, January 16, but this proved to be her last appearance at a national convention. For more than forty years she had presided with a grace and dignity which never had been sur- passed, and now she begged that the scepter, or more properly speaking the gavel, might be transferred to Miss Anthony, whose experience had been quite as extended as her own. The delegates yielded to her wishes and Miss Anthony was elected national president. The office of chairman of the executive committee was abolished ; Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone were made honorary presidents, and Rev. Anna H. Shaw vice-pres- ident-at-large. (717) 718 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Miss Anthony presided over the ten sessions of the conven- tion and they required a firm hand, for the discussions were spirited, as the questions considered were important. Among them were the work to be done at the World's Fair; the open- ing of the fair on Sunday; the proposition to hold every alternate convention in some other city than Washington ; the plan to carry suffrage work into the southern States; the ad- visability of making another campaign in Kansas; and other matters on which there was a wide difference of opinion. John B. Allen, of Washington, had introduced in the Senate, and Halbert S. Greenleaf in the House, a joint resolution pro- posing an amendment to the Constitution extending the right to women to vote at all federal elections. The House Judiciary Committee, January 18, granted a hearing to such speakers as should be selected by the national convention then in session. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton, Lucy Stone and Mrs. Hooker were chosen. This was the first Democratic committee before whom an appeal had been made; they listened courteously, but brought in no report on the question. The Senate committee granted a hearing January 20, and three-minute addresses were made by eighteen women repre- senting as many States. Before they left the room, Senator Hoar moved that the committee make a favorable report and the motion was seconded by Senator Warren, Senator Blair also voting in favor. Senators Vance, of North Carolina, and George, of Mississippi, voted in the negative. Senators Quay and Carlisle were absent. During the convention the district suffrage society gave a reception in the parlors of the Wimodaughsis club house. Later, Mrs. Noble, wife of the Secretary of the Interior, issued cards for a reception in honor of Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone. It was attended by members of the Cabinet, Senate, House, diplomatic corps and many others prominent in official and social life. As Miss Anthony had no longer her comfortable quarters at the Riggs House free of all expense, she did not linger in Washington, but went to Philadelphia for a week with the IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 719 friends there and reached home February 6." I send congrat- ulations, I always wanted you to be president,” wrote Mrs. Johns. “Now can't you come to our Kansas City Inter-State Convention ? We do need you so and there wouldn't be stand- ing room if you were there." And later: "Do any of my wails reach you ? The Kansas City people plead for you to come if only to be looked at. Is there any hope ?” Miss Anthony was perfectly willing to make a winter campaign in Kansas, but her friends insisted that there were plenty of younger women to do this work and she should wait till spring. So Anna Shaw, Mary Seymour Howell and Florence Balgarnie, of England, went to the assistance of the women there, and Rachel Foster Avery gave $1,000 to this canvass. Every day at home was precious to Miss Anthony. Some- times on Sunday afternoon she went to Mount Hope, on whose sloping hillsides rest the beloved dead of her own family and many of the friends of early days;' or she walked down to the long bridge which spans the picturesque Genesee river and com- mands a fine view of the beautiful Lower Falls. Occasionally a friend called with a carriage and they took the charming seven- mile drive to the shore of Lake Ontario. Sunday mornings she listened to Mr. Gannett's philosophical sermons; and through the week there were quiet little teas with old friends whom she had known since girlhood, but had seen far too seldom in all the busy years. Instead of forever giving lectures she was able to hear them from others; and she could indulge to the fullest, on the big new desk, her love of letter-writing, while the immense work of the national association was always pressing. She had a number of applications for articles from various maga- zines and newspapers, but her invariable reply was, “I have no literary ability; ask Mrs. Stanton ; ” and no argument could convince her that she could write well if she would give the time to it. She addressed the New York Legislature in April in refer- ence to having women sit as delegates in the approaching Con- 1 In the center of the Anthony lot, not far from the main gateway, is a square monument of Medina granite, the four sides of its cap-stone inscribed Liberty, Justice, Fraternity, Equality. 720 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. stitutional Convention. In response to a request from the Rochester Union and Advertiser, she wrote an earnest letter advocating the opening of the World's Fair on Sunday, and giving many strong reasons in favor. On April 22, she joined Miss Shaw, who was lecturing at Bradford, Penn., and Sunday afternoon addressed an audience which packed the opera house. The next day she organized a suffrage club of seventy members among the influential women of that city. After leaving there Rev. Anna Shaw, herself an ordained Protestant Methodist minister, wrote her that she had been shut out of several churches because she had addressed an audience at the Lily Dale Spiritualist camp meeting. She said: "I told them that I would speak to 5,000 people on woman suffrage any- where this or the other side of Hades if they could be got together." The first week in May, at the urgent invitation of her good friends, Smith G. and Emily B. Ketcham, of Grand Rapids, Miss Anthony attended their silver wedding. From this pleasant affair she went to the Michigan Suffrage Convention at Battle Creek, where she visited an old schoolmate, Mrs. Sarah Hyatt Nichols. She reached Chicago in time for the biennial meeting of the General Federation of Woman's Clubs. Special trains were run from New York and Boston, Central Music Hall was crowded and numerous elegant receptions were given for the 300 delegates from all parts of the country. Many eminent women sat upon the platform, among them the president of the federation, Mrs. Charlotte Emerson Brown, Frances E. Willard, Susan B. Anthony, Julia Ward Howe, May Wright Sewall, Jenny June Croly and Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson, all of whom were heard at different times during the convention. Miss Anthony was the guest of Lydia Avery Coonley, whose mother wrote to Mary Anthony : I have been intending for several days to tell you that however your sister may have been regarded forty years ago, she is today the most popular woman in these United States. The federation closed, as you probably know, on Friday night. During the meetings she was several times asked to come forward on the platform, which she did to the manifest gratification of the people, saying something each time which "brought down the house.” On IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 721 the last night a note was sent to the president asking that “ Susan B.,” Julia Ward Howe and Ednah D. Cheney would please step forward. They came, but only your sister spoke and what she said was vociferously cheered over and over again. The business committee of the National Council-Miss Wil- lard, Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Foster Avery, Miss Anthony and others—met in Chicago the same week, the principal subject of consideration being the Woman's Congress to be held the next year during the World's Fair. While in the city Miss Anthony gave a number of sittings to Lorado Taft, the sculp- tor. Miss Willard had asked that he might make the bust to be placed in the gallery of famous women at the World's Fair, she herself to be responsible for all expenses. “Come and spend a week with me in my home,” she wrote, “while he prepares a model of that statesmanlike head, the greatest of them all.” Desirous of pleasing her, Miss Anthony agreed, but at once many of the strong-minded protested that the bust must be made by a woman. A number of amusing letters were exchanged. From Miss Willard : " Mr. Taft is the most progressive believer in woman and admirer of you, dear Susan, that I know. He is in full sympathy with all of our ideas. I am sure that as a friend of mine, appreciated by me as highly as you are by any woman living, you will not place me in the position of declin- ing to have this work done. Please do not take counsel of women who are so prejudiced that, as I once heard said, they would not allow a male grasshopper to chirp on their lawn; but out of your own great heart, refuse to set an example to such folly.” Mr. Taft himself wrote Miss Anthony: "I can put myself in your place sufficiently to appreciate in part the objections which you or your friends may feel toward having the work done by a man. My only regret is that I am not to be allowed to pay this tribute to one whom I was early taught to honor and revere. ... Come to think of it, I believe I am pro- voked after all. Sex is but an accident, and it seems to me that it has no more to do with art than has the artist's com- ANT.—46 722 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. plexion or the political party he votes with.” Again from Miss Willard: “Do you not see, my friend and comrade, that having engaged a noble and large-minded young man, who be- lieves as we do, to make that bust, engaged him in good faith and announced it to the public, it is a little rough on me,' as the boys say, for my dear sister to wish me to break my con- tract? We can not have too many busts of you, so let Miss Johnson go on and make hers, and let me have mine, and let those other women make theirs, and we will yet have one of them in the House of Representatives at Washington, the other in the Senate, the third in the White House!.. My dear mother and Anna'wish to be remembered to you, know- ing that you are one of our best and most trusted friends, only I must say that you are a naughty woman in this matter of the statoot.'” Miss Anthony's common sense finally induced her to waive objections and she gave Mr. Taft as many sittings as he desired. When the work was finished Miss Willard wrote: “My beloved Susan, your statue is perfect. Lady Henry and I think that one man has seen your great, benignant soul and shown it in permanent material.” The 25th of May Miss Anthony attended a meeting of the Ohio association at Salem, where had been held in April, 1850, the second woman's rights convention in all history. There was present one of the pioneers who had called that conven- tion, Emily, wife of Marius Robinson, editor of the Anti- Slavery Bugle. Miss Anthony read her paper for her, as she was over eighty years old, and added her own strong comments, of which the report of the secretary said: “Her burning words can never be forgotten, and many a soul must have re- sponded to her call for workers to carry to glorious completion what was begun in such difficulty.” There was some talk at this time of holding a Southern Woman's Council and Miss Anthony wrote to the Arkansas Woman's Chronicle : The New England States hold an annual suffrage convention and have done so for nearly thirty years, and I do not see any valid reason why the States of any section may not have a society or a convention. Larger numbers from the IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 723 six New England States can meet and help each other in Boston, than could possibly go to Washington to get the soul-refreshing which comes through the gathering together of kindred spirits from the entire nation. As I shall be glad to see the women of the South, of all possible aims and ends, meet in council, so I should rejoice to see them hold a southern States' suffrage convention. I say this because I want you to know that my heartiest sympa- thy goes with you in your effort to call together the women of your section of the Union; and I shall rejoice to see the women of the far-off northwestern States doing the same thing. Women should have their local societies and meetings, their county, State and section conventions, and then, for our great national gathering, each State should send its representatives to Wash- ington, there to confer together and go before the committees of Congress to urge our claims. What a power women would be if all could but see eye to eye in their struggle for freedom! She remained at home long enough to prepare the memorials to the national political conventions, and June 4 found her at Minneapolis ready for the Republican gathering. She was en- tertained by Mr. and Mrs. T. B. Walker, and found Mrs. J. Ellen Foster also a guest in that hospitable home. The me- morial presented by the National-American W. S. A. contained the same unanswerable arguments for the enfranchisement of women which had been made for so many years, and asked for the following plank: "As a voice in the laws and the rulers under which we live is the inalienable right of every citizen of a republic, we pledge ourselves, when again in power, to place the ballot in the hand of every woman of legal age, as the only weapon with which she can protect her person and property and defend herself against all aggressive legislation.” Miss Anthony was notified that she could have a hearing be- fore the platform committee on the evening of June 8. She was promptly on hand and was kept standing in the hall out- side of the committee room until after 9 o'clock. Finally she was so tired she sent for one of the committee to ask how much longer she would have to wait. She learned that its chairman, J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, refused to preside or call the commit- tee to order to hear any argument on woman suffrage. Sena- tor Jones, of Nevada, then hunted him up and asked if he might preside in his place, and permission being given she was invited into the room. She spoke for thirty minutes as 724 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. only a woman could speak who had suffered the persecution of an Abolitionist before the Republican party was born, who had been loyal to that party throughout all the dark days of the Civil War, who had not once repudiated its principles in all the years which had since elapsed. She pleaded that now she and the women she represented might have its support and recognition in their right to representation at the ballot-box. This committee was composed of twoscore of the most promi- nent men in the Republican party and, at the close of Miss Anthony's address, every one in the room arose and many crowded about her, giving her the most earnest assurance of their belief in the justice of her cause, but telling her frankly that they could not put a woman suffrage plank in their plat- form as the party was not able to carry the load! The plank eventually adopted read as follows: We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and that such ballot shall be counted as cast; that such laws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign, white or black, this sovereign right guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their just and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our re- publican institutions, and the party will never relax its efforts until the in- tegrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be guaranteed and pro- tected in every State. This was identical with the one adopted in 1888, at which time a number of women had telegraphed the chairman asking if the convention intended it to apply to women, and he had answered that he did not understand it to have any such in- tention. Therefore the women who went to the Republican convention of 1892 asking for bread, received instead “the water in which the eggs had been boiled.” There were present at this convention two regularly ap- pointed women delegates from Wyoming, and the difference in the attention bestowed upon them and upon those who came to press the claims of the great class of the disfranchised, ought to have been an object lesson to all who assert that women will lose the respect of men when they enter politics. IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 725 Not a newspaper in the country had a slur to cast on these women delegates. The Boston Globe made this pertinent com- ment: “An elective queen in this country is no more out of place than one seated by hereditary consent abroad. It is no rash prediction to assert that the child is now born who will see a woman in the presidential chair. Thomas Jefferson will not be fully vindicated until this government rests upon the consent of all the governed.” After just five days at home Miss Anthony left for Chicago to attend the Democratic National Convention, June 21, which was requested to adopt the following plank: “Whether we view the suffrage as a privilege or as a natural right, it be- longs equally to every citizen of good character and legal age under government; hence women as well as men should enjoy the dignity and protection of the ballot in their own hands." Miss Anthony and Isabella Beecher Hooker took rooms at the Palmer House and the latter made arrangements for the hearing before the resolution committee, which was assembled in one of the parlors, Henry Watterson, of Louisville, chair- man. The ladies made their speeches, were courteously heard, politely bowed out, and the platform was as densely silent on the question of woman suffrage as it had been during its whole history. Mrs. Hooker remained alone in the convention un- til 2 o'clock in the morning, hoping to get a chance to address that body. She had not been fooled as many times as Miss Anthony, who returned to the hotel and went to bed. The Union Signal, Frances E. Willard, editor, spoke thus of the occasion : That heroic figure, Susan B. Anthony, sure to stand out in history as plainly as any of our presidents, has given added significance to the two great political conventions of the year. Neither party has recognized her plea, but both have innumerable adherents who openly declare themselves in favor of her principles. She states that this year she felt for the first time that she had a pivot on which to hang her quadrennial plea, and that pivot was Wyoming, the men of that equal-minded State in both conventions hold- ing up her hands. Miss Anthony's pathetic eyes reveal that she has attained to loneliness-the guerdon of great spirits who struggle from any direction toward the mountain tops of human liberty. But on the heights such souls meet God, and one day all women shall call her blessed. 726 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The National Prohibition Convention at Cincinnati, June 30, was not visited by Miss Anthony, as she felt that the women of this party needed no assistance in looking after the interests of suffrage. The third plank in the platform there adopted read : “ No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex.” From Chicago she went directly to Kansas to look after the fences in that State. Mrs. Johns and Anna Shaw joined her and they spoke before the Chautauqua Assembly at Ottawa, June 27, going thence to Topeka, as Miss Anthony expressed it, “ to watch the State Republican Convention.” They re- ceived a hearty greeting and she was invited to address the convention June 30. The Capital said: “There were loud calls for Susan B. Anthony and as she advanced to the plat- form she was greeted with the most cordial applause." In the evening a reception was given in the Senate chamber to the ladies in attendance at the convention. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Johns and Mrs. May Belleville Brown addressed the res- olution committee. The platform was reported with a plank favoring the submission to the voters of a woman suffrage amendment, which was enthusiastically adopted-455 to 267-in the largest Republican convention ever held in Kansas.' Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw then hastened to Omaha for the first national convention of the People's party July 4. They arrived about 9 P. M., July 2, to find they were booked for speeches at the Unitarian church that evening and the audience had been waiting since 7:30, so they rushed thither, hot, dusty and tired, and made their addresses. Sunday afternoon they went to a workingwomen's meeting in the ex- position building and heard Master Workman Powderly for the first time. At his invitation Miss Anthony also spoke. 1 At the convention of Republican clubs a few days previous, Senator Ingalls, having been defeated for re-election to the Senate and feeling somewhat humbled, said in his speech: “I believe every man ought to be a politician; I might say every woman also. If a plank endorsing woman suffrage were inserted in the Republican platform, I would stand upon it." Ten years before, in this same city, he had declared it to be "that obscene dogma, whose advo- cates are long-haired men and short-haired women, the unsexed of both sexes, human capons and epicenes.” IGNORED BY THE PARTIES-APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 727 The People's party, from its inception, had recognized women as speakers and delegates and claimed to be the party of morality and reform, but after a day at the convention Miss Anthony writes in her diary: “They are quite as oblivious to the underlying principle of justice to women as either of the old parties and, as a convention, still more so.” The resolu- tion committee refused to grant the ladies even an opportunity to address them, which had been done willingly by the Repub- licans and Democrats. Their platform contained no reference to woman suffrage except that in the long preamble occurred the sentence: "We believe that the forces of reform this day organized will never cease to move forward until every wrong is righted, and equal rights and equal privileges securely established for all the men and women of this country.” This sentiment, however, was universally accepted by the delegates as including the right of suffrage. Miss Anthony spoke at the Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly, and then returned to Rochester. She had some time before received a letter from Chancellor John H. Vincent saying: " The subject of woman suffrage will be presented at Chautau- qua on Saturday, July 30, 1892. A prominent speaker will be secured to present the question as forcibly as possible. In behalf of the Chautauqua management, I take pleasure in extending to you a hearty invitation to be present and take a place upon the platform on that occasion. Trusting that you will be able to accept this invitation, I am, faithfully yours.” She had had a long, hot and fatiguing trip and her cool, spacious home was so restful that she decided to defer her visit to Chautauqua until later in the season. On August 8, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Foster Avery and Miss Anthony, who had been having a little visit together, started from Rochester for Chau- tauqua, where the Reverend Anna was to debate the question of woman suffrage with Rev. J. M. Buckley, editor New York Christian Advocate. She gave her address amidst a succession 1 Henry B. Blackwell delivered the address at Chautauqua. At its close he asked all who were opposed to woman suffrage to rise, and about twenty persons stood up. He then asked all who were in favor to stand, and the great audience, filling the huge amphitheater, rose in a body. 728 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of cheers and applause, Miss Anthony sitting on the platform with her, an honor rarely accorded at the assembly. In the evening a delightful reception was given to the three ladies in the Hall of Philosophy. Dr. Buckley made his reply the next day to an audience so cold that even his supreme self-satisfac- tion was disturbed. If any one thing ever has been demon- strated at Chautauqua, by those speeches and all preceding and following them on the same question, it is that the sentiment of the vast majority of the people who annually visit this great assembly is in favor of woman suffrage. After speaking at the Cassadaga Lake camp meeting, August 24, Miss Anthony went in September to the Mississippi Valley Conference at Des Moines. It was thought that possibly by holding a great convention in the West, large numbers in that section of the country and the States along the Mississippi could attend who would find it inconvenient to go to Washing- ton. She was glad to give her co-operation and spoke and worked valiantly through all the sessions. From Des Moines she went to Peru, Neb., at the urgent invitation of President George L. Farnham, to address the State Normal School." Early in October she began her tour of the State of Kansas under the auspices of the Republican central committee. She was accompanied one week by Mrs. Johns, and then each went with some of the men who were canyassing the State. Mrs. Johns made Republican speeches; Miss Anthony described the record of the party on human freedom and urged them to com- plete that roll of honor by enfranchising women. The cam- paign managers were very much dissatisfied because she talked suffrage instead of tariff and finance, but as she was paying her own travelling expenses and contributing her services, she reserved the right to speak on the only subject in which she felt a vital interest. If the Republicans had won the election, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Johns expected that of course they would take up the question of woman suffrage and carry it to When she spoke in the New York State Teachers' Convention in 1853, the first time a woman's voice had been heard in that body, Professor Farnham, then superintendent of the Syracuse public schools, was one of the three men who came up and congratulated her. IGNORED BY THE PARTIES_APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 729 success; but the State was carried by the newly formed Peo- ple's party. As soon as she was thoroughly rested and renovated in her own home, after this hard campaign, Miss Anthony left for the State convention at Syracuse, November 14.' The Standard, intending to compliment the ladies, said: “The loud-voiced, aggressive woman of other days was not here. In her place were low-voiced, quietly-dressed, womanly women, and those who expected to see the 'woman rioter' of the past failed to find one of the sort. The graceful, dignified and quiet woman of today bears no likeness to some who have gone before, who thought to break through and gain their desires.” A contemporary called the paper down as follows: “When it is remembered that Susan B. Anthony was one of the origi- nators of the movement, that Lucy Stone and Mrs. Greenleaf and a host of others who have marched right along in the suf- frage ranks from the beginning, were also the leaders in this low-voiced’assembly who came on tip-toe and acted in pan- tomime, the compliment, to say the least, has negative quali- ties." An interview on this statement contains the following paragraph: “It simply shows,” said Miss Anthony, smiling, “how differently the question is regarded now. Among the women who were pioneers in the movement were Elizabeth Cady Stanton and myself. I don't think it proba- ble that we are any sweeter-faced or that our voices are any more melodious than they were thirty years ago. It is only that the whole matter was regarded with such horror and aversion then that any one connected with it was looked upon in a disagreeable light; it is very different now." Her pleasant face, with a suggestion of her Quaker descentin its soft bands of gray hair, took on a gently reminiscent expression, which her visitor could not help but contrast amusedly with the imaginary portrait of the redoubtable Amazon that in her early years was conjured up by the sound of Susan B. Anthony's name. Thanksgiving Day she attended service at the Universalist church and comments in her diary : “Mr. Morrill, the asso- 1 While here Miss Anthony received a telegram: “Greeting, gratitude and good-by to the noblest Roman of them all and her brave host, from Isabel Somerset and Frances E. Wil- lard." They had expected to stop in Rochester and visit her before leaving for England, but had gone to New York by another route. 730 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ciate pastor, spoke on ‘The undiscovered Church without a Bishop; Mr. Gannett, “The undiscovered State without a King;? Mr. Lansberg, 'Many States in One;' all good, but all alike gave not the faintest hint of any undiscovered Amer- ica, where the male head of the family should not be con- sidered 'divinely appointed.' I had hard work to keep my peace.” The next day she went to Buffalo to address the alumnæ of Mulligan, founder of the missionary school for boys. During this time she was investigating the new law permitting women to vote for county school commissioners in New York, and found to her disgust that by the use of the words "county clerk” instead merely of “clerk who prints and distributes the ballots,” all the women of the large towns and cities were still disfranchised; just as the law of 1880 had used the words "school meeting,” which also cut off the women of the cities. This was another illustration of the manner in which every step of the way to suffrage for women has been made as diffi- cult as possible. In December Miss Anthony became an office-holder! It happened in this way: Her neighbor, Dr. Jonas Jones, who had been one of the trustees of the State Industrial School to Governor Roswell P. Flower requesting that a woman be put on the board in his place, in addition to the one already serving (Mrs. Emil Kuichling), and suggested Mrs. Lansberg, wife of the rabbi; at the same time she asked Mary Seymour Howell, who resided in Albany, to see the governor and use appoint a woman but would not consider any but Miss An- thony. She, however, was away from home so much she thought that in justice to the institution she ought not take the position ; but when she learned that her refusal might re- sult in a man's being given the place, she telegraphed her willingness to accept. She was appointed at once to fill out the unexpired term of Dr. Jones, and May 4, 1893, was re-ap- IGNORED BY THE PARTIES_APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 731 pointed by Governor Levi P. Morton for a full term. Of course numerous letters and telegrams of congratulation were received and the newspapers contained many kind notices, similar in tone to this from the Democrat and Chronicle : It is a good appointment; a fitting recognition of one of the ablest and best women in the commonwealth. There has been a vast amount of cheap wit expended upon Miss Anthony during the past years, and although it has been almost entirely good-natured it has served to give a wrong impression to the unthinking of one of the clearest-headed and most unselfish women ever identified with a public movement. '... Speaking of her appointment she said: “You see I have been regarded as a hoofed and horned creature for so long that even a little thing touches my heart, and when it comes to being recognized as an American citizen after fighting forty years to prove my citizenship, it begins to look as if we women have not fought in vain.” . A braver-hearted woman than Susan B. Anthony never lived, but those who can read between the lines of her remark will not miss the little touch of pathos in her pride, and the hint of the disappointments which have hurt in the long struggle. A new charter for the city of Rochester had been prepared and a mass meeting of citizens was announced for December 12, to hear an exposition of its points. The morning paper said: “By far the most largely attended meeting the Cham- ber of Commerce has ever held was that of last evening. The large attendance was due to the announcement that the new charter would be discussed by Miss Susan B. Anthony, and the interest of the meeting was largely due to the fact that, true to her colors, she kept her engagement. ...." Miss Anthony's commission had been received from the governor that day, which fact was announced by President Brickner as he introduced her, and she was greeted with cheers. In the course of her speech she said: Since promising to address this body, I have tried in vain to find some word which would settle the question with every member present in favor of so amending the charter as to give our women equal voice in conducting the affairs of the city. It seems such a self-evident thing that the mother's opinion should be weighed and measured in the political scales as well as that of her son. It is so simple and just that the wife's judgment should be respected and counted as well as the husband's. And who can give the reason why the sister's opinion should be ignored and the brother's honored? .... Over 5,000 women of this city pay taxes on real estate, and who 732 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. shall say they are not as much interested in every question of financial ex- penditure as any 5,000 men; in the public parks, street railways, grade cross- ings, pavements, bridges, etc.? And not only the 5,000 tax-paying women, but all the women of the city are equally interested in the sanitary con- dition of our streets, alleys, schools, police stations, jails and asylums.... To repair the damages of society seems to be the mission assigned to women, and we ask that the necessary implements shall be placed in their hands. But, you say, women can be appointed to see to these matters without voting. Yes, but they are not; and if they were, without the ballot they would be powerless to effect the improvements they might find necessary. If the women of this city had the right to vote, those on the board of charities, for instance, would not be compelled year after year to beg each member of every new council for the appointment of some women as city physicians, as scores of them have done for the past six or eight years. Had we the right to vote, do you suppose we should have to plead in vain before the two part- ies to place women in nomination for the school board ? I want this amendment of the charter first, because it is right and just to women; second, that women may have a political fulcrum on which to plant their lever for everything they wish to secure through government; third, that the opinions of the women of this city may be respected, and there is no other way to secure respect but to have them counted with those of men in the ballot-box on every possible question which is carried to that tribunal; and fourth, to free the mothers from the cruel taunt of being responsible for the character of their grown-up sons while denied all power to control the conditions surrounding them after they pass beyond the dooryards of their She continued by showing the good effects of woman's munic- ipal suffrage in England, Canada and also in Kansas, and full suffrage in Wyoming ; and closed with an earnest appeal for an amendment to the new charter which should confer the municipal franchise upon women. A few days later the board of trustees took final action on the charter, of which the Democrat and Chronicle said: “The amendment proposed by Miss Susan B. Anthony extending the suffrage to women was defeated, although by a close vote. Had there been a full meeting of the board it is a question whether it would not have been adopted, as several of the members who were not present last evening had expressed themselves as favorable.” 1 Jean Brooks Greenleaf, at this time in Washington with her husband, wrote Miss An- thony: "I felt heart-sick when I learned the result of the charter business and I am not over it yet. I told Mr. Greenleaf I would dispose of every bit of taxable property I have in Roches- ter. I can not bear to think that, with so glorious an opportunity to be just, men prefer to be so unjust. They can help it if they will, those men who speak us so fair. If they would make one solid stand for our rights they could overrule the masses who are not half so un- IGNORED BY THE PARTIES--APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 733 Miss Anthony addressed the Monroe County Teachers' In- stitute at Brighton, December 16. The diary records many visits to the Industrial School, conferences with the other four- teen trustees and much correspondence with the boards of similar institutions elsewhere. In her mail this year were letters from most of the civilized countries on the globe, among them several from the leaders of the movement in New Zea- land, saying that her name was more familiar than all others there, and asking for advice and encouragement in their work of securing the ballot for women. The following was received from Mrs. Kate Beckwith Lee, Dowagiac, Mich.: «Mr. Bonet, our sculptor, obtained your photograph, and we now have your grand face looking down in stone from the front of our theater, which was erected as an educator to our people and a memorial to my father, P. D. Beckwith, who was liberal toward all mankind and a believer in woman's equality, and I sincerely hope you may some time see the building.” The other women sculptured on this handsome edifice are George Eliot, George Sand, Rachel, Mary Anderson and Sarah Bernhardt. Among the great mass of correspondence, this is selected : An incident which is of no particular consequence to this inquiry, constrains me to write in the hope that you may find time to place upon paper your recollection of the connection that my father (the late George H. Thacher, then mayor of the city of Albany) had with your anti-slavery meeting in this city just before the war. I was too young to have it make a vivid impression upon me, but it has sometimes been said that was the first opportunity your organization had to freely express its views within the State of New York. I will be very grateful if you will permit your memory to go back some thirty years and recall that incident. Yours, JOHN BOYD THACHER. This illustrates the pride which the children of the future will have in showing that their parents or grandparents ren- dered some assistance to the cause of woman and of freedom. Yet Mr. Thacher, who, as a member of the New York Board ready to do women justice as they are represented. Good God! when I think of it I wonder how you have borne it all these years and not gone wild." 1 Full suffrage was granted to the women of New Zealand in 1893. 2 In February, 1861; see Chapter XIII. 734 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of General Managers of the Columbian Exposition, had the se- lection of those who should compose the Woman's Board of the State, did not name one who had been identified with the great movement for equal rights during the past forty years, and had made it possible for women to participate in this cele- bration. A case which had been commenced in the courts of New York in 1891 and had run along through several years, may as well be described here as elsewhere. Miss Anthony had but an indirect connection with it and it is mentioned more for its utter ridic- ulousness than for any other reason. A woman's art association in New York City, Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, president, Miss Alice Donlevy, secretary, had the promise of a legacy to build an academy, and they decided to place a statue or bust at each side of the entrance, representing Reform and Philanthropy. Miss Anthony was selected for the one and Mrs. Mary Hamil- ton Schuyler for the other. The latter, in 1852, founded the New York School of Design for Women, had been the friend and patron of art, and for many years before her death had been noted for her philanthropic work. A serious difficulty at once arose in the opposition of Mrs. Schuyler's nephew and stepson, Philip Schuyler, who ob- jected to the “disagreeable notoriety.” He carried the matter into the courts, which of course attracted the comment of all the newspapers of the country, pro and con, and caused more “ disagreeable notoriety” than a dozen statues would have done. He obtained a preliminary injunction against the art association and then took the case to the supreme court for a permanent injunction, on the ground that the “right of privacy” had been violated. The real secret of his objections, however, was exposed in his complaint before the supreme court. Among the twenty-eight grievances alleged were the following: Twenty-second. The said Mary M. Hamilton Schuyler took no part what- ever in any of the various so-called woman's rights agitations, with which the aforesaid Susan B. Anthony was, and is, prominently identified; and that she took no interest in such agitations or movements, and had no sympathy IGNORED BY THE PARTIES— APPOINTED TO OFFICE. 735 whatever with them; and that, as the plaintiff believes, she would have re- sented any attempt such as is made by the defendants to couple her name with that of the said Susan B. Anthony. Twenty-third.-The acts of the defendants in attempting to raise money by public subscription for a statue of the said Mary M. Hamilton Schuy- ler; in associating her name with the name of Susan B. Anthony, and in announcing that the projected statue of her is to be placed on public exhi- bition at the Columbian Exposition as a companion piece to a statue of the said Susan B. Anthony, constitute, and are an unlawful interference with the right of privacy, and a gross and unwarranted outrage upon the memory of the said Mary M. Hamilton Schuyler, under the specious pretense of doing honor to her memory; and that the surviving members of her family have been, and are, greatly distressed and injured thereby. The supreme court continued the injunction, and the art association then carried the case up to the court of appeals. Here the decision of the lower court was reversed. The opin- ion was rendered by Justice Rufus W. Peckham, afterwards appointed by President Cleveland to the Supreme Bench of the United States. It is not often that a judge of the highest court in the State incorporates in a legal decision a compliment to a woman, and for this reason the tribute of Justice Peckham is the more highly appreciated. After holding that “persons attempting to erect a statue or bust of a woman no longer liv- ing, if their motive is to do honor to her, and if the work is to be done in an appropriate manner, can not be restrained by her surviving relatives,” he continued : Many may, and probably do, totally disagree with the advanced views of Miss Anthony in regard to the proper sphere of women, and yet it is impossible to deny to her the possession of many of the ennobling qualities which tend to the making of great lives. She has given the most unselfish devotion of a long life to what she has considered would tend most for the benefit and practical improvement of her sex, and she has thus lived almost literally in the face of the whole world, and during that period there has never been a single shadow of any dark or ugly fact connected with her or her way of life to dim the lustre of her achievements and of her efforts. CHAPTER XLI. WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 1893. h 773 T is not surprising that Miss Anthony writes in las her journal at the beginning of the New Year, 1893: "The clouds do not lift from my spirit. I am simply overwhelmed with the feeling that I can not make my way through the work before me.” Never a year in all her crowded life opened with such a mountain of things to be attended to-suffrage conventions, council meetings, the great Woman's Congress at the World's Fair, State campaigns, Industrial School. matters, lecture engagements—the list seemed to stretch out into infinity, and it is no wonder that it appalled even her dauntless spirit. The first necessity was to get the Washington annual con- vention out of the way. It had been set for an early date this winter, and she left home January 5. Headquarters were at Willard's Hotel and the convention opened in Metzerott's Music Hall, January 15, continuing the usual five days. At the opening session Miss Anthony read beautiful tributes by Mrs. Stanton to George William Curtis, John Greenleaf Whit- tier, Ernestine L. Rose and Abby Hutchinson Patton, who had died during the year, all earnest and consistent friends of woman's equality Resolutions were adopted recognizing the splendid services of Francis Minor, Benjamin F. Butler, Abby Hopper Gibbons, Rev. Anna Oliver and a number of other ac- tive and efficient workers who also had passed away. Miss Anthony, in her president's address, gave a strong, cheery account of the past year's work and an encouraging ANT.--47 (737) 738 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. view of the future, and at both day and evening sessions there were the usual number of able and entertaining speeches. Reports were made by delegates from thirty-six States. At the business meeting the question again came up of holding the annual convention in Washington at the beginning of each new Congress and in some other part of the country in alter- nate years. This plan was vigorously opposed by Miss An- thony, who said in her protest : The sole object, it seems to me, of this national organization is to bring the combined influence of all the States upon Congress to secure national legisla- tion. The very moment you change the purpose of this great body from National to State work you have defeated its object. It is the business of the States to do the district work; to create public sentiment; to make a national organization possible, and then to bring their united power to the capital and focus it on Congress. Our younger women naturally can not appreciate the vast amount of work done here in Washington by the National Association in the last twenty-five years. The delegates do not come here as individuals but as representatives of their entire States. We have had these national conventions here for a quarter of a century, and every Congress has given hearings to the ablest women we could bring from every section. In the olden times the States were not fully organized—they had not money enough to pay their delegates' expenses. We begged and worked and saved the money, and the National Association paid the expenses of delegates from Oregon and California in order that they might come and bring the influence of their States to bear upon Congress. Last winter we had twenty-three States represented by delegates. Think of those twenty-three women going before the Senate committee, each mak- ing her speech, and convincing those senators of the interest in all these States. We have educated at least a part of three or four hundred men and their wives and daughters every two years to return as missionaries to their respective localities. I shall feel it a grave mistake if you vote in favor of a movable convention. It will lessen our influence and our power; but come what may, I shall abide by the decision of the majority. Miss Anthony was warmly supported by a number of dele- gates but the final vote resulted: in favor, 37; opposed, 28. Among the notable letters received by the convention was the following from Lucy Stone: "Wherever woman suffragists are gathered together in the name of equal rights, there am I always in spirit with them. Although absent, my personal glad greeting goes to every one; to those who have borne the heat and burden of the day, and to the strong, brave, younger WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 739 workers who have come to lighten the load and complete the victory. We may surely rejoice now when there are so many gains won and conceded, and when favorable indications are on every hand. The way before us is shorter than that be- hind; but the work still calls for patient perseverance and ceaseless endeavor. The end is not yet in sight, but it can not be far away." Those who listened little thought that this would be the last message ever received from that earnest worker of fifty long years. Letters of greeting were sent to her and to Mrs. Stanton. Miss Anthony was unanimously re- elected president. She lingered for a few days' visit with Mrs. Greenleaf, who gave a reception for her, at which Grace Greenwood was one of the receiving party. She had a luncheon at Mrs. Waite's, wife of the Chief-Justice, and after several other pleasant social functions, left Washington February 1. There was now a magnet in New York City and henceforth she always arranged her hurried eastern trips so that she might spend a few hours or days with Mrs. Stanton, when as in the old time, they wrote calls, resolutions and memorials and made plans to storm the strongholds. On February 8, Miss Anthony spoke at Warsaw, the guest of Mrs. Maud Humphrey ; and for the next week the journal says: "Trying all these days to get to the bottom of my piles of accumulated letters.” On her seventy-third birthday the Political Equality Club gave a reception at the pleasant home of Rev. and Mrs. W. C. Gannett, and presented her with a handsome silver teapot, spirit lamp and tray. Mrs. George Hollister gave her a set of point lace which had belonged to her mother, the daughter of Thurlow Weed; and there were numerous other gifts. She wrote to Mrs. Avery on the 23d : “It is just ten years ago this morning, dear Rachel, since we two went gypsying into the old world. Well, it was a happy ac- quaintance we made then and it has been a blessed decade 1 James G. Blaine died while she was in Washington and the diary says: “He should have lived, and the Republicans should have honored him as their leader. He was that, though not chosen by them.” 740 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. which has intervened. Ten years of constant work and thought, but ten years nearer the golden day of jubilee !”. She arranged a meeting at the Rochester Chamber of Com- merce, March 1, for May Wright Sewall, president National Council of Women, to speak on the approaching Woman's Congress at the World's Fair. On March 6 she began a brief lecture tour, speaking in Hillsdale, Detroit, Saginaw, Bay City, Grand Rapids, Lansing, Battle Creek, Charlotte and in Toledo. Nine evening addresses, several receptions, and over a thousand miles of travel in twelve days, was not a bad record for a woman past seventy-three." Among the pleasant letters received through the winter were several from the South. Miss Anthony was especially appre- ciative of the friendship of southern women, as her part in the "abolition ” movement in early times had created a prejudice against her, and in later days the sentiment for suffrage had not been sufficient to call her into that part of the country, where she might form personal acquaintances and friendships. She had, during these months, earnest letters from the women of Italy asking for encouragement and co-operation in their struggles. Many letters came also from teachers, stenogra- phers and other wage-earning women, full of grateful acknowl- edgment of their indebtedness to her. There were invitations enough for lectures to fill every month in the year, ranging from the Christian Association at Cornell to the Free-thinkers' Club in New York, and covering all the grades of belief or non- belief between the two. She was asked to contribute to a sym- posium on “The Ideal Man,” to write an account of “The Underground Railroad,” and to give so many written opinions on current topics of discussion that to have complied would have kept her at her desk from early morning until the mid- night hour. i The newspapers, almost without exception, in all these places, spoke in unqualified praise of Miss Anthony and her work, of her "royal welcome,” her "packed audiences,” her “masterly address,” etc. Several of them, notably the Bay City Tribune, contained strong editorial endorsement of woman suffrage. At Lansing she addressed the House of Repre- sentatives and the next day the bill conferring municipal suffrage on women was voted on; 38 ayes, 39 nays. It was reconsidered, received a good majority in both Houses and was signed by the governor, but afterwards declared unconstitutional by the supreme court of the State. WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 741 In a letter to a friend she said: “The other day a million- aire who wrote me, 'wondered why I didn't have my letters type- written.' Why, bless him, I never, in all my fifty years of hard work with the pen, had a writing desk with pigeonholes and drawers until my seventieth birthday brought me the present of one, and never had I even a dream of money enough for a stenographer and typewriter. How little those who have realize the limitations of those who have not.” She wrote to Robert Purvis at this time: “What a mag- nificent opening speech Gladstone made, and how splendid his final remarks: “It would be misery for me if I had fore- gone or omitted in these closing years of my life any measure it was possible for me to take towards upholding and promot- ing the cause—not of one party or one nation, but of all parties and all nations.' So can you and I say with Gladstone, we should be miserable but for the consciousness that we have done all in our power to help forward every measure for the freedom and equality of the races and the sexes.” In April she lectured at a number of places in New York to add to the limited fund which kept the pot boiling at home. She also went to Buffalo to talk over Industrial School matters with Mrs. Harriet A. Townsend, president of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, which had proved so great a success in that city. On the 28th she spoke before the Woman's Columbian Exposition Committee of Cincinnati, "to a very fashionable and representative audience,” the En- quirer said. For this lecture she received $125. During the spring she wrote the Woman's Tribune : How splendidly Kansas women voted, and now come suffrage amendments in Colorado, New York and Kansas! Well, we must buckle on our armor for a triple fight, and we must shout more loudly than ever to our friends all over the country for money to help these States. Although Kansas is the most certain to carry the question, nevertheless we must organize every school district of every county of each State in which the battle of the ballot for woman is to be fought. Organize, agitate, educate, must be our war cry from this to the day of the election. 1 The diary shows a gift for this purpose, during the month, of $150 from Rachel Foster Avery and $50 from Adeline Thomson. 742 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Today's mail brought $100 to our national treasury from Mrs. P. A. Moffett, of Fredonia. How my heart leaped for joy as I read her letter and again and again looked at her check, and how I ejaculated over and over, 60 that a thousand of our good women who wish success to our cause would be moved thus to send in their checks!” Only a very few can go outside to work, but many can contribute money to help pay the expenses of those who do leave all their home-friends, comforts and luxuries. If the many who stay at home and wish, could only believe for a moment that we who go out not knowing where our heads will rest when night comes, really love our homes as they love theirs, they would vie with each other to throw in their mite to make the path smooth for the wayfarers. But we, every one of us who can speak acceptably, must do all in our power to persuade the men of these States to vote for the amendment. Do let us all take to ourselves new hope and courage for the herculean task before us. Who will send the next $100? O, that we had $10,000 to start with! Miss Anthony and Mrs. Avery met at Mrs. Sewall's for a conference on Woman's Congress matters and then went to Chicago to attend, by invitation, the formal opening of the Columbian Exposition May 1, 1893. Miss Anthony wrote: “Mrs. Palmer's speech was very fine, covering full equality for woman.” Her address the year before at the dedication ceremonies contained one of the noblest tributes ever paid to women, closing with these beautiful sentences: “Even more important than the discovery of Columbus, which we are gath- ered together to celebrate, is the fact that the general govern- ment has just discovered woman. It has sent out a flashlight from its heights, so inaccessible to us, which we shall answer by a return signal when the exposition is opened. What will be its next message to us ?'' Upon this occasion she was even more eloquent. Her keen expose of the absurd platitudes in regard to woman's sphere, and her fine defence of women in the industrial world, deserve a place among the classics. Since Miss Anthony's part in this great world's exposition must necessarily be condensed into small space, it seems most satisfactory to place it all together. It has been related in the chapter of 1876 how women were denied practically all govern- mental recognition in the Centennial. They were determined that this should not be the case in 1893. As early as 1889 she began making plans to this effect and conferring with other prominent women. Several officials, who were in positions WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 743 to influence action on this question, had declared that “those suffrage women should have nothing to do with the World's Fair ;'' and as some women whose social prestige might be needed were likely to be frightened off if suffrage were in any way connected with the matter, Miss Anthony felt the neces- sity of moving very discreetly. As “those suffrage women” had been behind every progressive movement that ever had been made in the United States for their own sex, it was hardly possible that they would not be the moving force in this. Miss Anthony was not seeking for laurels, however, either for her- self or for her cause, but only to carry her point—that women should participate in this great national celebration and that they should do this with the sanction and assistance of the national government. In her plans she had the valuable back- ing of Mrs. Spofford, who made it possible for her to remain in Washington every winter, gave the use of the Riggs House parlors for meetings and aided in many other ways. Miss Anthony went quietly about among the ladies in official life whom she could trust, and as a result various World's Fair meetings were held at the hotel, participated in by Washington's influential women, and a committee appointed to wait upon Congress and ask that women be placed on the commission. She did not appear at these gatherings, and only her few con- fidantes knew that she was behind them.' Meanwhile it was announced early in January, 1890, that the World's Fair Bill had been brought before the House, and Miss Anthony at once prepared a petition asking for the appointment of women on the National Board of Management. This was placed in the hands of ladies of influence and in a few days one hundred and eleven names were obtained of the wives and daughters of the judges of the Supreme Court, the Cabinet, senators, repre- sentatives, army officials; as distinguished a list as could be secured in the national capital. This petition was presented to the Senate January 12. It requested that women should be placed on the board with men, but instead, the bill was passed in March creating a commis- sion of men and authorizing them to appoint a number of 744 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. women to constitute a “Board of Lady Managers." These 115 appointments were intended to be practically of a compli- mentary nature, it was not expected that the women would take any prominent part, and no particular rule was observed in their selection. While perhaps in some States they were not the ablest who might have been found, they were, as a board, fairly representative. To bring this great body into harmonious action and guide it along important lines of work, required a leader possessed of a combination of qualities rarely existing in one person—not only the highest degree of execu- tive ability but self-control, tact and the power of managing men and women. They were found, however, in the woman elected to preside over this board, Mrs. Bertha Honoré Pal- mer, of Chicago. At the close of the exposition it was univer- sally conceded that she had proved herself pre-eminently the one woman in all the country for this place. Her record, dur- ing the several years that she held this very responsible posi- tion, is one of the most remarkable ever made by any woman. At the time Miss Anthony prepared her petition to Congress for representation, no action had been taken by any organized body of women in the country, and if she had not been on the field of battle in Washington and acted at the very moment she did, the bill would have passed Congress without any provision for women. They would have had no recognition from the government, no appropriations for their work, no official power, and their splendid achievements at the Colum- bian Exposition, which did more to advance the cause of women than all that had been accomplished during the cen- tury, would have been lost to the world. Having secured this great object, she asked no office for herself or for any other woman. On several public occasions, in the early months of the fair, she refused to speak or to sit on the platform, lest she might embarrass the President of the Board of Lady Man- agers by committing her to woman suffrage. Mrs. Palmer, however, showed her the most distinguished courtesy, in both public and private affairs, inviting her to the platform and including her in the social functions at her own residence. WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 745 Miss Anthony soon felt that she was in full sympathy with herself in every measure which tended to secure for women absolute equality of rights, a point which Mrs. Palmer empha- sized in the most unmistakable language in her eloquent address delivered in the Woman's Building, at the close of the exposition. In these circumscribed limits it will be impossible to give any adequate account of that greatest of all accomplishments of women at the World's Fair—the Woman's Congress—whose pro- ceedings fill two large volumes in the official report. In order that intellectual as well as material progress should be pre- sented, it had been decided to hold a series of congresses which should bring together a representation of the great minds of the world. C.C. Bonney was made president of the Congress Aux- iliary ; Mrs. Palmer, president, and Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin, vice-president of the Woman's Branch. Although women were to participate in all, Mr. Bonney desired to have one composed of them alone. To assist Mrs. Henrotin, who had been made acting president, as well as to further insure the success of this congress, Mr. Bonney appointed May Wright Sewall chairman, and Rachel Foster Avery secretary, of the committee of organization, and they were assisted by an effi- cient local committee. As president and secretary of the National Council of Women, and Mrs. Sewall vice-president of the International Council, no two could have been secured with so wide a knowl- edge of the organizations of women throughout the world and the best methods of securing their co-operation. The magni- tude of their labors can be appreciated only by an examina- tion of the official report. The fact of their merging into this congress the International Council of Women, which was to have been held in London that year, was one of the most potent elements of its success. Miss Anthony wrote Mrs. Sewall: “The suffrage work has missed you, oh, so much, still I would not have had you do differently. I glory in Rachel's and your work this year beyond words." The World's Congress of Representative Women, which 746 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. opened May 15, 1893, was the largest and most brilliant of any of the series which extended through the six months of the fair, and was considered by many the most remarkable ever convened. Twenty-seven countries and 126 organizations were represented by 528 delegates. During the week eighty- one meetings were held in the different rooms of the Art Palace. There were from seven to eighteen in simultaneous progress each day and, according to official estimate, the total attendance exceeded 150,000 persons. The fifteen policemen stationed in the building stated that often hundreds of people were turned away before the hour of opening arrived, not only the audience-rooms but the halls and ante-rooms being so crowded that no more could enter the building, which held 10,000. All who were in attendance at this congress, all who read the accounts in the Chicago daily papers, will testify that it is not the bias of a partial historian which prompts the statement that Susan B. Anthony was the central figure of this historic gathering. Every time she appeared on the stage the audience broke into applause ; when she rose to speak, they stood upon the seats and waved hats and handkerchiefs. People watched the daily program and when she was advertised for an ad- dress, there was a rush from other halls and an impenetrable jam in the corridors. Again and again she was obliged to call upon a stout policeman to make a way for her through the throngs which pressed about her, anxious to get even a sight of her face. No matter what department of the congress she visited, whether of education, religion, philanthropy or indus- tries, the audience demanded a speech and would not be satis- fied until it was made.? Large numbers of the women who gave addresses in these various meetings paid tribute to her work, and the mention of her name never failed to elicit a. burst of applause. At the many public and private receptions given to the congress the post of honor was assigned to her, 1 “More than once-indeed, I believe more than a score of times—I saw speakers of eloquence and renown interrupted in the midst of a discourse by audiences who simply would not listen, after Miss Anthony's entrance into the hall, until she had been formally introduced and an opportunity given them to express their reverence by prolonged applause.”-From letter of Mrs. Sewall. May Might Small WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 747 and no guest ever was satisfied to leave without having touched her hand. It is not too much to say that no woman in this country, or in any other, ever was so honored because of her own indi- vidual services to humanity. It was the universal recognition of her labors of nearly half a century, that had laid the foun- dation upon which had been reared all the great organizations represented by the women in this congress. Hers had been the pioneer work, the blazing of the pathway through the for- ests of custom and prejudice which for untold centuries had forbidden them to step beyond the narrow limits of domestic occupations. All of a sudden, it seemed, the women of the world had awakened to the knowledge that she had borne ridi- cule, abuse, misrepresentation, disgrace, that they might enter into the kingdom of woman's right to her highest development. Long-delayed though it had been, the women of her own and other countries came to lay their homage at her feet, to bow before her in loving gratitude, to rise up and call her blessed. Letters of congratulation were received from far and wide ; one from Frances E. Willard in Switzerland said : MY BELOVED SUSAN: You are a happy woman and we are all crowing to think the people love, honor and call for you so loud and long. It suits one's sense of poetic justice; it confirms one's faith in human nature and the Heavenly Power not ourselves “that makes for righteousness.” Lady Henry, Anna Gordon and I have “hoorayed” over your laurels and said, “Bless her; she is not only our Susan but everybody's." Lady Henry says you have the true sign of greatness that you are absolutely without pretension. You do not take up all the time and luxuriate in the sound of your own voice, but are glad to give the other ones a bit of breath too. She says no woman of fame has ever so thoroughly made this impression of mod- esty and unselfishness upon her mind. And I say Selah." E1 In her London letter the noted correspondent, Florence Fen- wick Miller, of England, wrote: Amidst all the attractive personalities and ideas presented, the most sought 1 Lady Henry had just returned from Chicago where she had attended the World's Fair Temperance Congress and here had heard Miss Anthony for the first time. At the close of her speech declaring that there could be no effective temperance work among women until they had the ballot, Lady Henry came forward and gave it her most hearty endorsement. 748 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of all—the one whose presence drew crowds everywhere, who was made to speak in whatever hall she entered, and who was surrounded in every cor- ridor and every reception, just as the queen-bee is surrounded in the hive by her courtiers, was the veteran leader of the woman suffragists of America, Susan B. Anthony. At seventy-three she is as upright of form, as clear and powerful of mind, as strong of voice, as courageous and uncompromising as ever. Let our revered and beloved Miss Anthony have the last word. The program for the Woman's Congress assigned but one session to the National-American Suffrage Association, and it was the honest intention to give no more time to the discus- sion of political equality than to each of the other departments. It made a place for itself, however, in practically every one of the meetings. Whether the subject were education, philan. thropy, reform or some other, the speakers were sure to point out the disabilities of woman without the ballot. So strong was the desire to hear this question discussed that it became neces- sary to hold afternoon meetings in the large halls, aside from those on the regular morning and evening program, in order to give the eager crowds an opportunity to hear its distin- guished advocates from all parts of the world. It is doubtful if the whole fifty years of agitation made as many converts to equal suffrage as did the great object lesson of the Woman's Congress. Many pleasant letters passed between Miss Anthony and Mr. Bonney, Mrs. Palmer and Mrs. Henrotin. The last named asked her to take part in the Temperance, the Labor and the Social and Moral Reform Congresses and requested her advice and assistance. She was placed by Mr. Bonney on the ad- visory council of the Political, Social and Economic Con- gresses. Mrs. Palmer wrote: “I should like you to send us special suggestions for speakers and topics.” Miss Anthony was much pleased at the selection of Mrs. Palmer for presi- dent of the Board of Lady Managers, heartily seconded all her efforts and lent no support to the dissensions made by several women who thought there should have been more recognition of those who had been pioneer workers. That this was appre- ciated is shown by a letter written as early as April, 1891 : WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 749 I feel that I must express my thanks to you that you did not condemn us unheard, for I naturally supposed that as - - - belonged to your organ- ization you would take her view of any matter which interested her. I thank you very much for your fair-mindedness, and beg that you will read the state- ment which I shall send you and which will probably give you a better idea of this unpleasant matter than anything else you have seen. I remember with great pleasure our meeting in Washington, and hope it was only the first of many such pleasant occasions for me. Thanking you again, I am most cordially yours, Such Costill fors Beachta Sittalus Miss Anthony spoke several times at the noon-hour meetings held in the Woman's Building. Mrs. James P. Eagle, chair- man, who edited the report of the noon-hour addresses, wrote her: “I would not take much pleasure in publishing our book if I could not have something from your addresses to go in it. You must not deny me. One of your talks was 'Woman's Influence vs. Political Power,' another "The Bene- fits of Organization. If it is your best and easiest way, make the speeches and employ a stenographer to take them and send me the bill. I can not afford to miss them. You have been so very kind and encouraging to me all along that I shall feel it a Brutus blow if you fail me now.” As she never wrote a speech in these days and could not make the same one twice, she was unable to comply with this request. Miss Anthony was invited to speak at the Press Congress May 27, the day when the religious press as a leader of reforms was under consideration. The managers became very uneasy and began trying to find out how she meant to handle the question. Her only reply was, “I shall speak the truth.” The speech, delivered before an audience con- 1 “As only the most gifted women will be invited to participate in these entertainments, we hope the invitation will be esteemed as an honor conferred by the Board of Lady Managers, and your acceptance will be gratefully appreciated.”—Note of Invitation. 750 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. taining many ministers, caused a tremendous sensation. She took up the reforms, temperance, anti-slavery, woman's rights, labor, and showed conclusively that in every one the church and the religious press, instead of being leaders, were laggards. At the close the chairman remarked apologetically that of course the speaker did not expect peoplein general to agree with every- thing she had said. The Chicago Tribune thus finished its report: “As Miss Anthony had an engagement she was obliged to leave at this point, and most of the audience went with her.” The Congress on Government convened August 7 and, at Mr. Bonney's request, Miss Anthony was present at the open- ing ceremony and responded to an address of welcome in be- half of the civil service commission. Five sessions of this Government Congress were devoted to a discussion of equal suffrage, the speakers being women. The chairman, Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, said it was not the intention to give this subject such prominence, but women had shown so much more interest than men, half of them accepting the invitation to take part and only one man in twenty responding, that he was com- pelled thus to arrange the program. Soon after the adjournment of the Woman's Congress Miss Anthony left the Palmer House, which had been its head- quarters, and, accepting the invitation of Mrs. Lydia Avery Coonley, enjoyed the congenial atmosphere of her beautiful home for a month. At the conclusion of her visit with Mrs. Coonley she went for six weeks with Mr. and Mrs. Sewall, who had taken a large house for the season. This was a social center and the weekly receptions were a prominent feature, bringing together distinguished people from all countries, who were in Chicago, as officials or visitors, during this wonderful summer. While at Mrs. Coonley's Miss Anthony formed two acquaintances who from that date have been among her most valued friends—Mr. and Mrs. Samuel E. Gross. After leaving the Sewalls she spent a delightful month with them at their residence on the Lake Shore drive, where she was surrounded with every luxury which wealth and affection could bestow. WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 751 This added another to the homes in that city always open to her, and Mrs. Gross often wrote: “Your visits are a sweet benediction to our family."'1 Among the most elegant of the many social affairs to which she was invited was the luncheon in the great banquet hall of the Hotel Richelieu, given by the officers of the National Coun- cil to those of the International, the foreign delegates and a few other guests, 150 in all. May Wright Sewall presided with great dignity and charm over the “after dinner speech- making” of this assemblage of the representative women from the most highly civilized nations of the world, and Miss An- thony sat at her right hand. Once she went to Harvey and spoke at a camp meeting of 3,000 persons; and later to the Bloomington Chautauqua to give an address; then all the way to Kansas to speak at the State Fair in Topeka and fill a month's lecture engagements. Two weeks she spent in her own home visiting with relatives; then rushed down to Long Island to hurry Mrs. Stanton with her paper; and back again to Chicago to read it for her at the Educational Congress. Many days and evenings were passed among the wealth of attractions on the exposition grounds; and so the summer waxed and waned, one of the longest holi- days she ever had known, and yet with not an idle hour through all the four months of delightful associations and cherished acquaintances. She writes in the diary October 30: "This was my last sight of the White City in its full glory by night." Among the many graceful words of farewell spoken by the press of Chicago, may be quoted the following from the Inter- Ocean, which suggests the strong and graceful pen of Mary H. Krout: It is pleasant in these reminiscent days when we talk over the glories and delights of the World's Fair, to recall the honors heaped upon Susan B. An- thony. Her personal friends vied with each other in arranging elaborate entertainments of which she was the central figure. There were dinners and luncheons, banquets and receptions, and at each and all the refined and deli- 1 As a memento of these visits Mrs. Gross presented Miss Anthony with $100; and Mrs. Coon- ley gave her a rich brocaded silk dress and a travelling suit, both beautifully made by her own dressmaker, with bonnets to match. 752 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. cate face shone above the board with a beauty and tranquillity far exceeding the mere beauty of youth and faultlessness of feature. It was the beauty of experience, sweetened and purified by success and appreciation. ... It must seem a strange contrast to the woman who has worked so persever- ingly in the face of untold difficulties—this change that a few years have wrought. It has not been so very long since she was the universal butt of ridicule, lampooned and caricatured, with all that malice, in its coarsest and most brutal form, could suggest. Her age was the favorite theme of the cal- low witling, her cause a never-failing subject for reproach and abuse. It is all over and done with, thanks to the new race of men which women them- selves are training and educating. There are no words for her nowadays but those of praise and affection. She has lived to see truth survive and justice vindicated. Men no longer regard her as the arch-enemy to domestic peace, disseminating doctrines that mean the destruction of home and the disorgan- ization of society. They perceive in her, rather, the advocate of that liberty which knows no limitations either of sex or of condition—a freedom which, achieved, means the incalculable advancement of the race. In all the assemblages where Miss Anthony was present during those mem- orable months—the observed of all observers, holding a veritable court-her admirers were both men and women, and no belle at a ball was ever more unmistakably deferred to. It made her happy, as it should have done. But it made far happier those who have believed in her all these years, that she should have triumphed over ignorance and prejudice, and at threescore and ten have come into her kingdom at last. When it is asked what woman was most prominent, most honored, most in demand in all the public ceremonials and private functions held in Chicago during the Columbian Exposition, there can be but one answer-Susan B. Anthony. Through all the summer and autumn of 1893 a campaign had been going forward in Colorado, where the legislature had submitted the question of woman suffrage to the voters. The national association was represented by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, who rendered splendid service. Mrs. Leonora Barry Lake spoke under the auspices of the Knights of Labor. The rest of the work was done by the women of Colorado, who proved a host in themselves. Miss Anthony held herself in readiness to go at any time but the friends felt that, unless vitally necessary, she should be spared the hardships. Circum- stances were favorable; there had been a vast change in public sentiment since the defeat of 1877; the question was submit- ted at a time when only county elections were held and there was no political excitement; Populists and Republicans not only endorsed it but worked for it; Democrats offered no WORLD'S FAIR-CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. 753 party opposition and many of them gave it cordial support; more than half of the newspapers in the State advocated it. The campaign in Colorado differed from all those which had been conducted in other States in the fact that it was not left for women to carry on alone, but the most prominent men in all parties lent their assistance and made the victory possible. The amendment was carried by nearly 6,000 majority, about three to one in favor. Miss Anthony received the telegram announcing the fact November 8, the day after election, and she was the happiest woman in America. Immediately upon returning home from Chicago she went to the State suffrage convention which met in Historical Hall, Brooklyn, November 13. While in New York she was the guest of Mrs. Russell Sage at the dinner of the Emma Willard Alumnæ. Four days were given to the convention, one or two spent with Mrs. Catt, in her delightful home at Bensonhurst-by-the-Sea, and a few at the suburban residence of Mrs. Foster Avery. While here she addressed the New Century Club in Philadelphia, and for several days following was in attendance at the Pennsylvania convention. On December 18, she lectured at Jamaica; the 19th at Riverhead; the 20th at Richmond ; the 22d she attended the Foremothers' Day dinner in New York and made an address; the 23d she spoke before the Women's Conference of the Ethical Society in that city. When not lecturing she was struggling with her mass of correspondence, attending to her duties in connection with the Industrial School, and making preliminary arrangements for two big State campaigns which required the writing of hun- dreds of letters, all done with her own hand. Invitations came during these days to address the New York Social Purity League, the Women's Republican Association, the Pratt Insti- tute and the National Convention of the Keeley Cure League ; and requests for articles on “Why Should Young Men Favor 1 The “Remonstrants” flooded the State with their literature, but as this contained a conspicuous advertisement of a large liquor establishment, it defeated itself. The head- quarters of the organized opposition were located in a Denver brewery. ANT.—48 754. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Woman Suffrage?''for the Y. M. C. A. paper of Chicago; “What Should the President's Message Say ? ” for the New York World; “If you had $1,000,000 what would you do with it?” for a symposium; and at least a score of similar applications. The friendly letters included one from Judge Albion W. Tourgee, acknowledging receipt of the History of Woman Suf- frage, “from one whose devotion to principle and brave advocacy of right have ever commanded my profound esteem." He also expressed his interest and belief in the principle of woman suffrage. The same mail brought a letter from Profes- sor Helen L. Webster, asking for a copy of the History to place in the library of Wellesley College "so that it may be within reach of the students.” The Kansas legislature again had submitted a suffrage amendment and many letters were coming from the women of that State, begging Miss Anthony's help. She filled reams of paper during December, telling them how to put everybody to work, to organize every election precinct in the State, to raise money, and above all else to create a public sentiment which would demand a woman suffrage plank in the platform of each of the political parties. “I am going to make a big raid to get a fund for Kansas,” she wrote, “but nothing will avail without the support of the parties.” The work in Kansas was not, however, by any means the most formidable undertaking which confronted her. The women of New York were about to enter upon the greatest suffrage campaign ever attempted, and toward its success she was bending every thought, energy and effort, earnestly coöperating with the strongest and best- equipped workers in the State. CHAPTER XLII. THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 1894. med en HE year 1894 is distinguished in the annals of woman suffrage for two great campaigns: one in New York to secure from the Constitutional Con- vention an amendment abolishing the word "male" from the new constitution which was to be submitted to the voters at the fall election; the other in Kansas to secure a majority vote on an amendment which had been submitted by the legislature of 1893, and was to be voted on in November. In order to make the story as clear as pos- sible, each of these campaigns, both of which were in progress at the same time, will be considered separately. Before enter- ing upon either, the leading features of the twenty-sixth of the series of Washington conventions, which have run like a thread through Miss Anthony's life for more than a quarter of a century, will be briefly noticed. On January 13, she lectured before the University Associa- tion at Ann Arbor in the great University Hall—the second woman ever invited to address that body, Anna Dickinson having been thus honored during the war. Sunday morning she spoke for the University Christian Association, in Newbury Hall. Monday morning the State Suffrage Association com- menced a three days' convention, during which she gave num- erous short addresses. Wednesday evening a large reception was given by her hostess, Olivia B. Hall, whose home Miss Anthony always regarded as one of her most enjoyable resting- places in her many trips through Michigan. Mrs. Hall had (755) 756 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. contributed hundreds of dollars to the cause of woman suffrage, and made a number of timely presents to Miss Anthony for her personal use. From Michigan they went to the twenty-fifth anniversary of the suffrage association of Toledo. It is worthy of note that Miss Anthony had helped organize this society in the house of Mrs. Hall, who lived there at that time. She was here, as always when in this city, the guest of her friend, Anna C. Mott, whose father and uncle, Richard and James Mott, were her staunch supporters from the early days of the abolition movement. The papers contained long and flattering notices, which had now become so customary that to quote one is to give the substance of all. Miss Anthony lectured in Baltimore February 13, going from there to Washington. The convention opened in Metzer- ott's Music Hall, February 15, welcomed by Commissioner John W. Ross, of the District. Among the speakers were Sen- ator Carey and Representative Coffeen, of Wyoming; Senator Teller and Representatives Bell and Pence, of Colorado ; Sen- ator Peffer and Representatives Davis, Broderick, Curtis and Simpson, of Kansas ; ex-Senator Bruce, of Mississippi ; Hon. Simon Wolf, of the District; Catherine H. Spence, of New Zealand ; Miss Windeyer, of Australia; Hannah K. Korany, of Syria ; Kate Field; and Mary Lowe Dickinson, secretary King's Daughters. Yours truly Kello thelet Appropriate memorial services were held for the distinguished dead of the past year who had rendered especial service to the cause of woman suffrage: Lucy Stone, George W. Childs, Le- land Stanford, Elizabeth Peabody, Elizabeth Oakes Smith. THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 757 Eloquent tributes were offered by the various members of the convention, and Miss Anthony added one to Mary F. Seymour, founder of the Business Woman's Journal. The death of Myra Bradwell, editor Legal News, occurred too late for her honored name to be included in these services. Bishop Phillips Brooks and ex-President Rutherford B. Hayes, both of whom had un- equivocally expressed themselves in favor of suffrage for women, also had died in 1893. At the opening session, on Miss Anthony's birthday, she was presented by the enfranchised women of Wyoming and Colorado with a beautiful silk flag which bore two shining stars on its blue field. She accepted it with much emotion, saying: “I have heard of standard bearers in the army who carried the banners to the topmost ramparts of the enemy, and there I am going to try to carry this banner. You know with- out my telling how proud I am of this flag, and how my heart is touched by this manifestation." From the ladies of Georgia came a box of fresh flowers, and among other pleasant remem- brances were seventy-four American Beauty roses from Mrs. S. E. Gross, of Chicago. A little later, when Virginia D. Young brought the greetings of South Carolina, Miss Anthony said : I think the most beautiful part of our coming together in Washington for the last twenty-five years, has been that more friendships, more knowledge of each other have come through the hand-shakes here, than would have been possible through any other instrumentality. I shall never cease to be grateful for all the splendid women who have come up to this great center for these twenty-six conventions, and have learned that the North was not such a cold place as they had believed; I have been equally glad when we came down here and met the women from the sunny South and found they were just like ourselves, if not a little better. In this great association, we know no North, no South, no East, no West. This has been our pride for twenty-six years. We have no political party. We never have inquired what anybody's religion was. All we ever have asked is simply, “Do you believe in perfect equality for women?” That is the one article in our creed. There were many pleasant newspaper comments on Miss An- thony's re-election, among them the following from the Chi- cago Journal : 758 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. · The national suffrage association honored itself yesterday by again electing to its presidency Susan B. Anthony. She has suffered long for a cause she believes to be right, and it is fitting that in these later years of her active life, when the cause has become popular, she should wear the honors her patient, persistent endeavor has won. Susan B. Anthony is one of the most remarkable products of this century. She is not a successful writer; she is not a great speaker, although a most effective one; but she has a better qual- ity than genius. She is the soul of honesty; she possesses the gift of clear discrimination-of seeing the main point-and of never-wavering loyalty to the issue at hand. ... For more than forty years she has led the women of America through the wilderness of doubt, and now from Pisgah's heights looks over into the Canaan land of triumphant victory. Past the allotted time of threescore years and ten, Miss Anthony may never cross the Jordan of her hopes, but she has led her hosts safely through the gravest dangers and trained up others well fitted to wear the mantle of leadership. It is the hope of all who have learned to know and appreciate this heroic woman, that her wise coun- sel and earnest, faithful spirit may long continue to inspire and direct the affairs of this great association. The office of national organizer was created and Carrie Chap- man Catt elected to fill it. The association accepted an invita- tion to hold the next meeting in Atlanta, Ga. At the close of the convention a hearing was granted by the Senate and House committees. Miss Anthony introduced the various speakers, representing all sections of the country, and at the conclusion one of the new members came to her and said earnestly: "If you had but adopted this course earlier, your cause would have been won long ago.”. He was considerably surprised when she informed him that they had had just such hearings as this for the past twenty-six years. The legislature of New York had ordered the necessary measures to be taken for a delegate convention to revise the constitution. Governor Hill in 1887 and Governor Flower in 1892 had recommended that women should have a representa- tion in this convention. The bill, as it finally passed both branches of the legislature, provided that any male or female citizen above the age of twenty-one should be eligible to elec- tion as delegate. When the district conventions were called to choose these, both Democrats and Republicans refused to nominate any woman. As the delegates would draw $10 a day for five months, the political plums were entirely too THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 759 valuable to give to a disfranchised class. The Republicans of Miss Anthony's district would not consider even her nomina- tion, although she was recognized as the peer of any man in the State in a knowledge of constitutional law. The Demo- crats in that district, who were in a hopeless minority, made the one exception and, as a compliment, nominated Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf, who ran several hundred votes ahead of the ticket. The women then proceeded to inaugurate a great campaign in order to create a public sentiment which would demand from this convention an amendment conferring suffrage on women. To begin this, which would require a vast amount of money, they had not a dollar. No delegate owed his election to a woman, nor could any woman further his ambition for future honors to which his record in this body might prove a stepping- stone. So far as any political power was concerned, women were of less force than the proverbial fly on the wagon wheel, and the majority of men who go into a convention of this kind do so from that particular sort of lofty patriotism which sees an offi- cial position in the near or distant future. On the other hand, the element which is forever and unalterably opposed to any move in the direction of suffrage for women, represented the dominant financial and political power in the greatest metropolis in Amer- ica, whose ramifications extend to every city, village and cross-roads in the State. With its money and its votes this element can make and unmake politicians at will, and under present conditions, with the ballot in the hands of men only, it is virtually an impossibility for a candidate to be elected if this organization exert its influence against him. How to per- suade the parties and the individual men to risk defeat until they succeed in the enfranchisement of women, which alone will destroy the absolute domination of this oligarchy, is a problem yet to be solved. That the women of New York dared attempt it, showed courage and determination of the highest order. This necessarily had to be a campaign of education, of forming new public sentiment and putting into definite shape 760 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. that which already existed. This could be done in four ways : by organization, by petitions, by literature and by speeches. The petitions were put into circulation in 1893. As it would be necessary to use every dollar to the very best advantage, the Anthony home in Rochester was put at the service of the committee in order to save rent. Practically every room in the house was called into requisition. The parlors became public offices; the guest chamber was transformed into a mail- ing department; Miss Anthony's study was an office by day and a bedroom by night; and even the dining-room and kitchen were invaded. Here Mary S. Anthony, correspond- ing secretary, and Mrs. Martha R. Almy, vice-president-at- large, with a force of clerks, worked day and night from December, 1893, to July, 1894, sending out thousands of let- ters, petition blanks, leaflets, suffrage papers, etc. The letter boxes were wholly inadequate, and the post-office daily sent mail-sacks to the house, which were filled and set out on the front porch to be collected. Hither came every day the State president, Mrs. Greenleaf, who toiled without ceasing from daylight till dark; and into this busy hive Miss Anthony rushed from the lecture field every Saturday to get the report of the work and consult as to the best methods for the coming week. It is not possible to describe in detail the vast amount of labor performed at these headquarters, but it is thus summed up in the report of the corresponding secretary : . . Add to the correspondence incident to the circulation of our great petition, the sending out of nearly 5,000 blank petition-books and instruc- tions to insure the work's being properly done, literature for free distribu- tion, the planning and arranging for sixty mass meetings in as many counties, and we have a task before which Hercules himself might well stand aghast. To accomplish this work has taken not only the entire time of your corre- 1 In November of this year Miss Anthony called at the office of the New York Sun and had an interview with Mr. Dana, who always had maintained that when any considerable num- ber of women expressed a desire for the ballot, the men would grant it. She asked him how many names would suffice and he replied: "If you can get a petition of 100,000 women it will be amply sufficient to compel the convention to submit the amendment.” Although more than twice this number signed the petition, Mr. Dana's very first editorial after the con- vention had refused to submit the amendment, declared the reason was that not enough women had asked for it! 2 A salary was voted to Mary Anthony which she declined to accept; Mrs. Almy received $50 a month; the clerks either donated their services or gave them for a mere trifle. Your Sister Mary s Onthony THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 761 sponding secretary, but that of our president, Mrs. Greenleaf, for a full year. Hundreds of women over all the State worked as never before, petitions in hand, travelling from house to house in all sorts of weather to secure the names of people who believe in the right of women to a voice in the govern- ment under which they live. It has so often been asserted by those in power that when any considerable number of women wanted to vote, there would be perfect freedom for them to do so, that it was now decided thoroughly to test the truth of such asser- tion. Over 332,000 individual names, more than half being those of women, were thus actually obtained, neatly put up in book form and presented to the Constitutional Convention with a feeling that such a showing could not, by any possible means, fail to make the men of that convention and of the State clearly understand that women do want to vote. The entire management of New York City was put in charge of Lillie Devereux Blake, and Brooklyn in that of Mariana W. Chapman. While the petition work was going forward a Mi deve seus Blake great series of mass meetings was in progress, for which Miss Anthony, who knew every foot of New York State as well as her own dooryard, mapped out the routes. The manage- ment of these was placed in the hands of Harriet May Mills and Mary G. Hay, who proved remarkably efficient. Rev. Anna Shaw spoke at over forty of these meetings and Mary Seymour Howell at a large number. Several speakers from outside the State came in at different times and rendered excellent service. Carrie Chapman Catt made nearly forty speeches in New York, Brooklyn and vicinity. Miss Anthony herself, at the age of seventy-four, spoke in every one of the 1 The president's report pays this tribute : “The corresponding secretary, Miss Mary S. Anthony, ostensibly had charge of the depart- ment of distribution and State correspondence, but all this was only a small fraction of the labor performed by her. Being president of the local club of Rochester, she had charge of the canvass of that city; and it is enough to say that no city or town equalled hers in the work done or results obtained. As our chieftain was leading our hosts through the State, the housekeeping, too, fell to the said secretary's charge and, it being convenient for the speakers and managers to stay at headquarters when in town, her family was seldom a small one; and all this gratuitously, be it understood. I can not hope to tell the story in full, but I trust I have said enough to cause you all, when you say, “God bless Susan B. Anthony,” to add "and her sister Mary, also.” 762 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. sixty counties of the State, beginning at Albion, January 22, and ending at Glens Falls, April 28. The campaign opened with a mass meeting at Rochester, of which the Democrat and Chronicle said in a leading editorial : "In pursuance of a call signed by over a hundred prominent citizens, a public meeting will be held January 8. ... This should be largely attended, not only in honor of our distin- guished townswoman, Miss Susan B. Anthony, but to declare in terms which can not be mistaken that the constitution should be revised. The negro and the Indian have been enfranchised; women alone remain under political disabilities. They demand justice. Let it be granted freely, and without any exhibition of that selfishness which has so long kept them waiting.” Judge George F. Danforth presided over this meeting and among the prominent citizens on the platform were Dr. E. M. Moore, Rev. Asa Saxe, Eugene T. Curtis, Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Howell and Miss Anthony, all of whom made strong speeches in favor of the amendment. The list of vice-presidents com- prised the leading men and women of the city. Forcible reso- lutions were presented by Henry C. Maine, and letters of ap- proval read from Judge Thomas Raines, Rev. H. H. Stebbins, of the Central Presbyterian church, and others. The papers said, “Miss Anthony went home as happy as a young girl after her first ball." On January 9 Miss Anthony addressed the Political Equality Club of Syracuse, and a handsome reception was given to Eliza- beth Smith Miller and herself by its president, Mrs. E. S. Jen- ney. The next day, she went to a big rally at Buffalo, under the auspices of the city suffrage club, Dr. Sarah Morris, presi- dent, where speeches were made by Judge Stern, Rabbi Aaron, Rev. Joseph K. Mason and others. On the 22d, the great sweep of county mass meetings began. The scrap-books con- 1 During this time Miss Anthony gave ten days to the national convention in Washington; and the day after the last of the mass meetings she started for Kansas; stopped in Cincin- nati for the Ohio convention, speaking each of the three days; opened the Kansas campaign May 4, spoke in that State every day for two weeks; and on May 21 presented herself, fresh and cheerful, at the Constitutional Convention in Albany, N. Y. 2 As has been noted, Miss Anthony spoke at Ann Arbor, Mich., January 13, 14, 15, 16 and 17; at Toledo the 19th, and was ready to open the New York campaign the 22d. THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 763 taining the voluminous accounts show that usually the audi- ences were large and sympathetic ; that the newspapers, almost without exception, gave full and friendly reports, and although most of them were non-committal in the editorial columns, a number came out strongly in favor of having a suffrage amend- ment incorporated in the constitution. “Oh, if those who at- tend our meetings could do the voting," wrote Miss Anthony, “it would carry overwhelmingly, but alas, the riff-raff, the paupers, the drunkards, the very chain-gang that I see passing the house on their way to and from the jail, will make their in- fluence felt on the members of the Constitutional Convention.” In another letter she said: "I am in the midst of as severe a treadmill as I ever experienced, travelling from fifty to one hundred miles every day and speaking five or six nights a week. How little women know of the power of organization and how constantly we are confronted with the lack of it!" Most of the other speakers were paid for their services but Miss Anthony would not accept a dollar for hers, and refused to take even her travelling expenses out of the campaign fund. That year she received the bequest of her friend, Mrs. Eliza J. Clapp, of Rochester, who had died in 1892, leaving her $1,000 to use as she pleased. The court costs were $55 and she received $945. Although she was drawing from her small principal for her current expenses, she gave $600 of this to the State of New York and $400 to the national association, paying the court fees out of her own pocket. A new and gratifying feature of this campaign was the in- terest taken by the women of wealth and social position in New York and Brooklyn. Heretofore it had seemed impossi- ble to arouse any enthusiasm on the question of woman's enfranchisement among this class. Surrounded by every lux- ury and carefully protected from contact with the hard side of life, they felt no special concern in the conditions which made the struggle for existence so difficult among the masses of 1 In December Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had issued an address calling upon the women of New York to unite in this grand effort for political freedom. During the entire campaign Mrs. Stanton contributed to the New York Sun masterly arguments for woman suffrage, which were widely copied by the press of the State. 764 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. women. All of a sudden they seemed to awake to the import- ance of the great issue which was agitating the State. This possibly may have been because it met the approval of many of the leading men of New York, for among those who signed the petition were Chauncey M. Depew, Russell Sage, Frederick Coudert, Rev. Heber Newton, Rev. W. S. Rainsford, Bishop Potter, Rabbi Gottheil, John D. Rockefeller, Robert J. Inger- soll, William Dean Howells and others of the representative men of the city. The wives of these gentlemen opened their elegant parlors for suffrage meetings, and in a short time the following card was sent to a large number of people : A committee of ladies invite you and all the adult members of your house- hold, to call at Sherry's on any Saturday in March and April, between 9 and 6 o'clock, to sign a petition to strike out, in our State Constitution, the word "male" as a qualification for voters. Circulars explaining the reason for this request may be obtained at the same time and place.—Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, Mrs. Joseph H. Choate, Mrs. Mary Putnam Jacobi, Mrs. J. Warren Goddard, Mrs. Robert Abbe, Mrs. Henry M. Sanders, Miss Adele M. Fielde. Sherry, the famous restaurateur, placed one of his hand- somest rooms at the disposal of the ladies and, for many weeks, one or more of them might always be found there ready to re- ceive signatures to the petitions. The New York World ex- pressed the situation in a strong article, saying in part : Within the month there has been a sudden and altogether unexpected out- break of the woman suffrage movement in New York. . . . Some one gave a signal and from all parts of the State rose the cry for the enfranchise- ment of women. It is not hard to discover the original cause which set on foot the insurrection-for in a certain sense it is an insurrection. It was an appeal which appeared in the latter part of February and was signed by many eminent men and women. Here were nearly twoscore of names, as widely known and honorable as any in this State-names of people of the highest social standing, not because of extravagant display or fashionable raiment, but because of distinction in intellect, in philanthropy and in the history of the State. The reason of the coming of the petition just at this time was, of course, plain. The meeting of the Constitutional Convention would be the one chance of the woman suffragists in twenty years.... It will be noticed that these women are in Mr. McAllister's Four Hundred, but not of it. They do not go in for frivolity. They go in for charity, for working among the masses, for elevating standards of living and morals in the slums of the city. They have awakened to the fact of the other half, and THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 765 of how that other half lives, and they have expressed their indignation over the small salaries paid women for doing men's work; over the dishonest men in political places, put there because they could vote and control the votes of a number of saloon loungers; over the wretched lot of the woman school teacher, ill-paid and neglected because useless on election day. And to go back a little further, the most of these society women are the products of that higher education which the pioneer suffragists made possible. They are women of wide reading, of independent thought, of much self-reli- ance. They began to wonder why they could not vote, when the sloping- shouldered, sloping-skulled youths who proposed to marry them, or had married them, had that right and did not exercise it and showed no informa- tion and no concern as to the rottenness of the local government. ... The upper class of women are enlisted. Woman suffrage is the one interest- ing subject of discussion in the whole fashionable quarter. This campaign brought also another surprise. In all the forty years of suffrage work, one of the stumbling-blocks had been the utter apathy of women themselves, who took no in- terest either for or against, but now they seemed to be aroused all along the line. In Albany a small body of women calling themselves “Remonstrants” suddenly sprung into existence. For a number of years there had been a handful of women in Massachusetts under that title, but this was the first appear- ance of the species in New York. They seemed to be fathered by Bishop William Croswell Doane, and mothered by Mrs. John V. L. Pruyn. Seven men and a number of women were present at the first meeting in that lady's parlor, and they formed an organization to counteract the vicious efforts of those women who were asking for political freedom. Evidently under the direction of her spiritual adviser, Mrs. Pruyn sub- mitted a set of resolutions, which were adopted, begging the Constitutional Convention “not to strike out the word ‘male';' setting forth “that suffrage was not a natural right; that there was no reason why this privilege should be extended to women ; that no taxation without representation did not mean that every citizen should vote; that universal suffrage was a mistake; that the possession of the suffrage would take women into con- flicts for which they were wholly unfitted ; and that it would rudely disturb the strong and growing spirit of chivalry.” Another branch was formed in Brooklyn with Mrs. Lyman 766 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Abbott at its head and the Outlook at its back, edited by Rev. Lyman Abbott. A society appeared in New York at about the same time and opened headquarters at the Waldorf. There was also an “Anti” club at Utica. The Democrat and Chronicle published a long interview with Miss Anthony in regard to these “ Remonstrants," from which the following is an extract: “This opposition movement is not the work of women,” she said, “although it has that appearance. There was held in Albany yesterday afternoon a meeting at which resolutions condemning our work were adopted. Listen to the names of the women who were present. Do you see that they are all Mrs. John and Mrs. George and Mrs. William this and that? There is not a woman's first name in the whole list, and I do not see a Miss, either. This goes to show that the women are simply put forward by their husbands. “Another point: These men who are stirring up the opposition would not only deny the right of women to vote but would qualify the word 'male' as it now stands in the constitution. They say in so many words in their resolutions that the right of suffrage is already extended to too many men; and they pay a doubtful compliment to the intelligence of their mothers, wives and sisters by adding that the class of undesirable voters would be swelled by giving the ballot to women. These are men of wealth who would confine the exercise of the right of suffrage to their own class-in fact would make this govern- ment an aristocracy." These new organizations seemed to be abundantly supplied with money, but though they were able to pay for the work of circulating petitions, which with the suffrage advocates had to be a labor of love, they secured only 15,000 signatures. The petitions asking for a suffrage amendment received 332,148 individual signatures, including the 36,000 collected by the W. C. T. U. In addition to these the New York Federation of Labor sent in a memorial representing 140,000; the Labor Reform Conference, 70,000; several Trades Unions, 1,396 ; Mrs. Jane Marsh Parker, a newspaper woman of Rochester, attempted to organize a club there and secure a petition in opposition to the amendment. Her efforts evidently did not meet with marked success for, in a letter to the New York Evening Post, she says, “In offering the ‘protest' for signatures, quality rather than quantity has been considered.” That prince of edi- tors, Joseph O'Connor, at that time in charge of the Rochester Post-Express, gave the lady a delicious dressing down in an editorial beginning: “What is 'quality'?” and ending: “Probably she means no more by the offensive words 'quality' and 'quantity' than this-that she has secured to the protest only the signatures of a few representative women, no better and no worse than many of their opponents. Such an interpretation saves the statement from being insulting; but unhappily very many women in Rochester give it a different in- terpretation." THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 767 Granges, 50,000; total, 593,544. Added to these were peti- tions from a number of societies, making in round numbers to make a thorough canvass, and this was especially true of New York and Brooklyn, containing half the population of the State ; and yet there were over one-half as many signers as there were voters in the entire State. The Constitutional Convention assembled in Albany, May 8, and elected Joseph H. Choate, of New York City, presi- dent. Although only a few months previous he had expressed himself favorable to woman suffrage, all his influence in the convention was used against it. Mr. Choate, according to universal opinion, accepted this office with the expectation that it would lead to his nomination as governor of the State, and he had no intention of offending the power behind the gubernatorial chair. The amendment was doomed from the moment of his election. His first move was to appoint a com- committee of seventeen he placed twelve men, carefully selected, because they were known to be strongly opposed to woman suf- frage. He appointed as chairman a man who could be de- pended on to hesitate at no means which would secure its defeat.' In all his efforts to kill the amendment beyond hope of resurrection, Mr. Choate was actively supported by his first lieutenant, Hon. Elihu Root, also of New York City. Having ruined all the chances of the amendment, President Choate then announced that every courtesy and consideration would be extended to the ladies having it in charge. Miss Anthony was invited to address the suffrage committee May 24, and the hearing was held in the Assembly room of the Capitol. Not only the committee but most of the delegates were in their seats and a large audience was present. This was said to be one of her best efforts and she seemed to have almost the complete sympathy of her audience. She spoke 1 Mr. Choate might claim that he did not know the position of these men on this question, but it was so well understood that Miss Anthony and her associates felt all hope depart when they read the names of the committee. John Bigelow and Gideon J. Tucker had favored a woman suffrage amendment when they were members of the Constitutional Con- vention in 1867, but, being now over eighty, were not able to make an aggressive fight for it. 768 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. for three-quarters of an hour, and then urged that those opposed should state their reasons and give her an opportunity to answer them. Although there were twelve men on the com- mittee who even then intended to bring in an adverse report, and ninety-eight delegates who afterwards voted against it, not one could be persuaded to rise and present his objections. It was said by many that if the vote could have been taken at that moment, no power could have prevented a majority in favor. The women of New York City were accorded a hearing May 31, and it was on this occasion, with the petitions of the 600,- 000 stacked on a table in front of her, that Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi made that masterly speech which ranks as a classic. truly yours ла“ во река Miss Margaret Livingstone Chanler, in a beautiful address, also spoke in behalf of the “Sherry contingent.” The regular New York City League was ably represented by Lillie Devereux Blake and Harriet A. Keyser. The platform was filled with the distinguished women of the State, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Greenleaf and Dr. Jacobi occupying the central position. On June 7 a hearing was granted to the women from the senatorial districts, each presenting in a five-minute speech the claims of the thousands of petitioners from her district. Among these speakers were some of the best-known women in the State, socially and intellectually; and a number of others, of equal standing, who never had taken part in public work and who now left their homes only to plead for the power which would enable women better to conserve the interests of home.' The State president, Mrs. Greenleaf, presided over all of these hearings, her commanding presence, great dignity and fine mental power giving especial prestige to these bodies of women, who in character and intellect could not be sur- passed. The final hearing of those in favor of the amend- 1 The addresses made on this occasion were issued in pamphlet form and presented to the suffrage association by Messrs. Lauterbach and Towns, of the committee. THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 769 ment was held June 28, when U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey, who had come by urgent invitation, made a most con- vincing speech, describing the practical workings of woman suffrage in Wyoming and urging the men of New York to en- 2 cause has become the cause och slates and nahms, jour Baust vice fomu a tene for the granuratuus to come. И этом чии, Grephoru. Surey franchise the women of the State. He was followed by Mrs. Mary T. Burt, representing the W. C. T. U., and by Mary Seymour Howell. One hearing was given to the “Remonstrants,” or “Antis,” as the press had dubbed them. Because of their extreme mod- esty, and for other more obvious reasons, they did not make their own appeals but were represented by the male of their species. Their petition was presented by Elihu Root. Hon. Francis M. Scott, whose wife was one of the leading “Antis” in New York, made the principal address. He described pa- thetically the timid and shrinking class of women for whom he pleaded, insisted that the legislature never had refused women anything they asked, declared the suffrage advocates represented only an "insignificant minority," and closed with the eloquent peroration: “I vote, not because I am intelligent, not because I am moral, but solely and simply because I am a man.” Rev. Clarence A. Walworth, Hon. Matthew Hale and J. Newton Fiero were the other speakers. The first individual 1 Although their petitions contained 600,000 names and those of the "Antis” 15,000. ANT.-49 770 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. did not believe in universal manhood suffrage and could not favor anything which would double the vote. Mr. Hale de- voted most of his argument to the so-called “bad women,” declaring there were over 100,000 of them in the State who would sell their votes as they did their bodies—enough to over- come the votes of the virtuous women. Mr. Fiero said woman was unfitted for the ballot because she was influenced by pity, passion and prejudice rather than by judgment. A letter was read from Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, objecting to the amendment because the majority of women do not care to vote. These insults to their sex seemed very acceptable to the fash- ionably dressed “Antis” who occupied the front rows of seats. How far their influence affected the adverse vote of the con- vention it is of course impossible to determine. While the liquor dealers were sending to wavering members their kegs of beer and jugs of whiskey, the “Antis” supplemented their ef- forts with champagne suppers, flowers, music and low-necked dresses. And the suffrage advocates hoped to offset these po- litical methods by trudging through mud and snow with their petitions and using their scanty funds to send out literature ! A mistaken policy, perhaps, but the only one possible to the class of women who are asking for enfranchisement. The committee, as had been foreordained, brought in an adverse report. The evenings of August 8, 9, 14 and 15, were devoted to a discussion of this report. The Assembly chamber was crowded at each session. The women had known for weeks that they were defeated but had not abated their efforts in the slightest degree. Their work was now finished and they assembled in large numbers to hear the final debate. The amendment had, from first to last, an able and earnest champion in Edward Lauterbach, of New York, who opened the discussion in a speech of an hour and a quarter, said to have been the ablest made in the convention. Nineteen members spoke in favor and fourteen in opposition. The debate through- out was serious and respectful and as dignified as was possible with the frivolous objections made by the opponents. The delegates showed an evident appreciation of the importance of THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 771 the question at issue, which was about to be sacrificed as usual to political exigency. The opponents were led by Elihu Root, of New York, who begged pathetically that "we be not robbed of the women of our homes;” and declared that “he would hesitate to put in- to the hands of women the right to defend his wife and the women he loved and respected." William P. Goodelle, of Syracuse, chairman of the committee, closed the discussion with a long speech in which he asserted that “the question was not whether large numbers of male and female citizens asked for woman suffrage, or protested against it, or are taxed or not, but was it for the benefit of the State ?” This being the case, why did Mr. Goodelle not favor its being submitted to the voters of the State in order that they might decide ? It required an hour and a half to take the vote, as most of the members found it necessary to explain why they voted as they did. While it was being taken President Choate left his chair and talked earnestly with many of the delegates—prob- ably about the weather-stopping occasionally to receive the approving smiles of the “Antis.” When his name was called for the last vote he recorded himself against the amendment, and the great battle was over!! In favor of submission 58, op- posed 98. No question before the convention had attracted so much at- tention throughout the State. The New York Recorder led the newspapers which championed the submission of the amendment, and Harper's Weekly and the Evening Post were days when they were under the editorial management of George William Curtis and William Cullen Bryant. The day after the vote was taken the suffrage committee closed its Albany head- quarters in the Capitol and the ladies returned to their homes. Mrs. Choate was one of the women who signed the first call for the suffrage advocates to meet at Sherry's; just as, in 1867, Mrs. Greeley canvassed her whole county to secure sig- natures to the woman's petition. Horace Greeley, as chairman of the suffrage committee of that Constitutional Convention, threw the whole weight of his influence against the amendment, lest it might hurt the Republican party; just as Mr. Choate did in this one, lest it might hurt the party and himself. Significant answers to the threadbare assertion that the husband represents the wife! 772 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. They had raised $10,000 and expended it in the most econom- ical manner; they had given a year of the hardest and most conscientious work; and they did not regret a dollar of the money or a day of the time. In her president's report Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf said : These days will never be forgotten by the trio of the State committee who daily met to work and plan-to make the campaign “bricks” without finan- cial “straw." No one with a heart will recall the pecuniary distress of last winter without a shudder, and to those who had, what was in their estima- tion, a cause at stake precious as life itself, the outlook was often well nigh disheartening... Could the full history of the past winter's work be given, the doubts expressed of woman's desire for the ballot would be set at rest forever. No more pathetic stories are told of the struggle for liberty in the days of the Revolution than could be told of the women of New York in this campaign. . . In closing, we come to the name of one who, we all know, is the inspired leader of women up the heights of honor, purity and self-devotion-Susan B. Anthony. To her marvellous energy and resolution we owe both the con- ception and the success of this wonderful campaign. In her seventy-fifth year she started out as one of the principal speakers to be heard in the sixty counties of the State; never once did she fail to keep an appointment, never once did she cry a halt. ... This noble woman, leaving a home of which she is as fond as any woman can be, travelled night or day, as the case re- quired, not only speaking, but plying her busy pen-and all for what? Not for money, for she has stoutly refused to receive one penny of a salary, which, had it been paid, would have exceeded the sum of $3,000. She gave her sery- ices for love of liberty and justice, with the hope that New York would prove to be in truth the Empire State of the Union. From the hour when she learned that a Constitutional Con- vention would be held, up to the opening of this convention, Miss Anthony had believed that it would incorporate a suffrage amendment which, in all probability, would be allowed by the voters to pass with the rest of the constitution. She found herself outwitted by the politicians, as she had been so many times before, but while this defeat was the bitterest disappoint- From official report: Emily Howland generously contributed $1,200. That staunch friend, Sarah L. Willis, of Rochester, gave $720. Abby L. Pettengill, of Chautauqua county, gave $220. General Christiansen, of Brooklyn, began the contributions of $100, of which there were, if I mistake not, seven others from our own State-Semantha V. Lapham, Ebenezer Butterick, of New York, Mrs. H. S. Holden, of Syracuse, Marian Skidmore, of Chautauqua county, Hannah L. Howland, of Sherwood, Mr. and Mrs. James Sargent and Colonel H. S. Greenleaf, of Rochester, completing the number. THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 773 ment of her life, it did not crush her dauntless spirit. It is related of her that as she came down the steps of the Capitol with the other ladies at midnight, after the vote had been taken, she began planning another campaign. Among the many appreciative and sympathetic letters she received at this time was one from Isabella Charles Davis, sec- retary International King's Daughters, saying for herself and Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson: “I do not believe you know how tenderly we love you and in what high respect and honor we hold you. Mrs. Dickinson was present at one of those meetings at Sherry's, and she said the only thing lacking to make the occasion perfect was dear Miss Anthony's strong, brave face looking down upon the great multitude.” Henry B. Blackwell wrote: “You are to be congratulated on hav- ing made a splendid fight in New York. To have secured 600,000 petitions is itself a victory.” In answer to a letter from Isabel Howland, the efficient State recording secretary, she expressed the welcome recogni- tion which she always extended to young workers: “Well, I am truly glad for the discovery of our twin New York girls, Harriet May Mills and Isabel Howland, who promise to take up the laboring oar and pull us to the promised land. Give my warmest regards to your precious mother and aunt Emily; how I have learned to know and love the two !” She went as a guest of the Howlands for a few brief days in the Catskills, and they drove over to Eagle's Nest, in Twilight Park, where Miss Willard and Lady Henry Somerset were spending the summer. Miss Anthony lectured at Keuka College, August 7, and on the 22d, gave the annual address on suffrage, at Cassadaga lake. The next day she found herself thus reported in the Buffalo Express : If, instead of Spiritualists, this great body of people had been Baptists, Presbyterians, Methodists or Catholics, their praises for the firm stand they have taken for the enfranchisement of half the people of this country, would have been everywhere sung in song and told in story. But the suffrage women of America always have been afraid to give voice to the "thank you” 774 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in their hearts, for Spiritualism has been fully as unpopular as woman suf- frage; and they feared if they displayed too much gratitude for this endorse- ment the public would at once pronounce them Spiritualists and they would thus be doubly damned. But there are a few of our members who are brave enough to rejoice in the damnation of orthodox religions and orthodox poli- tics! Her consternation at these closing words was intensified by the letters which began coming in upon her before forty-eight hours. She wrote at once to the paper: “This is all right until you come to the last sentence. I had illustrated also the danger of expressing kind words to unpopular political par- ties, and then I concluded—not as printed—but with : There are still a few of us brave enough to rejoice in every good word and work said and done for woman, and to publicly express our thanks therefor, notwithstanding the “denunciation” (not damnation) of orthodox religionists and orthodox politicians.'” The Express published her correction, but it is doubtful if it ever was able to overtake the original statement. Miss Anthony was very anxious to influence the next legis- lature, through the public sentiment which had been created, to submit a suffrage amendment. For this purpose she laid out a plan of work to continue the organization and petitions, and herself held meetings in a number of counties. It was decided by the committee to go before the Republican and Democratic State Conventions, which were to be held at Sara- toga. An address was prepared and a resolution asking for an endorsement of a woman suffrage amendment. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Greenleaf and Mr. Lauterbach went before the resolution committee, September 18, which allowed five minutes for the three to present their case, and never gave it one minute's attention afterwards. Frances Willard and Lady Somerset came down from their mountain retreat to attend this convention, and after their return Miss Willard wrote: “... As for you, our leader of leaders, I wish I could transfer to your brain all the loving thoughts and words of our trio toward you. As you stood before that roomful of people, so straight and tall and masterful, with that fine sena- THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. 775 torial head and face, on which the strength and heroism of your character are so plainly marked, I thought, . There is one of the century's foremost figures ; there is the woman who has been faithful among the faithless and true among the false !"" I am witte sisterty regard Inances reveland Five minutes allowed such women! Had they represented an enfranchised class, the whole committee would have been at their feet. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Blake and Mrs. Greenleaf went to the Democratic convention and met with about the same experi- ence. They were permitted to address the resolution commit- tee and bowed out as quickly as possible. There was no especial rudeness or discourtesy, but they had no constituency behind them, no political power, and in the hurry and worry of a State convention the men did not care to waste time with them, even had they been the most eminent women on the face of the earth. Miss Anthony had a number of urgent invitations to spend the hot months of July, August and September at various charming summer homes in the mountains and at the seaside, but she declined all and resolutely continued at work. The hardest for her to resist had been a triumphant call from the women of Colorado to come and help them celebrate the Fourth of July. It was to be the jubilee of their political emancipa- tion, the first since their enfranchisement. The State presi- dent, Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, wrote: "The women of Colorado feel that their precious holiday will be less precious if the beloved suffrage leader and the suffrage flag are not present." At first she sent an acceptance, but later, affairs in 776 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. New York became so pressing that she was obliged, most reluctantly, to recall it. After filling an engagement to lecture before the alumnæ of the Girls' Normal School in Philadelphia, October 13, she started on the 16th for the final struggle in Kansas. CHAPTER XLIII. THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 1894. HE Kansas legislature of 1893 had submitted an amendment conferring full suffrage on women, to be voted on in November, 1894. Mrs. Laura M. Johns, president of the State Suffrage Associa- tion, had written Miss Anthony in April, 1893: “Republicans and Populists are pledged to the support of the amendment. I consider both parties equally committed by their platforms this year, and by their votes in the legislature. We ought to have somebody present in each county convention of both, next year, to secure a suffrage resolution which would insure such a plank in each State platform. You see if one party leaves it out the other will take it up and use it against the first." During all the voluminous correspondence of 1893, in which Mrs. Johns assured Miss Anthony again and again that her assistance in the campaign was absolutely necessary to success, the latter did not once fail to impress upon her that the en- dorsement of the political parties was the one essential without which they could hope for nothing. She mapped out and sent to Mrs. Johns a complete plan of work, covering many pages of foolscap, arranging for a thorough organization of every precinct in the State, for the specific purpose of bringing to bear a pressure upon the political conventions the next sum- mer which would compel them to put a plank in their plat- forms endorsing the amendment. She made it perfectly clear that, if the conventions did not do this, she would not go into the State. (777) 778 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. When the Kansas women came to the Washington conven- tion in February, 1894, Miss Anthony for the first time had her suspicions aroused that the politicians of that State were getting in some shrewd work to prevent them from pressing the question of planks in the platforms. Mrs. Johns had made the serious mistake of accepting also the presidency of the State Republican Woman's Association, and had been actively organizing clubs and conferring with Republican leaders. She insisted that she was making woman suffrage the primary feature of her work, but Miss Anthony held that her strong Republican affiliations could not avoid weakening her influence with the Populists. She did, it is true, send out circulars urging the local organizations to work for planks in both State conventions; and she did advise the women to keep clear of partisan action, but this advice could hardly be effective coming from the State president of the Republican Woman's Association. Miss Anthony wrote her: “My dear Laura, you must choose whom you will serve—the Republican party or the cause of woman's enfranchisement;” and she replied: "Please don't insult my loyalty with any such suggestion as this; I have never served anything but the suffrage cause since I began the suffrage work;” and continued to look after the welfare of her Republican clubs and arrange Republican meetings. There is no question that a tremendous pressure was brought to bear upon the suffrage leaders by the Republican politicians. If space would permit the publication of their many letters now on file they would make interesting reading. That of Charles F. Scott, of the Iola Register, urging Mrs. Johns to call off her women and telling her the exact language in which to do it, is a masterpiece of political shrewdness. It concludes : “ Try to get E. W. Hoch nominated for governor and we won't need any platform." As a specimen of pure humor might be quoted one from Case Broderick, M. C., in which he says: I have thought a good deal about this question and have concluded we can recognize the movement by a resolution similar to this: "While the ques- tion of the amendment of the constitution, now pending, granting the right of suffrage to women, is wholly non-partisn and should not be made a test of THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 779 Republicanism, yet we can not view with apprehension the effort to fully con- fer upon the women of Kansas the elective franchise.'' He then closes: “Some will contend that we ought to say one thing or the other ... but such a resolution as this would not drive any from our party.” One must admit that it would not scare them to death. Mr. Broderick, however, was an honest believer in woman suffrage and later did attempt to secure some recognition for it in the platform. The Republi- cans sent an agent of adroit address among the suffrage clubs to explain to them how "an endorsement by the political par- ties would be really a hindrance to their success,'' and it was charged that this was done with the consent of some of the leading women. Miss Anthony wrote to Mrs. Johns at this time: "You know as well as I do that not one of those Republicans thinks party endorsement will damage the suffrage amendment, as they are trying to make the women believe, but every one of them does fear that it will hurt his chances for some position and lose the party the votes of the Germans and the whiskey dealers. The shame for them now is vastly greater than it was twenty-seven years ago, for then they feared to lose the enfranchisement of the negro. Their proposal to leave out the plank now, after they have carried the question thus far, is too wicked to be tolerated by any sane woman!! I marvel that you do not see and feel the insult and humiliation.” On March 6, 1894, Mrs. Johns wrote: “I find a stampede here on the plank question. Women of both parties are going against it. Judge Johnston of the supreme bench is opposed to it; so is Judge Horton. Do write them for their views; you know they are good friends of ours. I am worried. The Republicans will hold the first convention, and the general talk of candidates, managers and leaders is against a plank. I was yesterday about to go into print in regard to it, but am 1 It was the Republicans who framed the original constitution of the State so as to give women liberal property rights, equal guardianship of their children, and school suffrage. In 1867 they gave to women an equal voice on the question of local option. In 1887 they granted to them municipal suffrage. In various State conventions they adopted an une- quivocal endorsement of full suffrage for women. 780 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. afraid if I make strenuous efforts and am beaten that it will hurt us more than if I keep quiet. Prominent men are writ- ing and besieging me to relieve the party of the embarrassment of this demand. I am not clear in my own mind what to do.” As the weeks went on it became more and more apparent that the women were yielding to the pressure. The officers of the National-American Association, which had pledged nearly $2,300 to help Kansas, insisted that the women should con- tinue to demand the endorsement of the political parties and let the onus of failure rest upon the men and not upon them- selves. It might not be worth while to quote from the official letters sent, the campaign having passed into history, but for the fact that they may serve as a guide to other States in the future. Carrie Chapman Catt, the national organizer, wrote: "It is very plain that the chief fight is now. We must compel en- dorsement, and I believe we can do it. How any man in his sane senses could think non-endorsement would give votes and sympathy, I can not conceive; or how the women can have a hope of winning without it, after all the experience of our campaigns." Henry B. Blackwell, editor of the Woman's Journal and an experienced politician, wrote Miss Anthony: At the request of Mrs. Johns I enclose a letter from Mr. Wagener, of Topeka. He gives the worst possible advice, and Mrs. Johns' letter seems to show that she is surrounded by bad advisers and in doubt as to her course. If there is anything which twenty-seven years' work has taught us, it is that a woman suffrage amendment can not be carried without at least one political party squarely behind it. In Colorado, for the first time, we have had a majority; and Mrs. Catt, and Mrs. Reynolds and Mrs. Stansbury of Denver, all say that the amendment could not have been carried if the Republican, Populist and many of the Democratic district conventions had not first endorsed it in their platforms. It thus became a live issue and the masses of voters became interested and enlightened. On the other hand, our South Dakota experience is conclusive.... All three parties ignored it, and the press of the State joined in a conspiracy of silence. The campaign speakers were instructed not to name it. We had to rely for the discussions upon the efforts of suffragists as outsiders. Conse- quently ... we were beaten two to one. The same will surely be true in Kansas in 1894. ... If we do not capture the Republican and Popu- list State conventions we shall be beaten in advance. All hinges on that! Toyun tautifully en Carru ldhappran baik THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 781 I have just talked with Mrs. Lease, who fully agrees with me. The Republi- can convention will be the first to meet. If Mrs. Johns will go before the resolution committee and urge her plank, securing at least its presentation as a minority report offered in open session, it will stampede the convention and be carried. Then the Populists will put one in so as not to be behind the Republicans, and then we shall probably win. Do write Mrs. Johns to stand by her guns. No one but her can do this work, because she is personally dear to the Republicans. The fate of the amendment will be then and there decided. Rev. Anna Shaw, vice-president-at-large, wrote Mrs. Johns in this vigorous language : I must confess that while I can readily understand the abject cowardice and selfishness which prompt men and political tricksters to urge the abandonment of the plank, I can not understand how you or any other woman with a grain of sense can listen to such proposals for a moment. That endorsement is our only hope. If that fail us, our cause is lost in advance; for it will show the body of the party what the leaders think and feel on the subject, and be a tacit command to kill it. The hypocrisy of the whole business should not receive from women even a show of belief. What wonder men despise us as a shallow lot of simpletons, if we are deceived by so thin a pretense as this? I for one protest against it so strongly that if your committee agree to it and do not push party endorsement, I must decline to fool away my time in Kan- sas. If you give up that point I must refuse to go a single step or raise a dollar. I am sick of the weakness of women, forever dictated to by men. Experience has taught us what a campaign unendorsed means. Think of submitting our measure to the advice of politicians! I would as soon submit the subject of the equality of a goose to a fox. No; we must have party en- dorsement or we are dead. If I am not to go to Kansas, I want to know it immediately. It is too late even now, for I refused twenty consecutive engagements for May in one State, thinking it was all given up to Kansas. The man or woman who urges surrender now is more a political partisan than a lover of freedom. I care nothing for all the political parties in the world except as they stand for justice. I can not tell you how even the suggestion of this surrender affects me. For the love of woman, do not be fooled by those men any longer. Finally, as the case grew more hopeless, Miss Anthony, as president of the National-American Association, on March 11, sent the following: To the Kansas Woman Suffrage Amendment Campaign Committee-Laura M. Johns, Bina M. Otis, Sarah A. Thurston, Annie L. Diggs and Others: MY DEAR FRIENDS: I have the letter of your chairman, Mrs. Johns, to- gether with one she forwards from a lawyer of Topeka, with the added 782 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. assertion that Judges Horton, Johnston et al., and leading editors and poli- ticians, are begging your committee to cease to demand of the two great political parties, the Republican and People's, that they put a suffrage plank in their platforms; but instead, simply allow the amendment to go before the electors on its merits -- that is to say, repeat the experiment as it has been made and has failed eight times over. . The one and only sure hope of carrying the amendment in Kansas, is to have on its side all the aid of the political machinery of its two great parties. My one object in consenting to go into your campaign for May and June, was to create so strong a public demand as to make sure that every delegate elected to the State nominating conventions of the Republican and People's parties shall be instructed by his constituents, in county convention assem- bled, to vote for a woman suffrage plank in the platform. The moment your committee abandons this aim, I shall lose all interest in your work. You say: “Prominent Republicans are besieging us to relieve their party of the embarrassment of this demand.” So did they besiege us twenty-seven years ago. No; not for a moment should you think of relieving the politi- cians from the duty of declaring for this amendment. If you do, you are unworthy the trust reposed in you. I surely never would have promised to go into your campaign, or begged the friends to contribute, had I dreamed of the possibility of your surrendering to the cowardice of political trim- mers. If the convention which meets first do not endorse the amendment, then the other will not; in which event, its discussion will not be germane in either party's fall campaign. On the other hand, if the first put a plank in its platform, the other will be sure to do so; and then the question will be a legitimate one to be advocated in the meetings of both parties and this will ensure the presentation of our cause to all the voters of the State. By this means the two parties will run your amendment campaign, and you will not be compelled to make a separate suffrage campaign. That you can not do in any event, because (1st) you can not get either the speakers or the money necessary; and (2d) if you could get both, you would have only women in your meetings, and defeat would be just as certain as in the eight States which have had such separate woman's campaigns. Therefore, if you decide to abandon the demand for political endorsement and active help, as the first and chief object of this spring's work, you may count me out of it; for I will not be a party, even though a protesting one, to such a surrender of our only hope of success. I came home for a rest over Sunday, after speaking five successive nights in five different counties, in our New York campaign, and these letters with the weak—the wicked—thought of not demanding of the political leaders to make their parties help carry the amendment, raged through my brain all night long. How to put the shame of surrender strongly enough was my constant study, sleeping and waking alike. No, a thousand times no, I say; and if you do yield to this demand at the behest of men claiming to be your friends, you make yourselves a party with those men to ensure your defeat. The speakers will advocate no measure, and the vast majority of men will vote for none, which is not approvingly mentioned in the platform. If you give THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 783 up trying for political endorsement, or fail after trying, all hope of carrying the amendment will be gone. So, over and over I say, demand party help! Lovingly but protestingly, SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Mrs. Johns, of course, indignantly rejected the imputation that she was not working night and day to secure a plank from the Republican convention. She was a most efficient manager, but the cause of her weakness and that of the other women, was that they were trying to serve two masters. The very fact that the Republican men were begging them not to ask for a plank, shows the power which the women already possessed in their municipal suffrage, and they should have had the courage to stand firm in their demands for recognition in the platform, for the dignity of their cause and their woman- hood, whether there were hope of getting it or not. There is no doubt that Mrs. Johns did make an earnest effort to this end, but there is also no doubt that every Republican leader understood that even if the party did not endorse the suffrage amendment, she and her associates still would be no less Repub- licans and would work no less vigorously for the party's success. Miss Anthony's Kansas correspondence during 1894 comprises 300 letters and all confirm the statements thus briefly outlined. The Republican politicians made the women believe if they would not insist on the party's placing itself on record and thus losing the support of the elements opposed to woman suf- frage, all of them would vote for the amendment. Should the women of Kansas ever become politically free, the publication of these letters would be fatal to some aspiring male candidates, but so long as the men still have it in their power to grant to women or to withhold the full franchise, it is the part of wis- dom to leave them on their files. There were many Kansas women, however, who refused to be deceived and sustained Miss Anthony's position. In April she wrote to one of the Republican leaders : If the Republicans had two grains of political sense, they would see that for them to espouse the amendment and gain the glory, as they surely would, of lifting the women of the State into full suffrage, would give them new life, prestige and power greater and grander than they ever possessed; and they 784 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. would not be halting and belittling themselves with such idiotic stuff and non- sense as their advice to let the amendment go to the electors of the State w on its own merits.” But however politicians may waver, our suffrage women must not have a doubt, but must persist in the demand for full recog- nition in both platforms. We must exact justice and if they do not give it, the curse be on their heads, not ours. The same month she wrote Mrs. Johns : I can not tell you how more and more it is borne in upon me that our ond chance lies in securing the Republican pledge to carry us to victory, for that will mean a Populist pledge, and both planks will mean a clean-cut battle be- tween the different elements of the grand old party combined as one on this question and the Democracy of the State. Even with so solid an alliance of the two branches, we shall have a hard enough fight of it. Every woman who listens to the siren tongues of political wire-pullers and office-seekers not to demand a plank, will thereby help to sell Kansas back into the hands of the whiskey power. Behind every anti-plank man's word, written or spoken, is his willingness to let Kansas return to saloon rule. Sugar coat it as they may, that is the unsavory pill in the motive of every one of them. Sincerely and hopefully yours, trusting in good and keeping our powder dry. Enough has been quoted to show the situation. Miss An- thony, Mrs. Catt and Miss Shaw went to Kansas to open the spring canvass, May 4, to influence the State conventions. Miss Anthony had been advertised for forty-three speeches. The women of New York, where a great campaign was in prog- ress, were highly indignant that she should leave her own State, but she had put her heart into this Kansas campaign as never into any other, and she fully believed that, if properly managed, the result could not fail to be victory for the amend- ment. The three ladies held the first meeting in Kansas City, May 4. Miss Anthony made a speech which fairly raised the hair of her audience, demanding in unqualified terms the endorsement of the amendment by the Republican and People's parties. She closed by offering the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted : WHEREAS, From the standpoint of justice, political expediency and grateful appreciation of their wise and practical use of school suffrage from the organ- ization of the State, and of municipal suffrage for the past eight years, we, of the Republican and People's parties, descendants of that grand old party of THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 785 splendid majorities which extended these rights to the women of Kansas, in mass meeting assembled do hereby Resolve, That we urgently request our delegates in their approaching State conventions to endorse the woman suffrage amendment in their respective platforms. That night she wrote in her journal: “Never did I speak under such a fearful pressure of opposition. Mrs. Johns, presiding, never smiled, and other women on the platform whispered angrily and said audibly, She is losing us thou- sands of votes by this speech.'” Miss Anthony repeated it in the county mass conventions at Leavenworth and Topeka, to the dismay of the Republican women and the wrath of the men.' While at the latter place she received an urgent sum- mons to return immediately to New York, as fresh dangers threatened ; and so she hastened eastward, leaving the others to fill her engagements. On her way, she stopped by invita- tion at Kansas City, Mo., and with Miss Shaw held a Sunday afternoon meeting at which $133 were raised for the Kansas campaign. In three weeks Miss Anthony returned to Kansas, arriving June 5. She found the Republican Woman's State Convention in session, Mrs. Johns presiding. The committee reported a weak resolution declaring that they would not make the adoption of a suffrage plank by the Republican State Convention "a test of party fealty,” etc. Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw condemned this in the strongest English they could command. Mrs. Johns also severely criticised the committee, but Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, who had come for both conventions, said: “I care more for the dominant principles of the Republican party than I do for woman suffrage.” The committee finally were compelled to report a stronger resolution asking for recogni- tion. The Republican convention met June 6. C. V. Eskridge, of Emporia, the oldest and bitterest opponent of woman suffrage in the State of Kansas, was made chairman of the committee See Appendix for full speech. ANT.—50 786 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. on resolutions. The proposal to hear the women speak, during an interim in the proceedings, was met by a storm of noes. Finally Mrs. Foster and Mrs. Johns were permitted to present the claims of women, but neither Miss Anthony nor Miss Shaw was given an opportunity to address the convention. They did, however, plead the women's cause most eloquently before the resolution committee of thirty-five members, but the plat- form was entirely silent on the subject, not even containing the usual complimentary allusions, recognition of their services, etc. Not the slightest attempt was made to deny the fact that agents of the party had been at work for weeks among the various county conventions to see that delegates were appointed who were opposed to a suffrage plank, and that the resolution committee had been carefully “packed ”to prevent any dan- ger of one. In conversations which Miss Anthony held with several of the leading candidates who in times past had advo- cated woman suffrage, they did not hesitate to admit that the party had formed an alliance with the whiskey ring to defeat the Populists. “We must redeem the State,” was their only cry. “Redeem it from what ?" she asked. “From financial here- sies,” was the answer. “Yes,” she retorted, “even if you sink it to the depths of hell on moral issues.” It is not probable that any earthly power could have secured Republican endorsement at this time, although here- tofore the party always had posed as the champion of this cause. There never was a more pitiable exhibition of abject subserviency to party domination. Men who had stood boldly for woman suffrage in the legislature, men who had spoken for it on the platform in every county in the State, sat dumb as slaves in this convention, sacrificing without scruple a life- long principle for the sake of Sou Brother a paltry po- / litical reward. While many of the papers had spoken earnestly in favor of se authony 1 The women of the Topeka Equal Suffrage Club, at their next meeting, adopted a resolution thanking the Republican convention for not declaring against the amendment! THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 787 the amendment, the Leavenworth Times, owned and edited by D. R. Anthony, was the only one of size and influence which demanded party endorsement. The Republican mana- gers had but one idea—to overthrow Populist rule and get back the reins of government—and they were ready to take on or pitch overboard whatever would contribute to this end. A suffrage mass meeting was held in Topeka the Saturday following the convention and, in spite of a heavy thunder- storm, there was an audience of over one thousand. Annie L. Diggs presided and Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw spoke, the former on “ Reasons why the dominant parties do not put a plank in their platforms ;' the latter on, “Woman first, Republican or Populist afterwards." The great question now was whether it were wise to ask for a suffrage plank in the Populist platform, and here again was great diversity of opinion. Some thought that endorsement by this party would make it appear like a Populist measure, and the Republicans would vote against it rather than allow them to have the credit of carrying it. Others held that the Populists carried the State at the last election and were likely to do so again, and with their party vote, the Prohibition and such Republican votes as certainly could be counted on, the amendment would go through without fail. Miss Anthony belonged to the latter class and directed every energy towards securing an endorsement in their State convention, June 12. Although woman suffrage had been one of the tenets of this party from its beginning, there was by no means a unanimous sentiment in favor of a plank of endorsement. This was especially true in regard to the leaders. Governor Lewelling, who was a candidate for re-election, was openly opposed, and 1 It will be cowardice for the Republicans to fail to endorse woman suffrage in their State platform. In past years, when no amendment was pending, the Republican party of Kan- sas has encouraged the presentation of such an amendment. Will it now attempt to sneak out of the responsibility and go back on its past record? The women of our State have shown themselves intelligent voters, in every way worthy of being entrusted with full suf- frage. None of the evils have come upon us which were predicted by the opponents of the reform, and they never will come. To place a plank in the platform will save many votes to the party. It is the right, the brave thing to do. What is brave and right has, in the past, been the thing that the Republican party has done. Let it not now begin to do the cowardly thing.-Leavenworth Times, May 17, 1894. 788 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. P. P. Elder, chairman of the resolution committee, made a determined fight against it. While the resolution committee was out Miss Anthony ad- dressed the convention, saying in the course of her remarks : “I belong to but one party under the shadow of the flag, and that is the party of idiots and criminals. I don't like my company. Are you going to leave your mothers, wives and sisters in that category? I ask you to say that every woman by your side shall have the same rights as you have.” When she concluded one of the delegates said: "Miss Anthony, with all due respect, I wish to ask, in the event of the Populists putting a woman suffrage plank in their plat- form, will you work for the success of this party?” The newspapers thus report her reply and what followed : “For forty years I have labored for woman's enfranchisement, and I have always said that for the party which endorsed it, whether Republican, Democratic or Populist, I would wave my handkerchief. I will go before the people at your meetings, and though I know very little about the other principles of your party and never discuss finance and tariff, I will try to persuade every man in those meetings to vote for woman suffrage.” 5 Miss Anthony,” said Mr. Carpenter,“ we want more than the waying of your handkerchief, and if the People's party put a woman suffrage plank in its platform, will you go before the voters of this State and tell them that because the People's party has espoused the cause of woman suffrage it deserves the vote of every one who is a supporter of that cause ?” Miss Anthony answered: “I most certainly will!” Immediately upon hearing this, the convention went wild-yelled and cheered and applauded to its very utmost-hundreds rose to their feet-the cheering lasted five minutes without intermission. In the confusion Miss Anthony thus finished her interrupted sentence: “For I would surely choose to ask votes for the party which stood for the principle of justice to women, though wrong on financial theories, rather than for the party which was sound on the questions of money and tariff, and silent on the pending amendment to secure political equality to half the peo- ple." None of the reporters caught this and, as a result, the sim- ple statement, “I certainly will," appeared in all the Kansas papers and went the rounds of the press of the entire country. THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 789 The suffrage question had its opponents and advocates among leaders and delegates. It occupied the resolution com- mittee until late at night, and finally went down to defeat, 8 to 13. When the resolutions were reported they considered finance, labor, taxes, banks, bonds, arbitration, pensions, irri- gation, freight rates, transportation, initiative and referendum -everything under the sun but the suffrage amendment. In regard to that much agitated point they were painfully silent. On this committee was one woman delegate, Mrs. Eliza Hud- son, who could not be coaxed or bullied. She gave notice at once that she would make a minority report and carry it to the floor of the convention. The following was signed by her- self and seven other members of the committee: "Whereas, The People's party came into existence and won its glorious victories on the fundamental principles of equal rights to all and special privileges to none; therefore be it resolved that we favor the pending constitutional amendment.” Meanwhile Miss Anthony, Mrs. Catt and Miss Shaw addressed the convention and were enthusiastically received. When the minority report was presented and every possible parliamentary tactic had failed to prevent its consideration, it was vehemently discussed for four hours, in five-minute speeches, Judge Frank Doster leading the affirmative. The adopted, ayes 337, noes 269 ; carried by 68 majority in a dele- gate body of 606. During the fray a tail in some way tacked itself on to the resolution, which said, “but we do not regard this as a test of party fealty.” So the party adopted a plank declaring that it did not regard a belief in one of its own fundamental principles as a test of fealty ; but in the wild ex- citement which ensued, a little thing like this was not noticed. The State Journal thus describes the scene : When it became evident the resolution had carried, and before the vote could be announced, the convention jumped up and yelled. Canes were waved, hats thrown high in the air, men stood on chairs and shouted frantic- 790 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. How they howled and stamped, as though every one loved suffrage and suf- fragists with all their hearts ! "I want Miss Shaw to come forward and give that Populist whoop that she promised she would last night,” said a delegate. Miss Shaw came to the front of the platform and said: “I do not know any better whoop than that good old tune, 'Praise God From Whom All Blessings Flow.'” “Sing," said Chairman Dunsmore. The vast audience shook every particle of air in the big hall with the full round notes of the long meter doxology. “Let all the people cry amen,” said Alonzo Wardall, who was on the platform. Hundreds of voices which had not pronounced the word for years joined in the great, resounding, unanimous “ amen” that filled the hall. Susan B. Anthony, Annie L. Diggs and Anna Shaw leaned over the front of the stage and shook every man's hand as he passed along, and hundreds of brown, calloused hands were thrust up to give a grasp of congratulation. Miss Anthony warmed to her work and had to push up her sleeves, but she didn't mind that for suffrage, for which she had just won a glorious victory. Many said, as they grasped her hand: “You're going to be a Populist now, ain't you?” During the confusion an old soldier came up and pinned a Populist badge on her dress, and this was magnified by the newspapers into the thrilling description : “Miss Anthony seized a Populist badge and, pinning it on her breast, declared: Henceforth and forever I belong to the People's party !"" The State Prohibition convention was in progress at Em- poria at the same time, and the women had been notified that a suffrage plank would be adopted without any effort on their part. On June 13 the following telegram was sent by the sec- retary of the convention to Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw : “Recognizing the right of suffrage as inherent in citizenship, the Prohibition party stands unequivocally pledged to use its utmost efforts to secure the adoption of the pending constitu- tional amendment for the enfranchisement of women.” This was their response from the Populist convention hall: "The National-American Woman Suffrage Association sends greet- ing, and is gratified that there is one political party which does not need to be urged to declare for justice to women." The Capitol said: "There was a wild demonstration as their names were read.” It is hardly possible to give an adequate idea of the storm which followed the announcement of Miss Anthony's declara- THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 791 tion in regard to the People's party. There was scarcely a newspaper in the country which did not have its fling. Kate Field's Washington led off with a full first page entitled, “ The Unholy Alliance." Editors opposed to woman suffrage made it a text for double leaders. Republican papers berated her without mercy. Letters poured in upon her from personal friends, judges, mayors, ministers, members of Congress, ac- cepting the published reports and condemning her in unmeas- ured terms. Others wrote begging her to set herself right in the eyes of the public, as they knew she had been misrepre- sented. It seemed impossible, however, for her to make her- self clearly understood. She writes in her journal: “One would think I had committed the unpardonable sin against the Holy Ghost in thanking the Populists for their good promise and saying I preferred them with justice to women, no matter what their financial folly, to the Republicans without justice to women, no matter what their financial wisdom.” She returned home June 20 and all the Rochester reporters were on hand for an interview. The following from the Dem- ocrat and Chronicle is practically what appeared in all : Miss Anthony was perfectly willing to talk, and this is a resume of what the reporter learned: 1. Miss Anthony is not a Populist. 2. Miss Anthony is not a Democrat. 3. Miss Anthony is not a Republican. 4. Miss Anthony can not say what party she will join when the right to vote is given her. “I didn't go over to the Populists by doing what I did in Kansas," she said. “I have been like a drowning man for a long time, waiting for some one to throw a plank to me. The Republicans refused, but the Populists threw an excellent plank in my direction. I didn't step on the whole platform, but just on the woman suffrage plank. I went forward at the close of the con- vention and told the men how glad I was to see one of the dominant parties take up woman suffrage. I said that we had been besieging the big political parties for twenty-five years. Here is a party in power which is likely to remain in power, and if it will give its endorsement to our movement, we want it. “I do not claim to know anything of the merits of the issues which brought the Populist party into existence. All I know is that it is chiefly made up from the rank and file of the old Republican party of that State, and that the men who compose it think they have better methods for the correction of ex- isting evils. They are protesting against the present order of things, and certainly no one will deny there is ground for it. I do not endorse their platform, but I would be one of the last to condemn an honest protest.” 792 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. "But,” said the reporter, “it always has been understood that you are a strong Republican.” "Why has it been so understood ? Simply because a majority of the national legislators who have favored us have been Republicans. Suppose the Republican party of New York, at its coming convention, refuses to en- dorse woman suffrage; suppose the Democratic does endorse it. My action with the Democrats would be just what it was with the Populists of Kansas. I am for woman suffrage and will work with any party which will help us. Re- member I say with,' not for.?” Miss Shaw finished her two months' engagement in Kansas and did not return to that State. Mrs. Catt wrote Miss An- thony a few weeks after the conventions : It is remarkable the difference of opinion that is floating about. We hear of Populists who are so mad about the plank they declare they will go back to the Democratic party. Others, even those who are suffragists, are so mad at the women for putting the plank forward they say they will vote against the amendment. Democrats say there can be no fusion and that will mean death to the Populist party. Some Republicans say they will not vote for the amendment because it is now a Populist question. Again some Republicans and some Democrats say they will vote the Populist ticket because of the plank. From all these varied ideas it is impossible to find out whether we are better or worse off.... At any rate, the question now has a political standing, and it will depend upon party developments where we find our- selves. My own hope is that it may bring the Republicans to time, but if the Populists say too much, it may drive them to secret opposition, and then we are done for. Miss Anthony took a much more cheerful view and replied to the various letters : At last one of the dominant parties in a State, and that one the party in power, has adopted a woman suffrage amendment, and upon that one plank I have planted my feet. The Republicans by ignoring us give party sanction to every anti-suffrage man among them; while the Populists' endorsement makes every anti-suffrage man among them feel that he will be the better Populist if he vote "yes.” .. . Meantime, every Farmers' Alliance picnic, every school-house meeting, will be on fire with the enthusiasm born of their party's heroic action; for such it was, in defiance of their leaders' command to imitate the Republicans and ig- nore the amendment. The 900 Republicans in the State convention obeyed their masters; while 68 more than one-half of the 606 Populists rebelled against theirs. Surely there is more to hope from the party, a majority of whose men dare vote opinions against their bosses, than for the one in which not a single man dares even raise a protest. What would our friends have THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 793 had us do? Bless the Republicans for slapping us in the face, and blast the Populists for giving us a helping hand ? Among the comforting letters which came during these troublous times was one from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, with whose father she had fought the battle of Abolitionism, in which he said: “I saw Mrs. Isabel Barrows yesterday and heard from her of your weary journey together from Chicago, your discouragement regarding Kansas, and the personal pain occasioned you by untrue newspaper reports and the harsh criticism of friends. I write to express my word of sympathy and cheer. Send me a brief statement of the Populist matter and let me break a lance in your behalf. A reformer's life is full of misrepresentations. How little they signify in the long run and, if they did not wound the spirit, would not be worth the mention. To be misjudged by one's own friends hurts more than all the bitterness of the rest of the world.” In a public address made this summer, Miss Anthony re- ferred to the matter in the following beautiful words: Had the Republicans of Kansas adopted a woman suffrage plank, and Miss Shaw and Miss Anthony declared that, because of such endorsement, they would prefer the success of that party, nobody would have thought it meant that they had endorsed the whole Republican platform, and made themselves responsible for the right conduct of every officer and nominee of that party. I was born and reared a Quaker, and am one still; I was trained by my father, a cotton manufacturer, in the Henry Clay school of protection to American products; but today all sectarian creeds and all political policies sink into utter insignificance compared with the essence of religion and the fundamental principle of government-equal rights. Wherever, religiously, socially, educationally, politically, justice to woman is preached and prac- ticed, I find a bond of sympathy, and I hope and trust that henceforth I shall be brave enough to express my thanks to every individual and every organization, popular or unpopular, that gives aid and comfort to our great work for the emancipation of woman, and through her the redemption of the world. To a letter from Henry B. Blackwell, urging her to be non- partisan if she could not be Republican, she replied, July 9 : The difference between yourself and me, and Mrs. Johns and me, is pre- cisely this--that you two are and have been Republicans per se, while I have been a Republican only in so far as the party and its members were more 794 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. friendly to the principle of woman suffrage. I agree with you that it will be in line with Mrs. Johns' ideas for her to work for the Republican party, false though its platform and its managers are to the pending amendment; but I could not do so. The rank and file of the Populist men of Kansas may not possess equal book or brain power with the Republicans, but they are more honest and earnest to establish justice, and 337 of their delegates had man- hood enough to break out of the whiskey-Democratic bargain which their leaders, like the Republican fixers, had made. No, I shall not praise the Republicans of Kansas, or wish or work for their success, when I know by their own confessions to me that the rights of the women of their State have been traded by them in cold blood for the votes of the lager beer foreigners and whiskey Democrats. ... I have not allied and shall not ally myself to any party or any measure save the one of justice and equality for woman; but the time has come when I strike, and proclaim my contempt for the tricksters who put their political heel on the rights of women at the very moment when their help is most needed. I never, in my whole forty years' work, so utterly repudiated any set of politicians as I do those Republicans of Kansas. When it is a mere matter of theory, a thousand miles from a practical question, they can resolve pretty words, but when the crucial moment comes they sacrifice us without conscience or honor. The hubbub with the Republicans shows they have been struck in the right place. I never was surer of my position that no self- respecting woman should wish or work for the success of a party which ignores her political rights. These few extracts from scores of similar letters, speeches and interviews, show the position consistently and unflinchingly maintained by Miss Anthony, and justified by many years of experience in such campaigns. During the summer of 1894, while she was being thus harassed, she kept steadily on, speak- ing and working in the New York campaign and preparing to return to Kansas in the fall. She wrote to the Republican and the Populist central committees, offering to speak on the suffrage question upon their platforms. The former, through its chairman, Cyrus Leland, declined her offer. To John W. Breidenthal, of the People's party, she wrote: “Do you not think it will be a great deal better, both for the nouncements it shall be distinctly stated that Miss Anthony speaks only on the subject of woman's enfranchisement ?" To this he replied, August 6: “I leave the matter entirely with you whether you confine yourself only to the suffrage amend- ment, or whether you add to that the discussion of the other THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 795 questions now attracting public attention.” Meanwhile she had been receiving cheerful messages from the Populist women of Kansas, among them a long and cordial letter from Annie L. Diggs, written August 16 : Nearly everything along the line of my experience and observation would make you glad. I have large audiences, say the best and strongest things I know for suffrage and always find the heartiest response. I see more and more the wisdom of your insistence on platform mention. Oh, I am so thankful that I, too, saw straight before it was too late to get the Populist endorsement. I have been speaking almost constantly, sometimes twice a day, and at every meeting other speakers and candidates say the best kind of words for the amendment. Governor Lewelling speaks in warm endorse- ment, reports to the contrary notwithstanding. I can not say that he does so always, but he did at the three meetings which we held together. The Populists who wanted to shake my head off at the convention, give me, if possible, warmer greetings than the others. They are truly glad they took that righteous step. ... We Populists wish so much for you and Miss Shaw to come to Kansas. People constantly ask me if you will talk for the Populists when you come. I answer that you will talk suffrage at Populist meetings and will also say that, inasmuch as in Kansas the Populists endorse suffrage, therefore the party ought to win. Is not that your intention? How I wish I could describe to you some of the success I have had in talking to German audi- ences. But I have not another minute only to thank you for your kind words about me, and to say again, as I have said so many years, “I love and revere you." quy Annie L. Der Mrs. Johns wrote, August 27: “I think the Republicans are conscious dimly of the increasing strength of the Populists. It looks as if they will win, and it is generally believed the amendment will go through.” As late as October 12, Mrs. Catt, who had been speaking at suffrage meetings for the past 1796 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. six weeks and whose judgment was generally sound, said in a letter from Hutchinson: After all the vicissitudes, hard feelings and distresses of the campaign, it begins to look as if we were going to come in “on the home stretch.” The last two weeks have wrought wonderful changes. The tide has set in our favor. I think the chief cause is the published fact that we are going to count the votes to see how many out of each party are cast for the amend- ment, and Republicans understand they will be in a bad way if they don't make a good showing. Since this came out, Morrill has spoken for the amendment. Judge Peters, at the big McKinley meeting here, advocated it and they tell me it created more enthusiasm than anything else during the meeting. Cyrus Leland admits that it will carry. The Republicans are com- ing over splendidly and, if the Populists stand firm, we will surely come in with a fine majority. It seems as if nothing can defeat us now. Two weeks before the election, October 21, Mr. Breidenthal wrote her: “I am confident the amendment will have 30,000 majority.” Miss Anthony reached the State October 20 and began her two weeks' tour the 22d, speaking at Populist meet- ings in the largest cities up to election day, November 6.1 From the hour of her arrival she realized there was not a shadow of hope for the amendment, and it was marvellous to her how the others could have been so deceived. At the previous election when the Populists came into power it had been through a fusion with the Democrats. This year the Democrats had their own ticket, and not only had ignored the pleading of the Democratic women for a suffrage plank, but had adopted a resolution denouncing it. The great rail- road strike and its attendant evils, during that summer, were attributed by many to Populistic sentiment and created a strong prejudice against the party. The argument was made that if the amendment carried, the women would feel so grateful to the Populists that it would result in securing to them the woman's Miss Anthony did not receive a dollar for her services during the year in Kansas, and was enabled to make the three trips there solely through the kindness of her brother Daniel R., who furnished transportation. It was also by his assistance that she had made her long railroad journeys from east to west during the past thirty years. 2 Fifteenth.-We oppose woman suffrage as tending to destroy the home and family, the true basis of political safety, and express the hope that the helpmeet and guardian of the family sanctuary may not be dragged from the modest purity of self-imposed seclusion to be thrown unwillingly into the unfeminine places of political strife. THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. 797 vote, thus keeping them in power. This induced many to vote against it who disliked Populism, and it decided a num- ber of even those Republicans who believed in woman suffrage to reject the amendment this year rather than allow the Popu- lists to have the credit of carrying it. To destroy the last hope, word came from Colorado that the People's party was about to be defeated there. It was the first time for the women of that State to vote and, while there was no evidence to prove that they were responsible, the bare possibility was enough to stampede the Kansas Populists and prevent their giving the ballot to the women of that State. The amendment was lost by 34,827 votes; 95,302 for ; 130,139 against. The total vote cast for governor was 299,231; total vote on suffrage amendment, 225,441; not voting on amendment, 73,790. There was an attempt to keep count of the ballots ac- cording to parties, but it was not successful and there was no way of correctly estimating the political complexion of the vote. The vote for Governor Morrill lacked only 1,800 of that for the other three candidates combined, which shows how easily the Republican party might have carried the amend- ment. Subtracting the 5,000 Prohibition votes which it was conceded were cast for the amendment, it lacked 28,000 of re- ceiving as many votes as were cast for the Populist candidate for governor. Since some Republicans must have voted for it, the figures prove that a vast number of Populists did not do so. In Miss Anthony's journal on the night of the election she wrote: “Our friends remembered to forget to vote for the suffrage amendment, while not an enemy forgot to remember to stamp his ticket against it.” Though she had expected defeat, her regret was none the less keen. In all the past years she had given more time and work to Kansas than to any other State, even her own. Her hopes had been centered there. It having been the first State to grant school suffrage and the first to grant municipal suffrage to women, she had confidently expected that when the amend- ment for full suffrage was again submitted it would be carried. The events of the campaign confirmed her belief that the grant- 798 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ing of municipal suffrage is a hindrance rather than a help toward securing full enfranchisement. By its exercise women naturally become partisan, show the influence they can wield through the ballot, and thereby create enmities and arouse an- tagonisms which bitterly oppose any further extension of this power. She resolved henceforth to advise women not to at- tempt to secure fragmentary suffrage, but to demand the whole right and work for nothing less. CHAPTER XLIV. THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 1895. HE day following the Kansas election, November 7, 1894, Miss Anthony started at 10 o'clock in in the morning for Beatrice, Neb., to make the Sen opening speech at the State Suffrage Convention ; arrived at 6 P. M., took a cup of tea, dressed and, without having had one moment's rest, found herself at the opera house in the presence of a splendid audience. After she was seated on the platform a telegram was handed her saying the suffrage amendment had been lost in Kansas by an immense majority. Yet, in spite of the terrible physical strain of the past weeks and in the face of this stunning news, it is said she never made a stronger, more logical and comprehensive speech than on this occasion. She reviewed the amendment campaigns of the last twenty-five years, describing the causes of defeat or success, and pointing out the necessity of educa- tional effort beginning with the primaries and continuing through all the conventions and political meetings up to the very day of election. Although she received urgent invitations to speak at various points in the State, she declined all and left the next morning early for Leavenworth ; and the day following, November 9, was on her way eastward. After a day in Chicago she went directly to Philadelphia, where she attended a reception given by the New Century Club to Mary Mapes Dodge; had several busi- ness meetings regarding the affairs of the national association ; then hastened by night train to the New York convention at (799) 800 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Ithaca. Here again, without a day's rest, she made a stir- ring address to an audience which packed the opera house to the top row of the upper gallery, sat on the steps and filled the aisles. The convention was welcomed by the mayor of Ithaca and President Schurmann, of Cornell. The latter invited the officers and delegates to visit the university and accompanied them on their tour of inspection. Miss Anthony spoke to the girls of Sage College after dinner, gave them many new ideas long to be remembered, and was received with enthusi- asm and affection. The next evening, November 15, she returned to Rochester. She had just concluded two of the hardest campaigns ever made for woman suffrage ; for almost one year she had found no rest for the sole of her foot, not an hour's respite for the tired brain, and yet the letters and the entries in the journal show her to be as cheerful, as philosophical, as full of hopeful plans, as ever she had been in all her long and busy life. After just one day at home she started for Cleveland. The W. C. T. U. were holding a national convention in that city and were to have a great “ gospel suffrage” meeting in Music Hall, Sunday afternoon, which she was invited to address. The Cleveland Leader, in describing the occasion, said: Miss Willard, the chieftain of the white ribbon army, introduced Miss Anthony, the chieftain of the yellow ribbon army, saying: “Once we would not have allowed the yellow ribbon to be so generously displayed here. Had its wearers asked us to admit it with the white we might have voted it down; but the yellow badge of the suffragists looks natural now. The golden rule has done it. Well do I remember that in the hard struggle mother and I had in paying the taxes on our little home, no man appeared to pay them for us. Had I been condemned to death I would not have expected a man to start up and take my place. Susan B. Anthony-she of the senatorial mind-will be remembered when the politicians of today have long been doomed to 'innoc- uous desuetude.'” Miss Willard then quoted a few familiar lines ending with the sentence, “And Susan B. Anthony has been ordained of God to lead us on." Miss Anthony was greeted with a rousing Chautauqua salute. “I am delighted beyond measure,” she said, “that at last the women of this great national body have found there is only one way by which they can reach their desired end, and that is by the ballot. What is 'gospel suffrage ?' It is a system by which truth and justice might be made the uppermost princi- THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 801 ples of government. Every election is the solution of a mathematical prob- lem, the figuring out of what the majority desire. We have in this country mercantile, mining, manufacturing and all kinds of business by which money can be made. The interests of every one of these are put into the political scale, but when the moral issues are put in the other side the material pull them down. Why? Because the moral issues are not weighted with votes. The men who are associated with women in movements of reform get no more in the way of legislation than do women themselves, because when they go to the legislatures or to Congress they have back of them only a dis- franchised class. “If you would have your requests granted your legislators must know that you are a part of a body of constituents who stand with ballots in their hands. Women, we might as well be dogs baying the moon as petitioners without the power to vote! If you have no care for yourselves, you should at least take pity on the men associated with you in your good works. So long as State constitutions say that all may vote when twenty-one, save idiots, lunatics, convicts and women, you are brought down politically to the level of those others disfranchised. This discrimination is a relic of the dark ages. The most ignorant and degraded man who walks to the polls feels himself superior to the most intelligent woman. We should demand the wiping out of all legislation which keeps us disfranchised. Almost every sentence of this brief address was punctuated with applause from the immense audience. Always when in Cleveland Miss Anthony was a guest at the palatial home of Mrs. Louisa Southworth. At this time, with her hostess' permission, she had summoned the entire National- American Board to a business meeting, and all were enter- tained under this hospitable roof. For thirty years Mrs. Southworth had been among the leading representatives of the suffrage movement in northern Ohio, and during all that time had been Miss Anthony's staunch and unfailing friend. She had given thousands of dollars to the suffrage cause, and hundreds to Miss Anthony for her personal use. On this occa- sion she presented her with $1,000 to open the much desired national headquarters. One such supporter in every State would win many battles which are lost because of insufficient funds to do the necessary work. Miss Anthony soon afterwards went to New York to prepare with Mrs. Stanton the call and resolutions for the approaching national convention, and to revise the article on “Woman's ANT.-51 802 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Rights” for Johnson's new edition of the Encyclopedia. She was the guest of her cousin, Mrs. Semantha Vail Lapham, whose home overlooked Central Park. Mrs. Stanton's cosy flat was on the other side, and through this lovely pleasure ground each bright day Miss Anthony took her morning walk. When the weather was inclement she was sent in the carriage, and the two old friends talked and worked together as they had done so many times in days gone by. The evenings were spent with her cousin and various friends and relatives. Once they dined with a kinsman in his ele- gant Tiffany apartments. She and Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Jose- phine Shaw Lowell, Mrs. Henry M. Sanders and Mrs. George Putnam, had a delightful luncheon with Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi. She was invited by Mr. and Mrs. Edward Lauter- bach to hear the opera of Faust, which was followed by a supper at the Waldorf. With a relative she attended the • Authors' Uncut Leaves Club," at Sherry's. One Sunday she went to hear Robert Collyer and the diary says: “His grand face, his rich voice, his white hair, were all as attrac- tive as ever; he was a beautiful picture in the pulpit. He gave me a cordial greeting at the close of the sermon.” She ran over to Orange for a few days with a loved cousin, Ellen Hoxie Squier; and then on down to Philadelphia and Somerton for a little visit with the friends there, of which she writes: “Rachel and I had a soul-to-soul talk all the day long and until after mid- night.” She was a guest at the Foremothers' Dinner, Decem- ber 22, given at Jaeger's by the New York City Woman Suf- frage League, Lillie Devereux Blake, president, with nearly 300 prominent women at the table. The dinner and the speeches lasted until after 5 o'clock, Miss Anthony responding to the toast, “ Our Future Policy.” Thus a month slipped pleasantly by, and then, with the work all finished, the body rested and the mind refreshed, she returned home to spend Christmas. The two sisters dined with Dr. and Mrs. F. H. Sanford and a few old-time friends, 1 At these annual feasts gentlemen are permitted to sit in the gallery, listen to the toasts and watch the ladies enjoy the dinner. THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 803 and passed a happy day. Among the numerous Christmas remembrances were several pieces of fine china and an elegant velvet cloak from Mrs. Gross. On December 30, Miss Anthony received word of the death of her old co-worker, Amelia Bloomer, at Council Bluffs, Ia., aged seventy-seven, and sent a telegram of sympathy to the husband. A death felt most keenly in 1894 was that of Virginia L. Minor, of St. Louis, August 14, which closed a beautiful and unbroken friendship of thirty years. She left Miss Anthony a testimonial of her love and confidence in a legacy of $1,000. The year ended amidst the usual pressure of requests, in- vitations and engagements. Would she lecture for the Art League, for the Musical Society, for the Church Guild and for a dozen other organizations of whose purposes she knew prac- tically nothing? Would she accept a "reception” from the Scribblers' Club of Buffalo ? Would she send a package of documents to the girls of Vassar College, who were going to debate woman suffrage? Would she please reply to the fol- lowing questions, from various newspapers: "Have not women as many rights now as men have? What is woman's ideal existence and what woman has most nearly attained it? Have you formed any resolutions for the coming year, and what has been the fate of former New Year's resolutions ?” and so on, ad infinitum. The “woman's edition” fever raged with great violence at this time, and it is not an exaggeration to say that the editors of ninety-nine hundredths of them wrote to Miss Anthony for an article. Of course it was an impossibility to comply, but occasionally some request struck her so forcibly that she made time for an answer. For instance, the woman's edition of the Elmira Daily Advertiser was for the purpose of helping the Young Men's Christian Association, and to its editor, Mrs. J. Sloat Fassett, she wrote: 1 During this year Mrs. Gross had presented Miss Anthony with $1,000 to complete the edu- cation of a nephew and niece. 804 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. I should feel vastly more interested in, and earnest to aid the Y. M. C. A., if the men composing it were, as a body, helping to educate the people into the recognition of the right of their mothers and sisters to an equal voice with themselves in the government of the city, State and nation. Neverthe- less, I avail myself of your kindly request, and urge all to study the intricate problem of bettering the world; not merely the individual sufferings in it, but the general conditions. Such study will show the great need of a new balance of power in the body politic; and the conscientious student must arrive at the conclusion that this will have to be obtained by enfranchising a new class-women. If the Y. M. C. A. really desire to make better moral and social conditions possible, they should hasten to obey the injunction of St. Paul, and "help those women” who are working to secure enfranchise- ment. Miss Anthony received soon after this a consignment of pamphlets, etc., that she had ordered printed, on the outside of which the manager of the printing house, a man entirely unknown to her, had written : "A wreath, twine a wreath for the brave and the true, Who, for love of the many, dared stand with the few.” Among the pleasant letters was one from Mrs. Mary B. Wil- lard, who was then abroad, in which she said: “I am so glad that you live on to know how much you are loved and to enjoy the fruit of your blessed labors.” One invitation which Miss Anthony especially appreciated came from Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones, of Chicago, editor of Unity and pastor of All Souls church : “I am sure your heart goes out with us in our dreams as represented by the enclosed printed matter. One number of the program is, “What is woman's part in this larger synthesis,' or 'What can woman do for liberal relig- ion ?' I enclose Dr. Thomas' letter that it may reinforce my own pleading that you should come and speak on this topic. Phrase it yourself. Pour your whole heart into it. Make it the speech of your life. Give your large religious nature free- dom. We will pay all your expenses and I do hope you will make an effort to come. We will give you from thirty to forty minutes, then we would want to ask one or two women to fol- low in the discussion, perhaps a Jewess and may be some A plan for a great Liberal Religious Congress, the outgrowth of the Parliament of Religions in 1893. THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 805 woman who represents the independent church, like Dr. Thomas' and Prof. Swing's...." Dr. H. W. Thomas' letter said in part: "Your suggestion is wise ; no other can perhaps so fittingly and ably represent the larger place and work of woman as Susan B. Anthony. It will honor her and help the cause to have her speak at the congress. Bless her dear soul, how I would like to see her- to hear her—to have her one with us—her counsel, her spirit, her great heart of love and hope so much like the Christ.” After the receipt of Miss Anthony's reply Dr. Jones wrote again: “I received your modest protest against being made, as you are, one of the vice-presidents of the Liberal Congress organization ; but the very reason you urged against it is the very reason for putting you on. We want you not for what you can do but for what you are. We can not take the con- gress into the polemics of the woman question, but George Washington went into the first Continental Congress with his uniform on, said nothing, yet that was his speech. So we or- ganize with Susan B. Anthony's name among our vice-presi- dents, and this is our war speech on that question. Do let your name stay there. ... Ever rejoicing in your work and its slowly approaching triumph, I am, brotherly yours.” The New Year of 1895 promised less in the way of work and anxiety than the one which had just closed. There were to be no State amendment campaigns with their annoying complexi- ties, their arduous labors, their usual defeats. So many capa- ble and energetic women had come into the national organiza- tion that Miss Anthony was relieved of much of the burden which used to rest upon her in the olden times, when she had to attend personally to details of arrangement and assume the financial responsibility. She found it difficult at first to adapt herself to the new regime, but soon learned to have confidence in the judgment and ability of her much-loved "body guard,” as she liked to call the official board. It was not so easy for others of the old workers to accept the new order of things, and they rebelled occasionally against the red tape” require- ments of this executive body. To one of these Miss Anthony 806 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. wrote: “My dear, what we older ones all have to learn is that these young and active women now doing the drudgery in each of the forty-five States, must be consulted and must have a vote on all questions pertaining to the association, and we must abide by the decision of the majority. This is what I am try- ing to learn. No one or two can manage now, but all must have a voice." The voluminous correspondence shows, however, that the new workers were very glad to feel the touch of her firm and experienced hand on the helm, and that usually she was con- sulted on every point. She especially impressed upon them the necessity of keeping the financial accounts with the strict- 'est care and accuracy, and for a number of years would not allow a report to be published until she herself had examined every detail. At one time when two contributions had been accidentally omitted from the statement sent for her inspection, she wrote: “Not finding those two in your copy congealed the blood to the very ends of my fingers and toes, lest the givers should think I had not sent their money to you." New Year's Day twelve friends were gathered around the Anthony table, the Gannetts, the Greenleafs, the Sanfords, Mrs. Hallowell and Mrs. Willis, and the occasion was a pleas- ant one. A week later Miss Anthony started on an extended southern trip. There had been practically no suffrage work done in the South, with the exception of Kentucky, Tennes- see, Missouri and Louisiana. As the national convention was to meet in Atlanta, Miss Anthony thought it advisable to make a lecture tour through the South to arouse a sentiment which might be felt there a month later. She invited Mrs. Chapman Catt to accompany her, guaranteeing her expenses although she had no assurance she would be able to make even her own. At Lexington they were guests in the fine old home of Mrs. Mary J. Warfield Clay and daughter Laura, and spoke in the Christian church to a sympathetic audience. They held meet- ings at Wilmore, Louisville, Owensboro, Paducah and Milan, receiving many social courtesies at each place visited, and they THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 807 reached Memphis January 17. The management here was in the capable hands of the Woman's Council and a fine audience greeted them at the Young Men's Hebrew Association Hall. They were introduced by their hostess, Mrs. Lide Meriwether, president of the Equal Suffrage Club, and cordially received. The Appeal, Avalanche and Scimitar gave long and interest- ing reports. The next morning Miss Anthony and Mrs. Catt were handsomely entertained by the ladies of the Nineteenth Century Club. In the afternoon Mrs. Mary Jameson Judah, president of the Woman's Club, gave a reception in their honor. Saturday morning they were guests of the Colored Women's Club; in the afternoon the Woman's Council, com- For your lifelong work Traith and Sellersta į Fratefully yours, posed of forty-six local clubs, tendered a large reception, and in the evening they lectured again. Sunday morning they spoke in the Tabernacle to the colored people; and they left at 5.30 P. M. feeling they had not wasted much time at Memphis. They reached New Orleans Monday morning; were met at the train by the president and several members of the Portia Club, and escorted to the residence of Judge Merrick. Each of the daily papers contained lengthy and excellent mention of the lectures. The Picayune said at the beginning of a four- column report: If any one doubted the interest that southern women feel in the all-absorb- ing question of the day, “Woman and her Rights,” that idea would have forever been dispelled by a glance at the splendid audience assembled last night to hear Miss Susan B. Anthony, the world-famed apostle of woman suffrage, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the distinguished western leader. The hall was literally packed to overflowing, not only with women but with 808 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. men, prominent representatives in every walk of life. Standing room was at a premium, corridors and windows were filled with a sea of earnest, inter- ested faces, the name of Miss Anthony was on every lip, and all eyes were directed to the platform, which was beautifully decorated with palms and pot- ted plants, the suffrage color, yellow, predominating among the verdant foliage. Seated upon the platform were the four ladies who have successively filled the position of president of the Portia Club, Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, Mrs. Evelyn B. Ordway and Miss Florence Huberwald. The entrance of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Catt was the signal for a burst of applause, which rose into an ovation when Miss Huberwald, in a few grace- ful words, presented Mrs. Merrick, who in turn introduced Miss Anthony as the most famous woman in America. When the applause subsided, Miss Anthony, whose voice is singularly sweet and clear, began to speak. She was presented with a basket of flowers and a bouquet from Mrs. J. M. Ferguson, president of the Arena club. At the close hundreds pressed forward to take the hands of the speakers. They left this charming and hospitable city Wednesday evening, Mrs. Catt going to Greenville, Miss Anthony to Shreveport. Here she was entertained by Mrs. M. F. Smith and Professor C. E. Byrd, principal of the high school. The Hypatia Club sent her two lovely floral offerings. Of her lecture the Times said editorially: This veteran apostle of woman's rights addressed a magnificent audience last evening at the court-house, a representative assemblage comprising all the best elements of all the best classes of Shreveport's citizens, and one which was equally divided between men and women. Miss Anthony is certainly a remarkable woman in every respect, and one whose genius will leave its mark not only on the recorded history of the nineteenth century, but in the advanced position of woman now and for all time to come. She was one of the first women in America to raise her voice in advocacy of woman's rights, and she has lived to see herself and her sisters gradually released from legalized bondage and, in everything but suffrage, made the full equal of man. No one can deny that her claims are founded on justice; and in the light of cold and clear reason, divested of all sentiment and cleansed of all prejudice, her arguments can not be successfully controverted. By failure of the train to connect with the ferry she was un- able to join Mrs. Catt and keep her appointment at Jackson. When, after waiting two hours, she finally reached that sta- tion at half-past nine, she found a message from Mrs. Catt THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 809 that she was holding a magnificent audience for her. Accord- ing to her journal she was too oozed-out even to be looked at, much less to try to speak in the House of Representatives packed with the flower of southern chivalry ;” so she went on to Birmingham. Here she found inadequate arrangements had been made and a northern blizzard interfered with her meetings. The News, however, gave an excellent two-column account beginning : Only a moderate audience greeted Susan B. Anthony, the chief suffrage leader in the United States, but that audience was cultured and able to appre- ciate the very energetic, clear-minded and vigorous woman, whose name is as well-known as that of any man in the Union, and who has done more than any other woman to prove, by her strong and unique personality, the mental equality of woman with man and her fitness for the things sought to be entrusted to her care, share and share alike with the sterner sex. After a graceful introduction by Colonel J. W. Bush, the lecturer plunged at once with ease and distinction into her subject and line of argument. . . . She is a very able and incisive speaker, talks fluently and distinctly, and makes easy and graceful gestures. In a word, she is as good a lecturer as a good man-lecturer. They spoke in the opera house at New Decatur, and were the guests of Mrs. E. S. Hildreth. At Huntsville they were en- tertained by Mrs. Milton Hume, and introduced to the audi- ence by Mrs. Clay-Klopton. The Evening Tribune headed its report, “Grand and Enthusiastic Meeting; Eloquent Ad- dresses Presented by Noble and Gifted Women ;” and said : Much to the surprise of a great many, the city hall was filled last night with a very large and intelligent audience of ladies and gentlemen. ... Miss Anthony spoke for an hour in a plain, unassuming manner, but ably and learnedly. She has been an active worker for more than forty years in this cause and now, at life's closing hours, sees the right accorded woman in the States of Wyoming and Colorado, and the cause gaining momentum as intel- ligence spreads and the blessings become known which follow in the pathway of woman's ballot. No one can look upon the face of that venerated, noble woman, who has grown gray in her life-work, and not be impressed that there has been something more than sentiment, more than a cranky idea, impelling her in all these long, sacrificing years. Mrs. Chapman Catt as completely charmed as she surprised the large au- dience. She is a young woman of winning personality, as beautiful as she is brilliant, with a command of language and convincing eloquence that would do credit to the matchless Prentiss.. 810 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The next day, with Mrs. Alberta Chapman Taylor, they started for Atlanta, joining the Kentucky delegation at Knox- ville and reaching their destination at noon. The headquarters were at the Aragon, where they found a large number of dele- gates, warm rooms and everything bright and comfortable, with the promise of a fine meeting. The Twenty-seventh Annual Convention opened at De Give's opera house, January 31, continuing six days. Ninety-three delegates were present from twenty-eight states, numbers were in attendance from southern cities, and the people of Atlanta turned out en masse. An evidence of the interest taken in this convention is the fact that a number of the New York papers had daily reports of several thousand words telegraphed, and the large newspapers throughout the country had extended ac- counts. The Atlanta Constitution had had columns of matter pertaining to it, pictures and personal descriptions of the prominent women, which, added to its extended daily reports, contributed largely to the success of the meeting ; but it was as careful to avoid editorial endorsement as its contemporaries in the North. The other city papers were generous with space and complimentary mention, but the Sunny South, edited by Colonel Henry Clay Fairman, was the only one which advo- cated the principle of woman suffrage. Many beautiful homes were opened to the visitors, and all the officers and speakers were entertained at the Aragon at the expense of the newly formed Georgia State Association. The most of it was borne, in fact, by three sisters residing at Columbus, H. Augusta Howard, Miriam Howard Du Bose and Claudia Howard Maxwell. With the genuine southern hospitality, they declined the offer of several societies and of the association to reimburse them. A handsome reception at the hotel was attended by hundreds of Atlanta's representative citizens. Mrs. W. A. Hemphill, one of the board of the At- lanta Exposition, received the visitors in her lovely home, as- sisted by the wife of the recently-elected Governor Atkinson. A Baptist preacher, Rev. J. B. Hawthorne, built on the an- tiquated plan, delivered a sermon not only denouncing suf- THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 811 frage but abusing its advocates. The result was to make the other ministers in the city offer their pulpits to the convention speakers, and on Sunday lectures were given in various churches by Emily Howland, Elizabeth Upham Yates, Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Meriwether. Rev. Anna Shaw preached in the opera house and the Constitution prefaced its report as fol- lows: "When the opening hour arrived there was not an empty chair in the house. So dense became the crowd that the doors were ordered closed before the services began. The vast congregation was made up of all classes of citizens. Every chair that could be found had been utilized and then boxes and benches were pressed into service. Many prominent professional and business men were standing on the stage and in different parts of the house." Miss Anthony, besides her president's address, made many brief speeches and also read Mrs. Stanton's fine paper on "Educated Suffrage,” which was especially acceptable to a southern audience. One of the most eloquent speakers was General Robert R. Hemphill, member of the South Carolina legislature. Among the able and interesting southern dele- gates Laura Clay and Josephine K. Henry, of Kentucky, and A. Viola Neblett and Helen Lewis Morris, of North Carolina, were especial favorites. After the convention a mass meet- ing was held in the courthouse, which was crowded with an enthusiastic audience. Mrs. M. L. McLendon, president of the Atlanta Club, requested Miss Anthony to take charge. The Constitution said: Miss Anthony was received with such a warmth of demonstration on the part of the large audience as to thoroughly convince her that she was address- ing those who were in sympathy with the suffrage movement. As she stood up in the presence of the vast congregation of faces a profound silence filled the hall and every one seemed to be intently waiting for her opening words. 1 After 1892 Miss Anthony had to read most of Mrs. Stanton's addresses, and the latter wrote her: “If you pronounce what I write 'good,'I know it is up to the mark. Many thanks for reading all my papers so well as everybody says you do. I am sure of your rich voice and deep sympathy with the subject, and I much prefer to have you read my speeches rather than any other person, as I am always told that your reading makes a deep impression. Our thoughts have the same trend on the woman suffrage question, and we have written and talked over every phase of the subject so much together that what I write is essen- tially yours as well as mine." 812 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Within the railing a large number of men, who preferred to stand near the speaker rather than secure seats in the rear of the hall, were grouped in a solid mass, and appeared to be equally as much concerned as the ladies. There were many distinguished women present at the con- vention, from the South and the North, and all separated with the feeling that fraternal bonds had been strengthened and many converts made to the belief in equal suffrage. Miss Anthony was much revered by the colored race and while here she addressed the students of the Atlanta Univer- sity, and spoke with Bishop Turner to an immense audience at Bethel church. She was invited also to address the alumnæ of the girls' high school. At the close of the convention she went, with her sister Mary, niece Lucy, Anna Shaw and Mrs. Upton, for a three days' visit at the spacious old-time mansion of the Howards, in Columbus. She left for Aiken, S. C., February 9, where she spoke in the courthouse and was intro- duced by the Baptist minister. Here she was the guest of Miss Martha Schofield, and was much interested in the very successful industrial school for colored children, founded by her during the war. On February 12, she lectured at Colum- bia for the Practical Progress Club, introduced by Colonel V. P. Clayton. The Pine Tree State contained an excellent edi- torial in favor of woman suffrage, but thought "it could be more successfully advocated in that locality by some one of less pronounced abolitionism." Her hostess, Mrs. Helen Brayton, gave a reception for her, and she met a large num- ber of the representative people of Columbia. Her last lecture was given at Culpepper, Va. The six weeks' southern trip had been very pleasant; she had made many friends and found much sentiment in favor of suffrage. The only drawback had been the severity of the weather, the coldest ever known in that locality, which will long be remembered because of the destruction of the orange groves. Miss Anthony reached Washington on the morning of her seventy-fifth birthday, February 15. The National Woman's Council was to open its second triennial meeting on the 18th, and its official board and many delegates were already in the THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 813 city. When she arrived she found that “her girls," as she was fond of designating the younger workers, had arranged for a banquet in her honor at the Ebbitt House that evening. Covers were laid for fifty and it was a beautiful affair. After a number of speeches had been made, Rachel Foster Avery arose and stated that the friends of Miss Anthony from ocean to ocean and the lakes to the gulf, had placed in her hands sums of money amounting to $5,000. This she had put into a trust fund, purchasing therewith an annuity” of $800, which she now took great pleasure in presenting. There were 202 contributors and although Mrs. Avery had been for several months collecting the money, incredible as it may seem, the whole matter was a complete surprise to Miss Anthony. Realizing that during the last forty-five years she had spent practically all she had earned and all that had been given her, to advance the cause to which she had devoted her life, they determined to put this testimonial into such shape as would make it impossible thus to expend it. She was greatly over- come and for once could not command the words to voice her feelings. As each three months have rolled around since that occasion, and the $200 check has been sent with a pleasant greeting from the Penn Mutual insurance company, hoping that she might live to use the entire principal, her heart has thrilled anew with gratitude and affection to Mrs. Avery and the friends who put their love and appreciation into this material shape. It suffices to pay the monthly expenses of the modest household and, with the income from the few thousands that have been laid away, an occasional paid lecture and the gifts from generous friends, Miss Anthony is freed from financial anxiety, although obliged to exercise careful economy. It is impossible in this limited space to attempt a description of that great council extending through the days and evenings of two weeks, attended by delegates from twenty national or- ganizations, representing the highest intellects and activities among women and covering a wide range of vital questions. Miss Anthony stood for the department of Government Re- 814S LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. form. Although at this council she desired to be simply one of the many representatives of different organizations, the public would make her the central figure of all occasions. On February 28, Mrs. John R. McLean, assisted by Mrs. Calvin Brice, gave a reception in her honor, attended by many of the official, literary, artistic and musical people of the capital. Frederick Douglass came into the council the afternoon of the 20th and was invited by the president, Mrs. Sewall, to a seat on the platform. He accepted, but declined to speak, acknowl- edging the applause only by a bow. Upon entering his home in Anacostia, a few hours later, he dropped to the floor and expired instantly. Funeral services were held in the African Metropolitan church, Washington, February 25, in which, at the request of the family, Miss Anthony took part, paid a brief tribute and read Mrs. Stanton's touching memorial of the only man who sustained her demand for the enfranchisement of women in that famous first convention of 1848. At the close of the council Miss Anthony lectured at Lincoln, Va., in the ancient Quaker meeting house. Returning to Washington she was entertained by Mrs. Mary S. Lockwood at a dinner party on the evening of the Travel Club, at which she was one of the speakers. Reaching Philadelphia March 9, she turned her steps, as was always her custom, directly towards her old friend Adeline Thomson, and her surprise and grief may be imagined when she found that she had died a month previous. Her relations with Adeline and Annie Thomson, who had passed away nearly ten years before, had been those of affectionate sisters, and for nearly forty years their home had been as her own. She had received many contributions from them, and Adeline had made her a personal gift of $1,000. She often had said to her and written in her letters, that she had $5,000 more laid away for her after she herself should have no further use for it, but as is so often the case she neg- lected to make provision for this, and all her property went to a nephew. From Mrs. Avery's suburban home at Somerton, Miss An- thony sent grateful letters to every one of the 202 contributors Always loomply yours, Pachel Teter Klivery THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 815 to her annuity. She addressed the 500 students at Drexel In- stitute, and left for New York March 12. Here she had an im- portant business meeting with Mary Lowe Dickinson, the newly elected president of the National Council, and then went to tell all about the Atlanta convention, the Woman's Council and vari- ous other events to Mrs. Stanton, who still felt the liveliest in- terest although not physically able to take an active part. The day after Miss Anthony reached home she read in the morning paper that two of the State Industrial School girls and two of the free academy boys had been seen the night be- fore coming out of a questionable place; the girls were arrested and locked up in the station house, the boys were told to go home. It was an everyday injustice but she determined to protest, so she went straightway to the police court, where she insisted that the boys should not go free while the girls were punished. She pleaded in vain ; the girls were sent to the reformatory, the boys being used as witnesses against them and then dismissed without so much as a reprimand. A short time afterwards Miss Anthony went to the Baptist church one Sunday evening to hear a young colored woman, Miss Ida Wells, lecture on the lynching of negroes in the South. The speaker was rudely interrupted several times by a fellow from Texas who was in Rochester attending the theo- logical school. She answered him politely but at length he asked: "If the negroes don't like it in the South, why don't they leave and go North ?” At this Miss Anthony, who had been growing more indignant every moment, sprung to her feet and, with flashing eyes and ringing voice, said: "I will tell you why; it is because they are treated no better in the North than they are in the South.” She then related a num- ber of instances, which had come to her own knowledge, of the cruel discrimination made against colored people, to the utter amazement of the audience who did not believe such things possible.' She took Miss Wells home with her for the rest of her stay. 1 The Rochester dailies came out next morning with full reports of this episode and edi- torial remarks; citizens of both sexes wrote to the papers, pro and con; other newspapers took up the question, and a wave of comment swept over the country. 816 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. She had employed a young woman stenographer for a few weeks to clear up her accumulated correspondence and, having to go away the next day, she told Miss Wells the girl might help her with her pile of letters. When she returned in the evening she found her scribbling away industriously and the stenographer at leisure. In answer to her inquiry the latter replied: "I don't choose to write for a colored person.” “If you can not oblige me by assisting a guest in my house,” said Miss Anthony, “ you can not remain in my employ.” The girl, although in destitute circumstances, gave up her situa- tion. Miss Anthony had been feeling for a long time that, in jus- tice to herself and to the State Industrial School, she should re- sign her position on the board of managers. When she ac- cepted it she had intended to give up the greater part of her travelling and direct her forces from the seat of government in her own home, but she had found this practically impossible. The demands for her actual presence and personal work were too strong to be resisted. There were very few women in the country who could draw so large an audience as herself, or who knew so well how to manage a convention or carry on a cam- paign, and the women of the different States, who had one or the other of these in hand, were unwilling to accept a sub- stitute. She was as well and vigorous as at fifty, and there seemed to be no adequate reason why she should refuse the many opportunities to advance the cause for which she had given the active service of nearly half a century. The several years since she began housekeeping, therefore, had found her at home no more of the time than those which had preceded. When she first visited the school she found the boys' depart- ments fitted up with all the appliances of a steam laundry, while a large number of the girls were bending their backs over washtubs and ironing-boards the whole of every week. She soon succeeded in having the washing sent over to the laundry, where a few girls were able to do it all in two or three days; she also made many valuable suggestions in the sewing THE SOUTHERN TRIP-THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. 817 department. When in the city she went to the school on Sun- day, helped with the services and talked to the 700 boys and 150 girls. Some of the latter came to her one Sunday and said pathetically that it was the first time a speaker ever had seemed to know there were any girls there! She wrote in her journal, with quiet humor, that the men on the board were going the next day to select a cooking stove. She realized even more strongly than ever that, though the best and wisest men may be on the boards of public institutions, there is need also of women, but she felt that, with so vast an amount of other work on hand, she could not do her duty by the school. As she was about to go away again for a number of months she decided to delay her resignation no longer and forwarded it to Governor Morton April 15, after having served about two and a half years. She then finished her lecture engagements and completed arrangements for what proved to be one of the pleasantest journeys of her life. ANT.—52 CHAPTER XLV. THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 1895. #1733T has been said in another chapter that Miss Anthony established herself firmly and forever in the hearts of the people at the Columbian Expo- sition of 1893. Men and women were there from every State in the Union, many of whom never had seen or heard her and had been deeply prejudiced against her, but she conquered all and they returned home henceforth to sing her praises. Naturally they wanted their friends and neighbors to be converted like themselves, and invitations to lecture came from all quarters. One of the most urgent was from the Woman's Congress Auxiliary of the great California Midwinter Exposition, which followed the World's Fair, but as she had two campaigns on hand in 1894 she could not accept it. Out of this auxiliary had grown a perma- nent Woman's Congress Association, with Sarah B. Cooper at its head. When a pressing request came to attend their first anniversary in San Francisco, in 1895, she accepted with pleasure. The corresponding secretary, Mrs. Minna V. Gaden, wrote in reply: I can not attempt to express to you the joy and gratification of the execu- tive board over your consent to be with us and take part in the congress in May. I wish I could have phonographed the exclamations of delight and photographed the beaming countenances of the members when I read them your letter. In answer to your question as to whether we desired to have you speak upon some special point of the subject for which you stand, I would say we want Susan B. Anthony and all that she is; and we are sure that the (819) 820 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. right word will be said, the great facts made plain and the true inspiration given. We want you and all that your presence means and all that your life's work has brought. Miss Anthony had another reason for wishing to go to Cali- fornia in addition to the desire of meeting and helping the women of that beautiful State in their congress. Its legisla- ture, the previous winter, had submitted a woman suffrage amendment which was to be voted on in 1896. This visit would enable her to look over the field, talk with the men and women, and render any assistance they might desire to- wards planning their campaign. She wrote Mrs. Cooper stat- ing that she did not wish to make the journey alone, that she liked to have one of her “ lieutenants” to relieve her of the burden of much speaking, and would be glad of the privilege of bringing with her Rev. Anna Shaw. Mrs.Cooper responded with a check of $450, for travelling expenses, saying: “We rejoice to know that Miss Shaw will come with you, as another grand helper for us. I send you the money and want you to have every possible comfort on the journey." From that time until Miss Anthony reached California not over three days ever passed without a letter from Mrs. Cooper, rejoicing over the promised visit. “Everybody is full of expectancy looking for your advent. I have engaged the First Congregational church of San Francisco for Miss Shaw's ser- mon. Hattie and I send you a heart full of love. May God hold you safe in His keeping." "San Francisco and the whole Pacific coast have a warm welcome for you both; every one is looking forward to meeting you, great and noble champion of all that is good.” So the letters ran, and they were supple- mented by long and loving ones from the daughter Harriet, who lived but to second her mother's work and wishes. When the papers heralded abroad the news that Miss An- thony was going to California, the large western towns along the route sent earnest requests for lectures and visits, and the journey assumed the aspect of a triumphal tour. She started April 27, full of health and spirit and with happy anticipa- tions; spent one day with Mrs. Upton, at Warren, O., one THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 821 with Mrs. Sewall, at Indianapolis, going thence to Chicago, where she was entertained by Mr. and Mrs. Gross. Here she found Harriet Hosmer, who had been with them seven months, while she worked on her statue of Lincoln. In the evening half a dozen reporters called and the papers bris- tled with interviews. The next day she went with her hostess in Chicago, and May 1 they left for St. Louis, where they remained four days at the New Planters' Hotel, the guests of Mrs. Gross, who had accompanied them. Valley Woman's Congress, under the auspices of the W. C. T. U., Mrs. E. B. Ingalls, presiding. Miss Anthony spoke on “The Present Outlook," and the papers described enthusias- tically “the splendid ovation” she received, the many floral offerings, and the hundreds of personal greetings at the close of the evening. Just before her address, seventy-five little boys and girls, several colored ones among them, marched past her on the platform, each laying a rose in her lap. The day after the congress the State Suffrage Association held its convention, and on the evening of May 4. a handsome banquet, with covers laid for 200, was given for her at the Mercantile Club rooms. She reached Denver May 8, at 4 A. M., remained in the sleeper till six and then could stand it no longer but took a carriage and sallied forth. When the reception committee came to the station at seven to escort her to the elaborate break- fast which had been prepared at the Brown Palace Hotel, where a large number of friends were waiting, the guest had flown and could not be found. While in the city she was entertained at the home of Hon. Thomas M. Patterson, of the Rocky Mountain News, whose progressive and cultured wife was her warm personal friend and had been an advocate of suffrage long before it was granted to the women of Colorado. Reverend Anna was the guest of ex-Governor and Mrs. Routt. That afternoon Miss Anthony went to Boulder, where she was 822 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. The next day the Woman's Club gave a large reception in their honor at the Brown Palace Hotel, attended by over 1,200 women. The News, in its account, said: “The scene marked, to the retrospective mind, the enormous change that has taken place in the status of the sex within the lifetime of one woman. It hardly seemed possible, as the spectator beheld Miss An- thony surrounded by the richest and most conservative women of Denver, to believe that in her youth the great lecturer was hissed from the stage in the most cultured and liberal cities of the United States, and cast out from polite society like a pariah. It is not often either that one who has been a pioneer in an unpopular cause lives to see it become fashionable and herself the center of attention from a younger generation which has profited by her labors of earlier years.” The same paper commented editorially: "To accomplish the political enfran- chisement of her sex and open a broader field of work and in- fluence for women everywhere, Miss Anthony has devoted her life. ... Among all the noble women who have stood boldly to champion the cause of their sisters, she is easily chief, and is worthy of all the honors that have been bestowed upon her. It must have been a proud satisfaction for her yes- terday to meet the women of Colorado, who are now endowed with equal political rights because of the crusade she has been instrumental in starting and maintaining. Well may these newly enfranchised women do her reverence. Not more loyal should the silver men of Colorado be to Dick Bland, than the women of Colorado to the apostle of equal suffrage—Susan B. Anthony." The Denyer Times said in a leading editorial: “To Miss Anthony the women of today owe a great debt, for through her life's work they enjoy a hundred privileges denied them fifty years ago. From her devotion to a cause which for dec- ades made her a martyr to the derision of an unsympathetic public, has grown a new order of things. Her hand has most helped to open every profession and every line of business to women. While all the women of the United States are under many obligations to her, those of Colorado, who are now equal THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 823 citizens, owe her the greatest allegiance.” The Times also quotes in an interview with Miss Anthony: “When asked what sub- ject she would take for her speeches to the people of Colorado, she shook her head with a kindly smile and said: “My usual lectures will not do. What can I say to the women who have the franchise ? I can only encourage them to use their new power wisely, to stand bravely for the right, and to help the equal suffrage cause in other States.'”. The ladies lectured that evening to an immense audience in the Broadway Theater. The papers reported with great head- lines: “Enthusiastic Greeting by Colorado's Enfranchised Citizens. Miss Anthony Overcome with Hearty Congratula- tions. America's Joan of Arc Shakes Hands with an Army of Women Voters.” One searches in vain in these newspa- pers for evidences of the terrible loss of respect which women were to experience when they were endowed with the ballot. The News, in over a column report, said : Miss Anthony's voice was clear and powerful, filling the big theater without any apparent effort. She began by saying that she believed the thing she had always claimed had come true; that the women had learned a new and higher self-respect with their added rights and responsibilities. . . . She paid the men of Colorado the compliment of declaring them the best in the world. The men of Wyoming had occupied this proud position up to 1893, but those of Colorado had granted the ballot to a disfranchised class not through the legislature, but by a popular vote. This act stands alone in the history of the world; no class of men has ever done as much for even another class of men. . . . She said she had heard that some of the women had voted with sagacity and some had not. This was not strange, since men continued to do this after more than one hundred years of voting. If women made mistakes this year, they would remedy them next year, and in time she believed they would become the balance of power between the two parties in all social, moral and educational questions. At Cheyenne Senator and Mrs. Carey gave an elegant din- ner party in their honor, attended by Governor and Mrs. Rich, Senator and Mrs. Warren, Mrs. Esther Morris, the first woman judge, Mrs. Therese Jenkins, State president, Mrs. Amalia Post, a suffrage pioneer, and other distinguished guests. They went immediately from dinner to the new Bap- 824 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tist church, which was filled to overflowing, and were intro- duced by the governor. At the close of the lectures, Mrs. Jenkins said, “Now I desire to introduce the audience to the speakers." She then called the names of the governor and all his staff, the attorney-general, the United States judges, the senators and congressmen, the mayor and members of the city council. Each rose as his name was mentioned, and be- fore she was through, it seemed as if half the audience were on their feet, and the applause was most enthusiastic. Here again one could not discern an indication of the dreadful loss of respect which was to be the portion of enfranchised women. It was long after midnight before the travellers were quietly in bed in the delightful home of the Careys, but at half-past seven they had finished breakfast and were on board train en route for Salt Lake City. Learning from the conductor that Mrs. Leland Stanford's private car was attached, Miss Anthony sent her card and soon was invited to a seat in that luxurious conveyance, where she enjoyed a visit of several hours. Mrs. Stanford told her of the government suit against the estate, and Miss Anthony's parting words were a warning not to leave her lawyers to go before the Supreme Court alone, but to be pres- sent herself in Washington to protect her own interests and those of the great university. At Salt Lake, on Sunday morning, a large delegation of women, representing the different religious sects and political organizations, met the travellers and drove to the Templeton, where seventy-five sat down to breakfast, and they were then taken for a drive over the city. Miss Anthony was the guest of Mrs. Beatie, daughter of Brigham and Zina D. H. Young, and Miss Shaw of Mrs. McVicker. At 3 P. M., the Reverend Anna preached in the great Tabernacle, Bishops Whitney and Rich- ards assisting. At the close they congratulated her on having preached a Mormon sermon; afterwards a Methodist minister who was in the audience thanked her for her good Methodist sermon; and a little later a Presbyterian minister shook her hand heartily and expressed his pleasure at hearing her Pres- byterian doctrine; so she concluded she had made a politic THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 825 address. Sunday evening she preached in the theater at what was intended to be a union service. All of the Gentile minis- ters had been invited to take part and all declined but the pastor of the Unitarian church. He and the principal of the public schools, formerly a Unitarian minister, were the only men on the stage. The Inter-Mountain Woman Suffrage Association of Utah, Montana and Idaho opened the next morning, May 13. The first day's sessions were held in the new city building, but it was so crowded that an overflow meeting was necessary and the next day the convention was transferred to the big assem- bly hall. The seat of honor was given to Miss Anthony; on her right Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells, president of the Utah as- sociation, on her left, Rev. Anna Shaw. They were surrounded by a semicircle of the illustrious women of the Territory who, for many years, had been active in the work for suffrage. The hall was draped with the national colors and above the stage were portraits of Lincoln, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton. The introductory address was made by Governor West, who, after paying an earnest tribute to Miss Anthony, predicted that the new State constitution, which was to go to the voters containing a woman suffrage clause, would be overwhelmingly ratified. During their stay in Salt Lake Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw received the highest consideration. Monday afternoon Mr. and Mrs. F. S. Richards gave a reception in their honor, and were assisted in receiving by Governor West, President Wood- ruff, Hon. George Q. Cannon, and many ladies. The next afternoon a reception was tendered by the W. C. T. U. In the evening, a large party went to Ogden, where a banquet flow meeting in one of the churches. The 16th of May found the travellers at Reno, Nev., where they were the guests of Mrs. Elda A. Orr, president of the State association. In the morning Miss Anthony talked to the 800 men and women students of the State University. In the evening they spoke in the opera house, which was crowded to 826 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. its limits, while on the stage were the representative men and women of the city and neighboring towns. The house was beautifully decorated with flowers and banners, a brass band played on the balcony and an orchestra within. They were introduced by Miss Hannah H. Clapp, who had presented Miss Anthony to a Nevada audience at Carson, in 1871. Saturday afternoon they enjoyed a charming reception in the parlors of the women's clubhouse. Late that day they resumed their journey, took supper at Truckee on the summit of the Sierras, and had a delicious glimpse of Lake Donner just as they plunged into the forty miles of snow-sheds. They were glad of a long night's rest after the strain of the last three weeks and, when they awoke the next morning, were rolling through the fertile Sacramento valley. California in May! Never was there a pen inspired with the power to describe its beauties. Not the brush of the most gifted artist could picture the mountains with their green foot-hills and snow-capped summits; the valleys, nature's own lovely and fragrant conservatories of brilliant blossoms and luxuriant, riotous vines, and the great oaks with their glossy foliage, all enveloped in a warm and shimmering atmosphere and, bending above, the soft blue sky scarcely dimmed by a fleeting cloud. They can not be put into words, they must be lived. The travellers had been up and dressed and enjoying the sweet air and lovely landscape for a long time when the train stopped at the Oakland station at half-past seven Sunday morning, May 19. Early as was the hour, with the mists still hovering over the bay, they found awaiting them, laden with flowers, Mrs. Cooper and her daughter Harriet, from San Francisco, Mrs. Isabel A. Baldwin, Mrs. Ada Van Pelt and several other Oakland ladies, and Rev. John K. McLean, the Congregational minister, whose eldest brother was the husband of Miss Anthony's sister. He conveyed her at once to his own home, while the others took charge of Miss Shaw. At 11 o'clock the reverend lady was in Dr. McLean's pulpit, fresh and smiling, in her soft, black ministerial robes, with dainty white THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 827 lawn at neck and wrists. Every seat was filled, chairs were placed in the aisles, people sitting on the steps, and the hap- piest woman in all the throng was Susan B. Anthony as she sat beside her friend. That evening the scene was repeated in the Congregational church of San Francisco, where the chan- cel was adorned with lilies and the revered Sarah B. Cooper made the opening prayer. The Woman's Congress opened at Golden Gate Hall, on the morning of May 20. The newspapers of San Francisco had decreed that this congress should be a success, and to this end they had been as generous with space and as complimentary in tone as the most exacting could have desired. The result was that at not a session during the week was the great hall large enough to hold the audience which sought admission. It pre- sented a beautiful sight on the opening morning, festooned from end to end with banners; the stage a veritable conserva- tory, with a background of palms, bamboo and other tropical plants, and in front a bewildering array of lilies, roses, carna- tions, sweet peas and other fragrant blossoms. Grouped upon the platform, on chairs and divans, under tall, shaded lamps, were the speakers and guests. At the right of the president's desk was a large arm-chair artistically draped with flowers be- neath a canopy of La France roses. At half-past ten Mrs. Cooper stepped out from the wings escorting Miss Anthony, followed by Mayor Adolph Sutro and Rev. Anna Shaw. The audience burst into a storm of applause and, amid cheers and the waving of handkerchiefs, Miss Anthony was conducted to her floral throne. As soon as she was seated, one woman after another came up with arms full of flowers until she was liter- erally buried under an avalanche of the choicest blossoms. No one who was present ever will forget the lovely scene. Mayor Sutro made the address of welcome, in which he em- phasized his belief that “the ballot should be placed in the hands of woman as the most powerful agent for the uplifting of humanity.” At the preceding congress the general topic had been, “The Relation of Women to the Affairs of the World,” and the criticism had been made that it was too much 828 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of a woman suffrage meeting. For this one the subject selected was “ The Home,” but the results were the same. Whatever the paper" Hereditary Influence, ” “ The Parents' Power,” - The Family and the State”—all led to suffrage; and the more suffrage, the greater the applause from the audience. Mrs.Cooper had written Miss Anthony, “I told the committee to put you and Miss Shaw anywhere on the program, that you could speak on one subject as well as another;" so they found themselves down for Educational Influences of Home Life ; " " Which Counts More, Father's or Mother's Influence ?" "Does Wife- hood Preclude Citizenship ?” “The Evolution of the Home ; ” 66 The Family and the State ; " "Shall We Co-operate ?" " The Rights of Motherhood ; ” and numerous other topics. Both spoke every day during the Congress and the people seemed never to tire of hearing them. Mrs. Cooper presided in her dignified and beautiful manner, and in her presentation said: “I have the very great honor and pleasure of introducing to this assembly one who has done more towards lifting up women than any other one person- Miss Susan B. Anthony." The Chronicle reported: "Then the audience made still further demonstrations. They clapped and cheered and waved, and some of the gray-haired women wiped their eyes because it is so seldom that people live to be appreciated. But Susan B. stood like a princess of the blood royal. Very erect of head and clear of voice she began her lit- tle speech. It was full of reminiscences, but some few people have the privilege of telling recollections without the fear of ever boring any one. Miss Anthony is one of these. ..." Miss Shaw also received a hearty welcome; and all through that wonderful week the bright, appreciative, warm- hearted California audiences crowded the hall and listened and applauded and brought their offerings of flowers and fruit to lay at the feet of these two women, who had come from the far East to clasp their hands and unite with them in one great cause—the uplifting of womanhood. The Chronicle said: Twelve hundred women went to Golden Gate Hall on Monday; fourteen hundred went Tuesday; two thousand Wednesday; twenty-five hundred Merays Alfötmeti bareng Mulbookis THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 829 Thursday. Golden Gate Hall could not hold one-fourth of the crowds, so all three of yesterday's sessions were held at the First Congregational church. Even there a stream of humanity blocked every aisle clear to the platform. Nobody ever supposed that the women of San Francisco cared for aught ex- cept their gowns, their teas and their babies. But they do. They like brains, even in their own sex. And they can applaud good speeches even if made by women, and they have all fallen madly, desperately in love with a very short, very plump little woman whose name is Anna Shaw. A year ago there were not more than a hundred women in San Francisco who could have been dragged to a suffrage meeting, but yesterday twenty-five times that number struggled and tore their clothing in their determination to hear Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw. Again it commented: “There has been some talk that the Woman's Congress which expired last night attracted its crowds under false pretenses—that it promised to talk about the home and then preached suffrage. That is usually the case when Miss Anthony is about, but it was always suffrage in its relation to the home. Who, knowing Miss Anthony's reputa- tion, could suppose that she would cross the continent in the evening of her life to discuss the draping of a lace curtain or the best colors for a parlor carpet ?.. Five thousand people waiting on the steps of the Temple Emanu-El for the purpose of hearing the woman preacher's last address does not look as if her position were uncertain. Mere curiosity does not take the same people to nineteen consecutive sessions.” "Apotheosis of Woman,'' the Examiner headed its fine re- ports; and the Call, the Bulletin, the Post, the Report, and the newspapers around the bay all gave columns of space to this great meeting which had discovered to the State of California its own remarkable women. Miss Anthony had been the guest of her old friend, Mrs. A. A. Sargent, whose hospitality she had enjoyed so many years in Washington City. As the suffrage amendment was to come up the next year, Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw met with a large number of ladies at the Congregational church and helped them organize a campaign committee, with Mrs. Cooper as its chairman. In accepting the office she said: “I intend to put all there is of me into current coin and use it to forward this Heaven-ordained work. If ever a woman was thoroughly 830. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. converted to this idea I have been, and in this spirit I accept the charge.” In the afternoon of this same day Mrs. Cooper escorted them to the Y. M. C. A. Hall to address the Congregational minis- ters at their regular Monday meeting, to which they had been officially invited. That evening they were the guests of honor at the Unitarian Club dinner at the Palace Hotel, Miss Anthony responding to the toast, “The Rights and Privileges of Man;" Miss Shaw to “ The Manly Man ;” Rev. A. C. Hirst and Dr. Horatio Stebbins to “ The Rights and Privileges of Woman” and “The Womanly Woman;" and the evening was a lively one. They addressed the girls' high school, and accepted also an invitation to speak to the 900 teachers at the institute in session at Golden Gate Hall. They were the guests of the Century Club, Sorosis and other San Francisco societies of women. A friend, Mrs. Mary Grafton Campbell, wrote from Palo Alto that she heard President Jordan say every remaining day and evening of the semester were filled, and when she exclaimed, “But Miss Anthony is coming; what about her ?” he replied, " There will be room for Miss Anthony if we have to give up classes.” Immediately he wrote her a cordial invitation to visit the university, offering to pay her travelling expenses and expressing a wish to entertain her in his home. She accepted for herself and Miss Shaw, and they spoke to as many students as could crowd into the chapel. Mrs. Stanford sent a personal invitation for them to attend the reception which she was to give the first graduating class in her San Francisco residence.' Yours, with friendly apreeti faucer L. Staufaed 1 As soon as they arrived in California they were presented by Mrs. Stanford with railroad passes throughout the State. THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 831 They were invited to the beautiful Water Carnival at Santa Cruz, and to the Flower Festival at Santa Barbara. It would be impossible, indeed, to mention all the delightful invitations of both a public and private nature, and there was not a day that did not bring a remembrance in the shape of flowers and the delicious fruit in which Miss Anthony revelled. On May 29 the Ebell Club of Oakland gave them a breakfast at 11:30; at 2 P. M. they addressed the Alameda County Aux- iliary of the Woman's Congress, Rev. Eliza Tupper Wilkes, president. The audience filled every inch of space in the Uni- tarian church, the most prominent ladies of Oakland occupied seats on the platform, and a large reception in the parlors fol- lowed the speaking. The evening session was held in the Con- gregational church, an enthusiastic crowd in attendance. The next afternoon they started for the Yosemite Valley, having for companions Dr. Elizabeth Sargent and Dr. Henry A. Baker, Miss Anthony's grand-nephew. There Miss Anthony, at the age of seventy-five, made the usual trips on the back of a mule. She relates that the name of her steed was Moses and Anna Shaw's Ephraim, and they had great sport over them. They enjoyed to the full all the beauties of that wonderful region, which never pall, no matter how often one visits them or how long one remains among them. During this trip Miss Shaw went with one of the Yosemite commissioners, George B. Sperry, to the Mariposa Big Trees. Two, in a group of the largest three, were christened George Washington and Abraham Lin- coln, and he offered her the privilege of naming the third. She gave it the title of Susan B. Anthony, it was appropriately marked, and thus it will be known to future generations. At San Jose they were the guests of Mrs. Sarah Knox Good- rich, who gave a dinner for them, and over a hundred called during the evening. Sunday afternoon Miss Anthony spoke in the Unitarian church, and Monday morning addressed the students of the Normal School. At noon Mrs. Elizabeth Lowe Watson gave a luncheon party under the great trees at her lovely home, Sunny Brae, where the ladies spoke in the afternoon to several hundred people from neighboring ranches. 832 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. In the evening they lectured at San Jose and, although fifty cents admission was charged, not nearly all who had bought tickets could get into the building. When they left for Los Angeles Mrs. Goodrich slipped into the hand of each $50 in gold, as a present; just as Mrs. Sargent had done when they left San Francisco. Long before Miss Anthony had started for California, cordial invitations had been received from the southern part of the State, from old friends and new. It was of course impossible to accept more than a small fraction of these, but from the time the twain reached Los Angeles, there was one continuous ova- tion. On the evening of their arrival, June 12, they addressed an audience of over 2,000 in Simpson tabernacle, which had been transformed into a bower of choicest blossoms. While in the city they were the guests of Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, with whom Miss Anthony had worked for suffrage in Ohio forty years before. In Riverside a reception was given them at the Glenwood by Mr. and Mrs. F. M. Richardson, relatives of Miss Anthony. The beautiful drives for which that place is famous were greatly enjoyed, and they went into raptures over the oranges, which they never before had seen in such quantities. They spoke to a large audience in the handsomely decorated Methodist taber- nacle at Pasadena. While here they were the guests of Mrs. P. C. Baker, on Orange Avenue, and received many social at- tentions from the people of this lovely little city. Thence they went to Pomona, where they were met at the station by a dele- gation of ladies, escorted to the Palomares Hotel, and found the committee had adorned their rooms with flowers in a pro- fusion which would be impossible outside of California. They spoke here also in the Methodist church. The next day Miss Shaw preached in Los Angeles and Miss Anthony spent the Sunday at Whittier with Mrs. Harriet R. Strong at her ranche, so widely noted for its walnut groves and pampas fields. Monday morning they journeyed to San Diego where they were the guests of Miss Anthony's niece, Mrs. George L. Baker. Elaborate preparations had been made to receive them THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 833 and they addressed a large audience in the evening. The next afternoon a reception was given at the Hotel Florence by all the woman's clubs of the city. The Union said: “The two guests of honor were simply loaded and garlanded with flowers. They were presented with baskets of sweet peas by the Y. W. C. A., yellow blossoms by the suffrage club, red, white and blue by the Datus Coon corps ; bouquets of white roses by the W.C. T. U., of red and white carnations in a holder of blue satin by Heintzelman W. R. C., of red roses by the Woman's League, of pink roses by the Jewish women. There was music by an orchestra as an accompaniment to the sociability of the occa- sion, in which some 700 women participated during the after- noon." The following day a picnic was given by the Woman's Club at “ Olivewood," the home of Mrs. Flora M. Kimball, near National City, where tables were spread on the lawn for the 200 guests who came by train and carriage. That same evening, by request of many who could not be present at the first meeting, the two ladies lectured again in San Diego. The next day they returned to Los Angeles, laden with souvenirs of their delight- ful visit; and that evening, without an hour's rest, addressed a mass meeting there. The following day the Los Angeles Herald gave an excursion to Santa Monica in their honor. The ladies of that pretty sea- side resort, under the leadership of Mrs. C. H. Ivens, met them with carriages and conducted them to the Hotel Arcadia. After luncheon, as they started for the hall where they were to speak, twelve little girls strewed flowers in their path way, and after the addresses twelve large bouquets of choice blossoms were laid at their feet. They were taken for a long drive by Mrs. E. J. Gorham, then to the residence of her brother, Sen- ator John P. Jones; and at the close of a lovely day, returned to Los Angeles. That evening a reception was given them by Mrs. Mark Sibley Severance, which Miss Anthony always re- membered as one of the handsomest in her long experience. The next morning they met a committee from the suffrage club ANT.-53 834 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. and had a conference on the broad piazza of their hostess in regard to the work of the coming campaign; and in the after- noon took the train for San Francisco, after two of the most delightful weeks in all their recollection. An especially grati- fying feature was the attitude of the press of Southern Califor- nia. There had been scarcely a discordant note in the ex- tended reports of the public meetings and social entertainments, and the editorial comments on the two ladies and the cause of which they were leading representatives, were dignified, fair and friendly. They reached San Francisco June 24 and were welcomed at the ferry by a number of friends from the two cities. The next day they were entertained at an elaborate dinner-party of ladies and gentlemen in the artistic home of Mrs. Emma Shafter Howard, of Oakland. From the table they went at once to the evening meeting. The Enquirer said: “It needed no pre- liminary brass band or blare of trumpets to pack the Congre- gational church with a live Oakland audience. The simple announcement that Susan B. Anthony and Rev. Anna H. Shaw were to speak was sufficient, and the chairman, Colonel John P. Irish, looked out over an animated sea of faces.” The following evening the San Francisco farewell meeting was held in Metropolitan Temple. Friday and Saturday were filled with social engagements, sight-seeing and shopping. On Sunday Miss Shaw preached in the California street Methodist church in the morning and the Second Congregational in the evening, while Miss Anthony addressed a union meeting of all the colored congregations in the city at the M. E. Zion church, the historic building in which Starr King preached before the war. Monday they spoke again at the Ministers' Meeting. The fact that they would be present had been announced in the papers, and ministers of all denominations were there from most of the towns within a radius of forty miles. Miss An- thony told them in vigorous language: "The reason why they, as a class, had so little influence with men of business I The Los Angeles Times, Harrison Gray Otis, editor, furnished the only exception of any importance to this rule. THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 835 and political affairs was because the vast majority of the peo- ple they represented had neither money nor votes; that if four or five hundred ministers of the State should go up to Sacra- mento to ask for any legislation, they would be treated politely and bowed out precisely as would so many of their women church members. Whereas, on the other hand, one manu- facturer, one railroad official, one brewer or distiller, could go before the same body and get whatever he asked, because every member would know that behind this request were not only thousands of dollars but thousands of votes.” The ministers seemed to realize fully the force of this statement and many ex- pressed themselves thoroughly in favor of the enfranchisement of women. The State Suffrage Association, with a good delegate repre- sentation, met in Golden Gate Hall, July 3, for their annual convention. There had been heretofore some dissensions in this organization and, at this critical time, co-operation was so vitally necessary that the friendly offices of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw were requested in the interests of harmony. In view of the arduous campaign approaching, all desired that Mrs. A. A. Sargent should accept the presidency, and the close of the convention found the forces united and ready for work. The Fourth of July witnessed the last public appearance of the two eminent visitors, and thereby hangs a tale. The last of May Miss Anthony had received from the chairman of the Fourth of July Executive Committee, William H. Davis, the following: “Fully realizing the great importance of your life- work, and rejoicing with you in the certainty that the fruition of your labors and hopes is now no longer problematic, but merely a question of days, we take much pleasure in extend- ing to you the right hand of American fellowship. . . . . We cordially invite you to an honorary position on our com- mittee, and hope that you will do us the honor of allowing us to select for you an appropriate and prominent place in the celebration of our national independence.” When it had been decided to celebrate the Fourth on a more elaborate scale than usual, an auxiliary board was appointed, 836 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. composed of the leading women of the city, with Sarah B. Cooper, chairman. Thinking to add an interesting feature to the occasion, she requested of the literary committee that Rev. Anna Shaw be placed on the program as one of the orators of the day. To her amazement she was refused in discourteous manner and language. The executive committee, learning of this action, requested that it should be reconsidered and Miss Shaw invited to speak. This being refused, the executive committee notified them that unless it was done, their commit- tee would be discharged and a new one appointed. They then yielded to the inevitable, placing Miss Shaw's name upon the list of orators, and the announcement was received with cheers by all the other committees. The reverend lady had not the slightest desire to make a Fourth of July speech, but she did wish to see Mrs. Cooper win her battle with the little sub-com- mittee. Meanwhile the committee in Oakland, P. M. Fisher, chairman, did not wait to be asked, but invited her to deliver an oration in that city as soon as she had finished in San Francisco, and she accepted. In the great Fourth of July procession, the very next carri- age to that of the mayor contained Mrs. Cooper, Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw, and the rousing cheers of the people along the whole line of march showed their appreciation of the victory gained for woman. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon the ladies took seats on the platform at Woodward's Pavilion, facing an audience of 5,000 people. San Francisco never heard such an oration as was delivered that day by the little Methodist preacher, her natural eloquence fired by the efforts to prevent her making it. After she had finished and the cheers upon cheers had died away, there was a great shout from the im- mense crowd, “Miss Anthony, Miss Anthony !” Finally she was obliged to come forward and, when a stillness had settled upon the audience, she said in strong, ringing tones: "You have heard today a great deal of what George Washington, the father of his country, said a hundred years ago. I will repeat to you just one sentence which Abraham Lincoln, the savior of his country, uttered within the present generation : THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. 837 'No man is good enough to govern another man without his consent.' Now I say unto you, 'No man is good enough to govern any woman without her consent;' ” and sat down amidst roars of applause. Miss Shaw had been placed at the very end of the program and when she got out into the street it was 5 o'clock. It would require an hour to reach Oakland, and she supposed of course some one had telegraphed the situation and the people there had long since gone home; but this had not been done, and a great audience on that side of the bay had assembled in the Tabernacle, many going as early as 1 o'clock, and had waited until 6. Knowing there was some mistake they separated with the understanding that if Miss Shaw could be secured for the evening the church bells would be rung. That lady had just seated herself at the dinner table when a telegram was received explaining the situation. She replied at once: “I will be with you at half-past eight.” Miss Anthony would not let her go alone and so, exhausted as they both were by the hard demands of the day, they crossed the bay, reaching Oakland at 8 o'clock. No one was at the station to meet them, so they took a carriage and drove to the Tabernacle but found it dark and deserted. They then went the rounds of the churches, but all were closed. Finally they gave up in despair and made the long journey back to San Francisco, reaching the Sargent home at 11 o'clock. Why the telegram was not re- ceived was never satisfactorily determined. After a meeting with the amendment campaign committee the next morning and a long discussion of their plan of work, the travellers started eastward at 6 P. M. They were met at the Oakland ferry by a crowd of friends from both cities with flow- ers, fruit and lunch baskets, and left amidst a shower of affectionate farewells. They carried away the sweetest memo- ries of a lifetime and could find no words to express their love and admiration for the people of California. Miss Anthony preseryes, as a memento of this visit, a large scrap-book of over 200 pages entirely filled with personal notices from the newspapers of that State during the six weeks 838 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of her stay, all, with a few exceptions, of such a character as to make their reading a pleasure. A source of even greater satisfaction was the wide discussion of woman suffrage which her visit had inspired and the favorable consideration accorded it by the press. In the months which followed she received scores of letters from California women, many of them un- known to her, expressing the sentiments of one from a teacher, which may be quoted: “Many of us who could attend but few of the meetings and had not even time to meet you per- sonally, have caught something of their spirit and have been with you in heart. We bless the day which brought you to us; for your kindly words to women, and to men for women, have lifted the fog, and the veiling mists are drifting away, leaving us a clearer view of our duty not only to hu- manity but to ourselves. You have left a trail of light.” CHAPTER XLVI. MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 1895–1896. Si N the way homeward they were met at every large station by friends with something to add to the pleasure of their trip. Miss Shaw went through to Chicago, but Miss Anthony journeyed towards mi Lot Leavenworth. She dined with friends at Topeka, and while waiting in the station, one of them remarked, "We are to have our suffrage meeting tomorrow, what shall we tell them from you ?” In a spirit of fun she dashed off a resolution saying that “since 130,000 Kansas men declared themselves against woman suffrage at the late election and 74,- 000 showed their opposition by not voting; therefore it is the duty of every self-respecting woman in the State to fold her hands and refuse to help any religious, charitable or moral re- form or any political association, until the men shall strike the adjective 'male' from the suffrage clause of the consti- tution.” She was in Topeka only five hours, but during that time at- tended a dinner party, gave a two-column interview to a re- porter from each of the city papers, and furnished a resolution which set all the newspapers in the country by the ears. "Talk about hysterics,” she said, laughingly, as she read the clippings, "it takes the editors to have 'em, if they are opposed to woman suffrage and can get hold of something to help them out.” Any one who could have the patience to read the fear- ful morals which were deduced, the frightful sermons which were preached, from what was intended as a joking resolution, would quite agree with her. Even had it been meant seriously, (839) 840 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. it would have been only such retaliation as men would have visited upon women had the latter been possessed of the power and voted three to one to take the ballot away from them. She visited a week in Leavenworth and Fort Scott, arrived at Chicago July 15, and was thus described by a Herald re- porter: Miss Anthony has grown slightly thinner since she was in Chicago attend- ing the World's Fair Congresses, thinner and more spiritual-looking. As she sat last night with her transparent hands grasping the arms of her chair, her thin, hatchet face and white hair, with only her keen eyes flashing light and fire, she looked like Pope Leo XIII. The whole physical being is as nearly submerged as possible in a great mentality. She recalls facts, figures, names and dates with unerring accuracy. It was no Argus-eyed autocrat who told with pardonable pride last night of how her chair at every great function in San Francisco was hung with floral wreaths, how bouquets were piled at her feet until she could scarcely step for them. It was a pleasing story, told by a sweet old woman, of honors which she accepted for the sake of a beloved cause. The next day she resumed her journey with Mr. and Mrs. Gross and Harriet Hosmer, who were going to Bar Harbor. She reached her own home at daybreak, and here, the diary shows, she sat down on the steps of the front porch and read the paper for an hour or two rather than disturb her sister's morning nap. The first word received from Miss Shaw was that she had arrived at her summer home on Cape Cod with a raging fever, the result of the great strain of constant speaking and travelling so many weeks without rest, and she continued alarmingly ill the remainder of the summer. She was much distressed be- cause of an engagement she had to lecture to the Chautauqua Assembly at Lakeside, O., and to relieve her mind Miss Anthony telegraphed her that she would go in her place. She herself felt not the slightest ill effect from her journey, and the long interviews published in all the Rochester papers during the week she was at home, displayed the keenest and strongest mental power. She reached Lakeside on the 25th of July and the next day spoke to a large audience. Towards the close of her address, she ended abruptly, dropped into her chair and sank into a dead faint. She was taken at once to Mrs. Southworth's summer home, MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY-THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 841 at which she was a guest, and telegrams were sent out by the press reporters announcing that she could not live till morning. She learned afterwards that long obituary notices were put in type in many of the newspaper offices. One Chicago paper telegraphed its correspondent: “5,000 words if still living; no limit, if dead.” She was very much vexed at this momen- tary weakness and, using her will-power, by the next day had rallied sufficiently to return home. The national suffrage business committee, by previous arrangement, met at her house, and she forced herself to keep up for two days, but felt very dull and tired, and on the morning of July 30 she did not rise. A physician was summoned and a trained nurse, and for a month she lay helpless with nervous prostration ; her first serious illness in seventy-five years. She is quoted as saying that if she had pinched herself right hard she would not have fainted.” One of the papers remarked that “then she never would have known how much the American people thought of her.” Every newspaper had something pleasant to say,' many friends wrote letters of sym- pathy, and scores whom she had not known personally sent their words of admiration. Only her body was weak, her mind was abnormally alert; she appreciated all that was said and done for her, and remarked often that this was the only real rest of her lifetime. A number of relatives came to visit her, and a little later Mrs. Coonley and Mrs. Sewall. Mr. and Mrs. Gross also stopped on their way home, the latter leaving $50 for the very prettiest wrapper that could be had.” From her old anti-slavery co-worker, Samuel May, now eighty- five, came the words : I suppose there is hardly another person in the United States, man or 1 The following from the Wichita Eagle is noteworthy because in the Kansas campaign the year before, and in all previous years, it had been abusive beyond description and had at all times put every possible stumbling-block in the way of woman suffrage and berated all who advocated it: “What an experience Miss Anthony has had! None but a remarkable woman could have accepted such a life-work at a time when prejudice and education ran all in the opposite direction. Finely-balanced and self-educated as to her special cause, she has not only won a name and fame world-wide, but turned perceptibly the entire current of human convic- tion. And she has been, through it all, the modest woman, truly womanly. The men and women of this country-of the world—who believe that the ballot for woman means better government and the elevation of society to a higher plane, must ever recognize Susan B. Anthony as the real pioneer prophetess of the cause, for so will history record her.” 842 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. woman, who has been engaged in actual hard public labor so long as your- self; and is it not a part of your business and a part of your duty-in view of the unattained results -to allow yourself larger spaces of rest and to put upon yourself more moderate and less exhausting tasks? We would not willingly see you retire from the field altogether; therefore we want you to do less of the common soldier's work and take charge of the reserves, keeping watch from your tower of experience, and personally appearing only when and where the enemy rallies in unusual numbers or with unusual craftiness. This does not imply a lessening of your usefulness but an increase, being a wiser application of your strength and resources. From Parker Pillsbury, the old comrade, aged eighty-six : “We have heard of your late illness, a warning to constant prudence and care for your health as you come down to life's latest stage.' Hold on, my dear—our dear—Susan, hold on to the last hour possible. You have seen great and glorious changes, almost revolutions, but yet how much remains to be encountered and accomplished. . . We shall hope you may live to see the one grand achievement—the equal civil and political rights of all women before the law. Then you may well say: 'Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace; for mine eyes have seen Thy salvation.'” Mrs. Stanton wrote: “I never realized how desolate the world would be to me without you until I heard of your sudden illness. Let me urge you with all the strength I have, and all the love I bear you, to stay at home and rest and save your precious self.” From Mrs. Cooper this urgent message: "You are too far along in years to work as hard as you do. Take it easy, my beloved friend, and let your young lieuten- ants bear the heat and burden of the day, while you give directions from the hill-top of survey. Age has the right to be peaceful, as childhood has the right to be playful. You are the youngest of us all, nevertheless nature cries a halt and you must obey her call in order to be with us as our leader for a score of years to come.” There is a long hiatus in the diary, and then for many days the brief entry, “ On the mend." In September she began to walk out a little and then to call on the nearest friends, and by the last of the month she attended a few committee meet- ings. The rumor had been persistently circulated that she MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY-THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 843 was to resign the presidency of the National-American Associa- tion and retire to private life. In fact, she never had the slightest intention of giving up active work. She realized that inactivity meant stagnation and hastened both physical and mental decay, and she was determined to keep on and “drop in the harness” when the time came to stop.' It was evident, however, that she must have relief in her immense correspondence. This she recognized, and so secured an effi- cient stenographer and typewriter in Mrs. Emma B. Sweet, who assumed her duties October 1, 1895. The five large files packed with copies of letters sent out during the remaining months of the year show how pressing was the need of her services. Miss Anthony relates in her diary with much satis- faction, that she managed to have a letter at every State suf- frage convention held that fall.” She thought possibly she might have to work a little more moderately for a while, and one of her first letters was written to the head of the Slayton Lecture Bureau: “I should love dearly to say 'yes' to your proposition for a series of lectures at $100 a night. Nothing short of that would tempt me to go on the lyceum platform again, and even to that, for the pres- ent, I must say 'nay.' I am resolved to be a home-body the coming year, with the exception of attending the celebration of Mrs. Stanton's eightieth birthday and our regular Washing- ton convention.” Among the characteristic short letters is this to Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson, of Chicago, who had asked for a word of encouragement in regard to a hospital she was founding for mothers whose children were born out of wed- lock : I hope your beneficent enterprise may succeed. I trust the day will come 1 Miss Anthony was many times besought to tell the secret of her wonderful vitality and power for work, and on one occasion wrote the following: “As machinery in motion lasts longer than when lying idle, so a body and soul in active exercise escape the corroding rust of physical and mental laziness, which prematurely cuts off the life of so many women. I believe I am able to endure the strain of daily travelling and lecturing at over threescore years and ten, mainly because I have always worked and loved work. As to my habits of life, it has been impossible for me to have fixed rules for eating, resting, sleeping, etc. The only advice I could give a young person on this point would be: 'Live as simply as you can. Eat what you find agrees with your constitution- when you can get it; sleep whenever you are sleepy, and think as little of these details as possible.?" 844 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. when there will be no such unfortunate mothers, but until then, it certainly is the duty of society to provide for them. The first step towards bringing that day is to make women not only self-supporting but able to win positions of honor and emolument. Since no disfranchished class of men ever had equal chances in the world, it is fair to conclude that the first requisite to bring them to women is enfranchisement. It is not that all when enfran- chised will be capable, honest and chaste, but it is that they will possess the power to control their own conditions and those of society equally with men. Therefore my panacea for the ills which your hospital would fain mitigate is the ballot in the hands of women. The editor of the Voice wrote for her opinion as to the cause of the prevailing “hard times," and she answered: The work of my life has been less to find out the causes of men's failure to successfully manage affairs, than to try to show them their one great failure in attempting to make a successful government without the help of women. It used to be said in anti-slavery days that a people who would tacitly con- sent to the enslavement of 4,000,000 human beings, were incapable of being just to each other, and I believe the same rule holds with regard to the injus- tice practiced by men towards women. So long as all men conspire to rob women of their citizen's right to perfect equality in all the privileges and immunities of our so-called “free” government, we can not expect these same men to be capable of perfect justice to each other. On the contrary, the inevitable result must be trusts, monopolies and all sorts of schemes to get an undue share of the proceeds of labor. There is money enough in this country today in the hands of the few, if justly distributed, to make "good times” for all. Reporters were constantly besieging her for her views on 6 bloomers,” which had been re-introduced by the bicycle, and she usually replied in effect : My opinion about "bloomers” and dress generally for both men and women is that people should dress to accommodate whatever business or pastime they pursue. It would be quite out of good taste as well as good sense, for a woman to go to her daily work with trailing skirts, flowing sleeves, fringes and laces; and certainly, if women ride the bicycle or climb mountains, they should don a costume which will permit them the use of their legs. It is very funny that it is ever and always the men who are troubled about the propriety of the women's costume. My one word about the “ bloomers” or any other sort of dress, is that every woman, like every man, should be permitted to wear exactly what she chooses. When women have equal chances in the world they will cease to live merely to please the conventional fancy of men. As long as there was no alternative for women but to marry, it was about as much as any woman's MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 845 life was worth to be an old maid, and her one idea was to dress and behave so as to escape this fate. She now has other objects in life, and her new lib- erty has brought with it a freedom in matters of dress which is cause for rejoicing. These opinions might be multiplied almost to infinity and all would emphasize two points: 1st, the broad views enter- tained by Miss Anthony on all questions, based on her idea of individual freedom, the same for both sexes; 2d, her funda- mental belief that, until women cease to be a subject class, and until they stand upon the plane of perfect equality of rights and privileges, there can be no such thing as a fair solution or adjustment of the issues of the day, either great or small; in other words, that these can not be satisfactorily and permanently set- tled through the judgment and decision of only one-half the people. On October 18 she celebrated her complete recovery by ac- cepting an invitation to come and take a cup of tea with Aunt Maria Porter,” in honor of her ninetieth birthday. She was obliged to cancel her engagement to speak at the Atlanta Exposition, but during this month made a trial of her strength by an hour's speech at the annual meeting of the Monroe County Suffrage Club at Brockport, “ attempting it,” she says, "s with fear and trembling, but going through as if I never had had a scare." Assured by this that she had herself well in hand once more, she went to Ashtabula, Ohio, for a three days' convention of the State association, attending every busi- ness meeting and public session. This fact being duly her- alded in the newspapers, they put the obituary notices back into their pigeonholes. She started for New York November 6 to be present at an event to which she had looked forward with more pleasure than to anything of that nature in all her life—the celebration of the eightieth birthday of Mrs. Stanton. At the convention in February it had been unanimously decided that the National- American Association should have charge of this, but at the Woman's Council in Washington it was agreed that it would 846 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. have greater significance if held under the auspices of that body, which cheerfully accepted the charge. Its new presi- dent, Mary Lowe Dickinson, urged Miss Anthony to take the chairmanship of the committee of arrangements, insisting that no one else could make so great a success of it, but Miss An- thony assured her of what afterwards proved to be true, that no one could manage the affair more perfectly than Mrs. Dick- inson herself. Naturally many of the suffrage women resented having any one outside their own association as the leader on this great occasion, and Lillie Devereux Blake wrote: “Mrs. Stanton stands for suffrage above all else and she should be honored by our societies. To have the celebration under the charge of the secretary of the King's Daughters, an orthodox organization, seems very much out of taste, greatly as I honor Mrs. Dickin- son. I do not think any one else will make the celebration such a success as you would ; you, the long-time companion and co-worker with our dear leader, are the person who should be at the head and, with your admirable manner as a presiding officer, you would give a tone to it that no one else could.” To this Miss Anthony replied : All of you fail to see the higher honor to Mrs. Stanton in having the cele- bration mothered by a great body composed of twenty national societies, instead of by only our one. Surely, for all classes of women-liberal, ortho- dox, Jewish, Mormon, suffrage and anti-suffrage, native and foreign, black and white-to unite in paying a tribute of respect to the greatest woman reformer, philosopher and statesman of the century, will be the realization of Mrs. Stanton's most optimistic dream. I am surprised and delighted at the action of the council. It shows a breadth and comprehensiveness on the part of the leaders of its twenty-in-one organization of which I am very proud. Of course Mrs. Stanton stands for suffrage first, last and all the time, and the conserva- tive women who join in this celebration do so knowing that she stands thus for a free and enfranchised womanhood. Don't you see that for Anthony to head the fray, preside and be general master of ceremonies, would reduce it to a mere mutual admiration affair ? The celebration is not taken away from us. We, the suffrage women, will have our modicum of time to set forth what Mrs. Stanton has done for our specific cause, and the other women will have theirs. O, no, my dear, it is not possible that the greater can be less than one of the parts which com- pose it. MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 847 Her own “ girls,” Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Avery, could not help being a little jealous for their general, and insisted that her name should head the invitations, but to them she wrote: Do you not see that for Susan B. Anthony's name to stand at the top, will frighten the conservatives? Everybody will conclude that the big suffrage elephant has possessed the council, body and soul-all thrust into the suffrage hopper and the wheel turned by S. B. A. To make me chairman will wholly spoil the intention of the council, which is and should be to bring the fruits of Mrs. Stanton's first demand, fifty years ago, and lay them at her feet; not only the suffrage children, but those of education, literature, science, reform, religion, all as one. If Mrs. Dickinson single out the hoofed and horned head of suffrage as the commander-in-chief, not only the nineteen other societies but all the world outside will say it is suffrage after all, which it will be, because the others won't train under our leadership. No, no; Mrs. Dickinson herself must be the chief cook of this broth and appoint her own lieutenants, one of whom, with name far down in the middle of the list, I shall be most happy to be, and do all I possibly can to help, but always in the name of the president of the council. She was true to her word, and in every way assisted Mrs. Dickinson in the immense amount of preparation necessary for what was the largest and most perfect affair of this nature ever given in America. At her request Miss Anthony wrote over a hundred letters to collect funds, secure the presence of the pioneer workers among women, etc., but still insisted on keeping herself so much in the background as even to refuse to make one of the principal speeches of the occasion. When she reached New York, she went for the night to her cousin, Mrs. Lapham, and early the next morning to Mrs. Stanton's to read over the birthday speech, of which she writes: "My only criticism was that she did not rest her case after describ- ing the wonderful advance made in state, church, society and home, instead of going on to single out the church and declare it to be especially slow in accepting the doctrine of equality to women. I tried to make her see that it had advanced as rapidly as the other departments but I did not succeed, and it is right that she should express her own ideas, not mine." The next day she went to Newburgh to address the State con- vention, returning to New York on the 9th. Friends had 848 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. come from all parts of the country to attend the celebration, and the three days following were pleasantly spent in visiting with them at the different hotels. On the evening of the 12th occurred the birthday fête. There is not room in these pages to describe in full that magnificent gathering, the great Metro- politan Opera House crowded from pit to dome, each of the boxes brilliantly and appropriately decorated and occupied by the representatives of some organization of women. On the stage was a throne of flowers and above it an arch with the name “ Stanton” wrought in red carnations on a white ground. When Mrs. Stanton entered, the entire audience of 3,000 rose to salute her with waving handkerchiefs. At the right and left of the floral throne sat Miss Anthony and Mrs. Dickinson. Instead of responding with a set speech, when called upon, Miss Anthony paid an eloquent tribute to the "pioneers,” and then read the most important of the one hundred telegrams of congratulation which had been received from noted societies and eminent men and women in the United States and Europe. The New York Sun said: “In ordinary hands this task would have been dull enough, but Miss Anthony enlivened it with her wit and cleverness and made a success of it.” It may be truly said that not one woman in that audience, not even Mrs. Stanton herself, was prouder or happier than Miss Anthony 'over this splendid ovation. 1 Among others was a beautiful testimonial from Theodore Tilton, who had been for many years a resident of Paris, in which he said: “At the present day, every woman who seeks the legal custody of her children, or the legal control of her property; every woman who finds the doors of a college or a university open- ing to her; every woman who administers a post-office or a public library; every woman who enters upon a career of medicine, law or theology; every woman who teaches a school, or tills a farm, or keeps a shop; every one who drives a horse, rides a bicycle, skates at a rink, swims at a summer resort, plays golf or tennis in a public park, or even snaps a kodak; every such woman, I say, owes her liberty largely to yourself and to your earliest and brav- est co-workers in the cause of woman's emancipation. So I send my greetings not to you so to the small remainder now living of your original bevy of noble assistants. among whom-first, last and always-has been and still continues to be your fit mate, chief counselor and executive right hand, Susan B. Anthony; a heroine of hard work who, when her own eightieth birthday shall roll round, will likewise deserve a national ovation, at which she should not inappropriately receive the old Roman crown of oak.” This was accompanied by a personal letter to Miss Anthony, saying, besides other pleasant things: “I heard lately that you were dying! I did not believe the canard. Dying? No! You are to live forever. Give my love to the heroine of the hour-and prepare yourself for an equal picnic when your own time shall come. Ever yours as of old.” MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 849 The next day a large reception was given at the Savoy by Mrs. Henry Villard, the only daughter of Wm. Lloyd Garri- son; and after various luncheons and dinners and good-by calls, Miss Anthony returned to Rochester. She plunged into the mountain of correspondence and, expecting to spend most of the next year at home, gave every spare moment to the arranging and classifying of her mass of documents, pre- paratory to some contemplated literary work. On November 21, the Political Equality Club celebrated Mrs. Stanton's birth- day in a beautiful manner at the Anthony home, over 200 guests attending. Several unkind newspaper attacks being made upon Miss Anthony by disgruntled women, she wrote Mrs. Stanton, who was much distressed: “This fresh on- slaught reminds me of the old adage, When one is over- praised by the many, the few will try to pull down and de- stroy.' Certainly I know that in my head and heart there never has been any but the strongest desire that all the other workers should have their full meed of opportunity and re- ward." A telegram came November 25 announcing the sudden death, in Boston, of Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick. She had been actively in the suffrage work for only a few years, but in that time Miss Anthony had learned her splendid powers and had said of her: "I feel that into her hands can safely fall the work of the future, both as to principle and policy.” She had been made chairman of the national press work, and had shown an unsurpassed beauty and strength of style and thought. “She was a philosopher, a student,” Miss Anthony wrote, “possessed of the conscience and the courage to stand by the truth as she saw it. Can it be that she is gone in the very prime of her womanhood? Why can not we keep with us the brave and beautiful souls; why can not the weak and wicked go? The world seems darker to me now, a light has gone out.” On December 2 she gathered about her a group of the very oldest and dearest friends in memory of what would have been ANT.—54 850 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. her mother's one hundred and second birthday. She records attending a lecture by President Andrew D. White, at the close of which he presented his wife to her, saying: “I want you to know her; she is of your kind.” The day before Christmas came another telegram, this one from May Wright Sewall, containing simply the words: “Dear General, my Theodore is taken." It meant the desolation of one of the happiest, most perfect homes ever made by two mortals. It told the breaking of as strong and sweet a tie as ever united husband and wife. What could she write? Only, “Be brave in this inevitable hour; take unto yourself the joy of sorrow' that you did all in mortal power for his restoration, that his hap- piness was the desire of your life; find comfort in the blessed memories of his tender and never-failing love and care for you in all these beautiful years.” But the poverty, the pow- erlessness of words in times like this! And so the old year rolled into the past and the record was finished. Among the letters which came to cheer its close, was one from Mary Lowe Dickinson, which ended: In every way, in all this work, how grandly you stood by and helped me! Some day you will understand how grateful I am, and how thoroughly I appreciate the support, moral and other, that you have given me. I know this holiday season will bring you a great many loving souvenirs from all over the world, and I haven't sent you anything at all; but I have a gift for you, notwithstanding, a gift of loyal reverence for the grand outspoken bravery of your life and service, a gift of genuine gratitude for what you have been and what you have done, and an affection that has been growing ever since my first talk with you in Chicago. This is quite a declaration for a reserved woman, but it is as sincere as it is unusual, and I wish you all sorts of bless- ings for the New Year, and most of all that it may show great progress in the work which lies so close to your heart. And this from her beloved friend, Mrs. Leland Stanford: It is needless for me to express all I feel in regard to your tender and long- continued friendship. I always prized it when I had my dear husband by my side to help me bear the burdens and sorrows of life, but now, standing as I do alone with the weighty cares and sacred duties depending upon me, I cherish your sympathy, your friendship and your tender words as an evi- dence of God's love. He can instigate and guide hearts to reach out sustain- ing helpfulness to His children, who need just such support as you have given MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 851 me. Long years past and gone, you and Mrs. Stanton were appreciated and extolled by my husband more than you ever realized. He predicted twenty years ago what has now come, and mainly through the instrumentality of yourself and her—the advancement and elevation of womanhood-and we are only on the eve of what is to follow in the twentieth century. Miss Anthony was very glad to go back to Washington with the annual convention, which was held January 23 to 28, 1896. She went on a week beforehand to satisfy herself that all was in readiness. Although the details of the work were assumed by the younger members of the board, she was always on the scene of action early enough to look over the ground before the battle opened. This year the papers said: "A notable fea- ture of the suffrage movement is the large number of college alumnæ and professional women who are coming into the ranks.” The committee reported organizations in every State and Territory except Alaska. Delegates were present from almost every one, among them Mrs. Hughes, wife of the gov- ernor of Arizona, Mrs. Teller, wife of the senator from Color- ado, Mrs. Sanders, wife of the ex-senator from Montana, the wives of Representatives Arnold, Allen, Shafroth and Pickler, Mrs. Ella Knowles Haskell, assistant attorney-general of Mon- tana. Most of them addressed the committees of the Senate and House, who gave long and respectful hearings. The principal cause of rejoicing at this convention was the admission of Utah as a State with the full enfranchisement of women. A clause to this effect had been put into the State constitution, endorsed by all political parties, voted on by the men of the Territory and carried. This constitution had been accepted, the new State admitted by Congress, and the bill was signed by President Cleveland January 4, 1896. A noteworthy circumstance in this case was that, while the admission of Wyoming with a woman suffrage clause in its constitution was fought for many days in both Senate and House in 1890, that 852 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. of Utah was accepted with scarcely a protest against its en- franchisement of women. There was also rejoicing over the fact that, during the autumn of 1895, the full franchise had been conferred upon the women of South Australia. The occurrence of the convention which forever made its memory a sad one to Miss Anthony was the so-called “ Bible resolution.” It had this effect not only because of the resolu- tion itself but because those who were responsible for it were especially near and dear to her. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, as- sisted by a committee of women, had been for several years preparing a work called the “Woman's Bible.” It contained no discussion of doctrinal questions but was simply a commen- tary upon those texts and chapters directly referring to women, and a few others from which they were conspicuously excluded. Naturally, however, this pamphlet caused a great outcry, especially from those who had not read a word of it. That women should dare analyze even the passages referring to themselves in a book which heretofore, neither in the origi- nal writing nor in all the revisions of the centuries, had felt the impress of a woman's brain or the touch of a woman's hand, stirred the orthodox to their greater or less depths. Mrs. Stanton was honorary president of the National-Ameri- can Suffrage Association, but had not attended its meetings or actively participated in its work for a number of years. Several members of the board, who were children when she and Miss Anthony founded that organization, and unborn when Mrs. Stanton called the first woman's rights convention, de- cided that her Woman's Bible was injuring the association, although only the chapters on the Pentateuch thus far had been published. They determined that this body should take official action on the question, but they understood perfectly that it would have to be brought before the convention with- out any previous knowledge on the part of Miss Anthony. Therefore it was planned to have a paragraph of condemnation and renunciation of the Woman's Bible incorporated in the report of the corresponding secretary. When it was read in open meeting she was struck dumb. Mrs. Colby sprung to MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY-THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 853 her feet and moved that the report be accepted, all but the paragraph relating to the Woman's Bible. After an animated discussion the secretary's report was laid on the table and later was adopted with the offending clause stricken out. Miss Anthony supposed this was the end of the matter but, to her amazement, the committee on resolutions reported the follow- ing: “This association is non-sectarian, being composed of persons of all shades of religious opinions, and has no official connection with the so-called Woman's Bible, or any theolog- ical publication." This resolution was wholly gratuitous. While true that the association was composed of persons of all shades of religious opinion, it comprised also among some of its oldest and ablest members those who entertained no so-called religious beliefs. Mrs. Stanton invariably had announced that this revision of the Scriptures was the individual work of herself and her com- mittee, and there was no ground for holding the whole associ- ation responsible. The resolution, however, was debated for an hour. Miss Anthony was moved as never before. Not only was she fired with indignation at this insult to the woman whom she loved and revered above all others, but she was outraged at this deliberate attempt to deny personal liberty of thought and speech. Leaving the chair she said in an im- passioned appeal : The one distinct feature of our association has been the right of individual opinion for every member. We have been beset at each step with the cry that somebody was injuring the cause by the expression of sentiments which differed from those held by the majority. The religious persecution of the ages has been carried on under what was claimed to be the command of God. I distrust those people who know so well what God wants them to do, because I notice it always coincides with their own desires. All the way along the history of our movement there has been this same contest on account of religious theories. Forty years ago one of our noblest men said to me, “You would better never hold another convention than allow Ernestine L. Rose on your platform ;” because that eloquent woman, who ever stood for justice and freedom, did not believe in the plenary inspiration of the Bible. Did we banish Mrs. Rose ? No, indeed! Every new generation of converts threshes over the same old straw. The point is whether you will sit in judgment on one who questions the divine inspiration of certain passages in the Bible derogatory to women. If Mrs. Stanton had written approvingly of these passages you would not have 854 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. brought in this resolution for fear the cause might be injured among the liberals in religion. In other words, if she had written your views, you would not have considered a resolution necessary. To pass this one is to set back the hands on the dial of reform. What you should say to outsiders is that a Christian has neither more nor less rights in our association than an atheist. When our platform becomes too narrow for people of all creeds and of no creeds, I myself can not stand upon it. Many things have been said and done by our orthodox friends which I have felt to be extremely harmful to our cause; but I should no more con- sent to a resolution denouncing them than I shall consent to this. Who is to draw the line? Who can tell now whether these commentaries may not prove a great help to woman's emancipation from old superstitions which have barred its way? Lucretia Mott at first thought Mrs. Stanton had injured the cause of all woman's other rights by insisting upon the demand for suf- frage, but she had sense enough not to bring in a resolution against it. In 1860 when Mrs. Stanton made a speech before the New York Legislature in favor of a bill making drunkenness a ground for divorce, there was a general cry among the friends that she had killed the woman's cause. I shall be pained beyond expression if the delegates here are so narrow and illiberal as to adopt this resolution. You would better not begin resolving against indi- vidual action or you will find no limit. This year it is Mrs. Stanton; next year it may be I or one of yourselves, who will be the victim. If we do not inspire in women a broad and catholic spirit, they will fail, when enfranchised, to constitute that power for better government which we have always claimed for them. Ten women educated into the practice of liberal principles would be a stronger force than 10,000 organized on a plat- form of intolerance and bigotry. I pray you vote for religious liberty, with- out censorship or inquisition. This resolution adopted will be a vote of censure upon a woman who is without a peer in intellectual and statesman- like ability; one who has stood for half a century the acknowledged leader of progressive thought and demand in regard to all matters pertaining to the absolute freedom of women. Rev. Anna Shaw, Carrie Chapman Catt, Henry B. and Alice Stone Blackwell, Laura M. Johns, Annie L. Diggs, Rachel Foster Avery, Laura Clay, Mariana W. Chapman, Elizabeth Upham Yates, and others spoke in favor of the resolution; Lillie Devereux Blake, Clara B. Colby, Mary S. Anthony, Emily Howland, Charlotte Perkins Stetson and Caroline Hallo- well Miller were among those who opposed it. The vote resulted, 53 ayes, 41 nays; and the resolution was adopted. The situation was felicitously expressed in a single sentence by Mrs. Caroline McCullough Everhard, president of the Ohio Suffrage Association: “If women were governed more by principle and less by prejudice, how strong they would be!” MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 855 Miss Anthony's feelings could not be put into words. At first she seriously contemplated resigning her office, but from all parts of the country came letters from the pioneer workers- the women who had stood by her for more than twoscore years—pointing out that this action of the convention was a striking illustration of the necessity for her remaining at the helm. Mrs. Stanton urged that they both resign, but Miss Anthony replied : During three weeks of agony of soul, with scarcely a night of sleep, I have felt I must resign my presidency, but then the rights of the minority are to be respected and protected by me quite as much as the action of the majority is to be resented; and it is even more my duty to stand firmly with the minor- ity because principle is with them. I feel very sure that after a year's reflec- tion upon the matter, the same women, and perhaps the one man, who voted for this interference with personal rights, will be ready to declare that their duty as individuals does not require them to disclaim freedom of speech in their co-workers. Sister Mary says the action of the convention convinces her that the time has not yet come for me to resign; whereas she had felt most strongly that I ought to do it for my own sake. No, my dear, instead of my resigning and leaving those half-fledged chickens without any mother, I think it my duty and the duty of yourself and all the liberals to be at the next convention and try to reverse this miserable, narrow action. In letters to the different members of her " cabinet," who had voted in favor of the resolution, she thus expressed her- self: In this action I see nothing but the beginning of a petty espionage, a re- vival of the Spanish inquisition, subjecting to spiritual torture every one who speaks or writes what the other members consider not good for the associa- tion. Such disclaimers bring quite as much of martyrdom for our civilization as did the rack and fire in the barbarous ages of the past. That a majority of the delegates could see no wrong personally to Mrs. Stanton and no violation of the right of individual judgment, makes me sick at heart; and still, I don't know what better one could expect when our ranks are now so filled with young women not yet out of bondage to the idea of the infallibility of that book. To every person who really believes in religious freedom, it is no worse to criticise those pages in the Bible which degrade woman than it is to criticise the laws on our statute books which degrade her. Everything spoken or written by Jew or Greek, Gentile or Christian, or by any human being whomsoever, is not too sacred to be criticised by any other human being She was far too magnanimous, however, and loved the cause too well to relax her efforts for the welfare of the association. 856 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Before the year closed she received from Mrs. Avery and Mrs. Upton most tender and beautiful letters, acknowledging their mistake, expressing their sorrow and begging to be reinstated in her confidence and affection.' In order that Miss Anthony's position may be clearly under- stood and that she may not appear biased and one-sided, and in order also to consider this question all at one time, her point of view will be a little further illustrated. In an inter- view in the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle she is thus re- ported : "Did you have anything to do with the new Bible, Miss Anthony ?" was asked. “No, I did not contribute to it, though I knew of its preparation. My own relations to or ideas of the Bible always have been peculiar, owing to my Quaker training. The Friends consider the book as historical, made up of traditions, but not as a plenary inspiration. Of course people say these women are impious and presumptuous for daring to interpret the Scriptures as they understand them, but I think women have just as good a right to inter- pret and twist the Bible to their own advantage as men always have twisted and turned it to theirs. ... It was written by men, and therefore its reference to women reflects the light in which they were regarded in those days. In the same way the history of our Revolutionary War was written, how they stood by and helped the great work, and it is the same with history all through.” Although she stood so firm for individual rights she never- theless regretted that Mrs. Stanton should give the few remain- ing years of her precious life to this commentary, and fre- quently wrote in the following strain, when importuned to assist in it: I can not help but feel that in this you are talking down to the most ignorant masses, whereas your rule always has been to speak to the highest, knowing there would be a few who would comprehend, and would in turn give of their best to those on the next lower round of the ladder. The cultivated men and women of today are above the need of your book. Even the liber- alized orthodox ministers are coming to our aid and their conventions are 1 In a letter to the Woman's Tribune Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf said: “I was absent from the convention and could not vote against that resolution. The 'Woman's Bible' a hin- drance to organization? Of course it is. What of it? The belief in the old theories about women, which had their basis in doctrines taught from King James' version of the Bible, was a much more monumental hindrance to the work of the pioneers, in not only the woman suffrage movement but in all movements for the advancement of women." MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY—THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 857 passing resolutions in favor of woman's equality, and I feel that these men and women who are just born into the kingdom of liberty can better reach the minds of their followers than can any of us out-and-out radicals. But while I do not consider it my duty to tear to tatters the lingering skeletons of the old superstitions and bigotries, yet I rejoice to see them crumbling on every side. Months after this Washington convention, when Miss Anthony was in the midst of a great political campaign in California, she sent Mrs. Stanton this self-explanatory letter: You say "women must be emancipated from their superstitions before en- franchisement will be of any benefit,” and I say just the reverse, that women must be enfranchised before they can be emancipated from their superstitions. Women would be no more superstitious today than men, if they had been men's political and business equals and gone outside the four walls of home and the other four of the church into the great world, and come in contact with and discussed men and measures on the plane of this mundane sphere, instead of living in the air with Jesus and the angels. So you will have to keep pegging away, saying, “Get rid of religious bigotry and then get polit- ical rights; ” while I shall keep pegging away, saying, “Get political rights first and religious bigotry will melt like dew before the morning sun;" and each will continue still to believe in and defend the other. Now, especially in this California campaign, I shall no more thrust into the discussions the question of the Bible than the manufacture of wine. What I want is for the men to vote “yes” on the suffrage amendment, and I don't ask whether they make wine on the ranches in California or believe Christ made it at the wedding feast. I have your grand addresses before Congress and enclose one in nearly every letter I write. I have scattered all your "celebration” speeches that I had, but I shall not circulate your “Bible" literature a particle more than Frances Willard's prohibition litera- ture. So don't tell Mrs. Colby or anybody else to load me down with Bible, social purity, temperance, or any other arguments under the sun but just those for woman's right to have her opinion counted at the ballot-box. I have been pleading with Miss Willard for the last three months to with- draw her threatened W. C. T. U. invasion of California this year, and at last she has done it; now, for heaven's sake, don't you propose a "Bible inva- sion.” It is not because I hate religious bigotry less than you do, or because I love prohibition less than Frances Willard does, but because I consider suf- frage more important just now. It seems that Miss Anthony's attitude ought to be perfectly understood by the testimony here presented. It is one from which she never has swerved and on which she is willing to stand in the pages of history—entire freedom for herself from religious superstition—the most absolute religious liberty for every other human being. 858 LIFE AND WORK O LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. USAN B. ANTHONY. To return to the Washington convention: Among many pleasant social features Miss Anthony was invited to an ele- gant luncheon given by Mrs. John R. McLean in honor of the seventieth birthday of Mrs. Ulysses S. Grant and, at the re- ception which followed, received the guests with Mrs. Grant and Mrs. McLean. I ara hot mthe hreat respect and Kimrere admisatiaa Calea D, Gant At the close of the convention the principal speakers and many of the delegates went to Philadelphia to a national con- ference, which was largely attended. It was here that “Nelly Bly” had the famous interview published in the New York World of February 2, 1896. She had tried to secure this in Washington, but Miss Anthony could not spare time for it, so she followed her to Philadelphia. It filled a page of the Sun- day edition and contained Miss Anthony's opinions on most of the leading topics of the day, in the main correctly reported, although not a note was taken. It began thus: Susan B. Anthony! She was waiting for me. I stood for an instant in the doorway and looked at her. She made a picture to remember and to cherish. She sat in a low rocking-chair, an image of repose and restfulness. Her well- shaped head, with its silken snowy hair combed smoothly over her ears, rested against the back of the chair. Her shawl had half fallen from her shoulders and her soft black silk gown lay in gentle folds about her. Her slender hands were folded idly in her lap, and her feet, crossed, just peeped from beneath the edge of her skirt. If she had been posed for a picture, it could not have been done more artistically. "Do you know the world is a blank to me?” she said after we had ex- changed greetings. “I haven't read a newspaper in ten days and I feel lost to everything. Tell me about Cuba! I almost would be willing to postpone the enfranchisement of women to see Cuba free. . . ." MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY-THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 859 “Do you believe in immortality?” "I don't know anything about heaven or hell,” she answered, " or whether I will meet my friends again or not, but as no particle of matter is ever de- stroyed, I have a feeling that no particle of mind is ever lost. I am sure that the same wise power which manages the present may be trusted with the hereafter.” “Then you don't find life tiresome ?” "O, mercy, no! I don't want to die as long as I can work; the minute I can not, I want to go. I dread the thought of being enfeebled. The older I get, the greater power I seem to have to help the world; I am like a snow- ball-the further I am rolled the more I gain. But,” she added, signifi- cantly, “I'll have to take it as it comes. I'm just as much in eternity now as after the breath goes out of my body.” “Do you pray?" “I pray every single second of my life; not on my knees, but with my work. My prayer is to lift woman to equality with man. Work and worship are one with me. I can not imagine a God of the universe made happy by my getting down on my knees and calling him 'great.' . . . “What do I think of marriage? True marriage, the real marriage of soul, when two people take each other on terms of perfect equality, without the de- sire of one to control the other, is a beautiful thing; it is the highest con- dition of life; but for a woman to marry for support is demoralizing; and for a man to marry a woman merely because she has a beautiful figure or face is degradation. ..." “Do you like flowers ?" I asked, leading her into another channel. “I like roses first and pinks second, and nothing else after,” Miss Anthony laughed. “I don't call anything a flower that hasn't a sweet perfume.” "What is your favorite hymn or ballad ?” "The dickens!” she exclaimed merrily. “I don't know! I can't tell one tune from another. I know there are such hymns as 'Sweet By and By' and Old Hundred,' but I can not tell them apart. All music sounds alike to me, but still if there is the slightest discord it hurts me. Neither do I know anything about art,” she continued, “yet when I go into a room filled with pictures my friends say I invariably pick out the best. I have good com- pany, I always think, in my musical ignorance. Wendell Phillips couldn't recognize tunes; neither could Anna Dickinson.” "What's your favorite motto, or have you one ?” “For the last thirty years I have written in all albums, 'Perfect equality of rights for women, civil and political;' or, 'I know only woman and her disfranchised. There is another, one of Charles Sumner's, ' Equal rights for all.' I never write sentimental things.... “Yes, I'll tell you what I think of bicycling,” she said, leaning forward and laying a hand on my arm. “I think it has done more to emancipate woman than any one thing in the world. I rejoice every time I see a woman ride by on a wheel. It gives her a feeling of self-reliance and independence the moment she takes her seat; and away she goes, the picture of untram- melled womanhood." “What do you think the new woman will be ?" 860 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. "She'll be free,” said Miss Anthony. “Then she'll be whatever her best judgment dictates. We can no more imagine what the true woman will be than what the true man will be. We haven't him yet, and it will be generations after we gain freedom before we have the highest man and woman. They will constantly change for the better, as the world does. What is the best possible today will be outgrown tomorrow.” “What would you call woman's best attribute ?” “Good common sense; she has a great deal of uncommon sense now, but I want her to be an all-around woman, not gifted overly in one respect and lacking in others.. . ." "And now," I said, approaching a very delicate subject on tip-toe, “tell me one thing more. Were you ever in love?” "In love ?” she laughed. “Bless you, Nelly, I've been in love a thou- sand times !” “Really !” I gasped, taken back by this startling confession. 6 Yes, really,” nodding her snowy head; “but I never loved any one so much that I thought it would last. In fact, I never felt I could give up my life of freedom to become a man's housekeeper. When I was young, if a girl married poverty, she became a drudge; if she married wealth, she became a doll. Had I married at twenty-one, I would have been either a drudge or a doll for fifty-five years. Think of it !” and she laughed again. ... Miss Anthony's seventy-sixth birthday was celebrated by the Rochester Political Equality Club at the residence of Dr. and Mrs. S. A. Linn. The spacious and beautifully decorated rooms were crowded with guests, and interesting addresses were given by Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Gannett, Mr. J. M. Thayer and Mary Seymour Howell, to which Miss Anthony made a happy response. On February 17 she spoke at a church fair given by the colored people of Bath, and then completed her preparations for a long journey and a great campaign. It will be remembered that Miss Anthony had decided to rest from "field work” during 1896, and to arrange her papers for the writing of the history of her life, which her friends felt was now the most important thing for her to do. To this end a roomy half-story had been built on the substantial Rochester home, and therein were placed all the big boxes and trunks of letters and documents which had been accumulating during the last fifty years and stored in woodshed, cellar and closets ; a stenographer had been engaged and all was in readiness for the great work. Then came an appeal from 3,000 miles away which rent asunder all her resolutions. When she had been in California the previous year and had MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY-THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. 861 helped the women plan their approaching campaign, nothing had been further from her thoughts than returning to give her personal assistance. As the time for action drew near, those who had the matter in charge began to realize that the task be- fore them was far greater than they had anticipated, and that they were lacking in the experience which would be needed. There were very few women who could be depended on to draw together and address great audiences of thousands of people, to speak thirty consecutive nights in each month, and to be equal to every emergency of a political campaign; nor were there any considerable number who understood the best meth- ods of organization. It was then both natural and sensible that the State society should appeal to the national association for assistance. It is an essential part of the business of the officers of that body to respond to such calls. Miss Anthony had been home from California but a short time in 1895 when Ellen C. Sargent, president of the State association, wrote an earnest official request for the help of the national board. At the same time Sarah B. Cooper, president of the campaign committee, sent the strongest letter her elo- quent pen could write, emphasizing Mrs. Sargent’s invitation. These were followed by similar pleas from the other members of the board and from many prominent women of the State. Miss Anthony felt at first as if it would not be possible for her to make the long trip and endure the fatigue of a campaign, which she understood so well from having experienced it seven times over. On the other hand she realized what a tremend- ous impetus would be given to the cause of woman suffrage if the great State of California should carry this amendment, and she longed to render every assistance in her power. It was not, however, until early in February that she yielded to the appeals and decided to abandon all the plans she had cherished for the year. The moment her decision reached California, Harriet Cooper, secretary of the committee, tele- graphed their delight and sent her a check of $120 for travel- ling expenses. The question now arose with Miss Anthony what she should 862 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. do with her secretary, whom she had engaged for a year but did not feel able to take with her. This was settled in a few days through the action of Rey. and Mrs. W. C. Gannett, who went among the friends and in a short time raised the money to pay Mrs. Sweet's expenses to California and back, all agreeing that Miss Anthony must have some one to relieve her of the mechanical part of the burden she was about to assume. This seemed too good to be true, as she had had no such help in all her forty-five years of public work. The two started on the evening of February 27, a large party of friends assembling at the station to say good-by to the veteran of seventy-six years about to enter another battle. They stopped at Ann Arbor for the Michigan convention, the guests of Mrs. Hall, and then a few days in Chicago, where Miss Anthony and Mrs. Gross sat for a statuette by Miss Bessie Potter. She reached San Diego March 10 and, after attending the Woman's Club, went to Los Angeles where she was beautifully received, sharing the honors with Robert J. Burdette at the Friday Morning Club. Mrs. Alice Moore McComas wrote to Mrs. Sargent and Mrs. Cooper the next day: "Dear Miss Anthony came, saw and conquered, and we are hers! Letters and telegrams were dispatched in every direction as soon as we found she was coming and she has been able to reach women that I have almost despaired of. Dozens who have heretofore held aloof, have promised me today to stand by the amendment till all is over, and with these recruits we feel that we can undertake the convention work in this county. The women are aroused and we will see that they stay aroused. Miss Anthony's visit was opportune and just what was needed." She arrived at San Francisco a few days later, being joy- fully greeted at the Oakland station by Mrs. Cooper and Har- riet. She went directly to the Sargent residence, and from this delightful home, Miss Anthony, the National president, and Mrs. Sargent, the State president, directed the great cam- paign. CHAPTER XLVII. THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 1896. legislat N their State convention of 1894 the Republicans of California had adopted the strongest possible plank in favor of woman suffrage and, as the legislature the next year was Republican by a considerable majority, Clara Foltz and Laura de Force Gordon, attorneys, and Nellie Holbrook Blinn, at that time State president, Mrs. Peet, Madame Sorbier, Mrs. Bid- well, Mrs. Spencer, of Lassen county, and others made a determined effort to secure a bill enfranchising women. That failing, the legislature consented to submit an amendment to the constitution to be voted on in 1896. This bill was signed by Governor James H. Budd and the women then prepared to canvass the State to secure a favorable majority. Out of the officers of the State suffrage association and the amendment committee, a joint campaign committee was formed and, in addition to this, a State central committee. These two constituted the working force at State headquarters. There were also speakers and organizers, and a regularly officered society in each county, co-operating with the officials at head- quarters. At the request of the State committee Miss Anthony's niece, Lucy E., for seven years Miss Shaw's secretary and thoroughly experienced in planning and arranging meetings, went out |_ Joint campaign committee: Ellen C. Sargent, chairman; Sarah B. Cooper, vice-chair- man; Ida H. Harper, corresponding secretary; Harriet Cooper, recording secretary; Mary S. Sperry, treasurer; Mary Wood Swift and Sarah Knox Goodrich, auditors. State central committee: Mrs. Sargent, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Swift, Mrs. Sperry, Mrs. Blinn, with Mary G. Hay, chairman. (863) 864 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. early in February to assist Dr. Elizabeth Sargent in the prepa- rations for the first series of conventions. She carried with her a complete list, made by Miss Anthony herself with great labor and care, of every town of over two hundred inhabitants in every county in the State, with instructions to plan for a meeting there during the campaign. One scarcely can describe the perplexing work of these young women in arranging this great sweep of conventions, two days in every county seat, each convention overlapping the next, getting the speakers from one to the other on time, finding women in each town or city who would take charge of local arrangements, and round- ing up the whole series in season for the Woman's Congress in May. In March the campaign committee invited Mary G. Hay, who had had twelve years' experience in organization work, and Harriet May Mills, the State organizer of New York, to manage the conventions; and Rev. Anna Shaw and Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates as speakers. It is impossible to fol- low these meetings in detail further than to say that, with but few exceptions, they were very successful, the audiences were large and cordial, clubs were formed, much suffrage sentiment was created, and the conventions considerably more than paid all expenses. The women of California possessed ability, energy, patriotism and desire for political freedom, but up to this time they had no conception of the immense amount of money and work which would be required for a campaign. As soon as they grasped the situation they were fully equal to its demands and never in all the history of the movement was so much splendid work done, or so large a fund raised, by the women of any State. It was unanimously agreed that Miss Anthony should re- main in San Francisco, answering the numerous calls for addresses in that city and the surrounding towns, and having general oversight of the campaign. Mrs. Sargent assigned to her the largest, sunniest room in her spacious home, but her hospitality and her services to the cause of the amendment did not end here. Another large apartment was appropriated to Rev. Anna Shaw and her secretary. The room formerly used Ellen blarh Sargent araren THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 865 as the senator's office was dedicated to the work, the type- writers ensconced there, and it soon was crowded with docu- ments, newspapers and all the paraphernalia of a campaign. In a little while they encroached on the library and it was filled with the litter. Then a typewriter found its way into one corner of the long dining-room. The committee meetings were held in the drawing-room; and, during the whole eight months, there was scarcely a meal at which there were not from one to half a dozen speakers, members of com- mittees, out-of-town workers and others besides her family at the table. Every hour of Mrs. Sargent’s and Dr. Elizabeth's time was devoted to the campaign. The latter was placed at the head of the literary committee and also took entire charge of the petition work for the State, involving months of most exacting labor. In addition to all this, both gave most liber- ally in money. How much was accomplished by Mrs. Sar- gent's quiet influence, her wise and judicial advice, her many logical and dignified appeals in person and by letter, never can be estimated. The State board and committees were composed of women of fine character and social standing, who commanded the highest respect; and during the long campaign they put aside every other duty and pleasure and devoted themselves, mind and body, to the success of the amendment. Across the bay in Oakland, Alameda and Berkeley were a large and active county society, Mrs. Isabel A. Baldwin, president, and city organizations of women of equal ability and prestige, who were in daily communication with State headquarters and per- formed the most valuable and conscientious work. What was true here was equally so of the women in all the counties from San Diego to Del Norte. It seems invidious to mention a single name where so many gave such excellent service. It must be admitted, however, that while hundreds of women worked for their political freedom, thousands contributed abso- lutely nothing in either money or service; and yet there were many among them who believed fully in the principle of ANT.—55 866 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. woman suffrage. They simply allowed domestic duties or the demands of society or apathetic indifference to prevent their rendering any assistance, and they could not be prevailed upon even to give money to help those who performed the labor. If all such had lent their influence, the women of California today would be enfranchised ; but they left the whole burden to be carried by the few, and these could not do the work necessary for success, because human nature has its limits. The attitude of the press of California deserves especial mention because to it was largely due the marked considera- tion which the suffrage amendment received throughout the State. Miss Anthony met in California an acquaintance, Mrs. Ida H. Harper, recently of the editorial staff of the Indian- apolis News, and requested her to act as chairman of the press committee. As the press of San Francisco could kill the amendment at the very start, if it chose to do so, they decided to call upon the editors of the daily papers in that city and ascertain their position. They visited the managing editors of the Call, Examiner, Chronicle, Post, Report and Bulletin and, without a single exception, were received with the greatest courtesy and assured that the amendment and the ladies who were advocating it would be treated with respect, that there would be no ridiculing, no cartooning and no attempt to create a sentiment in opposition. The Post came out editorially in favor of the amendment and established a half-page department, headed - The New Citizen,” which was continued daily during the campaign, the largest amount of space ever given by any paper to woman suffrage. Dr. Elizabeth Sargent assumed most of the respon- sibility for this department, assisted by members of the staff. The Report gave editorial endorsement and a double-column department entitled “The Woman Citizen,' edited every Satur- day by Winnifred Harper. The Bulletin expressed itself as friendly and later in the campaign opened a suffrage depart- ment conducted by Eliza D. Keith; but the paper contained editorials from time to time, which the friends did not construe THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 867 as favorable to the measure. The managing editor gave the ladies to understand that there would be no opposition from the Chronicle, and during the campaign it contained several strong editorials, not advocating the amendment, but decidedly favorable to woman suffrage. This paper also gave a promi- nent place to a number of articles from Mrs. Harper and others. Two days before election, however, it advised its readers to vote against the amendment. The Examiner was friendly and offered a column on the editorial page of the Sunday edition, throughout the campaign, if Miss Anthony would fill it. She protested that she was not a writer, but it was only upon this condition that the space would be given. It was too valuable to be sacrificed and so she accepted it, and for seven months furnished Sunday articles of 1,600 words. These were widely copied, not only through- out the State, but in all parts of the country. Every possible influence was exerted to persuade William R. Hearst, the pro- prietor, who was residing in New York, to bring out the paper editorially in favor of the amendment. Miss Anthony wrote an earnest personal letter which closed: “So, I pray you for the love of justice, for the love of your noble mother, and for the sake of California--lead the way for the Democratic party of your State to advocate the suffrage amendment. The Ex- aminer has done splendidly thus far in publishing fair and full reports of our meetings and articles from our leading suffrage women. The one and only thing we do ask is that it will editorially champion the amendment as it will every other measure it believes in which is to be voted upon next Novem- ber.” All pleadings were in vain and the great paper re- mained silent. It did not, however, contain a line in oppo- sition. During Miss Anthony's visit to San Francisco the previous year, the Monitor, the official Catholic organ of California, had come out in two editions with full-page editorials in favor of woman suffrage, as strong as anything ever written on that subject. When the two ladies called on the editor, he assured them of his full sympathy and agreed to accept a series of 868 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. articles from the chairman of the press committee. These were published regularly for a time and then suddenly were refused, and every effort to ascertain the reason was unsuccess- ful. Miss Anthony called on him several times and waited for half an hour in his anteroom, but he declined to see her and, during the remainder of the campaign, the amendment re- ceived no recognition from the Monitor. The response from the other papers of the State was most remarkable. The Populist press, without exception, was for woman suffrage. Every newspaper in Oakland, Alameda and Berkeley spoke in favor of the amendment. The majority of those in Los Angeles and San Diego counties endorsed it. All but one in San Jose, and all but one in Sacramento, did like- wise. Before the campaign closed, 250 newspapers declared editorially for the suffrage amendment. Only two of promi- nence in the entire State came out boldly in opposition, the Record-Union, of Sacramento, and the Times of Los Angeles. The former ceased its opposition some time before election; the latter continued to the end, ridiculing, misrepresenting, denouncing, and even going to the extent of grossly caricatur- ing Miss Anthony. The Star, the Voice of Labor and other prominent journals published in the interests of the wage-earning classes ; those conducted by the colored people; the Spanish, French and Italian papers; the leading Jewish papers; the temperance, the A. P. A. and the Socialist organs; and many published for individual enterprises, agriculture, insurance, etc., spoke strongly for the amendment. The firm which supplied plate matter to hundreds of the smaller papers accepted a short article every week. There were very few newspapers in the State which did not grant space for woman suffrage depart- ments, and these were ably edited by the women of the differ- ent localities. Matter on this question was furnished to the chairman of the press committee by the San Francisco Clipping Bureau, and these clippings were carefully tabulated and filed. At the close of the eight months' campaign they num- bered 9,000, taken from the press of California alone. Twenty- THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 869 seven papers came out in opposition; these included a number of San Francisco weeklies of a sensational character and a few published in small towns. It must be remembered, in this connection, that the woman suffrage organization had not a dollar to pay for newspaper in- fluence, had no advertising to bestow, and that even the notices for meetings were gratuitous. All this advocacy on the part of the papers was purely a free-will offering and repre- sented the honest and courageous sentiments of the editors. It is deemed especially worthy of notice because there was never anything like it in previous suffrage campaigns. Toward the end, when the influence of the opposition began to do its fatal work, these papers were closely watched and in not one instance was there a defection. Notwithstanding this splendid support of the press, Miss Anthony was firm in her decision that she would not remain through the campaign unless the amendment could secure the endorsement of the political parties, and every energy was di- rected toward this point. Several of the Republican county conventions declared for it, and a number of Republican leaders who were visited, announced themselves in favor of the plank. The State Convention was to be held May 5. On May 3, the Sunday edition of the San Francisco Call, the largest and most influential Republican paper in the State, came out with flaming headlines declaring boldly and unequivo- cally for woman suffrage! The sensation created was tre- mendous, and amendment stock went up above par. The Monday and Tuesday editions continued the editorial endorse- ment, declaring that the Republican party stood committed to woman suffrage, and that the Call constituted itself the cham- pion and would carry it to victory. Tuesday morning the Republican convention opened at Sacra- mento. The woman suffrage delegation, consisting of Mrs. Sargent, Mrs. John F. Swift, Mrs. Blinn, Mrs. Austin Sperry, Mrs. Knox Goodrich, Miss Anthony, Rev. Anna Shaw, Miss Hay, Miss Yates, Mrs. Harper, opened their headquarters at the Golden Eagle Hotel, decorated their parlor with flowers, 870 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. spread out their literature and badges and waited for the dele- gates. They had not long to wait. With the influence of the Sunday, Call, a copy of which had been laid on the seat of every delegate in the convention hall, they had a prestige which found favor in the eyes of the politicians. The visitors came early and stayed late; they went away and returned bringing their friends to be converted. The Call account said: “They went in twos and threes, in large groups and in entire delegations, to pay homage to their more modest workers and apparently to beg the privilege of serving them.” The rooms were crowded until after midnight. The delegates put on the badges, and when the convention opened 250 of them were wearing the little flag with its three stars. The ladies were given the best seats in the great build- ing. The delegates were divided into two hostile camps, rep- resenting opposite wings of the party, and the women had to move very carefully, as it was by no means certain which fac- tion would secure control of the convention. They also had to frame many non-committal answers to the question, “How do you stand on the A. P. A.?” The headquarters were thronged with reporters; every woman was interviewed at length and her opinions telegraphed to the great San Francisco dailies. Miss Anthony's interviews occupied a column in the Ex- aminer, each day of the convention. Those alarmists who fear women will lose the respect of men when they are invested with political influence should have had this object lesson. The chairman of the convention was considered not favora- ble to woman suffrage. Of the seven men appointed on the resolution committee, five were said to be opposed to the plank. The spirits of the ladies began to droop. In the evening per- mission was given them to address the platform committee. Mrs. Harper wrote the San Francisco Call : I wish I could picture that scene. In the small room, seated around the table, were the seven men who held the fate of this question in their hands. At one end stood Miss Anthony, the light from above shining upon her silver hair until it seemed like a halo, and she spoke as no one ever heard her speak before. On the face of every delegate was an expression of the deepest seriousness, and before she had finished tears were in the eyes of more than THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 871 one. She was followed by Miss Shaw, who stood there the embodiment of all that is pure, sweet and womanly, and in a low, clear voice presented the subject as no one else could have done. As we were about to leave the room, the chairman said, “Ladies, we will take the vote now, if you desire.” We thanked him, but said no, we would withdraw and leave them to consider the matter at their leisure. Within a very few minutes we had their decision-six in favor of the reso- lution and one opposed. Here I want to call attention to one thing. Eight women knew of the favorable action of the committee by 9 o'clock, but al- though we were besieged by reporters and delegates until nearly midnight we gave no sign, and the Wednesday morning papers could only say that it was probable there would be a woman suffrage plank. It is charged that women can not keep a secret, but this is one of those many ancient myths which take a long time to die. The plank was adopted next day in the big convention with only one dissenting voice. The Woman's Congress was in session at San Francisco and when Mrs. Cooper, its president, stepped forward on the platform and read the telegram announcing the result, the enthusiasm hardly can be described. The ladies went down from Sacramento to the Congress the next day and received a continuous ovation throughout the rest of the meet- ings. Among the pleasant letters which came to Miss Anthony was one from Abigail Scott Duniway, of Portland, Ore., in which she said: “Your triumphs in California are marvellous. Hurrah, and again, hurrah! I believe now the women of the Golden State will win. All honor to you and your noble con- freres !” And one from Lucy Underwood McCann, of Santa Cruz, saying: “It is to you, most honored and revered of women, we owe the fact, because of your long martyrdom in this great reform, that we stand now, as we hope and pray, upon the brink of realization of our rights. This has been made possible only through the patient toil of such heroic souls as your own. Your wisdom in planning this campaign, in which we confidently expect a glorious victory, is our main- stay, upon which all other hopes depend." Miss Anthony's happiness over the action of the Republi- cans knew no bounds, and she began with renewed courage to prepare for the Populist convention May 12. The prominent 872 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Populists who were visited assured the ladies that they need not waste time or money going to Sacramento to secure a plank in their platform, as woman suffrage was one of the funda- mental principles of their party. The suffrage leaders felt, however, that this convention was entitled to the same courtesy as the others and they attended in a body, headed by Miss Anthony and Mrs. Sargent. When they entered the conven- tion hall they were received with cheers and waving of hats, escorted to the front seats, invited to address the convention and surrounded by delegates during the recess. Without any solicitation the resolution committee reported and the conven- tion adopted a strong woman suffrage plank, and then gave three cheers for the ladies. They were told that not half a dozen men in that body were opposed to the amendment. From here they went to the Prohibition convention at Stock- ton, were met at the station by a delegation of ladies, and received with distinguished consideration by the convention. Miss Anthony was twice invited to address them, and the plank endorsing the amendment was adopted by a hearty and unanimous vote. A reception was then held at the hotel and over a hundred ladies called. One convention yet remained, the Democratic. While a few of the leaders of this party were in favor of the amendment, most of them were opposed and gave no encouragement to the attempt to secure a plank. The ladies, however, carried out the program, and the same large delegation returned to Sacra- mento June 16, the number increased by Mrs. Cooper, Mrs. E. 0. Smith, of San Jose, Mrs. Alice M. Stocker, of Pleasan- ton, and several others. A month had intervened and the opposition had had time to organize. Some of the county conventions had declared against the amendment and many of the delegates had been instructed to vote against it. The suffrage representatives were disappointed in the hope that they might come to this convention with the editorial en- dorsement of the Examiner, but they were greatly pleased to receive from that paper, on the morning of the opening, a package of 2,000 woman suffrage leaflets. The Examiner had THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 873 collected at its own expense a large amount of fresh and valu- able testimony from the leading editors and officials of Colorado and Wyoming, as to its satisfactory practical working in those States, and had arranged it in large type on heavy cream-tinted paper, making the handsomest leaflet of the kind ever issued. These were placed in the hands of the delegates, and also dis- tributed throughout the State. The women's headquarters at the Golden Eagle were prac- tically unvisited. A few lone delegates, and two or three dele- gations that had been instructed to vote for the amendment, strayed up to express their sympathy, but most of them were too well subjugated by the political bosses even to pay a visit of courtesy A new element was introduced here in the per- son of a woman of somewhat unpleasant record who claimed to be the representative of the anti-suffrage organization. The platform committee consisted of thirty-five and met in a large room filled with spectators. The ladies presented a petition signed by 40,000 California men and women asking for woman suffrage. The entire delegation of speakers, with Miss An- thony and Miss Shaw at the head, was granted twenty minutes to present its claims, and the one woman above referred to was given the same amount of time. She did not occupy more than a minute of it, simply saying that her anti-suffrage league was going to organize all over the State and work for the Demo- cratic party. The resolution was laid on the table, almost be- fore they were out of the room. A minority report was prepared by Charles Wesley Reed, of San Francisco, and signed by himself, Mr. Alford, chairman of the committee, and two others. In a letter to the Call, Mrs. Harper thus describes subsequent events: Mr. Reed assured the ladies that he would bring this report before the con- vention and he kept his word, although he had other fights on hand and endangered them by standing for woman suffrage. This minority report, although properly drawn and signed by four members of the platform com- mittee, including the chairman, was “smothered” by the secretary of the convention and its chairman, Mr. Frank Gould. Every other minority re- port was read and acted upon by the convention; that alone on woman suffrage was held back. In vain Mr. Reed protested; the chairman ignored 874 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. him and called for a vote on the platform as a whole. It was adopted with a roar, and our fight was lost! It was near midnight. We had sat two long hot days in the convention, had slept but little, were worn out and very, very wrathy. At this juncture John P. Irish addressed the convention, stating that a distinguished lady was present, etc., and would they hear Miss Susan B. Anthony? Thinking it was too late for her to do any harm, she was re- ceived with loud applause. It was impossible to say what the convention expected, but they got a re- buke for allowing such action on the part of their chairman and for treating the women of the State in this unjust and undemocratic manner, which caused a hush to fall upon the whole body. It was a dramatic and impressive scene, one not to be forgotten. At its conclusion there were loud cries for Anna Shaw. The little fighter was at the boiling point, but she stepped upon the platform with a smile, and with that sarcasm of which she is complete master supplemented Miss Anthony's remarks. As she stepped down, half the convention were on their feet demanding the minority report. The chair- man stated that it was too late for that, but a resolution might be offered. The original resolution was at once presented, and then there was an attempt to take a viva-voce vote, but our friends demanded a roll-call. It resulted in 149 ayes and 420 noes. Mr. Gould's own county voted almost solidly in favor. Alameda county, led by W. W. Foote, gaye 32 noes and 3 ayes, yet this county sent in the largest petition for woman suffrage of any in the State. To secure more than a one-fourth vote of a convention which had been determined not to allow the question even to come before it, was not a total defeat. The battle was now fairly begun and it grew hotter with every passing week for the next five months. A few days after the last convention the women held a mass meeting in Metropolitan Temple to ratify the planks. The great hall was crowded to the doors and hundreds stood during all the long exercises. As the ladies who had been to the conventions came upon the stage, the building fairly rang with applause. The Republican, Populist, Prohibition, Democratic and So- cialist-Labor parties were represented by prominent men who made strong suffrage speeches. Congressman James G. Maguire spoke for those individual Democrats who believed 1 About 1 o'clock in the morning, after this eventful night, the ladies were awakened by loud laughter and women's voices. They arose and went to the window and there in the brilliantly lighted street in front of the hotel were two carriages containing several gaily dressed women. A number of the convention delegates came out and crowded around them, three or four climbed into the carriages, wine bottles were passed and finally, with much talk and laughter, they drove off down the street, the men with their arms about the women's waists. The ladies returned to their slumbers thoroughly convinced that they had not used the correct methods for capturing the delegates of a Democratic convention. THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 875 in woman suffrage, among whom he was always a staunch ad- vocate. Miss Anthony was cheered to the echo and it seemed as if the audience could not get enough of her bright, pithy remarks, as she introduced the different speakers. The suffrage advocates, elated with their victory in three con- ventions, opened headquarters in the large new Parrott build- ing and swung their banner across the street. Five rooms were filled with busy workers directed by Mary G. Hay, chair- man of the State central committee, while the other members took turns in receiving the reporters, the people on business and the throngs of visitors from all parts of the State. To follow this campaign in detail, to name all of those most promi- nently connected with it, would be obviously impracticable. It would be utterly impossible to mention individually the hundreds of women who thoroughly canvassed their own pre- cincts and deserve a full share of the credit for the large vote cast. A number of competent California women took up the or- ganization of the different counties. Every woman in the State who could address an audience found her place and work. Mrs. Alice Moore McComas and Rev. Mila Tupper Maynard headed the list of Southern California speakers. Miss Sarah M. Sever- ance spoke under the auspices of the W.C.T. U. Mrs. Naomi Anderson represented the colored women. Rev. Anna Shaw spoke every night during the campaign, except the one month when she returned East to fill engagements. She paid the salary of her secretary and donated her services to the head- quarters for five months. Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates, of Maine, made about one hundred speeches. The last two months Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, national organizer, gave several addresses each day. There were very few men who worked as hard during that campaign as did scores of the women, each according to her ability. 1 The use of these rooms was donated by the manager of the Emporium, the large depart- ment store in the building. All through the summer and autumn a number of most capable young women, who were employed as stenographers, teachers, etc., gave every waking moment outside business hours to the work at headquarters, carrying home with them great packages of leaflets and circulars to be folded and addressed, looking after their own pre- cincts, and rendering services which could not have been paid for in money. Although all were breadwinners they labored from love of the cause and without a thought of thanks or remuneration. 876 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. No description could give an adequate idea of the amount of labor performed by Miss Anthony during those eight months. There was scarcely a day, including Sundays, that she did not make from one to three speeches, often having a long journey between them. She addressed great political rallies of thou- sands of people ; church conventions of every denomination ; Spiritualist and Freethinkers' gatherings ; Salvation Army meetings; African societies ; Socialists; all kinds of labor organizations; granges; Army and Navy Leagues; Soldiers' Homes and military encampments; women's clubs and men's clubs; Y. M. C. A.'s and W. C. T. U.'s. She spoke at farm- ers' picnics on the mountaintops, and Bethel Missions in the cellars of San Francisco; at parlor meetings in the most ele- gant homes; and in pool-rooms where there was printed on the blackboard, “Welcome to Susan B. Anthony." She was in constant demand for social functions, where her presence gave an opportunity for a discussion of the all-absorb- ing question. One of the handsomest of these was a breakfast of two hundred covers, given by the Century Club in the "maple room” of the Palace Hotel, where were gathered the leading women of San Francisco and other cities in the State. Miss Anthony sat at the right hand of the president and responded to the toast, “Those who break bread with us." The club privileges were extended to her and, at the close of the cam- paign, she was made an honorary member. This club was composed largely of conservative women, but its president, Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, was one of the most prominent of the suffrage advocates. She addressed the Woman's Press Asso- ciation, the Laurel Hall Club, the Forum, Sorosis, Association of Collegiate Alumnæ and most of the other women's organiza- tions of San Francisco. An invitation to luncheon was re- ceived from Mrs. Stanford signed, “Your sincere friend and believer in woman suffrage,” and a very pleasant day was spent in her lovely home at Menlo Park. A breakfast was given in her honor by the Ebell Club of Oakland, Mrs. G. W. Bunnell, president. She rode in a beautifully decorated carriage at the great Fabiola Fête, or THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 877 floral festival, held annually in this city. Many social courte- sies were extended in the towns around the bay, among them being dinner parties by Senator and Mrs. Fred Stratton, Mr. and Mrs. A. A. Moore, Mrs. Henry Vrooman, Mr. and Mrs. F. M. Smith, Mrs. Emma Shafter Howard, Mr. and Mrs. F. C. Havens, Mrs. Alice H. Wellman, of Oakland ; Judge and Mrs. J. A. Waymire, of Alameda; Mr. and Mrs. William A. Keith, of Berkeley. All this would have been very enjoyable but for the fact that most of these occasions included a speech, and she was usually obliged to come from just having spoken, or to rush away to keep another engagement. One unique ex- perience was a complimentary trip tendered, through Mrs. Lovell White, by the proprietors of the new Mill Valley and Mount Tamalpais Scenic Railway, to Miss Anthony and a large number of guests. From the top of this high peak, which overlooks the Golden Gate, they enjoyed a view that for beauty and grandeur is not surpassed in the world. Miss Anthony visited also various towns throughout the central part of the State and along the coast, speaking in wig- wams, halls, churches, schoolhouses and the open air, taking trains at all hours, travelling through heat and dust, wind and cold ; and there was never a word of complaint during all the long campaign. She was always ready to go, always on time, always full of cheer and hope. The first week in June she went to Portland to attend the Woman's Congress, Abigail Scott Duniway, president. Its officers were among the prominent women of the city, and she was royally received. She spoke a number of times during the nine sessions and was handsomely treated by the press. Sarah B. Cooper joined her here, on her way home from the National Federation of Clubs at Louisville, Ky. A number of receptions were given in their honor, among them one by the Woman's Club. There was an elaborate luncheon at "the Curtis ; ” and a reception was tendered by the managers of the Woman's Union. No effort was spared to make their visit in every way delightful. Miss Anthony lectured in the opera house at Seattle under the auspices of the Woman's Century 878 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Club, and a reception was given by her hostess, Mrs. Kate Turner Holmes. Many inducements were offered for her to extend the visit, but she was desirous of returning to the field of work in California at the earliest possible moment and was absent only nine days. Miss Anthony was invited by both Republican and Populist managers to address their ratification meetings in San Fran- cisco, and received an ovation from the great audiences repre- senting the two parties. One wing of the Democrats held their ratification meeting after night in the open air and of course she was not invited to speak, but the other wing ex- tended a cordial invitation and she addressed them in Metro- politan Temple, receiving an enthusiastic greeting. The suffrage women themselves held a second mass meeting Sep- tember 10, according to the Call, “amid a mighty outburst of popular enthusiasm, the like of which has seldom if ever been seen at a political meeting held in this city.” Here again the part taken by prominent men from all political parties demon- strated the non-partisan character of the woman's campaign. This was Mrs. Catt's first appearance before a California audience and the papers said: “As she and the other ladies delivered their clear-cut, logical speeches, cheers rent the air and handkerchiefs and hats were waved with overmastering enthusiasm." And so the months went by, with their cares and pleasures, their hopes and fears, their elation and depression. In her letters to her sister, Miss Anthony wrote: “ Sometimes I have a homesick bour and feel as if I must leave all and rush back to my own hearthstone, but then I pull myself together and resolve to go through to the end." A similar campaign was in progress in Idaho and Mrs. Catt was there in August at the request of that State board, to represent the national associa- tion. They were very anxious that Miss Anthony should come also, but to their many letters she replied : I should love dearly to go to Boise at once, as you request, and I should have been in Idaho during the last two months had it been possible for one human being to be in two places at the same time. . . . I learn that the THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 879 men who believe in suffrage in your State, object to an open demand for party endorsement, but prefer a “still hunt.” I have seen this tried before, but our opponents always can make a stiller hunt. Our only hope of success lies in open, free and full discussions through the newspapers and political party speakers. ..Won't it be a magnificent feather in our cap if we get both California and Idaho into the fold this year? How beautiful the blue field will look with two more stars—five little gold stars! Remember that the woman suffrage stars are gold, not silver. Not that I think gold is better than silver, but it is a different color from the forty-five on the regular flag. There were, of course, some misrepresentations, both inten- tional and unintentional, of Miss Anthony's attitude. The fact of her speaking on the platforms of all political parties was something which many people could not comprehend, and the party organs could not refrain from twisting her remarks a little bit in the direction of their doctrines; then would come a storm of protests from the other side, and she would have to explain what she actually said. Thus, with the re- porters constantly at her elbow, the public watching every ut- terance and the politicians on the alert to discover what party she and her fellow-workers really did favor, she lived indeed for many months in the fierce light that beats upon a throne.” “0, that I had you by my side ; what a team we would make !” she often wrote to Mrs. Stanton, who answered: “I read all the papers you send and watch closely the progress of the campaign. I feel at times as if I should fly to your help. We are the only class in history that has been left to fight its battles alone, unaided by the ruling powers. White labor and the freed black men had their champions, but where are ours ?” In June the National Republican Convention was held at St. Louis. Miss Anthony could not make the long journey but she sent the following resolution and asked its adoption : "The Republican Party in national convention assembled hereby recommends that Congress shall submit an amendment to the 1 In Idaho all political State conventions, Republican, Populist and Democratic, endorsed the amendment, it received a majority of the popular vote, and the women now have full suffrage. 880 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Federal Constitution providing that the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of sex.” The platform committee labored and this is what it brought forth: 6 The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women. Protection of American industries includes equal opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic mismanagement and Populist misrule.” Miss Anthony's indignation, anger and contempt when she read this resolution can not be put into words. It required the combined efforts of those who were nearest her to prevent the expression of her opinion in reply to the many reporters and letters wanting to know how she regarded this plank. “You must not offend the Republicans and injure our amendment,” they argued, and she would acquiesce and subside. Then, after thinking it over, she would again burst forth and declare the women of the country should not be compelled to submit to this insult without a protest from her. "Women want the suffrage as a sword to smite down Democratic and Populist misrule. Infamous !” she exclaimed again and again. " That climaxes all the outrages ever offered to women in the history of political platforms." To Mrs. Stanton she wrote: “O, that you were young and strong and free, and could fire off of the planet such ineffable slush as is being slobbered over our cause!” But she held her peace, and all the brainy women who were conducting this great campaign kept silent, although there was not one of them who did not feel exactly like Miss Anthony in regard to this plank. Nor was there a woman in the country, who was able to comprehend the resolution, that did not regard it as an insult and feel that she would prefer never again to have women mentioned in a national platform if the men who should make it had no higher concep- tion of justice than this. On October 11, Miss Anthony started on a southern tour, THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 881 speaking first at San Luis Obispo to an audience which crowded the hall. From here to Santa Barbara, through the courtesy of Superintendent Johnson, of the narrow gauge rail- road, the train was stopped at every station for a ten-minute address. At some places a stage had been extemporized, at others she spoke from the rear platform of the car. Her com- ing had been announced and, even in those rather thinly set- tled regions, there would be as many as a thousand people gathered at the station. When she concluded, quantities of flowers would be thrown in her pathway and the platform literally banked with them. After a stage ride of forty miles she received an enthusiastic welcome at Santa Barbara, where she was the guest of Dr. Ida Stambach. The ovation was con- tinued at all the towns visited in the southern part of the State. A little flurry had been caused early in the campaign by the announcement that the National W.C.T. U. Convention would be held in San Francisco during the autumn of 1896. Miss Anthony had written Miss Willard that she thought this would be very injudicious. She then had agreed to postpone it until after the election, and Miss Anthony again had objected, say- ing: I am glad you think it will be possible to postpone your convention to November; but, you see, even to do that all California will be full of your advertisements, and the papers all telling how the W.C.T. U. is going to bring its convention to San Francisco immediately after the women have the right to vote, so as to educate them to destroy the wine-growing and brandy- distilling business; in other words, that it is going to start in the first thing to ruin what today is the one means of livelihood for immense numbers of ranchmen throughout the State. So, I hope—nay, I beseech—that you will withdraw the convention altogether from California for this year. I have had letters from the amendment campaign committee, and every one of them deplores the coming of the convention. . Now, my dear, hold your convention any place but in a State where we are trying to persuade every license man, every wine-grower, every drinker and 1 To commemorate this journey Miss Selina Solomons, of San Francisco, wrote a tender poem, beginning: “She walks on roses! she whose feet Have trod so long the stony way, They tread who lead mankind to greet The coming of a brighter day.” ANT.—56 882 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. every one who does not believe in prohibition, as well as every one who does, to vote “yes” on the woman suffrage question. If you only will do this, I am sure you will do the most effective work in the power of any mortal to secure the end we all so much desire. Miss Willard replied in a cordial letter that she had not the slightest wish to antagonize her or the suffrage movement and would use her influence to have the place of the convention changed. To Mrs. B. Sturtevant Peet, president of the Cali- fornia W. C. T. U., who was somewhat in doubt as to the necessity for such change, Miss Anthony wrote: What you say of the good influence of your national convention in San Francisco is true so far as concerns the actual Prohibition men; but we must consider those who are making their daily bread out of the manufacture as well as the sale of liquors. There are many excellent men in California who are not total abstainers, but who believe in wine as the people of Italy and France believe in it; and I think that, in waging our campaign, we should be careful not to run against the prejudices or the pecuniary interests of that class. As I have said before, if it were a Prohibition amendment which was pending I should think it exceedingly unwise to run that campaign under the banner of woman suffrage. The average human mind is incapable of taking in more than one idea at a time. The one we want to get into the heads of the voters this year is woman's enfranchisement, and we must pull every string with every possible individual man and class of men to secure their votes for this amendment. We should be extremely careful to base all our arguments upon the right of every individual to have his or her opinion counted at the ballot-box, whether it is in accordance with ours or not. Therefore, the amendment must not be urged as a measure for temperance, social purity, or any other reform, but simply as a measure to give to women the right to vote yea or nay on each and all of them. I want every woman in California to work for the amendment, but I want her to work in the name of suffrage, not of prohibition. The national convention was withdrawn entirely from Cali- fornia, and the W. C. T. U. women, in most places, worked under the one banner of the suffrage amendment during the campaign. In proof that there was no feeling on the part of the leaders against Miss Anthony, it may be stated that she re- ceived official invitations to be present at the birthday celebra- tion of Mrs. Peet, in April ; to address the State W. C. T. U. Convention at Petaluma, in October; to attend the National Convention at St. Louis in November; and to join in the fare- THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 883 well reception to Miss Willard in New York on the eve of her departure for Europe. The managers of the woman's campaign supposed of course that the endorsement by the Populist and Republican State Con- ventions meant not only that the speakers of those parties would advocate the suffrage plank just as they did the others in their respective platforms, but that they also would permit the women themselves to speak for it in their political meet- ings. When they applied to Mr. Wardall and the other members of the Populist Central Committee, the schedule was promptly furnished and they were assured that their speakers would be welcomed. When they applied to the Republican Central Committee, to their amazement, they were put off with an evasive answer. Meanwhile they had Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Catt and other speakers waiting for engagements and did not dare make dates ahead lest it might interfere with the big Republican rallies which they wished them to address. Again and again they went to the Republican Central Commit- tee and asked for the schedule of their meetings and the priv- ilege of sending their speakers to them. Finally, after weeks of anxious waiting, the chairman, Major Frank McLaughlin, sent a letter to the suffrage headquarters saying in effect: “The committee had decided not to grant this privilege ; in the lan- guage used at one time by Miss Anthony, it meant 'too many bonnets at their meetings, and they wished to reach the voters.” He added that they were at liberty to make any arrange- ments they chose with the county chairmen. This meant, of course, that they must ascertain the name and address of every county chairman in the State, watch the papers for the an- nouncements of meetings, hold their speakers in reserve, and beg the privilege of having them heard. All this, when the endorsement of the suffrage amendment was the first plank in the Republican platform unanimously adopted by the State convention! There was nothing, however, except to make the best of it; but when they attempted to arrange with the county chairmen, they found Major McLaughlin had written them 884 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. not to allow the women speakers on their platforms! While many of them refused to obey his orders, he had practically destroyed the best opportunity for reaching the people. The Republican State Convention had enthusiastically adopted a resolution declaring for the free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1.” When the National Convention met in St. Louis soon afterwards it adopted a gold standard plank, and there they were! The Populists and Democrats who agreed on a financial plank saw here an opportunity and, in many counties, effected a fusion and held their meetings together. This, of course, nullified the permission given the women to put speakers on the Populist platform, since the Democrats, as a party, were opposed to woman suffrage, and there they were! If they attempted to hold simply suffrage meetings, they could get only audiences of women, because all the men were in attend- ance at the political rallies. So the only thing left was for the women in every city and town in the State, whenever a political mass meeting was advertised, to go to the managers and hum- bly beg to have one of their speakers on the platform. This was not often refused, and it was just as easy to get this permission from Democrats as from Republicans. The former felt that if the amendment should carry they would not object to a little of the credit, and they soon found also that the women were a drawing card. Whenever there was a purely Populist meeting, a conspicuous place and all the time desired were given to the women, but at Republican, Democratic or Fusion meetings, they always were placed at the end of the program and allowed only five or, at most, ten minutes. In order simply to get this little word, the women speakers would make long journeys and sit on the platform until every long- winded male orator had finished his speech, and until they were ready to drop from their chairs. But the audience waited for them, no matter how late, and never failed to receive them with the wildest enthusiasm. Many times when the managers would have been willing to sandwich them between other speakers, the latter would object, saying the people would go home as soon as the women had finished ! THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 885 As the campaign wore on it became a fight for life with the political parties. The Call, which had come out so valiantly for woman suffrage, had been struck in a vital part, i. e., in the counting-room, by the opponents of this measure, who withdrew valuable advertising and in every possible way sought to injure the paper. Its support was used by the other wing of the Republican party to create a prejudice against the candidates it advocated ; the principal stockholders were not friendly to the amendment; as the organ of the Central Com- mittee it was deprived of independent action. So it was not surprising that, long before the close of the campaign, the great fight which the Call agreed to make had dwindled to an occa- sional skirmish when the pleading of the women grew too strong to be resisted. Almost without exception the Republican orators were silent on the question of woman suffrage, even those who personally favored it. The women wrote them, interviewed them and begged them to advocate the first plank in their platform as they did all the rest, and occasionally when they would go in a body and sit on the front seats to watch the speaker, he would say a few mild words in favor of the amendment, but there were several of the Democrats who did as much. Some of the Populists advocated it, but the most prominent, who always before had spoken for it, went through the entire cam- paign without so much as a mention, in order to secure Democratic support. When Thomas B. Reed came into the State, at the very end of the campaign, the women felt sure of an ally, as he had long been a pronounced advocate, but he did not so much as refer to the question in his tour of the State, although they bombarded him with letters which would have impressed a heart of stone. At the last grand rally in Oakland, the day before election, with Miss Anthony on one side of him and Miss Shaw on the other, he did say that he “knew of no more reason why a woman should not vote than why a man should not”—but the battle then was already lost. Up to within a few weeks of election, in spite of all the 886 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. drawbacks, it looked as if the amendment would win. The general sentiment throughout the State seemed to be in favor. The mere mention of the subject at any meeting was received with the greatest enthusiasm. Almost every delegate body which assembled in convention during that summer adopted a resolution of endorsement; this was true of most of the church conferences, the teachers' institutes, the State Grange and farmers' institutes, the Chautauqua assemblies and countless others. And still the women watched and waited! There was one element more powerful than all these combined, which had not yet shown its hand. It never had failed in any State to fight woman suffrage to the death, and there was no reason to believe it would not kill it in California. Ten days before election the fatal blow came. The rep- resentatives of the Liquor Dealers' League met in San Fran- cisco and resolved "to take such steps as were necessary to protect their interests.” The political leaders, the candidates, the rank and file of the voters recognized the handwriting on the wall. From that moment the fate of the amendment was sealed. The women had determined, from the beginning of the campaign, that they would give the liquor business no ex- cuse to say its interests were threatened, and therefore the temperance question had been kept out of the discussion as had the religious, the tariff and the financial questions. They took the sensible view that it had no more place than these in the demand for women's right to vote as they pleased on all subjects. Therefore the action of the liquor dealers had no justification in anything which the women had said or done. It simply showed that they considered woman suffrage a dangerous foe. The following letter, signed by the wholesale liquor firms of San Francisco, was sent to the saloon-keepers, hotel proprietors, druggists and grocers throughout the State: At the election to be held on November 3, Constitutional Amendment No. Six, which gives the right to vote to women, will be voted on. It is to your interest and ours to vote against this amendment. We request and urge you to vote and work against it and do all you can to defeat it. See your neighbor in the same line of business as yourself, and have him be with you in this matter. THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 887 The men in the slums of San Francisco were taken in squads and, with sample ballots, were taught how to put the cross against the suffrage amendment and assured that if it carried there never would be another glass of beer sold in the city. When the chairman of the press committee went to a promi- nent editor, who was opposed to woman suffrage and knew that these things were being done, and asked if there were no way by which some suffrage literature could be given to those men so that they might see there was no ground for these threats, he said: “Most of them can not read and if they could the whiskey men would never allow a page of it to get into their hands." In what way the liquor dealers worked upon the political parties, it is not necessary to speculate. The methods were not new and are pretty well understood. They control tens of thousands of votes not only in California but in every State, which they can deliver to either of the great parties that does their bidding and regards their interests. It is absurd, however, to attribute the defeat of the suffrage amendment wholly to the liquor dealers, or to the densely ignorant, or to the foreigners. In the wealthiest and most aristocratic wards of San Francisco and Oakland, where there were none of these, the proportion of votes against the amend- ment was just as great as it was in the slum wards of the two cities. Those respectable, law-abiding citizens who cast their ballots against the amendment, thereby voted to continue the power of the above mentioned classes. For weeks before the election, the most frantic efforts were made by the politicians to register new voters and colonize them in the wards where they would be most needed.' Columns of appeals were issued in all the newspapers to get the vast numbers of lately arrived immigrants to come to the city hall and register. Men were sent around ringing big bells and calling upon them to do this, and interpreters were employed to explain that it would not cost them a cent. Finally the 1 Some of the women going the rounds with suffrage petitions in San Francisco found a house consisting of one room with three cots, where were registered twenty-seven voters. 888 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. registry books were carried to the parks and other places where these men were employed, in order to secure their names. Meanwhile the intelligent, order-loving, sober and industri- ous women of the State were making such efforts as never were made by any class of men, to secure this same privilege of placing in the ballot-box and having counted their opinions on questions relating to the public welfare ;-opinions, one would think, that ought to be considered of as much value to the State as those which such strenuous attempts were being made to obtain. It seems, however, that intelligence, morality and thrift must wait the pleasure of ignorance, vice and idleness. During the months of the early spring, through the efforts of a few women who worked without pay and used only their spare moments, the names of nearly 30,000 women were secured to a petition asking for the suffrage. This, of course, represented only a fraction of those which might have been obtained by continued effort, but a petition signed by even 30,000 men would have been considered worthy of attention. The vast majority of women have no money of their own and those who work for wages, as a rule, receive but a pittance, and yet there were raised in California for this amendment campaign almost $19,000, and the amount contributed by men was so small as not to be worth mentioning. The financial success was due very largely to the State treasurer, Mrs. Aus- tin Sperry. She not only made a donation of $500, but bor- rowed from the bank on her personal note, when necessary, and signed blank checks to be used when the treasury was empty and repaid when outstanding pledges were collected. Mrs. Phoebe Hearst headed the list with $1,000. Mrs. Stan- ford gave almost as much in railroad transportation to the speakers and organizers. The next largest contributor was Mrs. Knox Goodrich, of San Jose, who for nearly thirty years had stood in California a faithful advocate of woman suffrage, giving time, money and influence. She added to her past donations nearly $500 for this campaign. Mrs. Sargent's munificence has been mentioned. A few women subscribed Darah L. Knox. Goodrich THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 889 respect you and entire cause deep Jours very sincerely. 2,. life to the regards with jour herone devotion Ошело $100 each, but all the rest was given in sums ranging down to a few cents. The true record of these contributions would wring the heart of every man in the State. A large photograph of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw was given for every $2 pledge, and many poor seamstress- es and washerwomen fulfilled their pledges in twenty-five cent installments, coming eight times with their mite. Often when there was not enough money on hand at headquart- ers to buy a postage stamp, there would come a timid knock at the door and a poorly dressed woman would enter with a quarter or half-dollar, saying, “I have done without tea this week to bring you this money ;” or a poor little clerk would say, “I made a piece of fancy work evenings and sold it for this dollar.” Many a wo- man who worked hard ten hours a day to earn her bread, would come to headquarters and carry home a great armload of circulars to 890 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. fold and address after night. And there were teachers and stenographers and other workingwomen who went without a winter cloak in order to give the money to this movement for freedom. This pathetic story ought to be written in full and given to every man who eases his conscience by saying, “The majority of women do not want to vote ;” and to every well- fed, well-clothed woman who declares in her selfish ease, “I have all the rights I want.”. Knowing that if the suffrage amendment were placed first or last among the six which were to be voted on, it would be a target for those who could not read, the ladies wrote to the Secretary of State asking that it be placed in the middle of the list. He answered, June 26: “It shall be as you re- quest and the suffrage amendment be third in order as certi- fied by me to the various county clerks.” When the tickets were printed, however, it was placed at the end of the list and thus necessarily at the end of the whole ticket, making it a conspicuous mark. The explanation given was that Governor Budd had directed the amendments to be placed on the ballot in the same order as they had appeared in his proclamation. As this had not been issued until July 20, a month after the official request of the ladies had been granted, one must con- clude there was a mistake somewhere. The results were ex- actly what had been feared. In San Francisco alone hundreds of ballots were cast on which there was only one cross and that against the amendment; not even the presidential electors voted for. There were 247,454 votes cast on the suffrage amendment; 110,355 for; 137,099 against; defeated by 26,734. The ma- jority against in San Francisco was 23,772; in Alameda county, comprising Oakland, Alameda and Berkeley, 3,627; total, 27,- 399—665 votes more than the whole majority cast against the amendment. Berkeley gave a majority in favor, so in reality it was defeated by the vote of San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda.” Alameda is the banner Republican county and gave a good majority for the Republican ticket. There never 1 Los Angeles gave a majority of 3,600 in favor of the amendment. THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 891 had been a hope of carrying San Francisco for the amend- ment, but the result in Alameda county was a most unpleasant surprise, as the voters were principally Republicans and Popu- lists, both of whom were pledged in the strongest possible manner in their county conventions to support the amendment, and every newspaper in the county had declared in favor of it. The fact remains, however, that a change of 13,400 votes in the entire State would have carried the amendment; and proves beyond question that, if sufficient organization work had been done, this might have been accomplished in spite of the com- bined efforts of the liquor dealers and the political bosses. Near midnight of election day, a touching sight might have been witnessed on a certain street in San Francisco: two women over seventy years of age, one the beloved wife of a man whom California had selected as its representative in the United States Senate and whom the government had sent as its minister to the court of Germany; the other a woman uni- versally admitted to be the peer of any man in the country in statesmanship and knowledge of public affairs—Mrs. A. A. Sargent and Susan B. Anthony. In the darkness of night, arm in arm, they went down the street, peering into the win- dows of the rough little booths where the judges and clerks of the election were counting votes. The rooms were black with tobacco smoke and in one they saw a man fall off his chair too drunk to finish the count. They listened to the oaths and jeers as the votes were announced against the suffrage amend- ment, to which they had given almost their lives. Then in the darkness they crept silently home, mournfully realizing that women must wait for another and better generation of men to give them the longed-for freedom. The next morning when Miss Anthony came down to break- fast she found a group in the Sargent library reading the news of the election, and all looked at her in sorrowing sympathy. She stood still in the center of the room for a moment and then said sadly: "I don't care for myself, I am used to de- feat, but these dear California women who have worked so hard, how can they bear it?” 892 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Miss Anthony not only had donated her own services but had paid her secretary's salary of $75 per month and permit- ted her to give her entire time to the State headquarters for seven months, while she herself attended to the drudgery of her immense correspondence whenever she could get a spare hour. Even at the small sum of $25 for a regular speech, she would have contributed over $3,000 to this campaign, in ad- dition to the scores of little parlor and club addresses. She gave her services freely and willingly and did not regret them, but often said that the California campaign was the most har- monious and satisfactory of any in which she ever was engaged. There was not the slightest friction between herself and the State association or State headquarters, and most of those prominent in the work were of such refinement and nobility of character that it was a pleasure to be associated with them. Not a day passed that she did not receive some token of affec- tion from the women of the State. The Sargent home was filled with the flowers and baskets and boxes of fresh and dried fruits, etc., which were sent to her.' On November 5, two days after the election, a large body of California women met in Golden Gate Hall to hold the annual State Suffrage Convention. Miss Anthony and all the national officers remained to help. There was not a trace of defeat or disappointment; all were brave, cheerful and ready to go to work again. Twelve hundred dollars were raised to settle all outstanding bills and the campaign closed without a dollar of indebtedness. As Mrs. Sargent was going abroad, a worthy presidential successor was elected, Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, wife of John F. Swift, minister to Japan, a fine presiding officer, a lady of much culture, travel and social prestige, who 1 In her president's report, at the next annual convention, Mrs. Sargent said: “Susan B. Anthony! We can never forget her labor of love and devotion to the cause of woman suffrage in California. She counted not her life dear to her so that she could help to awaken the interest of men and women in the great principle to which she has devoted her life. She was not cold, nor hungry, nor tired, nor sleepy, while there was a chance to push forward the work. Throughout the campaign Miss Anthony gave her own services and those of her secretary without money and without price. She reminds one of the great Niagara, which would be wonderful if its waters rolled and dashed for only a short period; but when they roll and dash on ceaselessly, nor ever stop to rest, there the wonder of it all comes in, and we can only gaze, admire and acknowledge the great law or power behind it.” THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 893 had rendered valuable service throughout the campaign. The next evening the suffrage forces held a grand rally in Metro- politan Temple. Every seat in that fine auditorium was occu- pied and the aisles were crowded. It was not a meeting of the adherents of a lost cause, but of one which had suffered only temporary defeat. Miss Anthony presided and was given a net lore Mary Wood Fuit true California ovation and, as her voice rang out with all its old-time vigor, there was not one in that vast audience but hoped she might return to lead her hosts to victory. Saturday evening at 6 o'clock the seven eastern women started homewards, laden with tokens of affection, accompa- nied across the bay by a large number of loving friends, and moving off amidst smiles and tears and a shower of fragrant blossoms. CHAPTER XLVIII. HER LETTERS BIRTHDAY PARTY— BIOGRAPHY. 1896-1897. S D N the way home from California Miss Anthony and Mrs. Catt stopped at Reno, Nev., lecturing there Sunday, while Miss Shaw hastened on to speak at Salt Lake City. Then all met at Kansas City to attend the Missouri convention, where they were the guests of Mrs. Sarah Chandler Coates. The papers refer to Miss Anthony's speeches at this convention as being the very strongest she ever had made, and of her perfect physical condition at the close of an eight months' campaign. She went from here directly home, and on November 19 a brilliant banquet was given in honor of Miss Shaw and herself at the Hotel Livingston by the Political Equality Club. Mary Lewis Gannett was toast-mistress and about 250 guests were seated at the tables. This was followed by the State conven- tion at Rochester. After a few days' rest Miss Anthony went to the home of Mrs. Catt, near New York, where a business meeting was held of the national executive board. With Mrs. Avery she then took one of the great Sound steamers for Bos- ton to attend a meeting of the National Woman's Council. A reception was given by Mrs. Charles W. Bond, of Common- wealth Avenue, and one at the Hotel Vendome. She ran up to Concord, N. H., for a few days' visit with her aged friends, Mr. and Mrs. Parker Pillsbury and Mrs. Armenia S. White. Then back again to the Garrisons', and out to Medford for a day with Mrs. Edward M. Davis, the daughter of Lucretia Mott. She left Boston December 9, to fulfill a promise made to (895) 896 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Elizabeth Buffum Chace, to spend her ninetieth birthday at her home in Valley Falls, R. I. Mrs. Chace had written a number of letters with her own trembling hand to arrange for this visit. It was only a family party, but the diary tells of the cake with ninety little candles, and other birthday features. Anna Shaw came in time for the supper, and the next day Mrs. Chace sent them in her carriage to Providence to attend the State convention. Here they were guests in the handsome old Eddy homestead, and Miss Anthony addressed a large audience in the evening. She stopped a day in New York to tell Mrs. Stanton about the California campaign, and Sunday morning reached her own dear home. Her old and loved friend, Maria Porter, had died the preceding night, and she attended the funeral services next day. On December 23 she went to Niagara Falls with her stenographer to secure reminiscences from her cousin, Sarah Anthony Burtis, aged eighty-six, who was a teacher in the home school at Battenville over sixty years before. The year just closed had been busy but pleasant. It had brought the usual number of tokens of appreciation, one of which was notice of election as honorary member of the Chicago Woman's Club. Among the scores of invitations on file were one from Judge George F. Danforth to meet the justices of the appellate court at his home; and one to the golden wedding of her old fellow-laborers, Giles B. and Catharine F. Stebbins, at Detroit, the latter one of the secretaries of that famous first convention of 1848. Major James B. Pond, the well-known lecture manager, wrote Miss Mary Anthony: “Thank you for your kind letter and the excellent photograph of your great sister, whom I have admired and hoped and prayed for since I was a poor boy out in Kansas. I still believe she will be spared to witness a general triumph of her noble cause.” The letter contained an offer of $100 for a parlor lecture by Miss Anthony at Jersey City. A A few of Miss Anthony's own letters, taken almost at random from copies on her file, will illustrate the vast scope of her correspondence and her peculiarly trenchant mode of expres- HER LETTERS--BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 897 sion. To one who wanted a testimonial from her that she might show in vindication of certain accusations, she wrote: I went through all the fire of charges of stealing, and of every other crime in the whole calendar, twenty-five years ago—charges made, too, by people of vastly more influence than any of the women who are talking and writing today about you. I never made a public denial of one of them, through all the years of the bitterest kind of persecution, and believe I was greatly the gainer by working right on and ignoring them. It will be the mistake of your life if you go into print in your own defence. Your denial will reach a new set of people and start them to talking, while the ones who read the original charges will never see the refutation of them. To one of the newly-enfranchised women of Utah: The one word I should have to say to the women throughout your State would be, not so much to try to get women elected to the offices as to get the best persons, whether men or women. Naturally there will be a far less number of women than of men capable of holding office, from the very fact of their long disfranchisement. I do hope your women therefore will set a good ex- ample not only for Utah, but also for the States where they are not enfran- chised; namely, that of proving it is not the spoils of office they are after. I think the women of Wyoming always have been wonderfully judicious in not being anxious to hold offices themselves, but mightily anxious as to what men hold them. It will be considered a strong objection to woman suffrage if the vast majority of your women should prove themselves mere partisans. To a New York cousin: “Your little birthday present, the Book of Proverbs, came duly. Solomon's wise sayings, how- ever, don't help me very much in my work of trying to per- suade men to do justice to women. These men and their pro- genitors for generations back have read Solomon over and over again, and learned nothing therefrom of fair play for woman, and I fear generations to come will continue to read to as little purpose. At any rate, I propose to peg away in accordance with my own sense of wisdom rather than Solomon's. All those old fellows were very good for their time, but their wis- dom needs to be newly interpreted in order to apply to people of today.” In answer to a letter from Illinois asking the secret of her success in life: If I may be said to have made a success of my life, the one great element ANT.-57 898 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. in it has been constancy of purpose—not allowing myself to be switched off the main road or tempted into bypaths of other movements. It always has been clear to me that woman suffrage is the one great principle underlying all reforms. With the ballot in her hand woman becomes a vital force-de- claring her will for herself, instead of praying and beseeching men to declare it for her. It has been a long, hard fight, a dark, discouraging road, but all along the way here and there a little bright spot to cheer us on. And now we have four true republics, whose women are full-fledged citizens, and the pros- pects are hopeful for others soon to follow in the wake of those blessed four. One of the most cheering things in these days is the large number of young women who are entering the work, bringing to it a new, strong enthusiasm which will push on to victory. The women over all the country are waking up to the fact that truly to possess themselves, to have their opinions re- spected, they must have this right of suffrage. A letter from the secretary of a national conference which was seeking to bring about a union of reformers, Prohibition- ists, Free Silver advocates, etc., asked her assistance and called forth the following response : It is all very well for you. men, who have the power to make and unmake political parties, to form a third, fourth or fiftieth party, as the case may be; but as for myself and all who are of my class, disfranchised and helpless, we have nothing to do with any of them-old or new-except to ask each and all to put a woman suffrage plank in their platform and educate their members to place a ballot in the hands of women. I never have identified myself with any political party, but have stood outside of all, asking each to pledge itself to the enfranchisement of women. Whenever any one of them has asked me to speak in its meetings on the suffrage question, I have ac- cepted the invitation, but I never have advocated the specific measures of any. So, you see, I can be of no help to you, but I do know that no one of the reform political parties ever will amount to much standing alone, and that it would be a good thing for all of them to come together in one body. I might say, however, that least of all could I join yours, which makes “God the author of civil government.” If such civil government as we have was made by God, what reason is there to expect any improvement in the future ? From a letter to Isabella Beecher Hooker : Fortune indeed does not smile any too favorably upon us who feel so long- ingly the need to use money. I am crippled all the time and prevented from doing what I might by lack of funds. The old faith would say, I suppose, that whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth financially, but seems to me I could better do His work and my own for the regeneration of the world, if I had the money to do it with. . . . What a fuss the men are making nowadays over “good government”-the idiots! Can't they see it is impossible to HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 899 improve things until they get a new and better balance of power that will outweigh the one which now pulls down the political scales and makes decency kick the beam every time? It does try my soul that we can not make them see they are simply trying to lift themselves by their bootstraps. Well, they are born of disfranchised mothers, a subject class, and one can not expect different results. If I could spare the time and money I would love to accept your invitation to sit with you and your dear John in your summer retreat, and chat over the world of work for our good cause. Of the before and the after I know absolutely nothing, and have very little desire and less time to question or to study. I know this seems very material to you, and yet to me it is wholly spiritual, for it is giving time and study rather to making things better in the between, which is really all that we can influence; but perhaps when I can no longer enter into active, practical work, I may lapse into speculations. To a debating society asking her opinion on the question of “educated and property suffrage :”. I always have taken the negative; that is, have believed in universal suf- frage without either property or educational qualification. I hold that every citizen has a right to a voice in the government under which he lives. While an education is highly desirable, yet a man may be unable to read but may ions. He may be honest and beyond bribery, and a more desirable voter than many wily and unscrupulous men who have a graduate's diploma. It is, however, the duty of the State to educate its citizens; and the Australian ballot, which has been largely adopted, is in itself an educational qualifica- tion. As to a property qualification: while in the majority of cases, perhaps, the possession of property is evidence of ability and thrift, there are many who do not own property and yet are possessed of good sense and are more capable of casting an honest and intelligent ballot than some of the wealthy men of the country; then, too, those who have least are the ones who suffer most from the legislation of the rich, and need the ballot for self-protection. I am decidedly opposed to a property qualification. To one who was in deep grief she said in an affectionate letter: "Do assure me that you are beginning to think of your dear one as he was when well and moving about in his always help- ful and cheering manner. To get far enough from the sick- ness, the suffering and the death of our friends, so as to be able to have only the thought of them in their full vigor of life, is the greatest joy which possibly can come to those who have lost their beloved.” While Miss Anthony was thus constantly giving out from 900 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. the vast wealth of her heart and brain, she was receiving, also, from all parts of the country the strong and loving tributes of noble souls. A beautiful one which shines on the pages of 1896 was pronounced by the eloquent Dr. H. W. Thomas, of Chicago, in the course of a Sunday sermon entitled “Progres- McVicker's Theater: A Washington and a Lincoln have come in our great century, and between their birthdays was born a Susan B. Anthony, whose grand life has been given to a noble cause; once the target for the cruel and bitter shafts of ridicule; now deemed the noblest among women. The task of Washington and Lincoln could not be complete till the crown was placed on the brow of woman as well as man; and when the angels shall call Susan B. Anthony to the life immor- tal, her name, her memory on earth should and will take its place among the martyrs and saints of liberty, not for man alone, but for woman and child.” To watch the old year out and the New Year in, Miss Anthony went to Geneva, and here spent a few days very pleasantly with Elizabeth Smith Miller and her guest, Harriot Stanton Blatch. Among the New Year's remembrances were $50 from Mrs. Elda A. Orr, of Reno, Nev.; $150 from Mrs. Gross, of Chicago; and $300 from Mrs. Cornelia Collins Hussey, of Orange, N. J. The usual number of congratulatory letters were received from all classes of people, high and low, old and young, white and colored. To show their wide range two or three may be given. From Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin, president of the General Federation of Women's Clubs: “I send to you on the New Year a fra- ternal greeting and my best wishes that this may prove for you and the interests you represent, a year of fulfillment. We are all serving the same cause and we are surely among the happy ones of earth that we are enabled to assist, by even a slight impetus, the power which makes for righteousness.' . . . Therefore I send you today my heartfelt wishes for the con- tinued success of your cause and the peace and prosperity of your life.” Her friend of fifty years, John W. Hutchinson, the last of that never-equalled family of singers, sent his New Year's HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 901 greetings and added: “I bless you and your work. Wonder- ful possibilities will be the result of this great movement, which you have led, for equal rights and the franchise for women." The president of the National Council of Women, Mary Lowe Dickinson, an earnest, efficient worker for human- ity, said in the course of a long letter dated January 9 : I pray that all strength and blessing of every kind may crown this coming year of your life; and 0, how earnestly I hope that in it you may see the fruition of some of the work that you have been struggling with these many, many years. When I run over in my mind the present situation of the cause you represent—which seems to me more and more the one cause which must succeed if we are going to have genuine success anywhere else-I see what ground you have for encouragement and what a vast advance has been made; but I see, too, how slow it must seem to you, and how weary of waiting you must become. I know no courage like yours, and I do that courage full honor. She had received a telegram of greeting from Frances E. Willard as soon as she arrived home from California, and January 5 accepted her urgent invitation for a little visit with her at the sanitarium of Dr. Cordelia Green, Castile; and while there addressed a parlor gathering of the patients. On January 15 she was guest of honor at a luncheon given by the Educational and Industrial Union of Rochester, at the Genesee clubhouse, to the State executive committee of the Federation of Clubs. Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson spent a few days with her, and she arranged for her to hold Sunday evening services in the Unitarian church. On January 20 the two ladies, with Miss Mary, started for the twenty-ninth annual convention of the national association, which was to be held this year at Des Moines, Ia. The thermometer was 15° below zero, the snow very deep, and Miss Anthony's friends saw her set forth on the journey to this cold western city with much anxiety. All their protests, however, were not sufficient to keep her at home; but she thought with much longing of the clean, beautiful streets of Washington, the mild climate, the Congressional committees, the crowds of visitors there from various parts of the country who always came to the conven- tion, and she felt more strongly than ever that it was a serious mistake to take it away from the national capital. 902 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. She stopped at Chicago for a few days, and a characteristic little entry in her diary says: “I slept on a $6,000 bed last night; my! how much good suffrage work could have been done with that money.” On the afternoon of January 23, Miss Anthony addressed a large meeting of the Woman's Club and in the course of her remarks paid a tribute to that organization, in which she said: “This is the banner club of the United States, not because it has such nice women for members, and not even because it is located in Chicago, but because it is a club which does a large amount of practical work.” Mrs. Foster Avery joined the party at Chicago and they reached Des Moines January 24, where they found the rest of the execu- tive board, and all were entertained in the suburban mansion of James and Martha C. Callanan. The meetings were held in the Central Christian church, whose pastor, Rev. H. O. Breeden, extended a cordial greeting. Notwithstanding the extreme severity of the weather, 24° below zero, the audience- room was crowded to its capacity at every public session, and overflow meetings were held. The convention was officially welcomed by Governor Francis M. Drake and Mayor John Mc- Vicar; Mrs. Adelaide Ballard, State president, made the open- ing address, and Mrs. Macomber spoke in behalf of the women's clubs of the city. State Senator Rowan was one of the speakers. Among the letters of greeting was one from Miss Kitty Reed, daughter of Speaker Thomas B. Reed. The memorial services showed that never in any previous year had so long a list of friends to the cause passed away as in 1896. There were thirty-seven names mentioned in the resolutions. In Miss Anthony's address she spoke of the great victories in 1896, as shown by the full enfranchisement of the women of Utah and Idaho. Mrs. M. C. Woods, from the latter State, presented an interesting account of the late campaign and an outline of their work for the future. Her mother, Emmeline B. Wells, made the report for Utah. Delegates were present 1 Among them were Harriet Beecher Stowe, Sarah B. Cooper, Drs. Hiram Corson and Caro- line B. Winslow, Judges E. G. Merrick and O. P. Stearns, Mary Grew, J. Elizabeth Jones, Hannah Tracy Cutler, Sarah Southwick. HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 903 from twenty States, and most of them were entertained in the hospitable homes of the city. A reception, attended by 500 guests, was tendered by Mr. and Mrs. Hubbell, at their ele- gant residence on Terrace Hill. An imaginative reporter on this occasion transformed Miss Anthony's historic garnet vel- vet gown, worn for the past fourteen years, into a “magnifi- cent royal purple," and her one simple little pin into “hand- some diamonds." A pleasant reception also was given by the Woman's Club in their commodious parlors. The daily news- papers contained excellent reports of the convention, but not one gave editorial endorsement of the cause it represented. Those who believed in holding the alternate national con- ventions away from Washington were satisfied with the result; those who thought differently continued to hold the same opin- ion, and among the latter was Miss Anthony, who soon after- wards wrote to one of the business committee : The conventions at Atlanta and Des Moines have but confirmed me in my judgment that our delegated body always should meet in Washington. For local propaganda both were undoubtedly good, but for effect in securing Con- gressional action, absolutely nil. I believe in resuming our old plan of holding at least two conventions every year, one for the election of officers and for its influence upon Congress in Washington every winter; the other in whatsoever State we have constitutional amendments pending, where we need to do our greatest amount of work in that direction. The best way for the national association to help create local sentiment is to build up and make a success of the different State annual meetings, and to have at least two of its ablest and most popular speakers attend as many of them as possi- ble every year; and I think by this means we can do a great deal more to make the States feel that the national is mother to them, than by once in a lifetime holding a delegate convention within their borders. I am more and more convinced that some of the national officers must be present at every State annual meeting, and if well advertised there would be as many repre- sentatives of the local clubs present as go to our national convention. On the way home from Des Moines Miss Anthony spent a few days at Indianapolis. The evening of February 3, Mrs. Sewall gave a reception in her honor, to which were invited the governor, members of the legislature, State officials and their wives, members of the Woman's Council and their hus- bands. At one end of the large drawing-room, on a slightly 904 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. raised platform covered with rugs, sat Miss Anthony and In- diana's most revered woman, Zerelda G. Wallace, to whom Mrs. Sewall presented the guests. Later in the evening both of these ladies, from their “ throne,” as it was laughingly called, gave pleasant informal addresses, to which Senator Roots responded on behalf of the legislature. The next day Mrs. Wallace and Miss Anthony's old friend, Hon. George W. Julian, were entertained at luncheon and had a long afternoon chat. In the evening a reception was given for her by Mr. John C. and Mrs. Lillian Wright Dean at their pleasant home "The Pines.” The morning of February 5 Miss Anthony was invited to address a joint session of the Indiana legislature in the As- sembly chamber. The judges of the supreme and appellate courts and most of the State officials were present, and all the visitors' seats on the floor and in the galleries were filled with Indianapolis ladies. Miss Anthony was introduced with words of praise by Representative Packard, and spoke for an hour, making her usual strong plea for a Sixteenth Amendment en- franchising women. On February 6, at 9 A. M., in the midst of rain and sleet, she arrived in Rochester and, in less than an hour, reporters from every newspaper in the city were on hand for an inter- view. They had learned long since that they always were sure of a cordial reception at her cozy home, and that the returned traveller would not fail to tell them something which would make interesting reading. Miss Anthony was actuated by two motives in this: One was her desire to get as much suffrage news as possible into the papers, for no one could have a higher appreciation of the value of the press; the other was a strong sentiment of admiration and friendship for the faithful and industrious men and women who earn a living at newspaper work. Sunday night, February 14, the birthday of Frederick Doug- lass was observed in the Plymouth Congregational Church. Miss Anthony presided over the large meeting and introduced the speakers. THE ANTHONY RESIDENCE. Since 1865, Rochester, N. Y. HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 905 There had been something in the air of Rochester for several weeks, something of a social nature in which most of the peo- ple in the city seemed interested, and it promised to culminate on the approaching 15th of February, when Miss Anthony should be eleven times seven years old. This famous birth- day, which had been beautifully celebrated in New York, Washington and numbers of other cities and towns through- out the country, also had been often pleasantly observed in Rochester; but it was thought by many people here that it was time Miss Anthony's own city should hold a celebration which should eclipse all on record. The first intimation she had was the receipt of this invitation : The woman's clubs of this city are planning to give a reception in your honor at Powers Hall on the evening of your seventy-seventh birthday, February 15, 1897. They have chosen this means of publicly expressing the great esteem in which they hold you, and the pride they feel in reckoning among their number a woman of national reputation. They trust that this date will be satisfactory, and this manner of showing their respect not dis- tasteful to you. Very sincerely, OLIVE DAVIS, Corresponding Secretary of the Committee on Arrangements. The committee was composed of one member of each of the sixteen woman's clubs, and the admirable manner in which the affair was conducted certainly indicated that it was in the hands of representative women. Most of the Rochester papers 1 The idea of giving the reception originated among the members of the Wednesday Club, some of whom conceived the thought that it was time for the women of Rochester in some way to recognize Miss Anthony's ability, energy and labors in behalf of her sex.... Re- formers, as a rule, are not popular in their day, and Miss Anthony ran the gauntlet of deris- ion and abuse years ago, but today the magnificent services she has rendered for woman are everywhere recognized. The plans have been perfected upon a very elaborate scale. The following are represented in the movement: the Wednesday Club, the Ethical Society, the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, the Wellesley Association, the Cornell Association, the Coterie, the Woman's Saturday Club, the Holyoke Association, the Jewish Council, the Sisterhood of Berith Kodesh, the Ignorance Club, the Tuesday Reading Club, the Livingston Park Semin- ary Alumnæ, the Rochester Female Academy Alumnæ, the Ladies' Travellers' Club, and Mrs. Hall's Art Class The reception is not to women only, but it is expected that a large number of men will be present. [Then follows a list of names of many of the prominent ladies of Rochester, who acted as a reception committee, and of equally well-known young men, who served as ushers.]-Democrat and Chronicle 906 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. contained editorials of congratulation. Among others the Post-Express said of the celebration : Its purpose is to indicate the esteem in which she is held by the people of the city of which she has, for many years, been a resident. It is not intended as a demonstration in behalf of the cause with which she has been especially identified. Its meaning is deeper and its scope is broader than this. It is the woman, rather than the advocate, who is to be honored. . . . Rochester is proud of Susan B. Anthony-proud that it can call her its citi- zen. It has come to appreciate her quality. It understands, not alone that she has stood in the front ranks of those who have done battle for the equality of woman with man at the ballot-box, but that she has also done much for the emancipation of woman from civil thralldom and social inferiority, and that in all good causes she has been distinguished—in philanthropies as in politics, in the reformation of moral abuses as in the righting of what seemed to her civic wrongs. As her work has proceeded, she has conquered preju- dice and persuaded respect—respect for herself independent of and even superior to that for the causes in which she has enlisted. And so it occurs that the citizens of Rochester, without regard to the opinions they entertain upon woman suffrage and cognate movements, but wholly in admiration and affection for a noble woman, unite in the reception which awaits her, cordial and full of meaning. It will be a notable occasion, and one long to be remembered. The daily papers gave long and elaborate reports of this great reception, headed, “Our beloved Susan ; Two thousand hands grasped by the Grand Old Woman ;.” “Rochester Shows its Love for Her,” etc., etc. A portion of the Herald account may be quoted as indicating the tone of all : The reception accorded to Susan B. Anthony at Powers Hall by the woman's clubs of Rochester was one of the most brilliant events of the kind ever held in this city. All the prominent people of both sexes were there, and each vied with the others in doing honor to the woman whose splendid attributes of mind and heart have reflected so much credit on the city. But little pre- liminary work was needed, as it partook largely of the nature of a spontaneous tribute. Fully 2,000 people, representing the beauty, wealth and intelligence of the city, passed before this unostentatious, kindly woman during the evening and esteemed it an honor to press her hand. The guests began to arrive at 8:30 o'clock and continued to come in a steady stream for two hours thereafter. Miss Anthony stood at the western end of the large room and around her were gathered the reception committee, com- posed of representatives from each of the woman's clubs in the city. The guests formed in line as they entered and each in succession took the hand of Miss Anthony. She greeted every one cordially and had a pleasant word for each. In one hand she held a beautiful bouquet of white and yellow roses sent by Miss Frances E. Willard. HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 907 There were more than Rochester's most distinguished citi- zens; hundreds of the poor and the humble, a number of colored people, men and women in all the walks of life, thronged the great hall surrounded with famous paintings and radiant with electric lights, flowers and beautiful costumes. They came to grasp the hand of one who had made no distinc- tion of race or rank or belief in her fifty years' work of uplift- ing all humanity. If these had not been present, Miss Anthony would have felt that her own city had not offered its full tribute of recognition. At the Anthony home the day was a happy one. Rev. Anna Shaw came to help celebrate. The house was filled with guests from out of town and many callers, and the bell was ringing all day for telegrams, letters and packages. There were pot- ted plants and cut flowers, baskets of violets and hyacinths, and great bunches of roses and carnations. Letters and tele- grams came from California and Massachusetts, and a number of States between. Clubs of many descriptions sent messages, and even Sunday-schools offered greetings. Mariana W. Chap- man, president New York State Suffrage Association, expressed the congratulations of that body, and from all the National- American officers came words of appreciation. Among these were the following from the national organizer, Carrie Chap- man Catt: When a woman lives to be seventy-seven years old, having given a whole half-century and more to the cause of human liberty, her age becomes a crown of glory, before which every lover of progress bows in acknowledg- ment. Such a woman is she whom we know as “Saint Susan.” Upon her birthday I have but one wish, and in this millions of grateful American women join with me; may she live in health and strength undiminished, until she witnesses the last woman in the United States blessed with all the political privileges of citizenship. If this wish might be fulfilled, I know it would bring the highest joy ever permitted a human being; therefore because I love her tenderly I make it, with gratitude for her years of service and with a reverence unspeakable for the woman whose courage, determination and adherence to principle made the service possible. A few evenings later Miss Anthony attended a meeting held in Rochester by the Cuban League. As soon as she entered 908 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. she was invited to a seat on the stage and then the audience insisted on a speech. Finally she came forward and said: From the report of the first outrage in Cuba down to the present time, there has not been a moment but that its people have had my sympathy. Never since I began to know the meaning of the word “freedom” has anything taken a stronger hold on me than this struggle in Cuba. Even where all men are free, women are not, and I trust that when Cuban men achieve their in- dependence and frame their constitution, they will not forget the women who have borne the struggle with them, as our Revolutionary fathers forgot the women who toiled by their side. The men of only four out of forty- five States of our republic have yet granted liberty to the women. I never can speak in a meeting like this without bearing testimony to the cowardice of the men of this nation in refusing to make the women free. I believe in liberty and equality for every human being under every flag, not for men alone but for women also. The last of February a telegram announced the death of Maude, wife of Senator L. H. Humphrey, who but a few weeks before had visited the Anthony home, and stated that the husband desired Miss Anthony to speak at the funeral. She was a young and lovely wife and mother, treasurer of the State Fed- eration of Clubs and an officer of the State and county suf- frage associations. It was said that Miss Anthony spoke as one inspired of the woman in whose death everything good had lost a helpful hand, who had gone out of life with no fear for herself but only loving thoughtfulness for others. She told of her courage in following the truth wherever it might lead, of the freedom into which she had grown, and the beautiful faith and trust in which she had lived; she said that it was such who walked with God, and that her spiritual life could be compre- hended only by those who lived on the same high plane. It was a deep regret to all who heard this exquisite eulogy that it was not preserved word for word. Reference has been made in a preceding chapter to Miss Anthony's preparations for the writing of her biography, which were interrupted by the urgent call from California. All her letters from friends and many from strangers, for sev- eral years, had urged that it should not longer be deferred. But who should do it? That was the important question. There were a number of women who possessed the ability and HER LETTERS BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 909 the desire, but some were absorbed in family cares and others in breadwinning occupations; where was the one who could and would give a year or more of her life to this vast under- taking? The question was still unanswered when Miss An- thony laid everything else aside and plunged into the California campaign. Long before this had ended, she had exacted a promise from Mrs. Harper, who had charge of the State press during that long and trying period, to come to Rochester and write the biography. She herself agreed to remain at home till the work should be finished, and give every possible assist- ance from the storehouse of reminiscence and the wealth of material which had been so carefully garnered during all the years. So the first of March, 1897, the work began. A little while before, Miss Anthony had written to a friend: “Some one soon will write the story of my life and will want everything she can get about me, but she will find there is precious little when she sits down to the task.” What the biographer did find was two large rooms filled, from floor to ceiling, with material of a personal and historical nature. It seemed at first as if nothing less than a cyclopedia could contain what would have to be used. Ranged around the walls were trunks, boxes and bags of letters and other documents, dating back for a century and tied in bundles just as they had been put away from year to year. There were piles of legal papers, accounts, receipts and memoranda of every description, and the diaries and note-books of sixty years. The shelves were filled with congressional, convention and other reports; there were stacks of magazines and newspapers, large numbers of scrap-books and bushels of scraps waiting to be pasted. There was, in fact, everything of this nature which can be imagined, all carefully saved and put away, waiting for the leisure when they could be sorted and classified. It was fortunate indeed that the two women, who went to work so cheerfully on that March morning, did not realize the task which was before them, or their courage might have wavered. With the assistance of their efficient secretary, Miss 910 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Genevieve Lel Hawley, the work went steadily on from daylight till dark for many days, until at length the sheep all were separated from the goats; the matter likely to be used placed in one room, and the remainder arranged conveniently for reference in the other. Every scrap of writing was pressed out and each year's quota not only placed in a separate box, but arranged according to months and days. The printed matter was carefully classified and the scrap-books all finished, a complete set of nearly fifty years. Then commenced the far more difficult labor of culling the most important and interesting points from this great mass of material, and condensing them into such space as would per- mit the reading of the biography during at least an average lifetime. And thus was the task continued, day after day, and far into the night, for much more than a year. The snows of winter melted away; the bare branches of the tall chestnut trees which towered above the windows put forth their buds and burst into a wilderness of snowy blossoms; the birds built their nests among the green leaves, reared their young and flew away with them to warmer climes before the chill winds of approaching autumn ; the luxuriant foliage faded and dropped to the earth ; again the naked branches stretched out to a stormy sky, and the snow lay deep on the frozen ground; while the story followed the life and work of this great historic character through the slow unfolding out of the depths of the past; the development from the springtime of youth into the fruitful summer of maturity; the mellowing into the richness and beauty of autumn; the coming at last into the snowy spotlessness of serene and beautiful old age. The attic workrooms were an ideal place for this long and exacting task, secluded from all interruption and dedicated so entirely to the work that not a book or paper ever was disturbed. A pretty description written by Mrs. Minette Cheshire Hair, of the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle staff, and published in a number of papers, thus began : Way up on the third floor of the cozy home at 17 Madison street, away from the dust and noise of the pavement, in a charming den admirably ATTIC WORK-ROOMS WHERE THE BIOGRAPHY WAS WRITTEN. HER LETTERS-BIRTHDAY PARTY-BIOGRAPHY. 911 arranged for the purpose, two women have for months been busily engaged getting together material and putting it in shape for the publishers, which will give to the world a story-the story of a career as remarkable as any ever written. Pausing on the threshold, a description of the sanctum is not out of place, for the pleasant atmosphere and surroundings at once impress the vis- itor, so unconsciously have the occupants stamped it with their own strong individuality. It consists of two large and airy rooms which appear to be literally perched in the tree-tops, so close are the swaying branches, which seem to nod approval and encouragement to the two busy workers seated be- fore a large bow window. Patches of the blue sky glimmer above and through them, and the scene without is restful and inspiring. Within is a large, low table where the writing is done, and an easy couch piled with pillows invites repose when the brain grows too weary. The rooms are plain and ceiled above in natural wood, and on shelves arranged along the sides are boxes containing years of correspondence and documents, dating back to 1797—just one century. In the room beyond, three stenographers do their part of the work, and here also are large chests filled with the accumulations of years of public life. It would seem as if the task before these two dauntless women were almost endless, for every letter must be read and carefully noted, every newspaper clipping gleaned-and these alone would make volumes-old diaries perused, and the whole digested and woven into the fabric of facts which not only go to make the story of one woman, but the history of the great progressive movement of women during the past fifty years. CHAPTER XLIX. CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 1897. qiSS ANTHONY was strong in her determination to remain at home and devote herself to the bio- graphical task, but found it almost an impossi- bility to resist the calls for her services which came from all directions. Occasionally she would slip out for a lecture, but long journeys and convention work for the most part were given up, and never during fifty years had she remained at home a fraction of the time that she spent here in 1897. Monday evening of each week was set apart to receive callers and the pleasant parlors often were crowded, many of the Rochester people declaring that this was their first chance of getting acquainted with their illustrious townswoman. There were two rôles, however, which she never could fill with any pleasure to herself, that of the society or the literary woman. While no one loves her friends more faithfully or better enjoys receiving visits from them, she cares for social life, in general, only so far as it can advance her cause. Although letter-writing is a pleasure, she hates the use of the pen for so-called literary work. Standing on the plat- form, words and ideas rush upon her more rapidly than she can give them utterance, but with pen in hand the thoughts still come but refuse to be formulated. In the chapters describing the preparation of the History of Woman Suffrage was set forth in detail her restiveness at such confinement. “I love to make history but hate to write it,” ANT.-58 (913) 914 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. was her oft-repeated assertion. The years had brought no change of feeling and her correspondence shows how she chafed under the search of old records, the reading of faded letters. Many times she 'wrote: "There is so much to be done, so much more money is needed and so many more women are wanted for the present work, that half the time I feel con- science-smitten to be dwelling among the scenes and people of the past. There are so very few of my early co-workers now on this side of the big river, that I am really living with the dead most of the time; but as there is no way out of this job except through it—through it I must go.” In the journal she says: “O, how it tires me to think over and talk over those old days, not only of my own labors, but of the never-ceasing efforts to stir up others to work.” The 9th of March Miss Anthony lectured before the Men's Club of the Central Church at Auburn. On the 12th she spoke at a meeting addressed by Booker Washington in the interest of the Tuskeegee Colored Institute. The 24th she went to Albany with Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi, Mrs. Catt, Elizabeth Burrill Curtis, daughter of George William Curtis, Mrs. Chapman, State president; and all addressed the senate judiciary com- mittee in behalf of a woman suffrage amendment. Miss An- thony went to this hearing much against her will and, at its conclusion, declared she never again would stoop to plead her cause before one of these committees. She had made her appeals to their fathers and grandfathers, and she was tired of begging for her liberty from men not half her own age and with not a hundredth part of her knowledge of State and national affairs. The seventieth birthday of the devoted sister Mary would occur on April 2, and Miss Anthony decided to have a home reception in her honor. When she broached the subject to a few intimate friends in the Unitarian church and the Political Equality Club, she found they already had such arrangements well under way and they insisted that she should leave the matter entirely in their hands. Anything which concerned the Anthony sisters interested Rochester, and the city papers CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 915 The Herald began a long inter- contained extended notices. view as follows: Seventy! It did not seem possible that the sprightly, energetic little woman who answered the reporter's ring could have reached the allotted threescore and ten. Old Father Time is certainly no more than a myth to Miss Mary Anthony. “Yes,” said she, laughing, “I am about to make my debut. Just think of it, a real reception in my honor! By the time I'm eighty, my existence will probably have become one whirl of delicious excite- ment." The reporter asked to see Miss Susan B. Anthony; five minutes would be sufficient; the matter was urgent and important. . . . Turning to her the reporter said: “The Herald would like you to give an account of your sister. You know she would never admit that she ever did anything worth mention- ing, so it is from you that the true story must come.” She laughed as she took off her glasses, leaned back in her chair and asked, "Where shall I begin ?” “At the beginning, please.” “Well then, my sister was born in Battenville, the youngest of four daughters. One thing may surprise you. She, not I, is the suffrage pioneer in our family. She attended the first woman's rights convention, and when I came home from teaching school, I heard nothing but suffrage talk, and how lovely Lucretia Mott was, and how sweet Elizabeth Cady Stanton was. I didn't believe in it then, and made fun of it; but sister Mary was a firm advocate. My brother-in-law used to tell me that I could preach woman's rights, but it took Mary to practice them. "For twenty-six consecutive years, from 1857 to 1883, she taught in our public schools. Many of the best citizens of Rochester once went to school to her; and it is perhaps her influence upon those minds and lives that my sister considers the most important part of her life-work. She has always been identi- fied with the suffrage cause in this city and State, as I have with the national. For a number of years she was corresponding secretary of the State society, and for five years has been president of the city Political Equality Club. "I can not tell you how she has helped and sustained me. She has kept a home where I might come to rest. From the very beginning, she has cheered and comforted me. She has looked after the great mass of details, my ward- robe, my business, etc., leaving me free. She is the unseen worker who ought to share equally in whatever of reward and praise I may have won.” The Democrat and Chronicle thus commenced a two-column account of the reception : ... The occasion was the seventieth anniversary of Miss Mary Anthony's birth and, in the afternoon and evening, crowds of her friends gathered to offer their congratulations and do homage to one who has done so much for the educational interests of the city and social and political equality for her sex. Miss Mary, to be sure, has not gained the national reputation which her 916 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. famous sister enjoys, yet among the people of Rochester she is regarded as a sharer in the laurels won by Susan B. Whenever one is mentioned the per. sonality of the other is immediately brought to mind. ... It was with rare hospitality, interwoven with personal love and respect, that Dr. and Mrs. J. E. Sanford devoted their handsome home to the celebration of this birthday. Attired in black satin and duchesse lace, with a pretty bouquet of bride roses in her hand, Miss Mary presented a womanly and attractive appearance. In the name of the club, Mrs. Sanford presented, with a felicitous little speech, a handsome, jetted broadcloth cape. She was followed by Mrs. Greenleaf, who tendered in affec- tionate words a purse containing $70, a golden tribute for each year from many friends. John M. Thayer then made a witty and interesting address. He was followed by Rev. W. C. Gannett, who dwelt especially on the work done by Miss Mary in looking after the poor and needy for the past twenty years, not only as an officer of the city charitable association but in a private capacity, and closed by saying: It takes two sorts of people to make a reform: One who become public speakers and bear the brunt of obloquy, and the other who in obscurity lend their assistance to the work. There are hundreds of this latter class that the world never hears about. It is the blessed silent side of life, and it seems to me that Mary is the very incarnation of the quiet majority of this great reform which is yet to celebrate its triumphs. In after years, when the story is written of this political equality movement, men will say that the battle was won by the two sisters, because there never could have been a Susan abroad if it had not been for a Mary at home. If there ever was a time when Miss Anthony was speechless from supreme satisfaction it was on this occasion. All the honors ever bestowed upon herself had not afforded her the joy of this testimonial to her gentle, unassuming but strong and helpful sister, on whom she leaned far more than the world could ever know. Miss Anthony assisted at the elegant golden wedding cele- bration of Mr. and Mrs. James Sargent, April 29; not one in the receiving line under seventy, and yet not one broken or en- 1 Among other birthday remembrances were a diamond pin from Miss Shaw, Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Louise Mosher James and Lucy E. Anthony; $50 from Mrs. Gross; many smaller gifts and quantities of flowers. MARY S. AND SUSAN B. ANTHONY, 1897. CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 917 feebled by age. The men erect and vigorous, the women beautifully dressed and full of animation, formed a striking il- lustration of the changed physical and social conditions of the last half-century. Early in June Miss Anthony, Rey. Anna Shaw, Miss Emily Howland and Mrs. Harper went to Auburn to visit Eliza Wright Osborne, with whom Mrs. Stanton and her daughter, Mrs. Lawrence, were spending the summer. The days were de- lightfully passed, driving through the shaded streets of that “loveliest village of the plain” and walking about the spacious park and gardens surrounding the Osborne mansion; while in the evenings the party gathered in the large drawing-room and listened to chapters from the forthcoming biography, followed with delightful reminiscences by the two elder ladies and Mrs. Osborne, whose mother, Martha C. Wright, was one of their first and best-beloved friends and helpers. It was a rare and sacred occasion, and those who were present ever will cherish the memory of those two grand pioneers, sitting side by side- Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony—the one just beyond, the other nearing the eightieth milestone of life, both having given to the world fifty years of unremitting service, and yet both as strong in mind, as keen in satire, as brimming with cheerfulness, as in those early days when they set about to révolutionize the prejudices and customs of the ages. The correspondence this year seemed heavier than ever be- fore, letters pouring in from all parts of the United States and Europe. Even from far-off Moscow, in conservative Russia, came the cry of women for help. Pages written by the pen of another could not give so accurate an idea of Miss Anthony's opinions on various topics as single paragraphs culled from copies of her own letters, preserved, alas, only during the past few years since she has employed a stenographer. One scarcely knows which to select. To a newspaper inquiry she answered: “The greatest compliment' ever paid me was, that by my life-work I had helped to make the conditions of 1 During this month a fine medallion of Miss Anthony was made for the Political Equality Club of Rochester and put on sale to obtain money for the suffrage fund. Some time before, a handsome souvenir spoon was designed by Mrs. Millie Burtis Logan, of Rochester. 918 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. She wrote to an exasperated the world better for women." Ohio woman : The plan you propose, of our getting all the members of suffrage clubs, and all individual women outside, in each State, to march to the polls every election day and attempt to deposit their ballots, sounds very well. But, my dear, it is impossible thus to persuade the women, after the Supreme Court of the United States has declared they have no right to vote under the National Constitution. Your suggestion means a revolution which women will not create against their own fathers, husbands, brothers and sons. A whole race of men under a foreign or tyrannical government, like the Cubans, may rise in rebellion, but for women thus to band themselves against the power enthroned in their own households is quite another matter. Hundreds have recommended your plan, so it is nothing new, but it is utterly impracti- cal. There can be but one possible way for women to be freed from the degradation of disfranchisement, and that is through the slow processes of agitation and education, until the vast majority of women themselves desire freedom. So long as mothers teach their sons and daughters, by acquiescence at least, that present conditions need no improving, you can not expect men to change them. Therefore do not waste a single moment trying to devise any sort of insurrectionary movement on the part of the women. In a letter to Mrs. Stanton she said : Mrs. Besant lunched with us, and I heard her last evening for the second time. She is master of the English language, and whether or not one can be- lieve she sees and hears from the world of the disembodied what she feels she does, one can not but realize that she is a great woman and has a wonderful the- ory of how human souls return to earth. But I tell her that it seems to me re- pellent that we have to come back here through Dame Nature's processes, after a period of such great freedom in the occult world, and again go through with teething, mumps, measles, and similar inflictions. The truth is, I can no more see through Theosophy than I can through Christian Science, Spiritualism, Cal- vinism or any other of the theories, so I shall have to go on knocking away to remove the obstructions in the road of us mortals while in these bodies and on this planet; and leave Madam Besant and you and all who have en- tered into the higher spheres, to revel in things unknown to me. ... I will join you at Mrs. Miller's Saturday, and we'll chat over men, women and conditions-not theories, theosophies and theologies, they are all Greek to me. There had been a question after the late election in Idaho whether the suffrage amendment required a majority of all the votes cast, or only a majority of those cast on the amendment. If the former, then it was defeated. The case was carried to the supreme court, which put the latter construction on the CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 919 law. Miss Anthony wrote to the judges, Isaac N. Sullivan, Joseph W. Huston, Ralph P. Quarles, (John T. Morgan re- tired): On behalf of the suffrage women of the United States, I thank you for the decision which you have rendered. I bad studied over the clause a great deal and felt that if your judgments were biased by the precedents and preju- dices which had controlled the decisions of the Supreme Courts of the United States, and of the different States, upon the extension of rights to women, you certainly would give the narrow interpretation. Instead of that, for the first time in the history of our judiciary, the broadest and most liberal inter- pretation possible has been given. were marking historic spots, she advised as follows: I hope in your selections you will be exceedingly careful to distinguish those actions in which our Revolutionary mothers took part. Men have been faith- ful in noting every heroic act of their half of the race, and now it should be the duty, as well as the pleasure, of women to make for future generations a record of the heroic deeds of the other half. It is a splendid thing for your association to devote the Fourth of July to a commemoration of women. If I had the time, I too might be one of the “Daughters,”1 for my Grandfather Read enlisted and fought on the heights of Quebec and at the battles of Bennington and Ticonderoga; but I have been, and must continue to be, so busy working to secure to the women of this day the paramount right for which the Revolutionary War was waged, that I can give neither time nor money to associations of women for any other purpose, however good it may be. When the answer came that they were doing the very thing that she wished, she replied: I am delighted; for however heroic our pioneer fathers may have been, our pioneer mothers, in the very nature of things, must have braved all the hard- ships of the men by their side with the added one of bearing and rearing children when deprived of even the vital necessities of maternity. Self- government is as necessary for the best development of women as of men. Sentiment never was and never can be a guarantee for justice, but with equal political power women will be able to secure justice for themselves. We have had chivalry and sentiment from the beginning of time, with some privileges granted as a favor. We now demand rights, guaranteed to us by codes and constitutions; and if their possession shall forfeit us gallantry, we will make the best of it. But I do not believe woman's utter dependence on man wins 1 Later Miss Anthony was made honorary member of Irondequoit Chapter, D. A. R. (Rochester). 920 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. for her his respect; it may cause him to love and pet her as a child, but never to regard and treat her as a peer. To Prof. C. Howard Young, of Hartford, Conn., for thirteen years an invalid and yet an ardent advocate of woman suffrage, she wrote: “I want you to feel that the dollar you have sent from year to year all this time for your membership in the national association has helped bring to us Idaho, for our or- ganization committee's work in that State was a large factor in securing the victory. Every one who gives a dollar helps do the work where it is most needed to gain the practical result.” The following extracts are self-explanatory: The vast majority of women easily can have their sympathies drawn upon to help personal and public charities, while very few are capable of seeing that the cause of nine-tenths of all the misfortunes which come to women, and to men also, lies in the subjection of woman, and therefore the important thing is to lay the axe at the root. Now, my dear, if you and all the women who are working for the different charities and reforms of your city, had the right to vote, how long do you suppose the brothels and gambling houses would be allowed to keep their doors open? Do you believe that if women could vote for every officer whose duty it is to enforce the laws, these dens would be licensed, or if not absolutely licensed, would be allowed to run year in and year out merely by the payment of fines from time to time? How long do you think our streets would be infested with men walking up and down seeking whom they might devour, and with women doing the same? While some of you must work, as you are doing, giving heart and soul to the mitigation of the horrors of our semi-barbaric conditions, I must strike at the cause which produces them. To the women of Kansas: I hope your State association won't do the foolish thing of wasting your time in asking the legislature to pass a law granting “presidential” suf- frage to women. Our chances in your State have been postponed, if not abso- lutely killed, because of municipal suffrage, and now if you should induce your legislature to give “presidential” suffrage and the women should thwart the men's wishes in their votes for President, as they already have done with their limited franchise, you would be doomed never to get the right to vote for congressmen, governor and legislators. I wish women never would ask for any but full suffrage; and also that they would stop asking the legisla- tures to submit an amendment to the voters, until they have created public sentiment enough to get at least one of the leading parties to stand for it from year to year. We have been working at the top with the members of legislatures, CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 921 delegates to conventions, etc., too long; it is now time to begin at the bottom with the voting precincts. Nothing short of this should be considered organ- ization. Miss Anthony received many poems every year from ad- miring friends of both sexes. This acknowledgment of one raises the suspicion that she was not so appreciative as she might have been: “I find in a very handsome lavender en- velope a poem inscribed on lavender paper, addressed to Susan B. Anthony. Since I know nothing of the merits of poetry, I am not able to pass any opinion upon this, but I can see that 'reap' and 'deep,'' prayers' and 'bears,'' ark' and 'dark,' 'true' and 'grew'do rhyme, and so I suppose it is a splendid effort, but if you had written it in plain prose, I could have understood it a great deal better and read it a great deal more easily. Nevertheless, I am thankful to you for poetizing over me-although the fact is that I am the most prosaic, matter- of-fact creature that ever drew the breath of life.” A relative in California wrote that "God would punish the people in that State who worked against the woman suffrage amendment,” and Miss Anthony replied : It is hardly worth while for you or anybody to talk about “God's punish- ing people.” If He does, He has been a long time about it in a good many cases and not succeeded in doing it very thoroughly. He certainly didn't punish the liquor dealers of San Francisco; instead of that, He let them re- joice over us women because of their power to cheat us out of right and justice. I think it is quite time, at least for anybody who has Anthony blood in her, to see that God allows the wheat and the tares to grow up together, and that the tares frequently get the start of the wheat and kill it out. The only difference between the wheat and human beings is that the latter have intellect and ought to combine and pull out the tares, root and branch. Instead of that, good men stay away from the ballot-box or else form third, fourth and forty-'leventh parties, thus leaving the liquor men and vicious elements, who always know enough to stand together, a balance of power on the side of the candidate or the party that will do most for their interests. If the good men were as bright as the bad men, they would pull together instead of separately. To the Jewish Woman's Council: “From day to day I read the press reports of your meetings, and was pleased to see how successful they were ; especially was I glad at the answer 922 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. one of your women made to the criticism of your holding a meeting on Sunday. It is time to teach some of our Protestant women that it is just as worthy to do a good thing on Sunday as on Monday or any other day in the week, and no worse to do a bad one. They should learn also that they have no more right to ask you to hold their Sunday sacred than you have to demand that they shall observe your Jewish Sabbath.” Some California women wrote her that the politicians were advising them to ask for “educated and property suffrage,'' and she replied : I should answer them that it is quite difficult enough for women to push their demand for enfranchisement on an equal basis with men. They all know there is not a man who has any political aspirations or a party which hopes for success, that would take a public stand in favor of such a measure as they wish us to adopt. I do not agree with them that we have too many voters now. Instead of that, I say we have just half enough, for a majority of the opinions of all the people combined is sure to be better than the opin- ions of any one class. They call it a “mistake” giving to poor and unedu- cated men the right to vote; whereas, the greatest wrongs in our government are perpetrated by rich men, the wire-pulling agents of the corporations and monopolies, in which the poor and the ignorant have no part. No, they can not persuade me that it would be a right or even a politic thing to ask that only educated, tax-paying women be enfranchised. It would antagonize not only every man who had neither property nor educa- tion but also every one whose wife had neither, and all such would vote against the enfranchisement of the rich and educated women. You can not start a demand for any sort of restrictive qualification for women which will not lose more votes for the measure in one direction than it can possibly gain in another. The habit of many women of continually intruding their religious beliefs into their public work was a great annoyance to Miss Anthony. To a prominent speaker on the Prohibition platform with whom she was well acquainted, she wrote: “It seems to me that by your using constantly the words 'God' and 'Jesus' as if they were material beings, when to you they are no longer such, you impress upon your audience, grounded as the vast majority yet are in the old beliefs, that you still hold to the idea of their personality. The world, especially women, love to cling to a personal, material help- God a strong man, Jesus a loving man." And then a little CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 923 further on, referring to the common habit of regarding physi- cal misfortunes as the punishment of God, she said: "God is not responsible for our human ills and we should not believe or disbelieve in Him on account of our aches and pains. It surely is not the good people who escape bodily ailments. Certain fixed laws govern all, and those who come nearest to obeying these laws will suffer least; but even then we must suffer for the failures of our ancestors.” One of the leading women in a State where a suffrage amend- ment was pending, wrote her that she felt sure the Lord would interpose in its behalf and she should try to influence the voters by prayer. In response Miss Anthony said : I think you do not fully realize that the vast majority of the men whom you have to convert to suffrage, neither know nor care whether you and the rest of the women who want to vote, are especially inspired by God to make the demand. Those who are good Methodists like yourself ought to believe in suffrage already, and therefore your appeals are to be made to the men who are not Methodists, possibly not even Christians, and would be repelled by your presenting any of the religious motives which are so powerful with you and other church members. To prevail with the rank and file of voters, you must appeal to their sense of justice. I am glad to have you tell me per- sonally about your communings with the Lord, but for you to give that talk of “miraculous intervention” to the common run of voters would be, as the Good Book says, “casting pearls before swine.” To a nephew, D. R. Anthony, Jr., and his ride on the day of their wedding, she telegraphed the beautiful words of Lucretia Mott: “May your independence be equal, your de- pendence mutual, your obligations reciprocal.” In the winter of 1897 a great cry was raised about what was called “yellow" journalism, the mischievous sensationalism of certain metropolitan newspapers. The matter was taken up by the W. C. T. U. and Miss Willard sent out an address to prominent women asking that they should protest against this journalism and also against such spectacles as the recent Cor- bett-Fitzsimmons prize fight. When it reached Miss Anthony she answered: Your circular letter came duly, proposing that women should refuse to patronize the so-called "yellow" newspapers, and also protest against prize 924 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. fighting. It seems to me that for the women of the country to come out now with their little piping voices, after all the great daily papers of the nation have written the strongest kind of editorials against both these evils, would be very like the caricatures of the old Conkling-Platt fight in the United States Senate-the tall Conkling dealing his blow, and the little Platt peep- ing, “Me, too.” Instead of going around echoing one or another class of men, it is time for women to put their heads together and demand to have their opinions counted the same as those of the men who make possible "yellow journalism" bricks without straw-to change the conditions of society without votes-I shall go on clamoring for the ballot and trying not to antagonize any man or set of men. Don't you see, if women ever get the right to vote it must be through the consent of not only the moral and decent men of the nation, but also through that of the other kind? Is it not perfectly idiotic for us to be telling the latter class that the first thing we shall do with our ballots will be to knock them out of the enjoyment of their pet pleasures and vices? If you still think it wise to keep on sticking pins into the men whom we are trying to persuade to give women equal power with themselves, you will have to go on doing it. I certainly will not be one of your helpers in that particu- lar line of work. In reading these and scores of similar expressions of wisdom and philosophy, one can but echo the words of Rev. Anna Shaw, who wrote to Miss Anthony: “Your letters sound like a trumpet blast. They read like St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans, so strong, so clear, so full of courage.” Miss Anthony and Miss Willard always continued the best of friends, each great enough to respect the other's individuality. In reply to the above, Miss Willard wrote: “Dearest Susan, two women as settled in their opinions as you and I, show their highest wisdom when they mildly agree to differ and go on their way rejoicing, with mutual good word, good will, good heart. Ever yours with warm affection.” A little later Miss Willard added to the official invitations to the World's and the National W. C. T. U. Conventions, her warm personal request for Miss Anthony's presence. There was no end to the invitations which came by every mail: a banquet given by the New York Woman's Press Club; the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Woman's Club at Orange, N. J.; an anniversary breakfast of Sorosis, at the Waldorf; a reunion of the old Abolitionists in Boston; the Pilgrim Moth- CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 925 ers' Dinner in the Astor Gallery ; the dedication of the Mother Bickerdyke Hospital in Kansas ; the opening reception of the Tennessee Centennial—the very answering of them consumed hours of precious time. Neither was there any limit to the newspaper requests for opinions, such as, “Do you favor the use of birds for personal adornment? Why, or why not?” “ Christ's message, 'Peace on earth, good will to men '—what has it done and what does it mean after nineteen centuries?” etc. She seldom attempted to answer such queries, but her comments while looking them over in her daily mail, if pre- served by stenographer and historian, would make piquant reading. An amusing letter turns up among the almost nine hundred received in 1897, in which a county official, not seventy-five miles from Rochester, asks these questions: "In how many cities have you spoken ? How many lectures delivered ? Have you ever spoken in Washington before Congress? Have you ever spoken in Albany before the legislature ? How many people would you think you had addressed in your life- time ?” Miss Anthony responded : “It would be hard to find a city in the northern and western States in which I have not lectured, and I have spoken in many of the southern cities. I have been on the platform over forty-five years and it would be impossible to tell how many lectures I have delivered ; they probably would average from seventy-five to one hundred every year. I have addressed the committees of every Congress since 1869, and our New York legislature scores of times.” As has been stated, she never replied to personal attacks, but during 1897 one so unjust and so bitter was made by a dis- gruntled woman of New York City in the St. Louis Republic, that she yielded to the importunity of friends and answered briefly : I have been an officer in the National Suffrage Association since 1852, and its president since 1892. During that time I never have had one dollar of salary, nor have I ever received any money for my suffrage work from this associa- 1 Miss Anthony was this year made honorary member of the Cuban League, the Rochester Historical Society, the Ladies of the Maccabees, and various other organizations. 926 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. tion. I usually am paid for lectures by any society which sends for me to come to a special place. In all of the laborious State campaigns I have given my services without money and without price. The various bequests which have been left to me, to use at my discretion, all have been appropriated directly to the suffrage cause. Not one officer of the national association is or ever has been paid for her services, and most of them have contributed many years of hard work and a large amount of their own money. By the middle of July the biography was so well advanced that the two workers felt entitled to a vacation during mid- summer. The completed chapters were locked securely in the safety deposit vault and, with a fervent hope that the house would not catch fire and burn up the unwritten part of the book during their absence, they started, July 15, for a little tour, going first to the home of Mr. and Mrs. James Sargent on “Summerland,” one of the loveliest of the Thousand Islands. Here Miss Anthony tried very hard for a whole week to do nothing. Even letter-writing was laid aside and she sat on the veranda and watched the great steamers and the pleasure boats go up and down the broad St. Lawrence; took long naps in the hammock swayed by the soft breezes; wan- dered through the picturesque ravine and along the water's edge; at evening watched the sun set in gorgeous splendor, leav- ing a trail of glory on the waters which slowly faded as the stars came out in the beauty of the night and were reflected in the still depths. Every day, with host and hostess and the other guests in the house, she boarded the little launch and sailed up the river, winding in and out among those wonderful islands with their diversity of hotels, clubhouses, elegant mansions and pretty cottages; but all surpassed by the adornments of nature, tall trees with luxuriant vines climbing to the very tops, and the great rocks of the ages, rent and cleft and covered with mosses and ferns. It was a charming week but, although the stay might have been prolonged through the summer, Miss Anthony was far too busy a woman for much visiting, and on the 22d started for her old home at Adams, Mass., where a unique and long an- ticipated event took place, which will be described in the next chapter. A number of relatives, who had come from CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 927 various parts of the country for this occasion, returned to Rochester with her. A little trip was made to Geneva to visit with Mrs. Stanton at Mrs. Miller's, and so the summer sped quickly and pleasantly away. Miss Anthony attended the Ohio convention at Alliance, October 5, and was the guest of Mrs. Emma Cantine. While here, at the request of President Marsh, she addressed the stu- dents of Mount Union College on "The Progress of Women during my Lifetime." She had said again and again that she would not leave her work and go to this convention, but when at last a telegram was received, “For heaven's sake come; all depends on you”—she put on her bonnet and went, just as she had done a hundred times before. She spoke, October 20, at the celebration of the hundredth birthday of Rey. Samuel J. May, in the beautiful church erected to his memory in Syracuse. She had known Mr. May intimately from 1850 to the time of his death, and those who have read the first chapters of this book and seen what he was to her in those early days of abolitionism and woman's rights when the enemies far outnumbered the friends, can imagine how eloquently she voiced the love and gratitude in her heart. The next evening Miss Anthony left Rochester for ten days at Nashville, Tenn. The Woman's Board had invited a num- ber of national organizations to hold conventions during the Exposition, and the last week was set apart for the Woman's Council. This was not a suffrage meeting ; it was simply a national council where each one of the speakers asked for the suffrage to enable her association to do its work. Headquar- ters were at the Maxwell House, and the officers and many other notable women came from various parts of the country for the week. The public sessions were held in the Woman's Building, which was crowded to its capacity. Although suf- frage was a comparatively new subject in this city, the an- nouncement of Miss Anthony's address filled the assembly- room and she was received with enthusiasm. They met with a hearty greeting from the people of Nash- ville. Among the elegant receptions given in their honor was 928 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. one by Mr. and Mrs. W. W. Berry at Vauxhall Place. The president of the Exposition, Mr. John W. Thomas, and his wife gave a handsome entertainment, of which the American's account said: “By the hostess stood her honored guest, Miss Susan B. Anthony, in simple attire. Warm was the reception accorded this gray-haired woman, and her grand face im- pressed all with the noble part she had played in this century.” At the close of the council the visitors, as the guests of the lady directors, were driven in tally-ho and carriages to the beautiful country-seat of the president of the board, Mrs. Van Leer Kirkman, where they were royally received. Miss Anthony spoke also before the Liberal Congress of Religions in session at this time, and was introduced by the president, Dr. Thomas, as “one who had stood for the cause of liberty when it cost something to stand, and had borne the storm of calumny and abuse for fifty years." While she was in Nashville President Erastus M. Cravath, of Fiske Univer- sity, called with his carriage and took her to that institution, where she addressed the faculty and 600 students, speaking, by request, on “The Early Days of Abolitionism.” After a day or two at home Miss Anthony attended the New York Suffrage Convention at Geneva, November 3. Here she made a speech criticising the women of New York City for having gone so actively into partisan politics during the recent campaign, although none of the parties advocated giving them the right of suffrage, and pointed out the absurdity of hoping for “good government” from any party until it was rein- forced by the votes of women. The speech created something of a sensation, and when she reached home a reporter was waiting for her, to whom she gave an interview which inten- sified the original excitement. Not only did she review the political situation in New York, but she declared also that no movement could succeed unless it were managed by a so-called "ring.” Leaders must be surrounded by those who are in sympathy with their ideas and willing to carry out their methods, or nothing can be accomplished. In commenting, the paper quoted the remark so often made, “ When Susan B. CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. 929 Anthony was born a woman, an adroit statesman was lost to the world.” On November 11 Miss Anthony started on a great swing of western conventions, or conferences, stopping on her way to the railroad station to attend the golden wedding reception of her friends of nearly fifty years, Dr. and Mrs. Edward M. Moore. These conferences—Miss Anthony, Mrs. Catt, Miss Shaw, speakers—were for the purpose of arousing interest and raising money for the suffrage celebration to be held in Wash- ington in the winter of 1898. They began at Minneapolis and continued for two days each in Madison, Chicago, Grand Rapids, Kalamazoo and Toledo. At the first city Miss Anthony addressed the students of the State University, introduced by President Cyrus Northrop. A reception was given in the public library building by the local Woman's Council. At each of the cities visited the ladies were entertained by prominent residents, the audiences were large and apprecia- tive, and the newspapers contained long and favorable reports. There was not a discord in the chorus of pleasant welcome ; not a disrespectful word of either the speakers or the cause they advocated. The question was treated with the same con- sideration and dignity as others before the public for discus- sion, and it required no more courage to present it than to talk of any other reform of the day. If one desire an illustration of the progress made by women during half a century, let him turn to the early chapters of this book and read the story of those first meetings where Miss Anthony, rising timidly in her seat and asking to make a remark, was literally howled down because no woman was allowed to speak in public; and then let him read these closing chapters of her ovations extending from ocean to ocean. From a canvass of New York State in a sleigh, speaking to little handfuls of people in country schoolhouses, ridiculed by the newspapers and outlawed by society—to an endless series of conventions and congresses in all the great cities of the coun- try, with no hall large enough to hold the audiences and with ANT.-59 930 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. almost the unanimous approval of press and people! Only a short period of less than fifty years, scarcely a second in the eons of history, and yet in that brief time a revolution in pub- lic sentiment, an overturning of the customs and prejudices of the ages, the release of womanhood from unknown centuries of bondage! CHAPTER L. HOME LIFE—THE REUNION--THE WOMAN. 1897. HE unsurpassed powers of endurance, which have enabled Miss Anthony to work without ceasing for more than sixty years, are due to her perfect physical condition. She comes of a long- lived race, in which centenarians have been not unusual. Her paternal grandfather lived past the age of ninety- seven, able to oversee his farm to the very last; the grandmother lived beyond sixty-seven ; both the maternal grandparents died in their eighty-fourth year; her father at sixty-nine, and her mother at eighty-six. She never has abused her inheri. tance of a fine, strong constitution. Travelling so much of the time, she has not been able to observe regular hours and, being usually entertained in private families, has not had a choice of food, but nevertheless, as far as possible, she has ob- served the laws of health which she made for herself in youth. She never fails to take each morning, regardless of the weather, a cold sponge bath from head to foot, followed by a brisk rubbing, which puts the skin in excellent condition. She has a good appetite, drinks tea and coffee moderately and eats always the simplest food, cereals, bread and butter, vegeta- bles, eggs, milk, a little meat once a day, plenty of fruit at every meal, whatever is in season, and never can be tempted by rich salads, desserts or fancy dishes. Whenever it is possible she rests a short time after each meal, and lies down for an hour during the afternoon, even if she can not sleep; retires at nine or ten and rises at six or seven. She travels by night, when (931) 932 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. convenient, as she thus can avoid much of the fatigue of the journey. When travelling in the daytime she reads very little, never writes or dictates letters on the train, as many busy people do, but makes herself comfortable and dozes and rests. An invariable rule, with which nothing is allowed to inter- fere, is plenty of fresh air and exercise, and she regards these as the mainspring of her long years of health and activity. If she has been on the cars all day, she walks from the station to her stopping-place. After a speech, she walks home. When in Rochester she often writes until nearly 10 o'clock at night, then puts on a long cloak, ties a scarf over her head, goes out to the mail box, and walks eight or ten blocks, returning in a warm glow; gives herself a thorough rubbing, and is ready for a night's rest in a room where the window is open at all sea- sons. The policemen are accustomed to the late pedestrian and often speak a word of greeting as she passes. It is not an un- usual thing for her to take up a broom, when it has been snow- ing all the evening, and sweep the walks around and in front of the house, just before going to bed. While not an adherent of any special sciences” or “cures,” she believes thoroughly in not dwelling upon either mental or bodily ills; giving dis- agreeable things and people only such attention as is absolutely necessary, and then putting them out of mind ; observing the laws of hygiene with regard to the body and then banishing it also from the thoughts. Over and above all else is she an advo- cate of work, employment for mind and body, as a means of salvation. In dress Miss Anthony is extremely particular. She con- siders it poor economy to wear cheap material, always buys the best fabrics, linings and trimmings, and employs a competent dressmaker. She has one gown a year and often this is a present from some loving friend. While she wears only black silk or satin in public, she loves color and her house dress is usually maroon or soft cardinal. Her laces and few pieces of jewelry are gifts from women. The slender little ring, worn on the wedding finger,” was placed there thirty years ago by her devoted friend, Dr. Clemence Lozier. She HOME LIFE—THE REUNION—THE WOMAN. 933 never in a lifetime has changed the style of wearing her hair, once dark brown, glossy and abundant, now thin and fine and shining like spun silver, which is always evenly parted, combed over the ears and coiled low at the back, thus showing the fine contour of her head. In all the details of the toilet she is most fastidious, and a rent, a missing button or a frayed edge is considered almost an unpardonable sin. Miss Anthony attends Unitarian church but retains her membership in the Society of Quakers. On the rare occasions when she needs a physician, she consults some woman of the homeopathic school, but she is opposed to much medicine, believing that proper diet and exercise are the best cure for most maladies. Although pleased always to welcome callers, she makes few visits, except to the faithful friends of olden times whose names so often have been mentioned in these pages. She finds the days all too short and too few for the great work whose demands increase with every year. While Miss Anthony feels an abiding interest in household affairs, the details and management necessarily devolve upon her sis- ter Mary, who also looks carefully after the finances, to see that the modest income is not all appropriated to the cause of woman suffrage. In matters of a material nature she is the needed complement to the life of her gifted sister. On all vital questions, suffrage, religion, the various reforms, the two are in perfect accord and, as they sit together in the quiet home for the usual twilight chat before the lamps are lighted, there is none of that dwelling in the past, to which old people are so prone, but all is of the present, the live topics of the day, and the plans and hopes which they share alike. The Anthony home in Rochester stands in Madison street, one of the nicely paved, well-shaded avenues in the western part of that beautiful city. It is a plain, substantial two-and- a-half story brick house of thirteen rooms, with modern con- veniences, and belongs to Miss Mary. It is furnished with Quakerlike simplicity but with everything necessary to make life comfortable. In the front parlor are piano, easy chairs and many pictures and pieces of bric-a-brac, given by friends. 934 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. Over the mantel hangs a fine, large painting of the Yosemite, presented to Miss Anthony in 1896 by William Keith, the noted artist of California. Beneath it stand three fine photo- graphs, Mary Wollstonecraft, Lucretia Mott and Frederick Douglass. Between the windows is the very mahogany table upon which were written the call and resolutions for the first woman's rights convention ever held—the gift of Mrs. Stanton. In the back parlor the most conspicuous object is the library table strewn with the papers and magazines which come by every mail. This is surrounded with arm-chairs, tempting one to pause awhile and enjoy this luxury of literature. On one side are the bookcases, and on the walls large engravings of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and a handsome copy of Murillo's Madonna, while in one corner stands the mother's spinning-wheel. Opening out of this room is Miss Mary's study, the big desk filled with work pertaining to the Political Equality Club of 200 members, whose efficient presi- dent she has been for a number of years; and here she spends several hours every day looking after her own work and reliev- ing her sister of a part of hers. There is a sewing-machine here also, and a big, old-fashioned haircloth sofa, suggesting a nap and a dream of bygone days. In the dining-room is a handsomely carved mahogany side- board, a family heirloom, containing china and silver which belonged to mother and grandmother, and here hang very old steel engravings of Washington and Lincoln. The large, light kitchen, with its hard coal range, is a favorite apartment, and Miss Anthony especially enjoys sitting there in a low rocking- chair while she reads the morning paper. The front room up- stairs, with little dressing-room attached, is the guest chamber. It contains a great chest of drawers, a dressing-table and mir- ror which were part of the mother's wedding outfit over eighty years ago, a mahogany bedstead and a modern writing-desk and rocking-chairs. On the walls are several paintings, the work of loved hands long since at rest, and two engravings, over one hundred years old, such as used to hang in every Abolitionist's parlor in early days. They are copies of paint- HOME LIFE-THE REUNION—THE WOMAN. 935 ings by G. Morland, engraved in 1794, by “J. R. Smith, King St., Covent Garden, engravers to H. R. H. the Prince of Wales.” One is entitled "African Hospitality,” and repre- sents a ship wrecked off the coast of Africa with the white passengers rescued and tenderly cared for by the natives; the other is named “The Slave Trade," and shows these same negroes loaded with chains and driven aboard ship by the white men whom they had saved. These pictures have little meaning to the present generation, but one can imagine how they must have fired the hearts of those who were laboring to eradicate the curse of slavery from the nation. Back of the guest chamber, in this interesting home, is Miss Mary's sleeping-room, with quaint old furniture and family pictures; then the maid's room, another guest chamber and, in the southwest corner, next the bathroom, the pleasant bed- room of Miss Anthony with the pictures of those she loves best, and the dresser littered with the little toilet articles of which she is very fond. The most attractive room in the house, naturally, is Miss Anthony's study in the south wing on the second floor. It is light and sunshiny and has an open gas fire. Looking down from the walls are Benjamin Lundy, Garrison, Phillips, Gerrit Smith, Frances Wright, Ernestine L. Rose, Abby Kelly Foster, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Lucy Stone, Lydia Maria Child and, either singly or in groups, many more of the great reformers of the past and present century. On one side are the book shelves, with cyclopedia, histories and other volumes of reference; on another an invit- ing couch, where the busy worker may drop down for a few moment’s repose of mind and body. By one window is the typewriter, and by the other the great desk weighted with letters and documents. Each morning, as soon as the postman arrives, Miss An- thony sits down at her desk and, going over the piles of letters, puts to one side those which can wait, dictates replies to those re- quiring the longest answers and, while they are being typewrit- ten, plunges with her pen into the rest. Many hours every day and often into the night she writes steadily, but the pile 936 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. never diminishes. As president of the National-American As- sociation not only must she direct the work for suffrage, which is being carried on in all parts of the country to a much greater extent than the public imagines, but she also must keep in touch with the hundreds of individuals each of whom is helping in a quiet but effective way. There are few days that do not bring requests from libraries, associations, colleges, high schools or clubs for literature and other information con- cerning woman suffrage, which is now the subject of debate from the great universities down to the cross roads schoolhouse. In past years libraries have been very deficient in matter upon this question because there was no general call for it, but now the demand is so large that it scarcely can be supplied, and all instinctively turn to Miss Anthony for information. Some idea has been given of the scope of her correspondence of a public nature, but it hardly would be possible to describe the private letters. Standing for half a century as the friend and defender of women, and known so widely through her travels and newspaper notices, she is overwhelmed with appeals for advice and assistance. From the number of wives, and husbands also, who pour the tale of their domestic grievances into her ears, she would be fully justified in believing marriage a failure. She is daily requested to sign petitions for every conceivable purpose, and begged for letters of recommendation by people of whom she never heard. Women entreat her to ob- tain positions for their husbands and children and to help themselves get pensions, or damages, or wages out of which they have been defrauded. Girls and boys want advice about their plans for the future. Women, and men too, without ed- ucation or experience, insist upon being placed as speakers on the suffrage platform. Authors send books asking for a review. People write of their business ventures, their lawsuits, their surgical operations, their diseases and those of all their family, and of every imaginable household matter. Scores of letters ask for a “word of greeting" on all sorts of occasions. Ed- itors of papers and pamphlets, advocating every ology and ism under the sun, send them with the entreaty that she will ex- HOME LIFE-THE REUNION-THE WOMAN. 937 amine and express an opinion, each insisting that it will take only a few hours of her time.” She is besieged to dress dolls and make aprons for fairs, to write her name upon pieces to be used for quilts and cushions, and to furnish scraps of her gowns for the same purpose. Babies are named for her and she is asked to send a letter of acknowledgment and a little keepsake. Requests for autographs outnumber the days of the year. She is constantly importuned to examine MSS., and not only to do this but to secure a publisher. During the year 1897 one man sent an article of sixty-eight closely typewritten pages of legal cap, asking that she give it a careful reading, revise it, and send it where it would be published ; and no postage stamps accompanied this nervy request. A woman whose grammar and rhetoric were most defective announced that she had written a book called “The Intemperate Life of my Father ;” also two stories and a play. She would send all of them to Miss Anthony, to ‘fix up just as if they were her own and help her sell them; she wanted the proceeds to assist her brothers who had failed in business.' It is a common occur- rence for persons to ask, without so much as enclosing a stamp, that she prepare an address on woman suffrage and send for them to read as their own production. One enthusiastic poem begins : 6 When the grain is ripe we will gather the sheaves, And weave a crown for your brow of laurel leaves.” A man from the great Northwest sends a long article enti- tled, “ Sun and Moon Bathed in Blood ! Ring, Ring the Bells !” desiring that it be put in the "index of the biogra- phy,'' meaning the appendix. One writes: “You are said to be very good about assisting helpless girls ; now you could not find one more helpless than I am ; ” and then requests that she select, have made and pay for a school outfit for her. Another has a great scheme for starting a "workingwoman's home” and wants Miss Anthony to furnish the money. The list might be extended almost indefinitely and, while one is 938 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. amused and disgusted by turns, there are among this vast correspondence many letters which touch the heart. During the tariff debate in Congress in 1897 a paragraph was widely published that a tax was to be placed on tea, and this note, evidently written by a child, was received : “My mamma goes out to work while I go to school and she loves her cup of tea. Our groceryman tells us we will have to pay more for it now. I have heard how good you are to the poor, do please spare time to write to the President and ask him not to make our tea dearer. Tell him to put the tax on beer and whiskey.” Miss Anthony is very conscientious about answering letters, too much so, her friends think, for she is a slave to her cor- respondence. Sometimes, however, she reaches the point of exasperation, as when she opened eight pages of a faintly written scrawl beginning, "My heart goes out to you in sympathy.” “Well, I wish it would go out in blacker ink,” she exclaimed, and threw it into the waste-basket. Invitations to lecture and to attend all sorts of gatherings pour in, and she often says to the younger workers, “If I might but trans- fer them to you, how much good you could accomplish.” Every mail brings also loving and appreciative letters which illuminate the whole day, take the sting out of the unkind ones and lighten the burdens never entirely lifted. The women who have come into the work in late years continually ask, “How have you borne it so long?” Sometimes when their own endurance ceases they write her that they will have to resign, and she makes answer: “If all the young women fail, then the octogenarian must work the harder till a new reserve comes to the rescue;' and of course they are ashamed and re- double their labors to show their loyalty. With all her hours of toil she is never satisfied with what she has accomplished, but always feels that she might have done a little more, that something or somebody has been neglected. In looking over the mention made in these chap- ters of a few of the most valuable gifts and noteworthy letters, she said with sadness: “And no notice has been taken of the hundreds of little tokens of affection which cost far more of THE ANTHONY FAMILY AT THE REUNION. ADAMS, MASS., JULY 30, 1897. HOME LIFE-THE REUNION—THE WOMAN. 939 sacrifice on the part of the givers, and of the thousands of letters from obscure but faithful women, without which I never could have had the courage to do my work." While Miss Anthony has remained at home more days in 1897 than in any previous year for half a century it has been one of the busiest in regard to letter-writing. It is the dream of her life to raise a permanent fund to be placed in the hands of trustees, after the manner of the famous Peabody fund, the income to be used to further the cause of woman suffrage. To accomplish this she is exerting her strongest powers of appeal. During all these years of labor for humanity she has had to beg practically every dollar she has used, and she longs to relieve the workers of the future from this drudgery and humiliation, by providing an assured income, so they may not be obliged to expend half their time and strength in obtaining the money with which to do the work. In addition to this Standing Fund, she is endeavoring also to secure enough money for the early establishment of a Press Bureau for the purpose of taking up and answering, day by day, the false statements made in regard to woman suffrage, its ultimate aims and actual results; to furnish news and arguments where they are desired; and to enlist the support of the press for this question, which is now acknowledged to be one of the leading issues of the day. The event of 1897 which gave Miss Anthony more pleasure than all others, in fact one of the happiest incidents of her life, was the Anthony Reunion at Adams, Mass., the last of July. The Historical and Scientific Society of Berkshire had for many years held an annual meeting at some one of the historic spots for which that county is especially noted. In 1895 this had been held in the dooryard of the old Anthony homestead, and she had been invited to be present, but was otherwise engaged. It had been the custom to eulogize her highly at these gatherings but it was determined that now she must come and speak for herself, therefore the invitation was repeated for 1896, but then she was in California. In 1897 the letter from the president, A. L. Perry, said: “The pres- 940 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. ent writing is to give you a formal and official invitation, in the name of the people of the entire county, whose represen- tatives we are, to be present and participate in our next meet- ing. You may be sure of a warm welcome from your old neighbors who remain, and from the generation of Berkshire people, men and women, now on the stage.” The meeting was to be held in Lee, and she wrote that if they would again hold it at the old Anthony homestead she would put aside everything else and come. She soon received this answer from Rev. A. B. Whipple: “It gives me pleas- ure, as vice-president of the Berkshire Historical Society, to inform you that we have decided to gratify your bit of senti- ment' as well as our own inclination to meet again in that old dooryard,' to do you honor as one of the natives of Berk- shire whose historic lives are finding a deserved and perma- nent record in our society.” Miss Anthony ever wanted her friends to share in her joys and was anxious that everybody should know her friends, so she wrote that she would like to have the Berkshire people hear Miss Shaw and others among the noted speakers. After some exchange of letters the officers of the society requested her to take charge of the program of the day, and promised to second all her arrangements. As she always combined business with pleasure she appointed a meeting of the national suffrage com- mittee that week, and thus brought to Adams her "body guard,” Miss Shaw, Miss Blackwell, Mrs. Catt, Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Upton' and, by invitation, Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Harper. She had decided also to have at this time a family reunion, and for many weeks had been writing far and wide to the Anthonys, the Laphams, the Reads and the Rich- ardsons, bidding all come to Adams on the 29th of July, and as a result the “ Old Hive” swarmed as it never had done, even in the early days. She went on a week ahead and joined forces with her cousin, Mrs. Fannie Bates, who lived in the house. Albert Anthony, another cousin and near neighbor, 1 Miss Laura Clay and Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch, the national auditors, were unable to be present. HOME LIFE-THE REUNION-THE WOMAN. 941 put himself, his horses and vehicles at their service; other relatives came to their assistance, beds were set up, provisions laid in; and for a week fifteen people picnicked in the old homestead. The overflow was received in the hospitable homes of other relatives in the neighborhood, and even Hotel Grey- lock, in the village, was pressed into service to entertain the guests, who came from Kansas, Illinois, New York, Pennsyl- vania, New Jersey, New Hampshire and other States. The suffrage committee meetings were held during several days and evenings preceding the Historical Society celebration. It was a picture always to be remembered, that group of dis- tinguished women, standing at the very head of the greatest progressive movement of the age, gathered in serious conclave in those old-fashioned, low-ceiled rooms built over a century ago, concocting schemes which would have filled their Quaker owners with holy horror. It seemed almost as if they would come back from the dim past to ask what it all meant. And yet, when one recalled that the Quakers never commanded their women to keep silence in the meeting house, but recog- nized their full equality there and elsewhere, and stood for liberty in a world given over to religious and political tyranny, it seemed indeed most fitting that the representatives of this great association for securing freedom to all, should come to- gether under the roof of one of these old Friends. One felt as if the ancient door-latch should lift, and Aunt Hannah, the wise and gentle Quaker preacher, should glide in and take her seat among these other women whom the Spirit also had moved. But the most remarkable feature of this unique occa- sion was that the woman presiding over the deliberations of this body of reformers, should have carried on her childish games in this very room, seventy-five years before, and list- ened with awe to parents and grandparents as they discussed the burning questions of intemperance, slavery and religious intolerance. An unseasonable storm of several days' duration had made it necessary to transfer the meeting of the Historical Society to the pavilion in Plunkett's Park. The ladies of Adams and AT THE OLD HOMESTEAD, JULY 30, 1897. 942 LIFE AND WORK LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY S 3. ANTHONY. vicinity, with Mrs. Susan Anthony Brown at their head, had prepared a bountiful luncheon for the officers of the soci- ety and the fifty invited guests, and here, at noon on July 29, Miss Anthony sat at the upper end of the long table with Rev. Anna Shaw on one hand and Rev. A. B. Whipple on the other. At the conclusion of the luncheon, the officers and speakers took seats on the stage in the large pavilion, which soon was filled with an audience that had come from Williams- town, North Adams, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Lee and other surrounding towns. The Adams Freeman said: “If the group of women speakers were brilliant, the audience that honored them, while less so perhaps in renown, was equal in intellectual attainments. It was a cultured assembly, includ- ing the most progressive people of Berkshire.” 1 In a few words of welcome Rev. Louis Zahner, the Episco- pal minister, spoke of the Anthony family as having laid the foundations of the schools, the industries and the prosperity of Adams, and of the community's indebtedness to them for the best it has today. Mr. Whipple, in a cordial address, then introduced Miss Anthony and placed the meeting in her charge. Can any pen describe her pride and happiness in re- turning thus to the loved home of her birth and childhood, to meet this warm and appreciative welcome and to introduce in turn her cabinet of eminent women ? After relating some very interesting recollections of her an- cestors and of early events, which were especially appreciated by the old residents, she introduced Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, who said in the course of a graceful address : There is no citizen of this great nation who would not be delighted with the privilege of visiting these Berkshire hills, famed for their beauty, but it is not because of this that most of us have made this pilgrimage to Adams; rather have we come with much of that spirit which led the thousands upon thou- sands of Christians in the early centuries to Jerusalem, or which later prompted thousands of Mohammedans to make their pilgrimage to the city of Mecca. We have come to Adams because it is the birthplace of the greatest woman of our time. There were present also reporters from the New York Sun, New York World, Springfield Republican, Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, and other papers. HOME LIFE-THE REUNION-THE WOMAN. 943 Many centuries ago, on the 15th of February, there was born a man whose name is familiar to every school-child throughout the civilized world, and yet that man never knew a happy day. He was reviled, persecuted, mar- tyred, tried, condemned, and died sorrowful and broken-hearted. And what was his offense? He declared that this earth turned upon its axis and that it moved around the sun. There were no newspapers in that day, but every pulpit thundered its denunciation against the great Galileo. When he was condemned to die he was compelled to renounce this belief, but under his breath he said, “The world does move!” A century after he had gone, not a pulpit in Christendom, not a scholar, was there but knew that he had told the truth. It is a curious coincidence that upon the anniversary of the birthday of Galileo there was born Susan B. Anthony. She also perceived a great truth and the world did not agree with her. It reviled her for the belief she had propounded, but in this century she never renounced that belief, but thun- dered back to the pulpit and to the newspapers that the world does move and the time will come when women shall be free; the time will come when they shall have every right, every privilege, every liberty which any man enjoys. . . . We, today, are making the first pilgrimage to the birthplace of Susan B. Anthony, but I prophesy that in another quarter of a century there will be many pilgrimages hither, and no child will be so illiterate as not to know that in this county it was this greatest of American women was born. Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery followed with an entertaining ac- count of her trip abroad with Miss Anthony and the latter's utter indifference to the titles of the nobility. As she never could get them right she discarded all of them and insisted on calling everybody plain “Mr.” and “Mrs.” She then re- lated this incident: We had in our party for a few weeks a couple of English ladies. When driving in Rome, one of them, a great dame of noble lineage, was admiring an old palace belonging to some very ancient Roman family and made the statement that this same family owned five other famous palaces in Italy. Miss Anthony seemed to be making a mental calculation, and finally said with enthusiasm, “What a magnificent orphan asylum that would make.” “Why, Miss Anthony, do you mean that you would actually turn the home of this old family into an orphan asylum?” “Yes,” said she, “I think about 700 of these little ragamuffins could be put in there. Think of the streets just full of them, and all these big houses vacant! I don't see a better use to which these old palaces could be cut.” Mrs. Upton in her bright, humorous way related some amus- ing stories which she had heard from her ancestors, who were born in Berkshire, and adroitly turned them into an argument 944 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. for woman suffrage. A beautiful poem was read, entitled " Pioneers,” dedicated to Miss Anthony by her old friend John M. Thayer, of Rochester. Col. D. R. Anthony created great mirth by telling among other stories that eighty years ago his father had a cotton mill of twenty-six looms; one day all of them suddenly stopped and, rushing out to ascertain the cause, he found that his wife, in rinsing her mop in the stream, had stopped the power which moved the machinery! He then re- ferred to the Plunkett factories with 2,600 looms, and the other great mills of Adams, as illustrating the progress of the cen- tury. In an address which glowed with beauty and eloquence, Mrs. May Wright Sewall thus compared Miss Anthony's char- acter with the scenes amidst which she was born: We, who own and follow our general, know that she goes where Liberty leads, where Justice calls, where Love whispers his divine commands; and we have found in her the gravity of your stately mountains, the yearning for freedom of your lofty hills lifted toward the sky spaces. We have found in her the impetuosity of your mountain streams, which, fretting against narrow bounds, broke through them, widening and widening ever the channel of the life of American womanhood, and so we, who love appropriateness, gaze with delight upon this scenery, the environment of her infancy and the nurturing influence of her childhood, as a fine illustration of the eternal fit- ness of things. One of the most exquisite addresses of the day was made by Mrs. Clara B. Colby, who said in part: Miss Anthony's love of justice links her with the divine. This has been her impelling motive, and her patient endurance has been the secret of her success. No matter how keen might have been her sense of the injustice done to women, no matter how courageously she might have set out to right to victory. As justice is the root of the tree of character, and patience the stalk from which all growth proceeds, so tenderness is the outflowering of the divinity within. By her tenderness Miss Anthony has made herself loved where she might have only been honored. It was perhaps the drop hardest to swallow from the cup of bitterness which was ever pressed to the lips of the early woman suffragists, that they were destroyers of the home. To Miss Anthony, the home and kindred-lover- homeless only for the sake of the homes of the mother-half of the race—this must have been especially hard to bear. There are such all over the land where she has been a tender and sympathetic friend and where she is en- shrined in the hearts of the homekeepers.... Thus Miss Anthony, HOME LIFE-THE REUNION--THE WOMAN. 945 justice-loving, patient and tender, has erected for herself a lasting monument in the hearts of the women of this nation. May the time be long deferred when she shall pass from the leadership of her now triumphant host, but when that day comes, let there be, as she has enjoined upon us, no tears, but only glad thankfulness for a great life-work wrought in courage, fidelity and tenderness. Mrs. Colby urged the Historical Society to purchase the old homestead, if possible, as a depository not only for relics of the Anthony family but for mementoes of suffrage work and workers. No report ever can give an adequate idea of the elo- quence of Anna Shaw, so artistically diversified by delicious bits of humor and keen points of satire. A portion of her address was as follows: Amidst all the eulogy which has surrounded Miss Anthony this afternoon, her brother said to me, “Don't you think they will turn Susan's head?” I answered, “No, she has had so many years of misrepresentation and abuse that if they keep on eulogizing her as long as she lives, it won't balance the other side.” There is no danger in this world that the leader of an unpopu- lar cause ever will die of overpraise, for, in America as in Jerusalem, the prophets of God have always been received with stones. We who know her best love her most, and to me the truest and deepest love of my existence, since my mother entered the life beyond, is that which I cherish for Susan B. Anthony. The remonstrants today tell us that our movement will destroy the affec- tionate tenderness of the womanly nature and unsex woman until she be- comes a weak man. I believe in men, and I do not believe that all the love, the tenderness, the power to sacrifice is feminine. I believe that the love of man is as true and deep and tender as the love of woman. I will not accept the theory that "man is the head” and “woman is the heart.” I believe that when God created head and heart for the human race He divided them equally and gave man his part and woman hers, and both have kept their own all the way down the centuries. The part of Miss Anthony's life which is dearest to us is that into which she has admitted the few who belong to the sacred inner circle, who have seen her toil, her suffering, her soul's anguish and travail for the free- dom, the larger growth, the diviner possibilities of womanhood; and if there is any evidence that living in the world, working for its uplift, does not destroy this trait in human character, it is shown in the life of Miss Anthony. There is no human being whom I have ever known who had more tender- ness for the erring and greater willingness to overlook the frailties of human life. In this she shows that contact with the most disagreeable side of the re- former's work, makes the real woman not less but more womanly. I believe that if the principles which she advocates, the ideals for which she stands, were ANT. -60 946 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. embodied in all womankind, we would have a motherhood diviner than any this world has ever known, a motherhood such as God had in his thought when he created woman to be the mother of the race. ... It is not a name we love today, it is not a person we revere, but a great, an ideal life of a woman who has battled with the world, who has been mis- understood, who has borne its scorn, who has been ostracised, and who, in the midst of all, has kept her life sweet, her heart young, her love tender; and when the best thing shall be said of her which men and women can say, it will be--she was true, she was noble, she was woman. The day after the meeting of the Historical Society, occurred the Anthony Reunion at the old homestead, when eighty of the clan sat down at the long tables spread in grandfather's room, the keeping-room and the weaving-room; and what a dinner the famous cooks of the Anthony-Lapham-Read-Richardson families had prepared for this great occasion! Not the least important features were the eighteen apple-pies eaten with the world-renowned Berkshire cheese; and then the sweet bread and butter, the fried chicken, the baked beans, the rich pre- serves and cream, the delicious cake—but why attempt to describe a New England dinner prepared by New England women ? Those who have eaten know what it is; those who have not, can not be made to understand. Where Susan B. Anthony sat was the head of the table; at her right hand, the brother Daniel R.; at her left, the brother Merritt ; and close by, the quiet, smiling sister Mary; and then all along down the line, the cousins, the nephews, the nieces, three and four generations, who had joined so heartily with her for the success of this rare occasion. Before the dinner began, Miss Anthony asked that, in accordance with the cus- tom of their ancestors, there might be a moment of silent thanks; and at the close of the meal, when the chatter and mirth were stilled, she arose and in touching words paid tri- bute to the loved and gone, who once blessed these rooms by their presence. She then called upon the representatives of the different branches, old and young, who, in prose or poetry, with wit or pathos, made delightful response. After all had finished they adjourned to the dooryard and a reception commenced which even the roomy old house could THE QUAKER MEETING HOUSE, ADAMS, MASS. 150 YEARS OLD. Several Members OF THE ANTHONY FAMILY IN THE GROUP OF Pioneers. HOME LIFE-THE REUNION--THE WOMAN. 947 not have accommodated. For several hours a long line of carriages wound up the hill—the people of Adams and vicinity coming to pay respect to their illustrious townswoman and her relatives and friends. The immediate members of the family were photographed in a group on the old porch, as was also the dinner party gathered in the historic dooryard. The moun- tain air was sweet and invigorating, and the view in every direction most enchanting. A more picturesque spot scarcely can be imagined: in front, the long range of Berkshire hills, a spur of the Green mountains of Vermont whose faint out- lines are visible in the distance; at the back, glorious “Old Greylock," the highest peak in the State ; at the right, the steep, winding road leading down to the village a mile below, through a ravine perfectly bewildering in its beauty of over- hanging trees, moss-grown rocks and fern-bordered brook tumbling over the massive boulders in its rapid descent to join the Hoosac; and then united they flow through the pretty town of Adams, turning the countless wheels of the great mills and factories. The next day after the reunion a merry party of thirty, the guests of a cousin, William Anthony, started in two great coaches, each drawn by six horses, for the all-day trip to the top of Mount Greylock. The gayest and happiest of them all was Miss Anthony, with her red shawl over her shoulders, and her heart as light as when she used to climb these mountain- sides, a little, barefooted girl, more than seventy years ago. Several days thereafter were spent visiting the pleasant homes of the relatives, and going with her friends to point out the various places of interest. Every spot connected with her early life was as sacred to them as it was dear to her. Together they went to the deserted Quaker meeting house, a century and a half old, and were shown the very spot where sat the grand- father, the father, mother and little ones; and the raised bench occupied by the grandmother, who was a “high-seat Quaker,” and Aunt Hannah Hoxie, the preacher. They strolled through the little graveyard, with its lines of unmarked mounds. They visited the site of the old mill, built by Daniel Anthony at the 948 LIFE AND WORK OF S USAN B. ANTHONY. LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. very beginning of the manufacturing industry, where now only a few sunken stones mark the foundation. They rested beneath the great trees which stand like sentinels in front of the girlhood home of the mother, the house long since crum- bled away. They gazed curiously at the ancient Bowen's Tavern, the favorite stopping-place of the mountaineers in early days. And then they went with Miss Anthony into her own old home. They stepped reverently into the very room where she was born. They climbed to the garret and she pointed out the exact spot by the tiny window where she used to sit with her simple playthings. They stood with her by the little stream which still ran merrily through the dooryard, and listened with misty eyes as she recalled many touching incidents of days long past; but, however her own heart might have ached with tender recollections, there were no words of vain longing, no useless tears for those who had fulfilled their mis- sion and passed away, leaving to her their legacy of hope and courage and determination. Strong, brave and cheerful, she honored the memory of the dead in showing herself by her works to be the worthy descendant of a noble race. And here, where the story of this pure, single-hearted, self-sacrificing life began, it shall be ended. The usual fate of reformers is “ praise when the ear has grown too dull to hear, fame when the heart it should have thrilled is numb." Seldom it is, indeed, that they live to see the fulfillment of the end for which they labored, and even recognition usually is deferred until it can be given only to a memory, but there are a few happy exceptions. While true reformers seek no personal reward, those who love them re- joice when they are spared to receive the honors they have earned. Susan B. Anthony's self-imposed task, for almost half a century, has been to secure equal rights for women- social, civil and political. When she began her crusade, woman in social life was “cabin’d, cribb’d, confined,” to an extent which scarcely can be conceived by the present inde- HOME LIFE—THE REUNION-THE WOMAN. 949 pendent and self-reliant generation ; in law she was but little better than a slave; in politics, a mere cipher. Today in so- ciety she has practically unlimited freedom ; in the business world most of the obstacles have been removed ; the laws, although still unjust in many respects, have been revolution- ized in her favor; in four States women have the full franchise, in one the municipal ballot, in twenty-five a vote on school questions, and in four others some form of suffrage; while in each campaign their recognition as a political factor grows more marked. Miss Anthony's part in securing these conces- sions may be judged from the record of these pages. She is the only woman who has given her whole time and effort to this one end, with no division of interest in behalf of husband and children, no diversion of other public questions. Is there an example in all history of either man or woman who devoted half a century of the hardest, most persistent labor for one re- form? “Of the dead naught shall be spoken except good,” is a rule so universally observed that post mortem compliments have little weight, but when beautiful things are said of those who still live and toil, they are full of meaning. Not only is it a delight to her contemporaries, but it will be a pleasure to future generations who shall read her history, that Miss Anthony lived to receive her meed of appreciation. While not all of even the enlightened minds of today have progressed far enough to accept her doctrine of perfect equality, which will be universally admitted by the next generation, there are few who do not recognize and honor the splendid character of the woman and the service she has rendered. Just as these clos- ing words are being written, the State superintendent of pub- lic works, George W. Aldridge, announces that he has ordered her face to be carved in the Capitol at Albany, one of the mag- nificent public buildings of the world. Here, wrought in imper- ishable stone, amidst those of the country's greatest warriors and statesmen, it will look down forever upon that grand stair- case whose marble steps were so many times pressed by her 950 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. weary feet, as she made her annual pilgrimage to plead for liberty. The sweetest strains in this great oratorio are the tributes of women voicing their love and gratitude. They come from those in all the walks of life, and a distinguishing feature is that they who have known her longest and best are most loyal and devoted. The secret of this is perfectly expressed by May Wright Sewall, when she says: Mortals with all their consciousness of their own infirmities are exacting of one another. It is a proof of the infinite possibilities involved in the human soul, and a foundation for the infinite hope which sustains us, that we are satisfied with nothing less than perfection in other people. Is a woman great? To please us she must be also good. Is a woman both great and good? We are not satisfied unless she be likewise loving and lovable. No one can come near to the life of Miss Anthony without realizing how responsive she is to personal needs; how lively in her sympathies; how instinctive her out- reaching of the helping hand. The same fidelity and single-minded loyalty which have characterized her public career, distinguish her in all private relations. Others may forget us in our griefs, she never forgets. Others may forget us in our pleasures, she never forgets. It is indeed true that Miss Anthony never forgets. In her letters to hundreds of people, she recollects always to send a message to the different members of the family, to refer to some agreeable incident of their acquaintance, and to express either pleasure or regret over personal affairs which any one else would have failed to remember amidst such a pressure of work and responsibility. After an unbroken friendship of twenty-five years, Frances E. Willard, herself one of the grandest women of the century, paid this beautiful tribute in December, 1897 : Ever since I “came to myself” my love and loyalty have enveloped the name, Susan B. Anthony. I look upon her as that figure full of courage, re- source and dignity which will yet be enshrined in the admiring affection of the whole republic, even as it already has been for so long in that of thought- ful women. Others have done nobly and we count over their names with devout remembrance and gratitude, but Susan B. Anthony by reason of her heroic self-sacrifice, her lonely life, her changeless devotion, her disregard for money and position, her concentration of purpose and universal good will, has made for herself a place on the highest pedestal in America's pan- theon of women. HOME LIFE—THE REUNION—THE WOMAN. 951 We do not forget “the slings and arrows" of the earlier time, now that she is justly honored in these years of greater intelligence and progress; we do not forget that high sense of personal integrity which led her to pay off the debts on The Revolution, although no legal obligation rested upon her to do so; we do not forget her testing of an unjust law in the great “case” in Rochester; we do not forget that (jointly with her great associate, Mrs. Stan- ton) she prepared for us that invaluable historic record of the suffrage move- ment from its earliest inception; we do not forget the untiring labors which have carried her, from youth to age, into every nook and corner of the Union; and many of us are cognizant of unnumbered acts of personal kindness to- ward women in need who cherish her as if she were their sister or their mother. Although the press once misrepresented her, it would hardly ven- ture to do so now, for her standing with the public is such that not to know Miss Anthony argues one's self unknown, and to vilify her argues one's self a villain. Blessed Sister Susan, accept the homage of one whom you have cheered and comforted, and who rejoices to believe that the loving friendship begun here shall grow and deepen in the bright light of that happier world where there is no injustice, and where we have abundant reason to believe that women will stand on a plane of perfect equality. A number of years ago, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in her own unsurpassed beauty of language, said: I will attempt no analysis of one as dear to me as those of my own house- hold. In an intimate friendship of many years, without a break or shadow; in daily consultation, sometimes for months together under the same roof, often in circumstances of great trial and perplexity, I can truly say that Susan B. Anthony is the most charitable, self-reliant, magnanimous human being that I ever knew. As I recall the honesty and heroism of her public life; her tenderness and generous self-sacrifice to friends in private; her spontaneous good will towards her worst enemies, a new hope kindles within me for womankind-a hope that by giving some high purpose to their lives, all women may be lifted above the petty envy, jealousy, malice and discontent that now poison so many hearts which might, in healthy action, overflow with love and helpfulness to all humanity. Miss Anthony's grand life is a lesson to all unmarried women, showing that the love-element need not be wholly lost if it is not centered on husband and children. To live for a principle, for the triumph of some reform by which all mankind are to be lifted up-to be wedded to an idea- may be, after all, the holiest and happiest of marriages. In the twilight of age, when Mrs. Stanton prepared for future generations the Reminiscences of her life and work of fourscore years, she wrote to her old friend: “The current of our lives has run in the same channel so long it can not be 952 LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY. separated, and my book is as much your story as, I doubt not, yours is mine;” and when it was ended she placed upon it the inscription, "I dedicate this volume to Susan B. Anthony, my steadfast friend for half a century.” Steadfast! No other word so fitly defines the keystone of the arch of noble attributes upon which this heroic life is founded—as constant to a principle as to a friendship. There is nothing of the martyr in Miss Anthony's nature and she refuses to consider herself in the light of a vicarious sacrifice. "I do not look back upon a hard life,” she says; "I have been continually at work because I enjoyed being busy. Had this never-ending toil made me wretched in mind or body, I have no doubt that in some way I should have gotten out of it.” “What thanks did you receive for the stand you made?” once was asked her. “I had my own thanks for retaining my self-respect," was the reply. Again one inquired, “Did you not grow discouraged in those olden times ?” “Never,” she answered ; “I knew that my cause was just, and I was always in good company.” Her character, instead of growing embit- tered by the hard experiences of early days, has been sweetened and strengthened by the high moral purpose which has dominated her life. She is a philanthropist in her love of mankind and her work for humanity, but she is governed by philosophy rather than emotion, ever examining causes and effects by the pure light of reason and logic. Susan B. Anthony has been called the Napoleon of the woman suffrage movement and, in the planning of campaigns and the boldness and daring of carrying them forward, there may be the qualities of that famous general, but in character and principles the comparison fails utterly. She has been termed the Gladstone among women, and in statesmanlike ability and long years of distinguished service, there may be points of resemblance, but she would repudiate the sacrifice of justice to party expediency, oftentimes charged against the noted English politician. It has been said that she has been the great Liberator of women, as Lincoln was of the negroes. There is indeed something in her countenance and manner HOME LIFE-THE REUNION-THE WOMAN. 953 which reminds one of Lincoln, the same unconscious dignity, the same rugged endurance, the same strong, resolute face, softened by lines of weariness and care and spiritualized by an expression of infinite patience and indescribable pathos. She has not, however, the conservatism, the forbearance, the rev- erence for existing laws and constitutions, which made Lincoln slow to act and tolerant almost to the point of criticism. She has been described as being to the cause of woman's emancipation, what Garrison was to that of the slave. She has, perhaps, more of the characteristics of Garrison than of the other three conspicuous figures of the century. His motto, “No Compromise,” has been her watchword. Like Garrison, she strikes a body-blow straight from the shoulder. She recog- nizes no such word as expediency and accepts no halfway measures. Theoretically a non-resistant, she fights to the last ditch and never accepts a defeat as final. She has the natural gift of selecting always the strongest word, and the power of carrying conviction to her audience. She is conventional in outward observances, but most radical in thought and speech. She detests all forms of cruelty and oppression, but it is the action, not the person, that she censures, and she is most charitable in excuses for the faults and failings of others. She bears the ills of life with cheerful fortitude, and accepts the blessings with fine humility. There is no need of comparison. She has her own strong individuality, which has made its in- delible impress upon history and secured for her a place among the immortals. Now, in life's evening, her world is illumined with the beauty of a sunset undimmed by clouds—and as she contemplates the infinite, she takes no heed of the gathering darkness of night, but looking into a clear sky beholds only the ineffable glory of other spheres. APPENDIX. (955) CHAPTER XIV-PAGE 229. ADDRESS TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. Adopted by the Women's National Loyal League, May 14, 1863. . . We ask not for ourselves or our friends redress of specific griev- ances or posts of honor or emolument. We speak from no considerations of mere material gain; but, inspired by true patriotism, in this dark hour of our nation's destiny, we come to pledge the loyal women of the Republic to free- dom and our country. We come to strengthen you with earnest words of sympathy and encouragement. We come to thank you for your proclama- tion, in which the nineteenth century seems to echo back the Declaration of Seventy-six. Our fathers had a vision of the sublime idea of liberty, equality and fraternity; but they failed to climb the heights which with anointed eyes they saw. To us, their children, belongs the work to build up the living reality of what they conceived and uttered. It is not our mission to criticise the past. Nations, like individuals, must blunder and repent. It is not wise to waste our energy in vain regret, but from each failure we should rise up with renewed conscience and courage for nobler action. The follies and faults of yesterday we cast aside as the old garments we have outgrown. Born anew to freedom, slave creeds and codes and constitutions all now must pass away. “For men do not put new wine into old bottles, else the bottles break and the wine runneth out and the bottles perish; but they put new wine into new bottles and both are preseryed.” Our special thanks are due to you, that by your proclamation 2,000,000 women are freed from the foulest bondage humanity ever suffered. Slavery for man is bad enough, but the refinements of cruelty ever must fall on the mothers of the oppressed race, defrauded of all the rights of the family rela- tion and violated in the most holy instincts of their nature. A mother's life is bound up in that of her child. There center all her hopes and ambitions. But the slave-mother in her degradation rejoices not in the future promise of her daughter, for she knows by experience what her sad fate must be. No pen can describe the unutterable agony of that mother whose past, present and future all are wrapped in darkness; who knows the crown of thorns she wears must press her daughter's brow; who knows the wine-press she treads those tender feet must tread alone. For, by the law of slavery, "the child follows the condition of the mother." By your act, the family, that great conservator of national virtue and strength, has been restored to millions of humble homes around whose altars coming generations shall magnify and bless the name of Abraham Lincoln. By a mere stroke of the pen you have emancipated millions from a condition (957) 958 APPENDIX. of wholesale concubinage. We now ask you to finish the work by declaring that nowhere under our national flag shall the motherhood of any race plead in vain for justice and protection. So long as one slave breathes in this re- public, we drag the chain with him. God has so linked the race, man to man, that all must rise or fall together. Our history exemplifies this law. It was not enough that we at the North abolished slavery for ourselves, declared freedom of speech and press, built churches, colleges and free schools, studied the science of morals, government and economy, dignified labor, amassed wealth, whitened the sea with our commerce and commanded the respect and admiration of the nations of the earth-so long as the South, by the natural proclivities of slavery, was sapping the very foundations of our national life. . . . You are the first President ever borne on the shoulders of freedom into the position you now fill. Your predecessors owed their elevation to the slave oligarchy, and in serving slavery they did but obey their masters. In your election, northern freemen threw off the yoke, and with you rests the respon- sibility that our necks never shall bow again. At no time in the annals of the nation has there been a more auspicious moment to retrieve the one false step of the fathers in their concessions to slavery. The Constitution has been repudiated and the compact broken by the southern traitors now in arms. The firing of the first gun on Sumter released the North from all con- stitutional obligations to slavery. It left the government, for the first time in our history, free to carry out the declaration of our Revolutionary fathers, and made us in fact what we ever have claimed to be, a nation of freemen. · "The Union as it was”—a compromise between barbarism and civiliza- tion-can never be restored, for the opposing principles of freedom and slavery can not exist together. Liberty is life, and every form of govern- ment yet tried proves that slavery is death. In obedience to this law, our republic, divided and distracted by the collisions of class and caste, is tottering to its base and can be reconstructed only on the sure foundation of impartial freedom to all. The war in which we are involved is not the result of party or accident, but a forward step in the progress of the race never to be retraced. Revolution is no time for temporizing or diplomacy. In a radical upheaving the people demand eternal principles on which to stand. Northern power and loyalty never can be measured until the purpose of the war be liberty to man; for a lasting enthusiasm ever is based on a grand idea, and unity of action demands a definite end. At this time our greatest need is not men or money, valiant generals or brilliant victories, but a consistent policy, based on the principle that “all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." The nation waits for you to say that there is no power under our declaration of rights nor under any laws, human or divine, by which free men can be made slaves; and therefore that your pledge to the slaves is irrevocable, and shall be redeemed. If it be true, as it is said, that northern women lack enthusiasm in this war, the fault rests with those who have confused and confounded its policy. The pages of history glow with instances of self-sacrifice by women in the hour of their country's danger. Fear not that the daughters of this republic will count any sacrifice too great to insure the triumph of freedom. Let the APPENDIX. 959 men who wield the nation's power be wise, brave and magnanimous, and its women will be prompt to meet the duties of the hour with devotion and heroism. When Fremont on the western breeze proclaimed a day of jubilee to the bondmen within our gates, the women of the nation echoed back a loud amen. When Hunter freed a million men and gave them arms to fight our battles, justice and mercy crowned that act and tyrants stood appalled. When Butler, in the chief city of the southern despotism, hung a traitor we felt a glow of pride; for that one act proved that we had a government and one man brave enough to administer its laws. And when Burnside would banish Vallandigham to the Dry Tortugas, let the sentence be approved and the nation will ring with plaudits. Your proclamation gives you immortal- ity. Be just, and share your glory with men like these who wait to execute your will. On behalf of the Women's National Loyal League, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, President. SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Secretary. CHAPTER XV–PAGE 247. RECONSTRUCTION. Address Delivered at Ottumwa, Kansas, July 4, 1865. Mr. President, and Men and Women of Kansas : It is a pleasure to me, beyond the reach of words, to be with you today. I accepted the invitation of your committee that I might feast my eyes on your grand prairies, ever fringed with the darker green of their timber- skirted creeks and rivers. I came hero on this 89th anniversary of our Na- tional Independence, that I might look into the honest, earnest faces of the men and the women who, ten years ago, taught the nation anew, that "re- sistance to tyrants is obedience to God.” Through all this glorious decade of heroic struggle, my interests, my sympathies, my affections have been bound up with yours; for, during and since the cruel outrages of the summer of 1856, my two and only brothers have stood shoulder to shoulder with the freedom-lov- ing, freedom-voting, freedom-fighting men of Kansas. And, as I have waited the telegraphic word that trembled along the western wires, telling of your successes and your defeats, it has ever been with bated breath lest those of my own home circle, too, should be numbered among the slain. Therefore, though not here in person through all these trial years, in spirit I have been with you, in your privations and hardships, in your sufferings and sacrifices to make freedom and free institutions the sure inheritance of Kansas and the nation. You have already listened to the grand old Declaration of the Fathers of 1776. You have heard the true words of your representative to the next Con- gress. His manly utterances here today give you assurance that he will faithfully reflect the highest and truest sentiments of his constituency. Men and women of Kansas, I congratulate you, that you have in this chosen agent a man who will speak and vote on the vital questions to come before the next Congress from the standpoint of human equality. It is my purpose to call your attention to the recent declarations of our Pres- ident to our “erring sister States of the South. I ask you specially to note his proclamation to Mississippi. After pointing out that the Constitution of the United States guarantees to every State in the Union a republican form of government, and that the late rebellion has deprived the people of Mississippi of all civil government, he continues: Now, therefore, in obedience to the high and solemn duties imposed upon me by the Con- stitution of the United States, and for the purpose of enabling the loyal people of said State to organize a State government, whereby justice may be established, domestic tranquillity in- 1 Sidney Clark, of Lawrence. (960) APPENDIX. 961 sured, and loyal citizens protected in all their rights of life, liberty, and property, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, and Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, do hereby appoint William L. Sharkey Provisional Governor of the State of Mississippi, whose duty it shall be, at the earliest practicable period, to prescribe such rules and regulations as may be necessary and proper for convening a convention, composed of delegates to be chosen by that portion of the people of said State who are loyal to the United States, and no others, for the purpose of altering or amending the constitution thereof; and with authority to exercise, within the limits of said State, all the powers nec- essary and proper to enable such loyal people of the State of Mississippi to restore said State to its constitutional relations to the Federal government, and to present such republican form of State government as will entitle the State to the guarantee of the United States there- for, and its people to protection by the United States against invasion, insurrection, and do- mestic violence: Provided, That in any election that may be hereafter held for choosing delegates to any State Convention as aforesaid, no person shall be qualified as an elector, or shall be eligible as a member of such convention, unless he shall have previously taken and subscribed the oath of amnesty, as set forth in the President's proclamation of May 29, A. D. 1865, and is a voter qualified as prescribed by the Constitution and laws of the State of Mississippi, in force immediately before the ninth (9th) of January, A. D. 1861, the date of the so-called ordinance of secession; and the said convention, when convened, or the Legisla- ture that may be thereafter assembled, will prescribe the qualifications of electors, and the el- igibility of persons to hold office under the Constitution and laws of the State, a power the people of the several States composing the Federal Union have rightfully exercised from the origin of the government to the present time. The President says he finds the people of Mississippi “ deprived of all civil government” by the revolutionary progress of the rebellion; therefore he appoints a provisional governor, to call an election of the loyal people for delegates to a convention to alter or amend the constitution that was in force prior to the rebellion. He does this for the purpose of enabling the loyal people of said State to organize a State government whereby justice may be established, domestic tranquillity insured, and loyal citizens protected in all their rights of life, liberty and property.” To this laudable end he instructs the governor, who is his military agent, to allow no man to vote or to be voted for, unless he shall have previously taken and subscribed to the oath of amnesty of May 29, 1865, and is a voter by the old constitution and laws of the slaveholding State of Mississippi. By this ordering, the President makes it impossible for the great mass of the loyal people to have a voice in organizing the new government. He re-establishes precisely the same basis of class rep- resentation that worked out the ruin of the old State government. Not to mention the loyal women, who make fully one-half of the loyal people, he shuts out all the loyal black men, with all the loyal poor white men, who were not allowed to vote under the old regime of slavery. Thus, by this initiative step, the President makes it inevitable that the re- building of the government shall be controlled by the ex-rebels; the men who have fought desperately for four years to overthrow the federal govern- ment; the men who hate republicanism; the men who love and are deter- mined to enjoy aristocracy. The loyal white men there, who have stood firmly and truly by the government through all the cruel persecutions of this bloody rebellion, are today a most powerless and pitiable minority; and yet the President tells this little handful that their only hope of organizing a gen- uine republican form of government lies in their ability to outvote the vast horde of disloyal civilians and pardoned, but not penitent, returned rebel ANT.—61 962 APPENDIX. soldiers. Such an offence against white loyalty is enough to make the very stones cry out. But what shall we say of the other and deeper crime against the thousands of loyal black soldiers, who have fought bravely for us from the hour we per- mitted them to shoulder the musket; against the entire slave population, who have welcomed our Yankee soldiers, been faithful spies and guides to our armies, nursed our sick and wounded, relieved and rescued our starving prisoners, and in every conceivable way and manner given “aid and com- fort” to our Union cause? I tell you, men and women of Kansas, no tongue can speak the ingratitude, the injustice, the shame and outrage of a proposi- tion thus to leave those true and faithful freedmen to the cruel legislation of their old tyrants and oppressors, made tenfold more their enemies, because of their attachment and service to the government which they themselves have failed to destroy. Think of it, to thrust four million loyal people under the political heel of eight millions, almost to a man, disloyal! I am sure you, who have given the best blood of Kansas to put down the slaveholders' rebellion against the rightful rule of the majority, will never by your silence give seeming consent to a reorganization of those rebel States on any basis save that of the ballot to all loyal citizens, black and white. You will never consent that loyal Union soldiers and friends, for no crime but the color of their skin, shall be made subjects, if not slaves, to disloyal rebel soldiers and enemies, with no virtue but that of belonging to the "governing race,” as the President's North Carolina appointee calls the white faces. No, no, you will make these grand old prairies ring with your thunder-toned protests until they shall be felt and feared in the legislative halls at Wash- ington. Then will your honorable and honored representative say for you on the floor of the next Congress, as he has said here today in the shadow of these mighty oaks of your Neosho,“no reconstruction except on the basis of the ballot in every loyal hand, black and white.” Then will your senator 1 echo your voice from his seat in the Capitol, as he did the other day in old Faneuil Hall, when he said, “the price of our victories is lost unless we give the negro the homestead, the musket, and the ballot.” And then will your other senator,? who has not spoken since he, with his colleagues in the Senate, said, “ colonize” the faithful, loyal blacks; since he said, admit Louisiana and Arkansas back into the Union on the vote of the merest minority of their freshly-oathed white men-then will he say “no reconstruction without negro suffrage." But, good people, I charge you, suffer not this man to return to his seat in the Senate, until he has not only repented and confessed, but given sure promise forever to forsake his old sins of “white suffrage” and “black colonization." You owe it to yourselves and your country to see that your entire representation in the next Congress is right on this one vital question of reunion. Tell your senator if he must advocate a class and caste government in the rebel States, it must be loyal blacks, not disloyal whites. If he must colonize somebody, it must be the cowed, unconverted rebels, the anti-negro-equality white faces. Tell him S. C. Pomeroy. 2 James H. Lane. APPENDIX. 963 henceforth to speak and vote to disfranchise, and drive out if need be, the persons who make war and oppress and outrage, and are resolved not to give “fair play” to peaceable, industrious citizens. You have but to speak and you will be obeyed, for it is the people's will, not that of their servants, which is law. Now, a word on your State legislature: One of the first reports that met my ear on my arrival in your State last winter, was that the Republicans of Kansas, almost in a body, had voted against a bill for "negro suffrage,” and that they voted thus for the reason that the question was introduced and urged by the opposition party of the State. My humble but earnest advice to you is that you permit those delegates who voted against right, against justice, against equality to all men, for so paltry a reason, henceforth to remain quietly at home. Teach them and all other aspirants for your suf- frages that your representatives must speak and vote for the right, though the arch-demon from the pit below shall present the measure. That misera- ble political quibbling at Topeka last winter lost Kansas the place which of right belonged to her—that of being the first of the loyal States to give her freedmen their inalienable right to self-protection. Our hope of salvation from the fatal errors that are now fastening them- selves upon the plan and the policy of reorganization, lies in the prompt and right action of the coming Congress. The delegates from any and all of the rebel States, sent up to Washington by “free white loyal male” suffrages to knock for admission into the Union, must be sent home with instructions that no member will be admitted to Congress except he be elected by a majority of all the loyal men of the State, black as well as white. To the end that Congress may thus reject the amnestied white suffrage delegates, the people, all over the country, should unite in one mighty voice and demand that their representatives shall thus speak and thus vote. “The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” If we sleep now, all is lost; for on this one question of the negro hangs the future of our republic. Since the firing of the first gun of the rebellion there has been no hour fraught with so much danger as is the present. To have been vanquished on the field of battle would have involved much of misery; but to be foiled now in gathering up the fruits of our blood-bought victories, and to re-enthrone slavery under the new guise of negro disfranchisement, negro serfdom, would be a defeat and disaster, a cruelty and crime, which would surely bequeath to coming generations a legacy of wars and rumors of wars, equalled only by that which the Revolutionary fathers entailed upon their descendants by their fatal compromises with slavery. It would leave the final triumph of the great principles of republicanism, universal freedom and equality, “taxation and representation inseparable,” the consent of the governed,” to be worked out and established in each of those old slave States, through a fear- ful re-enactment of the early struggles which you of Kansas so well remem- ber. If Congress shall admit the rebel representatives on the basis of white suffrage, those States will have added to their old representation the other two-fifths of what used to be "all other persons," which will give them an increase of fourteen votes in the House as a reward for their four years of 964 APPENDIX. fire and sword against the government. With this added power on the floor of Congress united to their political aiders and abettors from the Northern States, there is scarcely any project they may not be able to carry through in their own time and way. Nor is there room for a doubt, that it is the spirit and purpose of the slave oligarchy, whipped and cowed as they say by force of might, not right, to make a most desperate political fight to regain their old supremacy in the legislation of the country. I base my estimate of the nature and intentions of the to-be-restored repre- sentation of the South, on the results of the elections already held in several of the rebel States, and from the efforts everywhere among the old planters again to reduce the black freedmen, as nearly as possible, to the status of slavery. In Virginia, the elections gave a legislature largely secession and almost wholly anti-negro. The planters have solemnly leagued themselves together to pay only five dollars per month to able field hands, each laborer to furnish his own clothes and pay his own doctor bills. This, too, when these same planters used to pay or receive for the hire of these same laborers, the sum of fifteen dollars and upwards. In South Carolina, Gen. Rufus Sax- ton reports that the old planters are actually driving the freedmen to work in the fields in chain gangs, and that the woods are strewn with the bodies of negroes shot dead in their efforts to escape the cruel torture. In Murfrees- boro, Tennessee, the city election resulted in a secession mayor and common council. The only Union success I have noticed is that of Fernandina, Florida, and there the negroes were allowed to vote. Even the loyal State of Missouri saved her free constitution by less than two thousand votes. The result of white suffrage can not be other than the election of large majorities of anti-negro, if not absolutely secession State and National repre- sentatives. Tennessee, the President's own State, of the loyalty of whose people we have heard much, has adopted a free constitution, and under it framed a new code of anti-negro laws; and we can hardly expect any rebel State to do better, for these new free State law-makers are the persecuted loyal men of Tennessee who have been outraged in their homes, hunted to the caves and mountains, or for a time driven out of the State altogether by the secessionists. One of these new free State laws says, the testimony of no “free colored person shall be received in court against any white person." By this enactment, the meanest white man may enter the home of the bravest black soldier, or wealthiest colored citizen, may murder his sons, ravish his wife and daughters, pillage and burn his house, commit any and every pos- sible crime against him and his, and yet, if no human eye but his own, or that of his family, or his colored friends, witness the barbarisms, that black man, the father, the husband, the land-holder, outraged beyond measure, has no possible legal redress in the courts of Tennessee. Then again, in case a free colored person is imprisoned and unable to pay his jail fees, he may be apprenticed out to labor until the sum be paid. And yet again, the courts may apprentice colored children as they see proper. The law does not even say friendless or orphan children. Is not that slavery under a new form? Thus, to leave those devoted black men's lives, liberties and property to be protected by white men, whose loyalty to the government is because it is a means to secure power to themselves, not from any love of APPENDIX. 965 its republican principles, is to doom them to all the ignominies and cruelties of slavery itself. Let us not be deceived by the wicked wiles of politicians who tell us that President Johnson can not give the right to the ballot to the black loyalists of the South; for it is but the new “refuge of lies” to which slavery resorts. The same men told us that Lincoln had not the power to emancipate the slaves; that the government had no right to arm the negro, etc. If Presi- dent Johnson has constitutional authority, either civil or military, to take away a man's right to vote, as a punishment for disloyalty, he must have power to give a man the same right, as a reward for loyalty; if the President may disfranchise a rebel soldier in order to enable the loyal people of a State to organize a republican form of government, he may also enfranchise a Union soldier to accomplish the same purpose. If the President has not the right nor the power to give the ballot to any person not entitled to it under the old order of slavery, how will he organize South Carolina, by whose old constitution no person was allowed to vote unless he owned ten slaves or was worth ten thousand dollars ? Of course nobody owns ten slaves, and how many men, think you, who remained loyal at home, or how many returned soldiers or amnestied civilians have the requisite ten thousand dollars? In South Carolina, therefore, the President will be compelled to create yoters; and, if he shall enfranchise any of the white non-voters, can he not also enfranchise the loyal black non-voters ? Let us watch and pray without ceasing. Let us hope that the day will dawn, and that soon, when law shall be found on the side of justice to the black race. These objectors never questioned McClellan's military right to put down slave insurrections with an “iron hand,” or Halleck's infamous Order No. 3 to drive all negroes outside the military lines. It was only when Gen- erals Fremont, Hunter and others declared the slaves free, that they might cripple the rebel armies and add them to our Union forces, that the cry of no law, no power was raised. Thus it is clear that the blindness and inability to find rightful authority, civil or military, first to emancipate, then to arm, and now to enfranchise the negroes, have the one source. Slavery perpe- trated the sum of all villainies” on the negroes, and then, to justify its wickedness, filled the whole land with atrocious lies of their depraved and degraded nature. The American people consented to the outrage; and their continued prejudice against that oppressed race but proves the adage, “ we hate those whom we have injured.” Last of all comes the objection that the old masters will influence the vote of the negroes, and that, therefore, to enfranchise them will but give increased power to the old lords of the lash. Do not believe such nonsense. Think you, men who for four years have withstood every possible temptation and torture to induce them to fight for the slave oligarchy, can now be wheedled into voting for it? No, no. Those loyal, brave, black men who have known enough to fight on the right side will know enough to vote on the right side; and it is because the aiders and abettors of the old slave power believe and know that the negroes will be an invincible host on the side of equality, that they thus fear them. We never from the beginning have had a genuine republican form of gov- 966 APPENDIX. ernment in any State in the Union; for in no State have the people" ever been permitted to elect their representatives. Even in Massachusetts and Vermont, the States nearest republican, only one-half of the people, the "male inhabitants,' are allowed to vote. In other States it is only all“ free white male persons,” and in others still, all “free white male inhabitants owning so many slaves or so much property.” It is not true therefore that the people * have ever exercised the right to prescribe the qualifications of voters or officers. From the beginning, Congress always has settled the question in its organic act. That of your own Territory read, “Every free, white, male inhabitant shall vote at the first election, and be eligible to any office within the Terri- tory.” Thus you see Congress, not you, the people, decided who should and who should not vote in Kansas. And when the delegates of the prescribed “free, white, male” order met in convention, they proved themselves noth- ing above human, very like the so-elected conventions of other States, and retained all legislative power within the limits of the original congressional permit. The same is true of the rebel States, in which the President now finds the people destitute of all civil government; when he specifies who may vote, when he excludes any class from the ballot-box, he makes it impossible for “the people” to form a republican government. When the loyal black men are not allowed their right to vote in the first election of the rebel States, their governments are thrown into the hands of a very small minority, and that too of very doubtful loyalty. The Presi- dent by adhering to the old slave definition of the people,” rules that all our brave black Union soldiers and our best friends and allies, without whose aid we should still be struggling with rebels in arms, shall be subjects, not citizens, of the government they have rescued from the Confederate usurpers. It is not in human nature that a people fanatically believing themselves a superior race, and thereby rightful legislators over another and inferior race, shall execute justice and equality toward those whom they de- cree shall be “hewers of wood and drawers of water." No, the black man's guarantee to the protection of his inalienable rights to "life, liberty and property,” is bound up in his right to the ballot. When I speak of the inalienable rights of the negro, I do not forget that these belong equally to woman. Though the government shall be recon- structed on the basis of universal manhood suffrage, it yet will not be a true republic. Still one-half of the people will be in subjection to the other half, and the time will surely come when the whole question will have to be re- opened and an accounting made with this other subject class. There will have to be virtually another reconstruction, based on the duty of the national government to guarantee to every citizen the right of self-protection, and this right, for woman as for man, is vested in the ballot. That this superior “white male" class may not be trusted even to legislate for their own mothers, sisters, wives and daughters, the cruel statutes in nearly all the States, both slave and free, give ample proof. In scarcely a State has a married woman the legal right to the control of her person, to the earnings of her hands or brain, to the guardianship of her children, to sue or be sued, or to testify in the courts, and by these laws women have suffered wrongs and outrages second only to those of chattel slavery itself. If this be APPENDIX. 967 true, that this so-called superior class can not legislate justice even to those nearest and dearest in their own hearts and homes, is it not a crime to place a separate race, one hated and despised, wholly at the will of that governing class? It must not be; and the one great work for the people at this hour, and every hour, between this and next December, is to agitate this question until the entire nation shall speak in tones not to be mistaken, which shall compel the coming Congress to refuse admission to every representative from the rebel States, who is sent there by the so-called "loyal white male” people. "No reorganization without Negro Suffrage” is the word to send back to every rebel State. Until Congress shall define and settle this question, it can not in the future, as it has not in the past, perform its duty-guarantee a republican form of government in each of the States. When Congress shall thus decide, there will be work to do in most of the loyal States. Let us all labor to that end. Men and women of Kansas, what say you, shall new loyal States or old rebel States be admitted into the Union until they present constitutions and laws truly republican, until they send representatives to Washington elected by a majority of all the people—white and black, men and women? You say No; your blood-enriched prairies, your battle-fought ravines, your sacked and burned cities, say No; your martyred dead, your own immortal John Brown, their freed souls all gloriously marching on, say No! My friends, there is one word more I must leave with you. There is yet another danger. The reverence, the almost idolatry of the American people for their martyred President, is being used and abused by the political mana- gers at Washington, and over all the country. The people are lulled to sleep over the most startling propositions, by insidious whisperings that President Lincoln originated or approved them. Almost every reconstruction plan is sent over the wires "sugar-coated” with, “President Johnson, in this, is but carrying out the spirit and purpose of Mr. Lincoln!” And there is no disguising or denying the fact that the people are today accepting, and that too without questioning, the anti-negro reorganization plans already inaugurated, because of these wily, insinuating appeals to their reverence for the memory of their sacred dead. If the four years' administration of Abraham Lincoln taught the American people any one lesson above another, it was that they must think and speak and proclaim, and that he, as President, was bound to execute their will, not his own. And if Lincoln were alive today, he would say as he did four years ago, “I wait the voice of the people.” The stern logic of the events of to- day would guide him, not those of yesterday. Therefore let us not be thrown off our watch by any of these appeals to our reverence for the opin- ions and plans of our departed President. If his freed spirit is permitted to- day to hover over each and all of the vast gatherings of the loyal people throughout the nation, it is beckoning every soul upward and onward in the path of equal justice to all; it is urging the great heart of the nation to plant our new Union on the everlasting rock of republicanism-universal freedom and universal suffrage. CHAPTER XVI–PAGE 259. ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. Adopted by the Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention, held in New York City, Thursday, May 10, 1866. Prepared by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. To the Senate and House of Representatives: We already have presented to your honorable body during this session many petitions asking the enfranchisement of women; and now, from our national convention, we again make our appeal and urge you to lay no hand on that "pyramid of rights,” the Constitution of the Fathers, unless to add glory to its height and strength to its foundation. We will not rehearse the oft-repeated arguments on the natural rights of every citizen, pressed as they have been on the nation's conscience for the last thirty years in securing freedom for the black race, and so grandly echoed on the floor of Congress during the past winter. We can not add one line or precept to the comprehensive speech recently made by Charles Sumner in the Senate, to prove that “no just government can be formed without the consent of the governed ;' to prove the dignity, the education, the power, the neces- sity, the salvation of the ballot in the hand of every man and woman; to prove that a just government and a true church rest alike on the sacred rights of the individual. As you are familiar with Sumner's speech on “Equal Rights to All,” so convincing in facts, so clear in philosophy, and so elaborate in quotations from the great minds of the past, without reproducing the chain of argument, permit us to call your attention to a few of its unanswerable assertions re- garding the ballot: I plead now for the ballot, as the great guarantee, and the only sufficient guarantee-be- ing in itself peacemaker, reconciler, schoolmaster and protector—to which we are bound by every necessity and every reason; and I speak also for the good of the States lately in rebellion, as well as for the glory and safety of the republic, that it may be an ex- ample to mankind. Ay, sir, the ballot is the Columbiad of our political life, and every citizen who has it is a full-armed Monitor. The ballot is schoolmaster. Reading and writing are of inestimable value, but the bal. lot teaches what these can not teach. Plutarch records that the wise man of Athens charmed the people by saying that equality causes no war, and "both the rich and the poor repeated it.” The ballot is like charity, which never faileth, and without which man is only as sound- ing brass or a tinkling cymbal. The ballot is the one thing needful, without which rights of testimony and all other rights will be no better than cobwebs which the master will break through with impunity. To him who has the ballot all other things shall be given- (968) APPENDIX. 969 protection, opportunity, education, a homestead. The ballot is like the horn of abundance, out of which overflow rights of every kind, with corn, cotton, rice and all the fruits of the earth. Or, better still, it is like the hand of the body, without which man, who is now only a little lower than the angels, must have continued only a little above the brutes. They are fearfully and wonderfully made; but as is the hand in the work of civilization, so is the ballot in the work of government. “Give me the ballot, and I can move the world.” Do you wish to see harmony truly prevail, so that industry, society, government, civil- ization, may all prosper, and the republic may wear a crown of true greatness? The not neglect the ballot. Lamartine said, " Universal suffrage is the first truth and only basis of every national re- public.” In regard to “taxation without representation,” Mr. Sumner quotes from Lord Coke: The supreme power can not take from any man any part of his property without consent in person or by representation. Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person or by represen- tation. I can see no reason to doubt but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land or houses or ships, or real or personal, fixed or floating property in the colonies, is ab- solutely irreconcilable with the rights of the colonies, as British subjects and as men. I say men, for in a state of nature no man can take any property from me without my consent. If he does, he deprives me of my liberty and makes me a slave. The very act of taxing, exer- cised over those who are not represented, appears to me to deprive them of one of their most essential rights as freemen, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire disfranchise- ment of every civil right. For what one civil right is worth a rush, after a man's property is subject to be taken from him at pleasure without his consent ? In demanding suffrage for the black man you recognize the fact that, as a freedman, he is no longer a “part of the family," and that therefore his mas- ter is no longer his representative; hence, as he will now be liable to taxation, he must also have representation. Woman, on the contrary, has never been such a “part of the family” as to escape taxation. Although there has been no formal proclamation giving her an individual existence, the single woman always has had the right to property and wages, the right to make contracts and do business in her own name. And even married women, by recent legislation, have been secured in these civil rights. Woman now holds a vast amount of the property in the country and pays her full proportion of taxes, revenue included. On what principle, then, do you deny her repre- sentation ? By what process of reasoning was Charles Sumner able to stand up in the Senate, a few days after these sublime utterances, and rebuke 15,000,000 disfranchised tax-payers for the exercise of their mere right of peti- tion ? If he felt that this was not the time for woman even to mention her right to representation, why did he not, in some of his splendid sentences, pro- pose to release the wage-earning and property-owning women from the tyranny of taxation ? We propose no new theories. We simply ask that you secure the prac- tical application of the immutable principles of our government to all, without distinction of race, color or sex. And we urge our demand now, because you have now the opportunity and the power to take this onward step in legislation. The nations of the earth stand watching and waiting to see if our Revolutionary idea, “all men are created equal,” can be realized in gov- ernment. Crush not, we pray you, the myriad hopes which hang on our success. 970 APPENDIX. Peril not this nation with another bloody war. Men and parties must pass away, but justice is eternal; and only they who work in harmony with its laws are immortal, All who have carefully contrasted the speeches of this Congress with those made under the old regime of slavery, must have seen the added power and eloquence which greater freedom gives. But still you propose no action on your grand ideas. Your joint resolutions, your reconstruction reports, do not reflect your highest thought. The Constitution, as it stands, in basing representation on “respective numbers” covers a broader ground than any you have yet proposed. Is not the only amendment needed to Article 1, Section 3, to strike out the excep- tions which follow “respective numbers ?” And is it not your duty, by securing a republican form of government to every State, to see that these “respective numbers” are made up of enfranchised citizens, thus bringing your legislation up to the Constitution-not the Constitution down to your party possibilities? The only tenable ground of representation is universal suffrage, as it is only through universal suffrage that the principle of “equal rights to all” can be realized. All prohibitions based on race, color, sex, property or education are violations of the republican idea; and the various qualifications now proposed are but so many plausible pretexts to debar new classes from the ballot-box. The limitations of property and intelligence, though unfair, can be met; as with freedom must come the repeal of statute laws that deny schools and wages to the negro, and time will make him a voter. But color and sex! Neither time nor statutes can make black, white, or woman, man! You assume to be the representatives of 15,000,000 women- American citizens—who already possess every attainable qualification for the ballot. Women read and write, hold many offices under government, pay taxes and suffer the penalties of crime, and yet are denied individual repre- sentation. For twenty years we have labored to bring the statute-laws of the several States into harmony with the broad principles of the Constitution, and have been so far successful that in many of them little remains to be done exceptito secure the right of suffrage. Hence, our prompt protest against the propositions before Congress to introduce the word “male” into the Federal Constitution, which, if successful, would sanction all State action in withholding the ballot from woman. As the only way in which disfranchised citizens can appear before you, we availed ourselves of the sacred right of petition; and, as our representatives, it was your duty to give those petitions a respectful reading and a serious consideration. How a Republican Senate failed in that duty, is already inscribed on the page of history. Some tell us it is not judicious to press the claims of women now; that this is not the time. Time? When you propose legislation so fatal to the best interests of woman and the nation, shall we be silent until after the deed is done ? No! As we love justice, we must resist tyranny. As we honor the position of American senator, we must appeal from the politician to the man. With man, woman shared the dangers of the Mayflower on a stormy sea, the dreary landing on Plymouth Rock, the rigors of New England winters and the privations of a seven years' war. With him she bravely threw off the British yoke, felt every pulsation of his heart for freedom, and inspired the APPENDIX. 971 glowing eloquence which maintained it through the century. With you, we have just passed through the agony and death, the resurrection and triumph of another revolution, doing all in our power to mitigate its horrors and gild its glories. And now, think you, we have no souls to fire, no brains to weigh your arguments; that, after education such as this, we can stand silent wit- nesses while you sell our birthright of liberty to save from a timely death an effete political organization ? No, as we respect womanhood, we must protest against this desecration of the magna charta of American liberties; and with an importunity not to be repelled, our demand must ever be, “No compro- mise of human rights”_"No admission to the Constitution of inequality of rights or disfranchisement on account of color or sex.” In the oft-repeated experiments of class and caste, who can number the na- tions that have risen but to fall ? Do not imagine you come one line nearer the demand of justice by enfranchising but another shade of manhood; for, in denying representation to woman, you still cling to the same false princi- ple on which all the governments of the past have been wrecked. The right way, the safe way, is so clear, the path of duty is so straight and simple, that we who are equally interested with yourselves in the result, conjure you to act not for the passing hour, not with reference to transient benefits, but to do now the one grand deed which shall mark the zenith of the century-pro- claim Equal Rights to All. We press our demand for the ballot at this time in no narrow, captious or selfish spirit; from no contempt of the black man's claims, nor antagonism to you who, in the progress of civilization, are now the privileged order; but from the purest patriotism, for the highest good of every citizen, for the safety of the republic, and as a glorious example to the nations of the earth. CHAPTER XX-PAGE 342. MISS ANTHONY'S FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY. February 15, 1870. Careful readers of the Tribune have probably succeeded in discovering that we have not always been able to applaud the course of Miss Susan B. Anthony. Indeed, we have often felt, and sometimes said, that her methods were as unwise as we thought her aims undesirable. But through these years of disputation and struggling, she has thoroughly impressed friends and enemies alike with the sincerity and earnestness of her purposes. . . Fifty years ago the full moon of suffrage rose in the small, red and wrinkled countenance of the infant Susan B. Anthony. “Agitation is the word,” says Miss Anthony, in these her later years. Agitation was probably the word then, as a happy family surrounded the cradle of the boisterous phenomenon. Miss Anthony has compressed into her half-century a deal of work, talk, hurry and resolution. Beginning with the women's temperance conventions in 1848, she has strewn the gliding years with organizations, societies, conventions innumerable, to the wonderment, if not always to the ad- miration, of an observant world. “Through all these years,” remarks Mrs. Henry B. Stanton, “ Miss Anthony was the connecting link between me and the outer world--the reform scout who went to see what was going on in the enemy's camp, and returned with maps and observations to plan the mode of attack.” It has been intimated that Miss Anthony has not remained sweet Dian's votary, in maiden meditation fancy free, because nobody asked her to change her name and station. Many victims, we are told, are carrying crushed hearts and blighted hopes through life, and all because of the un- relenting cruelty exercised by this usually good-humored woman towards the whole male sex.-The Tribune. Miss Anthony bears her fifty summers lightly. Whatever our sentiments may be as to the cause she advocates, we do full justice to her resistless energy and activity and unswerving fidelity to her principles. Charming and cordial in her manners, with kind words for all, she welcomed every guest last even- ing and made them at ease.—The Times. It was regarded last night, and was a topic of conversation, that the pub- lic announcement that Miss Anthony was fifty years old was one more of the courageous things for which her life has been distinguished. Battling with the wrong and striving for the right has not left so rigid a mark of the prog- ress of time upon her features as to prevent her keeping up a little fiction about being fair and forty. Miss Anthony prefers the truth, and she says (972) APPENDIX. 973 that the register in the family Bible supports the assertion that a half-century of rolling years have passed before her.—The Herald. Miss Anthony looked her very best last night, and let the truth be said, even should it be followed by persecuting proposals from the bachelors, she didn't look much more than five-and-twenty. The genial salutations and happy surroundings of the hour effaced for the time those lines which care and labor and fifty years will make, however pure the soul within. Miss Anthony was happy and she looked it. . . . She wears her years and honors well. May we live till the celebration of her centenary, and she read the report thereof next day in the columns of the Evening Mail.-The Mail. In these latter days the aspirations and activities of woman are greatly quickened, and her day of pure and perfect freedom seems near at hand. When the year of jubilee shall at last ring in, no name will be more highly honored than that of Miss Susan B. Anthony; and her honors have been well deserved. Early and late, in season and out, in places high and low, all over this broad land, by voice and pen, has she labored with unflagging zeal for the exalted liberty of woman. ..Men who have honored mothers, pure sisters, devoted wives and loving daughters, owe to Miss Anthony a heavy debt of gratitude for her life-work in behalf of women.—The Globe. Miss Anthony's reception has been one of the events of the week. Men who have expended about half of the time and half of the energy in the business of money-making which Miss Anthony has expended in benefiting the race, have become millionaires, and have been held up to the rising gen- eration as examples of energy and industry worthy of imitation. Bronzes have been erected and numerous biographies written to do them honor. Had Miss Anthony labored for herself as devotedly as she has for others, she would no doubt have received the usual reward in greenbacks; and but for the fact of her being a woman, might have had a bronze erected in her honor. -The Courier. It is not always true that “the good die young,” for Miss Susan B. Anthony has lived to celebrate her fiftieth birthday. ... Right glad are we that the anniversary was observed with due pomp and circumstance. No kindly tribute to great moral worth is too good for this good woman. As one of the chief heroines of our generation, she abundantly deserves all the honors which were paid her on that festal night. There are many public-spirited workers in our busy land; many noble souls who have devoted their life-long energies to the elevation of their fellow-beings; many moral pioneers, who, when they die, will leave the world better than they found it; and conspicu- ous among these is the staunch, unwearied and indomitable woman who, at the end of half a century of life, can remember but few idle or wasted days. If Miss Anthony's persevering efforts in behalf of her sex are not worthy of generous praise, then there is no just fame due to a brave career. If her methods have sometimes lacked soundness of judgment, they have never lacked nobility of purpose. There exists a peculiar, invaluable and time- honored class of plain and substantial women who are said to be “as honest 974 APPENDIX. as the day is long;” and Susan B. Anthony is the queen of this royal race. Dauntless and tireless as the sterner sex, sympathetic and tender as the gen- tler, we sometimes think that she is both man and woman in one. She is one of the sterling characters of our day. The whole people ought to rejoice that such a woman was born, has lived and still toils.-The Independent. Out of scores of letters received space allows the reproduction of but a few: I shall always be present in sympathy with any number of people who will express their admiration of the sterling traits which adorn the life and char- acter of the lady who now passes the fiftieth anniversary of her most devoted and unselfish life. I am glad to tender the legal representative of a dollar for each of these years, with the confident assurance of the early triumph of that cause to which her life has been singularly devoted. This greenback is no surer of being redeemed in gold than is my confidence in the golden era of legal enfranchisement for woman ! . . . Long before Miss Anthony sees her " threescore and ten,” the political equality of all American citizens will be fully established. With sentiments of the highest esteem, I am, very cordially and truly, S. C. POMEROY. ... God bless her, and may she live many happy, joyous years! That she and her noble co-workers are soon to see the complete triumph of the woman's cause I firmly believe. And when in after years the great bene- factors of this century are sought for, Susan B. Anthony's name will be found occupying one of the highest niches in the temple of honest fame. Truly yours, J. P. Root. [Lieutenant-Governor of Kansas.] ... Enclosed is a check for $50, one for each year of your life. Will agree to give you the same pro rata sum on your one hundredth birthday. With love, your brother, D. R. ANTHONY. There will be among those who sympathize with and rejoice in your labors, no lack of testimony tonight to their persistency and value; but from one who deplores both, you will perhaps be willing to hear a hearty, cordial, admiring expression of the regard he is nevertheless forced to cherish for the sincerity and the unmistakably disinterested devotion which has marked your long and hopeful work in the cause you hold so dear and serve so faithfully. I can not wish you the success you seek—let me give you this better wish, that the anniversary your friends celebrate tonight may never bring fewer tokens of regard than now, and never find you seeming less the faithful worker “of cheerful yesterdays and confident tomorrows." With renewed congratula- tions I am, very cordially yours, WHITELAW REID. I could not be where I longed to be last evening, where I could look upon the toilworn face of the true, tried and never found wanting—the one of all others who has borne the heat of the day, and that without wilting or com- plaining-ever hopeful and ever pursuing “the even tenor of her way.” Absence shall not keep from thee my mite, and how I wish it were ten, yes, twenty times as much, but here it is with my love, respect and genuine friend- ship. Be of brave heart and believe that I am thy fast friend, ABBY HOPPER GIBBONS. APPENDIX. 975 Yours is a “golden wedding” indeed—for the fiftieth anniversary of a life that has been wedded to a great cause is a far more glorious golden wedding than those which generally go by that name. Accept my heartiest wishes for your welfare and for the success of your novel celebration. Heretofore the privilege of growing old and possessing common sense has belonged exclu- sively to the other sex. Sincerely yours, FRANCES ELLEN BURR. Please accept the enclosed check of $50, as a slight token of regard from our absent trio. As I hardly need tell you, the lion's share of this birthday gift is sent by my father, but neither mother nor I will admit that in the unsub- stantial, and yet I hope not valueless part of the offering, the personal regard and appreciation of your noble work for woman which accompany it, our contribution is any less than his. I remain yours very truly, LAURA CURTIS BULLARD. You have worked for the slave and for woman. Your fifty years shine about you and rest like a halo of glory around your head. . . . Fifty years to- day! When that half-century again rolls around, you and I will be in our graves and our names and work will stand back of us to all time. But into that future I look with prophetic eye to see woman no longer enslaved, and to find, not only on this continent, but over the world, as benefac- tor of the race, the name of Susan B. Anthony. Your affectionate friend, MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE. My good husband in writing from Toledo says: “Tell Susan that all the newspaper accounts taken together could not increase the pride which I have long felt in her pertinacious, obstinate, fault-finding, raspish, strong-minded, dogmatic and grand career. God bless her!” To all of which I subscribe most affectionately, ELIZABETH R. TILTON. ... If your Bible says you are fifty, I will try to be as reverential as possible when next we meet. I wish you similar health and strength when you are seventy-five-you'll find no change in me. I send you by express today Whittier's poems. Ever affectionately, ELLEN WRIGHT GARRISON. All the people who know you and who don't know you were given oppor- tunity to utter their good wishes, and poor me, wandering across these west- ern spaces, quite left out in the cold! Please ma'am, why did I know nothing of your reception till it was all over? I should have sent you what I now send-a gray silk gown, wherein you are to make yourself fine and grand, and a draft for $200 as a little nest-egg. If I only had a happy ease with my pen, how glad I would have been to put on paper in glowing words just what I think of the faithful, unselfish, earn- est, single-minded, courageous years, which my dear old Susan has given to the service of humanity. How, through poverty and persecution, evil tongues and slanderous words, ridicule and reproach, she has said, “Nothing shall daunt me; 'tis God's service;” and so speaking, has held fast the profession of her faith without wavering... God bless her! God bless her! The tears come to my eyes as I write that benediction, and think how gently and earnestly men and women alike in time to come will repeat it when her 976 APPENDIX. name is mentioned; when those same men and women shall see her life and her work, not as now through a glass darkly," but as those who gaze through the sunshine of truth. Good-by, dear friend-many happy years for you, prays your loving ANNA E. DICKINSON, Accept the enclosed check for $50, not as a present, merely, but as a debt, honestly due, for services rendered.” Had there been no “agitation” for the last twenty years, resulting in so complete a “Revolution,” we teachers might still be working for $1 per week and “boarding 'round.” But thanks to your unfailing “ persistency,” and the faithfulness of your co-workers in speaking for a class, the majority of whom dare not speak for themselves through fear of losing the little already gained, the salaries of all working- women have been largely increased. ..So, if need be, fight as val- iantly, dear sister, for the next twenty years as for the last, or at least till woman's right to a voice in the laws by which she is governed shall be acknowledged in every State and Territory of our country. Affectionately your sister, MARY S. ANTHONY. On this, your fiftieth birthday, permit me to present you my check for $50, as a slight and very inadequate expression of admiring gratitude on my part for your twenty years of arduous and self-sacrificing labor in the cause of woman. What woman has gained already, and it is much, what I and others have been able to achieve in professional life, must be mainly ascribed to you, and such as you. ... Your faithful friend and co-worker, CLEMENCE S. LOZIER. Although away here in Rome, I have kept track of your goings-on through The Revolution, which comes regularly. . . . I wish I could have been there to assist at the merrymaking. Miss Manning has kindly offered to take a little remembrance [an Etruscan gold and garnet pin] to you when she goes home, which you are to wear with that new silk dress. You see how selfish I am. I wish to compel you not only to think of me, but to asso- ciate me in your mind with our peerless Anna, God bless the dear child! Ever affectionately, KATE N. DOGGETT. The presents received were too numerous to mention. From Mr. and Mrs. Cheney, South Manchester, Conn., $50; Erie Co. (N. Y.) Suffrage Associa- tion, $50; Henry Ward Beecher, the Tiltons, Frank D. Moulton, Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. S. C. Pomeroy, $25 each; Mr. and Mrs. Samuel E. Sewall, $20; and from other friends, sums of ten, fifteen and twenty dollars, amounting in all to $1,000. In addition were a broché shawl from Mrs. Stanton, gold watch, chain and pin from Miss Sarah Johnston, pen-and-ink sketch from Eliza Greatorex, point and duchesse lace collars and handkerchiefs, sets of books, engravings, gold pens, pocket-books, travelling case, and floral offerings. CHAPTER XXV-PAGE 435. CONSTITUTIONAL ARGUMENT. Delivered in twenty-nine of the post-office districts of Monroe, and twenty-one of Ontario, in Miss Anthony's canvass of those counties prior to her trial in June, 1873. Friends and Fellow-Citizens:-I stand before you under indictment for the alleged crime of having voted at the last presidential election, without having a lawful right to yote. It shall be my work this evening to prove to you that in thus doing, I not only committed no crime, but instead simply exercised my citizen's right, guaranteed to me and all United States citizens by the National Constitution beyond the power of any State to deny. Our democratic-republican government is based on the idea of the natural right of every individual member thereof to a voice and a vote in making and executing the laws. We assert the province of government to be to secure the people in the enjoyment of their inalienable rights. We throw to the winds the old dogma that government can give rights. No one denies that before governments were organized each individual possessed the right to protect his own life, liberty and property. When 100 or 1,000,000 people enter into a free government, they do not barter away their natural rights; they simply pledge themselves to protect each other in the enjoyment of them through prescribed judicial and legislative tribunals. They agree to abandon the methods of brute force in the adjustment of their differences and adopt those of civilization. Nor can you find a word in any of the grand documents left us by the fathers which assumes for government the power to create or to confer rights. The Declaration of Independence, the United States Consti- tution, the constitutions of the several States and the organic laws of the Ter- ritories, all alike propose to protect the people in the exercise of their God- given rights. Not one of them pretends to bestow rights. All men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. Among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. To secure these, govern- ments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned. Here is no shadow of government authority over rights, or exclusion of any class from their full and equal enjoyment. Here is pronounced the right of all men, and “consequently,” as the Quaker preacher said, “ of all women,” to a voice in the government. And here, in this first paragraph of the Decla- ration, is the assertion of the natural right of all to the ballot; for how can “the consent of the governed” be given, if the right to vote be denied ? Again: ANT.-62 (977) 978 APPENDIX. Whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Surely the right of the whole people to vote is here clearly implied; for however destructive to their happiness this government might become, a disfranchised class could neither alter nor abolish it, nor institute a new one, except by the old brute force method of insurrection and rebellion. One-half of the people of this nation today are utterly powerless to blot from the statute books an unjust law, or to write there a new and a just one. The women, dissatisfied as they are with this form of government, that enforces taxation without rep- resentation -- that compels them to obey laws to which they never have given their consent-that imprisons and hangs them without a trial by a jury of their peers—that robs them, in marriage, of the custody of their own per- sons, wages and children-are this half of the people who are left wholly at the mercy of the other half, in direct violation of the spirit and letter of the dec- larations of the framers of this government, every one of which was based on the immutable principle of equal rights to all. By these declarations, kings, popes, priests, aristocrats, all were alike dethroned and placed on a common level, politically, with the lowliest born subject or serf. By them, too, men, as such, were deprived of their divine right to rule and placed on a political level with women. By the practice of these declarations all class and caste distinctions would be abolished, and slave, serf, plebeian, wife, woman, all alike rise from their subject position to the broader platform of equality. The preamble of the Federal Constitution says: We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish jus- tice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general wel- fare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and estab- lish this Constitution for the United States of America. It was we, the people, not we, the white male citizens, nor we, the male citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed this Union. We formed it not to give the blessings of liberty but to secure them; not to the half of our- selves and the half of our posterity, but to the whole people—women as well as men. It is downright mockery to talk to women of their enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the only means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican government—the ballot. The early journals of Congress show that, when the committee reported to that body the original articles of confederation, the very first one which be- came the subject of discussion was that respecting equality of suffrage. Arti- cle IV said: The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse between the people of the different States of this Union, the free inhabitants of each of the States (paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the free citizens of the several States, Thus, at the very beginning, did the fathers see the necessity of the univer- sal application of the great principle of equal rights to all, in order to produce the desired result-a harmonious union and a homogeneous people. APPENDIX. 979 Luther Martin, attorney-general of Maryland, in his report to the legisla- ture of that State of the convention which framed the United States Constitu- tion, said: Those who advocated the equality of suffrage took the matter up on the original principles of government: that the reason why each individual man in forming a State government should have an equal vote, is because each individual, before he enters into government, is equally free and equally independent. James Madison said: Under every view of the subject, it seems indispensable that the mass of the citizens should not be without a voice in making the laws which they are to obey, and in choosing the magis- trates who are to administer them. ... Let it be remembered, finally, that it has ever been the pride and the boast of America that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature. These assertions by the framers of the United States Constitution of the equal and natural right of all the people to a voice in the government, have been affirmed and reaffirmed by the leading statesmen of the nation through- out the entire history of our government. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsyl- vania, said in 1866: “I have made up my mind that the elective franchise is one of the inalienable rights meant to be secured by the Declaration of Independence.” B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, in the three days' discussion in the United States Senate in 1866, on Senator Cowan's motion to strike “male" from the District of Columbia suffrage bill, said: Mr. President, I say here on the floor of the American Senate, I stand for universal suf- frage; and as a matter of fundamental principle, do not recognize the right of society to limit it on any ground of race or sex. I will go farther and say that I recognize the right of franchise as being intrinsically a natural right. I do not believe that society is authorized to impose any limitations upon it that do not spring out of the necessities of the social state itself. Sir, I have been shocked, in the course of this debate, to hear senators declare this right only a conventional and political arrangement, a privilege yielded to you and me and others; not a right in any sense, only a concession! Mr. President, I do not hold my lib- erties by any such tenure. On the contrary, I believe that whenever you establish that doc- trine, whenever you crystallize that idea in the public mind of this country, you ring the death-knell of American liberties. Charles Sumner, in his brave protests against the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, insisted that so soon as by the Thirteenth Amendment the slaves became free men, the original powers of the United States Constitu- tion guaranteed to them equal rights—the right to vote and to be voted for. In closing one of his great speeches he said: I do not hesitate to say that when the slaves of our country became "citizens" they took their place in the body politic as a component part of the people," entitled to equal rights and under the protection of these two guardian principles: First, that all just governments stand on the consent of the governed; and second, that taxation without representation is tyranny; and these rights it is the duty of Congress to guarantee as es- sential to the idea of a republic. The preamble of the constitution of the State of New York declares the same purpose. It says: “We, the people of the State of New York, grate- ful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings, do es- tablish this constitution.” Here is not the slightest intimation either of re- 980 APPENDIX. ceiving freedom from the United States Constitution, or of the State's con- ferring the blessings of liberty upon the people; and the same is true of every other State constitution. Each and all declare rights God-given, and that to secure the people in the enjoyment of their inalienable rights is their one and only object in ordaining and establishing government. All of the State constitutions are equally emphatic in their recognition of the ballot as the means of securing the people in the enjoyment of these rights. Article I of the New York State constitution says: No member of this State shall be disfranchised or deprived of the rights or privileges secured to any citizen thereof, unless by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers. So carefully guarded is the citizen's right to vote, that the constitution makes special mention of all who may be excluded. It says: “Laws may be passed excluding from the right of suffrage all persons who have been or may be convicted of bribery, larceny or any infamous crime.” In naming the various employments which shall not affect the residence of voters, Section 3, Article II, says “that neither being kept in any almshouse, or other asylum, at public expense, nor being confined in any public prison, shall deprive a person of his residence,” and hence of his vote. Thus is the right of voting most sacredly hedged about. The only seeming permission in the New York State constitution for the disfranchisement of women is in Section 1, Article II, which says: “Every male citizen of the age of twenty- one years, etc., shall be entitled to vote.” But I submit that in view of the explicit assertions of the equal right of the whole people, both in the preamble and previous article of the constitution, this omission of the adjective “female” should not be construed into a de- nial; but instead should be considered as of no effect. Mark the direct pro- hibition, “No member of this State shall be disfranchised, unless by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers.” “The law of the land” is the United States Constitution; and there is no provision in that document which can be fairly construed into a permission to the States to deprive any class of citizens of their right to vote. Hence New York can get no power from that source to disfranchise one entire half of her members. Nor has “the judg- ment of their peers” been pronounced against women exercising their right to vote; no disfranchised person is allowed to be judge or juror—and none but disfranchised persons can be women's peers. Nor has the legislature passed laws excluding women as a class on account of idiocy or lunacy; nor have the courts convicted them of bribery, larceny or any infamous crime. Clearly, then, there is no constitutional ground for the exclusion of women from the ballot-box in the State of New York. No barriers whatever stand today be- tween women and the exercise of their right to vote save those of precedent and prejudice, which refuse to expunge the word "male" from the constitu- tion. The clauses of the United States Constitution cited by our opponents as giv- ing power to the States to disfranchise any classes of citizens they please, are contained in Sections 2 and 4, Article I. The second says: The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States; and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature. APPENDIX. 981 This can not be construed into a concession to the States of the power to de- stroy the right to become an elector, but simply to prescribe what shall be the qualifications, such as competency of intellect, maturity of age, length of res- idence, that shall be deemed necessary to enable them to make an intelligent choice of candidates. If, as our opponents assert, it is the duty of the United States to protect citizens in the several States against higher or different qual- ifications for electors for representatives in Congress than for members of the Assembly, then it must be equally imperative for the national government to interfere with the States, and forbid them from arbitrarily cutting off the right of one-half the people to become electors altogether. Section 4 says: The times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. Here is conceded to the States only the power to prescribe times, places and manner of holding the elections; and even with these Congress may inter- fere in all excepting the mere place of choosing senators. Thus, you see, there is not the slightest permission for the States to discriminate against the right of any class of citizens to vote. Surely, to regulate can not be to anni- hilate; to qualify can not be wholly to deprive. To this principle every true Democrat and Republican said amen, when applied to black men by Senator Sumner in his great speeches from 1865 to 1869 for equal rights to all; and when, in 1871, I asked that senator to declare the power of the United States Constitution to protect women in their right to vote-as he had done for black men-he handed me a copy of all his speeches during that reconstruc- tion period, and said: Put "sex" where I have "race" or "color," and you have here the best and strongest argument I can make for woman. There is not a doubt but women have the constitutional right to vote, and I will never vote for a Sixteenth Amendment to guarantee it to them. I voted for both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth under protest; would never have done it but for the pressing emergency of that hour; would have insisted that the power of the original Constitution to protect all citizens in the equal enjoyment of their rights should have been vindicated through the courts. But the newly-made freedmen bad neither the intelligence, wealth nor time to await that slow process. Women do possess all these in an eminent degree, and I insist that they shall appeal to the courts, and through them establish the powers of our American magna charta to protect every citizen of the republic. But, friends, when in accordance with Senator Sumner's counsel I went to the ballot-box, last November, and exercised my citizen's right to vote, the courts did not wait for me to appeal to them-they appealed to me, and in- dicted me on the charge of having voted illegally. Putting sex where he did color, Senator Sumner would have said: Qualifications can not be in their nature permanent or insurmountable. Sex can not be a qualification any more than size, race, color or previous condition of servitude. A perma- nent or insurmountable qualification is equivalent to a deprivation of the suffrage. In other words, it is the tyranny of taxation without representation, against which our Revolu- tionary mothers, as well as fathers, rebelled. For any State to make sex a qualification, which must ever result in the disfranchisement of one entire half of the people, is to pass a bill of at- tainder, an ex post facto law, and is therefore a violation of the supreme 982 APPENDIX. law of the land. By it the blessings of liberty are forever withheld from women and their female posterity. For them, this government has no just powers derived from the consent of the governed. For them this government is not a democracy; it is not a republic. It is the most odious aristocracy ever estab- lished on the face of the globe. An oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor; an oligarchy of learning, where the educated govern the ignorant; or even an oligarchy of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be en- dured; but this oligarchy of sex which makes father, brothers, husband, sons, the oligarchs over the mother and sisters, the wife and daughters of every household; which ordains all men sovereigns, all women subjects-car- ries discord and rebellion into every home of the nation. This most odious aristocracy exists, too, in the face of Section 4, Article IV, which says: “The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of government.” What, I ask you, is the distinctive difference between the inhabitants of a monarchical and those of a republican form of government, save that in the monarchical the people are subjects, helpless, powerless, bound to obey laws made by political superiors; while in the republican the people are citizens, individual sovereigns, all clothed with equal power to make and unmake both their laws and law-makers ? The moment you deprive a person of his right to a voice in the government, you degrade him from the status of a citizen of the republic to that of a subject. It matters very little to him whether his monarch be an individual tyrant, as is the Czar of Russia, or a 15,000,000 headed monster, as here in the United States; he is a powerless subject, serf or slave; not in any sense a free and independent citizen. It is urged that the use of the masculine pronouns he, his and him in all the constitutions and laws, is proof that only men were meant to be included in their provisions. If you insist on this version of the letter of the law, we shall insist that you be consistent and accept the other horn of the dilemma, which would compel you to exempt women from taxation for the support of the government and from penalties for the violation of laws. There is no she or her or hers in the tax laws, and this is equally true of all the criminal laws. Take for example the civil rights law which I am charged with having vio- lated; not only are all the pronouns in it masculine, but everybody knows that it was intended expressly to hinder the rebel men from voting. It reads, “If any person shall knowingly vote without his having a lawful right.” It was precisely so with all the papers served on me—the United States mar- shal's warrant, the bail-bond, the petition for habeas corpus, the bill of in- dictment—not one of them had a feminine pronoun; but to make them appli- cable to me, the clerk of the court prefixed an "s" to the “he” and made “her” out of “his” and “him;' and I insist if government officials may thus manipulate the pronouns to tax, fine, imprison and hang women, it is their duty to thus change them in order to protect us in our right to vote. So long as any classes of men were denied this right, the government made a show of consistency by exempting them from taxation. When a property qualification of $250 was required of black men in New York, they were not compelled to pay taxes so long as they were content to report themselves APPENDIX. 983 worth less than that sum; but the moment the black man died and his prop- erty fell to his widow or daughter, the black woman's name was put on the assessor's list and she was compelled to pay taxes on this same property. This also is true of ministers in New York. So long as the minister lives, he is exempted from taxation on $1,500 of property, but the moment the breath leaves his body, his widow's name goes on the assessor's list and she has to pay taxes on the $1,500. So much for special legislation in favor of women! In all the penalties and burdens of government (except the military) women are reckoned as citizens, equally with men. Also, in all the privi- leges and immunities, save those of the jury and the ballot-box, the founda- tion on which rest all the others. The United States government not only taxes, fines, imprisons and hangs women, but it allows them to pre-empt lands, register ships and take out passports and naturalization papers. Not only does the law permit single women and widows the right of naturaliza- tion, but Section 2 says, “A married woman may be naturalized without the concurrence of her husband;” (I wonder the fathers were not afraid of cre- ating discord in the families of foreigners ;) and again: When an alien, having complied with the law and declared his intention to become a citi- zen, dies before he is actually naturalized, his widow and children shall be considered citizens, entitled to all rights and privileges as such, on taking the required oath. If a foreign born woman by becoming a naturalized citizen is entitled to all the rights and privileges of citizenship, do not these include the ballot which would have belonged to her husband ? If this is true of a naturalized woman, is it not equally true of one who is native born? The question of the masculine pronouns—yes, and nouns too-was settled by the United States Supreme Court, in the case of Silver versus Ladd, De- cember, 1868. The court said: In construing a benevolent statute of the government, made for the benefit of its own citi- zens, inviting and encouraging them to settle on its distant public lands, the words "single man" and "unmarried man" may, especially if aided by the context and other parts of the statute, be taken in a generic sense. Held, accordingly, that the Fourth Section of the Act of Congress, of September 27, 1850, granting by way of donation lands in Oregon Territory to every white settler or occupant, American half-breed Indians included, embraced within the term single man an unmarried woman. Though the words persons, people, inhabitants, electors, citizens, are all used indiscriminately in the national and State constitutions, there was always a conflict of opinion, prior to the war, as to whether they were synony- mous terms, but whatever room there was for doubt, under the old regime, the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment settled that question forever in its first sentence: All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside. The second settles the equal status of all citizens: No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law, or deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 984 APPENDIX. The only question left to be settled now is : Are women persons ? I scarcely believe any of our opponents will have the hardihood to say they are not. Being persons, then, women are citizens, and no State has a right to make any new law, or to enforce any old law, which shall abridge their privileges or immunities. Hence, every discrimination against women in the constitutions and laws of the several States is today null and void, precisely as is every one against negroes. Is the right to vote one of the privileges or immunities of citizens? I think the disfranchised ex-rebels and ex-State prisoners all will agree that it is not only one of them, but the one without which all the others are noth- ing. Seek first the kingdom of the ballot and all things else shall be added, is the political injunction. Webster, Worcester and Bouvier all define citizen to be a person, in the United States, entitled to vote and hold office. Prior to the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment, by which slavery was forever abolished and black men transformed from property to persons, the judicial opinions of the coun- try had always been in harmony with this definition: In order to be a citi- zen one must be a voter. Associate-Justice Washington, in defining the privileges and immunities of the citizen, more than fifty years ago, said: “ They include all such privileges as are fundamental in their nature; and among them is the right to exercise the elective franchise, and to hold office.” Even the Dred Scott decision, pronounced by the Abolitionists and Repub- licans infamous because it virtually declared “black men had no rights white men were bound to respect,” gave this true and logical conclusion, that to be one of the people was to be a citizen and a voter. Chief-Justice Daniels said: There is not, it is believed, to be found in the theories of writers on government, or in any actual experiment heretofore made, an exposition of the term citizen which has not been considered as conferring the actual possession and enjoyment of an entire equality of privi- leges, civil and political. Associate-Justice Taney said: The words “people of the United States” and “citizens” are synonymous terms, and mean the same thing. They both describe the political body, who, according to our repub- lican institutions, form the sovereignty, and who hold the power and conduct the government through their representatives. They are what we familiarly call “the sovereign people,” and every citizen is one of this people, and a constituent member of this sovereignty. Thus does Judge Taney's decision, which was so terrible a ban to the black man while he was a slave, now that he is a person and no longer property, pronounce him a citizen, possessed of entire equality of privileges, civil and political; and not only the black man, but the black woman, and all women. It was not until after the abolition of slavery, by which the negroes became free men and hence citizens, that any contrary opinion was rendered. U. S. Attorney-General Bates then said: The Constitution uses the word "citizen” only to express the political quality, [not equal. ity, mark,] of the individual in his relation to the nation; to declare that he is a member of the body politic, and bound to it by the reciprocal obligations of allegiance on the one side APPENDIX. 985 and protection on the other. The phrase, “a citizen of the United States," without addition or qualification, means neither more nor less than a member of the nation. Then, to be a citizen of this republic is no more than to be a subject of an empire. You and I, and all true and patriotic citizens, must repudiate this base conclusion. We all know that American citizenship, without addition or qualification, means the possession of equal rights, civil and political. We all know that the crowning glory of every citizen of the United States is that he can either give or withhold his vote from every law and every legislator under the government. Did "I am a Roman citizen” mean nothing more than that I am a "mem- ber” of the body politic of the republic of Rome, bound to it by the recipro- cal obligations of allegiance on the one side and protection on the other? When you, young man, shall travel abroad, among the monarchies of the old world, and there proudly boast yourself an “ American citizen," will you thereby declare yourself neither more nor less than a “member" of the American nation? This opinion of Attorney-General Bates, that a black citizen was not a voter, given merely to suit the political exigency of the Republican party in that transition hour between emancipation and enfranchisement, was no less infamous, in spirit or purpose, than was the decision of Judge Taney, that a black man was not one of the people, rendered in the interest and at the be- hest of the old Democratic party in its darkest hour of subjection to the slave power. Nevertheless, all of the adverse arguments, congressional reports and judicial opinions, thus far, have been based on this purely partisan, time- serving decision of General Bates, that the normal condition of the citizen of the United States is that of disfranchisement; that only such classes of citizens as have had special legislative guarantee have a legal right to vote. If this decision of Attorney-General Bates was infamous, as against black men, but yesterday plantation slaves, what shall we pronounce upon Judge Bingham, in the House of Representatives, and Carpenter, in the Senate of the United States, for citing it against the women of the entire nation, vast numbers of whom are the peers of those honorable gentlemen themselves in morals, intellect, culture, wealth, family, paying taxes on large estates, and contributing equally with them and their sex, in every direction, to the growth, prosperity and well-being of the republic? And what shall be said of the judicial opinions of Judges Cartter, Jameson, McKay and Sharswood, all based upon this aristocratic, monarchial idea of the right of one class to govern another ? I am proud to mention the names of the two United States judges who have given opinions honorable to our republican idea, and honorable to them- selves-Judge Howe, of Wyoming Territory, and Judge Underwood, of Vir- ginia. The former gave it as his opinion a year ago, when the legislature seemed likely to revoke the law enfranchising the women of that Territory that, in case they succeeded, the women would still possess the right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. The latter, in noticing the recent decis- ion of Judge Cartter, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, deny- ing to women the right to vote under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- ments, says: 986 APPENDIX. If the people of the United States, by amendment of their Constitution, could expunge, without any explanatory or assisting legislation, an adjective of five letters from all State and local constitutions, and thereby raise millions of our most ignorant fellow-citizens to all of the rights and privileges of electors, why should not the same people, by the same amendment, expunge an adjective of four letters from the same State and local constitu- tions, and thereby raise other millions of more educated and better informed citizens to equal rights and privileges, without explanatory or assisting legislation ? If the Fourteenth Amendment does not secure to all citizens the right to vote, for what purpose was that grand old charter of the fathers lumbered with its unwieldy proportions? The Republican party, and Judges Howard and Bingham, who drafted the document, pretended it was to do something for black men; and if that something were not to secure them in their right to vote and hold office, what could it have been? For by the Thirteenth Amendment black men had become people, and hence were entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the government, precisely as were the women of the country and foreign men not naturalized. According to Asso- ciate-Justice Washington, they already had: Protection of the government, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the right to acquire and possess property of every kind, and to pursue and obtain happiness and safety, subject to such restraints as the government may justly prescribe for the general welfare of the whole; the right of a citizen of one State to pass through or to reside in any other State for the purpose of trade, agriculture, professional pursuit, or otherwise ; to claim the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus, to institute and maintain actions of any kind in the courts of the State; to take, hold, and dispose of property, either real or personal, and an exemption from higher taxes or impositions than are paid by the other citizens of the State. Thus, you see, those newly-freed men were in possession of every possible right, privilege and immunity of the government, except that of suffrage, and hence needed no constitutional amendment for any other purpose. What right in this country has the Irishman the day after he receives his naturaliza- tion papers that he did not possess the day before, save the right to vote and hold office? The Chinamen now crowding our Pacific coast are in precisely the same position. What privilege or immunity has California or Oregon the right to deny them, save that of the ballot? Clearly, then, if the Fourteenth Amendment was not to secure to black men their right to vote it did nothing for them, since they possessed everything else before. But if it was intended to prohibit the States from denying or abridging their right to vote, then it did the same for all persons, white women included, born or naturalized in the United States; for the amendment does not say that all male persons of African descent, but that all persons are citizens. The second section is simply a threat to punish the States by reducing their representation on the floor of Congress, should they disfranchise any of their male citizens, and can not be construed into a sanction to disfranchise female citizens, nor does it in any wise weaken or invalidate the universal guarantee of the first section. However much the doctors of the law may disagree as to whether people and citizens, in the original Constitution, were one and the same, or whether the privileges and immunities in the Fourteenth Amendment include the right of suffrage, the question of the citizen's right to vote is forever settled by the Fifteenth Amendment. “The right of citizens of the United States to APPENDIX. 987 vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude.” How can the State deny or abridge the right of the citizen, if the citizen does not possess it? There is no escape from the conclusion that to vote is the citizen's right, and the specifications of race, color or previous condition of servitude can in no way impair the force of that emphatic assertion that the citizen's right to vote shall not be denied or abridged. The political strategy of the second section of the Fourteenth Amendment failing to coerce the rebel States into enfranchising their negroes, and the necessities of the Republican party demanding their votes throughout the South to ensure the re-election of Grant in 1872, that party was compelled to place this positive prohibition of the Fifteenth Amendment upon the United States and all the States thereof. If once we establish the false principle that United States citizenship does not carry with it the right to vote in every State in this Union, there is no end to the petty tricks and cunning devices which will be attempted to ex- clude one and another class of citizens from the right of suffrage. It will not always be the men combining to disfranchise all women; native born men combining to abridge the rights of all naturalized citizens, as in Rhode Island. It will not always be the rich and educated who may combine to cut off the poor and ignorant; but we may live to see the hard-working, uncultivated day labor- ers, foreign and native born, learning the power of the ballot and their vast ma- jority of numbers, combine and amend State constitutions so as to disfran- chise the Vanderbilts, the Stewarts, the Conklings and the Fentons. It is a poor rule that won't work more ways than one. Establish this precedent, admit the State's right to deny suffrage, and there is no limit to the confusion, discord and disruption that may await us. There is and can be but one safe principle of government-equal rights to all. Discrimination against any class on account of color, race, nativity, sex, property, culture, can but em- bitter and disaffect that class, and thereby endanger the safety of the whole people. Clearly, then, the national government not only must define the rights of citizens, but must stretch out its powerful hand and protect them in every State in this Union. If, however, you will insist that the Fifteenth Amendment's emphatic in- terdiction against robbing United States citizens of their suffrage“ on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude,” is a recognition of the right of either the United States or any State to deprive them of the ballot for any or all other reasons, I will prove to you that the class of citizens for whom I now plead are, by all the principles of our government and many of the laws of the States, included under the term "previous condition of servitude.” Consider first married women and their legal status. What is servitude? “The condition of a slave.” What is a slave?“ A person who is robbed of the proceeds of his labor; a person who is subject to the will of another." By the laws of Georgia, South Carolina and all the States of the South, the negro had no right to the custody and control of his person. He belonged to his master. If he were disobedient, the master had the right to use correc- tion. If the negro did not like the correction and ran away, the master had the right to use coercion to bring him back. By the laws of almost every State in this 988 APPENDIX. Union today, North as well as South, the married woman has no right to the custody and control of her person. The wife belongs to the husband; and if she refuse obedience he may use moderate correction, and if she do not like his moderate correction and leave his " bed and board,” the husband may use moderate coercion to bring her back. The little word “moderate," you see, is the saving clause for the wife, and would doubtless be overstepped should her offended husband administer his correction with the “cat-o'-nine- tails,” or accomplish his coercion with blood-hounds. Again the slave had no right to the earnings of his hands, they belonged to his master; no right to the custody of his children, they belonged to his master; no right to sue or be sued, or to testify in the courts. If he committed a crime, it was the master who must sue or be sued. In many of the States there has been special legislation, giving married women the right to property inherited or received by bequest, or earned by the pursuit of any avocation outside the home; also giving them the right to sue and be sued in matters pertaining to such separate property; but not a single State of this Union has ever secured the wife in the enjoyment of her right to equal ownership of the joint earnings of the marriage copartnership. And since, in the nature of things, the vast majority of married women never earn a dollar by work outside their families, or inherit a dollar from their fathers, it follows that from the day of their marriage to the day of the death of their husbands not one of them ever has a dollar, except it shall please her husband to let her have it. In some of the States, also, laws have been passed giving to the mother a joint right with the father in the guardianship of the children. Twenty-five years ago, when our woman's rights movement commenced, by the laws of all the States the father had the sole custody and control of the children. No mat- ter if he were a brutal, drunken libertine, he had the legal right, without the mother's consent, to apprentice her sons to rumsellers or her daughters to brothel-keepers. He even could will away an unborn child from the mother. In most of the States this law still prevails, and the mothers are utterly powerless. I doubt if there is, today, a State in this Union where a married woman can sue or be sued for slander of character, and until recently there was not one where she could sue or be sued for injury of person. However damaging to the wife's reputation any slander may be, she is wholly powerless to insti- tute legal proceedings against her accuser unless her husband shall join with her; and how often have we heard of the husband conspiring with some outside barbarian to blast the good name of his wife ? A married woman can not testify in courts in cases of joint interest with her husband. A good farmer's wife in Illinois, who had all the rights she wanted, had had made for herself a full set of false teeth. The dentist pronounced them an admirable fit, and the wife declared it gave her fits to wear them. The den- tist sued the husband for his bill; his counsel brought the wife as witness; the judge ruled her off the stand, saying, “A married woman can not be a wit- ness in matters of joint interest between herself and her husband." Think of it, ye good wives, the false teeth in your mouths are a joint interest with your husbands, about which you are legally incompetent to speak! If a mar- APPENDIX. 989 ried woman is injured by accident, in nearly all of the States it is her husband who must sue, and it is to him that the damages will be awarded. In Massa- chusetts a married woman was severely injured by a defective sidewalk. Her husband sued the corporation and recovered $13,000 damages, which belong to him absolutely, and whenever that unfortunate wife wishes a dollar of that money she must ask her husband for it; and if he be of a niggardly nature, she will hear him say, every time, “What have you done with the twenty- five cents I gave you yesterday?” Isn't such a position humiliating enough to be called "servitude ?” That husband sued and obtained damages for the loss of the services of his wife, precisely as he would have done had it been his ox, cow or horse; and exactly as the master, under the old regime, would have recovered for the services of his slave. I submit the question, if the deprivation by law of the ownership of one's own person, wages, property, children, the denial of the right as an individ- ual to sue and be sued and testify in the courts, is not a condition of servitude most bitter and absolute, even though under the sacred name of marriage? Does any lawyer doubt my statement of the legal status of married women? I will remind him of the fact that the common law of England prevails in every State but two in this Union, except where the legislature has enacted special laws annulling it. I am ashamed that not one of the States yet has blotted from its statute books the old law of marriage, which, summed up in the fewest words possible, is in effect “husband and wife are one, and that one the husband.” Thus may all married women and widows, by the laws of the several States, be technically included in the Fifteenth Amendment's specification of “con- dition of servitude,” present or previous. The facts also prove that, by all the great fundamental principles of our free government, not only married women but the entire womanhood of the nation are in a "condition of servi- tude” as surely as were our Revolutionary fathers when they rebelled against King George. Women are taxed without representation, governed without their consent, tried, convicted and punished without a jury of their peers. Is all this tyranny any less humiliating and degrading to women under our democratic-republican government today than it was to men under their aristocratic, monarchial government one hundred years ago ? There is not an utterance of John Adams, John Hancock or Patrick Henry, but finds a living response in the soul of every intelligent, patriotic woman of the nation. Show me a justice-loving woman property-holder, and I will show you one whose soul is fired with all the indignation of 1776 every time the tax- collector presents himself at her door. You will not find one such but feels her condition of servitude as galling as did James Otis when he said: The very act of taxing exercised over those who are not represented appears to me to be depriving them of one of their most essential rights, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire disfranchisement of every civil right. For what one civil right is worth a rush after a man's property is subject to be taken from him at pleasure without his consent? If a man is not his own assessor in person, or by deputy, his liberty is gone, for he is wholly at the mercy of others. What was the three-penny tax on tea or the paltry tax on paper and sugar to which our Revolutionary fathers were subjected, when compared with the 990 APPENDIX. taxation of the women of this republic? And again, to show that disfran- chisement was precisely the slavery of which the fathers complained, allow me to cite Benjamin Franklin, who in those olden times was admitted to be good authority, not merely in domestic but also in political economy: Every man of the commonalty, except infants, insane persons and criminals, is, of common right and the law of God, a freeman and entitled to the free enjoyment of liberty. That lib- erty or freedom consists in having an actual share in the appointment of those who are to frame the laws, and who are to be the guardians of every man's life, property and peace. For the all of one man is as dear to him as the all of another; and the poor man has an equal right, but more need, to have representatives in the legislature than the rich one. They who have no voice or vote in the electing of representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are abso- lutely enslaved to those who have votes and to their representatives; for to be enslaved is to have governors whom other men have set over us, and to be subject to laws made by the rep- resentatives of others, without having had representatives of our own to give consent in our behalf. Suppose I read it with the feminine gender: Women who have no voice or vote in the electing of representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are absolutely enslaved to men who have votes and to their representatives; for to be enslaved is to have governors whom men have set over us, and to be subject to the laws made by the representatives of men, without having representatives of our own to give con- sent in our behalf. And yet one more authority, that of Thomas Paine, than whom not one of the Revolutionary patriots more ably vindicated the principles upon which our government is founded: The right of voting for representatives is the primary right by which other rights are pro- tected. To take away this right is to reduce man to a state of slavery; for slavery consists in being subject to the will of another; and he that has not a vote in the election of repre- sentatives is in this case. The proposal, therefore, to disfranchise any class of men is as criminal as the proposal to take away property. Is anything further needed to prove woman's condition of servitude suf- ficient to entitle her to the guarantees of the Fifteenth Amendment? Is there a man who will not agree with me that to talk of freedom without the ballot is mockery to the women of this republic, precisely as New England's orator, Wendell Phillips, at the close of the late war declared it to be to the newly emancipated black man? I admit that, prior to the rebellion, by common consent, the right to enslave, as well as to disfranchise both native and for- eign born persons, was conceded to the States. But the one grand principle settled by the war and the reconstruction legislation, is the supremacy of the national government to protect the citizens of the United States in their right to freedom and the elective franchise, against any and every interference on the part of the several States; and again and again have the American peo- ple asserted the triumph of this principle by their overwhelming majorities for Lincoln and Grant. The one issue of the last two presidential elections was whether the Four- teenth and Fifteenth Amendments should be considered the irrevocable will of the people; and the decision was that they should be, and that it is not only the right, but the duty of the national government to protect all United States citizens in the full enjoyment and free exercise of their privileges and immunities against the attempt of any State to deny or abridge. In this APPENDIX. 991 conclusion Republicans and Democrats alike agree. Senator Frelinghuysen said: “The heresy of State rights has been completely buried in these amend- ments, and as amended, the Constitution confers not only National but State citizenship upon all persons born or naturalized within our limits.” The call for the National Republican Convention of 1872 said: “Equal suffrage has been engrafted on the National Constitution; the privileges and immunities of American citizenship have become a part of the organic law.” The National Republican platform said: “Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political and public rights, should be established and maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appro- priate State and Federal legislation." L afranc o If. that means anything it is that Congress should pass a law to protect women in their equal political rights, and that the States should enact laws making it the duty of inspectors of elections to receive the votes of women on precisely the same conditions as they do those of men. Judge Stanley Matthews, a substantial Ohio Democrat, in his preliminary speech at the Cincinnati Liberal Convention, said most emphatically: “The constitutional amendments have established the political equality of all citi- zens before the law." President Grant, in his message to Congress, March 30, 1870, on the adop- tion of the Fifteenth Amendment, said, “A measure which makes at once four millions of people voters, is indeed a measure of greater importance than any act of the kind from the foundation of the government to the present time.” How could four million negroes be made voters if two million out of the four were women? The California Republican platform of 1872 said: Among the many practical and substantial triumphs of the principles achieved by the Republican party during the past twelve years, it enumerates with pride and pleasure the prohibiting of any State from abridging the privileges of any citizen of the republic, the declaring the civil and political equality of every citizen, and the establishing all these principles in the Federal Constitution, by amendments thereto, as the permanent law. Benjamin F. Butler, in a recent letter to me, said: “I do not believe any- body in Congress doubts that the Constitution authorizes the right of women to vote, precisely as it authorizes trial by jury and many other like rights guaranteed to citizens." It is upon this just interpretation of the United States Constitution that our National Woman Suffrage Association, which celebrates the twenty-fifth anniversary of the woman's rights movement next May in New York City, has based all its arguments and action since the passage of these amend- ments. We no longer petition legislature or Congress to give us the right to vote, but appeal to women everywhere to exercise their too long neglected “ citizen's right.” We appeal to the inspectors of election to receive the votes of all United States citizens, as it is their duty to do. We appeal to United States commissioners and marshals to arrest, as is their duty, the in- spectors who reject the votes of United States citizens, and leave alone those who perform their duties and accept these votes. We ask the juries to re- 992 APPENDIX. turn verdicts of “not guilty” in the cases of law-abiding United States citi. zens who cast their votes, and inspectors of election who receive and count them. We ask the judges to render unprejudiced opinions of the law, and where- ever there is room for doubt to give the benefit to the side of liberty and equal rights for women, remembering that, as Sumner says, “The true rule of interpretation under our National Constitution, especially since its amend- ments, is that anything for human rights is constitutional, everything against human rights unconstitutional.” It is on this line that we propose to fight our battle for the ballot-peaceably but nevertheless persistently-until we achieve complete triumph and all United States citizens, men and women alike, are recognized as equals in the government. CHAPTER XXV-PAGE 436. NEWSPAPER COMMENT ON MISS ANTHONY'S TRIAL. It is perhaps needless to say that whoever listens candidly to Susan B. Anthony, no matter how he previously regarded her and her sentiments, is certain to respect her and them afterwards.—Geneva Courier. Miss Susan B. Anthony is sharp enough for a successful politician. She is under arrest in Rochester for voting illegally, and is conducting her case in a way which beats even lawyers. She stumped the county of Monroe and spoke in every post-office district so powerfully that she has actually converted nearly the entire male population to the woman suffrage doctrine. The sentiment is so universal that the United States district-attorney dare not trust his case to a jury drawn from that county, and has changed the venue to Ontario. Now Miss Anthony proposes to stump Ontario immediately, and has procured the services of Matilda Joslyn Gage, of Fayetteville, to assist her. By the time the case comes on, Miss Anthony will have Ontario county converted to her doctrine.-Syracuse Standard. If Miss Anthony has converted every man in Monroe county to her views of the suffrage question, as the district-attorney intimates in his recent efforts to have her case adjourned, it is pretty good evidence-unless every man in Monroe county is a fool-that the lady has done no wrong. “Her case," re- marks the Auburn Bulletin, “ will probably be carried over to another term, and all she has to do is to canvass and convert another county. A shrewd woman that! Again we say she ought to yote.”—Rochester Democrat and Chronicle. There is perplexity in the northern district of New York. It was in that jurisdiction that Miss Susan B. Anthony and sundry “erring sisters” voted at the November election. For this they were arrested and indicted. The venue was laid in Monroe county and there the trial was to take place. Miss Anthony then proceeded to stump Monroe county and every town and village thereof, asking her bucolic hearers the solemn conundrum, “Is it a crime for a United States citizen to vote?” The answer is supposed generally to be in the negative, and so convincing is Sister Anthony's rhetoric regarded that it is supposed no jury can be found to convict her. Her case has gone to the jurymen of Monroe, in her own persuasive pleadings, before they are sum- moned. The district-attorney has, therefore, postponed the trial to another term of the court, and changed the place thereof to Ontario county; whereupon the brave Susan takes the stump in Ontario, and personally makes known her woes and wants. It is a regular St. Anthony's dance she leads the district- ANT.—63 (993) 994 APPENDIX. attorney; and, in spite of winter cold or summer heat, she will carry her case from county to county precisely as fast as the venue is changed. One must rise very early in the morning to get the start of this active apostle of the sisterhood.—New York Commercial Advertiser. It seems likely that the decision of the court will be in Miss Anthony's favor. If such be the result the advocates of woman suffrage will change places with the public. They will no longer be forced to obtain hearings from congressional and legislative committees for their claims, but will exercise their right to vote by the authority of a legal precedent against which posi- tive laws forbidding them from voting will be the only remedy. It is a ques- tion whether such laws can be passed in this country. A careful examination of the subject must precede any such legislation, and the inference from the result of Judge Selden's investigation is that the more the subject is studied the less likely will any legislative body be to forbid those women who want to vote from so doing.–New York Evening Post. Miss Susan B. Anthony, whatever else she may be, is evidently of the right stuff for a reformer. Of all the woman suffragists she has the most courage and resource, and fights her own and her sisters' battle with the most wonder- ful energy, resolution and hopefulness. It is well known that she is now un- der indictment for voting illegally in Rochester last November. Voting ille- gally in her case means simply voting, for it is held that women can not law- fully vote at all. She is to be tried soon, but in the meantime, while at large on bail, she has devoted her time to missionary work on behalf of woman suf- frage, and has spoken, it is said, in every post-office district in Monroe county, where her trial would have been held in the natural course of things. She has argued her cause so well that almost all the male population of the county have been converted to her views on this subject. The district-attor- ney is afraid to trust the case to a jury from that county, and has obtained a change of venue to Ontario on the ground that a fair trial can not be had in Monroe. Miss Anthony, rather cheered than discouraged by this unwilling testimony to the strength of her cause and her powers of persuasion, has made arrange- ments to canvass Ontario county as thoroughly as Monroe. Some foolish and bigoted people who edit newspapers are complaining that Miss Anthony's proceedings are highly improper, inasmuch as they are intended to influence the decision of a cause pending in the courts. They even talk about contempt of court, and declare that Miss Anthony should be compelled to desist from making these invidious harangues. We suspect that the courts will not venture to interfere with this lady's speech-making tour, but will be of the opinion that she has the same right which other people, male or female, have to explain her political views and make converts to them if she can. We have never known it claimed before that a person accused of an offense was thereby deprived of the common right of free speech on political and other questions.—Worcester Spy. The vapid efforts of a part of the newspaper press to entertain the public, of late, by descriptions, criticisms and comments, founded upon pretended APPENDIX. 995 interviews with Miss Anthony, reveal a standard of courtesy and truth dis- creditable to the American press, and a meagerness of interesting matter sug- gesting the propriety of the suspension of such sheets altogether. The Pittsburg Leader, among others, disgraces itself by a scurrilous report of what “the gay old girl said to a reporter;" and the New York World, of course, waxed very funny in its account of the late convention. These gibes at Miss Anthony's personal appearance, unwillingness to tell her age, “fishy. eyes,” etc., are read by her friends in Rochester with indignation and with contempt for the press which will publish such misrepresentations as truth. All Rochester will assert-at least all of it worth heeding—that Miss An- thony holds here the position of a refined and estimable woman, thoroughly respected and beloved by the large circle of staunch friends who swear by her common sense and loyalty, if not by her peculiar views. As for her age, she tells it often enough unsolicited, whenever the famous silk dress is al. luded to; the dear old dress that a New York reporter held up as such per- fection of taste and fashion! Anna Dickinson gave that dress to Miss An- thony upon her fiftieth birthday a number of years ago, and the news was in all the papers. That dress is going into history with Commissioner Storrs, Judge Selden and the illustrious rest. It has always been worn by a lady-a genuine lady-no pretense nor sham-but good Quaker metal. She is no "sour old maid,” our Miss Anthony, nor are the young men shy of her when she can find time to accept an invitation out; genial, cheery, warm-hearted, overflowing with stories and reminiscences, utterly fearless and regardless of mere public opinion, yet having a woman's delicate sensitiveness as to any. thing outre in dress or appearance. Our Susan B. Anthony will work up into a charming bit of biography some day without a dull page within the covers, providing, of course, stupidity does not have the writing of it. Never mind what she has been fighting for, and will fight for till the victory is sure, we must all own hers a brave record, and she has already accomplished for her sex much that their scorn and con- tumely did not prevent her striving for. We heard a lady remark after attending the suffrage convention: “No, I am not converted to what these women ad- vocate, I am too cowardly for that; but I am converted to Susan B. An- thony.”—Rochester Evening Express. CHAPTER XXVII–PAGE 472. WOMAN WANTS BREAD, NOT THE BALLOT! Delivered in most of the large cities of the United States, between 1870 and 1880. The speech never was written, and this abstract was prepared from scattered notes and newspaper reports. My purpose tonight is to demonstrate the great historical fact that disfran- chisement is not only political degradation, but also moral, social, educational and industrial degradation; and that it does not matter whether the disfran- chised class live under a monarchial or a republican form of government, or whether it be white workingmen of England, negroes on our southern plantations, serfs of Russia, Chinamen on our Pacific coast, or native born, tax-paying women of this republic. Wherever, on the face of the globe or on the page of history, you show me a disfranchised class, I will show you a degraded class of labor. Disfranchisement means inability to make, shape or control one's own circumstances. The disfranchised must always do the work, accept the wages, occupy the position the enfranchised assign to them. The disfranchised are in the position of the pauper. You remember the old adage, “Beggars must not be choosers;' they must take what they can get or nothing! That is exactly the position of women in the world of work today; they can not choose. If they could, do you for a moment believe they would take the subordinate places and the inferior pay? Nor is it a "new thing under the sun” for the disfranchised, the inferior classes weighed down with wrongs, to declare they“ do not want to vote.” The rank and file are not philosophers, they are not educated to think for themselves, but simply to accept, unquestioned, whatever comes. Years ago in England when the workingmen, starving in the mines and factories, gathered in mobs and took bread wherever they could get it, their friends tried to educate them into a knowledge of the causes of their poverty and degradation. At one of these “ monster bread meetings,” held in Man- chester, John Bright said to them, “Workingmen, what you need to bring to you cheap bread and plenty of it, is the franchise;" but those ignorant men shouted back to Mr. Bright, precisely as the women of America do to us to- day, “It is not the vote we want, it is bread;" and they broke up the meet- ing, refusing to allow him, their best friend, to explain to them the powers of the franchise. The condition of those workingmen was very little above that of slavery. Some of you may remember when George Thompson came over to this country and rebuked us for our crime and our curse of slavery, how the slaveholders and their abettors shouted back to Mr. Thompson, "Look at home, look into your mines and your factories, you have slavery in England.” (996) APPENDIX. 997 You recollect a book published at that time entitled, "The Glory and Shame of England.” Her glory was the emancipation of slaves in the British West Indies, and her shame the degraded and outraged condition of those very miners and factory men. In their desperation, they organized trades unions, went on strike, fought terrible battles, often destroying property and some- times even killing their employers. Those who have read Charles Reade's novel, “ Put Yourself in his Place," have not forgotten the terrible scenes depicted. While those starving men sometimes bettered their condition financially, they never made a ripple on the surface of political thought. No member ever championed their cause on the floor of Parliament. If spoken of at all, it was as our politicians used to speak of the negroes before the war, or as they speak of the Chinese today-as nuisances that ought to be sup- pressed. But at length, through the persistent demands of a little handful of reform- ers, there was introduced into the British Parliament the “household suf- frage” bill of 1867. John Stuart Mill not only championed that bill as it was pre- sented, but moved an amendment to strike out the word "man” and substitute therefor the word " person," so that the bill should read, “every person who shall pay a seven-pound rental per annum shall be entitled to the franchise." You will see that Mr. Mill's motive was to extend the suffrage to women as well as men. But when the vote was taken, only seventy-four, out of the nearly seven hundred members of the British Parliament, voted in its favor. During the discussion of the original bill, the opposition was championed by Robert Lowe, who presented all the stock objections to the extension of the franchise to “those ignorant, degraded workingmen,” as he called them, that ever were presented in this country against giving the ballot to the negroes, and that are today being urged against the enfranchisement of women. Is it not a little remarkable that no matter who the class may be that it is proposed to enfranchise, the objections are always the same ? “The ballot in the hands of this new class will make their condition worse than before, and the introduction of this new class into the political arena will degrade politics to a lower level.” But notwithstanding Mr. Lowe's persist- ent opposition, the bill became a law; and before the session closed, that same individual moved that Parliament, having enfranchised these men, should now make an appropriation for the establishment and support of schools for the education of them and their sons. Now, mark you his reason why! “Unless they are educated,” said he, “they will be the means of overturning the throne of England.” So long as these poor men in the mines and factories had not the right to vote, the power to make and unmake the laws and law-makers, to help or hurt the government, no meas- ure ever had been proposed for their benefit although they were ground under the heel of the capitalist to a condition of abject slavery. But the moment this power is placed in their hands, before they have used it even once, this bitterest enemy to their possessing it is the first man to spring to his feet and make this motion for the most beneficent measure possible in their behalf- public schools for the education of themselves and their children. From that day to this, there never has been a session of the British Parlia- ment that has not had before it some measure for the benefit of the working 998 APPENDIX. classes. Parliament has enacted laws compelling employers to cut down the number of hours for a day's work, to pay better wages, to build decent houses for their employes, and has prohibited the employment of very young children in the mines and factories. The history of those olden times records that not infrequently children were born in the mines and passed their lives there, scarcely seeing the sunlight from the day of their birth to the day of their death. Sad as is the condition of the workingmen of England today, it is infinitely better than it was twenty years ago. At first the votes of the workingmen were given to the Liberal party, because it was the leaders of that party who secured their enfranchisement; but soon the leaders of the Conservative party, seeing the power the workingmen had, began to vie with the Liberals by going into their meetings and pledging that if they would vote the Tory ticket and bring that party into control, it would give them more and better laws even than the Liberals. In 1874 enough workingmen did go over to bring that party to the front, with Disraeli at its head, where it stood till 1880 when the rank and file of the workingmen of England, dissatisfied with Dis- raeli's policy, both domestic and foreign, turned and again voted the Liberal ticket, putting that party in power with Gladstone as its leader. This is the way in which the ballot in the hands of the masses of wage-earners, even un- der a monarchial form of government, makes of them a tremendous balance of power whose wants and wishes the instinct of self-interest compels the po- litical leaders to study and obey. The great distinctive advantage possessed by the workingmen of this repub- lic is that the son of the humblest citizen, black or white, has equal chances with the son of the richest in the land if he take advantage of the public schools, the colleges and the many opportunities freely offered. It is this equality of rights which makes our nation a home for the oppressed of all the monarchies of the old world. And yet, notwithstanding the declaration of our Revolutionary fathers, "all men created equal," "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,” “taxation and representation inseparable”-not- withstanding all these grand enunciations, our government was founded upon the blood and bones of half a million human beings, bought and sold as chattels in the market. Nearly all the original thirteen States had property qualifications which disfranchised poor white men as well as women and negroes. Thomas Jefferson, at the head of the old Democratic party, took the lead in advocating the removal of all property qualifications, as so many violations of the fundamental principle of our government," the right of consent.” In New York the qualification was $250. Martin Van Buren, the chief of the Democracy, was a member of the Constitutional Convention held in Buffalo in 1821, which wiped out that qualification so far as white men were concerned. He declared, “The poor man has as good a right to a voice in the government as the rich man, and a vastly greater need to possess it as a means of protection to himself and his family.” It was because the Demo- crats enfranchised poor white men, both native and foreign, that that strong old party held absolute sway in this country for almost forty years, with only now and then a one-term Whig administration. APPENDIX. 999 In those olden days Horace Greeley, at the head of the Whig party and his glorious New York Tribune, used to write long editorials showing the working- men that they had a mistaken idea about the Democratic party; that it was not so much the friend of the poor man as was the Whig, and if they would but vote the Whig ticket and put that party in power, they would find that it would give them better laws than the Democrats had done. At length, after many, many years of such education and persuasion, the workingmen's vote, native and foreign, was divided, and in 1860 there came to the front a new party which, though not called Whig, was largely made up of the old Whig ele- ments. In its turn this new party enfranchised another degraded class of labor. Because the Republicans gave the ballot to negroes, they have been allied to that party and have held it solid in power from the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, in 1870, to the present day. Until the Democrats convince them that they will do more and better for them than the Repub- licans are doing, there will be no appreciable division of the negro vote. The vast numbers of wage-earning men coming from Europe to this coun- try, where manhood suffrage prevails with no limitations, find themselves invested at once with immense political power. They organize their trades unions, but not being able to use the franchise intelligently, they continue to strike and to fight their battles with the capitalists just as they did in the old countries. Neither press nor politicians dare to condemn these strikes or to demand their suppression because the workingmen hold the balance of power and can use it for the success or defeat of either party. [Miss Anthony here related various timely instances of strikes where force was used to prevent non-union men from taking the places of the strikers, and neither the newspapers nor political leaders ventured to sustain the officials in the necessary steps to preserve law and order, or if they did they were defeated at the next election.] It is said women do not need the ballot for their protection because they are supported by men. Statistics show that there are 3,000,000 women in this na- tion supporting themselves. In the crowded cities of the East they are com- pelled to work in shops, stores and factories for the merest pittance. In New York alone, there are over 50,000 of these women receiving less than fifty cents a day. Women wage-earners in different occupations have organized themselves into trades unions, from time to time, and made their strikes to get justice at the hands of their employers just as men have done, but I have yet to learn of a successful strike of any body of women. The best organized one I ever knew was that of the collar laundry women of the city of Troy, N. Y., the great emporium for the manufacture of shirts, collars and cuffs. They formed a trades union of several hundred members and demanded an increase of wages. It was refused. So one May morning in 1867, each woman threw down her scissors and her needle, her starch-pan and flat-iron, and for three long months not one returned to the factories. At the end of that time they were literally starved out, and the majority of them were compelled to go back, but not at their old wages, for their employers cut them down to even a lower figure. In the winter following I met the president of this union, a bright young Irish girl, and asked her, “Do you not think if you had been 500 carpenters or 1000 APPENDIX. 500 masons, you would have succeeded ??“Certainly,” she said, and then she told me of 200 bricklayers who had the year before been on strike and gained every point with their employers. " What could have made the difference? Their 200 were but a fraction of that trade, while your 500 ab- solutely controlled yours.” Finally she said, “It was because the editors ridiculed and denounced us.” “Did they ridicule and denounce the brick- layers ?” “No.” “What did they say about you ?” “Why, that our wages were good enough now, better than those of any other workingwomen except teachers; and if we weren't satisfied, we had better go and get married.” “What then do you think made this difference?” After studying over the question awhile she concluded, “It must have been because our employers bribed the editors.” “Couldn't the employers of the bricklayers have bribed the editors ?” She had never thought of that. Most people never do think; they see one thing totally unlike another, but the person who stops to inquire into the cause that produces the one or the other is the exception. So this young Irish girl was simply not an exception, but followed the general rule of people, whether men or women; she hadn't thought. In the case of the bricklayers, no editor, either Democrat or Republican, would have accepted the proffer of a bribe, because he would have known that if he denounced or ridiculed those men, not only they but all the trades union men of the city at the next election would vote solidly against the nominees advocated by that editor. If those collar laundry women had been voters, they would have held, in that little city of Troy, the “balance of political power” and the ed- itor or the politician who ignored or insulted them would have turned that balance over to the opposing party. My friends, the condition of those collar laundry women but represents the utter helplessness of disfranchisement. The question with you, as men, is not whether you want your wives and daughters to vote, nor with you, as women, whether you yourselves want to vote; but whether you will help to put this power of the ballot into the hands of the 3,000,000 wage-earning women, so that they may be able to compel politicians to legislate in their favor and em- ployers to grant them justice. The law of capital is to extort the greatest amount of work for the least amount of money; the rule of labor is to do the smallest amount of work for the largest amount of money. Hence there is, and in the nature of things must continue to be, antagonism between the two classes; therefore, neither should be left wholly at the mercy of the other. It was cruel, under the old regime, to give rich men the right to rule poor men. It was wicked to allow white men absolute power over black men. It is vastly more cruel, more wicked to give to all men-rich and poor, white and black, native and foreign, educated and ignorant, virtuous and vicious- this absolute control over women. Men talk of the injustice of monopolies. There never was, there never can be, a monopoly so fraught with injustice, tyranny and degradation as this monopoly of sex, of all men over all women. Therefore I not only agree with Abraham Lincoln that, “No man is good enough to govern another man without his consent;" but I say also that no man is good enough to govern a woman without her consent, and still further, that all men combined in government are not good enough to govern all APPENDIX. 1001 women without their consent. There might have been some plausible excuse for the rich governing the poor, the educated governing the ignorant, the Saxon governing the African; but there can be none for making the husband the ruler of the wife, the brother of the sister, the man of the woman, his peer in birth, in education, in social position, in all that stands for the best and highest in humanity. I believe that by nature men are no more unjust than women. If from the beginning women had maintained the right to rule not only themselves but men also, the latter today doubtless would be occupying the subordinate places with inferior pay in the world of work; women would be holding the higher positions with the big salaries; widowers would be doomed to a “life interest of one-third of the family estate;" husbands would “owe service" to their wives, so that every one of you men would be begging your good wives, “Please be so kind as to 'give me’ ten cents for a cigar.” The prin- ciple of self-government can not be violated with impunity. The individual's right to it is sacred-regardless of class, caste, race, color, sex or any other accident or incident of birth. What we ask is that you shall cease to imagine that women are outside this law, and that you shall come into the knowledge that disfranchisement means the same degradation to your daugh- ters as to your sons. Governments can not afford to ignore the rights of those holding the bal- lot, who make and unmake every law and law-maker. It is not because the members of Congress are tyrants that women receive only half pay and are admitted only to inferior positions in the departments. It is simply in obedience to a law of political economy which makes it impossible for a gov- ernment to do as much for the disfranchised as for the enfranchised. Women are no exception to the general rule. As disfranchisement always has de- graded men, socially, morally and industrially, so today it is disfranchise- ment that degrades women in the same spheres. Again men say it is not votes, but the law of supply and demand which regu- lates wages. The law of gravity is that water shall run down hill, but when men build a dam across the stream, the force of gravity is stopped and the water held back. The law of supply and demand regulates free and enfran- chised labor, but disfranchisement estops its operation. What we ask is the removal of the dam, that women, like men, may reap the benefit of the law. Did the law of supply and demand regulate work and wages in the olden days of slavery? This law can no more reach the disfranchised than it did the enslaved. There is scarcely a place where a woman can earn a single dollar without a man's consent. There are many women equally well qualified with men for principals and superintendents of schools, and yet, while three-fourths of the teachers are women, nearly all of them are relegated to subordinate positions on half or at most two-thirds the salaries paid to men. The law of supply and demand is ignored, and that of sex alone settles the question. If a business man should advertise for a book-keeper and ten young men, equally well qualified, should present themselves and, after looking them over, he should say, "To you who have red hair, we will pay full wages, while to you with black hair we will pay half the regular price;' that would not be a more flagrant viola- 1002 APPENDIX. tion of the law of supply and demand than is that now perpetrated upon women because of their sex. And then again you say, “ Capital, not the vote, regulates labor." Granted, for the sake of the argument, that capital does control the labor of women, Chinamen and slaves; but no one with eyes to see and ears to hear, will con- cede for a moment that capital absolutely dominates the work and wages of the free and enfranchised men of this republic. It is in order to lift the millions of our wage-earning women into a position of as much power over their own labor as men possess that they should be invested with the fran- chise. This ought to be done not only for the sake of justice to the women, but to the men with whom they compete; for, just so long as there is a de- graded class of labor in the market, it always will be used by the capitalists to checkmate and undermine the superior classes. Now that as a result of the agitation for equality of chances, and through the invention of machinery, there has come a great revolution in the world of economics, so that wherever a man may go to earn an honest dollar a woman may go also, there is no escape from the conclusion that she must be clothed with equal power to protect herself. That power is the ballot, the symbol of freedom and equality, without which no citizen is sure of keeping even that which he hath, much less of getting that which he hath not. Women are today the peers of men in education, in the arts and sciences, in the industries and professions, and there is no escape from the conclusion that the next step must be to make them the peers of men in the government -city, State and national-to give them an equal voice in the framing, in- terpreting and administering of the codes and constitutions. We recognize that the ballot is a two-edged, nay, a many-edged sword, which may be made to cut in every direction. If wily politicians and sordid capitalists may wield it for mere party and personal greed; if oppressed wage- earners may invoke it to wring justice from legislators and extort material advantages from employers; if the lowest and most degraded classes of men may use it to open wide the sluice-ways of vice and crime; if it may be the instrumentality by which the narrow, selfish, corrupt and corrupting men and measures rule-it is quite as true that noble-minded statesmen, phil- anthropists and reformers may make it the weapon with which to reverse the above order of things, as soon as they can have added to their now small numbers the immensely larger ratio of what men so love to call “the better half of the people.” When women vote, they will make a new balance of power that must be weighed and measured and calculated in its effect upon every social and moral question which goes to the arbitrament of the ballot- box. Who can doubt that when the representative women of thought and culture, who are today the moral backbone of our nation, sit in counsel with the best men of the country, higher conditions will be the result? Insurrectionary and revolutionary methods of righting wrongs, imaginary or real, are pardonable only in the enslaved and disfranchised. The moment any class of men possess the ballot, it is their weapon and their shield. Men with a yote have no valid excuse for resorting to the use of illegal means to fight their battles. When the masses of wage-earning men are educated into a knowledge of their own rights and of their duties to others, so that they APPENDIX. 1003 are able to vote intelligently, they can carry their measures through the bal- lot-box and will have no need to resort to force. But so long as they remain in ignorance and are manipulated by the political bosses they will continue to vote against their own interests and turn again to violence to right their wrongs. If men possessing the power of the ballot are driven to desperate means to gain their ends, what shall be done by disfranchised women? There are grave questions of moral, as well as of material interest in which women are most deeply concerned. Denied the ballot, the legitimate means with which to exert their influence, and, as a rule, being lovers of peace, they have re- course to prayers and tears, those potent weapons of women and children, and, when they fail, must tamely submit to wrong or rise in rebellion against the powers that be. Women's crusades against saloons, brothels and gam- bling-dens, emptying kegs and bottles into the streets, breaking doors and windows and burning houses, all go to prove that disfranchisement, the denial of lawful means to gain desired ends, may drive even women to violations of law and order. Hence to secure both national and “domestic tranquillity,' to “ establish justice,” to carry out the spirit of our Constitution, put into the hands of all women, as you have into those of all men, the ballot, that symbol of perfect equality, that right protective of all other rights. CHAPTER XXVII–Page 468. SOCIAL PURITY. First delivered at Chicago in the Spring of 1875, in the Sunday afternoon Dime lecture course, Though women, as a class, are much less addicted to drunkenness and licentiousness than men, it is universally conceded that they are by far the greater sufferers from these evils. Compelled by their position in society to depend on men for subsistence, for food, clothes, shelter, for every chance even to earn a dollar, they have no way of escape from the besotted victims of appetite and passion with whom their lot is cast. They must endure, if not endorse, these twin vices, embodied, as they so often are, in the person of father, brother, husband, son, employer. No one can doubt that the suf- ferings of the sober, virtuous woman, in legal subjection to the mastership of a drunken, immoral husband and father over herself and children, not only from physical abuse, but from spiritual shame and humiliation, must be such as the man himself can not possibly comprehend. It is not my purpose to harrow your feelings by any attempt at depicting the horrible agonies of mind and body that grow out of these monster social evils. They are already but too well known. Scarce a family throughout our broad land but has had its peace and happiness marred by one or the other, or both. That these evils exist, we all know; that something must be done, we as well know; that the old methods have failed, that man, alone, has proved himself incompetent to eradicate, or even regulate them, is equally evident. It shall be my endeavor, therefore, to prove to you that we must now adopt new measures and bring to our aid new forces to accomplish the desired end. Forty years' efforts by men alone to suppress the evil of intemperance give us the following appalling figures : 600,000 common drunkards! Which, reckoning our population to be 40,000,000, gives us one drunkard to every seventeen moderate drinking and total-abstinence men. Granting to each of these 600,000 drunkards a wife and four children, we have 3,000,000 of the women and children of this nation helplessly, hopelessly bound to this vast army of irresponsible victims of appetite. [Reference was here made to woman's helplessness under the laws.] The roots of the giant evil, intemperance, are not merely moral and social; they extend deep and wide into the financial and political structure of the government; and whenever women, or men, shall intelligently and seriously set themselves about the work of uprooting the liquor traffic, they will find something more than tears and prayers needful to the task. Financial and (1004) APPENDIX. 1005 political power must be combined with moral and social influence, all bound together in one earnest, energetic, persistent force. [Statistics given of pauperism, lunacy, idiocy and crime growing out of intemperance.] The prosecutions in our courts for breach of promise, divorce, adultery, bigamy, seduction, rape; the newspaper reports every day of every year of scandals and outrages, of wife murders and paramour shootings, of abortions and infanticides, are perpetual reminders of men's incapacity to cope success- fully with this monster evil of society. The statistics of New York show the number of professional prostitutes in that city to be over twenty thousand. Add to these the thousands and tens of thousands of Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, New Orleans, St. Louis, Chicago, San Francisco, and all our cities, great and small, from ocean to ocean, and what a holocaust of the womanhood of this nation is sacrificed to the insatiate Moloch of lust. And yet more: those myriads of wretched women, publicly known as prostitutes, constitute but a small portion of the numbers who actually tread the paths of vice and crime. For, as the oft- broken ranks of the vast army of common drunkards are steadily filled by the boasted moderate drinkers, so are the ranks of professional prostitution continually replenished by discouraged, seduced, deserted unfortunates, who can no longer hide the terrible secret of their lives. The Albany Law Journal, of December, 1876, says: “The laws of infanti- cide must be a dead letter in the District of Columbia. According to the reports of the local officials, the dead bodies of infants, still-born and mur- dered, which have been found during the past year, scattered over parks and vacant lots in the city of Washington, are to be numbered by hundreds." In 1869 the Catholics established a Foundling Hospital in New York City. At the close of the first six months Sister Irene reported thirteen hundred little waifs laid in the basket at her door. That meant thirteen hundred of the daughters of New York, with trembling hands and breaking hearts, try- ing to bury their sorrow and their shame from the world's cruel gaze. That meant thirteen hundred mothers' hopes blighted and blasted. Thirteen hun- dred Rachels weeping for their children because they were not! Nor is it womanhood alone that is thus fearfully sacrificed. For every be- trayed woman, there is always the betrayer, man. For every abandoned woman, there is always one abandoned man and oftener many more. It is estimated that there are 50,000 professional prostitutes in London, and Dr. Ryan calculates that there are 400,000 men in that city directly or indirectly connected with them, and that this vice causes the city an annual expendi- ture of $40,000,000. All attempts to describe the loathsome and contagious disease which it en- genders defy human language. The Rev. Wm. G. Eliot, of St. Louis, says of it: “Few know of the terrible nature of the disease in question and its fearful ravages, not only among the guilty, but the innocent. Since its first recognized appearance in Europe in the fifteenth century, it has been a deso- lation and a scourge. In its worst forms it is so subtle, that its course can with difficulty be traced. It poisons the constitution, and may be imparted to others by those who have no outward or distinguishable marks of it them- 1006 APPENDIX. selves. It may be propagated months and years after it seems to have been cured. The purity of womanhood and the helplessness of infancy afford no certainty of escape.” [Medical testimony given from cities in Europe.] Man's legislative attempts to set back this fearful tide of social corruption have proved even more futile and disastrous than have those for the suppres- sion of intemperance-as witness the Contagious Diseases Acts of England and the St. Louis experiment. And yet efforts to establish similar laws are constantly made in our large cities, New York and Washington barely escap- ing last winter. To license certain persons to keep brothels and saloons is but to throw around them and their traffic the shield of law, and thereby to blunt the edge of all moral and social efforts against them. Nevertheless, in every large city, brothels are virtually licensed. When “Maggie Smith” is made to appear before the police court at the close of each quarter, to pay her fine of $10, $25 or $100, as an inmate or a keeper of a brothel, and allowed to continue her vocation, so long as she pays her fine, that is license. When a grand jury fails to find cause for indictment against a well-known keeper of a house of ill- fame, that, too, is permission for her and all of her class to follow their trade, against the statute laws of the State, and that with impunity. The work of woman is not to lessen the severity or the certainty of the penalty for the violation of the moral law, but to prevent this violation by the removal of the causes which lead to it. These causes are said to be wholly different with the sexes. The acknowledged incentive to this vice on the part of man is his own abnormal passion; while on the part of woman, in the great majority of cases, it is conceded to be destitution-absolute want of the necessaries of life. Lecky, the famous historian of European morals, says: “The statistics of prostitution show that a great proportion of those women who have fallen into it have been impelled by the most extreme poverty, in many instances verging on starvation." All other conscientious students of this terrible problem, on both continents, agree with Mr. Lecky. Hence, there is no escape from the conclusion that, while woman's want of bread in- duces her to pursue this vice, man's love of the vice itself leads him into it and holds him there. While statistics show no lessening of the passional de- mand on the part of man, they reveal a most frightful increase of the tempta- tions, the necessities, on the part of woman. In the olden times, when the daughters of the family, as well as the wife, were occupied with useful and profitable work in the household, getting the meals and washing the dishes three times in every day of every year, doing the baking, the brewing, the washing and the ironing, the whitewashing, the butter and cheese and soap making, the mending and the making of clothes for the entire family, the carding, spinning and weaving of the cloth-when everything to eat, to drink and to wear was manufactured in the home, almost no young women went out to work.” But now, when nearly all these handicrafts are turned over to men and to machinery, tens of thou- sands, nay, millions, of the women of both hemispheres are thrust into the world's outer market of work to earn their own subsistence. Society, ever slow APPENDIX. 1007 to change its conditions, presents to these millions but few and meager chances. Only the barest necessaries, and oftentimes not even those, can be purchased with the proceeds of the most excessive and exhausting labor. Hence, the reward of virtue for the homeless, friendless, penniless woman is ever a scanty larder, a pinched, patched, faded wardrobe, a dank basement or rickety garret, with the colder, shabbier scorn and neglect of the more fortunate of her sex. Nightly, as weary and worn from her day's toil she wends her way through the dark alleys toward her still darker abode, where only cold and hunger await her, she sees on every side and at every turn the gilded hand of vice and crime outstretched, beckoning her to food and clothes and shelter; hears the whisper in softest accents, “Come with me and I will give you all the comforts, pleasures and luxuries that love and wealth can bestow." Since the vast multitudes of human beings, women like men, are not born to the courage or conscience of the martyr, can we wonder that so many poor girls fall, that so many accept material ease and comfort at the expense of spiritual purity and peace ? Should we not wonder, rather, that so many escape the sad fate ? Clearly, then, the first step toward solving this problem is to lift this vast army of poverty-stricken women who now crowd our cities, above the temp- tation, the necessity, to sell themselves, in marriage or out, for bread and shelter. To do that, girls, like boys, must be educated to some lucrative em- ployment; women, like men, must have equal chances to earn a living. If the plea that poverty is the cause of woman's prostitution be not true, per- fect equality of chances to earn honest bread will demonstrate the falsehood by removing that pretext and placing her on the same plane with man. Then, if she is found in the ranks of vice and crime, she will be there for the same reason that man is and, from an object of pity, she, like him, will become a fit subject of contempt. From being the party sinned against, she will be- come an equal sinner, if not the greater of the two. Women, like men, must not only have "fair play” in the world of work and self-support, but, like men, must be eligible to all the honors and emoluments of society and government. Marriage, to women as to men, must be a luxury, not a neces- sity; an incident of life, not all of it. And the only possible way to accom- plish this great change is to accord to women equal power in the making, shaping and controlling of the circumstances of life. That equality of rights and privileges is vested in the ballot, the symbol of power in a republic. Hence, our first and most urgent demand—that women shall be protected in the exercise of their inherent, personal, citizen's right to a voice in the gov- ernment, municipal, state, national. Alexander Hamilton said one hundred years ago, "Give to a man the right over my subsistence, and he has power over my whole moral being.” No one doubts the truth of this assertion as between man and man; while, as between man and woman, not only does almost no one believe it, but the masses of people deny it. And yet it is the fact of man's possession of this right over woman's subsistence which gives to him the power to dictate to her a moral code vastly higher and purer than the one he chooses for himself. Not less true is it, that the fact of woman's dependence on man for her sub- 1008 APPENDIX. sistence renders her utterly powerless to exact from him the same high moral code she chooses for herself, Of the 8,000,000 women over twenty-one years of age in the United States, 800,000, one out of every ten, are unmarried, and fully one-half of the entire number, or 4,000,000, support themselves wholly or in part by the industry of their own hands and brains. All of these, married or single, have to ask man, as an individual, a corporation, or a government, to grant to them even the privilege of hard work and small pay. The tens of thousands of poor but respectable young girls soliciting copying, clerkships, shop work, teach- ing, must ask of men, and not seldom receive in response, “Why work for a living? There are other ways!” Whoever controls work and wages, controls morals. Therefore, we must have women employers, superintendents, committees, legislators; wherever girls go to seek the means of subsistence, there must be some woman. Nay, more; we must have women preachers, lawyers, doctors—that wherever women go to seek counsel-spiritual, legal, physical-there, too, they will be sure to find the best and noblest of their own sex to minister to them. Independence is happiness. “No man should depend upon another; not even upon his own father. By depend I mean, obey without examination- yield to the will of any one whomsoever.” This is the conclusion to which Pierre, the hero of Madame Sand's “Monsieur Sylvestre,” arrives, after run- ning away from the uncle who had determined to marry him to a woman he did not choose to wed. In freedom he discovers that, though deprived of all the luxuries to which he had been accustomed, he is happy, and writes his friend that “without having realized it, he had been unhappy all his life; had suffered from his dependent condition; that nothing in his life, his pleas- ures, his occupations, had been of his own choice.” And is not this the pre- cise condition of what men call the “better half” of the human family? In one of our western cities I once met a beautiful young woman, a success- ful teacher in its public schools, an only daughter who had left her New Eng- land home and all its comforts and luxuries and culture. Her father was a member of Congress and could bring to her all the attractions of Washington society. That young girl said to me, “The happiest moment of my life was when I received into my hand my first month's salary for teaching.” Not long after, I met her father in Washington, spoke to him of his noble daughter, and he said: "Yes, you woman's rights people have robbed me of my only child and left the home of my old age sad and desolate. Would to God that the notion of supporting herself had never entered her head!” Had that same lovely, cultured, energetic young girl left the love, the luxury, the protection of that New England home for marriage, instead of self-support; had she gone out to be the light and joy of a husband's life, instead of her own; had she but chosen another man, instead of her father, to decide for her all her pleasures and occupations; had she but taken another position of dependence, instead of one of independence, neither her father nor the world would have felt the change one to be condemned. . . . Fathers should be most particular about the men who visit their daughters, and, to further this reform, pure women not only must refuse to meet inti- mately and to marry impure men, but, finding themselves deceived in their APPENDIX. 1009 husbands, they must refuse to continue in the marriage relation with them. We have had quite enough of the sickly sentimentalism which counts the woman a heroine and a saint for remaining the wife of a drunken, immoral husband, incurring the risk of her own health and poisoning the life-blood of the young beings that result from this unholy alliance. Such company as ye keep, such ye are! must be the maxim of married, as well as unmarried, women. . . [Numerous instances cited of the unjust discrimination against women where men were equally guilty.] So long as the wife is held innocent in continuing to live with a libertine, and every girl whom he inveigles and betrays becomes an outcast whom no other wife will tolerate in her house, there is, there can be, no hope of solv- ing the problem of prostitution. As long experience has shown, these poor, homeless girls of the world can not be relied on, as a police force, to hold all husbands true to their marriage vows. Here and there, they will fail and, where they do, wives must make not the girls alone, but their husbands also suffer for their infidelity, as husbands never fail to do when their wives weakly or wickedly yield to the blandishments of other men. [Examples given to prove this point.] In a western city the wives conspired to burn down a house of ill-fame in which their husbands had placed a half-dozen of the demi-monde. Would it not have shown much more womanly wisdom and virtue for those legal wives to have refused to recognize their husbands, instead of wreaking their vengeance on the heads of those wretched women ? But how could they without finding themselves, as a result, penniless and homeless? The per- son, the services, the children, the subsistence, of each and every one of those women belonged by law, not to herself, but to her unfaithful husband. Now, why is it that man can hold woman to this high code of morals, like Cæsar's wife—not only pure but above suspicion-and so surely and severely punish her for every departure, while she is so helpless, so powerless to check him in his license, or to extricate herself from his presence and control ? His power grows out of his right over her subsistence. Her lack of power grows out of her dependence on him for her food, her clothes, her shelter. Marriage never will cease to be a wholly unequal partnership until the law recognizes the equal ownership in the joint earnings and possessions. The true relation of the sexes never can be attained until woman is free and equal with man. Neither in the making nor executing of the laws regulating these relations has woman ever had the slightest voice. The statutes for marriage and divorce, for adultery, breach of promise, seduction, rape, bigamy, abortion, infanticide-all were made by men. They, alone, decide who are guilty of violating these laws and what shall be their punishment, with judge, jury and advocate all men, with no woman's voice heard in our courts, save as accused or witness, and in many cases the married woman is denied the poor privilege of testifying as to her own guilt or innocence of the crime charged against her. Since the days of Moses and the prophets, men and ministers have preached ANT.-64 1010 APPENDIX. the law of " visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children and the children's children, to the third and fourth generations.” But with absolute power over woman and all the conditions of life for the whole 6,000 years, man has proved his utter inability either to put away his own iniquities, or to cease to hand them down from generation to generation; hence, the only hope of reform is in sharing this absolute power with some other than him- self, and that other must be woman. When no longer a subject, but an equal—a free and independent sovereign, believing herself created primarily for her own individual happiness and development and secondarily for man's, pre- cisely as man believes himself created first for his own enjoyment and second for that of woman-she will constitute herself sole umpire in the sacred domain of motherhood. Then, instead of feeling it her Christian duty to live with a drunken, profligate husband, handing down to her children his depraved appetites and passions, she will know that God's curse will be upon her and her children if she flee not from him as from a pestilence. It is worse than folly, it is madness, for women to delude themselves with the idea that their children will escape the terrible penalty of the law. The taint of their birth will surely follow them. For pure women to continue to devote themselves to their man-appointed mission of visiting the dark purlieus of society and struggling to reclaim the myriads of badly-born human beings swarming there, is as hopeless as would be an attempt to ladle the ocean with a teaspoon; as unphilosophical as was the undertaking of the old Ameri- can Colonization Society, which, with great labor and pains and money, redeemed from slavery and transported to Liberia annually 400 negroes; or the Fugitive Slave Societies, which succeeded in running off to Canada, on their "under-ground railroads,” some 40,000 in a whole quarter of a century. While those good men were thus toiling to rescue the 400 or the 40,000 indi- vidual victims of slavery, each day saw hundreds and each year thousands of human beings born into the terrible condition of chattelism. All see and admit now what none but the Abolitionists saw then, that the only effectual work was the entire overthrow of the system of slavery; the abrogation of the law which sanctioned the right of property in man. In answer to my proposal to speak in one of the cities of Iowa, an earnest woman replied, “It is impossible to get you an audience; all of our best women are at present engaged in an effort to establish a 'Home for the Friendless.' All the churches are calling for the entire time of their mem- bers to get up fairs, dinners, concerts, etc., to raise money. In fact, even our woman suffragists are losing themselves in devotion to some institution.” Thus, wherever you go, you find the best women, in and out of the churches, all absorbed in establishing or maintaining benevolent or reform institutions; charitable societies, soup-houses, ragged schools, industrial schools, mite societies, mission schools-at home and abroad-homes and hospitals for the sick, the aged, the friendless, the foundling, the fallen; asylums for the orphans, the blind, the deaf and dumb, the insane, the inebriate, the idiot. The women of this century are neither idle nor indifferent. They are work- ing with might and main to mitigate the evils which stare them in the face on every side, but much of their work is without knowledge. It is aimed at the effects, not the cause; it is plucking the spoiled fruit; it is lopping off the APPENDIX. 1011 poisonous branches of the deadly upas tree, which but makes the root more vigorous in sending out new shoots in every direction. A right understand- ing of physiological law teaches us that the cause must be removed; the tree must be girdled; the tap-root must be severed. The tap-root of our social upas lies deep down at the very foundations of society. It is woman's dependence. It is woman's subjection. Hence, the first and only efficient work must be to emancipate woman from her enslave- ment. The wife must no longer echo the poet Milton's ideal Eve, when she adoringly said to Adam, "God, thy law; thou, mine!” She must feel her- self accountable to God alone for every act, fearing and obeying no man, save where his will is in line with her own highest idea of divine law. The president of the Howard Mission School, New York, said, “Miss An- thony, it is a marvel to me that, with so much brain and common sense, you should always devote yourself to mere abstractions. Why is it that you never set yourself about some practical work ?” “Like the Howard Mission ?” said I. “How many less children have you now than ten years ago ?” “Oh, no less, but many, many more.” “Would it not be a practical work, then, to make it possible for every mother to support her own children ? That is my aim and my work; while yours is simply to pick up the poor children, leaving every girl-child to the mother's heritage of helpless poverty and vice. My aim is to change the con- dition of women to self-help; yours, simply to ameliorate the ills that must inevitably grow out of dependence. My work is to lessen the numbers of the poor; yours, merely to lessen the sufferings of their tenfold increase." If the divine law visits the sins of the fathers upon the children, equally so does it transmit to them their virtues. Therefore, if it is through woman's ignorant subjection to the tyranny of man's appetites and passions that the life- current of the race is corrupted, then must it be through her intelligent emanci- pation that the race shall be redeemed from the curse, and her children and children's children rise up to call her blessed. When the mother of Christ shall be made the true model of womanhood and motherhood, when the office of maternity shall be held sacred and the mother shall consecrate herself, as did Mary, to the one idea of bringing forth the Christ-child, then, and not till then, will this earth see a new order of men and women, prone to good rather than evil. I am a full and firm believer in the revelation that it is through woman that the race is to be redeemed. And it is because of this faith that I ask for her immediate and unconditional emancipation from all political, industrial, social and religious subjection. “What is most needed to ensure the future greatness of the empire ?”' in- quired Madame Campan of the great Napoleon. “Mothers!” was the terse and suggestive reply. Ralph Waldo Emerson says, “Men are what their mothers made them.” But I say, to hold mothers responsible for the charac- ter of their sons while you deny them any control over the surroundings of their lives, is worse than mockery, it is cruelty! Responsibilities grow out of rights and powers. Therefore, before mothers can be held responsible for the vices and crimes, the wholesale demoralization of men, they must pos- 1012 APPENDIX. sess all possible rights and powers to control the conditions and circumstances of their own and their children's lives. A minister of Chicago sums up the infamies of that great metropolis of the West as follows: 3,000 licensed dram-shops and myriad patrons; 300 gamb- ling houses and countless frequenters, many of them young men from the best families of the city; 79 obscene theatres, with their thousands of de- graded men and boys nightly in attendance; 500 brothels, with their thou- sands of poor girls, bodies and souls sacrificed to the 20,000 or 30,000 depraved men--young and old, married and single—who visit them. While all the participants in all these forms of iniquity, victims and victimizers alike-the women excepted-may go to the polls on every election day and vote for the mayor and members of the common council, who will either continue to license these places, or fail to enforce the laws which would practically close them- not a single woman in that city may record her vote against those wretched blots on civilization. The profane, tobacco-chewing, whiskey-drinking, gamb- ling libertines may vote, but not their virtuous, intelligent, sober, law-abiding wives and mothers! You remember the petition of 18,000 of the best women of Chicago, a year ago, asking the common council not to repeal the Sunday Liquor Law? Why were they treated with ridicule and contempt? Why was their prayer un- heeded ? Was it because the honorable gentlemen had no respect for those women or their demand ? No; on the contrary, many of them, doubtless, were men possessed of high regard for women, who would have been glad to aid them in their noble efforts; but the power that placed those men in office, the representatives of the saloons, brothels and obscene shows, crowded the council chamber and its corridors, threatening political death to the man who should dare give his voice or his vote for the maintenance of that law. Could those 18,000 women, with the tens of thousands whom they represented, have gone to the ballot-box at the next election and voted to re-elect the men who championed their petition, and defeat those who opposed it, does any one doubt that it would have been heeded by the common council ? As the fountain can rise no higher than the spring that feeds it, so a legis- lative body will enact or enforce no law above the average sentiment of the people who created it. Any and every reform work is sure to lead women to the ballot-box. It is idle for them to hope to battle successfully against the monster evils of society until they shall be armed with weapons equal to those of the enemy-votes and money. Archimedes said, “ Give to me a fulcrum on which to plant my lever, and I will move the world.” And I say, give to woman the ballot, the political fulcrum, on which to plant her moral lever, and she will lift the world into a nobler and purer atmosphere. Two great necessities forced this nation to extend justice and equality to the negro: First, Military necessity, which compelled the abolition of the crime and curse of slavery, before the rebellion could be overcome. Second, Political necessity, which required the enfranchisement of the newly-freed men, before the work of reconstruction could begin. The third is now pressing, Moral necessity-to emancipate woman, before Social Purity, the nation's safeguard, ever can be established. CHAPTER XXXV–PAGE 642. OPEN LETTER TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, Republican Nominee for President. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., June 30, 1888. DEAR SIR: We, representatives of the National Woman Suffrage Associa- tion, respectfully ask you to consider the following facts: The first plank in the platform adopted by the Republican convention recently held in Chicago, entitled “The Purity of the Ballot,” reaffirms the unswerving devotion of the Republican party to the personal rights and lib- erties of citizens in all the States and Territories of the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted.” And again the platform says: “We hold the free and honest popular ballot, and the just and equal representation of all the people, to be the foundation of our republican government." These declarations place the Republican party in its original attitude as the defender of the personal freedom and political liberties of all citizens of the United States. These sentiments, even the phraseology in which they are here expressed, may be found in every series of resolutions adopted by the National Woman Suffrage Association since its organization. The advocates of woman suffrage would have been glad to see the phrase “male or female” inserted after the phrase "white or black” in the resolu- tion above quoted, because this would be a fitting conclusion to the enumera- tion by antithesis of the classes into which citizens are divided. However, no enumeration of classes was necessary to explain or to enforce the declara- tion of the party's devotion to “the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted.” It is the unimpeded exercise of this “supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen” which the women we represent demand. That women are “lawful citizens” is undeniable, since the law recognizes them as such through the visits of the assessor and tax-gatherer; since it recognizes them as such in the police stations, the jails, the courts and the prisons. Only at the ballot-box is the lawful citizenship of women chal- lenged! Only at the ballot-box, which is declared to be the sole safe-guard of the citizen's liberty-only there is the liberty of the female citizen de- nied. But reverting to the first resolution in the Republican platform, so satis- factory in its sentiments, we beg to suggest that its value will depend solely upon its interpretation, and that its authoritative interpretation must be given by the leaders of the Republican party. Therefore to you, the chosen (1013) 1014 APPENDIX. head of that party, we address ourselves, asking that your letter of accept- ance of the nomination to the presidency of the United States be so framed as to indicate clearly your recognition of the fact that the Republican party has pledged itself to protect every citizen in the free exercise of “the supreme and sovereign right” to vote at public elections. It appears to us that the application of Republican principles which we seek must be in harmony with your own inherited tendencies. One familiar with the history of the English-speaking people, during the last two and a half centuries, with their struggles for conscience, and freedom's sake, must deem it a matter of course that by this time the sense of individual respon- sibility has become strong even in the hearts of women; and the descendant of one who in the name of individual liberty stood with Cromwell against the “divine right of kings” and the tyranny consequent upon that obnox- ious doctrine, can not be surprised to find himself appealed to by his country- women, in that same sacred name, to stand with the most enlightened portion of his party--with such men as Morton, Sumner and Lincoln-against the divine right of sex and the political tyranny involved in this doctrine, which in a republic presents such an anomaly. Hoping that the question suggested by this appeal will command from you the attention which its importance merits, we subscribe ourselves, Yours with high esteem, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Vice-President-at-Large N. W. S. A. MAY WRIGHT SEWALL, Chairman Executive Committee N. W. S. A. CHAPTER XLIII–PAGE 785. DEMAND FOR PARTY RECOGNITION. Delivered in Kansas City at the opening of the campaign, May 4, 1894. I come to you tonight not as a stranger, not as an outsider but, in spirit and in every sense, as one of you. I have been connected with you by the ties of relationship for nearly forty years. Twenty-seven years ago I canvassed this entire State of Kansas in your first woman suffrage campaign. During the last decade I have made a speaking tour of your congressional districts over and over again. Now I come once more to appeal to you for justice to the women of your State. To preface, I want to say that when the rebellion broke out in this country, we of the woman suffrage movement postponed our meetings, and organized ourselves into a great National Women's Loyal League with headquarters in the city of New York. We sent out thousands of petitions praying Congress to abolish slavery, as a war measure, and to these petitions we obtained 365,000 signatures. They were presented by Charles Sumner, that noblest Republi- can of them all, and it took two stalwart negroes to carry them into the Sen- ate chamber. We did our work faithfully all those years. Other women scraped lint, made jellies, ministered to sick and suffering soldiers and in every way worked for the help of the government in putting down that rebellion. No man, no Republican leader, worked more faithfully or loyally than did the women of this nation in every city and county of the North to aid the government. In 1865 I made my first visit to Kansas and, on the 2d of July, went by stage from Leavenworth to Topeka. O, how I remember those first acres and miles of cornfields I ever had seen; how I remember that ride to Topeka and from there in an open mail wagon to Ottumwa, where I was one of the speakers at the Fourth of July celebration. Those were the days, as you recollect, just after the murder of Lincoln and the accession to the presidential chair of Andrew Johnson, who had issued his proclamation for the reconstruction of Mississippi. So the question of the negro's enfranchisement was uppermost in the minds of leading Republicans, though no one save Charles Sumner had dared to speak it aloud. In that speech, I clearly stated that the govern- ment never would be reconstructed, that peace never would reign and justice never be uppermost until not only the black men were enfranchised but also the women of the entire nation. The men congratulated me upon my speech, the first part of it, every word I said about negro suffrage, but de- clared that I should not have mentioned woman suffrage at so critical an hour. A little later the Associated Press dispatch came that motions had been made on the floor of the House of Representatives at Washington to insert (1015) 1016 APPENDIX. the word “male" in the second clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. You remember the first clause, “ All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens.” That was magnificent. Every woman of us saw that it included the women of the nation as well as black men. The second section, as Thaddeus Stevens drew it, said, “If any State shall disfranchise any of its citizens on account of color, all that class shall be counted out of the basis of representation;" but at once the enemy asked, “Do you mean that if any State shall disfranchise its negro women, you are going to count all of the black race out of the basis of repre- sentation?" And weak-kneed Republicans, after having fought such a glori- ous battle, surrendered; they could not stand the taunt. Charles Sumner said he wrote over nineteen pages of foolscap in order to keep the word "male" out of the Constitution; but he could not do it so he with the rest subscribed to the amendment: “If any State shall disfranchise any of its MALE citizens all of that class shall be counted out of the basis of representa- tion." There was the first great surrender and, in all those years of reconstruction, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the great leader of our woman suffrage movement, declared that because the Republicans were willing to sacrifice the entran- chisement of the women of the nation they would lose eventually the power to protect the black man in his right to vote. But the leaders of the Repub- lican party shouted back to us, “Keep silence, this is the negro's hour.” Even our glorious Wendell Phillips, who said, “To talk to a black man of freedom without the ballot is mockery," joined in the cry, “This is the negro's hour;" but we never yielded the point that, “To talk to women of freedom without the ballot is mockery also.” But timidity, cowardice and want of principle carried forward the reconstruction of the government with the women left out. Then came in 1867 the submission by your Kansas legislature of three amendments to your constitution: That all men who had served in the rebel army should be disfranchised; that all black men should be enfranchised; and that all women should be enfranchised. The Democrats held their State convention and resolved they would have nothing to do with that “modern fanaticism of woman's rights.” The Germans held a meeting in Lawrence, and denounced this "new-fangled idea.” The Republicans held their State convention and resolved to be “neutral.” And they were neutral precisely as England was neutral in the rebellion. While England declared neutrality, she allowed the Shenandoah, the Alabama and other pirate ships to be fitted up in her ports to maraud the seas and capture American vessels. The fact was not a single stump speaker appointed by the Republican committee ad- vocated the woman suffrage amendment and, more than this, all spoke against it. Then, of course, we had to make a woman suffrage campaign through the months of September and October. We did our best. Everywhere we had splendid audiences and I think we had a larger ratio of men in those olden times than we have nowadays. Election day came, that 5th day of APPENDIX. 1017 November, 1867, when 9,070 men voted yes, and over 18,000 voted no. On the negro suffrage amendment, 10,500 voted yes and the remainder voted no. Both amendments were lost. All the political power of the national and State Republican party was brought to bear to induce every man to vote for negro suffrage; on the other hand, all the enginery and power of the Repub- lican, as well as of the Democratic party, were against us; and many were so ignorant they absolutely believed that to vote for woman suffrage was to vote against the negro. It was exactly like declaring here tonight that if every woman in this house should fill her lungs with oxygen, she would rob all you men of enough to fill yours. Nobody is robbed by letting everybody have equal rights. Since 1867 seven other States have submitted the question. Let me run them over. [Miss Anthony then gave a graphic description of the campaigns in Michigan, 1874; Colo- rado, 1877; Nebraska, 1882; Oregon, 1884; Rhode Island, 1886; Washington, 1889; South Dakota, 1890; all of which failed for lack of support from the political platforms, editors and speakers.] But at last in Colorado, in the second campaign, we won by the popular vote, gained through party endorsement, the enfranchisement of women. During the summer of 1893 nearly every Republican and Populist and not a few Democratic county conventions put approving planks in their platforms. When the fall campaign opened every stump orator was authorized to speak favorably upon the subject; no man could oppose it unless he ran counter to the principles laid down in his party platform. That made it a truly educa- tional campaign to all the voters of the State. A word to the wise is suffi- cient. Let every man who wants the suffrage amendment carried, demand a full and hearty endorsement of the measure by his political party, be it Dem- ocrat, Republican, Populist or Prohibition, so that Kansas shall win as did her neighbor State, Colorado. The Republicans of Kansas made the Prohibition amendment a party measure in 1880. After they secured the law they had planks in their plat- form for its enforcement from year to year, until they were tired of fighting the liquor dealers, backed by the Democrats in the State and on the borders. They wearied of being taunted with the fact that they had not the power to enforce the law. Then in 1887 they gave municipal suffrage to women as a sheer party necessity. Just as much as it was a necessity of the Republicans in reconstruction days to enfranchise the negroes, so was it a political neces- sity in the State of Kansas to enfranchise the women, because they needed a new balance of power to help them elect and re-elect officers who would enforce the law. Where else could they go to get that balance ? Every man in the State, native and foreign, drunk and sober, outside of the peni- tentiary, the idiot and lunatic asylums, already had the right to vote. They had nobody left but the women. As a last resort the Republicans, by a straight party vote, extended municipal suffrage to women. This political power was put into the hands of the women of this State by the old Republican party with its magnificent majorities—82,000, you remem- ber, the last time you bragged. It was before you had the quarrel and 1018 APPENDIX. division in the family; it was by that grand old party, solid as it was in those bygone days! Last year, and two years ago, after the People's party was organized, when their State convention was held, and also when the Republican convention was held, each put a plank in its platform declaring that the time had come for the submission of a proposition for full suffrage to women. What then could the women infer but that such action meant political help in carrying this amendment ? If I had not believed this I never would have come to the State and given my voice in twenty-five or thirty political meetings, reminding the Republicans what a grand and glorious record they had made, not only in the enfranchisement of the black men but in furnishing all the votes on the floor of Congress ever given for women's enfranchisement there, and in extending municipal suffrage to the women of Kansas. I have vowed, from the time I began to see that woman suffrage could be carried only through party help, that I never would lend my influence to either of the two dominant parties that did not have a woman suffrage plank in its platform. I consider, by every pledge of the past, by the passage of the resolution through the legislature when the representatives of the two parties, the People's and Republican, vied with each other to see who would give the largest majority, that both promised to make this a party measure and I speak tonight to the two parties as the old Republican party. You are not the same men altogether, but you are the descendants, the children, of that party; and I am here tonight, and have come all the way from my home, to beg you to stand by the principles which have made you great and strong, and to finish the work you have so nobly begun. The Republicans are to have their State convention the 6th of June. I shall be ashamed if the telegraph wires flash the word over the country, “No pledge for the amendment,” as was flashed from the Republican League the other day. Should this happen, as I have heard intimated, and there is a woman in the State of Kansas who has any affiliation with the Republican party, any sympathy with it, who will float its banner after it shall have thus failed to redeem its pledge, I will disown her; she is not one of my sort. The Populist convention is to be held the 12th of June. If it should shirk its responsibility, and not put a strong suffrage plank in its platform, pledging itself to use all its educational powers and all its party machinery to carry the amendment, then I shall have no respect for any woman who will speak or work for its success. The Democrats have declared their purpose. They are going to fight us. What does the good Book say? “He that is not for me is against me.” We know where the Democratic party is, it is against us. If the Republican and People's parties say nothing for us, they say and do everything against us. No plank will be equivalent to saying to every woman suffrage Republican and Populist speaker, “You must not advocate this amendment, for to do so will lose us the whisky vote, it will lose us the foreign vote.” Hence, no plank means no word for us, and no word for us means no vote for us. But while no word can be spoken in favor, every campaign orator, as in 1867, is free to speak in opposition. Men of the Republican party, it comes your time first to choose whom you APPENDIX. 1019 will have for your future constituents, to make up the bone and sinew of your party; whether you will have the most ignorant foreigners, just landed on our shores, who have not learned a single principle of free government-or the women of your own households; whether you will lose to-day a few votes of the high license or the low license Republicans, foreign or native, black or white, as the case may be, and gain to yourselves hereafter the votes of the women of the State. These are the alternatives. It has been stated that you can not have a suffrage plank in the Republican platform in Saline county because it would lose the votes of the Scandinavians. Will those 1,000 Scandinavian men be of more value to the Republicans than will be the votes of their own wives, mothers, daughters and sisters in all the years to come? The crucial moment is upon you now, and I say unto you, men of both parties, you will have driven the last nail in the coffin of this amendment and banished all hope of carrying it at the ballot-box if you do not incor- porate woman suffrage in your platforms. I know what the party managers will say, I have talked with and heard from many of them. I read Mr. Mor- rill's statement that “this question should go to the ballot-box on its merits and should not be spoken of in the political meetings or made a party measure.” The masses are rooted and grounded in the old beliefs in the inferiority and subjection of women, and consider them born merely to help man carry out his plans and not to have any of their own. Now, friends, because this is true, because no man believes in political equality for woman, except he is educated out of every bigotry, every prejudice and every usage that he was born into, in the family, in the church and in the state, so there can be no hope of the rank and file of men voting for this amendment, until they are taught the principles of justice and right; and there is no possibility that these men can be reached, can be educated, through any other instrumen- tality than that of the campaign meetings and campaign papers of the politi- cal parties. Therefore, when you say this is not to be a political question, not to be in your platform, not to be discussed in your meetings, not to be advocated in your papers, you make it impossible for its merits to be brought before the voters. Who are the men that come to our women's meetings? We have just finished the tour of the sixty counties in the State of New York. We had magnificent gatherings, composed of people from the farthest townships in the county, and in many of them from every township, with the largest opera houses packed, hundreds going away who could not get in. Our audiences have been five-sixths women, and the one man out of the six, who was he? A man who already believed there was but one means of salvation for the race or the country, and that was through the political equality of women, mak- ing them the peers of men in every department of life. How are we going to reach the other five-sixths of the men who never come to women's meetings? There is no way except through the political rallies which are attended by all men. Now if you shut out of these the discussion of this question, then I say the fate of this amendment is sealed. Even if it were possible to reach the men through separate meetings, the 1020 APPENDIX. women of Kansas can not carry on a fall campaign. They can not get the money to do it unless you men furnish it. Our eastern friends have already contributed to the extent of their ability to hold these spring meetings, and you very well know that after the husbands shall have paid their party assess- ments there will be nothing left for them to “ give to their wives” to defray the expenses of a woman suffrage campaign. Therefore, no discussion in the regular political meetings means no discussion anywhere. But suppose there were plenty of money, and there could be a most thorough fall campaign, what then ? Why, the same old story of “women talking to women,” not one of whom can vote on the question. Again, with what decency can either of the parties ask women to come to their political meetings to expound Populist or Republican doctrines after they have set their heels on the amendment? Do you not see that if it will lose votes to the parties to have the plank, it will lose votes to allow women to advocate the amendment on their platforms? And what a spectacle it would be to see women pleading with men to vote for the one or the other party, while their tongues were tied on the question of their own right to vote! Heaven and the Republican and Populist State Conventions spare us such a dire humiliation ! But should the Republicans refuse to insert the plank on June 6 and the Populists put a good solid one in their platform on June 12, what then? Do you suppose all the women in the State would shout for the Republicans and against the Populists? Would they pack the Republican meetings, where no word could be spoken for their liberty, and leave the benches empty in the Populist meetings where at every one hearty appeals were made to vote for woman's enfranchisement ? My dear friends, woman surely will be able to see that her highest interest, her liberty, her right to a voice in government, is the great issue of this campaign, and overtops, outweighs, all material questions which are now pending between the parties. I know you think your Kansas men are going to vote on this amendment independently of party endorsement. You are no more sanguine today than were the men and women, myself included, in 1867, that those Free State men, who had given up every comfort which human beings prize for the sake of liberty, who had fought not only through the border ruffian warfare but through the four years of the rebellion, would vote freedom to the heroic women of Kansas. Where would you ever expect to find a majority more ready to grant to women equal rights than among those old Free State men ? You have not as glorious a generation of men in Kansas today as you had in 1867. I do not wish to speak disparagingly, but in the nature of things there can not be another race of men as brave as those. If you had told me then that a majority of those men would have gone to the ballot-box and voted against equal rights for women, I should have defended them with all my power; but they did it, two to one. Do you mean to repeat the experiment of 1867 ? If so, do not put a plank in your platform; just have a “still hunt.” Think of a “still hunt” when it must be necessarily a work of education! My friends, I know enough of this State, to feel that it is worth saving. I have given more time and money and effort to Kansas than to any other State in the Union, because I wanted APPENDIX. 1021 it to be the first to make its women free. Women of Kansas, all is lost if you sit down and supinely listen to politicians and candidates. Both reckon what they will lose or what they will gain. They study expediency rather than principle. I appeal to you, men and women, make the demand imperative: “The amendment must be endorsed by the parties and advocated on the platform and in the press.” Let me propose a resolution: WHEREAS, From the standpoint of justice, political expediency and grateful appreciation of their wise and practical use of school suffrage from the organization of the State, and of municipal suffrage for the past eight years, we, Republicans and Populists, descendants of that grand old party of splendid majorities which extended these rights to the women of Kansas, in mass meeting assembled do hereby Resolve, That we urgently request our delegates in their approaching State conventions to endorse the woman suffrage amendment in their respective platforms. [The resolution was adopted by a unanimous vote.] That vote fills my soul with joy and hope. Now I want to say to you, my good friends, I never would have made a 1,500 mile journey hither to appeal to the thinking, justice-loving men of Kansas. They already are converted, but they are a minority. We have to consider those whose votes can be ob- tained only by that party influence and machinery which politicians alone know how to use. This hearty response is a pledge that you will demand of your State conventions that the full power of this political machinery shall be used to carry the woman suffrage amendment to victory. INDEX.* AARON, RABBI, addresses suff. con., 762. ABBE, MRS. ROBT., petit. for wom. suff., 764. ABBOTT, Rev. LYMAN, opp. wom, suff., 766. ABBOTT, MRS. LYMAN, remonstrant agnst. wom. suff., 766. ADAMS, ABIGAIL, demands ballot, 475. ALBRO, ATTILIA, 71. ALCOTT, A. BRONSON, approves wom.suff., 251; at A.'s lect. in Chicago, 468; sends A. compli. ticket to Concord School Philos., 510; spks. at suff. con., 533; 563; death, 645. ALCOTT, LOUISA MAY, 645. ALDRIDGE, GEO. W., orders A.'s face carved in Capitol at Albany, 949. ALFORD, MR., signs minority res. for wom. suff., 873. ALLEN, MR. and MRS., 404. ALLEN, ETHAN, 4. ALLEN, JOHN B., SEN., introd. suff. res., 718. ALMY, MARTHA R., work for wom. suff. amend., 760. AMES, BLANCHE BUTLER, 381. AMES, REV. CHARLES G., 394; welcomes suff. con. Phil., 541; 547. AMES, MRS. CHAs. G., 394. AMES, OAKES, endorses suffrage, 284. AMES, SARAH FISHER, 342. ANDERSON, MARY, 733. ANDERSON, PRESIDENT M. B., tribute to A., 471; 558. ANDERSON, NAOMI, spks. for wom. suff., 875. ANDREWS, STEPHEN PEARL, res. at con., 384. ANGLE, JAMES L., favors legal rights for women, 110. ANNEKE, MME. MATHILDE, first appearance in suff, work, 103; 327; 446. ANTHONY, ALBERT, 940. ANTHONY, ANCESTORS, William, Derrick, Francis, John, John, Jr., Abraham, Will- iam, William, Jr., David, 3. ANTHONY, ANNA O., 552. ANTHONY, CHARLES, 71. ANTHONY, D., father of Susan B., born, 4; sent to "Nine Partners'” school, testimonials, 8; teaches home school, 9; falls in love, 10; marries, Quakers forgive, wedding trip, builds home and cotton factory, 11; re- moves to Battenville, N. Y., 17; refuses to sell liquor or allow employes to use it, 18; looks after welfare of employes, 19; criti- cised by Quakers for dress, 20; liberal family discipline, 21; objects to music, 23; wealth, 24; advises daughters to teach, 24; postmaster, 25; letters on financ. panic, Van Buren, Wash., New York, agony over business failure, 33; removes to Hard- scrabble (Center Falls), strug. for existence, 35; allows dancing school to meet in his house, 36; turned out of Quaker Soc., grows more liberal, refuses to pay taxes, sup- ports the Union, 37; cuts timber in moun- tains, wife stays with him, goes to Vir- ginia, Mich., N. Y., looking for new loca- tion, buys farm near Roch., 45; arrives in Roch., takes family out to farm, house put in order, 47; neighbors, abolition meet., Sunday morning work, farm work, goes into N. Y. Life Ins. Co., 48; did not vote till 1860, 61; signs call for wom, temp. con., 67; on woman's need of ballot, 85; advises A. to preserve press notices, 125; sustains A. in defending wronged mother, 204; death, love of family, character, 223; belonged to Henry Clay sch. of protect., 793; site of old mill, 947. ANTHONY, D. R., born, 12; clerking at Lenox, 46; makes first speech, 121; letters from Kan. in 1857, 157; elect, mayor Leav., 231; marriage, 235; on plat. at G. F. Train's sp. in Leav., 287; praises Train, 290; offers to assist Revolution, but urges A. to provide for own future, 355; shot, 470; strug. for life, 471; gives A. R. R. passes, 492; schoolmate Pres. Arthur, 538; farewell tele. to A. on depart. for Europe, 548; loses children, nom- inated for mayor, 649; defeat, 650; 672; pres- ent to A., 707; 711 ; demands wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Rep. plat., 786; furnishes passes to A. 30 yrs., 796; at Berk. Hist. meet., grand- mother stopped cotton looms by rinsing mop, 944; Anthony reunion, 946; to A. on 50th birthday, 974. * Lists of names not included in index will be found in footnotes on pp. 284, 327, 353, 566, 590, 621, 772. (1023) 1024 INDEX. ANTHONY, MRS. D. R., 649; 711. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; 896; goes to ANTHONY, D. R., JR., describes A. in Ann Ar Des Moines con. 901; 70th birthday, 914; bor, 658; A. sends tele. on wed. day, 923. acct. Roch. Herald, suff. pioneer, teacher, ANTHONY, ELIZA TEFFT, 12; 23. pres. Pol. Equal. Club, helper to sister, ANTHONY, GUELMA (see McLean). Chron. description recep., 915; presents, ANTHONY, HANNAH, 1st (see Hoxie). trib. Rev. W. C. Gannett, 916; financial re- ANTHONY, HANNAH, 2d (see Mosher). spons. of household, 933; 934; 935; Anthony ANTHONY, HANNAH LAPHAM, 4; religion, reunion, 946; let. to A. on 50th birthday, 976. dowry, dress, 6; domestic qualities, 7. ANTHONY, MAUDE, 552; trip with A., 653. ANTHONY, SENATOR HENRY B., reports in fa- ANTHONY, SARAH (see Burtis). vor wom. suff., 543; reports in favor wom. ANTHONY, MAJOR SCOTT, 247. suff., 590; 591; praises Hist. Wom. Suff., 614. ANTHONY, SUSAN B., born, 12; precocity, 13; ANTHONY, HUMPHREY, business ambition, 4; childish recollections, 14; works two weeks objects to brother's taking father away, 7; in father's factory, 20; attacked by dog, thinks higher education unnecessary, 8; at 21; early schooling, fine needlework, 22; A.'s lecture, 129. . teaches home school, 23; teaches at Easton ANTHONY, J. MERRITT, born, 12; A. advises and Reid's Corners, goes to boarding- shd. have own money, 133; fights at Osawa school, 24; stilted literary style, 25; board- tomie, 144; nurses brother, 471; Anthony ing-school lets., 25, 26, 27; extracts from reunion, 946. diary, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31; leaves school, ANTHONY, JUDITH HICKS, 3. teaches in Union Village, sorrow at leav- ANTHONY, LOTTIE B., registers and votes, 424. ing home, 34; last schooldays, 35; house- ANTHONY, LUCY E., childhood, 214; lives in work, criticises worldly dress, 36; trip home of A., 513; 552; 659; present to A., 812; by boat, 37; shocked at slavery discus- Miss Shaw's sec., arranges county cons. sion, enjoys debate on religion, beaux, in Calif. campn., 863; successful results, dreams of marriage, objects to poem 864; at wom, suff. headqrs., 875; 916. on love, dislikes bachelors, 38; girls mar- ANTHONY, LUCY READ, mother of Susan B., ry lunatics, teaches in boarding-school born, 4; early training, 6; playmate and at New Rochelle, tells of severe medical pupil of Daniel Anthony, 9; hesitates to methods, defends colored people, objects marry Quaker, fond of music, learns to to their treatment by Friends, 39; likes love Friends' religion, 10; birth of children, women preachers, criticises uncle for drink- life's realities, modesty, 12; entertains ing, describes medical practice, 40; criti- Quaker preachers, boards employes, 19; cises reception to Pres. Van Buren and shut out of Quaker business meet., 20; cares scores him, 41; silkworm culture, remem- for father and mother, 23; grief at losing brances to family, 42; school closes, small child, parents and home, 35; sorrow over wages, school "bully," excursions of olden sale of farm home, 231; lends A. money for times, first proposal, studies algebra, can Rev., 355; death, 512; characteristics, 513: make biscuits also, 43; teaches in Cam- old spin. wheel and wed. furniture, 934; bridge and Ft. Edward, let. to mother, site of childhood home, 948. Whig con., first knowledge of Unitarianism, ANTHONY, MARY LUTHER, 122. 44; lends wages to father, sees injustice to ANTHONY, MARY S., born, 12; attends first W. wom. teachers, 45; second proposal of mar- R. Con., 59; let. on raspberry experiment, riage, removes to Rochester, 46; teaches at 159; stands for wom. rights in schools, 191, Canajoharie, 49; love of dress, beaux, first 192; lends A. money for Revolution, 355; quarterly examination, costume, great suc- helps on paper, urges A. to abandon it, 356; cess, 50; visits sisters at Easton, fashion- upholds A. in defending Laura D. Fair, 392;. able career, another “exhibition," first cir- registers and votes, 424; tends mother, cus, last dance, liquor controls election, 459; educates nieces, 513; devotion to tired of teaching, 51; fine clothes, Marga- mother and sister, 517; sees A. start for ret's headache, illness, death, A.'s discour- Europe, 550; let. from A. 562; only one agement, longs to go to California, 52; sec. left, 623; 672; stays with Mrs. Avery, 678; Daughters of Temp., opposed by women, realized A.'s age, 696; prep. home for self describes temp. supper, first public address, and A., 706; Roch. Pol. Eq. Club present 53; returns home, revels in peaches, takes desk, 707; com. of ways and means in new charge of farm, supply teacher, leaves home, 711; work for wom. suff. amend. in schoolroom forever, 55; reasons for adopting N. Y. campn., declines salary, 760; can public life, 57; friendship of May and Chan- vasses, Roch., entertains speak., 761; 812; ning, 58; calls on F. Douglass, 59; not quite urges A. to stand by her post, 855; opposes in favor of wom. suff., 61; manages temp. INDEX. 1025 festival, offers toasts, 62; meets S. S. and A. K. Foster, 63; first meets H. Greeley, G. Thompson, Mrs. Stn., L. Stone, Mrs. Bloom- er, 64; snubbed at men's temp. meet. at Albany, arranges one for women, 65; calls first Woman's State Temp. Con., 66; opens con. in Rochester, elected sec., 67; ap- pointed State temp. agent, 68; delegate to Syracuse Temp. Con., 69; tries to speak but silenced, sees work for women, 70; appeals to mothers and declares for wom. suff., 71; resolves to attend State Teach- ers' Con., objects to decollete dress, sec. Syracuse W. R. Con., 72; urges women to speak louder, 75; shows up young minis- ters, 76; fine voice, 77; convinced of great need of wom. suff., losing interest in temp. work, arranges hearing before N. Y. legis., 81; presides over temp. meet. in Albany, 82: resolves to make woman's name on petition equal to man's, speaks in New York and Brooklyn on temp. and makes tour of State, attack of Utica Telegraph, 83; delegate to Brick Church temp. meet., 87; refused place on business com., 88; presides at W. R. meet. in Broadway Tabernacle, 89; at- tack of N. Y. Commercial-Advertiser, 90; approves men as members of temp. Soc., learns mistake, refuses to serve as sec., leaves soc., 95; never again member of temp. Soc., works up Whole World's Temp. Con., urges L. Stone to assist, 96; demands woman's right to speak at teachers' cons., grief at indifference of wom, teachers, 98; first speech at teachers' con., insulted by women, 99; women find their voices, pro- poses to invite Hugo and H. Martineau to temp. con., 100; vows women shall have right to speak in public, shows difference between men's and women's wages, 102; at Cleveland W. R. Con., temp. addresses in southern N. Y., 103; women's need of pe- cuniary independence, 104; arranges State Suff. Con. at Albany, 105; development, consecration of life to freedom of women, 107; carrying petitions, snubbed by women, insulted by minister, prints and circulates Mrs. Stn.'s address before legis., 108; ad. legis. com. at Albany on legal, civil and polit. rights of women, 109; named “Na- poleon” by Channing, appointed gen. agent for N. Y., no funds provided, 110; canvasses State for W. R., uses own money, great moral and physical courage, 111; adopts Bloomer costume, 113; martyrdom, of wearing it, doubts as to good results, 116; states objections to Bloomers or any conspicuous dress, 117; spks. in Washing- ton for first time, goes to Alexandria and Baltimore, criticises shiftless management ANT.-65 and effect of slavery on labor, 118; debates existence after death, treatment by minis- ters, 119; teachers con. at Oswego, de- mands women shall hold office in assn. and position of principal, compli. by pa- pers, all speakers disappoint her at Sara- toga con., no faith in own powers, 120; purse stolen, attends anti-Neb. con. at Sar- atoga, Methodist trustees at Canajoharie re- fuse church, 121; guest with Garrison at Lu- cretia Mott's, Greeley refuses to take money, Phillips lends $50, she starts out alone to canvass N. Y., 122; at Mayville, Sher- man, 123; posters amuse people, smart edi- tors refer to Mark Antony, Rondout Cour- ier compliments, 124; begins scrap-books by father's advice, at Olean, Angelica, Cor- ning, Elmira, T. K. Beecher's theology, pre- sents petitions to N. Y. legis., 125; proposal of marriage, Schroon Lake country, tries "water cure” for injured foot, 126; re- sults at Riverhead, 127; women afraid to come to lecture, ends campn, and returns Phillips' money but he refuses it, husbands eat warm meals, wives cold ones, regrets marriages of L. Stone and A. Brown, 128; thinks women soon will have their rights, grandfather sits on her platform at Adams, she throws away medicine, 129; arranges con. at Saratoga, appointed at Utica State Teachers' Con. to read paper on co-educa- tion, 130; goes to Worcester Hydropathic Institute, let. describing Mass. W. R. Con., social courtesies, distinguished people met, 131; visits baby show, thinks Apoc- rypha inspired, 132; hears Hale, Wilson, Sumner, Burlingame, longs to join Gar- risonians, urges young brother be given his own money, 133; woman must stand or fall by own strength, sends sister Mary to Cincinnati W. R. Con. in her place, de- scribes new bonnet, future wives will have time for culture, treatment at water cure, 134; reads and enjoys herself, 135; takes out life insurance, 136; invited by Am. A.S. Soc. to act as agent, 137; second canvass of N.Y., lets. describing hardships, snowdrifts, hard life of wives, 138; they do work, hus- bands rec, money, asks release from A. S. Com., 139; begs Mrs. Wright to speak, fin- ishes meetings alone, labors for wage-earn- ing women, entertains Garrison, presents petit. to N. Y. legis., 140; shows wife she fails to appreciate husband, 141; trying to prepare paper on co-education, 142; holds meet, alone at Saratoga, 143; let. to broth- er on raid at Osawatomie, 144; renews en- gagement with A. S. Com., given control of N. Y., 148; begins Garrisonian meet., 149; disheartening experiences as manager, 150; 1026 INDEX. economies in dress, sympathetic lets., no faith in own power as speaker, 151; de- scribes Remond's speech, 152; abandons written addresses, notes of speeches, 153; spks. in Me., newspaper comment, 154; res. in favor of colored pupils and of co- education, State Teachers Con, in Bing- hamton, 155; defended by Republican, 156; resumes A. S. meet., 157; on soul-commun- ing, longing for sympathy, 158; rasp- berry experiment, 159; out-door life for women, “good old days," 160; "health food cranks," glad to reach home, 161; on com, to arrange A. S. Annivers, and W. R. Con., no one else for common work, on large families, 162; unterrified by mob, rebukes teachers at Lockport con., 163; demands equal pay for women, not fright- ened by fogies, 164; calls meet. to op- pose capital punishment, hissed by mob, trustee of Jackson fund, 165; desire for Free church, 167; persists in lecture courses for Rochester, shrinks from active work, feels spiritual loneliness, 168; exhorts women to be discontented, no freedom without pecuniary independence, outrage of denying to woman right of self-govt., married woman sinks individuality, 169; true woman will have purpose, married women can not be relied on for public work, 170; distrusts own power to resist marriage, though it blots out freedom, would use Hovey fund for wom. suff. prop- aganda, 171; spicy extracts from diary, criticises Curtis' lecture, 172; at Albany working for Personal Liberty Bill, member of lobby, arranges lect. for Cheever, finishes lect, on True Woman, love of gardening, 173; presides over suff. con. in Mozart Hall, 174; prepares Memorial to legis., goes to picnic, escort lacks moral spine, opens can- vass at Niagara Falls, 175; speaks at N. Y. watering places, lectures teachers en route to Poughkeepsie, waiter at hotel refuses to take order, 176; rebukes young Quaker preacher, drains millpond too low, need of souls baptized into work, women keep herin suspense, 177; disapproves women's neglect- ing households, makes canvass alone, care- fully kept expenses, assists Mrs. Nichols and Mrs. Wattles to plan Kan, campn., 178; too busy to see humorous features, ignores complaints, incident at Gerrit Smith's when Mrs. Blackwell preached, 179; we dwell in solitude, arranges John Brown meet., 180; no one to assist, 181; urged to resume A. S. work, 182; speaks to southern- ers at Ft. Wm. Henry, meets Judge Ormond of Ala., sends memorial to him and urges his daughters to take up serious work in life, his two replies, 183; right of suff. under lying principle, 185; urges Mrs. Stn. to ad- dress legis. at Albany, 186; distaste for writing, power as critic, joint work with Mrs. Stn., caring for children, 187; speeches in appendix her own work, 188; gives radical bill to legis.com., 189;carrying petit. in face of insult and ridicule, debt owed by women, arranges course of lectures for Rochester, 190; rec. vote of thanks at W. R. Con. in Cooper Instit., “better have been at home,” 193; marriage one sided contract, favors di- vorce res., 194; regrets Phillips' action, rec. lets. of approval, no desire to dictate plat- form, 195; writes Phillips for money, he praises her, tilt with Rev. Mayo, 196; fights Mrs. Stn.'s battles, on the skirmish line, looks after "externals," domestic work, 197; extracts from journal, demands equal pay for women at State Teacher's Con., Syracuse, writes from birthplace of women's hard work there, 198; climbs "Greylock," describes visit to old home, receives in- vitation to give agricultural ad. at Dundee Fair, 199; describes fair, speech contains modern ideas on farming, takes up cause of wronged mother, 200; goes with mother and child to New York, refused admission to hotels, rejected by landlady at boarding- house, 201; declines to leave hotel, places charges with Mrs. Gibbons, welcomed home by Lydia Mott, persecuted by family of mother, 202; defies brothers, 203; refuses to yield to Garrison's and Phillips' requests, sustained by her father, 204; arranges Gar- risonian meet., mobbed at Buffalo, 208; hissed at Rochester, will not give up meet., 209; encounter with mayor of Utica, mob at Rome, 210; declines to abandon meet. at Syracuse, mobbed and burned in effigy, goes to Albany, 211; agrees to adjourn meet. there, 212; begged to give up W. R. Annivers. because of war, re- fuses, rearing children a profession, offers to care for Mrs. Stn.'s, 213; attitude of Abolits. towards War, 214; takes charge of farm and does housework, 215; sharp points from diary, Douglass, negroes shd. be enlisted, slavery must be blotted out, loneliness, opinion of "Adam Bede," 216; A. S. meet. at Albany, sends Phillips money for lecture which he returns, sends Tilton check, he defines her “sphere," 217; compelled to give up W. R. Annivers., leaves "Abrahamic bosom of home' for A. S. lecture field, visits Adams and censures men for not furnishing kitchen properly, visits Hoosac Tunnel, speaks on summit of Green Mts., 218; let. on work of E. B. Browning, H. Hosmer, R. Bonheur, INDEX. 1027 cares for Mrs. Stn.'s boys, visits New York, Boston, Framingham, at the Garrisons', 219; anger at N. Y. legis. for repealing laws in favor of women, 220; let, on private schools, her last teachers' con., results gained, teachers' debt to her, 221; speaking extem- poraneously support of Lydia Mott, compli- mented at Mecklinburg, honored by teach- er's con. after War, death of father,222; great bereavement, returns to work, 224; dis- believes War will lead to wom. suff., continues work for slave, 225; issues call for Women's Loyal League, 226; calls meet. to order in Church of Puritans, nom- inates L. Stone for pres., makes spirited ad., criticises Lincoln, demands emanci- pation, appeals to women, 227; no peace without wom. suff., presides at business meet., 229; let. urging women to petit. for emancipation of slaves, opens headqrs. in Cooper Instit., describes Draft Riots, 230; let. on brother D. R.'s election and joy it wd. have given father, longs for mother and father, regrets sale of home, tribute to mother, 231 ; efforts to raise money for league, 232; goes to Thirtieth Anniversary of Am. A. S. Soc. at Phila., pushes petition work for emancipation, economical lunches, appeals to Beecher, pays deficit out of own pocket, 234; helps at brother's "infare,” in communication with Sumner and Robt. Dale Owen, 235; gets Mrs. Stn. to invite Phillips to speak, rec. proposal from former sweetheart, speaks at annivers. of Loyal League, 237; Sumner and Wilson acknowledge in- debtedness, only old arm-chair as re- minder of League, humiliated at refusal of govt. to recognize women, 238; attends wed- ding of W. L. Garrison, Jr., and Ellen Wright, death of niece Ann Eliza McLean, sunset at cemetery, faith in progress in hereafter, 241; too apt to criticise in home circle, starts to Kan. to visit brother D. R., detained in Chicago, describes jour- ney West during war times, 242; enjoys novel sights in Leavenworth, wins gloves on wager, the "little clothes,” work among colored people, colored printer in compos- ing-room, meets Hiram Revels, 243; urged to return East and longs to do so, sees mo- mentous questions demanding settlement, 244; protests against disbanding A. S. Soc., 245; letter on division, 246; trip over prai- ries, among first to declare for negro suff., spks. at Ottumwa on Reconstruction, 247; unpleasant night, spks. at Leavenworth to colored people, Repubs. object to her mention of wom. suff., learns "male" is to be put in Fed. Constit, and starts eastward, speaking at Atchison, St. Joseph, Chilli- cothe and Macon City, 248; in old slave church at St. Louis,"soul-sharks,” catches wom, pickpocket, visits board of trade in Chicago, stops at many places, maps out plan of campn. with Mrs. Stn., 249; starts on thirty years' work, makes first demand for cong, action, 250; speaks at Concord, Mrs. Emerson agrees with her as do the "sages of Concord,” untiring work for wom. suff., 251; many visits, 252; praise of N. Y. In- dependent, 253; at Boston A. S. meet., finds Phillips and others opposed to uniting with W. R. Soc., believes they will yield, 256; eloquent demand for wom. suff., 257; reads address to Congress at W. R. Annivers. in Church of Puritans and offers res, for an Equal Rights Assn., 259; speech in fa- vor of ballot for negro and woman, 260; indignant at proposal of Phillips and Til. ton to work for enfranchis. of negro but not of woman, points out degradation of it to Mrs. Stn., 261; never influenced by magnetic speeches, does not recognize ex- pediency, 262; after her work for Standard it refuses to help women, much labor to arrange E. R. meet. for Albany, speech on injustice to working-women, 263; abused by N. Y. World, presides at Cooper Instit. suff. meet., 264; holds meet. in western N. Y., Repubs, led by Sumner refuse to champion wom. suff., 265; at A. S. meet. in Phila. begs Phillips to stand by wom- en, also Stevens chmn. Com. on Recon- struction, 267; shows injustice of Stand- ard, 268; will not suffer in silence negro placed in power over woman, 269; de- serted by old leaders, 270; N. Y. meet. to secure representation of women in Constit. Con., Buffalo Commercial ridicules A. and Mrs. Stn., 271; praise from Troy Times, at Fairfield, N. Y., scores wife of principal of academy, 272; assumes burdens of meet. and too tired to prepare speech and ap- pear at best, protests to Folger agnst. bill to license houses of ill-repute, 273; threatens to have women discuss it through- out State, urges L. Stone to make canvass of Kan., 274, 275; manhood suff. continua- tion of class legislation, 276; Memorial to Cong. asking removal of all discriminations of sex or color, 277; hearing before N. Y. Constit. Con., tilt with Greeley, can fight with goosequill as he did, suff. inalienable right, 278; Rochester people some time be glad to know her, 279; lets. from G. W. Curtis and A. Dickinson, snubbed by Greeley at A. Cary's, 280; solicits advertise- ments on Broadway to raise money for Kan. campn., appeals to Mrs. Wright and other 1028 INDEX. friends, 282; starts for Kan. and opens campn., 283; peculiar nightly experience, 284; complains of slipshod ways, speaks in cabins, etc., suff, advocates shd. go earlier into new settlements, 285; negroes oppose wom. suff., 286; accepts assistance of G. F. Train, lays out route for him, 287; holds him to offer of help, will go alone if neces- sary, starts with Train, lost in river bot- toms, hard experiences, 288; goes before audience hungry and tired, hears Gen. Blunt attack wom. suff., mails Train's speeches, 289; Train's announcement of new woman's paper, 290; at Atchison, crosses ferry to complete arrangements with Train, visits polling places in Leav., 291, praised by Commercial, respect for Train, 292; accepts his offer for extended lecture tour with herself and Mrs. Stn., every comfort provided, Demo. papers ap- prove, 293, Repub. papers censure, old as- sociates repudiate connection with Train, claims right to accept aid from all sources, eventful year, 294; begins The Revolution, comment of N. Y. Times, 295, praise of N. Y. Independent, 296; secures Pres. A. Johnson and other distinguished subscribers, 297; refuses to vacate com. room of E. R. Assn., dismayed at Train's departure for Europe, 298; persecuted by friends, financial anxi- ety, 299; wanted L. Stone to edit paper, founding of Revolution unexpected, 300; lets. from Mrs. Wright and Ellen W. Garri- son, 301; office and editors described by Nellie Hutchinson, 302; at Am. E. R. Assn., insists Mrs. Stn. shall preside, 303; H. B. Blackwell praises work in Kan., independ- ent com, formed, 304; attends Demo, mass. con., comment of N. Y. Sun, meets pres. Natl. Labor Union at Melliss' breakfast, 305; attends Nat'l Demo. Con. in Tam- many Hall, memorial received with jeers, Chicago Republican describes insults, 306; at Natl. Labor Union Cong. in New York, made chmn. com. on female labor, wom. suff. repudiated, efforts for workingwomen, advice to women typesetters, 307; struggle to maintain Revolution, 308; takes up case of Hester Vaughan, calls meet. in Cooper Instit., offers res. demanding women be tried by their peers, have voice in laws, and for abolit. of capital punishment, 309; appeals to Gov. Geary, 310; arranges first wom. suff. hearing before Cong. Com., described by Grace Greenwood, 314; tour of western cities, addresses II. legis., in speech at Chicago declares she stands out- side Repub. party but has laid no straw in way of negro, 315; tribute by Mrs. Liver- more, at New York Press Club speaks on "Why don't women propose ?'' 316; 317; al- most alone in demanding word "sex" in Amend. XV, 318; climbs seven flights of stairs many times daily, prepares for E. R. Con., 320; advised by S. S. Foster to with- draw from assn., 322; protests against Amend. XV and clashes swords with Doug- lass, defended by Wm. Winter, 323; scores those who cry "free love," 325; let. from Mrs. Livermore on Natl. Assn., 327; invited by her to join in western lect. tour, 328; secures testimonial for Mrs. Rose, 329; speaks at Westchester, indignant note to tax collector, at Western Wom. Suff, Con. in Chicago, 330; at Dayton reviews laws for married women, wives object, Herald com- pliments, 331; at Mrs. Davis' meets Mrs. Hooker and they become firm friends, 332; she arranges con, at Hartford and begs A. not to "flunk,” 333; speech at Hartford con., description by Post, praise from Mrs. Hooker; forgetfulness of self, 334; Dansville Sanitarium, let. from Dr. Kate Jackson, 335; Mrs. Fremont's question, 337; speech before cong.com. for Amend. XVI, 338; descriptions of Hartford Courant and Hearth and Home, "the Bismarck," 339; trib. of Mary Clem- mer, nothing can stop suff. movement, 340; friends rally around, invitation to fiftieth birthday party, N. Y. World describes occa- sion and A.'s appearance, 341; compli. of press, gifts, lets., poems by P. Cary, J. Hooker,etc., 342; response, can speak only to rouse people to action, sympathetic note to mother, luncheon with Cary sisters, disap- pointed Mrs. Stn., cd. not share happiness, 343; entry in journal on fiftieth birthday, “If I were dead," distrusts power as orator, 344; begins with Lyceum Bureau, A. Dickin- son's devotion, at Peoria, Ill., Col. Ingersoll supplements her speech, debates with Rev. Fulton at Detroit, attack in Free Press, 345; tribute of Legal News, people quarrel to en- tertain her, hears Beecher on "Sins of Par- ents,” 346; telegraphs suff.conference in New York that West desires union, urges it in Revolution, 347; younger women want her at head, 348; votes to unite E. R. Assn. and Union Suff. Soc., 349; calls mass meet. to consider McFarland-Richardson case, 351; petit. governor to put McFarland in insane asylum, censured by press, thanks of un- happy wives, prepares to give up Revolu- tion, 353; condition of Revolution, her work upon it, no salary, touching appeals for money, 354; terrible struggle, 355; still hope- ful, stock company projected, 356; refuses to change name of Revolution, 358; visits A. Cary and secures story, 359; warns Mrs. Phelps that Revolution will hurt INDEX. 1029 Woman's Bureau, 360; strain increases, sells Revolution for one dollar after sink- ing $35,000, 361; grief over giving up paper, let. refuting charge of financial reckless- ness, 362; if she had known power as lecturer cd, have sustained paper, 363; love for old volumes of Revolution, starts out to pay $10,000 debt, Yankee bargain, 364; “squelches" little professor, social court- esies, receives $100 at Saratoga con, for first time, fine summing up of status wom. suff., 365; Natl. Labor Cong. at Phila., 366; hostility because she advised women to take strikers' places, credentials re- jected, attack of Utica Herald, 367; goes to New York to help Mrs. Davis with Twentieth Suff. Annivers. diary shows her energy, makes great success, 368; urges women not to identify themselves with polit. parties, resumes lect. tour, death of nephew Thomas King McLean, starts out night of funeral, 369; lectures in Va., Wash., Phila., on “The False The- ory,” introduced by venerable Lucretia Mott, first meet, with Phillips since differ- ence of opinion on Amend. XIV, 370; Mrs. Stn. wants her for pres, of assn., 371; as does Mrs. Wright, 372; declines to be snubbed, lectures Mrs. Stn. on giving up the ship, 373; Mrs. Hooker appeals for help, can- cels lecture engagements to go to her aid, 374; learns Mrs. Woodhull will address cong. com., goes with Mrs. Hooker and others to hear her, 375; addresses cong. com, and begs consideration, described by Wash. Daily Patriot, 376; speaks on petit. of Mrs. Dahlgren and others against suff., presents resolution declaring women enfranchised by Amend. XIV, 377, if this fail, go back to Amend. XVI, placed on edu- cational com., 378; lectures throughout western cities, 379; fatigue of trip, differ- ent bed every night for three months, compli. by pres, of Antioch College, 380; The New Situation, argument on woman's right to vote under Amend. XIV, 381; life strongest testimony against cry of “free love,” 383; compliments by N. Y. Standard, Tribune, Democrat, let. to Revolution on single standard for men and women, 384; visits Mrs. Hooker, starts for Calif., recep- tion by Chicago Suff. Club, entertained at Denver by governor, comments of western press, 387; letter describing journey, "love makes home heaven,” Wy.land of free, guest of Salt Lake dignitaries, dedication new Liberal Institute, 388; problems of polyg- amy, woman must have independent bread, missionary work but not for priests, 389; po- lygamy in East as well as West, declines to accept "man-visions,” 390; visits Mrs. Fair in jail, first speech in San Francisco, “men do not protect women,” hissed by audi. ence, 391; denounced by press, her distress, sister Mary upholds her, goes to Yosemite, 392; describes trip, riding horseback, Mir- ror Lake, etc., 393; speaks at San Jose, goes to geysers, sits with driver, visits old teach- er, 394 ; enjoys getting away from reform talk, enjoys getting back into it, en route by boat to Ore., first let, from Portland, 395; enjoys not being Mrs. Stn's shadow, wishes she had said more on Mrs. Fair's case in San Francisco, first lect, in Port- land, 396; accounts of Oregonian and Her- ald, insults of Bulletin, 397; praise by New Northwest, let. on Chinese, 398; Mrs. Duni- way's compliment, at Walla Walla, Salem, Olympia, ride over corduroy road, sunrise at Seattle, 399; again at Portland, offer of marriage, incident at Umatilla, a sip of wine and its results, 400; addresses Wash. legis., sacrificed by others, praise by Olym- pia Standard, misrepresented by Despatch, 401; no women present in British Columbia audiences, abusive “cards” in Victoria press, 402; husband objects to entertaining her, peculiar marriage conditions, stage ride southward, deep mud, bed-room next to bar-room, at Yreka, 403; Mt. Shasta, at Chico, Marysville, etc., discusses Holland Social Evil Bill in San Francisco, 404; at Mayfield, banquet at Grand Hotel, San Francisco, Chronicle report, lect. ar- ranged by L. de F. Gordon, at Nevada City, 405; Virginia City in rainy season, guest of Sen. Sargent's family on trip eastward, graphic account of snowbound journey, 406; carries tea to mothers on train, 407; hangs jury at mock trial, prefers to check own baggage, stops at aunt's in Chicago, reaches Wash. in time for con., "not at all tired,” 408; addresses Senate com, showing record of Repubs, on wom. suff., 410; presented with $50 at Rochester, how friends have helped all the years, 412; sees in Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly call for new party under auspices of Natl. Suff. Assn., rushes to New York, previous letter forbidding use of her name, objects to in- fluence of men spirits,” 413; thwarts efforts of Woodhull faction to obtain control of New York Suff. Con., censured by Mrs. Stn. and Mrs. Hooker, elected pres, of assn. 414; carries on meet., deserted by friends, "ship almost lost,” at Natl. Liberal Repub. Con, in Cincinnati, rec, no consideration, compares cause of wom, suff, to that of A. S., 415; at Natl. Repub. Conv, in Philadel- phia, calls on Demo, to stand by women, 1030 INDEX. corresponds with H. B. Blackwell relative to women's working for Repub. party, 416; at Dem. Natl. Con. in Baltimore, interview with Jas. R. Doolittle, 417; no hope for women here, urges women to work for Repub. party, 418; her political position, cares only for woman's interests, joy over action of Repubs., rallying cry to Mrs. Bloomer, 419; “Ft. Sumter gun of our war fired,” congratulat, note from Henry Wil- son, 420; Natl. Com. invites her to Wash- ington, gives her $500 and N. Y. Com. gives $500 for campaign meet., 421; holds rallies at Rochester and New York, insists that women shall speak only on wom. suff, plank, objects to hounding of Greeley, 422; advocates no party that does not stand for wom. suff., is registered to vote, 423; comments of press, tells Mrs. Stn. about it, 424; Judge Selden advises that she has right to vote under Amend. XIV, 425; as- sures inspectors she will bear expenses if they are arrested, is herself arrested, re- fuses to take herself to court, the warrant, 426; examination before U.S. officers, does not want trial to interfere with lecture en gagements, 427; sad anniversary, second hearing, speaks in behalf of inspectors, re- fuses to give bail, trib. from Rochester Express, her own defense, 428; at Wash. con., opening speech on methods of se- curing wom. suff., 431; res. declare her arrest a blow at liberty, speakers defend her, appears with counsel before Judge Hall at Albany, bail increased, 432; refuses bail, overruled by Judge Selden, indict- ment of grand jury, delivers “Constitu- tional Argument” in western cities, 433; becomes unconscious on platform at Ft. Wayne, rallies and lectures at Marion, votes again, issues call for May Anniver- sary in New York, tells of arrest, 434; res. of endorsement speaks in twenty-nine postoffice districts of Monroe Co., Dist.- Atty. threatens to move case to another county, tells him she will canvass that, speech a masterpiece, her appearance, 435; speaks in twenty-one places in Ontario Co. on "Is it a crime for a U.S. citizen to vote?” Rochester Union and Advertiser calls her a "corruptionist," newspaper comment, trial opens, 436; refused permission to testify, 437; believed she had a right to vote, 438; counsel demands jury be polled, refused and new trial denied, encounter of words with Judge Hunt, dramatic scene, 439; fined $100, 440; declares she never will pay it, believes Conkling influenced judge, trial a farce, extended newspaper comment, 441; advised by Albany Law Journal to emigrate, attends trial of inspectors, an. other tilt with Judge Hunt, 443; Mr. Van Voorhis' opinion of her case after twenty- four years, 444; heavy debts, 445; sympathy and financial help, has Selden's speech and report of trial printed, lect. in Roches- ter for benefit of inspectors, omitted as charter member of Assn. for Advancement of Women, 446; death of sister Guelma, let. to mother, love of family, “shall we meet the dead?” tries to vote but finds name struck from register, 447; Anson Lapham returns her notes for $4,000, 448; decides to appeal to Cong., 449; takes appeal to Wash- ington, asks remission of fine, case pre- sented by Sargent and Loughridge, Tre- maine reports adversely, 450; says president has pardoned her, Butler presents minority report in favor, Sen. Edmunds presents insulting report, Sen, Carpenter reports favorably, 451; writes Pres. Grant and Gen. Butler in behalf of inspectors, urges them not to pay fine, breakfasts with them in jail, presented with purse at Dansville Sanitarium, Sargent and Butler telegraph inspectors are pardoned, 452; fine still stands against A., 453; returns to work of securing amends. to Federal and State constit., invites Vice-Pres. Wilson speak on suff. platform, Gen, Butlerin favor of wom. suff., 454; conversation with Pres. Grant, 455; tour of Conn, with Mrs. Hooker, Sum- ner's death, helps women organize temp. crusade, 456; tells them they can not suc- ceed without ballot, anecdote of Douglass, writes to Leavenworth Times on this sub- ject, tells Industrial Cong. women are a millstone around their necks, criticises Dio Lewis, 457; writes one hundred lets. for May meet., telegram saying she smoked on platform, etc., 458; slips home often to see mother, writes fiftieth anniversary let. to brother D. R., honesty best policy in home and society, 459; canvassed Mich., larger audiences than Sen. Chandler, small profits, suff. first, money afterwards, 460; efforts to compel disclosures in regard to Beecher-Tilton trouble, 461; complimented on silence by Chicago Tribune, J. Hooker, N. Y. Sun, Rochester Democrat and Chroni- cle, refutes belief in "free love,” 462; does not believe in second marriage or platonic friendship, love for Mr. and Mrs. Tilton. 463; in latter's praise for Beecher, A. saw only friendship, 464; death of Gerrit Smith and Martha Wright, struggle to hold Wash- ington conv., 467; advances funds and works without ceasing, Anson Lapham gives her $1,000, lectures on Social Purity at Chicago, 468; eulogized by St. Louis Democrat, con- INDEX. 1031 demned by country papers, addresses Nor- mal School at Carbondale on marrying for love, sixty lectures in Iowa, trying experi- ences, 469; telegram announcing brother shot, works all night on con. accounts, journey to Kan., 470; nine weeks by brother's bedside, skill and tenderness in sickroom, takes niece Susie B. home with her, 471; first hears F. E. Willard, refuses to com- promise her by sitting on platform, lectures in Rochester on Social Purity, misses Wash- ington con, for first time, lectures in Chi- cago, Bread and Ballot, pays last dollar of Revolution debt, 472; beautiful recognition of press, 473; at New York Suff. Anniversary, chmn. Centennial Campn. Com., 474; offers Hist. of Wom. Suff. as premium and ful- fills pledges, opens headquarters at Phila- delphia and assumes financial responsibil- ity, 475; besieges natl. polit. cons., "the golden hour,” prepares Woman's Declara- tion of Independence, 476; obtains seat on platform as reporter, 477; presents Declaration at Centennial Celebration, reads it on Independence square, 478; and in con., Luc. Mott's tea-pot, 479; con- tibu. to Centennial Headqrs., Mrs. Mott sends tea, A. dees not work for financ. re- ward, begins Hist. Wom. Suff., 480; dislike of the work, spks. at Mrs. Davis' funeral, sorrow at her death and that of Anson Lapham, writes wom, suff. article for en- cyclop., 481; grief at absence from home, 482; appeal for Amend. XVI, 483; on floor of House of Repres., 485; circular of Slayton Bureau, 486; cancels engagements to be with sister Hannah, 487; her death, takes orphan daughter home, gift of Helen Pot- ter, Mrs. Stn.'s let, on their friendship, misses May Annivers. first time, 488; friend- ship for Mrs. Stn., love of her children for A., trib. of Annie McDowell, offers services to Col., 489; accepted, hard campn. experi- ences, 65 mile stage-ride, 490; how husbands represent wives, spks. in saloons, no locks on doors, Gov. Routt stands by her, 491; in- sulting placards, receipts less than ex- penses, gifts of Mr. and Mrs. Hall, Mrs. Knox Goodrich, at Denver meets Miss Hind- man, Mrs. Campbell, Abby S. Richardson, her memory of sister Hannah, 492; at Dr. Avery's writing “Homes of Single Women," spks. at Boulder and Denver, lect. tour of Neb., longs for sister Mary, fears mother may die, man wants credit for holding children, 493; sends $100 to Washington con.. friends urge not to miss another con., 494 ; compli. by Phillips, by P. Couzins, ar- ranges 30th Annivers. at Rochester, 495; comment of Roch. Demo. and Chronicle, remains with invalid mother, declines Kan. invitations, writes Hayford regarding wom. suff. in Wy., 496; let. to L. Stone on atti- tude of women toward polit. parties, 497; strong res. at Natl. Con., 499; address to Pres. Hayes, 500; lect. in New England, personal notices in scrap-books, change in attitude of press, 502; compli. by Ind. pa- pers, 503; attack of Richmond, Ky., and Grand Rapids papers, 504; St. Paul lady acknowledges conversion, wom, needs bal- lot for temp. legis., 505; men fear wom. suff., trib. of Globe-Demo., 506; response to floral offering, "used to stones," made vice-pres.- at-large, friendship of Sargents, 507; death of Garrison, has now a bank account, gen- erosity, 508; never fails to keep engage- ments, friends anxious she shd. save money, desirous of woman's paper, efforts for one, helps edit Ballot-Box, 509; need of woman's work and opinion in daily papers, press work shd. be feature of Natl. Assn., invited to Concord School of Philos., 510; new friends, at Washington con., compli. by Ed- munds, 511; Mrs. Spofford's hospitality, sees Luc. Mott last time, death of mother, 512; starts out again, 513; carries point for series of cons.,rallying cry for mass meet. in Chica- go, 515; all send ideas to Mrs. Stn., watching legislators, on death of sister, doubts of fut- ure life, 516; apprecia. of sister Mary, pre- sides at Indianapolis con., suff. women mar- ried and number of children, 517; ten min- utes at Natl. Repub. Con., ad. Greenback- Labor Con., 518; trib. of Cin'ti Commercial, 519: calls on Gen. Garfield, 520; official let. to president. candidates, 521; let. to Garfield on Repub. party, 522; blames women for rushing into campn., defends Garfield, crit- icises Hancock, 523; hopes for help from Repubs., continues work on History, Eliz. Thomson gives $1,000, 524; hates the work, calls on Whittier, death of Luc. Mott, per- suades Mrs. Stn. to vote, 525; suggests Natl. Con. be omitted, owns Mrs. Stn. persuaded her, 526; trib. to Luc. Mott, day at her home, her hosts in Philadelphia, ridiculous account of Skye terrier, 527; N. Y. Graphic on terrier, her disgust, 528; love for Mrs. Nichols, wd. not spare parents for chil- dren's sake, 529; did not carry out theory, pushing the history, bound to have Rose and Nichol's pictures, 530; valuable work done by Hist. Wom. Suff., 531; starts for Mass. taking Mrs. Stn., 532; tells Gov. Long women are weary, rec. gold medal from Phila. Suff. Assn., entertained by Bird Club, Boston Globe pays trib., 534; relief to roll burden on young shoulders, entertained by Pillsburys, compli. let. from Mrs. Pillsbury, 1032 INDEX. Mrs. Harbert, trib. of Mrs. Wallace, 535; death of Phebe Jones, no home in Albany, death of Garfield, no will, his religion, 536; Mrs. Stn.'s work for women kept her young, A. goes to Natl. W.C.T. U. Con, in Wash- ington, introduced by Miss Willard, dele- gate declares she does not recognize God, sees wom. suff, adopted by con., 537; dele- gates announce A. did not influence con., souvenir from Childs, writes Phillips on his seventieth birthday, his reply, 538; at- tacks her work with courage, Phillips an- nounces Eddy legacy, her joy and gratitude, 539; suit to break will, appeals from public for money, at Wash, con., 540; delight at appointment of cong. com. on rights of woman, presents each member with Hist. Wom. Suff., con, at Phila., luncheon with Hannah W. Smith, at N. Y. State Con., ap- peals to House Com. to abolish "male" from Constit. of Dak., 541; restive under history work, trib. of Elmira Free Press and Wash. Republic, 542; reads proof of Vol. II of Hist., influential friends in Cong., trib. of Harriot Stanton, 543; goes into Neb. campn., “not a white-haired woman on plat., not sure of younger ones, 544; gives time and $1,000, speaks in forty counties, debates with Edward Rosewater, students make effigy, 545; at St. Louis, ad. Lincoln Club in Rochester, confers with Cong. Com. in Wash., decides to go abroad, birthday recep. in Phila., dislike of "Aunt Susan," 546; Times account of recep., ad. of Purvis, A. gives credit to other workers, wd. have worked for man's freedom, Mrs. Sewall's description of farewell honors, testimonial from Rochester citizens and Natl. Assn., song dedicated, 547; point lace, India shawl, trib. of Chicago Tribune, A. has "no peer,” 549; farewell from Kan. City Jour- nal, N. Y. Times' description of departure, flag in stateroom, 550; own description of tour abroad, on shipboard, stuck in mud, recollect. of those left, 551; rough sea, three falls, thoughts of nieces, talks suff. with passengers, 552; invited to Sargent's at Berlin, Mrs. Stn.'s welcome, at Liverpool, Hist. of Wom. Suff. not in library, visit to Mrs. Rose, 554; sees Irving and Terry, ob- jects to lovemaking, at Contag. Dis. Act. Meet., crossing channel, en route to Rome, no sleeper, bedrooms at Milan, 555, paint- ing of Christ in railway station, Easter Sunday in Rome, at Naples, Herculaneum, John Bright's address, 556; invited to write for Italian Times, climbs Vesuvius, dishon- est tradesmen, Palermo, the dead Christ, Lake Avernus, streets of Naples, interest in suff, work and friends at home, 557; Vati- can, no hope for freedom in old world, mother's knowledge of history, too many languages, hears Ristori, at Milan, disad- vantages of compartment travel, 558; at Zurich,at Munich, every girl shd. go abroad, at Sargents' in Berlin, at Worms, Luther's statue at Cologne, lets. sent back from post-office, 559; up the Rhine, Heidelberg, Potsdam, emperors' tombs and palaces, degradation of masses, at Strasburg, 560; Alsace and Lorraine, in Paris, guest of Mme. de Barron, breakfast in bed, calls on friends, Communists in Pere la Chaise, funeral of Laboulaye, Le Soir wishes in- terview, 561; calls on Hubertine Auclert and Leon Richer, disadvantage of not speak- ing French, longs to be fighting battle for women in America, Miss Foster's presenta- tion at court, tomb of Napoleon, homesick, begs sister Mary to come to Europe, 562; shall we accept religious teaching of young, strong intellects or old, weakened ones? 563; Stopford Brooke on temp., talks to ladies under trees, visits Albemarle and Somerville Clubs, prepares speeches, nights all days, 564; goes to Poor Law Guardian meet., spks. at Prince's Hall, Conway de- lighted, 565; St. James' Hall, 4th of July recep. at Mrs. Mellen's, 566; at many din- ners, recep., suff, meet., clubs, etc., calls from factory women, velvet dress and In- dia shawl, hears Canon Wilberforce on temp., indignation, sees Bernhardt, 567; bound to get all possible good, refuses to interfere in suff, work in England, platonic friendship, goes to Edinburgh, at Mrs. Nich- ol's, 568; let. from Priscilla B. McLaren, celebrated places in Scotland, outside of stage, home of Queen Mary, 569; con- verts Prof. Blackie to wom, suff., he "seals it with a kiss," loses trunk, criticises En- glish check system, drives among lakes, visits Dr. Jex-Blake, 570; at Ambleside, compares hills with those of America, home of H. Martineau, 571; class and caste ideas, urges discontent, in Belfast, men can not vote on temp. question, meets old abolits., rides in third-class car, at Cork, 472; drunken men and women, filth, visits convent, incident at Killarney, 573; woman with twins, sad spectacles, to Galway in rain, butter in tobacco smoke, 574; in Dublin, meets Davitt, Youghal, reads Chil. dren of Abbey, Belfast, buys linen, Rugby, Kenilworth Castle, "Americans never see leg of mutton,” Stratford, Oxford, back in London, extracts from diary, London fog, 575; at Leeds, home of Bronto sisters, dreads trip home, 576; hears John Bright forget to mention wom, suff. at Bristol, at INDEX. 1033 Jacob Bright's, let. from Mrs. Bright on little son's admiration for A., 577; urges sister to continue work if she never reach home, especial interest in England on ac- count of suff, movement, efforts to secure co-operation between Eng. and Amer. women, 578; recep. in Liverpool, com. formed to promote organizat., friends come from London to say good-bye, safe landing in New York, 579; welcome home, inter- view, did not see Queen, social idea more important, trib. of N. Y. Evening Telegram, 581; Cleveland Leader, woman of the future, Cin’ti Times-Star's criticism, 582 ; kindness to reporters, conferring with con- gressmen, agony of it, 583; begs Kelley to take up suff. question, Repubs. in favor, 584; writes to 112 congressmen, heads off injudicious women, 585; on Douglass' mar- riage, everybody's burden on her shoulders, 586; helpless women wear her out, always writes cheerful lets., death of Phillips, 587; goes to funeral, at Washington con., speech before Cong. Com, urging Amend. XVI. 588: goes to Conn., hastens back to watch con- gressmen, how she follows them up, 591 : report of suff, con. fails, she and Mrs. Stn. get out report, wants everybody to have credit, begins Vol. III of Hist. Wom. Suff., anxiety over Ore. election, sends Mrs. Duni- way $100, restive under historical work, 592; criticises Gladstone, 593; advises women to work for Repub. party, decides it was un- wise, criticises Miss Willard for favoring State Rights, Prohib. party will repudiate wom, suff., prophecy fulfilled, 594; at Wash. con., death of Mrs. Nichols, opposes res. denouncing dogmas, answers St. Paul, 595; rebukes Rev. Patton for sermon, regrets it, Mrs. Stn. approves, 596; sends out Palm- er's speech, goes to Mass., then to New Orleans Expo., guest of Mrs. Merrick, many addresses, trib. of Picayune, 597; cordial recep., at Bishop's University, at St. Louis, message of J. Ellen Foster, death of Grant, goes to Boston to rec. Eddy legacy, fright on sleeper, 598; appeals to share money, friends who repudiated come flocking back, determined to finish Hist. Wom. Suff., agreement with Fowler and Wells, 599; buys out their rights, begins work again at Tenafly, assumes all financ. responsibil., grief at not being a writer, good critic, keeps Mrs. Stn. keyed up, applies lash to own back, 600; meets Miss Eddy, they go to Mrs. Stn.'s, A. commends her, drudgery on Hist., women complain of Mrs. Stn.'s blue pencil, between two fires, 601; refuses appeals for speeches, dislike of literary work, Mrs. Stn.'s 70th birthday, trib. from H. Stn. Blatch., 602; comforts Julia and Rachel Foster at death of mother, 603; starts to Wash. with light heart, taste in dress, holds members of Cong. to their word, 605; humorous note from Sen. Blair, A. directly connected with all cong. action on wom. suff., 606; at Wash. con., rec. $100 from Childs, looking after congressmen, extracts from diary, Stanford, Dolph, 607; Eustis, lets. from Mrs. Merrick, 0. Brown, sends P. Couzins $100, Vol. III of Hist. completed, visits in Kan., 608; speaks at Salina for W.C.T. U., at Lake Bluff, Ill., camp meet., at Lake Geneva accompanied by Susie B., at Miss Willard's, at Racine, at St. Louis, at Leav., spks. in cong. dists. of Kan., 609; splendid audiences, mother brings baby for her to take in arms, Baptist minister refuses church and then blesses meet., 610; "spirit wd. not always soar," Municipal Suff. Bill signed on 67th birth- day, Chief-Justice Horton congratulates her, at Racine, 611; canvassses Wis., elo- quence in State House, lively let. to Mrs. Spofford, get orthodox church for con., 612; immense amount of money put into Hist. Wom. Suff., years of careful collecting and saving of material, resumé of the work, 613; world indebted to her for it, in over 1,000 libraries, commendatory lets., 614; from Mary L. Booth, 615; D. W. Wilder, Sarah B. Cooper, hopes to publish Vol. IV, goes to Neb., 616; at Chicago, Lansing, Wash. con., yellow dog, 617; denounces Sen. Ingalls, he asks interview, 621; proposes truce, she declines, refuses to go to Conn., "feels guilty,' visits Maria Mitchell at Vas- sar, ad. Constit. Con, at Albany, back to Wash."year after year,” lying reports from Leavenworth, corres. with Miss Willard regarding suff. plank in Prohib. plat., 622; opposes Third Party, will not fight Repubs., dreads starting out, State Cons, at Indpls. and Cleveland, "only sister Mary left," re- bukes conserv. women, faith in Repub. party, 623; seminary graduates' essays, at Cape May, at childhood home, at Magnolia, advises O. Brown and A. Gray not to bring suit under school suff. law, 624; tries to ar- range old lets., etc., Mrs. Stn. advises to burn, in Wis., campn. in Kan., scores In- galls, 625; at Mrs. Ingalls' luncheon, senator "will not argue with woman,” Ind. campn. in Wash., Blair's little joke, 626; on com. for union of two assns., 627; meets L. Stone and A. S. Blackwell in Boston, receives plan of union from Mrs. Stone, advised not to take pres. of united assns., approves and urges union, 628; “the way to unite is to unite,” impatient of “red tape," exacts and 1034 INDEX. makes no pledges, chmn. com, on confer. ference, 629; carries meet. in favor of union, willing to decline pres., lets. declare she must take it, 630; sp. in favor of Mrs. Stn., Natl. suff. platform means individ. free- dom, 631; elected vice-pres.-at-large, co-op- erates with Mrs. Sewall in securing union, always ready to sink personal feeling, 632; dream of internatl. suff. assn., results in Internatl. Council, her part in arranging it, 633; "can't allow apologetic invitat.," women not ordained shall preach, wants affirmations, not negations, glad L. Stone and A. Blackwell are to be on plat., 634; Mrs. Stn. expresses friendship and is com- ing back to Amer. to do best work, later writes can not cross ocean, 635; A. cables, she comes, A. shuts her up to write sp., pre- sides over Council, 636; at receptions, pres. delegates to Pres. Cleveland, compli. from Baltimore Sun and N. Y. World, her way of presiding, 637; sp. and let. of Miss Willard, 638; speakers acknowledge pers. indebted- ness to A., chmn, of meet. to form perma- nent councils, made Vice-Pres. Natl. Coun- cil, 639; ad. Senate Com., praise from Mrs. S. E. Sewall, Mr. Blackwell, no desire for rest, at Boston festival, 640; in Central Music Hall at Chicago, recep. by Woman's Club, at Natl. Repub. Con., Chicago, urges women to go to these cons., calls on Gen. Harrison, 641; open letter to him on "free ballot” plank, makes four years' financ. rep. of Natl. Assn., 642; publishes without authority of assn., restive under "red tape,” “Andrew Jackson responsibility," poorest women want report, vast amount of work, at W. C. T. U., Centennial, Columbus O., not well recd., no little graves in speech, 643; begins again with Slayton Bureau, Rachel Foster's marriage, young workers throw away all plans when they marry, A.'s disap- point., 644; forms friendship with Rev. A. H. Shaw, old friends pass away, new ones come, 645; in Wash. preparing for con., little speeches, Six O'clock Club, 647; on "Rbt. Elsmere,” spks. in Cin'ti, Commer- cial-Gazette compli., guest of Burnet House, "more calls than Mrs. Hayes," namesake Susie B. drowned, 648; hastens to Leav., spks. in Ark., Jefferson City, recep. in St. Louis, not able to ad. Catholics, vicar-gen. favors, spks. in Leav, municipal campn., 649; brother defeated for mayor, grief over death of Susie B., hurt of breaking branch from tree, urges no heartbreak when she dies, spirits of loved ones will forgive, at Indpls. Classical School, 650; at Adaline Thomson's, recep. at Park Hotel, New York, newspapers criticise velvet dress and point lace, spks, in Rochester and Warren, 651, and Akron, O., denies report that she had renounced wom. suff., atten renounced wom. suff., attends wedding of niece Helen Louise Mosher, rec. let. from Maria Deraismes, 652; at Mt. McGregor, Grant relics condemned, waiter at Ft. Wm. Henry, trip with niece Maude, ad. Seidl Club, Coney Island, 653; “Broadbrim” pays trib., visits Mrs. Stn, at Hempstead, M. Louise Thomas, legacy of $500 from Mrs. Hamilton, Ft. Wayne, tells Mrs. Avery not to work during husband's vacation, 654; at Wichita con., objects to God in suff. plat., at Ind. Suff. Con. uncertain how women wd. vote on liquor question, visit with H. Hosmer, 655; “Bethany Homes," at Duluth, goes to S. Dak., lets. of invitat., 656; minis- ter explains to Almighty evils of orig. pack- ages, A. canvasses State, ad. Farmers' Alli- ance, Prohibs. keep wom. suff, in back- ground, presents Hist. Wom. Suff. to every town, 657; plans winter's work in S. Dak., nephew describes her lecture in Ann Ar- bor, at Toronto, spks, every night for three months, 658; "Andrew Jackson-like” action in engaging hall at Wash., immense work for S. Dak., makes eight women life mem- bers of Natl. Assn., 659; Justice Fuller fails to discover women, work for Columbian Expo., death of friends, Mrs. Mendenhall leaves her $1,000, Washington Star compli., 660; at Riggs House, objects to having tickets sold for birthday banquet, 663; wd. use money for S. Dak., wants everybody to have compli. ticket and be invited to speak, description of banquet, 664; accts. Wash. Star and N. Y. Sun, toasts by Couzins, Shaw, 665; Gage, Colby, Chant, Parker, Hinck- ley, Rbt. Purvis, Mrs. Lawrence, Mrs. Blatch, J. A. Pickler, 666, Mrs. Stn., 667; poems by H. Hosmer, A. W. Brotherton, E. B. Harbert, I. B. Hooker, her response, cd. have accomplished little alone, obliga- tions to Mrs. Stn., to family and friends, lets., etc., from L. Stone, 668; Whittier, F. E. Willard, Curtis, Garrison, Hoar, Reed, 669; O. Brown, Logan, Gannett, Palmer, Nordhoff, Carpenter, Dow, 670; Dawes, Mr. and Mrs. Powderly, Barry, Colby, Johns, Cummings, 671; dinner to relatives at Riggs House, presents, trib. of Boston Traveller, A.'s theory of life, distinguished contem- poraries, gift to P. Couzins, 672; trib. of Roch. Dem. and Chronicle, allied with all good causes, 673; urges friends to come to union of assns., keep platform broad, not annex to W. C. T. U., struggle to secure Mrs. Stn.'s presence, arranges hearing be- fore Cong. Coms., 674; presides at Natl.-Am. Con., pride in H. Stanton Blatch, pledges INDEX. 1035 money and work for S. Dak., made chmn. com., 675; remains in Wash. looking after Cong. Coms., incorporating assn., paying bills, sees Wy. admitted, Mary Grew con- gratulates, L. Stone authorizes to settle bills, Mrs. Livermore says A. wd. give a million to suff., 676; her winters in Wash. help wom. suff., entertained by McLean's, attends Cobweb Club, Mrs. Hearst approves speech, wd. rather face audience than re- ception, Ad. Johnson makes bust, dreads to start out, 677; orthodox not careful about at birth of Mrs. Avery's daughter, mother's gratitude, 678; attends nephew's wedding, reaches S. Dak., lets. begging her to come, homesick for Washington, but duty first, 679; ability to raise money, 680; sends $300 for prelim. work, offers Miss Shaw's sery- routes, writes for plan of campn, refuses to put natl. funds into State treasury, can be used only for suff. work, 681; ready to co- operate, cd. not wait longer, again refuses to turn over money, people anxious for her to come, 682; will antagonize neither W.C. T. U. nor license advocates, measures all by wom, suff. yardstick, sustained in her position, Mrs. Wallace will work only under her unselfishness, endorsed by S. Dak. W.C. T. U., 695, and Suff. Assn., aged many years by campn., 696; accepts defeat philosoph- ically, at Neb. and Kan. Suff. Cons., in Leav. and Ft. Scott, urged by Rev. Mann to visit Omaha, 697; at Mrs. Sewall's plan- ning Wash.con., Wom. Council and World's Fair work, at Rochester, recep. by P. E. Club, State Suff. Con., goes to Wash., 698; requests women to celebrate admission of Wy., 699; anxious for suff. headqrs. in Wash., assists Wimodaughsis, loss of friends, 700; ill in Boston, taken to Garri- sons', let. from L. Stone and invitation to attend Mass. Suff. Annivers., 701; invita- tions from Pillsbury and Mrs. White, hastens to Wash., vice-pres. Triennial of Wom. Council, reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, 702; Miss Willard introduces A. as one of the double stars, too happy to speak, anxious all shd. be heard, presides at natl. suff. con., reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, presents L. Stone, trib. of M. Bottome, 703; unani- mously elect. vice-pres.-at-large, determined let. from English Suff. Soc. shall be read in Senate, succeeds through Sen. Blair, break- fast by Sorosis, gives recep. for A. Besant, lets. from ex-Sec. McCulloch, F. Balgarnie, 704; dines with McCulloch, recep. by Mrs. Avery, leaves Riggs House forever as home, at Warren and Painesville, O., at Hartford with Mrs. Hooker, entertained by Whitings, describes log cabin, 705, Mt. Holyoke, old homestead at Adams, arrives home, goes to housekeeping, decides to direct natl. work from home, Mrs. Stn. approves, 706; P. E. Club and friends furnish house, Roch. Her- ald describes recep., cousin Charles Dickin- son presents $300, 707; describes visit to Mrs. Banker in Adirondacks, trip to John Brown's cabin and grave, condemns his exe- cution, Wom. Suff. Day at Chautauqua, 708; guest of Ignorance Club, ad. W.C. T. U., opposed to third parties, suggests ministers be disfranchised, prayer by action, at Chau- tauqua, "Arnold Winkelreid among wom.” Miss Willard congrat., at Hooker golden wedding, “no speeches,” 709; at Lily Dale, beautiful camp, love of domestic life, hos- pitality, 710; how friends were entertained in new home, at Warsaw, at West. N. Y. Fair, woman's opinion will not be respected until counted at ballot-box, generosity to young speakers, 711; urges Mrs. Stn. to has started, cordially recd., Loucks and Wardall pledge support of Farmers' Alli- ance, 684; Farmers' Alliance and Knights of Labor form new party and ignore wom. suff., A.'s appeals, Mrs. Wallace's appre- ciation, 685; res adopted few months before, candidate Loucks, does not men- tion wom, suff., dead issue in campn., A.'s hard journey, 686; Russians wear brewers' badges "against S. B. A.," no seat for her in Repub. State Con., 687; lets. full of hope, can bear hardships better than young women, buoyed up by friends, 688; not cast down though voted down, sympathy from J. Hooker, C. Barton sends love, A. Shaw feels her inspiration, A. sleeps in sod houses, 689; Cong. shd. appro- priate money to irrigate, instead of sending com., twenty miles between meet., stam- peded by cyclones, Russian sheriff wants to help her, rides in old stage, 690; "humanity at low ebb,” gets into poor hotel, “laughs like other people," at Madison telegram announces admission of Wyo., makes great speech, 691; “better lose me than lose State,” experience with crying child, woman insulted on account of motherhood, 692; drunken man illustrates men's govt., 393; at Deadwood, 694; contributes services, draws from own bank account, Mrs. Catt's trib. to ings in shape, A “has no writings,” 712; en- tertains Mrs. Stn. for month, has Ad. John- son make bust, entertains P. E. Club, de- mands Roch. Univers. be opened to women, cartoon in Utica Herald. A. and Mrs. Stn. 1036 INDEX. always stir up controversy, 713; visits E. W. Osborne, joins Emerson and Browning classes, forgets invitations, compli. of Au- burn Advertiser, spks. at Thanksgiving service in Unitarian ch., Roch., 714; not easy to remain home, Mrs. Johns urges to come to Kan., will get no wounds there, Mrs. Avery joins in plea, A. agrees, 715; keeps eye on Cong. Coms., encouraging lets. from Dolph, Reed, Warren, 716; stops for Mrs. Stn, on way to Wash. con., elected pres. natl. assn., 717; presid, over con., ad. Cong. Coms., first hearing before Demo. com., recep. in Wash., no home in city, does not linger, 718; renewed appeals from Kan. friends, precious days at home, insists she has no literary ability, refers all eds. to Mrs. Stn., Anthony lot in cemetery, ad. N.Y. legis., 719; opening World's Fair on Sun- day, at Bradford, Penn., at Ketcham silver wedding. at biennial Wom. Fed. Clubs, Chicago, popularity with audience, 720; business com. Wom, Council, sits for bust by L. Taft, amusing corres. between A., Miss Willard and Taft, shd, be made by woman, 721; her bust shall be in Senate and White House, it pleases Miss W., at Salem, O., reads Emily Robinson's paper, approves South. Wom. Council, 722; each section shd. have con., at Minneapolis Natl. Repub. Con., writes plank, kept waiting till 9 o'clock, Foraker refuses to hear her, Sen. Jones comes to relief, 723; ad. com. as Abolitionist and loyal woman, com. assure they believe in her cause but party can not carry load, 724; at Demo. Natl. Con., Chi- cago, presents plank, bowed out, Miss Wil. lard describes her at cons., one day all women will call her blessed, 725; not neces- sary to go to Prohib. Con., at Kan. Repub. Con., wom. suff. amend. endorsed, at Oma- ha Popu, Con., at working wom, meet., 726; Popu. Con, refuse to allow women to ad. them, but declare for equal rights, at Bea- trice, Dr. Vincent invites to speak at Chau- tauqua, declines, goes later to hear debate between A. Shaw and Dr. Buckley, 727; sits on plat., at Miss. Valley Conf. at Des Moines, ad. Neb. Norm. Sch. in Peru, be- gins tour of Kan. on Repub. plat., speaking for wom. suff., 728; at N. Y. Con., Syracuse, shows how some women now compli. by press were formerly abused by it, farewell telegram from F. Willard and Lady Somer- set, 729; ministers at thanksgiving sery. forget to recog. women, “hard work to keep her peace,” ad. ladies' acad. at Buffalo, law giving wom. school suff, a failure, ap- pointed on Board of Managers, St. Indus. Sch. by Gov. Flower, 730; reappointed by Gov. Morton, Democrat and Chronicle de- scribes her pride, ad. people of Roch. on new charter, reasons why women shd. have municipal suff., 731; effect in other places, defeated by close vote, Mrs. Greenleaf ex- presses indignation, 732; ad. Monroe Co. teachers, lets. from New Zealand and other foreign countries, face carved on theatre, Dowagiac, J. B. Thacher asks father's rec- ord, 733; N. Y. Art Assn. desires to make statue of A., represent, reform., Phil. Schuy- ler objects to placing stepmother by side of A., 734; declares it outrage on her mem- ory, Justice Peckham decides agnst. Schuyler and pays trib. to character of A., 735; overwhelmed with work, at Wash. con., reads trib. to dead, 737; opposes hold- ing natl. con. outside of Wash., defeated, 738; re-elected pres., receps. by Mrs. Green- leaf, Mrs. Waite, visits Mrs. Stn., at War- saw, birthday recep. at Rev. Gannett's, gift of Thurlow Weed's granddaughter, writes Mrs. Avery, "just ten years since we went gypsying,” Blaine shd. have been Repub. leader, 739; arranges meet. for Mrs. Sewall, tour of Mich., newspaper comment, ad. House of Rep., vote on municipal suff. for women, lets. from South, from Italy, from wage-earning women, wide range of invitat., 740; never had writing desk or stenog., can say with Gladstone, have helped humanity, spks. for wom. World's Fair Com., Cinti., urges women to organize, work or contrib- ute money, gifts from pers. friends "to keep pot boiling,” 741; opening of Columbian Expo., compli. Mrs. Palmer's ad., A.'s part in World's Fair, 742; determined women shd. participate, stands behind wom.coms., prepares petit. to Cong., Board of Lady Manag., 743; her prompt action secured board, careful not to embarrass Mrs. Pal- mer, latter's courtesy, 744; in full sympa- thy, 745; central fig. at Woman's Cong., audiences insist on her speaking, post of honor assigned her, Mrs. Sewall's testi- mony, 746; no woman so honored on acct. of personal work, tribs. of F. Willard, Lady Somerset, 747; suff. at Wom. Cong., lets. from Mr. Bonney, Mrs. Palmer, Mrs. Hen- rotin, asked to spk. in many Congs., takes no part in dissens. of women, seconds all Mrs. Palmer's efforts, 748; spks. at noon-hour meet., can not furnish writ. report, spks. on Relig. Press, managers uneasy, 749; speech causes sensation, chmn, apologizes, audience leaves with A., welcomes Gov't Cong. on behalf Civ. Sery. Com., visits Mes- dames Coonley, Sewall, Gross, 750; luncheon to Internat. Council, at Harvey, Blooming- ton, Ill., Topeka, Rochester, Hempstead, INDEX. 1037 reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper before Educat. Cong., last sight of White City, gifts from Mrs. Gross, Mrs. Coonley, farewell from Inter-Ocean, 751; most honored of all women, ready to go to Col. if needed, 752; rec. tele, announcing wom. suff. amend. carried in that State, N. Y. con. in Brooklyn, ad. New Century Club, at Penn. con., Fore- mothers' dinner, Ethical Wom. Conf., New York, arranges two State campns., scope of invitations, 753; lets. from Tourgee, Helen Webster, advice to Kan. wom. as to work for coming campn., prepares for N. Y. campn., 754; Wash. cons. run like thread through life, at Ann Arbor, hospitality of Mrs. Hall, 755; 25th annivers. at Toledo, in Baltimore, in Wash., 756; acknowl. present of silk flag from wom, of Wyo. and Col., birthday flowers, advantage of northern and southern women coming together at natl. cons., no politics, no creed, 757; Chicago Jour. comments on re-elect, as pres. “most remark., product of century," at suff. hear- ing, a new member asks why wom. have not gone to cong. coms. before, 758; Repubs. wd. not nominate wom. dele. to N. Y. Consti. Con., 759; her home devoted to campn. work, interview with Dana on number of women who shd. petit. for ballot, 760; maps out routes and spks. in every county in N. Y., 761; mass meet. in Rochester, A.'s happi- ness, at Syracuse, Buffalo, remarkable tour of meet. in four States at 74, 762; travels 100 mi. a day, spks. six nights a week, very chain-gang influence Consti. Con., rec. be- quest Eliza J. Clapp, applies all to suff. work, ad. to N. Y. women, 763; opinion of remonstrants agnst, wom. suff., wd, make govt. an aristocracy, 766; ad. suff.com. N.Y. Constit. Con., opposed by Mr. Choate, 767; on platform, 768; gave serv. even travelling expenses, trib. of Mrs. Greenleaf, outwitted by politicians, 772; not crushed but plans another campn. when coming out of con., congrat. lets. from Isa. Charles Davis, H. B. Blackwell, guest of Howlands in Catskills, calls on F. Willard and Lady Somerset at Eagle's Nest, at Keuka Col. lege, Cassadaga Lake, suff, people fear to thank Spiritualists, 773; incorrect report in Buffalo Express, appeals to polit. State cons., five min. before resolu. com. at Repub. con., Saratoga, Miss Willard's de- scription, 774; at Demo. con., women not wanted, continues work thro. hot weather, Col. women invite to their first 4th of July, 775; ad. Girl's Norm. Sch., Phila , starts to Kan., 776; urged to come, sends Mrs. Johns a plan of campn., necessity for party en- dorse., 777; suspects Kan. politicians trying to influence women, objects to Mrs. Johns being pres. Repub.club, 778; scores Repubs. for proposing to leave wom. suff. plank out of plat., 779; sends official let. to Kan. Wom. Suff. Com. showing trickery of poli- ticians and uselessness of trying to secure wom. suff.without party help, woman must not surrender, 781, 782; received 300 lets. during Kan, campn., shows Repub. leaders wom, suff. wd. give them new lease of life, 783; women who yield help sell Kan. back to whiskey power, leaves N. Y. for Kan., opens campn. at Kansas City, demands Repub. and Popu. endorsement, both chil- dren of grand old party, 784; opposit. of women, speaks at Leav., and Topeka, re- turns to N. Y., at Kansas City, Mo., returns to Kan., Rep. Wom. Con. compelled to ask State con, for plank, 785; refused permis. to address Repub. State Con., pleads cause of wom. before res. com., rejected, candi- dates admit alliance with whiskey ring, will sink State on moral issues, 786; ad. suff. mass meet. in Topeka, tries for en- dorse. by Popu. Con., 787; ad. that body, asked if she will support Popu, party, re- plies "Yes,” wild scene in con., rest of sen- tence not heard, 788; 789; shakes hands with delegates, soldier pins Popu. badge on her dress, Prohib. con. telegraphs wom. suff. adopted, she sends greeting, 790; storm of denunciation for endorsing Popu., pre- fers justice to women to financial wisdom, explains posit. in Roch. Demo. and Chron., stands only on suff. plank, Popu. make honest protest, 791; difference in treatment of women by Kan. Repubs. and Popu., 792; comfort from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, A. be- lieves in protecting home products, all creeds and politics insignificant compared to principle of equal rights, defends Popu. of Kan, and shows treachery and corrup- tion of Repubs., 793; Repub. chmn. Cyrus Leland declines offer to speak, she asks Popu. chmn. Breidenthal to announce she will speak only on suff. plank, 794; Mrs. Diggs says Popu, want her to speak on suff. plank in Kan., 795, makes tour of State, sees no hope for amend., donates year's work to Kan., brother D. R. fur nishes passes, 796; suff. defeated, keen dis- appoint., hopes for Kan., 797; confirmed in belief partial suff. hinders full suff., 798; makes strong speech Neb. con., leaves for East, New Century Club recep. in Phila- delphia, 799; ad. N. Y, con, at Ithaca, visits Cornell, speaks to girls Sage College, close of two hard campns., full of hope and cheer, introduced by F. Willard to W. C. T. U., gospel meet. in Cleveland, “ordained 1038 INDEX. of God," 800; material outweigh moral in- terests, men in reforms handicapped by disfranchis. women, might as well be dogs baying moon, Natl. Amer. Bus. Com. enter- tained by Mrs. Southworth, her friendship and generosity, goes to New York to pre- pare call with Mrs. Stn., 801; and revise article for cycloped., guest of Mrs. Lap- ham, walk thro. Central Park, lunch with Dr. Jacobi, opera with Lauterbachs, Un- cut Leaves Club, hears Robt. Collyer, visits Orange, Philadelphia, Somerton, guest Foremother's Dinner, home for Christmas, 802; Mrs. Minor leaves legacy $1,000, Mrs. Gross makes present $1,000, velvet cloak, many invitations, requests for lectures, articles, woman's edition fever, 803; wd. have more interest in Y. M. C. A. if they stood for wom, suff., manager of print- ing house writes verse, let. Mary B. Willard, invited by Revs. Jenkyn Lloyd Jones, H. W. Thomas to take part in Lib. Relig. Cong., 804; Dr. Thomas compares to Christ, urged to come as Geo. Washington went into first Continent. Cong., relieved of part of work by younger women, confidence in "body guard,” 805; urges old workers to consult with young ones,strictness in financ. accts., alarm lest contribs. be omitted, en- tertains friends New Year's, starts on south. tour taking Mrs. Catt, at the Clays in Lex- ington, 806; entertained at Memphis, spks. to col'd people in Tabernacle, at New Or- leans, Picayune's descrip. of lect., 807; at Shreveport, floral offerings, trib. of Times, misses connect. for Jackson, 808; too “oozed- out” to speak, goes to Birmingham, trib. of News, at New Decatur, Huntsville, compli. of Tribune, 809; in Atlanta, 810; presides over con., reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, takes charge mass meet., compli. of Constitution, Mrs. Stn.'s thanks for reading her papers, 811; ad. Atlanta Univers., etc., visits How- ards in Columbus, spks. in Aiken, guest Martha Schofield, in Columbia, Pine Tree State obj. to Abolitionism, in Culpepper, in Wash., 812; 75th birthday banquet, Mrs. Avery presents annuity from friends, A.'s surprise, freed from financ. anxiety, at Wom. Council, 813; represents Govt. Re- form, recep. by Mrs. McLean, spks. at fun- eral F. Douglass, at Travel Club, lect. Lin- coln, Va., death Adaline Thomson, gave A. $1,000 s thanks to contribs. to annuity fund, 814; at Drexel Instit., visits Mrs. Stn., goes to Police Court in Rochester to have boys punished same as girls, at lect. on lynching, tells audience col'd people treated no better in north than south, takes Miss Wells home with her, 815; discharges her stenog. because she refuses to write Miss Wells' lets., impossible to refuse calls for help in suff. work, resigns from Board St. Indus. Sch., her work for School, 816; grati- tude of girls, arrang. for long journey, 817; invitations follow World's Fair, declines one but later accepts from Calif. Wom. Cong., delight of exec. board, 819; A. asks permis. to bring Anna Shaw, Mrs. Cooper sends money for both, writes A. many lov- ing lets., western towns want lect., starts for Calif., 820; at Chicago, meets H. Hos- mer, many interviews, at St. Louis, Missis. Valley Cong., ovation, "75 roses," banquet. at Denver, misses recep. com., at Boulder, 821 ; recep. by Wom. Club, tribute Rocky Mountain News, Col. women owe suffrage to her, trib. Times, all women under obligat. to her, 822; knows not what to say to en- franchised women, lect. in Broadway Theatre, ovation, compliments men, at Sen. Carey's, Cheyenne, 823; distinguished aud. in Mrs. Stanford's private car, advises her to watch case before Sup. Court, breakfast at Templeton, Salt Lake, 824; guest of honor at Inter-Mountain Suff. Con., trib. Gov. West, receps., banquet at Ogden, State Univers., Reno, 825; spks. in opera house, Wom, Club recep., in lovely Calif., friends at Oakland ferry, entertained by Rev. McLean, 826; with Miss Shaw in pul. pit, happiness at cordial recep., beautiful scene at Wom, Cong., great ovation, 827; spks. every day of Cong., "princess blood royal," 828; immense audiences, guest of Mrs. Sargent, helps women organize suff. campn.,829; ad.Congregat. ministers' meet., spks. at Unit. Club dinner, teach. institute, societies, Pres. Jordan invites to Stanford Univers., Mrs. Stanford sends passes and invites graduates' recep., 830; social courte. sies, Ebell Club, Alameda Co. Wom. Cong., in Yosemite, big tree named for her, 831; lect. in San Jose, guest Mrs. Knox Good. rich, ovation in Los Angeles, at River- side, Pasadena, Pomona, Whittiers, San Diego, 832; recep. Hotel Florence, floral offerings. picnic at Olivewood, day at Santa Monica, recep. Mrs. Severance, suff. meet., 833; attitude of press, entertained by Emma Shafter Howard, spks. in Oakland, in San Fr. Zion's Church to col'd people, at ministers' meet., 834; tells why they shd. favor wom, suff., at Calif. Suff. Assn., in- vited to take part in 4th of July celebra., 835; rides in procession, makes short speech, 836; goes with Miss Shaw to Oakland, can not find audience, beautiful farewell, 200 pages newspaper notices, 837; apprecia, lets. from Calif, women, 838; suff. res. at Topeka, INDEX. 1039 throws eds. into hysterics, Chicago Herald compares to Pope, 839; reaches home day- break, at Lakeside has nervous prostrat., 840; papers prepare obit., friends and press show sympathy, trib. Wichita Eagle, lets. from May, 841; Pillsbury. Stanton, Cooper, 842; no idea of giving up work, employs stenog., lect, bureau offer $100 a night, determ, to stay home, secret of vitality, 843; suff. will lessen unfortunate mothers, men can not be just to each other while unjust to women, money enough if justly distribu- ted, on "bloomers," men troubled about woman's dress, had to dress to escape being old maids, 844; women must cease to be subject class, recovers, goes to Ashtabula con., papers put obit, notices away, at Mrs. Stn.'s 80th birthday, 845; urged to be chmn. com. arrange., Mrs. Blake insists, A. shows greater honor to have Wom. Council under- take it, 846; Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Avery obj., she shows suff. elephant must not frighten outsiders, writes hundreds of lets. to assist Mrs. Dickinson, criticises Mrs. Stn.'s speech on church, 847; pays trib. to pioneers, reads lets, and teleg., N. Y. Sun compli., Tilton's testimonial, 848; recep. by Mrs. Henry Villard, Mrs. Stn.'s birthday celebrated in Anthony home, gives all workers full meed, trib. to Mrs. Dietrick, mother's birthday, 849: And. D. White pre- sents wife, to Mrs. Sewall on death of hus- band, trib. to Mrs. Dickinson, Mrs. Stan- ford, 850; Wash, con., Utah admitted with wom. suff., 851; Wom's Bible condemned, 852; her indignat., speech for freedom of thought, 853; vote for relig. liberty, 854; contemplates resigning pres., agony of soul, no worse to criticise Bible than statute laws, 855; penitent lets. from Mrs. Avery and Mrs. Upton, position in regard to Bible, regrets Mrs. Stn, shd. give time to com- mentary, talking down to people, 856; women wd. be no more superstit. than men if had broad life, polit, rights lessen relig. bigotry, refuses to put prohib. or Bible lit- erature into Calif. campn., claims freedom of belief for all, 857; at Mrs Grant's 70th birthday, “Nelly Bly" interview in N. Y. World, Cuba, 858; immortality, eternity, prayer, marriage, flowers, music, art, favor- ite motto, bicycling, 859; new woman needs common sense, cd. not give up freedom for marriage, 76th birthday celebrat. by Roch. P. E. Club, ad. cold people at Bath, ar- rang. to write biog., 860; appeals for help in Calif. campn., lets. from Mrs. Sargent, Mrs. Cooper, accepts, Harriet Cooper sends money, 861; Rev. and Mrs. Gannett raise money to send her sec. with her, starts for Calif., stops Ann Arbor, Chicago, statuette by Bessie Potter, at Wom. Club, San Diego, Friday Morning Club, Los Angeles, praise from Alice Moore McComas, at San Fran- cisco, directs campn. from Sargent resi- dence, 862; on St. Central Com., 863; makes lists of all towns to have cons., in Sargent home, 864; visits eds. of all San Francisco dailies with Mrs. Harper, cordial recep., 866; Examiner offers column on ed. page, A. fills it during campn., pleads with ed. Hearst to bring paper out for wom, suff., 867; ed. Monitor will not see her, 868; refuses to remain for campn. unless polit. part. endorse suff, amend., at Repub. State Con., 869; interviews in Examiner, before res. com., 870; trib. from Mrs. Duniway, Mrs. McCann, prepares for Popu. con., 871; enthusiastic recep. at con., at Prohib. con., at Demo, con., 872; ad. res. com, for two minutes, 873; rebukes con. for action on wom, suff. plank, at ratificat, meet, in San Fr., 874, 875; immense amt. of labor during campn., Cent. Club breakfast, social court- esies, Ebell Club, Oakland, Fabiola Fete, 876; other invitat., up Mt. Tamalpais, hard- ships of campn., no complaint, at Wom, Cong., Portland, social events in Seattle, 877; ad. Repub., Popu., and Demo, ratificat. meet. in San Fr., homesickness, longs to help Idaho, 878; objects to “still hunt," people can not understand her on all plat- forms, needs Mrs. Stn.'s help, sends res. to Natl. Repub. Con., 879; indignat. and con- tempt at plank adopted, holds her peace, 880; triumphal tour of South. Calif., spks. from car plat., urges Miss Willard not to hold W.C.T. U. con. in Calif., 881; let, to Mrs. Peet on subject, shd. offend no voters, honors rec. from W.C.T. U., 882; no con- sidera, from Repub. Cent. Com. "too many bonnets,” 883; at "Tom Reed” rally, 885; photo. given for pledges, 889; scenes wit- nessed in elect. booths, sympathy for Calif. wom. 891; donates own services and those of sec., trib. to Calif. wom., their remem- brances, meets with State Assn., 892; ova- tion, leaves for East, 893; at Reno, Kansas City, perfect physical condit., bang. by Roch. P. E. Club, N. Y. State Con., Natl. Wom. Council, Boston, visits in that local- ity, 895; Mrs. Chace's 90th birthday, ad. R. I. Suff. Con., in Eddy homestead tells Mrs. Stn. of Calif. campn., funeral Maria Porter, securing reminis. for biog., hon, member Chi. Wom. Club, Maj. Pond's compli., offers $100 for lecture, 896; never denies charges, urges women not to scram- ble for office, Book of Prov. not much help in securing justice to women, constancy of 1040 INDEX. purpose, 897; with ballot women wd. beate deeds of women, hardships of pioneer vital force, women can not help polit. women, shd. demand rights Rev. fathers parties, objects to calling God author of fought for, honorary member Roch. D.A.R., civil gov., cd. better do God's work if had 919; woman's dependence on man does not money, 898; men trying to lift themselves win his respect, every dollar helps wom. by bootstraps, no time to speculate on suff., women's sympathy easily aroused, future life, opposed to educat, and prop do not strike at root of public evils, urges erty suff., think of dead as when at best in women to work only for full suff., begin life, 899; trib. of Dr. H. W. Thomas, at with voting precincts, 920; opinion on Geneva, gifts from Mrs. Orr, Mrs. Gross, poetry, Goa does not “punish” people, Mrs. Hussey, greet. from Mrs. Henrotin, good men form third parties and play into John W. Hutchinson, 900; Mrs. Dickinson, hands of enemy, 921; week days sacred as F. Willard invites to visit at Castile, ad. Sunday, women shd, not ask for educat. patients Green sanitar., at lunch. ex. com. and property suff., objects to idea of pers. St. Fed. Clubs, arranges lect. for Mrs. God, 922; he is not respons, for human ills, Stetson, starts for natl. con. at Des Moines, can not influence voters by prayer, telegram thinks longingly of Wash., 901; sleeps on to nephew on wedding day, let. to F. Willard $6,000 bed, compli. Chi. Wom. Club, at Cal. on yellow journalism and prize fight, 923; lanan home, pres. atnatl. suff. con., victories objects to threatening voters with woman's in Utah and Idaho, 902; reporter dresses ballot, Miss Willard sends conciliatory re- her in royal purple and diamonds, advan ply, urges her to come to World's and Natl. tage of holding natl. cons. in Wash., Mrs. W. C. T. U. Cons., no end of invitations, Sewall gives recep. to legis. in her honor, 924; requests for opinions, amusing ques- 903; ad. the guests, lunch, with Mrs. Wal tions from county offic., A.'s answer, hon. lace and G. W. Julian, recep. by Mr. and mem. Cuban League, Roch. Hist. Soc., Mrs. Dean, ad. Ind. Legislature, arrives Ladies of Maccabees, etc., never recd. one home, friendship for reporters, at Douglass dollar salary from Natl. Suff. Assn., 925; nor birthday service, 904; women's clubs of have any of offic., visits Thousand Islands, Rochester arrange 77th birthday recep. for beautiful scenes, starts for Adams, Mass., A., comment of papers, 905; trib. Post Ex 926; at Geneva, at O. St. Con., Alliance, ad. press, Herald descrip. of recep., 906; at the students Mt. Union Coll., S.J. May's Centen- recep., day in Anthony home, greetings nial, at Nashville Expo., spks. in Wom. from individs. and assns., trib. Mrs. Catt, at Bldg., hearty greeting, 927; recep. by pres. meet. Cuban League, 907; hopes Cubans of Expo., compli. of American, entertained will remember their women, eulogy at by pres. Board of Lady Managers, ad. Lib. funeral of Mrs. Humphrey, urged not to Cong. Relig., Fiske Univers., N. Y. Suff. delay biog., 908; while in Calif. asks Mrs. Con., Geneva, criticises women for going Harper to write it, thinks will be little to into partisan politics, defends “rings," say, immense amt. of material, 909; all 1928; "adroit statesman lost to world,” gold. sorted and arranged, 910; in attic work- wed. Dr. and Mrs. E. M. Moore, spks. rooms, 911; difficult to remain home, Minneap., Madison, Grand Rapids, Kala- rec. callers Monday evenings, dislikes mazoo, Toledo, ad. students Minn. Univers., role of society or literary woman, 913; contrast bet. first canvass of N. Y. and pres- chafes under old records, “living with the ent ovations, 929; daily life and habits, 931; dead," lect, at Auburn for Tuskegee Instit., great amt. of exercise, not dwelling on ills, ad. legis. com. at Albany, resolves never to work, dress, 932; toilet, religion, medical do it again, wants to celebrate sister's 70th practice, few visits, harmonious life with birthday, finds friends arranging for it, 914; sister, home in Rochester, 933; A. enjoys interview in Rochester Herald, trib. to life kitchen, mother's wed. furniture, old pict- of sister Mary, personal obligations, 915; ures, 934; bedroom, study, daily mail, 935; happiness over party, Sargent golden wed work as pres. Natl. Suff. Assn., requests ding, 916; visits Mrs. Osborne, evenings of from men, women and children, schools, reminis. with Mrs. Stn., reading of biog., clubs, libraries, authors, eds., 936; poets, lets. from all parts of world, greatest "cranks," adventurers, 937; let. from child, compli., medallion and souvenir spoon, 917; slave to correspond., “if young women fail, women can not rise in revolt agnst. fathers octogenarian will work harder," 938; trib. and sons, Mrs. Besant and Theosophy, busy to obscure women, devoting closing yrs. to with work on this planet, 918; thanks Sup. permanent fund for wom. suff. and Press Judges of Idaho for decision on wom. suff., Bureau, Hist. Soc. invites to Berkshire, advises Ky. Daught, of Rev. to commemor 939; official and pressing invit., she in- INDEX. 1041 vites natl. suff. com. and other friends, ASHLEY, REV. MR., preaches agnst, equality arrang, for family reunion, “Old Hive” for women, 79. swarms, 940; pres. suff. com. meet. in ATKINSON, MRS. WM. Y., reception to suff. rooms where played as child, 941; lunch con., 810. in Plunkett's Pavilion, Adams, pres. AUCLERT, HUBERTINE, A. calls on, 562. Hist, meet., pride and happiness, trib. of AVERY, DR. ALIDA C., accepts A.'s services Mrs. Catt, 942; Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Upton, for Colorado, 489; hospitality, 493; 548; compared to Galileo, wd. turn Roman pal- work for S. Dak., 685. aces into orphan asylums, future pilgrim- AVERY, CYRUS MILLER, marries Rachel Fos- ages to birth-place, 943; trib. Mrs. Sewall, ter, 644; present to A., 707. Mrs. Colby, love of justice, of home, 944; AVERY, ROSE FOSTER, 678. trib. of Anna Shaw, tenderness, charity, AVERY, RACHEL FOSTER, 511; arrang. lect. love, great, ideal life, 945; pres. Anthony re tour for A., 512; 527; cor. sec. Natl. Assn., union, New Eng. dinner, silent blessing, arrang. N. E. cons., 535; 538; 541: manages 946; trip to Mt. Greylock, A.gayest of party, Neb. campn., 545; to accompany A. abroad, takes friends to all loved spots, Quaker adopts name "Aunt Susan,” 546; starts for meet. house, 947; own old home, room Europe with A., 550; on shipboard, 552; where born, worthy descendant noble race, 553; 555;556;558; presented at court, 562;564; task for half-century to secure equal rights 565; 566; at Somerville club, 567; death of for women, 948; contrast in condit. at be mother, 603; in Kansas, 625; meets Stone in gin, and end, her part, receives meed of ap Boston, rec. plan of union of two soc. and precia., face carved in capitol at Albany, list of com., sec. of com., 628; rec. list of Am. 949; trib. of women, Mrs. Sewall's analysis, com., let. from A. urging union, 629; cor. sec. "never forgets," F. Willard's testimonial, unit. assns., 632; arr. internat. council, 633; 950; Mrs. Stn. describes grand life, dedicates marries, public work, 644; continues after Reminiscences to A.,951;'steadfast friend," marriage, 645; 664; arranges birthday bang. A. not martyr, enjoyed work, retained self for A., 664; 676; A. on pre-natal influ., birth respect, always in good company, gov. by of daught., gratitude to A., 678; sends A. philos, rather than emotion, compared to sister's furniture, 701; gives recep. for A., Napoleon, Gladstone, Lincoln, 952; Garri 705 ; 707; urges A. to go to Kan., 715; in Kan. son, own individuality, life's serene evening, campn., gives $1,000, 719; 721; at Chautau- 953; ad. to Lincoln, "free women as you qua, 727; gift to A., 741; at opening World's have slaves," 957; ad. on Reconstruct. in Fair, 742; sec. com. org. Wom. Cong., mag- 1865, Johnson's proclam. to Miss., ballot in nitude of work, respons. for success, A.'s hand of every loyal citizen, 960; ad. to Cong., pride, 745; 753; 802; secures annuity for A., eloquent demand for woman's enfranchis., 813; wants A. to manage Stn, birthday, 847; 968; newspaper trib. on 50th birthday, 972; favors res. against Wom.Bible, 854; asks A.'s lets. and gifts, 974; constitut, argu. deliv. forgiveness, 856;895; at Des Moines con., 902; in Monr and Ontario counties, revious present to Mary Anthony, 916: at Anthony to trial for voting, 1873, proving from Fed. homestead,940; at Berkshire Hist, meet.,943. and State constits., statutes and eminent AVERY, SUSAN LOOK, entertains A., 654; 711; men, right of women to franchise, 977; news- A. at bien. Fed. of Clubs, 720. paper comment on trial, 993; scurrilous re- ports, famous silk dress, will make charm- BAKER, CHARLES S., M. C., favors admis, of ing biog., 995; Bread and Ballot speech Wy., 698; 713. deliv. 1870-1880, 996; lect. on Social Purity BAKER, ELLEN S. registers and votes, 424. deliv. in Chicago, 1875, 1004; open let. to BAKER, MRS. GEORGE L., 832. Benj. Harrison asking to interpret "free BAKER, GULA,552. ballot” plank in Repub. plat. as including BAKER, DR. HENRY A., Yosemite with A., 831. women, 1013; Demand for Party Recogni- BAKER, MRS. P. C., 832. tion, deliv. in Kan., 1894, 1015. BALDWIN, ISABEL A., meets A. at ferry, 826; ANTHONY, SUSIE B., 471; 552; goes to Roch. pres. Alameda Co. suff. soc., 865. with A., 609; drowned, 648. BALGARNIE, FLORENCE, at Int'l. Council, let, ANTHONY, WILLIAM, 947. 704; in Kan. campn., 719. ARCHER, STEPHEN, A. hears preach, 39. BALLARD, ADELAIDE, 902. ARKELL, JAMES, writes play, 51. BANGS, JUDGE, for wom. suff. in S. Dak., 687. ARKELL, WILLIAM J., 51. BANKER, HENRIETTA M., 708. ARNOLD, EDWIN, 554. BANNISTER COUNTY SUPT., 288. ARTHUR, CHESTER A., grants interview to A., BARKER, RACHEL, A. hears preach., 40. 538; rec. suff. delegates, 588. ANT.—66 1042 INDEX. BARKER, MRS. H. M., nat'l ass'n funds keep BIDWELL, ANNIE K., tries to secure suff. up work in S. Dak., 680. amend. from Calif. legis., 863. BARKER, REV. M., suff, amend. will go by BIGELOW, JOHN, for wom. suff., 767. default unless nat'l ass'n helps, 680; 681. Biggs, CAROLINE ASHURST, 554. BARNARD, HELEN, edits campn. paper, 509. BINGHAM, ANSON, in favor of wom, rights, 186. BARRON, MME. DE, entertains A., 561. BINGHAM, JOHN A., agnst. wom, suff., 382; BARROWS, ISABEL, 793. 985; 986. BARRY, LEONORA M., on A.'s birthday, 671; in BIRD, FRANCIS W., speaks at suff. con., 533. Col. campn., 752. BISBEE, M. C., 590. BARSTOW, HON. A. C., 87. BLACKIE, PROF. JOHN STUART, converted by BARTLETT, REV. CAROLINE J., 702. A. to wom. suff. ; kisses her hand, 570. BARTOL, EMMA J., 548. BLACKWELL, ALICE STONE, arrang. union of BARTON, CLARA, unrecognized by govt., 239; two assns., 628; sends list of com., 629; influ- 276; first appears at wom. suff. meet., 313; ence in favor of union, 630; rec. sec. unit. 314; 496; at A.'s birthday banq., 665; to A. in assns., 632 ; on S. Dak.com. 675; 676; let. from S. Dak., will help, 689. A. on S. Dak, 683; favors res, agnst. Wom. BASCOM, EMMA C., 548; 612. Bible, 854; at Anthony homestead, 940. BASCOM, PRES., friendship for A., 612. BLACKWELL, REV. ANTOINETTE BROWN, Vice BATES, U. S., Atty.-Gen. Edw., citizen of Pres. Wom. Temp. Con., 67; demands equal U.S. means memb. of nation, 984; infamous rights, 74; Bible enjoins no subjection of decis., 985. woman, 76; urges A. to speak, 82; 83; 90; BATES, FANNIE, 940. 93; 94; refused right to speak at World's BAYNE, JULIA TAFT, poem on Greylock, 13. Temp. Con., 101: marries, 128: 131: jokes A. BEACH, REV. AND MRS. J. C., 288. about bachelor, 142; preaches in Rochester, BEALE, GENERAL, 677. 167; biog, in cycloped., 170; wd. use Hovey BEATIE, MRS. --, 824. fund for church work, 171; con. at Niagara, BECK, JAMES B.. SENATOR, opp. com. on 175; anecdote of A.'s trying to order break- rights of wom., 541. fast, 176; demands of married life, 178; BECKER, LYDIA E., 360; A. meets in Eng., 553. teasing let, on A.'s obtuseness, disappoint. BECKWITH, P. D., for equal. of wom., 733. when preaching at Peterboro, 179; opp. di- BEECHER, CATHARINE,on divorce, 332; agnst. vorce res., 193; patriotic ad. Wom. Loyal wom. suff., 372; points out Mrs. Woodhull's League, 229; 253; woman's paper for Mrs. errors, 378; wishes she had not, 379. Stn.'s benefit, 299; A. writes regard. wom. BEECHER, H. W., praise of Berkshire, 2; W. preachers and sermons, 634; 636. R. sp. at Cooper Insti., 192; assists Wom, BLACKWELL, ELLEN, 131; 132. Loyal League, 234; agrees to lect, for wom. BLACKWELL, DR. ELIZ., originates Sanitary suff, movement, 252; 259; on hay fever, 263; Commission, 239. describes manifold duties, can not work in BLACKWELL, HENRY B., marries Lucy Stone, organizations, 274; sp. on pressing woman's 130; rec. sec. Equal Rights Assn., 260; accom- claims at once, 276; 279; endorses wom. panies wife to Kan., criticises Greeley and suff., 284; 290; 308; pres. Am. Suff, Assn., Repubs., 275; for defeat of wom. suff. in 328; how to make audience laugh and cry, Kan., 304; rec. sec. Am. Suff. Assn., 328; offers 334; 346; 347; marriage of Richardson and res. that Am. Equal Rights Assn. be dis- Mrs. McFarland, 351; 373; 422; magnetism, solved, 348; votes for it, 349; bus. man. Wom. like elder brother to Tilton, devotion to Journal, 361; writes A. to stand by Repub. Mrs. Tilton, 464; birthday gift to A., 976. party, 416; cor. sec. Am. W. S. A., 627; sec. BEECHER, REV. THOMAS K., theology, 125; com, on union, 629; 640; 675; contrib. serv. to grants church for suff. meet., 178; anecdote S. Dak., 695; spks. at Chautauqua, 727; of, 373. congrat. A. on N. Y. campn., 773; must have BELFORD, JAMES B., M.C., for wom. suff., 585. endors. of Repubs, and Popu. in Kan., 780; BELL, JOHN C., M. C., ad. suff. con., 756. Mrs. Johns must stand by her guns, 781; BENNETT, JAMES GORDON, opp. wom. suff., 78. urges A. to be Repub, or non-partis., 793; BENNETT, SALLIE CLAY, 511; 607. favors res. against Wom. Bible, 854. BEMIS, JULIA BROWN, 368. BLAINE, Jas. G., tyranny to count citizens in BERNHARDT, SARAH., A. hears, 567; 733. represent, while denying ballot, 499; not BERRY, MR. AND MRS. W. W., recep. to friend of wom, suff., 594; death, Repub. Woman's Council, 928. leader, 739. BESANT, ANNIE, 577; A. entertains, 704; A. BLAIR, SEN. HENRY W., 500; rep. in favor can not accept her ideas, 918. wom. suff., 543; same, 590; 591; humorous BIDWELL, GEN. J. C., 404. note to A., 606; 607; secures vote in senate INDEX. 1043 on 16th Amend, 617; spks. for it, 620; A. BREEDEN, REV. H. O., welc. natl. suff. con., must "fight for life,” 626; ad, suff. con., 647; 902. at A.'s birthday banq., 664; 665; by "pious BREIDENTHAL, JOHN W., ch. Kan. Popu. Com. fraud" reads let. from Eng. Suff. Soc., 704; will leave it with A. as to her speeches, 794; rep, in favor wom, suff., 718. confident suff. amend. will carry, 796. BLAKE, LILLIE DEVEREUX, 377; defends A. in BRICE, MRS. CALVIN, 814. voting, 432; 446; presents Wom. Dec. of Ind., BRICKNER, MAX, 731. 478; on trial by jury, 479;511; in Neb. campn., BRIGHAM, Prof., 76. 545; interviews Gen. Hancock, 520; 628; BRIGHT, ALBERT, 576. 629; in N. Y. campn., 761; ad. N. Y. Consti. BRIGHT, JACOB, endorses wom. suff., 368; 564; Con., 768; at N. Y. Demo. Con., 775; pres. presides over wom. suff. meet., 566; advo- Foremothers' dinner, 802; A. must manage cates wom. suff. in Parliament, 567. Stn. birthday, 846; opp. res. agnst. Wom. BRIGHT, JOHN, Lord Rector's ad., 556; 565; Bible, 854. 575; 577; workingmen need franchise, 996. BLATCH, ALICE, 553. BRIGHT, URSULA M., demands franchise for BLATCH, HARRIOT STANTON, trib. to A., married women, 563; 564; 565; A. visits, 543; A. visits, 554; 564; apprec. let. to A. and son's admiration for her, 577. Mrs. Stn., 602; at A.'s birthday banq., 666; BROADHEAD, M.C., 590. ad. Nat'l Con., 675; at Geneva, N. Y., 900. BRODERICK, CASE, M. C., ad. suff. con., 756; BLINN, NELLIE HOLBROOK, pres. Calif. suff, suggests wom, suff. plank for Kan, Repubs., assn., tries to sec. suff. amend. from legis., 778; tries to have it in plat., 779. on St. Suff. Com., 863; at Rep. St. Con., 869. BRONTE, ANNE, CHARLOTTE AND EMILY, BLOOMER, AMELIA, Sec. Wom. Temp. Con., home and life, 576. 67; dele. Syr. Tem. Con., 69; 83; 93; gave BROOKE, STOPFORD, discouraging attempts name to Bloomer costume, let, defending it, at temp. work, 564. 114; 380; death, 803 BROOKS, D. C., sustains suff, meet., 544. BLOSS, WM. C., 165. BROOKS, JAMES, M. C., franks women's peti- BLUE, HON. RICHARD W., introduces munici- tions, 268, 295; thanked by women, 422. ipal wom, suff. bill in Kan. Senate, 611; 647. BROOKS, BISHOP PHILLIPS, for wom. suff., BLUNT, GEN., 289. 757. “BLY, NELLIE," interview with A., 858. BROOMALL, J. W., endorses wom. suff., 284. BOGELOT, ISABELLE, ad. Sen. Com., 640. . BROTHERTON, ALICE WILLIAMS, 668. BOND, MRS. CHARLES W., recep. to Wom. BROWN, REV. ANTOINETTE L. (see Blackwell). Council, 895. BROWN, B. GRATZ, argues for wom. suff., 266, BOND, ELIZ. POWELL, 152. 318; 415; franchise a natural right, 979. BONNEY, C. C., pres. Wom. Cong. Aux., ap- BROWN, BERIAH, misrepresents A., 401. points coms., 745; places A. on advis. com. BROWN, CHARLOTTE EMERSON, 720. of various congs., 748; requests her to spk. BROWN, ELIZABETH, 369. for Civil Serv. Com., at Govt. Cong., 750. BROWN, MRS. H. B., 697. BOOTH, MARY L., first pub, appearance, 131; BROWN, JOHN, sleeps in cabin of Merritt An- shows injustice to wom. teachers, 143; longs thony, 144; memorial meet, in Rochester, to help suff., 146; 155; 316; love for A., 458; 181; 184; A. visits home and grave, defends praises A. and Hist. Wom. Suff., declares his memory, 708. belief in wom. suff., 615; death, 660. BROWN, COL. JOHN, 4. BOTTOME, MARGARET, 702; tribute to A., 703. BROWN, REV. JOAN, on Kan, suff.com., 287. BOWEN, Thos. B., SENATOR, 607. BROWN, SEN. Jos. A., opp. wom. suff., 590; BOWEN, "UNCLE SAM," 5. speech in opp. to wom. suff., 617; phys. BOWLES, REV. ADA C., at suff. con., 533; 636. strength nec. for voting, 620. BOWMAN, BISHOP Thos., for wom. suff., 588. BROWN, MATTIE GRIFFITH, 234; 260; 327; 350. BOYNTON, ELIZABETH, 360. (See Harbert.) BROWN, MAY BELLEVILLE, 726. BOYNTON, H. V., 608. BROWN, REV. OLYMPIA, work in Kan., 286; BRADFORD, MARY C. C., invites A. to Colo ballot for woman as well as negro, 304; rado women's 4th of July, 775. 387; on Repub. plat., 422; defends A. in vot- BRADLAUGH, CHARLES, 577. ing, 432; A. is North Star, 608; 612; suit un- BRADLEY, MR. AND MRS. BENJ., 652. der Wis. sch. suff. law, 624; 628; 629; 659; BRADWELL, JUDGE, 315; urges measures to A.'s birthday, 670; in S. Dak., 684; 702. unite two suff. org., 350. BROWN, SARAH, 287. BRADWELL, MYRA W., tribute to A., 315; 346; BROWN, SUSAN ANTHONY, 942. defends A. for voting, 443; death, 757. BROWNE, Thos. M., M. C., rep. in fav. wom. BRAYTON, HELEN, 812. suff. 590; has it printed, A. praises, 591. 1044 INDEX. BRUCE, SENATOR BLANCHE K., ad. suff.con., CAMPBELL, MARY GRAFTON, 830. 756. CANNON, HON. GEO. Q., 825. BRYANT, WM. CULLEN, trib. to Berkshire, 13; CANTINE, EMMA, 927. condemns mob, 103; favors wom. suff., 267; CAREY, JOSEPH M., SENATOR, ad. suff. con., ed. N. Y. Post favored wom. suff., 771. 617; 756; ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in favor BUCHANAN, JAMES, 150. wom. suff., 769. BUCKLEY, PROF. J. W., opp. co-educat., 156. CAREY, MRS. JOSEPH M., 617; 823. BUCKLEY, REV. JOHN H., Anna Shaw answers CARLISLE, JOHN G., SENATOR, 718. obj. to womsuff., 710; deb. suff. with A. CARPENTER, FRANK G., let. on A.'s birthday, Shaw, 727; cold recep. from audience, 728. 670. BUDD, Gov. JAMES H., signs bill for suff. CARPENTER, SEN. MATT. H., 337; 410; U.S. amend., 863; places last on ticket, 889. has no well ordered system of jurispru- BUFFUM, JAS., 131. dence, 451; favors wom. suff., 500. BULLARD LAURA CURTIS, 327; 350; buys Revo- CARROLL, ANNA ELLA, plans Tenn, campn. lution, 361; gives it up, 363; 564; let. and 239. gift to A. on 50th birthday, 975. CARTTER, SUP. JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985. BUNNELL, MRS. G. W., pres. Ebell Club, 876. CARY, ALICE, 316; 343; writes for Revolution, BURDETTE, ROBT. J., 862. home and receptions, 358; cd. not write BURLEIGH, CELIA, 353. heart's deepest thoughts, prepares "Born BURLEIGH, WM. H., 69. Thrall” for Rev., dies before finishing it, BURNETT, ASSEMBLYMAN, spks. agnst. wom. 359; 360; 368. rights, 109. CARY, PHOEBE, 316; poem on A.'s 50th birth- BURNSIDE, GEN. AMBROSE E., 959. day; 342; 343; tries to unite suff. assns., 346; BURR, FRANCES ELLEN, let. A.'s 50th birth proposed ed. of Revolution, 357; writes for day, 975. Revolution, home and receptions, 358; note BURT, MARY T., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., 769. to A., 359; 360; 368. BURTIS, SARAH ANTHONY, teach. in Anthony CARY, SAMUEL F., declines to assist wom. family, 22; sec. first W. R. Con., 59; remi temp. con., 97; opp. woman's speaking, 101. nis., 896. CASEMENT, GEN. J. S. AND MRS. FRANCES M., BURTON, CAPTAIN, 552. hospitality to A., 705. BUSH, COL. J. W., introduces A., 809. CASWELL, L. B., M. C., reports in favor of BUSHNELL, DR. KATE, spks. at Central Music wom, suff., 699. Hall, Chicago, 640. CATT, CARRIE CHAPMAN, 675; in S. Dak., 685; BUTLER, GEN. BENJ. F., fine rep. in favor of shows no hope of success, 693; "lonesome wom. suff., 382; let. on wom. right to movement,” 694; A.'s unselfishness, 695; ill- vote under Constit., 429; rep. in favor ness acc't work in S. D., 696; at Kan, con., of remit. A.'s fine for voting, 451; inter 697; in Col. campaign, 752; entertains A., 753; cedes for inspectors, 452; in favor of wom. elect. nat'l organizer, 758; in N. Y. campn., suff., 454; retained in Eddy will case, 540; 761; no hope of suff. in Kan, without party pres. candidate, 594; fees in Eddy case, 598; endors., 780; opens campn. in Kan. City, 784; death, 737; in New Orleans, 959; Constit. ad. Popu. St. Con., 789; situation in Kan., authoriz. right of women to vote, 991. 792; amendment will win., 795; with A. on BUTLER, JOSEPHINE E., writes A., 458; A. south. lect. tour, 806; entertained by Mem- hears speak, 576. phis clubs, 807; at New Or., Greenville, BUTLER, SENATOR AND MRS. MATT. C., 677. Jackson, 808; New Decatur, Huntsville, trib. BYRD, PROF. C. E., 808. of News, 809; favors res. against Wom. Bible, BUTLER, DAVID, Gov. (Of Neb.), introduces 854; work in Calif.campn., 875; first app. at A., 380. Natl. Con., 878; 883; entertains natl. com., 895; birthday trib. to A., 907; ad. N. Y. legis., CADY, MARGARET LIVINGSTON, 279. 914; western conferences, 929; at Anthony CAIRD, MONA, 577. homestead, 940; trib. to A. at Berk. Hist. CALLANAN, JAMES AND MARTHA C., 676; 902. meet compares to Galileo, future pilgrim- CAMERON, SENATOR ANGUS, reports in favor ages to birthplace, 942. wom. suff., 502. CHACE, ELIZ. BUFFUM, 90th birthday, 896. CAMERON, SENATOR Don, grants ten seats to CHACE, JONATHAN, SENATOR, for suff., 621. wom. in Repub. con., 518. CHADWICK, REV. JOHN, 346. CAMP, HERMAN, agnst. wom. delegates, 70. CHAMBERS, REV. JOHN, calls wom. deleg. CAMPBELL, Gov. John A., vetoes bill repeal- "scum of con.," 89; insults Miss Brown on ing wom. suff. in Wyoming, 407; 408. platform, 101. CAMPBELL, MARGARET, in Col. campn, 492. CHANDLER, SENATOR, ZACH., 460. INDEX. 1045 CHANLER, MARGARET LIVINGSTONE, ad. N. pres. 485; scores Sen. Wadleigh, strong ar- Y. Consti, Con, in favor wom, suff., 768. gument for wom. suff., 501; 548. CHANNING, WM. H., begin. of friendship for CLEVELAND, GROVER, 594; rec. Wom. Intl. A., 58; visits Anthony home, 60; 93; defends Council, 637; signs bill admit. Utah, 851. Antoinette Brown at temp. con., 102; prep. CLEVELAND, MRS. GROVER, rec. Wom. Intl. call for W. R. con, and leads it, 104; audi- Council, 637. ence at Albany refuses to hear, 108; writes CLYMER, ELLA DEITZ, 704. appeal for wom. suff., 110; corporal awk- COATES, SARAH CHANDLER, 895. ward squad, 112; opp. bloomer dress, 115; COBBE, FRANCES POWER, 368; 566; 577. compli. Hist. Wom. Suff.531; loves America, COBDEN, JANE, 565; 576. 554; returns to early beliefs, 563; death, 595. COCHRAN, HON. JOHN, how to fool the women, CHANT, LAURA ORMISTON, ad. Sen. Com., 418. spks. Central Music Hall, Chicago, 640; at COCKRELL, SEN. FRANCIS M., opp. wom, suff., A.'s birthday banq., 666; 672. 590; 591; 606; 677. CHAPIN, REV. EDWIN H., 192. COFFEEN, HENRY A., M. C., ad. suff. con., 756. CHAPMAN, MARIA WESTON, compli. A., 154. COKE, LORD, on taxation without representa- CHAPMAN, MARIANA W., in N. Y. campn., tion, 969. 761; pres. N. Y. Suff. Ass'n sends birthday COGSWELL, MR. — -, compli. A., 535. greet. to A., 907; ad. N. Y. legis., 914. COLBY, CLARA B., first meets A., 493; 511; 541; COLBY. CADA CHAPMAN, NANCY M., registers and votes, 424. manages Neb. campn., 541; in Kan. campn., CHATFIELD, HANNAH, regis. and votes, 424. 609; A.'s eloquence at Madison, 612;628;629; CHEEVER, REV. GEO. B., 173; 174; approves council issue of Wom. Trib., 633; at A.'s A.'s work, 182; 192. birthday banq., 666; compli. in Wom. Trib., CHENEY BROS., present to A., 549. 671; 672; on S. Dak. com., 675; in campn., CHENEY, EDNAH D., at Fed. clubs, 721. 685; at Neb. and Kan. cons., 697; in At- CHENEY, MR. AND MRS., gift to A., 976. lanta, 811 ; objects to res. agnst. Wom. Bible, CHILD, LYDIA MARIA, 253; first ed. A. S. 852; 857; at Anthony homestead, 940; at Standard, petit, for suff. declared "inop Berk. Hist, meet., trib. to A., love of justice, portune" by Sumner, 265; 276; 549; 935. home, life-work, 944; Anthony homestead CHILDS, GEO. W., 480; gives A. money and shd. be purchased, 945. souvenir, 538; sends A. $100, 607; death, 756. COLE, HON. A. N., sustains wom. delegates, 70. CHOATE, JOSEPH H., pres. N. Y. Consti. Con., "COLE, CATHARINE,'' 597. uses influence agnst, wom. suff., 767; votes COLEMAN, LUCY N., 178; 216; 229. agnst, suff. amend., fears to injure polit. COLLINS, JENNIE, at Natl. Con., 337; 349. prospects, 771. COLLYER, RBT., endorses wom. suff,, 284; 371; CHOATE, MRS. JOSEPH H., petit. for suff., 764; 372; 373; beautiful pict. in pulpit, 802. not represented by husb., 771. COLLYER, ROBT. LAIRD, spks. agnst. wom. CHURCHILL, MRS. JEROME, 404. suff., 316. CLAFLIN, TENNIE C., 376. COLVIN, HON. ANDREW J., champions wom- CLAPP, ELIZA J., leaves A. $1,000, 763. an's rights, 189. CLAPP, HANNAH H., introd. A. in '71, '95, 826. CONDIT, REV., opp. woman's rights, 88. CLARK, EMILY, temp. speaker, travels with CONKLING, ROSCOE, 410; A.'s trial for voting, A., 71; 87; at Brick church meet., 90. 441; 485; defeats com, on wom, rights, 527. CLARK, HELEN BRIGHT, 576. CONWAY, MONCURE D., A.visits, 563; delighted CLARK, JAMES G., 200. with A.'s speech, 565. CLARK, NANCY HOWE, teacher's trib. to Mr. CONWAY, MRS. MONCURE D., 563. and Mrs. A., 22; 47. CONWAY, MILDRED, 566. CLARK, SIDNEY M. C., 247; endorses wom. COONLEY, LYDIA AVERY, 711; 720; entertains suff. 284; A. compliments, 960; 962. A. dur. World's Fair, 750; gift, 751; 841. CLARKSON, THOMAS, A. visits old home, 569. COOPER, HARRIET, affect. let. to A., 820; CLAY. HENRY, preaches liberty attended by meets A. at ferry, 826; sends money for A. a slave, 42. to come Calif. to help in suff. campn., 861; CLAY, LAURA, 511; 806; 807; at Atlanta con., meets A., 862; rec. sec. campn. com., 863. 811; favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; 940. COOPER, PETER, 422. CLAY, MARY B., 511; 628. COOPER, SARAH B., on Hist. Wom. Suff., 616; CLAY, MARY J. WARFIELD, 511; 806. pres, Calif. Wom. Cong., 819; sends A. CLAY-KLOPTON, MRS., 809. money to come to Calif., loving letters, 820; CLAYTON, COL. V. P., 812. meets A. and Miss Shaw at ferry, 826; at CLEMMER, MARY, describes con., trib. to A., Congreg. church, San Fr.; pres. Woman's 340; 360; scene in senate when petits. were Cong., 827; gives A. and Miss Shaw free- 1046 INDEX. dom of speech; trib. to A., 828; chmn. CURTIS, MARY B. F., votes, 447. campn. com., consecrates herself to suff., CURTIS, NEWTON M., ad. suff. con., 756. 829; takes A. to minister's meet., 830; chmn. CUTLER, HANNAH M. TRACY, lectures with 4th July wom. com., refused permission A. 178; 629; 902. for A. Shaw to speak, gains her point, rides in procession, 836; sympathy for A., DAHLGREN, MRS. ADMIRAL, 372; petit. agnst. 842; appeals to A. for help in Calif. campn., wom. suff., 377. 861; meets at ferry, 862; 863; suff. plank DALL, CAROLINE H., 131; conservative con., in Repub. platform, 871; at Demo. St. Con., 196; 253. 872; at Portland Wom. Cong., 877. DALLAS, MARY KYLE, 316. CORLISS, DR. HIRAM, 45; 902. DANA, CHAS. A., not enough women ask for COUDERT, FREDERICK, for wom. suff., 764. suff., 760. COUZINS, PHOEBE, 322; 327; 349; 360; urges DANA, RICHARD H., lect. against women, 59. A. and Mrs. Stn. to resume head of Natl. DANFORTH, JUDGE GEO. F., presides suff. Assn., 382; presents Wom. Dec. of Ind. at meet., 762; invites A. to meet Justices Ap- Centennial, 478; 479; compli. A.'s manage- pellate Court, 896. ment of Wash. cons., 495; welcomes suff. DANIELS, Asso. JUSTICE, P. V. citizenship con. to St. Louis, recep. to A.,506; ad. Cong. means entire equality, 984. Com., 511, 517; dele. to Natl. Prohib. Con., DANIELS, HATTIE, 553. 520; at Mott memorial serv., 527; in Neb. DARLING, ANNA B., 341. campn., 545; A. sends $100, 608; meets A. at DAVIES, CHARLES, LL.D., Pres. State Teach. station, 609; A. makes her life memb. of Con., 98; agnst. woman's right to speak, 99; Natl. Assn., 659; at A.'s birthday banq., 665; agnst. co-educa., 155; reads first cable, A. gives money, 672. 163. COWAN, SEN. EDGAR, moves to strike "male' DAVIS, EDWARD M., wants woman to wait from D. C. Suff. Bill, 266; 422. till negro is enfranchised, 314; pres. Cit. CRAMER, MRS., 381. Suff. Assn. tenders A. recep., 546; 550; CRAMPTON, REV. R. C., 87. death, 645. CRAVATH, PRES. ERASTUS M., invites A. to DAVIS, MRS. EDWARD M., A. visits, 895. ad. students Mt. Union Coll., 928. DAVIS, ISABELLA CHARLES, letter to A., 773. CRAWFORD, S. G., endorses wom. suff., 284. DAVIS, JOHN, M. C., ad. suff. con., 756. CRITTENDEN, A. P., 390. DAVIS, OLIVE, 905. CROLY, “JENNY JUNE,” 353; 720. DAVIS, PAULINA WRIGHT, at Syracuse W. R. CROMWELL, OLIVER, 1014. Con., 72; pres. cons., 1850-1851, 75; work in CROSBY, ABBY BURTON, 327. 1840-48, 82; discouraged with women, 130; CROWELL, EX-MAYOR, 248. 253; 327; entertains A., Mrs. Stan. and Mrs. CROWLEY, RICHARD, U. S. Dist. Atty., exam Hooker, 332; 349; gives $500 to Rev., 356; ines A. for having voted, 427; threatens to 358; arranges 20th suff. annivers., 367; ill move trial into another county, 435; does and sends for A., 368; 20 yrs. Hist. of W. R. so, 436; two hrs. speech in prosecut. A., movement, her early work, 369; 372; 375; 438; says A. had fair trial by jury, 450. 376; at N. Y. con., 384; death, 481. CULVER, PRES. & MRS., 598. DAVIS, WILLIAM H., invites A. to 4th of July CULVER, JUDGE E. D., 330. celebration, rejoices in her work, 835. CULVER, MARY, registers and votes, 424. DAVITT, MICHAEL, asks all for wom., 575; 775. CUMMINGS, — Miss, A.'s birthday, 671. DAWES, H. L., SENATOR, for suff., 621; on A.'s CUNNINGHAM, STEPHEN M., 393. birthday, 671. CURTIS, ELIZ. BURRILL, ad. N. Y. legis., 914. DEAN, JOHN C. AND LILLIAN WRIGHT, 904. CURTIS, EUGENE T., spks. for suff., 762. DEBS, EUGENE V., invites A. to lecture, 503. CURTIS FAMILY, 395. DE GARMO, RHODA, votes, 424; death, 447. CURTIS, GEO. WM., hissed at W. R. con., 163; DELAVAN, MRS. E. C., Wom. Temp. Con., 67. lect. on Fair Play for Women, dislikes DELIVERGE, DORIS AND HULDAH, employ A. term, “woman's rights," 167; objects to Er as teacher, 24. nestine L. Rose, replies to A.'s criticism, DE LONG, JAS. C., A. S. assn. formed at 172; 233; 270; stands by women, presents house, 210. Mrs. Greeley's petit., 279; argu. for wom. DEMOREST (MME.), LOUISE, 282. suff, bef. N. Y. Constit. Con., real support DEPEW, CHAUNCEY M., for wom, suff., 764. comes from Repubs., 280; endorses suff., 284; DEPUY, MARIA WILDER, 615. 373; let. on A.'s birthday, 669; death, 737; DERAISMES, MARIA, 652. ed. Harper's Weekly fav. wom. suff., 771; D'ESTRIA, DORA (see Koltzoff Massalsky). daught. Eliz. Burrill ad. N. Y. legis., 914. DETCHON, ADELAIDE, 566. INDEX. 1047 DEVOE, EMMA SMITH, 657; offers services to 163; silenced by mob, 165; flees to Eng., 181; A., 684. 198; on death of Stephen A. Douglas, 215; DEVOE, J. H., invites A. to S. Dak., 657. 216; at funeral D. Anthony, 224; 233; 260; DEYO, REV. AMANDA, 702. brands Demo. help to women a trick, 263; D'HERICOURT MME., 322. ridiculed by N. Y. World, 264; 270; asks DICKINSON, ALBERT, criticises A.'s style of women to take back seat, 304; deserts let, writing, 40; 242. wom. for negro suff., 317; forces indorse. DICKINSON, ANN ELIZA, 408. Amend. XV, encounter with A., 323 ; 350; DICKINSON, ANNA, her work, let. on war, 220; at welcomes bolt from heaven or hell, 381; aid to Union, 239; 246; will work for wom. Natl. Wom. Suff. Con., 377; prayed with suff, 258; first speech for W. R., 262; 276; in heels, 457; 527; 548; ad. 30th suff. annivers., dignat. over refusal of N. Y. Constit. Con. 495; second marriage, 586; let. on wom. to adopt wom. suff., 280; described by Nellie suff, and first W. R. con., 634; death, A. Hutchinson, criticises Phillips, declares spks. funeral, 814; 904 ; 934. emancipated black woman no better off DONLEVEY, ALICE, sec. Art Ass'n. desires to than slave, 303; 304; 309; replies to Robt. make A.'s statue, 734. Laird Collyer, 316; first to suggest Amend. DOOLITTLE, HON. JAS. R., A. and Mrs. Hooker XV, wd. be needed, 317; enthusiastic let., interview, 417. 320; sp. "Nothing Unreasonable,” 327; tired DOSTER, JUDGE FRANK, for women suff. pl. of lecturing, devoted to A., 345; gives Mrs. in Kan. Popu. con., 789. Phelps $1,000 through friendship for A., 360; DOUGLAS, STEPHEN A., "King of Compro- talks of editing Rev., 361; 370; criticised for mise,” 215. lect, on social questions, 469; 859; let. and Dow, NEAL, pres. temp. con., 101; society gifts to A. on 50th birthday, 975; 995. shd. control liquor traffic, 93; on A.'s birth- DICKINSON, CHARLES. 575 : $300 to A. 707. day, 670. DICKINSON, DR. FRANCES, 575; arranges DOWNER, EZRA, leads mob, 211. Social Purity meet., 640; Isabella Mem., 655. DOWNING, GEORGE, opp. wom. suff., 314. DICKINSON, MARY LOWE, ad. suff. con., 756; DRAKE, Gov. FRANCIS M., welcomes Natl. needs A.'s face at Sherry meet., 773; pres. Suff. con., 902. Wom. Council, 815; urges A. to manage Stn. DRAPER, MR. AND MRS. E. D., 282. birthday, 846; makes it a success, 847; DU BOSE, MIRIAM HOWARD, arr. suff. con., 848; trib. to A., 850; New Years greet. to A., 810; A. visits, 812. suff. cause most important, 901. DUFFIELD, REV. GEO., 87. DIETRICK, ELLEN BATTELLE, death, trib. of DUNIWAY, ABIGAIL SCOTT, manages A.'s lect- A., 849. ure tour, 395; 397; 398; writes of A.'s suc- DIGGS, ANNIE L., on Kan. wom. suff.com., 781; cess, 399; comment on Repub. plank, 476; pres. suff. mass meet. in Topeka, 787; de A. sends $100, 592; 629; congrat. A. on tri- mands wom. suff. plank from Kan. Popu. umph in Cal., 871; pres. Wom. Cong. invites con., 789; shakes hands with delegates, 790; A. to Portland, 877. writes A. glad Popu. con. endorses wom. DUNSMORE, J. M., at Kan. Popu. con., 790. suff., audiences in favor, urges her to take part in campn., 795; fav. res. agnst. Wom. EAGLE, Gov. Jas. B., introd. A. to aud., 649. Bible, 854. EAGLE, MRS. JAMES B., chmn. World's Fair DILKE, MRS. ASHTON, 651. com., urges A. to furnish stenog. rep. of DINGEE, MARTHA PARKER, A., 609. address, 749. Dix, DOROTHEA, work in war, 239. EASTMAN, MARY F., spks. at suff. con., 533; DOANE, BISHOP WM. CROSWELL, organizes 607; 628; rec. sec. Natl. Council, 639. remonstrants agnst. wom. suff. 765. EATON, MR. (KAN.), 519. DODGE, MARY MAPES, 799. EDDY, ELIZA JACKSON, A. visits, 131 ; leaves DOGGETT, KATE N., 327; entertains A., 330; large sum to A., 539; legacy paid to A. and let. and gift to A. on 50th birthday, 976. Lucy Stone, 598; bequest used for Hist. DOLLEY, DR. SARAH C. 446; A. visits, 653. Wom. Suff., 614. DOLPH, SEN. JOSEPH N., on admis. Wash. EDDY, THE MISSES, determined to carry out # Ter. with wom. suff., 607; 608; speech in mother's wishes, 540. favor wom. suff., 618; sympathy with wom. EDDY, SARAH J., meets A. first time, strong suff., 716. friendship, 601. DOLPH, MRS. JOSEPH N., 607. EDMUNDS, SENATOR GEO. F., presents petit. DOUGLASS, FREDERICK, moves to Roch, and agnst. wom. suff., 377; insult, report agnst. estab. North Star, 59; visits Anthony home, remitting A.'s fine for voting, 451; compli- 60; 93; favors A. as sec. of temp. soc., 95; ments A., 511. INDEX. ELDER, P. P., opp. wom. suff. plank in Kan. FIELD, KATE, ad. suff. con., 756; scores A. for Popu. plat., 788. affiliating with Populists, 791. ELIOT, CHAS. W., Pres., remonstrates agnst. FIELDS, ADELE M., petit, for wom. suff., 764. wom. suff., 620. FIERO, J. NEWTON, opp. to wom. suff., 769, 770. ELIOT, GEO., 733. FILLMORE, MILLARD, 329; present at A.'s ELIOT, SENATOR THOMAS D., 236. trial, 436. ELIOT, REV. T. L., 395. FISHER, P. M., chmn. 4th July com. inv. Miss ELIOT, MRS. T. L., 400. Shaw to spk., 836. ELIOT, REV. WM. G., 395; soc. purity, on con- FITCH, CHAS. E., trib, to A., 673. tagious diseases, 1005. FLOWER, Gov. ROSWELL P., appoints A. trus- ELLET, E. F., cares for wronged mother and tee St. Industrial School, 730; recommends child. 202. wom. in N. Y. Constit. Con., 758. ELLIOTT, MAJOR, 407. FOLGER, CHARLES J., women must not dis- EMERSON, RALPH WALDO, accepts A.'s inv. cuss social evil, 273. to lecture, flowery description women vot- FOLTZ, CLARA, tries to secure suff. amend. ing, 132; not enough freedom under lyceum from Calif. legis., 863. bureau, 190; defers to wife, 251; 563; "thorn FOOTE, DR. E. B., 446. in side of friend,” 667; "wholesome discon- FOOTE, HON. SAMUEL G., contemptuous re- tent,"' 714; "men what mothers made," 1011. port on wom. petit., 140. EMERSON, MRS. RALPH WALDO, approves FOOTE, W. W., opposes wom. suff. in Calif. wom, suff., 251. Demo. Con., 874. ERSKINE, HON. AND MRS. M. B., 611, FORAKER, J. B., refuses to hear A. on wom. ESKRIDGE, C. V., opp. wom. suff., 281; res. suff., 723. Con., 785. A., 548. ESTEE, MORRIS M., citizen's right to free bal- FORD, HANNAH, A. visits, 576. lot does not include women, 642. FORNEY, COL. JOHN W., fights under banner ESTLIN, MARY, 577. of A., 487. EUSTIS, SENATOR, agnst. wom. suff., 608; Foss (DRIVER), 394. "nursing mother” argument, 618. FOSTER, ABBY KELLY, first meets A., 63; 87; EVERHARD, CAROLINE MCCULLOUGH, woman 88; 91 ; A. center and soul of temp. cause, 93; governed more by principle and less by 132; 150; compli. A.'s anti-slav. work, 182; prej., 854. FOSTER, J. ELLEN, 511; 525; invites A. to ad. FAIR, SENATOR JAS. G., reports agnst. wom. W.C.T. U. Con., 537; loving message to A., suff., 543; opp. wom. suff., 590. 598; 723; cares more for Repub. party than FAIR, LAURA D., 391, for suff., 785; presents claims of wom, at FAIRMAN, COL. HENRY CLAY, advocates wom. Kan. Repub. Con., 786. suff., 810. FOSTER, J. HERON, 527. FAITHFULL, EMILY, 368; 564. FOSTER, MRS. J. HERON, 527; contrib. $500 to FANNING, J. D., sustains A. at Teach. Con., Neb., 545; present. to A., 549; death, 603. 100. FOSTER, JULIA T., 511; 527; 550 ; 701. FARNHAM, G. L., stands by A. at Teach. Con., FOSTER, RACHEL G. (See AVERY). 164; invites A. to ad. Neb. Normal Sch., 728. FOSTER, STEPHEN S., first meets A., 63; lect. under A.'s management, 138; 150; 208; 246; FARWELL, CHAS. B., SENATOR, in favor wom. loyal to women, 270; suggests A. and Mrs. Stn, withdraw from E. R. Assn., 322. FASSETT, MRS. J. SLOAT, 803. FOULKE, WM. DUDLEY, 629; ad, Natl. Am. FAWCETT, HENRY, 577. con., 675; chmn. Govt. Cong. World's Fair, FAWCETT, MILLICENT GARRETT, 577. women took more interest than men, 750. FENTON, MRS. REUBEN E., entertains A., 642. FOWLER & WELLS, publish Hist. Wom. Suff., FERGUSON. MRS. J. M., 808. FERRY, SENATOR THOMAS W., pres. Centen- A., 600. nial celebra. refuses recognition to women, FOWLER, PROFESSOR L. N., 83. duces bill for 16th amend., 511; reports in favor wom. suff., 543. FIELD, JUSTICE AND MRS. STEPH. J., 677. FIELD, DAVID DUDLEY, legal status of wom- en, 185. demns women workers in reform, 89. FOWLER, LYDIA F., at wom. temp. meet., 65; entertains A., 83. Fox, GEORGE, 569. INDEX 1049 FRANCIS & LOUTREL, present A. with receipted GARRISON, ELLEN WRIGHT, marriage, 241; bill, 468. "unchristian to sit in judgment,” 301; cares FRANKLIN, BENJ., in what freedom consists, for A. while ill, 701; 895; to A. on 50th birth- poor need votes more than rich, 990. day, 975. FREDERICK THE GREAT, 560. GARRISON, WM. L., visits Anthony home, 60; FREDERICK, WILLIAM, 560. 73; scores temp.con. treatment of wom., 101; FRELINGHUYSEN, SEN. F. F., 410; State 102; opposes bloomer dress, 115; at home, Rights, 991. 131; thanks A. for hospitality, 141; message FREMONT, JESSIE BENTON, 234; beautiful to A., 151; characteristic let., Mason, of Vir- women at suff. con., 337. ginia, on Bunker Hill, 152; abolit. without FREMONT, GEN. JOHN C., proclaimed freedom backbone, 161; 162; 182; 185; 192; favors to negroes, 959. . divorce res., 194; urges A. to restore child FROTHINGHAM, REV. O. B., 192; 322; 351; 563. to father, 203; yields to A.'s logic, 204; last FULLER, MARGARET, 131 ; early work, 369. W. R. meet. Albany, before war, 212; people FULLER, CHIEF-JUSTICE MELVILLE W., 660. wait his word on war, 214; A. hoped wd. FULTON, REV. JUSTIN, debates with A. at redeem pledge to woman, 225; believes Detroit, 345. Anti-Slav. Soc. shd. be disbanded, 245; de- FURNESS, REV. Wm. H., 478. clines re-elect. as pres., 246; 259; 270; 284; deserts woman for negro suff., 317: too soon GADEN, MINNA V., delight at A.'s visit to for 16th Amend., 484; 495; death, 508; 529; Calif., 819. 549; fath. Mrs. H. Villard, 849; 935; A. com- GAGE, FRANCIS D., 102; holds W. R. meet. pared to, 953. with A., 138; at N. Y. con., 163; 178; spks. GARRISON, MRS. W. L., at home, 131; goes for Wom, Loyal League, 233; compli. of with A. to visit Mrs. Phillips, 219. N. Y. Independ., 253; Vice-pres. E. R. Assn., GARRISON, WM. L., JR., marriage, 241; let, on 260; death, 595. A.'s birthday, 669; 675; A. as guest while ill, GAGE, MATILDA J., first appearance at W.R. 701 ; sympathet. let. to A., 793; 895. con., 75; answers Rev. Sunderland, 79; spks. GEARY, Gov. John W., favors women at bal- at Saratoga, 121; 327;360; pays A. $100, 365; lot-box, 310. call for forming new party, 413; urges wom. GEORGE, SENATOR J. Z., reports agnst. wom. to work for Repub. party, 418; speaks for suff., 543; 718. Repub. platform, 422; defends A. for GIBBONS, ABBY HOPPER, 83; opp. divorce res., voting, 432; issues call for con., 434; spks. 194; cares for wronged mother and child, in 16 places on "The U. S. on trial, not S. 202; 304; death, 737; to A. on birthday, 974. B. A.," present at trial, 436; manages Wash. GILBERT, MARY F., 234. con., 472; opens Centennial headqrs., 475; GLADSTONE, WILLIAM E., 553; act on wom. prepares Wom. Dec. of Ind., 476; presents suff. bill, 593; 741; A. compared to, 952. it. 478: on habeas corpus, 479: appeal for GODBE, MR. AND MRS. W. S.. 388. ad. to Pres. Hayes, GODDARD, MRS. J. WARREN, 764. 500; edits Ballot-Box, 510; 511; ad. Green- GOEG, MME. MARIE, 360. back Labor Con., 518; work on Hist. of GOODALE, DORA, Berkshire poem, 2. Wom. Suff., 531; 601; sells Hist. rights to A., GOODALE, ELAINE, 1. 613; 628; 659; at A.'s birthday banq., 666; GOODELLE, WM. P., opp. wom. suff., 771. let. to A. on 50th birthday, 975; 993. GOODRICH, SARAH L. KNOX, 405; gift to A., GALILEO, A. born on his birthday, 943. 492; asks Estee if “free ballot” plank in- GANNETT. REV. W. C., let. on A.'s birthday, cludes women, 642; work for S. Dak., 685; 670; on Lowell, 712; invites A. to spk. at entertains A., 831; 832; 863; at Repub. St. Thanks, serv., 714; sermons, 719; 730; birth- Con., 869; donat. to Calif. suff. campn., 888. day recep. to A., 739; 806; raises money for GORDON, ANNA, 609; joy over A.'s laurels, 747. A. to take secy. to Calif., 862; trib. to Mary GORDON, LAURA DE FORCE, 404; arrang. lect- Anthony, 916. ures for A., 405; at Natl. Lib. Con., 415; GANNETT, MARY LEWIS, let. on A.'s birthday, tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., 670; 739; 806; ad. on A.'s birthday, 860; 862; 863. presides at banq. to A., 895. GORHAM, MRS. E. J., 833. GARDNER, REV. C. B., does not favor wom. GOTTHEIL, RABBI, for wom. suff., 764. suff., 709. GOUGAR, HELEN M., 541; 545; 626; 628; 629. GARFIELD, JAMES A., favors civil equality of GOUGH, JOHN B., 60. women, not polit. equal, 520, not ready for GOULD, FRANK, smothers wom. suff. plank, wom. suff., 521; death, made no will, relig- 873; 874. ion, 536. GOVE, MARY S., early work, 369. 1050 INDEX. GRAHAM, JOHN, 352. on A.'s birthday, 860; at Mary Anthony's re- GRANT, U. S., 377; recognition of citizen's cep., 816. rights, 417; first to appoint women post- GREENWOOD, GRACE, describes women at masters, 418; pardons inspectors who recd. suff. con., 314; 561 ; 566; at A.'s recep., 739. A.'s vote, 452; appointed 5,000 wom. post- GREW, MARY, first meets A., 122; 193; 251; masters, 455; did not protect negro's ballot, congrat. A. on Wyoming, 676; 902. 522; four million people made voters by GRIFFING, JOSEPHINE S., founds Freedmen's Amend. XV., 991. Bureau, 239; 260; pres. D. C. Suff. Assn., GRANT, MRS. U. S., 381; 70th birthday lunch- 313; 327; 350; 372; 377; suff. headqrs, at eon, A. rec. with her, 858. Capitol, encouraging signs, 381 ; 383; 387. GRAY, ALMEDIA, suit under Wis. school suff. GRIFFITH, Mrs., yields time to A., 609. law. 624. GRIFFITH, MATTIE, (See BROWN). GREATOREX, ELIZA, birthday gift to A., 976. GRIMKE, ANGELINA. (See WELD). GREELEY, HORACE, advocates co-educat. at GRIMKE, SARAH, early work, 369. People's College, 64; tells women how to GRIPENBERG, BARONESS ALEXANDRA, 641. manage con., 66; 83; as host, 86; shows up GROSS, SAMUEL E., 750; 841. action of men at Brick church meeting, 89; GROSS, MRS. SAMUEL E., entertains A. during temp. tracts, church matters, 97; condemns World's Fair, 750; let. and gift to A., 751; mob at W. R. con., 103; pub. A.'s program gift, 757; presents A. $1,000, velvet cloak, without charge, 122; favors woman in poli etc., 803; entertains A. in Chi, and St. Louis. tics, believes she shd. judge for herself, 125; 821; gift to A., 841; statuette with A., 862; disgruntled with suff. advocates, 146; recog. New 's. gift to A., 900; p resent to Mary rights of women, 147; 192; thunders agnst. Anthony, 916. divorce, 194; emancip. of negroes, 221; A. GROTH, SOPHIA MAGELSSON, ad. Sen.Com.,640. hoped wd. redeem pledge to women, 225; GROVER, A. J., at A.'s lecture in Chi., 468. 263; ridicules ballot for woman, 267; 270; GULLEN, DR. AUGUSTA S., 658. encounter with A., 278; chmn. suff. com. in N. Y. Constitut. Con., 279; anger over wife's HAGAR, DANIEL B., principal Canajoharie petit., forbids Mrs. Stn.'s name in Tribune, Acad., girls' high school, Salem, Mass., 49. 280: favors wom. suff. in May, opp. in Oct., HAIR, MINETTE CHESHIRE, descrip. of rooms 281; 290; bids women stand aside, 300; pres. where biog. was writ., 910. Hester Vaughan meet., 309; deserts wom. HALDERMAN, MAYOR JOHN A., 287. suff., 317; at McFarland-Richardson mar- HALE, JOHN P., 226. riage, 351; does not desire help of women in HALE, HON. MATTHEW, opp. to wom, suff., campn., 420; Repubs. fear his election, 421; 769; 770. . death, 428; opp. wom, suff. in Constitut. HALL, ISRAEL, gift to A., 492. Con. of 1867, 771; urges workingmen to vote HALL, N. K., U. S. Dist. Judge, hears argu. Whig ticket, 999. in A.'s case, 428; denies writ of hab. corp. GREELEY, MRS. H., 83; as hostess, 86; choice and increases bail, 432; present at A.'s trial of husband, 87; gets suff. petit. in own but refuses to assist, 437. county, 279, 280; 304; not represent. by HALL, OLIVIA B., gift to A., 492; 658; hospi- husband, 771. tality and generos. to A., 755; at Toledo, GREELEY, IDA, 279; 327. 756; 862. GREEN, REV. BERIAH, 193; 208; attitude of HALL, DR. SARAH C., 697. abolit. toward war, 214. HALL, WM. B., election inspector, 423; tried GREEN, DR. CORDELIA, 901. without being brought into court, 444. GREEN, MRS. NEWTON, 642. HALLOCK, FRANCES V., 234. GREENLEAF, HALBERT S., friend of suf., 583; HALLOCK, SARAH, 159. 713; introd. res. for 16th Amend. in House, HALLOWELL, WM. R., signs call for woman's 718; 772; 806. temp. con., 67. GREENLEAF, JEAN BROOKS, 711; 729; indigna- HALLOWELL, WILLIAM AND MARY, their tion at omission of women in charter, home A.'s Mecca, 104; 446. 732; recep. to A., 739; nominated dele. to HALLOWELL, MARY, 177; Phillips' lunch, 217; Consti. Con., 759; work for wom. suff. 711; 806. amend. in N. Y., 760; trib. to Mary S. HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, right over subsist- Anthony, 761; at suff. rally, 762; before N.Y. ence, power over moral being, 385; 1007. Consti. Con., 768; trib. to A., 772; before HAMILTON, EMERINE J., leaves $500 to A., 654. res. Com. at Rep. con., 774; at N. Y. Dem. HAMILTON, GAIL, bright let., 322. con., 775; 806; on Wom. Bible res. 856; ad. HAMILTON, MARGARET V., 654. INDEX. 1051 HAMLIN, HANNIBAL, 339. 500; can not protect negro's ballot, 522; HAMMOND, NATH. J., ST. SEN., 189. friend of wom, suff., 757. HAMMOND, DR. WM. A., pres. Six O'clock HAYES, MRS. RUTHERFORD B., at Luc. Mott Club, 648. memorial, 526. HAMPTON, WADE, pres. Demo. Natl. Con.,519. HAYFORD, J.H., history of suff. law in Wyom- HANAFORD, REV. PHEBE A., 322; 636. ing, 407; on its working, 497. HANCOCK, GEN., favors wom. claims, 520. HAZELTINE, L., rebukes A. for speaking in HARBERT, ELIZABETH BOYNTON, 360; 511; public, 143. welcomes suff. con., 517; let. to A., 535; first HAZEN, J.T., wd. not count votes of women,70. to suggest natl. celebrat. A.'s birthday, HEARST, PHOEBE A., compli. A., 677; gives 542; A. visits, 609; 628; 668. $1,000 to Calif. wom. suff. campn., 888; re- HARLAN, SENATOR JAMES, grants wom. hear- spect for A., 889. ing before Senate com., 314. HEARST, WM. R., A. begs to bring Examiner HARPER, IDA H., State sec. Ind. arranges out for wom. suff., 867. cons., 626; cor. sec. campn. com. in Calif., HEBARD, MARY L., registers and votes, 424; 863; chmn. Press com, visits with A., eds. votes again, 434. daily papers in San Fr., 866; work on papers, HEDENBERG, ISABELLA, 676. 867; 868; at Rep. St. Con., 869; descrip. of HEMPHILL, GEN. ROBT. R., at suff. con., 811, A. and Miss Shaw bef. res. com., 870; scene HEMPHILL, MRS. W. A., recep. to con., 810. in Dem. con., 873; A. invites to write her HENDERSON, MARY FOOTE, Vice-pres. Natl. biog., work begins, 909; writing of book, 910; Suff. Assn., 327. in attic workrooms, 911; visits with A. at HENDRICKS, THOMAS A., 594. Mrs. Osborne's, 917; goes with A. to Sargent HENNESSY LADY, 575. home, Thousand Islands, 926; at Anthony HENROTIN, ELLEN M., 702; inv. natl. suff. homestead, 940. assn. to Wom, Cong., 704; vice-pres. Wom. HARPER, WINNIFRED, edits suff. dept. San Fr. Cong. Aux., 745; asks A.'s advice and help, Report, 866. 748; New Year's greeting to A., 900. HARRIS, SENATOR, presents Woodhull petit., HENRY, JUDGE, introduces A., 492. 375. HENRY, PROF. JOSEPH, refuses Smithsonian HARRISON, BENJAMIN, A. and Mrs. Sewall Hall to women, 118. write open let., 642; open let. from them HENRY, JOSEPHINE K., at Atlanta con., 811. on "free ballot” plank in Repub. plat., HEWITT, REV., condemns women's work in 1013. reforms, 89. HARRISON, MRS. BENJ., 660; rec. Wom. Coun- HEWITT, HON. ABRAM S., objects to wom. cil, 703. suff., 770. HARRISON, CARTER, escorts A. to plat. of HIGGINSON, REV. Thos. WENT., stands by Demo. Natl. Con., 519. women at Brick church meet., 88; doubts HASKELL, Asst. ATTY.-GEN. ELLA KNOWLES, propriety of hold. wom. temp. con., 96; 130; at Wash. con., 851. 132; sermon on True Greatness, 133; 163;270; HASLAM, MRS., 572. 275; endorses wom. suff., 284; wants Lucy HATCH, REV. JUNIUS, indecent speech agnst. Stone to preside at con., 303; 328. women, 76. HILDRETH, MRS. E. S., 809. HAVEN, BISHOP GILBERT, spks. at suff. con., HILL, DAVID B., recommends women in N. Y. 322; favors wom. suff., 588. Constit. Con., 758. HAVENS, MR. AND MRS. F. C., entertain A., 877. HILL, DAVID J., pres. Roch. Univers., favors HAWLEY, GENEVIEVE LEL, priv. sec. to A., admit. women, 713. assists in biog., 909. HILLS, MR. AND MRS. WM. HENRY, 571. HAWLEY, GEN. JOSEPH R., refuses women HINDMAN, MATILDA, in Col. campn., 492; in permis. to read their Dec. of Ind., 477; 478. Neb., 545; in S. Dak., 685. HAWTHORNE, REV. J. B., preaches agnst. HINCKLEY, REV. FREDERICK W., ad. suff. wom. suff., 810. con., 541; 632; response at A.'s birthday HAY, MARY G., manag, meet. in N. Y.campn., banq., 666. 761; ch. St. Cent. Com. Calif. campn., 863; HINSON, EX-JUSTICE GEO., leads mob, 208. manages county cons., 864; at Repub. St. HIRST, REV. A. C., 830. Con., 869; takes charge headqrs. in San HOAR, SENATOR GEO. F., hopes to see A. mem- Fr., 875. ber of House, 485; reports in favor wom. HAY, JUDGE WM., helps A. at Saratoga con., suff. and wom. to prac. bef. Sup. Court, 502; 120; assists A., dedicates and wills novel to champions wom. rights com., 540; 620; let. her, 144, 157. on A.'s birthday, 669; favorable report on HAYES, RUTHERFORD B., 499; forgets women, wom. suff., 718. 1052 INDEX. HOCH, E. W., 778. abolished intended his legacy for wom. HOFFMAN, Gov. JOHN T., 353. suff., 269. HOLLISTER, MRS. GEORGE, gift to A., 739. HOWARD, EMMA SHAFTER, 834; 877. HOLLOWAY, LAURA C., invites A. to ad. Seidl HOWARD, H. AUGUSTA, arranges suff. con., Club, 653. 810; A. visits, 812. HOLLOWAY,COL.WM.R., favors wom.suff.,547. HOWARD, GEN. 0. O., 249. HOLMES, KATE TURNER, 878. HOWE, JUDGE ISAAC, introduces A., 657. HOLMES, OLIVER WENDELL, Berkshire peo- HOWE, JULIA WARD, 328; chmn. com. for ple, 2. unit. two assns., 629; 638; ad. Sen. com., HOOKER, ISABELLA BEECHER, comes into 640; 675; at Fed. Clubs, 720. suff. work, 331; visits with A. and Mrs. Stn. HOWE, MELINTHA, 47. at Mrs. Davis', greatly pleased, pays trib. HOWE, NANCY (see CLARK.) to both, 332; optimist. view of suff, cause, HOWELL, MARY SEYMOUR, in S. Dak., 685; own humility, praise for A., 334; works 30 anec. of A., 690; experience in poor hotel, yrs. for wom. suff., tries to unite two wings landlady's comments, A.'s speech at Madi- of suff. party, 335;337; writes of Sumner, 339; son on admis. of Wyoming, 691; dramatic reads husband's poem A.'s birthday, 342; scene, 692; in Kan, campn., 719; sees gov. 343; 350; devises schemes for Rev., 356; about appointing women, 730; in N. Y. agrees to help edit, wishes name of paper campn. 761; speaks in Rochester, 762; ad- changed, wants Mrs. Tilton at Wash. con., dresses N. Y. Constitut. Con., 769; A.'s 357; urged by friends not to help Rev., de birthday, 860. clines, 358; offers to take charge Wash, con., HOWELLS, WM. DEAN, for wom, suff., 764. writes Mrs. Stan., 371; "need not have HOWLAND, EMILY, 676; 772; A.'s love, 773; another suff. con.,'' can get on without Mrs. spks. in Atlanta, 811; opp. res. agnst. wom. Stan., 372; prominent speakers fail, 373; Bible, 854; visits Mrs. Osborne, 917. devotion to cause, con, a success, valuable HOWLAND, FANNIE. describes women at worker, 374; refuses to hear Mrs. Woodhull, cong. hearing, 338. reconsiders, 375; ad. Cong. Com., 376; writes HOWLAND, ISABEL, work in N. Y.campn., 773. declaration and pledge, gives sister Cath- HOXIE, HANNAH ANTHONY, famous Quaker erine let. to Mrs. Woodhull, 378; result, 379; preacher, 6; should come back to old home- hopes for woman's deliverance thro. Repub. stead, 941; in old Quaker church, 947. party, 381; repudiates Repub. and looks HUBBELL, MR. AND MRS., recep. to con., 903. to Demo. for support, 382; ad. Sen. Com., HUBERWALD, FLORENCE, 808. 410; call for forming new party, 413; criti. HUDSON, ELIZA, minority report wom. suff. cises A., 414; interview with Doolittle at plank at Kan. Popu. con., 789. Natl. Demo. Con., 417; lect. tour of Conn. HUGHES, MRS. (Gov.), dele. Wash. con., 851. with A., 456; describes A.'s pathetic sp., HUGO, VICTOR, telegram to suff. con., 496. 534; 628; 629; at Natl. Rep. Con., Chic., 641; HULTIN, REV. IDA C., 702. 664; genius and intellect, 665; A.'s birth- HUME, MRS. MILTON, 809. day banq., 668; 705; golden wed., 709; ad. HUMPHREY, L. H., ST. SEN., asks A. to spk. at Cong. Coms., 718; at Demo. Natl. Con.,Chic., wife's funeral, 908. ad. com., remains in con. till morn. hoping HUMPHREY, MAUDE, entertains A., 739, A.'s for chance to spk., 725; A. wd. love to visit tribute at funeral, 908. self and husb., 898; birthday gift to A., 976. HUNT, DR. HARRIOT K., 131; ready to work HOOKER JOHN, poem on A. cs birthday, 342; for wom. suff., 252. confidence in A., 462; sympathy for A. in S. HUNT, ASSOCIATE JUSTICE WARD, presides at Dak., 689; golden wed. 709; 899. A.'s trial, 436; refuses to allow A. to testify HOPPER, ISAAC T., 304. but admits her testimony before Com'r., HORTON, CHIEF-JUSTICE, A. H., congrat. A. on 437; delivers writ. opin. without leaving munic. suff. in Kan., 611; opp. to suff. pl. in bench, 438; directs jury to bring in verdict Rep. plat., 779; begs wom, not to demand of guilty, refuses to poll jury, denies it, 782. new trial, spirited encounter with A., 439; HOSMER, PRESIDENT, compli. A., 380. fines her $100, 440; influenced by Conkling, HOSMER, HARRIET, wants Natl. Art. Assn. of condemned by newspapers, 441; Van Voor- women, 655; 656; 668; work on statue Lin his' opinion of, 444; few apologists, 449. coln, 821. HUNTER, GEN. DAVID, freed million slaves, HOUGH, SUSAN M., registers and votes, 424. 959. HOVEY, CHARLES F., 131, 132; legacy for re- HUSSEY, CORNELIA COLLINS, on shipboard form work, 182; 251; after slavery was with A., 579; New Yrs. gift to A., 900. INDEX. 1053 291. HUSTON. JOSEPH W., Sup. Judge, Idaho, de- JENNEY, MRS. E. S., 762. cides in favor wom. suff., 919. JEWELL, POSTMASTER-GEN., 334. HUTCHINGS, —, 393. JEWELL, MRS., 357. HUTCHINSON, ABBY, sings for women, 162; JEX-BLAKE, DR. SOPHIA, A. visits, 570; 575. death, 737; (see Hutch. Family). JOHNS, LAURA M., in Kan, campn., 609; 625; HUTCHINSON, ASA, favors wom. suff., 145. 628; 629; ad. Wash. con., 647; trib. to A., 671; HUTCHINSON FAMILY, sing for Loyal League, in S. Dak. 685 ; begs A. to come to Kan., she 227; sing at wom. Centennial, 479. shall get no wounds there, 715; renews ap- HUTCHINSON, HENRY, in Kan, campn., 286; peals, 719; at Kan. Repub. Con., 726; makes 291. Repub. speeches, 728; Repubs, and Popu. HUTCHINSON, JOHN, favors wom. suff., 146; pledg. to suff. planks, 777; president Repub. in Kan, campn., 286; 291; 665; A.'s birth Wom. St. Assn., puts wom, suff. first, 778; day banq., 668; New Yrs. greet. to A., 900; Repubs, trying to influ., worried about ask- (see Hutchinson Family). ing for planks, 779; officers of natl. assn. HUTCHINSON, NELLIE, describes Rev. office write no hope without planks, bad advisers, and editors, 301. Mr. Blackwell urges to go before Repub. HUTCHINSON, VIOLA, in Kan, campn., 286; res. com., 780; Anna Shaw writes will not spk. unless polit. parties endorse, 781 ; effi- HYACINTHE, PERE, 369. cient campn, manager, tries to secure pl., but will work for Repubs. anyhow, 783; A. writes not to listen to siren tongues, 784; INGALLS, MRS. E. B., 821. angry at A.'s Kan. City speech, president INGALLS, SENATOR JOHN J., farewell let. to Repub. Wom. Con., criticises res. com. for A., 547; votes agnst. wom, suff., 608; votes not demand. pl., 785; presents claims of agnst. 16th Amend., asks interview with A., wom. to Repub. Con., 786; Repub. per se., 621; proposes truce, 622; Abilene speech 793: 794: thinks suff. amend. will win, 795 agnst. suff., 625; will not argue with a favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854. " woman, 626; willing to stand on wom. suff. JOHNSON, ADELAIDE, makes bust of A., 677; plank, "obscene dogma,” 726. makes busts of Mrs. Stn., Mrs. Mott, 713; 722. INGALLS, MRS. JOHN J., entertains A., 626. JOHNSON, ANDREW, southern in sympathy, INGERSOLL, ROBT. G., shows injustice of laws 255; subscribes for Rev., 297; trial not so and declares for wom. suff., 345; 764. important as A.'s, 444; proclam. to Missis- IRENE, SISTER, 391; foundling hospital in sippi, 960; puts power in hands of rebels, N. Y., 1005. IRISH, COL. JOHN P., introd. A., 834; asks 961; claims to carry out purpose of Lincoln, 967. permis. for A. to ad. Calif. Demo. Con., 874. JOHNSON, GEORGE G., 49. IRVING, HENRY, A. hears. IVENS, MRS. C. H., 833. JOHNSON, GEORGE W., vigorous sentiments on W. R., 73. JOHNSON, MARY H., 676. JACKSON, FRANCIS, 131; gift to wom. rights JOHNSON, OLIVER, 161, 162; resigns editorship cause, 166; father of Mrs. Eddy, 539. A. S. Standard, 246; 349. JACKSON, SENATOR HOWELL E., reports JOHNSON, PHILENA, inv. A. to S. Dak., 656; agnst, wom, suff., 543. A. sends $100, 695. JACKSON, JAMES, 132, 539. JOHNSTON, SUP. JUDGE, opp. to suff. pl. in JACKSON, DR. KATE, let. to A., 335. Kan. Rep. plat., 779; begs wom, not to de- JACOBI, MARY PUTNAM, petit. for wom, suff., mand it, 782. 764; ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., 768; 802; ad. JOHNSTON, R. J., faithful to A. and Revolu- N. Y. legis., 914. tion, 360. JAMES, ALVAN, marries A.'s niece, 652. JOHNSTON, SARAH, gift to A., 976. JAMES, HELEN LOUISE MOSHER, 488; lives in JONES, BENJ., Garrisonian speaker, 150. home of A., 513; 552; marries, family spirit, JONES, BEVERLY W., inspector who registered 652; 659; present to Mary S. Anthony, 916. A., 423. JAMESON, JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985. JONES, FERNANDO, 380. JEFFERSON, THOMAS, urged ballot for work- JONES, MRS. FERNANDO, 380; 446. ingmen, 998. JONES, J. ELIZABETH, Garrisonian speaker, JENKINS, DEAN M., four workers instead of 150; 178; 902. one, 176. JONES, JANE GRAHAM, 541. JENKINS, HELEN PHILLEO, stands by A. at JONES, REV. JENKIN LLOYD, invites A. to teachers' convs., 176. take part in Lib. Relig. Cong., 804; as Geo. JENKINS, THERESE, pres. A.'s lect., 823; 824. Wash. went into Continent. Cong., 805. 1054 INDEX. JONES, SEN. JOHN P., arranges interview prints women's addresses, 512; report in for A. with Pres. Arthur, 538; assists A. at favor wom, suff., 543; 590; 591. Repub. con., 723; 833. LAPHAM, SEMANTHA VAIL, 772; 802; 847. JONES, DR. JONAS, 730. LAMARTINE, ALPHONSE DE, “universal suff. JONES, PHEBE HOAG, 446; death, last Abolit. only basis," 969. in Albany, 536. LANE, SENATOR JAMES H., wd. "colonize" JORDAN, PRES. DAVID S., invites A. to Stan negroes, 962. ford Univers., 830. LANE, MRS. JAMES H., 287. JUDAH, MARY JAMESON, recep. for A., 807. LANGSTON, CHAS., negro orator against wom. JULIAN, GEO. W., endorses wom, suff., 284; suff., 286. offers amend. to Consti. enfranchising LANGSTON, JOHN M., A.'s kindness to, 286. wom., 310; bill enfranchising wom. in D. LANGSBERG, RABBI MAX, 714; 730. C., 311; 313; 317; 318; 375; 415; 904. LANGSBERG, MRS. MAX, 730. LATTIMORE, PROF. AND MRS., entertain F. E. Willard and A., 472. KALLOCH, I. S., opposes wom. suff., 281. LAUTERBACH, EDWARD, has ad. on wom. suff. KEARTLAND, FANNY, 553. printed, 768; ad. N. Y. Consti. Con, in favor KEARNEY, DENNIS, opp. wom. suff., 518; re- wom. suff., 770; ad. res. com. Rep. con. in fuses to hear A. spk., 519. favor, 774; 802. KEEFER, BESSIE STARR, ad. Sen. Com., 640. LAWRENCE, MARG. STN., 302; at A.'s birth- KEENEY, E. J., marshal who arrested A. for day banq., 666; 917. voting, 426. LEASE, MARY E., advocates suff. pl. in Kan. KEIFER, WARREN, M. C., for wom. suff., 584. Popu. plat., 781. KEITH, ELIZA D., suff. dept. in San Fr. Bul- LECKY, W.E. H., 1006. letin, 866. LEE, Ex-Gov., Wyoming, 533. KEITH WM. A., presents A. with painting of Im LEE, KATE BECKWITH, A.'s face carv, in Yosemite, 934. memory of father, 733. KEITH, MRS. WM. A., entertains A., 877. LEE, REV. LUTHER, assists wom. delegates KELLEY, FLORENCE, 564. at temp. con., 70. KELLEY, WM. D., M. C., endorses wom. suff, LEE, RICHARD HENRY, 478. 233; 564; A. begs to take up suff. ques., 584; LELAND, CYRUS, refuses A.'s offer to speak ad. suff. con., 647. during Kan. campn.,794; thinks suff. amend. KELLOGG, ST. SEN, AND MRS. (Kan.), 644. will carry, 796. KENYON, EUNICE, boarding school, 39. LEMON, GEORGE C., 676. KETCHAM, SMITH G. AND EMILY B., 720. LEONARD, CLARA T., office-holder opp. wom. KEYSER, HARRIET A., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. suff., 620. 768. LEWELLING, Gov. L. D., opp. to wom. suff. pl. KIMBALL, FLORA M., 833. in Kan. Popu. plat., 787; speaks for wom. KIMBALL, MARY ROGERS, let. to A., 616. suff., 795. KING, THOMAS STARR, 191; 834. LEWIS, DIO., women must only coax, 457; 282. KINGSLEY, CHARLES, for wom. suff., 368. LEWIS, SYLVESTER, challenges A.'s vote, 426. KIRK, ELEANOR, visits Moyamensing prison, LEYDEN, MARGARET, registers and votes, 424. 309; 349; 353. LIBERTIUS, FRAU DR., 559. KIRKMAN, MRS. VAN LEER, recep. Wom. LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, too conservative, 207; Council, 928. calls for troops, 213; Loyal League sends ad- KOLLOCK, REV. FLORENCE, 640. dress, 229; 255; 900; A. compared to, 952; KOLSOM, MAYOR JACOB C., welcomes suff. always waited for voice of the people, 967. con., 626. LINCOLN, FRANK, 566. KOLTZOFF, MASSALSKY PRINCESS, 558. LINN, DR. AND MRS. S. A., 860. KORANY, HANNAH K., ad. suff. con., 756. LIPPINCOTT, ANNIE, 566. KROUT, MARY H., A. at World's Fair, 751. LIVERMORE, MARY A., 276; 315; trib. to A., KUICHLING, MRS. EMIL, 730. 316; advises N. E. friends to forget differ- ences, will write articles for Rev., 320; 322; LABOULAYE, funeral, 561. res. condemning “free love," 324; asks if LAKE, LEONORA BARRY (see Barry). Natl. Assn. was organized, 327; and if A. LAPHAM, ANSON, loans A. $4.000 for Revolu- will join her in west. lect. tour, 328; merges tion, 354; presents A. with her notes, 448; Agitator into Wom. Jour, and is ed.-in- gives A. $1,000, 468; death, 481. chief, 361; A. wd. give million to suff., 676. LAPHAM, ELBRIDGE G., believes in wom. LOCKWOOD, BELVA A., defends A. in voting, suff., no man wd. sell right to vote, 455; 432; 479. INDEX. 1055 LOCKWOOD, MARY S., 814. MARVIN, WM., stands by A. at Teach. Con., LOGAN, SENATOR JOHN A., champions wom. 157. rights com., 540; friend of wom, suff., 594. MASON, MRS., in Neb., 545. LOGAN, MRS. JOHN A., on A.'s birthday, 670. MASON, HUGH, M. P., presents wom. suff. bill LOGAN, OLIVE, 316; 322; 326; 360. in Parliament, 567. LOGAN, MILLIE BURTIS, 917. MASON, REV. JOSEPH K., ad. suff. con., 762. LONG, JOHN D., receives con., favors wom. MASSON, PROF. DAVID, champions co-educa- suff., 533. tion, 570. LONGFELLOW, REV. SAMUEL, advocates wom. MATTHEWS,JUDGE STANLEY,constit.amendts. suff., 193. established polit. equal, of all citizens, 991. LONGLEY, MRS. M. B., 327. MAXWELL, CLAUDIA HOWARD, arr. suff. con., LORD, FRANCES, 566. 810; A. visits, 812. LORING, GEO. B., M. C., introd. bill for 16th May, Rey. JOSEPH, 478. Amend., 511. MAY, SAMUEL J., friend of A., 58; assists LOUCKS, H. L., pledges A. support Farmer's temp. women, 65; encourages wom. dele. Alliance for wom, suff., 684; candidate for at Syracuse con., 69; helps wom, meet., 70; gov., does not mention wom. suff., 686. on wom. weak voices, 75; audience at Al- LOUGHRIDGE, WM.,M.C., endorses wom, suff., bany refuses to hear, 108; opp. Bloomer 284; reports in favor wom. suff., 382; pres. dress, 115; comforting let. to A., 151; con- A.'s appeal for remis, of fine for voting, 450. grat. A, on ad. on coëduca., 164; 208; hissed LOWE, ROBT., M. P., opp. suff. for working at Roch., 209; opp. Garrison meet, at Syra- men, and then proposes to educate them, 997. cuse, 210; but gives assistance, mobbed and LOWELL, JOSEPHINE SHAW, petit. for wom. burned in effigy, 211; conducts funeral serv. suff., 764; 802. D. Anthony, 224; loyal to women, 270; 337; LOZIER, DR. CLEMENCE S., 234; visits Moya 350; centennial birth. celebra., 927. mensing prison, 309; 349; 368; faithfulness MAY, SAMUEL, JR., 132; appoints A. agent for and generosity to A., 435; 446; 480 ;495; death, Am. Anti. Slav. Soc., 137; recog. her ability, 645; A. wears ring, 932; let, and gift to A., 148; let, sympathy to A. when ill, 841. on 50th birthday, 976. MAYER, MRS. D. W., writes A. come to S. LOZIER, DR. JENNIE DE LA M., 704. Dak., 682. LUCAS, MARGARET BRIGHT, 564; 565; 567; 576; MAYNARD, COL. J. B., editorial in favor of 577; on com. for internat. organization, 579. wom, suff., 517. LUCE, Gov. CYRUS G., introduces A., 617. MAYO, REV. A. D., on wom. rights, 73; 190; LUNDY, BENJAMIN, 935. tilt with A., 196. LUTHER, MARTIN, 559. MCADOW, CLARA L., 675. LYON, MARY, 706. MCBURNEY, REV. S. E., opp. wom. suff., 283. MCCALL, JOHN A., let. to A., 136. MACOMBER, MRS., greets natl. con, Iowa, 902. MCCANN, LUCY UNDERWOOD, indebtedness of MADISON, JAMES, voice in making laws, right women to A., 871. of human nature, 979. MCCLINTOCK, MARY ANN, called first W. R. MAINE, HENRY C., spks. for suff., 762. Con., 369. MAGUIRE, JAMES G., M. C., spks. for wom. MOCOID, DIOSES A., rep. favor wom. suff., 590. suff, in Calif. campn., 874. McCOMAS, ALICE MOORE, praise for A., 862; MANDERSON, MRS. CHAS. F., 660. spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., 875. MANDEVILLE, REV.,insults wom.delegates,69. McCook, Gov. AND MRS., of Colo., entertain MANN, CHARLES, pub. Vol. III Hist. Wom. A., 387. Suff., 600. MOCREADY, MRS., 131. MANN, REV. N. M., Garfield's relig., 536; 697. MCCULLOCH, CATHARINE WAUGH, 940. MARSH, PRESIDENT, inv. A. to ad. Mt. Union McCULLOCH, Ex-SEC. HUGH, writes A., 704; Coll., 927. endors, wom. suff., 705. MARSH, EDWIN F., inspector who reg. A., 423. MCDOWELL, ANNIE, trib. to A., 489; dedicates MARSH, HON. LUTHER R., pres. Repub, meet., song to her, 548. 422. MCDONALD, SEN. Jos. E., favors admit. MARTIN, Gov. John A., signs Kan, munic. woman to prac. before Sup. Court, 502; wom, suff. bill, 611. advocates com. on wom. rights, 527. MARTIN, GEORGE, ferries A. across Missouri MCFARLAND, DANIEL, kills Richardson, ac- river, 291. quitted on ground of insanity, 351; 353. MARTIN, ATTORNEY-GEN. LUTHER, each indi- MCKAY, JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985. vid. equally free, 979, MCKEE, MRS., 405. MARTINEAU, HARRIET, A. visits home, 571. MCKENNA, LUKE, leads mob, 211. 1056 INDEX. MCLAREN, DR. AGNES, A. praises, 568. MERRITT, MRS. JOHN J., 349. McLAREN, PRISCILLA BRIGHT, 565 ; 567; lov- MILBURN, REV. WM. HENRY,refuses represent. ing let. to A., 569; com. for internatl. organ chamber to women, 118. iza., 579. MILL, JOHN STUART, 337; champions univers. MCLAREN, EVA MULLER, spks. at wom, suff. suff. bill., 997. meet., 566. MILLER, CAROLINE HALLOWELL, opp. res. MCLAUGHLIN, MAJOR FRANK, ch. Cal., Re- agnst. Wom. Bible, 854. pub. Cent. Com. refuses wom. suff. speakers MILLER, E. W., insulting sp. on wom. suff., place on Repub. plat.“ too many bonnets," 686; disgraces Democ., 687. 883; writes county chmn. to refuse them MILLER, ELIZ. SMITH, first to wear Bloomer place, 884. costume, 113; 304; goes to Gov. Geary, 310; MCLEAN, AARON, takes Anthony family to 327; 462; visits Mrs. Osborne with A., 914; Battenville, 17; criticises A. for abolition- 762; 900; 918; entertains A. and Mrs. Stn., ism, 39; defends Van Buren, condemns Clay 927. and Webster, 42; marries A.'s sister, 43; MILLER, FLORENCE FENWICK, 564; trib. to A. humorous letter on raspberry exper., 159. at World's Fair, 747. MCLEAN, ANN ELIZA, trip with A., 218; death, MILLER, MR. AND MRS. LEWIS, 652. 241. MILLS, C. D. B., aids Garrison. meet., 211, MCLEAN, GUELMA ANTHONY, born, 12; mar- MILLS, HARRIET MAY, in N. Y. campn., 761; ries Aaron McLean, 43; registers and votes, 773; manages cons. in Calif., 864. 324; death, 447. MILLS, W. H., 685. MCLEAN, JUDGE JOHN, offers partnership to MINOR, FRANCIS, first to claim wom, right to Mr. A., 17; on rum drinking, 18. vote under Amend. XIV, 331; 338;383; argues MCLEAN, REV. JOHN K., 370; in Yosemite, before Sup. Court on woman's right to vote 393; at Mirror Lake, 394; invites A. and under Amend. XIV, 453; death, 737. Miss Shaw into pulpit, 826. MINOR, VIRGINIA L., pres. Mo. Assn., 315; 327; MCLEAN, John R., entertains A., 677. claims wom. right to vote under Amend. MCLEAN, MRS. JOHN R., entertains A., 677; XIV, 331; 383; votes and carries case to Sup. recep. to A., 814; 70th birthday luncheon for Court, 453; 483; gives A. compli. from W. Mrs. Grant, 858. Phillips, 494 ; pres. suff. con., entertains A., MCLEAN, THOMAS KING, death, 369. 506; in Neb. campn., 545; 546; 629; tries to McLENDON, MRS. M. L., Atlanta Club, 811. arr. for A. to ad. Catholics, 649; 659; death, MCRAE, EMMA MONT, ad. Cong. Com., 511. leaves A. $1,000, 803. McVICAR, MAYOR JOHN, welcomes natl. suff. MITCHELL, SENATOR JOHN H., 406; 407; mock con. Des Moines, 902. trial on snow bound train, 408; rep, in favor MCVICKER, MRS., 824, wom. suff., 502. MEDILL, JOSEPH, trib. to A. in Chi. Tribune, MITCHELL, MARIA, A.visits at Vassar,622; "too 549; 572. old to dare do nothing,” 635; death, 660. MEEKER, HON. EZRA V., 676. MIXER, CAROLYN LOUISE, 679. MELLEN, MRS., 564; 565; recep. to A. and Mrs. MOFFETT, MRS. P. A., 742. Stn., 566. MOORE, MRS. AND MRS. A. A., 877. MELLEN, NATHANIEL, 566, MOORE, E. M., fav. admit. wom. Roch. MELLISS, DAVID M., furnishes funds for The Univers., "boys are breadwinner," 713; Revolution, 295; stands by the paper, 299; gives A. medical certificate, 136; spks. for breakfast to A. and Mrs. Stn., 305; 308; suff., 762; A. attends golden wedding, 929. put $7,000 in Rev., 354. MOORE, REBECCA, 355; Eng. corres. for Rev., MELLISS, ERNEST AND NORMAN, 407. 359; 560; 566; 567; goes with A. to Edin- MENDENHALL, DINAH, death, leaves $1,000 to burgh, 568. A., heirs refuse payment, 660. MORGAN, Gov. E. D., signs Married Woman's MEREDITH, VIRGINIA C., 702. Property Bill, 189. MERIMAN, EMELIE J., 369. MORGAN, JOHN T., SUP. JUDGE, Idaho, de- MERIWETHER, ELIZABETH A., first appear cides in favor wom. suff., 919. ance on Natl. plat., 607; pres. Memphis MORGAN, JOHN T., SENATOR, opp. com, on Suff. Club, 807; spks. Atlanta con., 811. wom. rights, 541. MERRIAM, MRS. A. B., 519. MORSE, MRS. S. B., 349. MERRICK, JUDGE E. T., 597; praise for A., 608; MORRILL, REV., 729. 807; 902. MORRILL, Gav. E. N., 796; 797. MERRICK, CAROLINE E., 597; ashamed of Sen. MORRIS, JUDGE, ESTHER, 479; first wom. Eustis, let. to A., 608; ad. suff. con., 639; in judge, 823. trod. A. in N. Orleans, 808. MORRIS, HELEN LEWIS, 811, INDEX. 1057 MORRIS, Dr. SARAH, 762. MOULSON, DEBORAH, school circular, 24; MORTON, Gov. LEVI P., 561; reappoints A. on school discipline, 28; 29; 30; death, 31. board St. Indus. Sch., 731. MOULTON, FRANK D., birthday gift to A., 976. MORTON, SENATOR OLIVER P., argument for MULLIGAN, CHARLOTTE, 730. wom, suff., 500; spks. on wom. suff., death, MULLINOR, MR., on shipboard, 552. 501; 1014. MULLINOR, MR. AND MRS., entertain A., 575, MOSHER, ARTHUR A., 598. MULLER, MRS., meeting at house of, 555. MOSHER, MRS. ARTHUR A., 598; 672. MULLER, HENRIETTA, 564; 565; 566; takes A. MOSHER, EUGENE, marries A.'s sister, 46. to see Bernhardt, 567; A. and Mrs. Stn's. MOSHER, ANTHONY HANNAH, born, 12; mar. visit, 576; recep. for A., 577. ries Eugene Mosher, 46; registers and votes, 424; recep, to inspect, of election, 453; fail- NAPOLEON I, A. thinks wd. have stood for ing health, 487; death, 488. freedom of women, 562; A. compared to, MOSHER, HELEN LOUISE (see James). 952; "empire needs mothers," 1011. MOSHER, WENDELL PHILLIPS, marriage, 679, NEBLETT, A. VIOLA, at Atlanta con., 811. MOTT, ABIGAIL, explains Unitarianism,44;58. NELSON, JULIA B., in S. Dak, campn., 685; at MOTT, ANNA C., friendship for A., 756. Neb. con., 697. MOTT, JAMES, at Syracuse W.R. Con., 72; ar- NEW, MRS. JOHN C., recep. for A., 517. ranges suff. meet. in Phila., 119; stands by NEWMAN, BISHOP JOHN P., fav. wom. suff.,588. women, 251; 756. NEWTON, REV. HEBER, favors wom, su ff., 764 MOTT, LUCRETIA, Discourse on Women, 59; NEYMANN, MME. CLARA, in Neb. cainpn., 545; pres. Syr. W. R. Con., opp. to woman as first appearance on Natl. plat., 607; 628. pres, first W. R. Con., 72; as mother, 76; NICHOL, ELIZ. PEASE, A. visits, 568; 569; 570. invites A. to visit, washes dishes and enter. NICHOLS, CLARINA HOWARD, prophecy for A., tains guests, 122; cheering let, to A., 130;163; 66; injustice to wom. in divorce, 74; 93; 102; confidence in A. and Mrs.Stn., 195; Garrison 178; debt of Kan. women to, 480; work on ian and W. R. meet, at Albany, 212; spks. Hist. Wom. Suff., 529; Kan. wom.give pict. Wom. Loyal League, 237; opp. to disband. to Hist., 530; death, 595. Anti-Slav. Soc., 246; 251; trib. of Independ- NICHOLS, SARAH HYATT, 720. ent, 253; parting words to con, in New York, NICHOLSON, ELIZA J., 597. 260; true to woman's cause, 268; 303; pres. NIGHTINGALE, FLORENCE, 239. first Wash. con., 313, 314; A.'s unselfishness, NOBLE, MRS. JOHN W., gives recep. in honor 329; adheres to Natl. Assn., 335; Geo. Down- A., Mrs. Stn., L. Stone, 718. ing decl. man shd. dominate woman, 340; NORDHOFF, CHAS., let, on A.'s birthday, 670. goes to N. Y. conf. to unite suff. org., 346; NORTHROP, MRS., supports A.'s res. in Teach. 347: 348: called first W. R. Con., 369: gift to Con., 100. A., 370; 434; sends A. money for law suit, 446; NORTHROP, PRES. CYRUS, introd. A. students pres, and spks. at wom. centennial meet. in Minnesota Univers., 929. Phila., drinks tea at headqrs., 479; sends tea NYE, SENATOR JAS. W., endorses wom, suff., and thanks to A., 480; at 30th wom. rights 284; presides over suff. con., 377. annivers., 495; attends last con., 496; A.'s last sight of, 512; death, character, 525; O'CONNOR, JOSEPH, 766. memorial serv. at Wash. con., 526; A.'s trib., OGLESBY, SENATOR R. J., insults women's 527; suff. pioneer, 547; 549; bust. by Ad. petitions, 485. Johnson, 713; 854; 895; 915; sentiment to OLIVER, REV. ANNA, 737. bride and groom, 923; 934. OPDYKE, GEORGE, 329. MOTT, LYDIA, 58; advises women to hold ORDWAY, EVELYN B., 808. separate temp. meet., 65; work in 1840-48, ORME, ELIZA, entertains A., England's first 82; denies woman loses individuality in wom, lawyer, 564. marriage, 170; entertains reformers, 173; in ORMOND, JUDGE JOHN J., offers to present charge "depository," 199; defends wronged suff. memorial in Ala. legis. favors civil but mother, 200; ministers to A., 202; refuses to not polit. rights for women, 183; after raid give up mother and child, 205 ; old fraternity on Harper's Ferry declares enmity, 184. no more, 244; 246; comforts A., 415; dying, ORTH, G. S., M. C., ad. suff. con., 541. A. visits, 470; death, A.'s tribute, 471; 536. ORR, ELDA A., pres. Nev. Assn. entertains A., MOTT, REBECCA W., 260. 825; New Years gift to A., 900. MOTT, RICHARD, staunch support of A., 756. OSBORNE, ELIZA WRIGHT, entertains A. and MOTT, RICHARD F., teacher Nine Partner's Eliz. Smith Miller, 714; entertains A. and School, 8. Mrs. Stn., 917. ANT.-67 1058 INDEX. OSCAR, PRINCE OF SWEDEN, 477. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., 863; A. OSGOOD, JULIA, travels with A., 569; 570; 573. writes obj. to Natl. W.C.T. U. Con. in San OTIS, BINA M., on Kan. wom. suff. com., Fr., 882 781. PELLET, SARAH, at Saratoga con., 121. OTIS, HARRISON G., disrespectful to A. and PENCE, LAF., M. C., addresses suff. con., 756. Miss Shaw, 834. PENNOCK, DEBORAH, 601. OTIS, JAMES, man without representation is PERKINS, GEO. C., 685. without liberty, 989. PERKINS, MARY (see Randall). OWEN, J. J., ed. San Jose Mercury, compli. PERKINS, SARAH M., 628; 629. A., 394. PERRY, A. L., invites A. to Berkshire Hist. OWEN, RBT. DALE, supports Wom. Loyal Soc. meet, 939. League, chmn. Freedmen's Inquiry Com., PETERS, JUDGE, advoc. suff. amend., 796. 235; 529. PETERS, O. G. AND ALICE, 676. OWEN, MRS. RBT. DALE, 349; 353. PETTINGELL, ABBY L., 772. OWEN, ROSAMOND DALE, 529. PETTIGREW, SENATOR R. F., 676. PHELPS, ELIZ. B., establishes Wom. Bureau, PACKARD, HON. JASPER A., presents A. to 320; 327; 341; 349; gives up Wom, Bureau, Ind. Legis., 904. 360; 480. PAINE, THOMAS, right of voting is primary PHILLEO HELEN (see Jenkins). right, 990. PHILLIPS, WENDELL, visits Anthony home, PALMER, GEN. (Colorado), 564. 60; goes with Antoinette Brown to World's PALMER, Gov. (Ill.), 315. Temp. Con., 101; 102; opp. Bloomer dress, PALMER, BERTHA HONORE, at Wom. Council, 115; gives A, $50 for first canvass of N. Y., 702; ad. at opening World's Fair, 742; fine 122; refuses to let her pay it back, 128; 131; qualif. for pres. board lady manag., remark. 132; spks. at N. Y. wom. rights con., 147; record, courtesy to A., 744; in sympathy 162; on gift of Jackson to wom. rights with wom. suff., pres. Wom. Cong. Auxil., cause, 165; approves A.'s N. Y. canvass, 171; 745; asks A. for suggestions, 748; thanks lashes the mob, 174; prepares suff. memo- her for fair mindedness, 749. rial to legis., 175; 182; 185; 192; 193; opp. PALMER, SENATOR T. W., rep. in favor wom. divorce resolutions, 194; attitude grieves suff., 590; 591 ; urges A. to keep up suff. agita A. and Mrs. Stn., 195; praises A., 196; 197; tion, 593; masterly sp, on 16th Amend., 596; urges A. to restore child to father, 203; can 637; let. on A.'s birthday, 670. not feel for woman, 204; declares for war, PALMER, SENATOR AND MRS., recep. for Wom. 214; refuses check for lect., 217; A. hoped Council, 637. wd. redeem pledge to woman, 225; A. "salt PARKER, JANE MARSH, at A.'s birthday banq., of earth,” 226; 233; lively let, on A.'s get- 666; organizes club agnst. suff., 766. ting Mrs. Stn. to invite him to speak, 237; PARKER, JULIA SMITH, ad. Cong. Com., 446; urges A. to return East, 244; on dis- 511; at Lucretia Mott's, 512. banding Anti. Slav. Soc., 245; elected pres. PARKER, MARGARET E., at Phila. Centennial, A. S. Soc., 246; no freedom without ballot, 479; 565; A. visits, 577; com. for internatl. objects to union of A. S. and W.R. Soc., 256; organization, 579. prevents the union, 259; argues against PARKER, THEO., A. visits him in study, 131; trying to strike "male" from N. Y. consti., "only noise and dust of wagon," 195. 261; declines to sustain demands of women, PATTERSON, MR. AND MRS. THOMAS M., en 270; refuses to give money from Jackson tertain A. friends of wom. suff., 821. fund, 275; endorses wom. suff., 284; 290; PATTON, ABBY HUTCHINSON (see Htchis'n.). bids woman stand aside, 300; and wait for PATTON, LUDLOW, 260. negro, 304; gives preference to negro PATTON, REV. W. W., preaches agnst. wom. suff., 317; wom. suff. intellectual theory, suff., 596. 323; first meet. with A. since dif. of opinion PAYNE, SENATOR AND MRS., 677. on Amend. XIV, 370; 373; will help toward PEABODY, ELIZ., 131; 756. Amend. XVI; A. stands at head of suff. PEASE, DR. R. W. AND HANNAH F., 211. movement, 495; replies to A.'s 70th birth- PECKHAM, LILIE, 327. day greet., faith in her, 538; announces PECKHAM, JUSTICE, RUFUS W., pays fine Eddy legacy to A., 539; tells of suit to trib. to charac. of A., 735. break will, 540; 548; 549; Harvard ad., 557; PEDRO, DOM, 477. 568; 577; death, 587; 593; 859; 935; freedom PEFFER, SENATOR WILLIAM A., ad. suff. without ballot is mockery, 990. con., 756. PHILLIPS, MRS. WENDELL, 219. PEET, MRS. B. STURTEVANT, tries to sec. PICKLER, ALICE M., presents claims S. Dak., INDEX. 1059 suff., 675; works for wom. 688; at Wash. 161; mobbed, 165; tries to give A.'s break- con., 851. fast order, 177; 208; deputized to give notice PICKLER, J. A., M. C., response A.'s birthday of union A. S. and W. R. Soc., 256; refrains banq., 666; 675; stands by wom. suff., 688. from doing so, 259; editorial revision in PILLSBURY, PARKER, visits Anthony home, 60; Standard feared, 262; full adv. rates for facetious let. to L. Mott on A.'s work, 105; women's notices, 268. 150; great eloquence, 152; men's rights, 157; POWELL, ELIZ. (see Bond). 162; preaches in Rochester, 167; on John POWELL, MAUDE, 566. Brown execution, 180; spks. at John Brown PLATT, SENATOR ORVILLE H., 699. meet., 181; on divorce, 195; ridicules Dall PLUMB, SENATOR P. B., opp. wom, suff., 281; con., 196; 198; let. of sympathy to A., 224; for wom. suff., 621. urges A. to return East, 244; on div. in Anti- PLUTARCH, “equality causes no war," 968. Slav. Soc., 246; resigns editorship of Stand- PRIESTMAN, THE MISSES, A. visits, 577. ard, 262; abused by N. Y. World, 264; re- PRINCE, MAYOR (BOSTON), 519; receives suff fuses to edit Standard unless it declares for con., 534. women, 269; loyal to women, 270; Susan cd. PROUDFIT, ELIZABETH FORD, 612. extinguish argu. with thimble, 273; 290 ; ed- PRUYN, MRS. JOHN V. L., pres. remonstrants itor Revolution, 296; 297; 299; 301; 302; 309; agnst. wom. suff., presents res., 765. offers res, that Equal Rights Assn. be trans- PRYN, REV. ABRAM, ad. John Brown meet., 181. ferred to Union Suff. Soc., 349; work on PUGH, SARAH, first meets A., 122; 131; 246; Rev., 354; "A. works like plantation of 251; appreciates A. and the Rev., 335; 340; slaves,” 356; 357; faithful to Rev., 360; 350; sends gift to A., 412; present to A., 416; "your meed of praise be sung over your 496; 527; death, 595. grave," 363; 380; at A.'s lect. in Chicago, PULVER, MARY, registers and votes, 424; votes 468; 535; 587; urges A. to visit his home, again, 434. 702; symp. for A. when ill, 842; A. visits, PURINTON, MR. AND MRS. JAS. W., 624. 895. PURVIS, HARRIETT, 527. PILLSBURY, PARKER MRs., praises A., 535; PURVIS, ROBERT, 246; demands equal rights urges A. to visit her, 702; 895. for women, 257; 260; willing to postpone own POMEROY, SENATOR S. C., 248; contrib. money enfranch. in favor of women, 269; loyal to and franking privilege, 283: endorses wom. women, 270; rebukes son for opp. wom. suff., suff., 284; offers amend. to Fed. Constit. 314; 420; 527; ad. at A.'s birthday recep. in enfranchising women, 310; opens first Wash. Phila., 547; presents testimonial from Natl. suff. con., 313, 317; tells ladies they must Suff. Assn., 548; gift to A., 549; A. writes on accept every help in politics, 375; pres. can- death of Phillips, 587; 664; at A.'s birthday didate, 594; ballot for negro, 962; gift and banq., 666; let. from A. on Gladstone, 741. let. to A. on 50th birthday, 974. PUTNAM, REBECCA SHEPARD, 234; 802. POMEROY, MRS. S.C., birthday gift to A., 976. POND, Asst. U.S. DIST. ATTY., examines A. QUARLES, RALPH P., SUP. JUDGE, Idaho, for having voted, 427. decides in favor wom. suff., 919. POND, MAJOR JAMES B., compli. A. and offers QUAY, SENATOR MATTHEW S., 718. $100 for parlor lect., 896. QUINCY, EDWARD, 162. PORTER, MARIA G., A.'s friend, 104; 711; 90th birthday, 845; death, 896. RAINES, JUDGE THOMAS, for wom. suff., 762. PORTER, SAM. D., Pillsbury's adjectives, 181. RAINSFORD, REV. W. S., signs petit, for wom. POST, AMALIA, secures suff. bill in Wyoming, suff., 764. 408; suff. pioneer, 823. RAMSEY, S. A., help of natl. assn. gives hope. PosT, AMY, 195; testimonial to A., 412; at to S. Dak., 679. 30th suff. annivers., 495; death, 660. RAMSEY, STATE SENATOR (N. Y.), 189. POST, ISAAC, home rendezvous for runaway RANDALL, SUPERINTENDENT, encourages A. slaves, 61 in pub. speak., 143.. POTTER, BISHOP H. C., for wom. suff., 764. RANDALL, ANNA T., 342. POTTER, BESSIE, makes statuette of A. and RANDALL, MARY PERKINS, teacher in Ane Mrs. Gross, 862. thony home, 22; 394. POTTER, HELEN, famous impersonator, gift RANSOM, C. R., executor Eddy will, 539. to A., 488; 548; present to A., 549. RAPER, J. H., 479. POWDERLY, HANNAH, on A.'s birthday, 671. READ, DANIEL, grandfather Susan B., ances- POWDERLY, TERENCE V., on A.'s birthday, 671; try, marriage, military service, 4; political invites A. to spk. at Omaha, 726. record, religious belief, 5; literary taste, POWELL, AARON, in Garrisonian meet., 150; business matters, 6; sideboard well sup- 1060 INDEX. plied, 15; military rec. makes A. Daught. of ROCHAMBEAU, COUNT, 477. Rev., 919. ROCKEFELLER, JOHN D., for wom, suff., 764. READ, JOSHUA, rescues Mr. Anthony's goods ROGERS, NATHANIEL P., 616. from sheriff, 35; protects sister's inheritance ROGERS, DR. SETH, Worcester Hydro. Insti- and pays for farm, 45; invites A. to teach in tute, 131, 132; let, agnst. individ. annihilat. Canajoharie, 49; 121. in marriage, 135. READ, LUCY, (See Anthony). Root, EHIHU, opp. wom. suff. amend. in N.Y. READ, SUSANNAH RICHARDSON, grandmother Consti. Con., 767; presents petit. agnst., 769.. Susan B., born, 4; business qualities, 6. supports it, 771. REAGAN, JOHN H., M. C., opp. wom. suff., 585. Root, LIEUT.-Gov. J. P., let. A.'s 50th birth- REASON, CHAS. L., 157. day, 974. REED, CHARLES WESLEY, brings in minor. Root, FRANCIS T., responds for Ind. legis. at rep. in fav. wom. suff. pl, and makes fight recep. for A., 904. for it in Calif. Demo. Con., 873. ROSE, ERNESTINE L., justice of wom, suff., 75; REED, KITTY, let. greet, natl. suff.con., 902. interpretation of Bible, 77; work in 1840-48, REED, Thos. B., champions wom. rights com., 82; prejudice agnst, on acct. of religious be 540; rep. favoring wom. suff., 590; 677; let. liefs, 117; president suff. con., 121; 163; 185; on A.'s 70th birthday, 669; "at 11th hr. all 193; favors divorce res., 194; at Albany, 212; will flock in," 716; fails to spk, for wom. patriotic speech Wom. Loyal League, 229; suff. in Calif. campn., 885; 902; 677. 237; 309; repudiates "free love" res., 325; REID, WHITELAW, A.'s 50th birthday, 974. 327; leaves for Eng., 329; early work, 369; REMOND, CHARLES LENOX, A. drives with, back from Eng., 458; 530; delight to see A. 131; in Garrisonian meet., 150; A. describes in Eng., 553; 554: 563; death, 737; never sp., 152; 246. banished from suff. ass'n, because of re- REMOND, SARAH, in Garrisonian meet., 150. ligious belief, 853; 935. RESSE, COUNTESS DE, 558. ROSECRANS, MAJOR-GEN. WM. S., 233. REVELS, SENATOR HIRAM, 243. ROSEWATER, EDWARD, deb. suff. with A., 545. REYNOLDS, MRS., 780. Ross, SENATOR E. G., franks wom. suff. docu- REYNOLDS, MARK W., invites Train to Kan., ments, 283. 287; takes to woods, 288. Ross, John W., welcomes suff.con., D. C., 756. REYNOLDS, WM. A., 167; 279. ROUTT, Gov. John L., speaks for wom. suff., RICE, VICTOR M., stands by A. in St. Teach. 491; 821. Con., 120. ROUTT MRS. JOHN L., entertains A. and Miss RICH, Gov. AND MRS. (WYOMING), 823. Shaw, 821. RICHARDS, BISHOP (UTAH), 824. ROWAN, ST. SENATOR, ad. natl. suff. con., 902. RICHARDS, MR. AND MRS. F. S., 825. RUSSELL, FRANCES E., assists Loyal League, RICHARDRON, MISS, 564. 234; writes for Rev., 359. RICHARDSON, ABBY SAGE, unhappy married RYE, MISS, 555. life, ability, marries A. D. Richardson, 351; persecuted, public sentiment in her favor, SAGE, RUSSELL, signs petit. for wom, suff., 352; meets A. in Denver, 492. 764. RICHARDSON, ALBERT D., killed by McFar- SAGE, MRS. RUSSELL, A. guest at Emma Wil- land, married on his deathbed, 351. lard dinner, 753. RICHARDSON, MR. AND MRS. F. M., 832. ST. JOHN, COL. JOHN P., 496. RICHARDSON, MAYOR SAMUEL, presides at SALVADOR, A., ed. Le Soir, wishes to inter- temp. festival, Rochester, 62. view A., 561. RICHARDSON, SUSANNAH (see Read). SANBORN, FRANK, approves wom. suff., 251; RICHER, LEON, 562. speaks at suff, con., 533. RIDDLE, JUDGE A. G., 337; ad. House Com, for SANFORD, DR. AND MRS. J. E., 802; 806; 70th wom. suff., 376; ad. Wash. Con. 377; chief birthday recep. to Mary Anthony, 916. drawbacks to wom. suff., 455; 647; 660. SAND, GEORGE, 733; "independence is happi- RIPLEY, GEO., 563. ness," 1008. RISTORI, A. hears, 558. SANDERS, MRS. HENRY M., petit. for wom. ROBINSON, Gov. CHARLES, 273; endorses wom. suff., 764; 802. suff., 284; 285; takes Mrs. Stn. on speaking SARGENT, A. A., declares for woman's rights, tour of Kan., 286, 287; 290. 405; 406; 407; 408; presents A.'s appeal for ROBINSON, EMILY, wom. suff. pioneer, 722. remission of fine for voting, 450; intercedes ROBINSON, HARRIET H.. welcomes suff. con. for inspectors, 452; defends woman's peti- to Boston, 533 534 tions, 486; 495; arg, for wom. suff., 500; 501; ROBINSON, MARIUS, ed. Anti-Slav. Bugle, 722. favors admit. wom. to practice before INDEX. 1061 Supreme Court, 502; returns to Calif., SCOTT, CHARLES F., urg. Mrs. Johns to call friend of wom. su ff., 507; U. S. Minister to off women, 778. Berlin, 553; genuine Repub., 559. SCOTT, FRANCIS M., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. SARGENT, ELLA, 560. in opp. wom, suff., 769. SARGENT, ELLEN CLARK, entertains A. as SEARS, JUDGE T. C., assails wom. suff., 281; guest, 405; while snow bound on eastward res. agnst. it, 283. journey, 406; 407; 480; urges A. not to be SEDGWICK, CATHARINE MARIA, born in Berk- troubled, 494 ; 495; returns to Calif., personal shire, 1. characteris., 507; 509; 512; 553; genuine SELDEN, HENRY R., women have valid claim Repub., 559; asks Estee Chairman Natl. to vote, 425; assures A. of this, 424; tells Repub. Con. if “free ballot” plank includes her she has committed no crime, 426; 427; women, 642; work for S. Dak.,685; entertains appears for A. before U.S. Commiss., 428; A. during Wom. Cong., 829; gift to A. and argues for writ of habeas corpus, gives bail Miss Shaw, 832; made pres. Calif. Suff. for A., 432; wishes he had heard her argu- Assn., 835; asks A. to help in campn., 861; ment first, 433; defends her at trial, 436; directs it with A., 862; on committees, 863; argument before jury, 437; demands jury be entertains A. and Miss Shaw during campn., polled and moves for new trial, 439; Judge 864; gives up entire home to work, her Hunt's action indefensible, 441; Van Voor- services and money, 865; at Repub. St. Con., his' trib., 445; A. has argument printed, 869; at Popu., Prohib. and Demo. Cons., 872; 446; prepares appeal to Cong. in A.'s case; 888; scenes in election booths, 891; trib. to Hunt's action judicial outrage, 449 ; 994. A.'s services in Calif., 892. SENEY, GEO. E., M. C., opp. wom, suff., 590. SARGENT, DR. ELIZ., A. visits in Zurich, 559; SEVERANCE, CAROLINE M., 131; 252; 260; in Yosemite with A., 831; arrang. county signs call for Am. Suff. Assn., 328; enter- cons, in Calif. campn., successful results, tains A., 832. 864; head of literary com, and petit, work, SEVERANCE, MRS. MARK SIBLEY, recep. for contributes money, 865; suff. work on San A., 833. Fr. Post, 866. SEVERANCE, SARAH M., work for S. Dak., 685; SARGENT, GEORGE, 408. spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., 875. SARGENT, MR. AND MRS. JAMES, 772; A. as- SEWALL, MAY WRIGHT, first app. on natl. sists at golden wedding, 916; entertain A. suff. plat., 495; presents flowers to A. at St. at Thous. Is., 926. Louis, 507; 511; arranges suff. con. Indpls., SAUNDERS, ALVIN, SENATOR, ad. suff. con., 517; 527; presentation speech to A., 534; 541. chmn. natl. ex. com., 535; appears bef. SAXE, REV. Asa, spks. for wom. suff., 762. House Com., 541; 545; description of honors SAXON, ELIZABETH LYLE, ad. Cong. Com., paid A. on departure for Europe, 547; A. 511; in Neb. campn., 545; in Kan, campn., at New Orleans Expo., 597; applies lash 609; 808. to own back, 600; entertains A., 623; 626; SAXTON, GEN. Rufus, approves equal rights chmn. com. on union of two assns., 628; 629; for women, 272; negroes still enslaved, 964. skill as pres. offic., 632; arranges internat. SCATCHERD, ALICE, secures admission wom. council, 633; originates idea of permanent dele, to Lib. Con., 576; com. for internatl. Councils, 639; made cor. sec., 641; open let. organizat., 579; ad. Senate Com., 640. to Gen. Harrison, 642; introduces A. to SCHENCK, ELIZ. B., 327. Classical School, 650; arranges birthday SCHIEFFELIN BROTHERS, 234. banq. for A., 664; presides, 665; 676; A. vis- SCHOFIELD, MARTHA, A. visits industrial its, 698; present to A., 707; at Fed. of Clubs, school, 812. 720; 721; spks. at Rochester, 740; at open- SCHUMACHER, MR. AND MRS. ADOLPH, enter ing World's Fair, 742; ch. com. org. Wom. tain A., 652. Cong., A. glories in her work, 745; A.'s pop- SCHURMAN, PRES. JACOB GOULD, welcomes ularity at World's Fair, 746; entertains A. suff. con., invites to visit Cornell, 800. during World's Fair, 750; presides at lunch SCHURZ, CARL, opponent wom, suff., 415. to Internat. Council, 751; 821; 841; wants SCHUYLER, MARY M. HAMILTON, Art. Assn. A. to manage Stn.'s birthday, 847; death of desire to make statue rep. Philanthropy,734; husband, A.'s sympathy, 850; receives State stepson obj. to having name coupled with officials in honor of A.,903; at Anthony home- A.'s, 735. stead, 940; at Berk. Hist. meet., 944; A.'s SCHUYLER, PHILIP, obj. to stepmother's stat character, 950; open let. to Gen. Harrison ue by side of A., 734; enjoins Art Assn., she on “free ballot" pl. in Repub. plat., 1013. wd. resent attempt to couple name with SEWALL, SAMUEL E., endorses wom. suff., 284; A.'s, defeat in court of appeals, 735. 373; birthday gift to A., 976. 1062 INDEX. SEWALL, MRS. SAMUEL E., congratulat. let. Broadway Thea., 823; preaches Tabernacle, to A., 640; birthday gift to A., 976. Salt Lake, “politic. sermon," 824; preaches SEWALL, THEODORE L., at World's Fair, 750; in theater; at Inter-Mount. Suff. Assn., death, 850. receptions, banq, in Ogden, at Reno, Nev., SEWARD, MRS. W. H., favors divorce, 195. 825; spks. in theat., in Calif., at Oakland SEYMOUR, Gov. HORATIO, heads opposit. to ferry, in Dr. McLean's pulpit, 826; in Con- A. S. meet., 210; ad. Demo. mass meet. greg. church San Fr., at Wom. Cong., 827; N. Y., 305; pres. Natl. Demo. Con., 306. spks. every day, royal welcome, 828; all in SEYMOUR, HORATIO, JR., leads disturbance at love with, preaches in synagogue, helps org. A. S. meet., 208. suff. campn., 829; ad. Congreg. ministers' SEYMOUR, MARY F., reports wom, council, 637; meet., Unit. Club dinner, Stanford Univers., death, 757. 830; social courtesies, Yosemite, names big SHAFROTI, MRS. JOHN F., at Wash. con., 851. tree S. B. A., at San Jose, 831; Los Angeles, SHARKEY, WM. L., Provis. Gov. Miss., 961. Riverside, Pasadena, Pomona, San Diego, SHARSWOOD, JUDGE, agnst, wom. suff., 985. 832; Olivewood, Santa Monica, Los Angeles, SHATTUCK, HARRIETTE ROBINSON, spks. at 833; spks. in Oakland, in Method. ch., San suff. con. Boston, 533; 541; in Neb. campn., Fr., at ministers' meet., 834; meets with 545; 628. Calif. Suff. Assn., 835; 4th July com, refuse SHAW, REV. ANNA HOWARD, in Kan., 625; 629; to let spk., reconsider, she rides in proces. accepts proposals for union, 630; 636; be and makes sp., 836; goes to Oakland, can not ginning of friendship with A., 645; first ap find audience, starts homeward, 837; goes to pears on Natl. plat., 647; 652; at A.'s birth Chicago, 839; stricken with fever, 840; fav- day banq., 665; appeal for S. Dak., 675; 676; ors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; spks. at must not attack Christian relig., 678; goes county cons, in Calif., in Sargent residence, to S. Dak., 681; writes A. people anxious 864; at Repub. St. Con., 869; bef. res. com., for her to come, 682; scores State com., bet 871; ad. Dem. res. com. for two min., 873; ter not cutloose from A., 683; 684; at Repub. scores con, for action on wom. suff. pl., at con. seats for Indians, none for wom., 687; ratificat. meet, in San Fr., 874; spks. every rebukes con., in Black Hills, 688; gets night dur. campn, and donates serv. of sec., courage from A., longs for mother, 689; A.'s 875; 883; at "Tom Reed” rally, Oakland; experience with crying baby, 692; her own 885; photo. given for pledges, 889; at Salt experience, A.'s retort in case of drunken Lake, Kan. City, banq, at Roch., 895; R. I. man, 693; at Deadwood, 694; hardest campn. suff.con., 896; A's 77th birthday, 907; present ever known, 696; at Rochester, 698; first to Mary Anthony, 916; visits Mrs. Osborne, pres. Wimodaughsis, 700; at Wom. Council, 917; A.'s letters like Paul's Epistles, 924; 702; christens Avery baby, 705; present to spks. at western conferences, 929; at An- A., 707; in Adirondacks, 708; at Chautauqua, thony homestead, 940; at A.'s right hand, 709; J. H. Buckley's obj. to wom. suff. from 942; at Berk. Hist. meet., trib. to A., her relig, standpoint, 710; at West. N. Y. Fair, belief in men and women, great, ideal life, 711: vice-pres.-at-large Natl. Am. Assn., 945. 717; in Kan, campn., 719; shut out of SHAW, FRANCIS G., gives A. $100 for Rev. 355. churches bec. spoke at spiritual meet., SHAW, SARAH B., 282. will speak on suff. anywhere, 720; at Kan. SHELDON, ELLEN H., serv. for Natl. Assn., 700. Repub. con., at Omaha Popu. con., 726; deb. SHIPPEN, REV. Rush R., ad. suff. con., 607. suff. with Dr. Buckley at Chau., 727; recep. SHERMAN, GEN. WM. T., 249. at Hall of Philos., 728; spks.in N. Y.campn., SHERMAN, MRS. GEN., agnst. wom. suff., 377. 761; will not work for wom. suff. in Kan. SIMONTON, J. W., at press dinner, 316. unless politic. part. endorse it, weakness of SIMPSON, JERRY, M. C., ad, suff. con. 756. wom., 781; opens campn. in Kan. City, 784; SIMPSON, BISHOP MATTHEW, 337; favors wom. demands Repub. Wom. con., ask for suff. suff., 588. plank, 785; ad, res. com. at Repub. St. con., SIZER, NELSON, phrenolog. chart of A., 85. 786; ad. suff, mass. meet in Topeka, 787; SKIDMORE, MR. AND MRS. Thos. J., hospital- ad. Popu. St. con., 789; shakes hands with ity, love of liberty, 710. dele., telegram Kan. Prohib. con, adopts SLAYTON (Lect. Bureau), tells A. she has wom. suff. plank, 790; finishes Kan, engage- ruined lect. prospects, 468; cempli. circular ments, 792; 793; Mrs. Diggs urges return to of A.'s lect., 486. Kan., 795; in Atlanta, 811; in Columbus, 812; SLOCUM, MRS., interviews Gen. Hancock, 520. invit. to Calif. Wom. Cong., 820; at Chi. St. SMALLEY, GEO. W., 246. Louis, Denver, entertained by Gov. and SMITH, ABBY, 446. Mrs. Routt, 821; enthusiastic greet. in SMITH, MRS. E. O., at Calif. Dem. Con., 872. INDEX. 1063 SMITII, ELIZ. OAKES, at Syracuse W.R. Con., 629; 632; 633; 643; thoughtfulness for A., 72; 316; death, 756. 672; 676; 679; pays S. Dak. bills, 680; recep. SMITH, MR. AND MRS. FRANK M., entertain to Wom. Council, 702; valu. assist. to A., A., 877. 743. SMITH, JUDGE G. W., agnst. wom. suff., 283. SQUIER, ELLEN HOXIE, 653; 802. SMITH, GERRIT, suff. greatest of all rights, SQUIER, LUCIEN, 653. 75; one standard of morals, 93; advocates SPRAGUE, HOMER B., 337. Bloomer costume, 113; in Cong., 118; wom. SPRAKER, LIVINGSTON, 49. must get rid of poverty and disabling dress, SPRINGER, WM. M., M. C., obj. to admit. Wy. 147; sleeps in church, 179; insane, 181; Gar- with wom, suff., 698. rison, meet. at Albany, 212; donation Loyal STAMBACH, DR. IDA, entertains A., 881. League, 234; 270; 279; endorses wom, suff. STAFFORD, COL., 4. 284; bids wom, stand aside for negro, 300; STAFFORD, BROWN, 121. "nothing to fear from women,” 301; 350; STAFFORD, JOHN, 121. helps A. pay expenses of trial, 446; death, STANFORD, JANE L., 607; 660; A. in private 467; gave land to negroes, 708; 935. car, case before Supreme Court, 824; sends SMITH, MRS. GERRIT, vice-pres. Wom. Temp. passes to A. and Miss Shaw, and invites to Con., 67. first graduates' reception, 830; trib. of self SMITH, GOLDWIN, opp. wom. suff., 698. and husb. to A. and Mrs. Stn., 850; 851; be- SMITH, HANNAH WHITALL, 541. lief in wom, suff. 876; assist. in Calif. wom. SMITH, JULIA (see Parker). suff. campn., 888. SMITH, LEWIA C., testimonial to Judge Sel- STANFORD, SENATOR LELAND, sends A. and den, 446; testimonial and gift for A., 558. Mrs. Stn. passes, 390; keen perceptions, 607; SMITH, MRS. M. F., 808. in favor Amend. XVI, 621; contrib. S. Dak., SMITH, MRS. NICHOLAS, 327. 676; death, 756; appreciates A. and Mrs. SOLOMONS, SELINA, poem to A., 881. Stn., predicts advancement of woman, 851. SOMERSET, LADY HENRY, approves A.'s bust, STANFORD, SENATOR AND MRS., recep. to 722; farewell teleg. to A., 729; A. has true Wom. Council, 637. sign of greatness, endorses her sp. on temp. STANSBURY, L. M., 780. at World's Fair, 747; in Twilight Park, 773; STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY, first impression at Repub. Con., Saratoga, 774. of A., 64; advice to pub. speakers, writes to SOMERVILLE, MARY, endorses wom, suff., 368. please self, 66; elected pres. State Temp. SORBIER, MADAME, tries to sec. suff. amend. Con., 67; divorce and practical relig., 68; from Calif. Legis., 863. opp. to woman as pres. of first con., 72; co- SOULE, REV. DR., 550. education, bondage of relig., 73; as mother, SOUTHWICK, SARAH, 902. 76; work in 1840-'48, 82; woman's right to SOUTHWORTH, LOUISA, 623; entertains bus. speak in public, 92; admit men to Woman's com. natl. suff. assn., leading suff. rep., Temp. Soc., 94; objected to as pres. of friendship and generosity to A. and to assn., society, 95; ad. N. Y. Legis., 108; appeal for 801; cares for A. in illness, 840. rights of women, 110; Bloomer costume, SPENCE, CATHERINE H., ad. suff. con., 756. 113; renounces it, 115; drawbacks to her SPENCER (JUDGE) MRS., tries to sec. suff. efforts for women, 130; takes turns with A. amend. from Calif. Legis., 863. in writing and baby-tending, 142; congrat. SPENCER, REV. ANNA GARLIN, speaks at suff. A. on stirring up teachers, 157; appeals for con., 533, 702. equal rights, 175; martyrdom of John SPENCER, SARA ANDREWS, engrosses Wom. Brown, what she will say to St. Peter, 181; Dec. of Ind., 478; 479; petit. work, 484; 495; 185; will obey Napoleon, 187; describes A. strong res. at Natl. Con., 499. and self working together, 188; ad. N. Y. SPERRY, GEORGE B., 831. legis., 189; declares for divorce, 193; re- SPERRY, MRS. AUSTIN, treas, wom. suff. plies to Greeley, Luc. Mott approves, 195; campn., com. in Calif., 863; at Repub. St. blows struck at men's stronghold, 196; on Con., 869; treas. Suff. Assn., valuable assist divorce at Friends' meet., 197; offers to ance, 888. help A. on agricult. sp., 199; 208; hissed at SPOFFORD, MR. AND Mrs., weleome A., 701; Roch. anti-slav. meet., 209; Garrisonian leave Riggs House, 705. meet at Albany, 212; on "Adam Bede,” pre- SPOFFORD, JANE S., elect. treas. Natl. Suff. pares anti-slav. ad., 217; 221; call for Loyal Assn., 407; hospitality to A., 512; A. League, 226; spks. for League, 227; pres. writes to give up con., 526; 527; Albany League, 229; 234; lively let. from Phillips, people shd. take A. in their arms, 536; A.'s 237; humiliation of women at seeing negro let, on shipboard, 551; let. from A., 562; placed above their heads, 239; love for A., 1064 INDEX. 244; 246; 249; petit. Cong. for wom. suff., 250; urges women to work for suff., 251; 253; sounds alarm when men show signs of treachery, 256; eloquent demand for wom, suff., 257; 259; last moments of con., 260; influenced by eloquence of Phillips and Tilton but repudiates it, 261; easily psychologized, 262; compliments Demo- crats, 263; ridiculed by N. Y. World, 264; 265; will sign every petit. if necessary, scores “old guard,” 268; protests agnst. negro's receiv. rights denied women, 269; comes to meetings rested and refreshed, ad. joint coms. of N. Y. legis, on new con- stit., 273; memorial to Cong., 277; before N. Y. Consti. Con., 278; 279; encounter with Greeley, name forbidden in Tribune, 280; 282; goes into Kansas campn., 283; un- pleasant nights, 284; homage for her tal- ents, 285; tour of Kan, with ex-Gov. Rob- inson, 286; invites Train to assist, 287; 290; arranges lect. tour with Train, at polls, 291; praised by Leav. Commercial, 292; admira- tion of Mr. Train, defers to A.'s judgment, tour with A. and Train, 293; censured and repudiated by friends for alliance with Train, claims right to accept his aid for wom. suff., 294; begins The Revolution, abuse of N. Y. Times, 295; comment N. Y. Independent, Cin’ti Enquirer, 296; descrip. of Revolution, wom, have lost self-respect, 297; defends The Revolution, 298; on desire to edit paper, 299; objects to treatment by Equal Rights Assn., Revolution an individ. matter, 300; described by Nellie Hutchin- son, 302; presides at Equal Rights Assn., 303; Blackwell praises work in Kan., inde- pendent com. formed, 304; attends Demo. mass meet. in N. Y., comment of Sun, 305; attends Natl. Demo. Con. in Tammany Hall, 306; finishes home at Tenafly, 308, 309; goes to Gov. Geary in behalf of Hester Vaughan, 310; 314; western tour, 315; 316; almost alone in demanding word "sex" in Fif- teenth Amend., 318; writes old friends to ignore the past, 320; presides Equal Rights Assn., 322; presides Natl. Suff. Assn., 327; 328; describes Newport con., 329; 330; forms friendship with Mrs. Hooker, 332; 337; ad. Cong.com., 338; 339; described by Mary Clemmer, 340; 343; 344; urges union of suff. orgz'tns and offers to resign office, 347; forbids use of name for pres., women protest, at Apollo Hall con., at dissolut. of Equal Rights Assn., 348; 349; mass meeting in McFarland-Richardson case, 352; beautiful appearance, 353; no salary on Revolution, 354; objects to change name of Rev., "Rosebud" will not answer, 357; 358; declines to serve longer as editor, 360; urges A. to roll load off her shoulders, 361; 362; 366; 368; work in 1845, called first W. R. con., 369; wants A. for pres. of assn. but willing to exalt Mrs. Hooker, 371; sends $100 to Wash. con., 372; bet. two fires, 374; answers men who object to Mrs. Woodhull, 379; no faith in Repub. party, 382; supports Mrs Woodhull, 383; chmn. Natl. com., 384; starts to Calif., 387; bliss in marriage if both equals, 388; first sp. in San Fr., visits Mrs. Fairin jail, 390; sympathizes with her, goes to Yosemite, 392; can not mount pony, hard trip, 393: 396: ad. Sen. com., 410: call for forming new party, 413; criticises A., 414; let. to N. Y. World urging Demo, to stand by women, 416; let. from Cochran, 418; not grateful to Repubs., “white mules turn long ears," 420; spks. on Repub. plat. in N. Y., 422; defends A. in voting, 432; 434; annual protest agnst. Wash. con., 467; ob- jects to A.'s lecture on Social Purity, 468; opens Centennial headqrs., 475; prepares wom. Dec. of Ind., 476; refused permis. to read Dec., 477; evils of manhood suff., 479; begins Hist. of Wom. Suff., 480; at Mrs. Da- vis' funeral, 481; appeal for 16th Amend., 483; hates lecturing, thankful for abuse, friendship for A., 488; her children's love for A., 489; prayer-meet. in Cap. at Wash., 494; 495; re-elect. pres. Natl. Assn., 496; strong res. at Natl. Con., 499; ad. to Pres. Hayes, 500; 507; corres. editor Ballot-Box, 510; writes res. and ad., 516; work on Hist., 524; tries to vote, 525; A. compels to attend cons., pres. at Wash. con., 526; eulogy on Luc. Mott, 527;528; valuable work on Hist. Wom. Suff., 531; present is time to write his- tory, 532; entertainment by Bird Club, Bos- ton, 534; illness, fears of not finish. history, 537; 540; 541; sails for Europe, 543; always strength to A., 544; urges A. to come to Eng., 546; 547; 549; 553; calls on Channing in Eng., 554; 564; spks. at Prince's Hall, 565; spks. at St. James Hall, 566; advises suff. for married women, 568; Mrs. Mc- Laren appreciates, 569; 575; 576; 577; con- fidence of Eng. women, 579; open let. on Douglass marriage, 585; prepares natl, con. report, begins work on Vol. III Hist. of Wom. Suff., 592; advises women to work for Rep. party, 594; res. denounc. dogmas and creeds, 595; rebukes Rev. Patton for sermon agnst. woman suff., upholds A.'s remarks, 596; work on Hist. Wom. Suff., 599; ease- loving nature, A. urges to work, Mrs. Sewall pities, "exercises by lying down," 600; women complain of use of “blue pencil,” 601; 70th birthday, “Pleasures of old age," let. H. Stanton Blatch., 602; esthetic cons., 605; revises History proofs, INDEX. 1065 sells rights to A., fine ability, 613; adv. A. “my steadfast friend.," 952; ad. to Pres.Lin- to burn old letters, 625; advised not to coln, "free women as you have slaves,” 957; take presidency united assns., 628; 629; will ad. to Cong., eloquent demand for woman's ing to decline, but lets. insist she shall take enfranchisement, 968; birthday gift to A., presidency, 630; A. spks. in her favor, 631; 976; Repubs. will lose power to protect elect. pres., 632; 633; friendship for A., com black men in right to vote, 1016. ing back to Amer, to do best work, 635; STANTON, MR. AND MRS. GERRIT, 654. dreads ocean trip, can not come to Council, STANTON, HARRIOT, (See Blatch). A. brings her and shuts her up to write sp., STANTON, HENRY B., on condition of country, 636; at recep. for Wom. Council, 637; trib. urges A. to gird on armor, 226. of Fr. Willard, 638; ad. Sen, com., 640; 642; STANTON, MRS. HENRY B., Greeley's revenge, 654;659; 664 ; looks like Lord Chief.Just., 665; 280; 972. response at A.'s birthday banq., thorn in STANTON, THEODORE AND MARGUERITE, 532; side, meets A. in London, oblig. to her, 667; take A. to Chamber of Deputies, to St. inspiration to A., 668; A, will have her under Cloud, to station, 561. thumb, ad. Cong. Coms., presides Natl. Am. STARRETT, HELEN EKIN, compares A. and Assn., 674; honored to go abroad as its rep- Mrs. S. when in Kan., 273; how A. won all resent., farewell, 675; The Matriarchate, hearts, 285; 287. 702; 703; re-elect. pres. natl. assn., 704; keep STARRETT, REV. WM., 287. home and be cremat. in own oven, 707; re STEARNS, JUDGE J. B., introd. A., 656 ; 902. turns to Amer., A. urges to make home with STEARNS, SARAH BURGER, 656. her and prepare writings for posterity, STEBBINS, GILES AND CATHARINE F., old 712 : goes for month's visit to A., sits for friends of A., 658; visit A., 711; golden wed., bust by Ad. Johnson, sp. in favor opening 896. Roch. Univers. to women, cartoon in Utica STEBBINS, REV. H. H., for wom. suff., 762. paper, 713; settled in N. Y., children urge to STEBBINS, DR. HORATIO, 830. give up work, paper on Solitude of Self, STEPHENS, PROF. KATE, in Germany, 560. ovation at con.; begs scepter be transfer. to STETSON, CHARLOTTE PERKINS, opp. res. A., elect. hon. pres, natl. assn., last app. at agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; visits A. and spks. Wash. con., 717; ad. Cong. Coms., recep. in in Rochester, 901. Wash., 718; 719; 729; trib. to disting. dead, STERN, JUDGE, ad. wom. suff. con., 762. 737; natl. com. sends greet. to, 739; paper for STEVENS, THADDEUS, tries to have women in- Educat. Cong. World's Fair, 751; ad. to N. Y. cluded in Amend. XIV, 250; bids women women contrib. to Sun, 763; prep. call for stand aside for negro, 267; 318; elective natl. con., 801; cosy home, 802; thanks A. franchise inalienable right, 979; Amend. for read. her papers, 811; memorial to Fred. ment XIV, 1016. Douglass, 814; A. visits to tell about cons. STEVENSON, DR. SARAH HACKETT, at Fed. etc., 815; portrait at Utah Con., 825; let. sym- Clubs, 720; let. from A. on maternity hos- pathy to A., 842; 80th birthday, 845; all wom. pital, 843. shd. pay tribute, 846; birthday sp., 847;mag- STILLMAN, JAS. W., 350. nific. fête, Tilton's testimonial, 848; recep. STEWART, SEN. WM., favors wom, suff., 500. by Mrs. H. Villard, birthday celebrat, in STOCKER, ALICE M., Calif. Dem. Con., 872. Roch., 849; extolled by Sen. Stanford, 851; STONE, LUCINDA HINSDALE, 379. prepares Woman's Bible, res. agnst, introd. STONE, LUCY, first meets A., 64; unjust laws in natl. suff. con., 852; always announc. to for women, 73; does not favor Maine law, be her individ. work, 853; always in advance 81; 87; 90; on divorce, 93; assists Whole of times, A. defends her, 854; urges that she World Temp. Con., 96; commends A., and A. resign office, 855; A. tells her she is praises Channing, 111; writes A. regard- talking down to people in her Bible com ing Bloomers, 115; defends costume, but mentary, 856; and says suff. wd, take women abandons it, 116; marries, 128; playful let- out of relig. bigotry, urges not to send Bible ter on marriage, 130; will retire from pub- literature to Calif., 857; women only class. lic work, 135; 139; encourages A. to speak left to fight battles alone, 879; A. wishes she in public, 145; shows legal posit, of women, were young and strong, 880; 896; 915; at Mrs. has faith in A., 146; pres. N. Y. con., 147; Osborne's, 917; A. writes of Mrs. Besant and sympathetic let., 151; care of children, 162; Theosophy, 918; at Geneva, 927; pict. in An trustee of Jackson fund, 165; wd. use Ho- thony parlor, 934; A.'s magnanimity, hon vey fund for test cases, 171; 185; opp. di- esty, heroism, tenderness, “to be wedded to vorce res., 195; pres. Loyal League meet., an idea may be holiest and happiest of mar 229; 234; petit. for Cong, action, 250; 253; riages,” dedicates Reminiscences, 951; to favors union of A. S. and W. R. Soc., 256; 1066 INDEX. abused by N. Y. World, 264; campn. in Kan., SUNDERLAND, REV. BYRON S., attacks W. R. money from Jackson fund for it, treachery women, 79. of Repub. Com., censures Tribune and In- SUTRO, MAYOR ADOLPH, welcomes Wom. dependent, 275; 281; wants Mrs. Stn. to edit Cong., San Fr., 827. paper, 299; A. desires her to edit paper, 300; SWEET, ADA C., 607. 303; Repub. party false unless it protects SWEET, EMMA B., priv. sec. to A., 843; goes woman, 304; repudiates “free love” res., with her to Calif., 862; in the campn., 892. 325; 328; chmn. ex. com, Am. Suff. Assn., SWIFT, JOHN F., 892. 329; for dissolution of E. R. Assn., 349; asst. SWIFT, MARY WOOD, on Calif, wom, suff. ed. Wom, Jour., 361; early work, 369; asks campn, coms., 863; at Repub. St. Con., 869; A.'s attitude toward parties, 497; Eddy pres. Century Club, entertains A., 876; elect, legacy, 539; 540; on com. for union of two pres. Calif. Suff. Assn., 892; valuable ser- assns., 627; meets A. in Boston, submits vices, 893. plan, 628; appoints conf. com., 629; 630; SWIFT, RICHARD L., mob at A. S. meet., 209. chmn, ex. com, united assns., 632; 634; at SWING, DAVID, quotation from, 667. recep. for Wom. Council, 637; trib. of Fr. Willard, 638; let, on A. birthday, 668; let. TAFT, LORADO, bust of A., sex nothing to do greet. Natl. Am. Con., 675; authoriz. A. to with art, 721; Miss Willard's compli, 722. sign name, 676; requests women celebrate TANEY, CHIEF JUSTICE ROGER B., decision in admiss. Wyoming, 699; invites A. to Mass. Dred Scott case, 454; citizens those who suff. annivers., sympathizes with illness, conduct govt. through representatives, 984; 701 ; at Wom. Council, had stood beside A. infamous decision, 985. on many a battlefield, 703; hon, pres. Natl. TANNER, MARY PRIESTMAN, 576; 577. Am. Assn., 717; at recep. in Wash., 718; 729; TAYLOR, ALBERTA CHAPMAN, 810. last let. to natl. con., greeting sent her, TAYLOR, EZRA B., M. C., rep. in favor wom. 738; memorial serv, at Wash. con., 756; 935. suff., 590; conducts fight for wom, suff., 607; STORRS, WM. C., U.S. Commissr., 426; exam- 651; secures Cong. rep. in favor wom. suff., ines A. for having voted, 427. 699; gives credit to Mrs. Upton, 700; 705. STOUT, IRA, 164. TAYLOR, HELEN, 337; 565; 577. STOWE, CALVIN E., endorses wom, suff., 284. TAYLOR, MR. AND MRS. LANSING G., A. teaches STOWE, DR. EMILY H., 658. in family of, 44. STOWE, HARRIET BEECHER, will help Revo- TAYLOR, MENEIA (MRS. PETER), 555; 577. lution, 356; gives name as ed., later de TAYLOR, HON. T. T., introd. munic.wom. suff. clines, 358; 360; 548; 902; 935. bill in Kan. legis., 611. STRATTON, SEN. AND MRS. FRED., entertain TELLER, SENATOR HENRY M.,ad.suff.con., 756. A., 877. TELLER, MRS. HENRY M., at Wash. con., 851. STRONG, HARRIET R., 832. TERRY, ELLEN, A. hears, 555. STUDWELL, EDWIN A., 349; 368. THACHER, MAYOR GEO. H., declares for free STUDWELL, MRS. EDWIN A., 349. speech, 211; protects Garrison meet.,212; 733. SULLIVAN, ISAAC N., Sup. Judge, Idaho, de- THACHER, JOHN BOYD, asks record of father, cides in favor wom, suff., 919. fails to put suff. wom. on N. Y. Board Lady SULLIVAN, MARGARET B., on shipboard with Manag., 733. A., 579. THATCHER, JUDGE, 287. SUMNER, CHAS., work for emancip., 226; pre- THAYER, JOHN M., ad. on Mary Anthony's sents petit. for emancip. in Senate, 235; birthday, 916; poem to A. at Berkshire Hist. writes A. must "blast idea of property in meet., 944; ad. on A.'s birthday, 860. man," 236; acknowl. indebtedness to A., THOMAS, REV. H. W., introd. A. in Chicago, 238; efforts to omit "male" in Amend. XIV, 617; her great heart like Christ, 805; trib. to 256; L. M. Child's petit. "inopportune," A.' "saint of liberty," 900; introd. A. at Lib. 265; concedes right to disfranchise tax- Cong. Relig. Nashville, 928. payers, 269; bids women stand aside, 300; THOMAS, MR. AND MRS. JOHN W., recep. to 317; interested in suff. hearing, 339; 373; Wom. Council, 928. did not realize women felt degredat. of dis- THOMAS, M. LOUISE, 511; 550; treas. Natl. franchise, 411; never a public word for Council, 639; A. visits, 654. woman, 456; ext. from great sp., 968; all THOMAS, MARY F., 629. citizens entitled to equal rights, 979; no THOMASSON, MRS. J. P., 563; recep. for A. and doubt but women have constit. right to Mrs. Stn., 565; 567 vote, 981; 1014; negro enfranchisement, THOMPSON, ELIZABETH, gives A. $1,000 for 1015; wrote 19 pp. foolscap to keep "male" History, 524; pres. Art. Assn. desiring to out of Amend. XIV, 1016. make A.'s statute, 734. INDEX. 1067 THOMPSON, GEO., 63; encourages Wom. Loyal fails to reach Atchison, makes final arrange. League, 233; spks. at first annivers. 237; with A. at St. Joe for paper and lect. trip, rebukes America for slavery, 996. 291 ; method of speaking, personal descript., THOMSON, ADELINE, first meets A., 122; 327; 292; pays all expenses for lect. tour of him- 527; 538; present to A., 549; 550; entertains self, A. and Mrs. Stn., 293; scored by suff. A. at Cape May, 624; love for A., 651; gift to advocates, 294; furnishes funds for The A., 741; death, gives A. $1,000, 814. Revolution and reserves space for his own THOMSON, ANNIE, first meets A., 122; 527; opinions, 295; comment N. Y. Independ., present to A., 549; 814. 296; defended by Mrs. Stn., 297; goes abroad, THURMAN, SENATOR ALLEN G., insults wom. is put into Dublin jail, 298; not able to petit., 485; 486. meet all financ. obligat. to Rev., 299, 301 ; THURSTON, SABAH A., on Kan, wom. suff. 308; withdraws from paper, 319; put in com., 781. $3,000, 354; 408. TIFFANY & Co., 278. TRALL, DR., 88. TILTON, ELIZ. R., funeral of baby, 308; 346; TREMAINE, LYMAN, rep. agnst. A.'s appeal demure, motherly, sweetness needed, 357; for remission of fine, shows ignorance of selects poetry for Rev., 359; 360; during matter, 450. Beecher-Tilton trouble, 461; beautiful char- TRUESDALE, SARAH, registers and votes, 424. acter, not wicked, 463; love and veneration TRUMAN, COMMISSIONER, 597. for pastor, 464; born into Plymouth church, TRUMBULL, SENATOR LYMAN, 410. pitiable condition, crushed, 465; let. to A. TRUTH, SOJOURNER, at W. R. con., 103. on 50th birthday, 975; gift, 976. TRYGG, ALLI, ad. Senate Com., 640. TILTON, THEODORE, "noise-making twain," TUCKER, GIDEON J., for wom. suff., 767. A. and Mrs. Stn., 188; gets Beecher's sp. in TUCKER, JOHN RANDOLPH, M. C., opp. wom. Independent, 192; A.'s "sphere," 217; on suff., 590; rep. agnst. wom, suff., 607, Emancip. Proclam., millenium on the way, TUDOR, MRS. FENNO, 534. 225; announces birth of son, 232; supports TUPPER, REV. MILA (Maynard), at Wash. A.'s plan, proposes E. R. Assn., strong ed. in Wom. Council, 702; in Calif. campn, 875. N. Y. Independent, 252; favors union of A. TURNER, BISHOP HENRY M., favors wom. suff., S. and W. R. Soc., 256; 259; 260; argues 588; spks. with A., 812. agnst. trying to strike "male" from N. Y. TUTTLE, REV. J. H., 165. constit., 261; 264; 270; refuses to champion TYNG, REV. STEPHEN H., 233. wom, suff. in 1867, 281; 290; res. to send A. to Natl. Demo. Con., 305; deserts wom. UNDERWOOD, JUDGE, women have right to suff. for negro suff., 317; wom. suff. pre vote, 985. sented as "intellect. theory," 323; tries to UPTON, HARRIET TAYLOR, 652; influ. Cong. unite suff. assns., 346; made pres. Union Com. report, 700; 705; 812; 820; on Wom. Society, 348; 349; sends com. to Am. Suff. Bible res., 856; at Anthony homestead, 940; Assn. proposing union, 350; 357; assists at Berkshire Hist. Meet., 943. Mrs. Bullard in ed. Rev., 361; 368; at Lib. Repub. Con., 415; derides women, 419; A.'s VAIL, MOSES, teaches A. algebra, 43. affection for, 463; brilliant and attractive, VAN BUREN, MARTIN, at Tarrytown, New Beecher's love for, 464; respect for wife, York, his habits, 41; at Saratoga, 42; urged 465; testimonial to A. and Mrs. Stn., 848; ballot for workingmen, 998. let. on A.'s 50th birthday, 975; gift, 976. VANCE, SENATOR ZEBULON B., rep. agnst. TOD, ISABELLA M. S., entertains A., 572; 573. wom, suff., 718. Towns, MIRABEAU L., has ad. on wom, suff. VAN DYCK, HENRY H., ST. SUPT., opposes co- printed, 768. education, 156. TOWNSEND, HARRIET A., 741. VAN PELT, ADA, 826. TOWNSEND, S. P., arranges temp. meet. for VAN VOORHIS, JOHN, M. C., retained in A.'s A. and others, 83. case, 428; shows mistake of giving bail, 433; TOURGEE, ALBION W., 754. defends her in trial at Canandaigua, 436; TRAIN, GEO. FRANCIS, offers assist. to wom. defends inspectors, refused permiss. to ad. suff. campn. in Kan., 286; first sp. at Leav., jury, opinion of case after 24 years, 444; 287; obj. to hard route, says A. knows how trib. to Judge Selden, 445; prepares appeal to make man ashamed, speaking tour, 288; to Cong., declares trial by jury annihilated, dons evening dress before speaking, attacks 449; favors wom. suff., 543. Gen. Blunt, advice to sick people, 289; will VAUGHAN, HESTER, accused of murdering furnish money for wom. suff. paper, A. child, 309; pardoned and sent back to proprietor, praised by D. R. Anthony, 290; Eng., 310. 1068 INDEX. VAUGHN, MARY C., pres. temp. meet., 65; 82;95. WARD, ELIZA T., 632. VEST, GEORGE G., SENATOR, opposes com. on WARDALL, POPU. CHMN., in Calif. campn., wom, rights, 540; speech in opp. to wom. 883. suff., 619; harrowing picture, too much WARDALL, ALONZO, inv. A. to S. Dak., 657; "gush,” 620. pres. claims of State at Wash, con., 675; VIBBERT, GEORGE H., 328. urges A. to come S. Dak., 679; at Minneap., VILLARD, MRS. HENRY, daught. W. L. Garri. pledges A. supp. of Farm, Alli. for wom. son, recep. to A. and Mrs. Stn., 849. suff., 684; at Kan, Popu. Con., 790. VINCENT, JOHN H., learn law of love from WARDALL, ELIZABETH M., let. to A., 679; God's women, 708; invites A. to Chautau- campn. report, 694; A. sends $100, 695. | qua, 727. WARNER, SEN. WILLARD, presides at wom. VOSBURG, MRS. J. R., stands by A. in Teach suff. con., 377. Con., 100. WARNER, CHAS. DUDLEY, praises A., 334. VROOMAN, MRS. HENRY, entertains A., 877. WARNER, DANIEL J., advises women to be WADE, SENATOR BENJAMIN F., encourages registered, 426. Wom. Loyal League, 233; argues for wom. WARREN, SEN. FRANCIS E., working of wom. suff., 266; 317. suff. in Wy., 716; fav. com. rep, on wom. WADLEIGH, SENATOR BAINBRIDGE, insults suff., 718; 823. wom. petit., 485; opp. wom. suff., scored by WARREN, MRS. FRANCIS E., 823. Mary Clemmer, 501. WARREN, BISHOP HENRY W., favors wom. WAGENER, MR., agnst. wom, suff. pl. in Kan. suff., 588. Repub. plat., 780. WAY, REV. AMANDA M., 328. WAGNER, SILAS J., advises inspect. not to WAYMIRE, JUDGE AND MRS. J. A., entertain register women, 426. A., 877. WAIT, ANNA C., in Kan. campn., 609. WEBB, ALFRED, 572; 575. WAITE, JUDGE C. B., 315; compli. Hist. Wom. WEBB, RICHARD D., 572. Suff., 531. WEBB, THOMAS, 575. WAITE, CHIEF-JUSTICE MORRISON R., decides WEBSTER, DANIEL, 593. agnst. woman's right to vote under Amend. WEBSTER, PROF. HELEN L., wants Wom. XIV, 453. Suff. Hist. for Wellesley, 754. WAITE, MRS. MORRISON R., recep. to A. in WEED, THURLOW, assists temp. women, 65; Wash., 739. 329. WALKER, MR. AND MRS. T. B., entertain A., WELD, ANGELINA GRIMKE, 73; spks. for 723. Loyal League, 227; for wom. suff., 229; early WALLACE, CELIA WHIPPLE, 641. work, 369. WALLACE, ZERELDA G., ad. Cong.com., 511; WELD, THEODORE D., 233. trib. to A., “Christ-like,” 535; 617; pres. WELLMAN, ALICE H., entertains A., 877. petit for wom. suff., 620; 626; let. urg. A. WELLS, MAYOR (SALT LAKE), 388. for. pres. united assns., 631; 652; will work WELLS, EMMELINE B., pres. Utah assn., 825; in S. Dak. only under A.'s direction, 683; at natl. suff. con., 902. detained by illness, apprecia. of A., 685; WELLS, IDA B., lect. in Roch., interrupt, by 708; at Chautauqua, 709; at Mrs. Sewall's theolog. stu., A. comes to defense, takes her with A., 904. home, 815; stenographer refuses to work WALLIS, JUDGE AND SARAH B., 405. for her, 816. WALTERS, BISHOP, favors wom. suff., 588. WELLSTOOD, JESSIE M., 568. WALWORTH, REV. CLARENCE A., ad. N. Y. WENTWORTH, “LONG JOAN," 468. Constit. Con. in opp. to wom. suff., 769; 770. WEST, GOVERNOR (UTAH), recep. to A., 825. WASHINGTON, BOOKER, A. spks. with for Tus- WHALEY, J. C. C., 307. keegee Instit., 914. WHEELER, VICE-PRES. WILLIAM A., presents WASHINGTON, Assoc.-Just. BUSHROD, citizens wom. petit., 500. have right to franchise and office, 984; 986. WHELPLEY, A. W., arrang. lect. for A., 648. WASHINGTON, GEORGE, 805 ; 900. WHIPPLE, REV. A. B., invites A. to annual WASSON, REV. D. A., sermons and presence meet. Berkshire Hist. Soc., 940; places inspire A., 133 meet, in her charge, 942. WATKINS, LETITIA V., canvasses Kan., 625. WHIPPLE, EDWIN P., lectures for Loyal WATSON, ELIZABETH LOWE, 405; entertains League, 233. A, 831. WHITE, PRES. ANDREW D., compli. Hist. WATTERSON, HENRY, favors wom. suff. 519; Wom. Suff., 531; wife one of A.'s kind, 850. 725. WHITE, ARMENIA S., urges A. to visit her, 702; WATTLES, SUSAN E., suff. work in Kan., 178. 895. INDEX. 1069 WHITE, BETSEY DUNNELL, A.'s aunt, talks describes A. at two natl. polit. cons., politics, 57. "such souls meet God,” 725; farewell teleg. WHITE, JOHN D., M. C., champions wom. to A., 729; delight over A.'s laurels at rights com., 540; rep. in favor wom, suff., World's Fair, Lady Henry's compli., 747; in 543; tries to get wom. suff.com., 585. Twilight Park, 773; at Repub. con., Sara- WAITE, MRS. LOVELL, arrang. trip for A. to toga, describes A. before res. com., 774; cen- Mt. Tamalpais, 877. tury's foremost figure, 775; introd. A. to W.C. WHITE, PHILIP S., 60. T. U. gospel meet., Cleveland, as ordained WHITING, JOHN H., 676. of God, declares for wom. suff., 800; A. begs WHITING, LILLIAN, trib. to A., 672; 673. to withdraw W. C.T. U. con. from Calif., WHITING, MR. AND MRS. WM., A. visits, 705. 857; A. repeats the entreaty, 881; accedes to WHITNEY, BISHOP, 824. request, 882; depart. for Europe, 883; sends WHITNEY, ADELINE D.T,, opp.wom. suff., 620. tele. of greet, on A.'s return from Calif., in- WHITTIER, JOHN G., A. calls on, 525; let. on vites her to sanitarium in Castile., 901; sends A.'s birthday, 669; death, 737. roses for A.'s birthday, 906; asks A. to join WHITTLE, DR. EWING, recep. to A. and Mrs. in protest agnst. yellow journal. and prize Stn., 579. fight., 923; when she refuses, writes affect. WHYTE, SENATOR PINKNEY, 485. let., urges to come to World's and Natl. W. WILBERFORCE, CANON, A. hears on temp., 567. C.T. U. Cons., 924; testimonial to A.'s char- WILBOUR, CHARLOTTE B., 234; 327; ad. Wash. acter, courage, self-sacrifice, integrity, per- con., 337; arrang. 50th birthday recop. for sonal kindness, in next world women will A., 341; 349; for union of two suff. assns., stand on plane of perfect equality, 950. 350; 368; 561. WILLARD, MARY B., let. to A., 804. WILBUR, JULIA A., stands by A. in Teach. WILLIAM, EMPEROR, 559. Con., 155. WILLIAMS, HARRIET W., 400. WILCOX, BIRDSEYE, heads pro-slavery mob, WILLIAMS, MARY HAMILTON, 434. 208. WILLIAMS, SARAH L., editor Ballot-Box, 509; WILDE, LADY, 565. 510. WILDER, MAYOR CARTER, pres. Repub. meet., WILLIS, SARAH L., birthday gift to A., 672; 422; friendship for A., 615. 711; contrib. N. Y. suff, campn., 772; 806. WILDER, D. WEBSTER, praises Hist. Wom, WILSON, VICE-PRES. HENRY, acknowledges Suff. and A., 615. indebtedness to A., 238; wd. keep wom. suff. WILDER, SAMUEL, friendship for A., 615. separate from negro suff., 266; bill to en- WIGHAM, ELIZA, 568; 570. franchise women in D. C., 311; 317; spks. WIGHAM, MR. AND MRS. HENRY, 572. for wom. suff., 322; pres. at suff. con., 377; WIGHAM, JANE SMEALE, 570. advocates wom. suff., 417; Repubs. ought to WILKES, REV. ELIZA TUPPER, 831. recognize women, 418; appreciates A.'s sug. WILLCOX, ALBERT O., 676. gestions, 420; 454. WILLCOX, HAMILTON, 313.. WINCHESTER, MARGARET E., 348; 349; 368. WILLARD, FRANCES E., asks A. to sit on plat. WINDEYER, Miss, ad. natl. suff. con., 756. at lect. in Roch., 472; 496; A. does not coin- WING, JUDGE HALSEY, 44. cide with views, 505; has lever but no ful- WINSLOW, DR. CAROLINE B., 902. crum, 506; 511; introd. A. at Natl. W.C.T. WINTER, WILLIAM, pays trib. to A., 323. U. con. in Wash., 537; favors State rights WOLF, HON. SIMON, ad. Wash. suff. con., 756. on suff. ques., A. criticises and tells her WOLLSTONECRAFT, MARY, 934. Prohib. party will throw wom, suff. over- WOOD, Hon. B. R., opp. wom. delegates, 88. board, prophecy fulfilled, 594; A. visits, 609; WOOD, HON. D. P., advocates wom. rights, 109. corres. with A. regard. suff. plank in Prohib. WOOD, DR. RUTH M., suff. work in Leaven- plat., 622; 631; sp. and let. about A. at Wom, worth, 609. a Council, 638; presents constit. for Councils WOOD, SAMUEL N., urges wom. suff. be dis- of Women, 639; ad. Sen.com., presides Cen- cussed in Kan., 274; plans meet., 283; 287. tral Music Hall, Chicago, 640; let. on A.'s WOODALL, WM., M. P., pres. at wom. suff. birthday, 669; 685; presides trienni. meet. meet., 566; amends suff. bill, 593. Woman's Council, introd. A. as one of WOODRUFF, PRESIDENT (Utah), 825. double stars, 702; suff. day at Chautauqua, WOODHULL, VICTORIA C., goes before Cong. 709; at Fed. Clubs, 720; urges A. to visit her Com. with memorial, fine presence, 375; and have bust made by L. Taft; “wom. wd. first app. on suff. plat., scene described, not allow male grasshop. on lawn," 721; 376; "veins contain ice," 377; advent creates will have A.'s bust in Senate and White commotion, 378; vanquishes Cath. Beecher, House, one man has seen her great soul, 722; defended by Mrs. Stn., 379; at suff. con. in 1070 INDEX. N. Y., papers use this as reproach to move A., 415; only hope for suff, movement lies ment, makes strong argument, 383; issues in A., elected pres. of assn., 458; death, A.'s call for con. to form new party, 413; tries grief, 467; 917. to secure control of suff. con., 413; 414; 596. WOODS, MRS. M. C., 902. YATES, EDMUND, 422. WORDEN, MRS., 195; 249. YATES, ELIZ. UPHAM, spks. at Atlanta con., WORTHINGTON, MRS., 44. 811; favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; in WRIGHT, DANIEL, teacher of A., 35. WRIGHT, DAVID, at wom. temp. meet., 65. Calif. campn., 864; at Rep. St. Con., 869; WRIGHT, FRANCES, early work, 369; 935. YOUNG, PROF. C. HOWARD, 920. WRIGHT, MARTHA C., sec. wom. rights' con., YOUNG, JOHN RUSSELL, compli. A., 384. 72; pres. wom. rights' con., 131; Garrison. YOUNG, VIRGINIA D., 757. meet, at Albany, 212; 249; 260; let. of friend- ship to A., 301; 368; called first W. R. Con., 369; sarcasm regard. Cath. Beecher, com- ZAHNER, REV. Louis, pays trib. to Anthony ments on Wash, politicians, 372; comforts family, 942. (2 Harper, Ida Husted (899 Ha 39430 IN.S. Townshend V.Q > Ws The WILLIAM L. 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